THE ARTICLES
OF TH
SYNOD OF DORT.
TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN, WITH NOTES,
BY THE
REV. THOMAS SCOTT, D. D.
WITH AN
INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
BY THg
REV. SAMUEL MILLER, D. D.
Late Professor in the Thweooical &minary, Princeton, N. J.
PHILADELPHIA:
PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION.
No. 265 CHESTNUT STREET.




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856, by
JAMES DUNLAP, TREAS.,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of
Pennsylvania.
Stereotyped by JESPER HARDING,
NO. 57 SOUTH THIRD ST., PHtADELPHIA.




CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY ESSAY, -. 5
PREFACE,....-                      55
I. PREFACE TO THE REFORMED CHURCHES; in which
the rise and progress of those controversies in Belgium, for
the removal of which this Synod was especially held, are briefly
and faithfully related, -     -    -    -    -59
INTRODUCTION to this Preface and the History contained in it, by
the Author,   ~                    - -                       59
THE HISTORY (a translation with notes),      -    -            67
II. THE JUDGMENT of the National Synod of the Reformed
Belgic churches, held at Dort, A. D. 1618, 1619; at which very
many Theologians of the Reformed churches of Great Britain,
Germany, and France, were present; concerning the five heads
of doctrine, controverted in the Belgic churches. (Published
May 5, 1619,)              -       -       -    -    -      169
Remarks on this JUDGMENT,  -    -                 -           173
III. ARTICLES OF THE SYNOD OF DORT, &c.,                    - 180
Introductory Remarks,            -    -         - -       - 180
CHAPTER I. On the doctrine of divine Predestination, in eighteen
articles, (with Notes and References), -        -         - 182
These eighteen articles, as abbreviated by Tilenus, and reported
by Heylin, in one article, (with a remark), -   -         - 190
Rejection of Errors, by which the Belgic churches have for some
time been disturbed, (with Notes and References),    -    - 191
CHAPTER IT. On the doctrine of the Death of Christ, and through
it of the Redemption of Man, in nine articles, (with Notes, &c.) 198
(iii)




iv                     CONTENTS.
PAGE
Abbreviation (in one article) by Tilenus and Heylin,      - 201
Rejection of Errors on the second chapter, in seven articles,
(with Notes, &c.,)- -.                  - -            -201
CHAPTER III. and IV. On the doctrine of Man's corruption, and
on the method of his conversion to God; in seventeen articles,
(with Notes, &c.)       - 205
Abbreviations by Tilenus and Heylin, in two articles,   -   - 214
Rejection of Errors on the third and fourth chapters, in nine articles, (with Notes, &c.,)   -      -         -         -214
CHAPTER V. Of Doctrine. Concerning the Perseverance of the
Saints, in fifteen articles, (with Notes, &c.) -        - 220
Abbreviations by Tilenus and Heylin, in one article, with their
conclusion, and a remark upon it,   -- 226
Rejection of Errors on the fifth chapter, concerning the doctrine
of the perseverance of the saints, in nine articles, (with
Notes, &c.) -                             -227
CONCLUSION, (with Notes, &c.)     -        -   _            232
THE DECISION OF THE SYNOD, concerning the Remonstrants, - 235
Remarks on this decision, -- 240
IV. THE APPROBATION OF THE STATES GENERAL,   -   - 251
Concluding remarks on this APPROBATION,    -   -   -    -253




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
BY THE REV. SAMUEL MILLER, D. D.
THE convocation and proceedings of the Synod of Dort
may be considered as among the most interesting events
of the seventeenth century. The Westminster Assembly
of divines was, indeed, more immediately interesting to
British and American Presbyterians; and the works of
that celebrated Assembly, as monuments of judgment,
taste, and sound theology, have certainly never been
equalled by those of any other uninspired ecclesiastical
body that ever convened.  Yet the Synod of Dort had,
undoubtedly, a species of importance peculiar to itself,
and altogether pre-eminent. It was not merely a meeting of the select divines of a single nation, but a convention of the Calvinistic world, to bear testimony against a
rising and obtrusive error; to settle a question in which
all the Reformed Churches of Europe had an immediate
and deep interest. The question was, whether the opinions of Arminius, which were then agitating so many
minds, could be reconciled with the Confession of the
Belgic Churches.
The opinions denominated Arminian had been substantially taught long before Arminius appeared. The
doctrine of Cassian of Marseilles, in the fifth century,
commonly styled Semi-Pelagianism, was almost exactly
the same system. Bolsec, too, in Geneva, about the year
1*                                  (5)




6          INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
1552, according to some, had taught very much the
same doctrine, though justly regarded as infamous on
account of his shameful moral delinquencies. And about
fifteen or twenty years before Arminius arose, Corvinus,
in Holland, had appeared as the advocate of opinions of
similar import. But having less talent than Arminius,
and being less countenanced by eminent men, his error
made little noise, and was suffered quietly to sink into
insignificance, until a stronger and more popular man
arose to give it new consequence, and a new impulse.
James Arminius, or Harmensen, was born at Oudwater,
in south Holland, in the year 1560.  His father died
when he was an infant; and he was indebted to the charity of several benevolent individuals for the whole of his
education. At one time he was employed as a servant at
a public inn,* and in this situation was so much noticed
for his activity, intelligence, wit, and obliging deportment, that numbers became interested in his being enabled to pursue the cultivation of his mind.  Accordingly,
by one of his patrons, he was placed, for a time, in the
University of Utrecht; on his decease, by another, in the
University of Marpurg, in Hesse; and finally, by a third,
in that of Leyden. In 1582, in the twenty-second year
of his age, the magistrates of Amsterdam had received
such impressions of his promising talents, and of his diligent application to study, that they sent him, at the public expense, to Geneva, which was then considered as the
great centre of theological instruction for the Reformed
Churches.  In that far-famed institution Theodore Beza
then presided, with equal honour to himself, and accept* Life of Walleus, one of the members of the Synod of Dort.




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                    7
ance to the students. Here Arminius, as before, manifested much intellectual activity and ardour of inquiry;
but indulging a spirit of self-sufficiency and insubordination, in opposing some of the philosophical opinions held
and taught by the leading professors at Geneva, and delivering private lectures to turn away the minds of the
students from the instructions of their teachers, he became a kind of malcontent, and was constrained to withdraw from that institution. This circumstance somewhat
impaired that confidence in his prudence which his patrons had before reposed.  Still they were willing to
overlook it.  After travelling eight or ten months in
Italy, he returned for a short time to Geneva, and soon
afterwards to Holland, where he met with no small acceptance in his profession. Such was his popularity, that,
in 1588, he was elected one of the ministers of Amsterdam, and entered on a pastoral charge in that city, with
every prospect of honour, comfort, and usefulness. But
his restless, innovating spirit soon began, in his new
situation, again to disclose itself. Not long after his
settlement, the doctrine of Beza concerning Predestination was publicly opposed by some ministers of Delft, in
a tract which they printed on this subject.  When this
publication appeared, Martin Lydius, professor of Divinity at Franequar, having a high opinion of the learning
and talents of Arminius, judged him to be the most
proper person he was acquainted with to answer it; and,
accordingly, urged him to undertake the task. Arminius,
in compliance with this request from his venerable friend,
undertook to refute the heretical work; but during the
examination of it, and while balancing the reasoning on
both sides, he went over to the opinion which he had




8           INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
been employed to refute; and even carried it further
than the ministers of Delft had done. This change of
opinion, which took place about the year 1591, and
which he was not long in causing to be understood, soon
excited public attention.  About the same time, in a
course of public lectures, delivered in his own pulpit, on
the Epistle to the Romans, he still further disclosed his
erroneous views.  He was soon accused of departing
from the Belgic Confession, and many of his brethren
began to look upon him and his opinions with deep apprehension.   Such, however, were the vigilance and
firmness manifiested by the other members of his Classis,
that they so far curbed and counteracted him as to prevent the agitation of the controversy, which it seems to
have been his intention to excite.
Arminius, however, though deterred, at that early period, from public and open controversy, exerted himself
in a more private way, with considerable effect.  With
some divines, whose friendship he had before conciliated,
his talents, his learning, his smooth address, and his insinuating eloquence were successful in winning them to
his opinions.  The celebrated Uytenbogart and Borrius
were among the number of his early converts and followers.  He also took unwearied pains to gain over to
his opinions some of the leading laymen of the country,
and soon enlisted several of them in his cause.
In the year 1602, when the illustrious Francis Junius,
an eminent. Reformer, and no less eminent as a Professor
of Divinity in the University of Leyden, was removed by
death, to the great grief of the Belgic churches, Uytenbogart, who was just mentioned as a particular friend and
partisan of Arminius, proposed, and, with great zeal, re



INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                   9
commended him to the Curators of tie University, as a
candidate for the vacant Professorship. The leading Belgic ministers, hearing of this recommendation, and deeply
apprehensive of the consequences of electing such a man
to so important a station, besought both Uytenbogart and
the Curators of the University to desist from all attempts
to place in such an office one who was the object of so
much suspicion.  But these entreaties were disregarded.
The recommendation of him was prosecuted with undiminished zeal, and the Curators at length elected and
formally called him to the vacant chair.
The call being laid, as usual, before the Classis of Amsterdam, that body declined to put it into his hands.
They supposed that he was more likely to prove mischievous in the office to which he was called than in his pastoral charge, where he was more immediately under the
supervision and restraint of his brethren in the ministry.
But, at length, at the repeated and earnest entreaties of
Uytenbogart, of the Curators, and of Arminius himself,
he was permitted to accept the call, and was regularly
dismissed from the Classis to enter on his new office.
This dismission, however, was granted upon the express
condition, that he should hold a conference with Gomarus,
one of the theological Professors in the same University
with that to which he was called; and should remove
from himself all suspicion of heterodoxy, by a full and
candid declaration of his opinions in regard to the leading
doctrines of the Gospel; and, moreover, the.Classis exacted from him a solemn promise, that if it should be
found that he held any opinions different from the Belgic
Confession, he would refrain from disseminating them.
This conference was held in the presence of the Curators




10          INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
of the University,'and the Deputies of the Synod, in the
course of which Arminius solemnly disavowed Pelagian
opinions; declared his full belief in all that Augustine
had written against those opinions; and promised in the
most explicit manner that he would teach nothing con
trary to the received doctrines of the Church. Upon
these declarations and promises he was placed in the Professorship.
On first entering upon his Professorship he seemed to
take much pains to remove from himself all suspicion of
heterodoxy, by publicly maintaining theses in favour of
the received doctrines;-doctrines which he afterwards
zealously contradicted. And that he did this contrary to
to his own conviction at the time, was made abundantly
evident afterwards by some of his own zealous friends.
But after he had been in his new office a year or two, it
was discovered that it was his constant practice to deliver
one set of opinions in his professorial chair, and a very
different set by means of private confidential manuscripts
circulated among his pupils.* He was also accustomed,
while he publicly recommended the characters and opinions of the most illustrious Reformed divines, artfully to
insinuate such things as were adapted, indirectly, to bring
them into discredit, and to weaken the arguments usually
brought for their support.  He also frequently intimated
to his pupils, that he had many objections to the doctrines
usually deemed orthodox, which he intended to make
known at a suitable time.  It was observed, too, that
some pastors who were known to be on terms of great in* This fact, so dishonourable to the integrity of Arminius, is so
well attested by various Dutch writers of undoubted credit, that it
cannot be reasonably called in question.




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY                    11
timacy with him, were often giving intimations in private
that they had adopted the new opinions, and not a few of
his pupils began to manifest symptoms of being infected
with the same errors.
The churches of Holland observing these and other
things of a similar kind, became deeply apprehensive of
the consequences; they, therefore, enjoined upon the
Deputies, to whom  the supervision of the church was
more especially committed, to inquire into the matter, and
to take the earliest and most decisive measures to prevent the apprehended evil from taking deeper root. In
consequence of this injunction, the Deputies of the
churches of North and South Holland waited on Arminius, informed him of what they had heard, and urged
him, in a friendly manner, if he had doubts or difficulties
respecting any of the received doctrines of the Belgic
churches, either to make known his mind in a frank and
candid manner to his brethren in private; or to refer
the whole affair, officially, to the consideration and decision of a Synod.
To this address of the Deputies, Arminius replied, that
he had never given any just cause for the reports of which
they had heard; but that he did not think proper to enter
into any conference with them, as the Deputies of the
churches; that if, however, they chose as private ministers,
to enter into a conversation with him on the points in
question, he was ready to comply with their wishes; provided they would engage, on their part, that if they
found any thing erroneous in his opinions, they would
not divulge it to the Synod which they represented. The
Deputies considering this proposal as unfair, as unworthy
a man of integrity, and as likely to lead to no useful re



12          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
suit, very properly declined accepting it, and retired without doing anything further.
In this posture of affairs, several of the magistrates of
Leyden urged Arminius to hold a conference with his
colleagues in the University, before the Classis, respecting those doctrines to which he had objections, that the
extent of his objections might be known.  But this he
declined.  In the same manner he treated one proposal
after another, for private explanation; for calling a national Synod to consider the matter; or for any method
whatever of bringing the affair to a regular ecclesiastical
decision.  Now a Classis, then a Synod, and at other
times secular men attempted to move in the case; but
Arminius was never ready, and always had insurmountable
objections to every method proposed for explanation or
adjustment.  It was evident that he wished to gain time;
to put off any decisive action in the case, until he should
have such an opportunity of influencing the minds of the
leading secular men of the country as eventually to prepare them to take side with himself.  Thus he went on
evading, postponing, concealing, shrinking from every
inquiry, and endeavouring secretly to throw every possible
degree of odium on the orthodox doctrines, hoping that,
by suitable management, their advocates both in the
church and among the civil rulers might be gradually
diminished, so as to give him  a good chance of a
majority in any Synod which might be eventually called.
This is a painful narrative. It betrays a want of candour and integrity on the part of a man otherwise respectable, which it affords no gratification even to an adversary
to record. It may be truly said, however, to be the stereotyped history of the commencement of every heresy
which has arisen in the Christian church.  When heresy




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                   13
rises in an evangelical body, it is never frank and open.
It always begins by skulking, and assuming a disguise.
Its advocates, when together, boast of great improvements, and congratulate one another on having gone
greatly beyond the "old dead orthodoxy," and on having
left behind many of its antiquated errors: but when taxed
with deviations from the received faith, they complain of
the unreasonableness of their accusers, as they "differ
from it only in words."  This has been the standing
course of errorists ever since the apostolic age. They are
almost never honest and candid as a party, until they
gain strength enough to be sure of some degree of popularity. Thus it was with Arius in the fourth century,
with Pelagius in the fifth, with Arminius and his companions in the seventeenth, with Amyraut and his associates in France soon afterwards, and with the Unitarians
in Massachusetts, toward the close of the eighteenth and
the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. They denied
their real tenets, evaded examination or inquiry, declaimed against their accusers as merciless bigots and heresyhunters, and strove as long as they conld to appear to
agree with the most orthodox of their neighbors; until
the time came when, partly from inability any longer to
cover up their sentiments, and partly because they felt
strong enough to come out, they at length avowed their
real opinions. Arminius, in regard to talents, to learning,
to eloquence, and to general exemplariness of moral deportment, is undoubtedly worthy of high praise: but if
there be truth in history, his character as to integrity,
candour, and fidelity to his official pledges and professions,
is covered with stains which can never by any ingenuity
be effaced.
2




14         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
At length, after various attempts to bring Arminius to
an avowal of his real opinions had failed, he was summoned by the States General, in 1609, to a conference at
the Hague.  He went, attended by several of his friends,
and met Gomarus, accompanied with a corresponding
number of orthodox divines.  Here again the sinister
designs and artful management of Arminius and his companions were manifested, but overruled; and he was constrained, to a considerable extent, to explain and defend
himself. But before this conference was terminated, the
agitation of his mind seems to have preyed upon his
bodily health. He was first taken apparently in a small
degree unwell, and excused himself for a few days to the
States General; but at length grew worse, was greatly
agitated in mind, and expired on the 19th day of October, 1609, in the forty-ninth year of his age. His mind,
in his last illness, seems to have been by no means composed.  " He was sometimes heard," says Bertius, his
warm friend and panegyrist-"He was sometimes heard,
in the course of his last illness, to groan and sigh, and to
cry out,'Woe is me, my mother, that thou hast borne
me a man of strife, and a man of contention to the whole
earth. I have lent to no man on usury, nor have men
lent to me on usury; yet every one doth curse me! "
Attempts have been made to show that Arminius did,
in fact, differ very little from the reeeived doctrines of the
Belgic churches; nay, that he, on the whole, coincided
with sublapsarian Calvinists; and of course, was most unjustly accused of embracing the heresy since called by his
name.  It is evident that Dr. Mosheim, himself an Arminian, was not of this opinion.  He plainly thought,
that the friends of the Belgic Confession had much more




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                    15
reason to apprehend hostility on the part of Arminius
and his followers, to the essential principles of their creed,
than their published language would seem to intimate.
And the Rev. Dr. Murdock, the latest and best translator of Mosheim, has delivered the following opinion,
which will probably commend itself to the judgment of
all well informed and impartial readers.
"It is a common opinion that the early Arminians,
who flourished before the Synod of Dort, were much
purer and more sound than the later ones, who lived and
taught after that council; and that Arminius himself only
rejected Calvin's doctrine of absolute decrees, and its necessary consequences, while, in everything else, he agreed
with the Reformer; but that his disciples, and especially
Episcopius, boldly passed the limits which their master
had wisely established, and went over to the camp of the
Pelagians and Socinians. But it appears to me very clear,
that Arminius himself revolved in his own mind, and
taught to his disciples, that form of religion which his
followers afterwards professed; and that the latter, especially Episcopius, only perfected what their master taught
them, and casting off fear, explained it more clearly. I
have as a witness, besides others of less authority, Arminius himself, who, in his will, drawn up a little before
his death, explicitly declares that his aim was to bring
all sects of Christians, with the exception of the Papists,
into one community and brotherhood.  The opinion that
Arminius himself was very nearly orthodox, and not an
Arminian, in the common acceptation of the term, has
been recently advocated by Professor Stuart, of Andover,
in an article expressly on the Creed of Arminius, in the
Biblical Repository, No. II., Andover, 1831, see pp. 293




16          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
and 301.  To such a conclusion the learned Professor is
led principally, by an artful and imposing statement made
by Arminius to the magistrates of Holland, in the year
1608, one year before his death, on which Mr. Stuart
puts the most favourable construction the words will
bear. But from a careful comparison of this declaration
of Arminius, with the original five articles of the Arminian creed, (which were drawn up almost in the very words
of Arminius, so early as the year 1610, and exhibited by
the Remonstrants in the conference at the Hague, in
1611; and were afterwards, together with a full explanation and vindication of each article, laid before the Synod
of Dort, in 1617, changing, however, the dubitation of
the fifth article into a positive denial of the saints perseverance,) it will, I think, appear manifest, that Arminius
himself actually differed from the orthodox of that day,
on all the five points; and that he agreed substantially
with the Remonstrants on all those doctrines for which
they were condemned in the Synod of Dort. And that
such was the fact, appears to have been assumed without
hesitation by the principal writers of that and the following age, both Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants."*
It was fondly hoped by many that when Arminius
died, the controversy to which his speculations had given
rise, would have died and been buried with him. But
this, unhappily, by no means, proved to be the case. It
soon appeared that a number of Belgic divines of no
small name had embraced his sentiments, and could by
no means be persuaded to desist from propagating them;
and in 1610 they were organized into a body, or formal
* Murdock's Mosheim, III., 508, 509.




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                   17
confederacy; and in this capacity presented to the States
General an address, which they styled a Remonstrance,
from which the whole party afterwards obtained the name
of Remonstrants.  The particular object of this paper
was to solicit the favour of the government, and to secure
protection against the ecclesiastical censures to which
they felt themselves exposed.  This step amounted to a
kind of schism, and greatly distressed the Belgic churches.
Another event soon occurred which excited deeper and
still more painful apprehension among the friends of orthodoxy.  When the Curators of the University came to
fill the professorial chair which had been rendered vacant
by the death of Arminius, the Deputies of the churches
earnestly besought them to select a man free from all
suspicion of heterodoxy, as one of the best means of restoring peace to the University and the church. But to
no purpose.  The Remonstrants had, by some means, so
prepossessed the minds of the Curators, that Conrad
Vorstius, a minister and professor at Steinfurt, in Germany, a man suspected of something much worse than
even Arminianism, was selected to fill the office, and
Uytenbogart, one of the most able and zealous of the
Arminian party, was appointed to go to Steinfurt, to solicit his dismission and removal to Leyden. The orthodox ministers and churches protested against this choice.
They compared it to " driving a nail into an inflamed and
painful ulcer;" and earnestly besought the States General not to permit a step so directly calculated still further
to disturb and corrupt the churches.  Vorstius had, a
short time before, published a book " De Natura et Attributis Dei," and had also edited, with some alterations,
a book published by Socinus the younger, on the Scrip2*




18         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
tures, from both which it appeared that he leaned to Socinian opinions. Notwithstanding this, however, the Remonstrants were bent on his election, and it was with the
utmost difficulty that their plan for placing him in the
vacant chair was defeated. In short, their conduct in
the case of Vorstius alone, was quite sufficient to show,
that the apprehensions of the orthodox concerning the
corrupt character of their opinions, were by no means excessive or unjust.  James I. king of England, having
read the book of Vorstius, a book concerning the nature
and attributes of God, and conceiving it to be replete
with radical error, addressed a letter to the States General, exhorting them " not to admit such a man into the
important office of teacher of theology; and, further, commanded his ambassador at the Hague, to use his utmost
influence to prevent the introduction into such a Professorship, of a man, as he expressed it-rendered infamous
by so many and great errors, and who ought to be banished from their territories, rather than loaded with public honours."  "In short," said the king, "since God
has been pleased to dignify me with the title of' Defender
of the Faith,' if Vorstius is kept any longer, we shall be
obliged not only to separate from those heretical churches,
but also to consult all the other Reformed churches, in
order to know which is the best way of extirpating and
sending back to hell those cursed heresies which have
recently sprung up; we shall be forced to forbid the
young people of our kingdom to frequent such an infected University as that of Leyden."  By these and
various other sources of influence, the Remonstrants were
scarcely prevented from putting Vorstius into the vacant
Professorship. Still, though disappointed, they were not




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                  19
disheartened, or diminished in number.  On the contrary, the election, soon afterwards, of Episcopius, a leading man of their party, to a Professorship in the University of Leyden, seemed to give them new strength and
new hopes. It became also more and more evident that
some men of no small influence in the civil government
of the country, had become friendly to the Remonstrants,
and strongly disposed to pursue a course which should
secure at least impunity to them as a party. Hence the
repeated manifestation of unwillingness on the part of the
States General to promote the convening of a National
Synod, or the adoption of any other plan for bringing the
Remonstrants to discipline. It was evidently the favourable object of the Remonstrants and their friends, both
in church and state, to do nothing; to secure the toleration of the growing errors, and to allow the Remonstrants
as good a standing as the orthodox in the national church.
Accordingly, when anxious efforts were made, in 1611,
and again in 1613, to bring the affairs of the church to
an adjustment and pacification, the friends of truth were
baffled and disappointed. Every effort to bring on a crisis, or, in any form, to call the Remonstrants to an account, was resisted and evaded; and the state of things
was, every day, becoming more distressing and alarming.
Confusion, and even persecution ensued.  Some of the
orthodox pastors were suspended, and others driven from
their charges, because they could not conscientiously receive those who avowed Arminian opinions into the communion of the church.
In this situation of things, when the very pillars of
society seemed to be shaken; when the ruling powers of
the State were seen to be more and more favourable to




20         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
the erroneous party; and when everything portended the
approach of a tremendous crisis-it pleased God to employ an instrument for promoting the advancement of his
cause who by no means loved that cause, and who yet
was placed in circumstances which at once prompted and
enabled him to favour it. James I., king of England, a
man of very small mind, and of still less moral or religious principle, having been born and bred in a Calvinistic community, and coming to the throne of England
when the leading clergy of that part of his dominions, as
well as of the North, were almost unanimously Calvinistic,
fell in with the fashionable creed, and was disposed,
as his manner was, in every thing, officiously to exert his
royal power in its favour. He, therefore, in the year
1617, addressed a friendly, but admonitory letter to the
States General, in which he earnestly recommended the
calling a national synod, to vindicate the genuine doctrines of the Reformation, and to restore tranquillity to
the agitated Belgic churches.  About the same time,
Maurice, the prince of Orange, and the Head of the
United Provinces, took the same ground, and urged the
same thing.  When the Arminian party perceived that
the popular current was beginning to run in this direction,
and that there was some prospect of a national synod
being called, they were filled with uneasiness, and strove
by all the means in their power to prevent it. But their
evasive and intriguing arts were now  in vain: and
although they began to manifest a spirit more like revolt
and sedition than before, yet now the state of the public
mind was such, that their violence only served to show
the greater necessity of some efficient measure for meeting
and subduing their turbulence.




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                  21
At length a decree was issued by the States General
in 1618, ordering that a National Synod should convene
in the following November, at Dort, a considerable city
of South Holland.  The method prescribed for the convocation of this Synod, was, that a provincial Synod
should meet in each of the provinces, from which six
persons should be delegated to attend the General Synod.
And, in most cases, the plan adopted was to appoint four
ministers, and two ruling elders from each of the provincial synods, together with at least one professor from each
of the universities.
It had been originally intended that this Synod should
be formed of delegates from the Belgic churches only;
but at the pointed request of James I., king of England,
seconded, at his suggestion, by Maurice, prince of Orange,
it was determined to invite eminent divines from foreign
churches to sit and vote in the Synod.  Accordingly
letters were addressed to the king of Great Britain; to
the deputies of the Reformed Churches of France; to the
Electors of the Palatinate and Brandenburgh; to the
Landgrave of Hesse; to the four Protestant Cantons of
Switzerland, viz. Zurich, Berne, Basle, and Schaffhausen;
and to the Republics of Geneva, Bremen, and Embden,
whom they entreated to delegate some of their most pious,
learned, and prudent theologians, who, in conjunction
with the deputies of the Belgic churches, should labour
to compose the differences, and decide the controversies
which had arisen in those churches.
The Reformed churches of France, in compliance with
the requests made to them, appointed Andrew Rivet and
Peter du Moulin, as their delegates to attend this Synod;
but just as they were about to set out for Dort, in pursu



22         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
ance of their appointment, the king of France issued an
edict, forbidding their attendance. In consequence of this
interdict, the churches of France were not represented in
the Synod.
It would be wrong to omit stating, that before the Synod
came together, a day of solemn prayer and fasting was appointed, to deprecate the wrath of God and to implore his
gracious presence and blessing on the approaching Assembly. This day was appointed by the States General,
and observed with great solemnity.
The Synod convened, agreeably to the call of the States
General, in the city of Dort, on the 13th day of November,
A. D. 1618. It consisted of thirty nine Pastors, and eighteen
Ruling Elders delegated from the Belgic churches, together with five Professors from the Universities of Holland; and also of Delegates from all the foreign Reformed
churches which had been invited to send them, excepting
those of France before spoken of. The delegates from the
foreign Reformed churches on the Continent, all of whom
were Presbyterian, were nineteen. The delegates from
Great Britain were five, viz: George Carleton, Bishop of
Llandaff; Joseph Hall, Dean of Worcester, and afterwards
Bishop, successively, of Exeter and Norwich; John Davenant, Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge,
and afterwards Bishop of Salisbury; Samuel Ward, Archdeacon of Taunton, and Theological Professor in the University of Cambridge; and Walter Balcanequal, of Scotland, representing the Established Church of North Britain.
The Synod thus constituted, consisted, in all, of eightysix members.  No Arminians, it would appear, were elected members of the Synod, excepting three from  the
Prbvince of Utrecht; and of these only one was admitted
to a seat.




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                    23
It is perfectly evident from the foregoing statement,
that the leading divines, and the governing policy of the
Church of England, at the date of this Synod, were very
far from sanctioning the spirit which has since risen in
that establishment, and which has manifested itself, for
a number of years past, among many of that denomination
of Christians in the United States. Here we see a prelatical bishop and three other dignitaries of the Church
of England, two of whom were afterwards bishops, sitting
in a solemn ecclesiastical body, and for months together
deliberating, praying, and preaching with an assembly,
all of whom but themselves were Presbyterians.  This
was a practical recognition, of the strongest kind, of the
Presbyterian Church as a true Church of Christ; and
demonstrated that the great and learned and good men
who directed the councils of the Church of England at
that time, never thought of denying, either in word or
act, her just claim to this character. Some high-church
men, indeed, of modern times, either ignorant of facts, or
so prejudiced as to be totally blind to the lights of history,
have alleged that the States General pointedly requested
the king of England to send delegates to this Synod;
and that he, unwilling to reject their solicitation, was
over persuaded to depart, on one occasion, from the principles which ordinarily governed him and his Church.
This statement is altogether incorrect. The solicitation
was all the other way. The king of England, though he
had nothing, strictly speaking, to do with the business,
seemed fond of meddling with it; interposed from time
to time in a way in which no other than a weak, officious,
pedantic, and arrogant man would have thought of doing;
and pressed the States General to adopt a plan which




24         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
would open the way for the admission of delegates from
his Church to the Synod.
And to his wishes and policy in this matter his leading
divines acceded. It would have been difficult to select
men of more respectable character for talents, learning,
piety, and ecclesiastical influence, than those who were
nominated and commissioned to take their seats in that
Synod. They deliberated for months with Presbyterians;
preached in Presbyterian pulpits; united in Presbyterian
devotions; recognized Presbyterian churches as sister
churches, and their ministers as brethren in office and in
hope.  O how different the language of many prelatists
of later times-many of them, it must be confessed, indeed, pigmies in talents, learning, and piety, when compared with the giants who acted their parts on the occasion of which we speak!
When Bishop Hall took leave of the Synod, from
which he was obliged to retire on account of ill health,
he declared, "There was no place upon earth so like
heaven as the Synod of Dort, and where he should be
more willing to dwell;" (Brandt's History, Session 62,)
and the following extract from a sermon which he delivered in Latin, before that venerable Synod, contains a
direct and unequivocal acknowledgment of the Church of
Holland as a true Church of Christ.  It was delivered
November 29, 1618, and founded on Eccles. vii. 16:
"His serene majesty, our king James, in his excellent
letter, admonishes the States General, and in his instructions to us hath expressly commanded us to urge this
with our whole might, to inculcate this one thing, that
you all continue to adhere to the common faith, and the
Confession of your own and the other churches; which




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                   25
if you do, O happy Holland! O chaste Spouse of Christ!
O  prosperous republic! this, your afflicted  church,
tossed with the billows of differing opinions, will yet
reach the harbour, and safely smile at all the storms excited by her cruel adversaries. That this may at length
be obtained, let us seek for the things which make for
peace.  We are brethren; let us also be colleagues!
What have we to do with the infamous titles of party
names?  We are Christians; let us also be of the same
mind.  We are one body; let us also be unanimous. By
the tremendous name of the Omnipotent God; by the
pious and loving bosom of our common mother; by our
own souls; by the holy bowels of Jesus Christ, our
Saviour, my brethren, seek peace, pursue peace." (See
the whole in the Acta Synodi Nat. Dord. 38.)
But this excellent prelate went further. A little more
than twenty years after his mission to Holland, and when
he had been made Bishop of Exeter, and advanced to
the diocese of Norwich, he published his Irenicum, (or
Peacemaker,) in which we find the following passage:
" Blessed be God, there is no difference, in any essential
point, between the Church of England and her sister
Reformed Churches.  We unite in every article of
Christian doctrine, without the least variation, as the full
and absolute agreement between their public Confessions
and ours testifies. The only difference between us consists in our mode of constituting the external ministry;
and even with respect to this point we are of one mind,
because we all profess to believe that it is not an essential
of the Church, (although in the opinion of many it is
a matter of importance to her well-being,) and we all
retain a respectful and friendly opinion of each other, not
3




26         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
seeing any reason why so small a disagreement should so
produce any alienation of affection among us."   And
after proposing some common principles, on which they
might draw more closely together, he adds-" But if a
difference of opinion, with regard to these points of external order, must continue, why may we not be of one
heart and of one mind? or why should this disagreement
break the bonds of good brotherhood?"  (Irenicum,
Sect. 6.)
The same practical concession was made by the Rev.
Bishop Davenant, another of the delegates to the Synod
of Dort, from the Church of England. After his return
from that Synod, and after his advancement to the bishopric of Salisbury, he published a work in which he
urged, with much earnestness and force, a fraternal union
among all the Reformed Churches;-a plan which involved an explicit acknowledgment that the Reformed
Churches, most of which were Presbyterian, were true
Churches of Christ, and which, indeed, contained in its
very title a declaration that these churches "did not
differ from the Church of England in any fundamental
article of Christian faith." The title of the work is as
follows: " Ad Fraternam Communionem inter Evangelicas Ecclesias restaurandam Adhortatio; in eo fundata,
quod not dissentiant in ullo fundamentali Catholicce fidei
articulo." (Cantab. 1640.)
But to return to the Synod of Dort. It was opened
on the 13th of November, 1618.  John Bogerman, one
of the deputies from Friesland, was chosen moderator, or
president; and Jacobus Rolandus, one of the ministers
of Amsterdam, and Herman Faukelius, minister of Middleburg, his assessors, or assistants. The two secretaries




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY,                   27
were Sebastian Dammannus, minister of Zutphen, and
Festus Hommius, minister of Leyden.
Each of the members of the Synod, before proceeding
to business, took the following solemn oath, or engagement: "I promise before God, in whom I believe, and
whom I worship, as being present in this place, and as
being the Searcher of all hearts, that during the course
of the proceedings of this Synod, which will examine and
decide, not only the five points, and all the differences
resulting from them, but also any other doctrine, I will
use no human writing, but only'the word of God, which
is an infallible rule of faith. And during all these discussions, I will only aim at the glory of God, the peace
of the church, and especially the preservation of the purity of doctrine. So help me, my Saviour, Jesus Christ!
I beseech him to assist me by his Holy Spirit!"
It was some time before the delegates of the Remonstrants, or Arminian party, made their appearance. At
the twenty-second session of the Synod, Episcopius, and
his twelve colleagues, who had been summoned for this
purpose, presented themselves to make their explanation
and defence. In undertaking this task, they manifested
the same disposition to delay, to elude inquiry, and to
throw obstacles in the way of every plan of proceeding
that was proposed. Episcopius was their chief speaker;
and with great art and address did he manage their cause.
He insisted on being permitted to begin with a refutation
of the Calvinistic doctrines, especially that of reprobation,
hoping that, by placing his objections to this doctrine in
front of all the rest, he might excite such prejudice
against the other articles of the system, as to secure the
popular voice in his favour.  The Synod, however, very




28         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
properly, reminded him that they had not convened for
the purpose of trying the Confession of Faith of the Belgic Churches, which had been long established and well
known; but that, as the Remonstrants were accused of
departing from the Reformed faith, they were bound first
to justify themselves, by giving Scriptural proof in support
of their opinions.
To this plan of procedure they would by no means submit.  It disconcerted their whole scheme; but the Synod
firmly refused to adopt any other plan. This refusal, of
course, shut the Remonstrants out from taking any part
in the deliberations of the body. Day after day they were
reasoned with, and urged to submit to a course of proceeding ecclesiastically regular, and adapted to their situation, but without success. They were, therefore, compelled to withdraw. Upon their departure, the Synod
proceeded without them.
The language of the President (Bogerman) in dismissing the Remonstrants was rough, and adapted to give
pain.  He pointedly charged them with fraudulent proceedings, with disingenuous acts, with falsehood, &c. For
this language, however, he alone was responsible. It had
not been dictated or authorized by the Synod.  And a
number of the members, we are assured, heard it with
regret, and expressed their disapprobation of it. (Hales's
Works, vol. iii. p. 123) And yet, while this language
was severe, and for an ecclesiastical assembly unseemly,
was it not substantially according to truth?
The Synod does not appear to have accomplished its
work by referring different portions of it to different committees; but the plan adopted was to request the divines
from each country represented in the Synod to consult




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                     29
together, and bring in their separate opinions or judgments in regard to the main points in controversy. So
that the sentence, or opinion of the Dutch divines, of the
English divines, of the Genevese divines, &c. &c., were
separately obtained, and distinctly recorded in the proceedings of the Synod. This method of conducting the
business was probably less favourable to dispassionate
and perfectly calm proceedings than if committees had
matured in private every part of the work.
The Synod examined the Arminian tenets, condemned
them as unscriptural, pestilential errors, and pronounced
those who held and published them to be enemies of the
faith of the Belgic churches, and corrupters of the true
religion.  They also deposed the Arminian ministers,
excluded them  and their followers from the communion
of the church, suppressed their religious assemblies, and
by the aid of the civil government, which confirmed all
their acts, sent a number of the clergy of that party, and
of those who adhered to them, into banishment. From a
large part of their disabilities, however, the Remonstrants,
after the lapse of a few years, were relieved.
It is probable that all impartial persons, who make up
an opinion with that light, and those habits of thinking
with regard to religious liberty which we now possess,
will judge that some of these proceedings were by far too
harsh and violent. To suppress the religious assemblies
of the Remonstrants, by secular authority, and to banish
their leaders from their country, were measures which we
cannot, at this day, contemplate but with deep regret, as
inconsistent with those rights of conscience which we
must regard as indefeasible. But when we consider that
those rights were really understood by no branch of the
3*




30         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
Christian Church at that day; when we recollect that in
the Church of England, during the reign of the same
James I., who sent representatives to this Synod, more
than twenty persons were put to death for their religion,
at least two of whom were burnt alive, viz.: Bartholomew
Legate, at Smithfield, by the direct influence of Dr. King,
Bishop of London, and Edward Wightman, at Litchfield,
by the equally direct influence of Bishop Neill, of
Litchfield and Coventry; and that many hundreds were
banished their country;-and when we recollect that
even the pious Puritans, who migrated from their own
country to America, that they might enjoy religious liberty, persecuted, in their turn, even unto death for the
sake of religion; and especially when we remember the
disingenuous, provoking, unworthy course by which the
Remonstrants had divided and agitated the Belgic
Churches for a number of years, and also the highly
unbecoming language which they employed even before
the Synod;* when all these things are considered, it is
presumed no impartial man will wonder, though he may
weep, at some of the proceedings of that far-famed and
venerable Synod. After all, however, there can be no
doubt that a large part of the violence popularly ascribed
to that Synod existed only in the imaginations, the complaints, and the books of the Remonstrants, who were
not, of course, impartial judges. The learning, piety,
and venerable character of the great and good men who
composed it, ought to be considered as an ample guaranty
of the decorum of their proceedings. But, more than
* See Hales's Letters from the Synod of Dort, Vol. III. pp. 69, 80,
101, &c.




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                  31
this, if the Synod had not been entirely decent in its
mode of conducting business, can we imagine that Bishop
Hall, one of the English delegates, a man remarkable for
the piety, benevolence, and amiableness of his character,
would have said, " There was no place upon earth which
he regarded as so like heaven as the Synod of Dort, or in
which he should be more glad to remain?" Surely the
testimony of such a man is more worthy of confidence
than the statements of men who were smarting under the
discipline of the Synod.
I have said that the Synod condemned the Remonstrants.  In this they were unanimous.  The Canons of
the Synod, which contain their decisions with regard to
the five Arminian articles, and which are presented in
this volume, were adopted without a dissenting voice.
We are not, however, to suppose from  this fact, that
all the members of the Synod were entirely of one mind
in regard to all the points embraced in those articles.
This was by no means the case. There was much
warm discussion during the transactions of the Synod.
Some members of the body, such as Gomarus, and
others, were advocates of the most high-toned supralapsarian Calvinism; while another portion of the members
were not disposed to go further than the sublapsarian
hypothesis; and though all agreed in condemning the
Remonstrants, yet a very small number of the delegates
appear to have occupied ground not very different from
that which we commonly call Baxterian.  The Canons,
however, were such as they could all unite in. The praise
which Dr. Scott bestows on the Formulary of Faith drawn
up by the Synod, as a wise, moderate, well digested, and
well expressed exhibition of theological principles, is well




32          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
merited.  It is worthy of high commendation.  It must
be confessed, indeed, that, as a monument of ecclesiastical
wisdom, taste, sound learning, judgment, and singular
comprehensiveness, the results of the Westminster Assembly, a few years afterwards, not a little exceed those
of Dort; but the latter stand next in order, on the scale
of Synodical labours. Among all the uninspired theological compositions of the seventeenth century, many of
the best judges are of the opinion that the " Confession
of Faith" and "Catechisms" framed by the Westminster
Assembly hold the very highest place.  The writer of
this page is free to confess that he has never seen any
human document of that age, or indeed  of any other,
public or private, which in his estimation is quite equal to
them for the purpose which they were destined to answer.
The Synod of Dort continued to sit from the 13th of
November, A. D. 1618, to the 29th of May, 1619.  It
held, in all, one hundred and eighty sittings; and was
conducted entirely at the expense of the States General.
Dr. Mosheim speaks with more than his usual candour
when he treats of the heat and violence which broke out,
on various occasions, in Holland, in the course of the
Arminian controversy; and especially of the political
animosity which unfortunately became intimately connected with that theological and ecclesiastical dispute,
and which led to the beheading of Oldenbarneveldt, and
to the banishment of Grotius, Hoogerbeets, and others.
The truth is, in a number of cases the political aspect of
the subject became the prominent one. The consequence
was, that many men became implicated in it who laid no
claim  to piety; hence the frequency with which the
affair had the appearance of a contest among politicians




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                 33
rather than Christians. Still it is believed that even
these secular struggles have been magnified for the sake
of blackening the anti-Arminian body, who happened to
be connected with the strongest political party.
In the Church of Holland, the majority against the
Remonstrants, and in favour of orthodoxy, was very large.
Judging from the number of ministers reckoned in the
established church, and among the Remonstrants, the
latter did not constitute more than a thirtieth part of the
population. And the proportion remains pretty much
the same still: for although since that time the number
is greatly increased among the ministers of the Dutch
churches, of those who embrace Pelagian and SemiPelagian sentiments, yet many who agree with the Remonstrants in doctrinal opinions, and even some who go
much farther in heresy than they, do not take their
name, or unite with their societies, as the Remonstrants
labour under civil disabilities, which multitudes who substantially agree with them in sentiment do not choose to
incur by openly joining their ranks.
After the death of the Prince of Orange, A. D. 1625,
the Remonstrants began to be treated more mildly. The
ministers were recalled from their banishment, and restored to their functions and churches; and from that
period to the present have been tolerated in the United
Provinces, and more lately, since the change of government, in the kingdom of Holland. Indeed, it is melancholy to say, that for a number of years past, in the
kingdom of Holland, Pelagian and Unitarian sentiments
have obtained such currency in the church of that
country, that the only difficulty has been for the friends
of truth to obtain permission to preach, unobstructed,
the pure Gospel.




84          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
Although the many and great evils which always result
from the civil establishment of religion, may not have
been so strongly exemplified in the Church of Holland,
as in some other countries, yet through the whole of the
controversy now in question, as well as on various occasions since, we have seen that this unhallowed connection,
however coveted by worldly minded ecclesiastics, in all
cases stands in the way of the simple and pure dispensation of the Gospel, and never fails to be a curse rather
than a blessing.  And this, we may confidently say, has
been substantially the judgment of the best men in all
ages in which any just sentiments on this subject have
prevailed or been cherished at all.  Mr. Gibbon, if I
mistake not, has somewhere observed, with a sarcastic
sneer, that he is sorry to say, that the earliest and most
zealous advocates of religious liberty have ever been laymen, and not ministers of religion.  However wellinformed that learned infidel may have been on other
subjects, he is here under a mistake, which, however, may
be easily accounted for. The character of his mind, and
the habits of his life, led him to a much more intimate
acquaintance with the writings of laymen and worldlyminded ecclesiastics, than with the works of evangelical
and orthodox ministers.  No wonder, then, that he was
ignorant of some testimony on this subject, which, had
he  been  acquainted with it, would  have  led to a
different judgment.  When the Priscillianists, in the
fourth century, were persecuted and delivered over to the
secular arm to be punished with death, who lamented and
opposed the cruel oppression which they endured? Martin, Bishop of Tours, an eminently pious man, with a
number of others of like spirit, mourned over the treat



INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                   35
ment which they received, remonstrated against it, and
pronounced it a novum et inauditumn  nefas.  And in
regard to the writers on the subject of religious liberty in
the seventeenth century, to whom there was probably a
special reference in the remark which it now combatted,
the simplest statement of facts will show that the earliest
and most thorough-going advocates of religious liberty,
at that period, were all ecclesiastical men; and all of that
class with which Mr. Gibbon would be neither likely nor
disposed to have much acquaintance.
In 1614, the Rev. Leonard Busher, a zealous Brownist,
or ultra Independent minister, presented to king James I.
and his parliament, "Religious Peace, or a Plea for Liberty
of Conscience."  The leading object of this treatise is to
show, that the true way to make a nation happy is, " to
give liberty to all to serve God according as they are
persuaded is most agreeable to his word; to speak, write,
print, peaceably and without molestation in behalf of their
several tenets and ways of worship."  In a few years
afterwards, the Rev. John Robinson, a divine of the
Church of England, who had been bred at the University
of Cambridge, and fled from persecution in his native
country to Holland, where he cast in his lot with the
Independents, published two works, one entitled "A
Justification of Separation from the Church of England;"
and another in explanation and defence of the first, entitled "A Just and Necessarie Apologie," &c. In these
works he contended with no small force, both of learning
and argument, that Christ's kingdom is not of this world;
-that it is entirely spiritual, and he its spiritual King;
and that civil magistrates have no right to interfere, in
any wise, or in any case, with liberty of conscience. In




36          INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
1644, the celebrated Roger Williams, a native of England,
a graduate of the University of Oxford, who had received
orders in the Established Church of England, who came
to New England in 1630, and there cast in his lot with
the Independents, and ultimately becoming a Baptist,
withdrew from Massachusetts to Rhode Island, where he
became the pastor of the first Baptist church in the
American Colonies, and established a separate government, published a work under the following title-" The
Bloody Tenet of Persecution for the cause of Conscience,"
in which he plead for liberty of conscience on the broadest
and most liberal principles. In short, he carried the
doctrine to the utmost length, and maintained that the
civil magistrate has no right to enforce any of the precepts
contained in the first table of the Decalogue. And, what
is still more to the honour of Roger Williams, as he was,
in a sort, the civil ruler, as well as the spiritual guide,
of the colony of Rhode Island, it deserves to be recorded
that he was the first Governor who ever practically acknowledged that complete liberty of conscience was the
birthright of man, and who really and consistently yielded
it to those who widely differed from him, when he had
the full power to withhold it.
In 1649, the Rev. Dr. John Owen, educated in the
University of Oxford, and afterwards Vice-Chancellor of
that University, universally known to have been an eminent Independent minister, and one of the greatest theologians of his age, published a work on " Toleration,"
which does honour to his memory, and deserves to be
ranked among the best publications on that subject. He
does not, indeed, in his theory, go quite so far as Roger
Williams; yet he explicitly states, and by a variety of




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                   37
arguments maintains, that " the civil magistrate has no
right to meddle with the religion of any person whose
conduct is not injurious to society, and destructive of its
peace and order."  And it ought to be stated, to the
honour of this great and good man, that he acted on the
principles which he had avowed, when his own party was
triumphant, and he had it in his power to oppress. It is
also further worthy of notice, that, some years after the
publication of this work, when the Puritans in New England were, most inconsistently, persecuting the Baptists
and Quakers, Dr. Owen, at the head of a body of Nonconformist ministers in London, sent an address to them,
remonstrating against their conduct, and entreating them
to cease from their persecuting measures, which, accordingly, they soon did. The language of this address is
striking and to the point.  Among other things it is
said-" We make it our hearty request, that you will
trust God with his truth and ways, so far as to suspend
all rigorous proceedings in corporeal restraints or punishments on persons that dissent from you, and practise the
principles of their dissent, without danger or disturbance
to the civil peace."
Perhaps the learned reader will be apt to ask why the
name of Bishop Jeremy Taylor has not a place assigned
in this list of advocates for religious liberty. The reason
for not giving him a conspicuous place in this honoured
catalogue, will appear from the following statement. In
the year 1647, that great and eloquent man, who has
been strongly styled "the Shakspeare of the English pulpit," published his "Liberty of Prophesying," in which
a great deal of important truth on this subject is communicated, with a power for which the author was distin4




38         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
guished in all his works.  The writer, however, argues
chiefly from considerations which do not hold a legitimate,
and certainly not a primary place among the controlling
arguments on this subject. For example, he reasons in
favour of religious liberty, from the difficulty of expounding the Scriptures so as to arrive at any certain conclusion on some points; from the incompetency of Popes,
Councils, or the church at large, to determine articles of
faith; from the innocence of error, where there is real
piety; and from the antiquity and plausibility of various
sentiments and practices generally held to be erroneous.
It is more on such grounds as these that he rests his defence of toleration, than on the inherent and essential
rights of men, and the authority of the word of God.
Such an advocate can scarcely be recognized as pleading
for the same principles with Williams, Owen, and his
other clerical contemporaries in the same nominal field.
But there is another, and still more serious objection
to our assigning to Jeremy Taylor an honourable place in
the list of early and able advocates of religious liberty.
When he wrote his work on the "Liberty of Prophesying," he and his church were under the frown of government.  He was, in fact, pleading for toleration for himself and for Episcopacy.  When Charles II. was restored
to the throne; when Taylor came forth from retirement
and oppression; and when he was raised to the Episcopate, he consented to become a member of the privy
council of that faithless and profligate monarch, from
which so many persecuting edicts against the non-conformists issued, to the disgrace of their authors. And
even if it be doubted whether he ever took any active
part in the persecuting edicts of that monarch, as a mem



INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                     39
ber of his council, yet it is notorious and unquestionable,
that in his diocese in Ireland, he was chargeable with
much and severe persecution.  If he ever entertained
correct sentiments in respect to the rights of conscience,
he forgot or disregarded them all when he rose to power,
and was enabled to persecute.  (See Orme's Life of
Owen, p. 101; and the History of the Presbyterian
Church in Ireland, by James Seaton Reid, D. D. M. R.
S. A. p. 344, &c.)
While justice is done to the ministers of the gospel
above mentioned, I have no desire to derogate, in the
least degree, from the credit due to Milton* and Locke,t
of the same century, whom it is the fashion to eulogize as
the great pioneers in pleading for religious liberty. There
is no doubt that both these illustrious laymen wrote nobly
in defence of the cause in question; and that both ought
to be held in grateful remembrance for their noble services;
yet it is surely wrong to ascribe to them, meritorious as
they were, all the credit of originating a doctrine which
had been held, and publicly defended many years, before
either of them had published or written a line on the
subject.
The National Synod of Holland has never met since
the adjournment of the Synod of Dort, in 1619. By the
fiftieth article of the Rules of Government which that
Synod adopted, it was prescribed that a general Synod
should meet every three years, but not without the approbation of the civil government. This article, however,
has never been carried into effect, either because the
* Milton's work, entitled "A Treatise of Civil Power in Ecclesiastical Causes," was published in 1659.
t Locke's first Letter on Toleration was published, in Holland, in
the Latin language, in 1689.




40         INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
magistrates have withheld their consent, or because the
Church has never asked the necessary permission. The
original manuscript of the "Acts of the Synod of Dort,"
having been put into the possession of the States General,
they, in the year 1625, resolved that that manuscript
should, every three years, be inspected by delegates from
their own body, and deputies from the provincial Synods
jointly. Accordingly, this ceremony, we are told, is gone
through, with a punctilious formality, in the month of
May of every third year.  Twenty-two deputies from the
Synods repair to the Hague, where they are joined by
two delegates of the secular government. This joint body
then proceeds to the public chamber in which the chest
containing the Acts of the Synod is deposited.  This
chest is opened with eight several keys. The Acts, which
are neatly bound up in seventeen volumes, are formally
taken out and shown, first to the governmental delegates,
and then to the clerical members of the body. This ceremony is preceded and followed with prayer, after which
the members of the inspecting committee dine together,
and thus terminates their triennial task.
The venerable Dr. Scott was prompted, he tells us, to
undertake the translation of the official history and cannons of the Synod of Dort, by the persuasion that they
had been greatly misapprehended by the religious public,
in which he had himself, for many years, largely participated.  The truth is, the misrepresentations of the proceedings of that Synod by Peter Heylin, and Daniel Tilenus, are so gross and shameful, that it is difficult adequately to animadvert upon them in strictly temperate
language.  As to Peter Heylin, he hardly knew how to
speak the truth when Calvinism or Presbyterianism was




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                  41
in question. And, with respect to Daniel Tilenus, who
was a theological Professor in the Presbyterian seminary
at Sedan, in France, and had been once a Calvinist, but
afterwards joined the Arminian ranks, his prejudices
against his old opinions became, after his apostacy, so
perfectly bitter and blinding, that he seemed incapable
of representing them otherwise than under the most revolting caricature. No wonder that those who believed
these men, regarded the Acts of the Synod with abhorrence. Dr. Scott, as the reader will perceive, declares
himself satisfied, that the proceedings of the Synod had
been greatly and criminally slandered; that their canons
were among the most Scriptural and excellent formularies
he had ever seen; and that he thought it incumbent on
him to do all in his power to remove the veil from the
false statements concerning them, which had been so confidently made, and to the circulation of which he had himself, in some degree, unintentionally contributed.
This translation was among the last works, if not the
very last, which Dr. Scott gave to the public. It was
published only a few months prior to his decease, and was
prepared by him under an immediate impression of that
solemn account which he was so nearly approaching, and
of the duty which he owed to the public in behalf of a
greatly injured body.
The following remarks of Mons. Bayle, in his Biographical Dictionary, under the article Arminius, are so
apposite and pointed as to form a very appropriate extract for this Introductory Essay. Bayle himself was,
probably, neither a Calvinist nor an Arminian, but a cool,
insidious sceptic. His judgment, therefore, on this controversy, may be considered as the decision of a shrewd,
4*




42         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
and, as to this point, an impartial mind, on a matter concerning which he had no point to gain, or party to serve.
" It were to be wished that he (Arminius) had made
a better use of his knowledge. I mean, that he had governed himself by St. Paul's rule.  This great apostle,
immediately inspired by God, and directed by the Holy
Ghost in all his writings, raised to himself the objection
which the light of nature forms against the doctrine of
absolute predestination.  HIe apprehended  the whole
force of the objection, and he proposes it without weakening it in the least degree. God hath mercy on whom
he will have mercy, and whom  he will he hardeneth.
rom. ix. 18. This is Paul's doctrine, and the difficulty
which he starts upon it is this-Thou wilt say then unto
me, Why doth he yet find fault, for who hath resisted his
will?,This objection cannot be pushed further; twenty
pages, by the most subtile Molinist, could add nothing to
it.  What more could they infer than that, upon Calvin's hypothesis, God wills men to commit sin?  Now
this is what St. Paul knew might be objected against
him; but what does he reply?  Does he seek for distinctions and qualifications? Does he deny the fact? Does
he grant it in part only? Does he enter into particulars?
Does he remove any ambiguity in the words?  Nothing
of all this. He only alleges the sovereign power of God,
and the supreme right which the Creator has to dispose
of his creatures as it seems good to him.  Nay, but 0
man, who art thou that repliest against God!  He acknowledges an incomprehensibility in the thing which
ought to put a stop to all disputes, and to impose a profound silence on our reason.  He cries out, O the depth
of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge of God!




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                  43
How unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways are
past finding out. All Christians ought to find here a
definite sentence, a judgment final, and without appeal
in the dispute about grace. Or rather, they should learn
from this conduct of St. Paul, never to dispute about
predestination, and immediately to oppose this bar against
all the subtleties of human wit, whether they arise of
themselves, in meditating on this great subject, or whether
others suggest them. The best and the shortest way is,
early to oppose this strong bank against the inundations
of reasoning, and to consider this definitive sentence of
St. Paul as a rock immovable in the midst of the waves,
against which the proudest billows may beat in vain.
They may foam and dash, but are only broken against
them.  All arrows darted against this shield, will have
the same fate as that of Priam."
Further on the same writer says:-" To a system full
of great difficulties, Arminius has substituted another
system, which, to speak truly, involves no less difficulties
than the former.  One may say of his doctrine what I
have observed of the innovations of Saumur. It is better
connected and less forced than the opinions of Mr.
Amyraut; but, after all, it is but a palliative remedy,
for the Arminians have scarcely been able to answer
some objections which, as they pretend, cannot be refuted
upon Calvin's system.  Besides, they find themselves
exposed to other difficulties which they cannot get over
but by an ingenuous confession of the weakness of human
reason, and the consideration of the incomprehensible
infinity of God. And was it worth while to contradict
Calvin for this? Why was Arminius so very difficult at
first, when at last he was obliged to fly to this asylum?




44          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
Why did he not begin here, since here he must come,
sooner or later?  He is mistaken who imagines that,
after entering the lists with a great disputant, he shall
be allowed to triumph only for some small advantage
which he had over him at first. An athlete, who throws
out his antagonist in the middle of the race, but has not
the advantage of him at the end, is not entitled to the
palm. It is the same in controversy. It is not sufficient
to parry the first thrusts.  Every reply and rejoinder
must be satisfied, and every doubt perfectly cleared up.
Now this is what neither the hypothesis of Arminius,
nor that of the Molinists, nor that of the Socinians, is
able to do. The system of the Arminians is only calculated to give some few advantages in those preludes to
war, in which the forlorn hope is sent out to skirmish.
But when it comes to a general and decisive battle, this
detachment must retire, as well as the rest, behind the
intrenchments of incomprehensible mystery."
Perhaps it may be said, that no theological system was
ever more grossly misrepresented, or more foully or unjustly vilified, than that which is commonly called Calvinism, but which has been drawn from the word of God,
and preached by some of the best men that ever lived,
many hundreds of years before Calvin was born.  The
truth is, it would be difficult to name a writer or speaker
who has distinguished himself by opposing this system,
who has fairly represented it, or who really appeared to
understand it. They are for ever fighting against an imaginary monster of their own creation. They picture to
themselves the consequences which they suppose unavoidably flow from the real principles of Calvinists, and then,
most unjustly, represent these consequences as a part of




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                  45
the system itself, as held by its advocates. Whether this
arises from the want of knowledge, or the want of candour, is not for me to decide; but the effect is the same,
and the conduct worthy of severe censure.  How many
an eloquent page of anti-Calvinistic declamation would be
instantly seen by every reader to be either calumny or
nonsense, if it had been preceded by an honest statement
of what the system, as held by Calvinists, really is.
The enemies of the system allege, that it represents
God as really the author of sin, and man as laid under a
physical necessity of sinning, and then as damned for it,
do what he can.  They insist that our doctrine of depravity, and the mode of inheriting it, if true, destroys
moral agency, reduces men to the condition of mere machines, and, of course, makes all punishment of sin unjust and absurd. In short, they contend that the views
which we give of the plan of salvation, makes a system
of heathenish fate, or of refined Antinomianism, equally
destructive of holiness and of comfort; and that, under
the guise of free grace, we build up a fabric of favouritism on the one hand, and of fixed necessity on the other;
at once making God a partial being and a tyrant, and
man a mere passive subject of his arbitrary will. But is it
true that Calvinists embrace any such system as this?
Nothing can be further from the truth. It is a shameful
misrepresentation, which has no correspondence with any
thing but the caricatures of prejudice and bigotry. Calvinists abhor such sentiments just as much as their uncandid accusers do. Many wise and excellent men have
been of the opinion that Arminian principles, when
traced out to their natural and unavoidable consequences,
lead to an invasion of the essential attributes of God, and,




46          INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
of course, to blank and cheerless atheism.  Yet, in making a statement of the Arminian system, as actually held
by its advocates, what candid man would allow himself
to introduce into the delineation any thing different from
or beyond the actual admissions of those advocates? The
system itself is one thing; the consequences which may
be drawn from it, another.
It is not pretended that the Calvinistic system is free
from all difficulties.  When finite creatures are called to
scan either the works or the revealed will of an Infinite
Being, they must be truly demented if they expect to
find nothing which is incomprehensible. Accordingly,
when we undertake to solve some of the difficulties which
the Calvinistic system presents, it cannot be denied that
" such knowledge is too wonderful for us; it is high, we
cannot attain unto it."  How to reconcile what the
Scriptures plainly reveal, on the hand, concerning the
entire dependence of man; and, on the other, concerning
his activity and responsibility; how to explain the perfect
foreknowledge and predestination of God, in consistency
with the perfect freedom and moral agency of his intelligent creatures, is a problem which no thinking man expects fully to solve. But the question is, Are there fewer
difficulties attending any other system?  Especially are
there fewer difficulties attending the Arminian or Pelagian system, one or the other of which is usually the
resort of those who reject Calvinism?  There are not;
nay, instead of being less, they are greater-far greater
both in number and magnitude.  For example, it is easy,
and, in the estimation of the superficial and unreflecting,
it appears conclusive, to object, that Calvinism has a tendency to cut the nerves of all spiritual exertion; that if




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                     47
we are elected, we shall be saved, do what we will; and
if not elected, we shall be lost, do what we can. But is
it not perfectly evident that the objection here lies with
quite as much force against the Arminian or Pelagian
hypothesis?  Arminians and Pelagians both grant that
all men will not actually be saved; that the salvation or
perdition of each individual is distinctly foreknown by
God; and that the event will certainly happen as he
foresees that it will.  May not a caviller, then, say, with
quite as much appearance of justice in this case as in
the other, " The result, as to my salvation, though unknown to me, is known to God, and certain.  If I am to
be saved, no anxiety about it is necessary; and if I am
to perish, all anxiety about it would be useless." But
would an Arminian consider such an objection as valid
against his creed?  Probably not.  Yet it is certainly
just as valid. against his creed as against ours. The
truth is, the Arminian, by resorting to his scheme, does
not really get rid of one particle of the difficulty which
he alleges against the Calvinistic system: he only places
it one step further back, but must meet it in its full
strength after all.  Until we can bring ourselves to
swallow the monstrous absurdity, that what is to be, will
not be; that what God foresees as certain, may never
happen, the cavil, such as it is, remains unanswered. If
there be a God who is endowed with perfect foreknowledge, and who is, and always has been, acting upon a
plan, of which he knows the end from the beginningand there is such a Being, or there is no God;-then all
the difficulty which lies against the doctrine of sovereign,
unconditional predetermination, lies equally, and in all its
unmitigated force, against the doctrine of foreknowledge




48          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
and certain futurition, in any form that can be imagined;
and all the shocking consequences with which they
charge Calvinism, are quite as legitimately chargeable
against any and every scheme, short of atheism, which
may be embraced to get rid of them.
No other proof of this is needed than the subterfuges
to which Arminians and Pelagians have resorted in order
to obviate the objections which they have felt pressing on
their respective schemes. Some have denied the possibility of God's foreknowing future contingencies; alleging that such foreknowledge cannot be conceived or
admitted, more than the power of doing impossibilities,
or doing what involves a contradiction.  Others have
denied the plenary foreknowledge of God altogether;
alleging that there are many things which he does not
choose to know;-the latter making the divine ignorance
of many future things voluntary, while the former consider it as necessary. A third class, to get rid of the same
difficulties, take refuge in the principle that the Most
High is deficient in power as well as in knowledge; that
his plan-so far as he has any-is continually thwarted
and opposed beyond his power of control; that he
would be glad to have less natural and moral evil in his
kingdom than exists; would be glad to have many more
saved than will be saved; but is not able to fulfil his
wishes, and is constantly restrained and defeated by his
own creatures!
Do not these boasted refuges from Calvinism shock
every mind not thoroughly hardened and profane?  Do
not the allegations that God is not omnipotent; that he is
not omniscient; that he is not acting upon an eternal and
settled plan; that his purposes, instead of being eternal,




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                  49
are all formed in time; and instead of being immutable,
are all liable to be altered every day, and are, in fact, altered
by the changing will of his creatures; that there is no
certainty of his predictions and promises ever being fulfilled, because he can neither foresee nor control future contingencies; that it is his express design to save all men
alike, while yet it is certain that all will not be saved;
that he purposes as much, and does as much for those
who perish, as for those who are saved; but is, after all,
baffled and disappointed in his hopes concerning them;
that he is certain of nothing, because he has determined
on nothing positively, and if he had is not able to do all
his pleasure-do not such allegations fill every thinking
mind with horror?  Are they not equally contrary to
Scripture, to reason, and to all the hopes and consolations
of the pious? Would not such a God, with reverence be
it spoken, be the most unhappy being in the universe?
True, indeed, Arminians do not recognize these horrid
consequences, and therefore cannot be charged with holding them; but they are not, on this account, the less
inevitable, or the less awful.
But though that system of grace, usually denominated
Calvinism, is now in such bad odour with multitudes in
the Church of England, and with many connected with
her ecclesiastical daughter in this country-it was not
always so.  When the Synod of Dort convened, the same
theological system which that celebrated Synod sustained,
was the reigning creed in the Church of England, and
had been so, beyond all question, for more than half a
century.  This has, indeed, been denied; but it would
be just as reasonable to deny that such men as Cranmer,
and Whitgift, and Hooker, and Hall, and Usher, ever
5




50          INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.
occupied stations in the established Church of that land.
Testimony to establish the position which has been assumed, which prejudice itself cannot refute, crowds upon
us, and offers itself on every side.
The testimony of Peter Heylin, a bitter enemy to Calvinism, is clear and decisive.  "It cannot be denied,"
says he, " but that, by the error of these times, the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both Universities,
and the extreme diligence of his followers, there was a
general tendency unto his opinions; his book of Institutes being, for the most part, the foundation on which
the young divines of those days did build their studies."
Again he declares-" Of any men who publicly opposed
the Calvinian tenets in the University of Oxford, till after
the beginning of king James's reign, I must confess that
I have hitherto found no good assurance."  He speaks
of two divines of inferior note, who secretly propagated
Arminian principles; and compares them to the prophet
Elijah, who considered himself as left alone to oppose a
whole world of idolaters.  Further: in the reign of
Charles I., more than sixty years after the final settling
of the thirty-nine Articles, when a suppression of the Calvinistic doctrines was contemplated by Archbishop Laud,
Heylin acknowledges that such was the general attachment of the bishops and clergy to these doctrines, that
the Arminian party did not dare to " venture the determining of these points to a Convocation."* And he again
explicitly informs us, that, from the re-settling of the
Church under Queen Elizabeth, to the period already
mentioned, "the maintainers of the anti-Calvinian doc* See Heylin's Quinq. Hist. Work, p. 626, &c. See also his Life
of Laud, p. 147.




INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.                   51
trines were few in number, and made but a very thin
appearance."
The famous Lambeth Articles, drawn up in 1595,
during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, are acknowledged
by all who ever read them, to be among the most strongly
marked Calvinistical compositions that ever were penned.
They were drawn up by Archbishop Whitgift, then at
the head of the English Established Church, and one of
its most conspicuous divines and fathers. The archbishop
was assisted in this service by the bishops of London and
Bangor, and by some others. After receiving the public
approbation of these dignitaries, the Articles were sent
to the Archbishop of York, and the Bishop of Rochester,
who also subscribed them.  Thus ratified, Archbishop
Whitgift sent them to the University of Cambridge, with
a letter, in which he declared-" That these Articles were
not to be considered as laws and decrees, but as propositions which he and his brethren were persuaded were
true, and corresponding with the doctrine professed in
the Church of England, and established by the laws of
the land."  Nor is this all: it having been suggested by
some, that the Archbishop agreed to these Articles rather
for the sake of peace, than because he believed them,
Strype, his Episcopal biographer, repels the charge with
indignation, declaring that such an insinuation is as false
as it is mean and disparaging to the primate.*
Not long after the delegates to the Synod of Dort, from
the Church of England, returned home, they were attacked by certain writers, who reproached them for having
signed the Articles of the Synod, and charged them with
having, by that act, given countenance to error, and also
with having departed from  the Articles of their own
* Strype's Life of Whitgift, pp. 461-463.




62          INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
Church.  Against this attack they thought proper to defend themselves, by what they called a joint attestation,
which contains the following passage: " Whatsoever
there was assented unto, and subscribed by us, concerning the five Articles, either in the joint Synodical judgment, or in our particular collegiate suffrage, is not only
warrantable by the holy Scriptures, but also conformable
to the received doctrine of our said venerable mother,
which we are ready to maintain and justify against all
gainsayers."
Again, Bishop Hall, before mentioned as one of the
delegates, in a work of his own, addressed to some who
had charged him, and some other bishops of his day, with
entertaining Arminian sentiments as to the doctrine of
election, thus indignantly replies to the charge: " You
add,' election upon faith foreseen.' What! nothing but
gross untruths? Is this the doctrine of the bishops of
England? Have they not strongly confuted it, in Papists
and Arminians?  Have they not cried it down to the
lowest pit of hell?" *
The same pious prelate himself tells us, that after his
return from the Synod of Dort, where he had been, as
we have seen, an advocate of Calvinistic doctrine, and a
warm  and open opponent of Arminianism, he was distressed to find that heresy gaining ground in England.
"Not many years," says he, " after settling at home, it
grieved my soul to see our own church begin to sicken of
the same disease, which we had endeavoured to cure in
our neighbours."t
* Defence of the Humble Remonstrance. Works, vol. iii. p. 246.
t Some Specialties of the Life of Joseph Hall, Bishop of Norwich, written by himself, prefixed to the third volume of his works.




INTRODUCTORY ESSAY.                      53
That the thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England are Calvinistic, has been so often asserted and demonstrated, that a new attempt to establish the fact is
certainly unnecessary. The seventeenth Article in particular, bears ample testimony to this fact. I am aware,
indeed, that it has been alleged, that the qualifying
clause toward the end of the Article, shows that the
framers of it meant to reject Calvinism. Now it so happens that the very qualifying clause in question, is nearly
copied from Calvin's Institutes, and the latter part of
that clause is a literal translation of that Reformer's caution against the abuse of this doctrine. For evidence of
the former, see his Institutes III. 21, 4, 5, compared
with the Article, where every idea contained in that part
of the Article will be found recited. For proof of the
latter, read the following: "Proinde, in rebus agendis,
ea est nobis perspicienda Dei voluntas quam verbo suo declarat." Instit. I. 17, 5. " Furthermore, in our doings,
that will of God is to be followed, which we have expressly declared to us in the word of God." Art. 17th.*
A correspondent of the Christian Observer, a clergyman of the Established Church of England, in speaking
of the disposition of many in his own church, to vilify
the name and opinions of Calvin, makes the following
remarks:
"Few names stand higher, or in more deserved preeminence, among the wise and pious members of the
English Church, than that of Bishop Andrews.  His testimony to the memory of Calvin is, that he was'an
* For this reference, to show that the 17th Article is not to be interpreted as opposed to Calvinism, see Christian Observer, of London, vol. iii. p. 438.
gr




54         INTRODUCTORY  ESSAY.
illustrious person, and never to be mentioned without a
preface of the highest honour.' Whoever examines into
the sermons, writings, &c., of our divines in the reign of
Elizabeth, and James 1., will continually meet with epithets of honour with which his name is mentioned; the
learned, the wise, the judicious, the pious Calvin, are expressions everywhere to be found in the remains of those
times. It is well known that his Institutes were read
and studied in the universities, by every student in divinity; nay, that, by a convocation held at Oxford, that
book was recommended to the general study of the nation.
So far were the Church of England, and her chief divines,
from countenancing that unbecoming and absurd treatment with which the name of this eminent Protestant is
now so frequently dishonoured, that it would be no difficult matter to prove, that there is not, perhaps, a parallel
instance upon record, of any single individual being
equally, and so unequivocally venerated, for the union of
wisdom and piety, both in England and by a large body
of the foreign churches, as John Calvin. Nothing but
ignorance of the ecclesiastical records of those times, or
resolute prejudice, could cast a cloak of concealment over
this fact. It has been evidenced by the combined testimony both of enemies and friends to his system of doctrines."*
PRINCETON, May, 1841.
* Christian Observer, vol. ii. p. 143.




PREFACE.
THE manner in which the author was brought to the
determination of adding the present work to all his former publications, will appear more fully in the introduction to the articles of the Synod of Dordrecht, or Dort.
In general, he had erroneously adopted, and aided in circulating, a gross misrepresentation of the Synod and its
decisions, in his " Remarks on the Refutation of Calvinism;" and having discovered his mistake previously to
the publication of a second edition of that work, he was
induced to do what he could to counteract that misrepresentation, and to vindicate the Synod from the atrocious
calumnies, with which it has been wilfully or inadvertently traduced. But other motives concurred in disposing
him to give his attempt its present form and order.
1. A very interesting and important part of ecclesiastical history has been obscured and overwhelmed in unmerited disgrace, by the misrepresentations given of this
Synod and its articles, especially in this nation; in which
very few, even among studious men, know accurately the
circumstances which led to the convening of this Synod,
and the real nature and import of its decisions. To excite
therefore others, more conversant in these studies, and
better qualified for the service, to examine this part of
ecclesiastical history, and to do impartial justice to it, is
one object which the author has in view.
2. He purposes to prove, that the doctrines commonly
(55)




56                  PREFACE.
termed Calvinistic, whether they be or be not the doctrines
of Scriptural Christianity, may yet be so stated and explained, without any skilful or laboured efforts, as to coincide with the strictest practical views of our holy religion; and so as greatly to encourage and promote genuine holiness, considered in its most expanded nature, and
in its effects on all our tempers, affections, words, and
actions, in relation to God and to all mankind.
3. In a day when these doctrines are not only proscribed in a most hostile manner on one side, but deplorably
misunderstood and perverted by many on the other side,
the author desired to add one more testimony against
these misapprehensions and perversions, by showing in
what a holy, guarded, and reverential manner, the divines
of this reprobated Synod stated and explained these
doctrines, compared with the superficial, incautious, and
often unholy and presumptuous manner of too many in
the present day. And if any individual, or a few individuals, should by this publication be induced to employ
superior talents and advantages, in counteracting these
unscriptural and pernicious statements, his labour will be
amply compensated.
4. The author desired to make it manifest, that the
deviations from the creeds of the reformed churches, in
those points which are more properly called Calvinistic,
are seldom for any length of time kept separate from deviations in those doctrines which are more generally allowed to be essential to vital Christianity. It must, indeed, appear from the history with which the work begins,
that the progress is easy and almost unavoidable, from
the controversial opposition to personal election, to the
explaining away of original sin, regeneration by the Holy




PREFACE.                      57
Spirit, justification by faith alone, and even of the atonement and Deity of Christ; and that the opponents of the
Synod of Dort, and the Remonstrants in general, were
far more favourable to Pelagians, nay, to Socinians, than to
Calvinists; and were almost universally unsound, in what
are commonly called orthodox doctrines, and many of
them far from being conscientious in their conduct. Indeed, it will appear undeniable, that the opposition made to
them by the Contra-Remonstrants, was much more decidedly on these grounds than because they opposed the
doctrine of personal election, and the final perseverance
of true believers as connected with it.
5. The author purposed, also, by means of this publication, to leave behind him, in print, his deliberate judgment on several controverted points, which must otherwise have died with him, or have been published separately, for which he had no inclination. But he has here
grafted them as notes or remarks on the several parts of
this work; and he trusts he has now done with all controversy.
It is doubtless vain to attempt any thing, against many
of those opponents who succeed to each other, with sufficient variety, as to the grounds on which they take their
stand, and from which they make the assault, but in
some respects nearly in the same course of misapprehension, or misrepresentation, as to the real sentiments of
those whom they undertake to refute. It suffices to say
of them, " Neither can they prove the things of which
they accuse us;" and to say to them, " Thou shalt not
bear false witness against thy neighbour."  But, indeed,
Calvinists seem to be no more considered as neighbours by
many Anti-Calvinists, than the Publicans, Samaritans,
and Gentiles, were by the Scribes and Pharisees.




58                 PREFACE.
After all that has been published on these subjects,
the groundless charges brought by many against the whole
body, cannot be considered as excusable misapprehension.
They must be either intentional misrepresentation, or the
inexcusable presumption of writing on subjects which the
writers have never studied, and against persons, and descriptions of persons, of whose tenets, amidst most abundant means of information, they remain wilfully ignorant.
A fair and impartial opponent is entitled to respect, but
I can only pity such controversialists.
THOMAS SCOTT.
ASTON SANFORD, March 15, 1818




THE
PREFACE,
TO THE REFORMED CHURCHES OF CHRIST;
IN WHICH THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THOSE CONTROVERSIES
IN BELGIUM, FOR THE REMOVAL OF WHICH THIS SYNOD WAS
ESPECIALLY HELD, ARE BRIEFLY AND FAITHFULLY RELATED.
INTRODUCTION TO THIS PREFACE.
BY THE TRANSLATOR.
IN perusing this preface, and the history contained in
it, the reader should especially recollect, that it was
drawn up and published by the authority and with the
sanction of the States General, and the Prince of Orange,
as well as by that of the Synod itself; and that, in every
part of it, the acts, or public records in which the events
recorded were registered, are referred to, with the exact
dates of each transaction. No history can therefore be
attested as authentic, in a more satisfactory and unexceptionable manner; for whatever degree of colouring,
prejudices or partiality may be supposed to have given to
the narration, it can hardly be conceived, that collective
bodies, and individuals filling up such conspicuous and
exalted stations, would expressly attest any thing directly
false; and then appeal to authorities, by which the falsehood of their statement might at any time be detected
(59)




60                  INTRODUCTION
and exposed.  It should also be remembered, that prejudices and partiality would be as likely to colour the account given to the world, and transmitted to posterity by
the opposite  party; while  the  very circumstances  in
which they were placed, would render it impracticable
for them to substantiate the authenticity of their narrative in the same manner. Yet, contrary to all rules of a
sober and unbiassed judgment, the unauthenticated histories of the Remonstrants* concerning the Synod of
Dort, have, almost exclusively, been noticed and credited
by posterity, especially in this country, to the neglect of
the authentic records.t  In  giving the translation of
this history I would merely say, Audi alteram partem.
"Do not read the authenticated narration with greater
suspicions of unfairness than you do those which are not
so fully authenticated.  Let not your approbation  of
what you suppose to have been the doctrine of the Re.
monstrants, or your aversion to that of the Contra-Remonstrants, bias your mind in this respect, but judge
impartially." One of these histories was drawn up by a
* So called from a Remonstrance presented by them to the States
of Holland and West Friesland, against the doctrines of their opponents, or those of the Federated churches of Belgium.
t Neither Mosheim, nor his translator Maclaine, mentions this
history, while they refer to a variety of authorities on both sides of
the question, in their narrative of these transactions. So-that it is
even probable that they had never seen it. Whether the severe
measures by which the decisions of this Synod were followed up,
and especially the strict prohibition of printing or vending any other
account, in Latin, Dutch, or French, in the Federated provinces,
during seven years, without a special license for that purpose, did
not eventually conduce to this, may be a question. The measure,
however, was impolitic, if not unjustifiable.




TO  THE HISTORY, ETC.                  61
man (Heylin) who has been fully detected of misrepresenting the very articles of the Synod in the grossest
manner, and has thus misled great numbers to mistake
entirely the real import and nature of the decision made
by it. I appeal to the abbreviation, as it is called, of the
Articles of the Synod of Dort, as compared with the real
Articles themselves, in another part of this publication.
So scandalous a misrepresentation, which has been too
implicitly adopted by many others, should render the impartial reader cautious in giving implicit credit to other
statements made by the same party, however celebrated
the names of some of them may be.
When I first entered on this part of my undertaking,
I purposed merely to give a short abstract of the history,
just enough to render the subsequent part of the work
intelligible to the less learned or studious reader; but,
whether it were the result of partiality, or of unbiassed
judgment, I found myself so deeply interested in the
events recorded, (which were almost entirely new to me,)
that my reluctance to translating and transcribing the
whole was overcome; and (with a few remarks on different parts) I determined to give it entire to the English
reader. As far as I am competent to judge it possesses
every internal evidence of authenticity and fairness; and
of impartiality, as far as even pious men, exactly circumstanced as the writers were, in the present imperfect
state of human nature, can be expected to be impartial.
It is, I think, also drawn up with a degree of calmness
and moderation; far different from that fierce and fiery
zeal which is generally supposed to belong to all who profess, or are suspected of, what many in a very vague and
inappropriate manner call Calvinism.  And though ac6




62               INTRODUCTION
cording to the fashion of those times, epithets are in some
instances applied both to men and opinions, which modern courtesy, nay, perhaps Christian meekness would have
suppressed; yet, if I mistake not, they are more sparingly
employed in this, than in any contemporary controversial
publication. Indeed, the higher points of what is called
Calvinism, are far less insisted on, and the opponents of
those points far more moderately censured than might
have been expected; while the doctrines commonly called
orthodox, as opposed by Pelagians, Arians, and Socinians, are strongly maintained, and the opposers of them
strenuously, nay, severely, condemned. Even Mosheim
allows that the triumph of the Synod was that of the
Sublapsarians, not only over the Arminians, but over the
Supralapsarians also.*
In order to the impartial reading of this history, it
should be previously recollected, and well considered, that
all the Belgic churches were, from the first, Presbyterian,
in government and discipline; and constituted according
to that plan, with Consistories, Classes, provincial Synods,
and general Synods of all the Federated provinces; and
with all those rules and methods for admission into the
ministry, and to the pastoral charge in distinct congregations, as also to situations in Universities and schools of
learning, which form a constituent part of it; as well as
of that strict discipline, connected with it, implying not
only excommunication of lay members, but the suspension
or silencing of pastors; and excluding from their office,
academical teachers and professors on account of heresy
in doctrine, and gross inconsistency of conduct, proved
* Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, vol. v. p. 368.




TO  THE HISTORY, ETC.                   63
against them in their Classes, or Synods. Through the
whole history, it appears, that no other form of government was proposed even by the Remonstrants, nor any
thing mentioned about toleration in that respect; though
their measures evidently tended to subvert the whole system.  All the funds, likewise, reserved for religious purposes, were appropriated entirely in consistency with the
Presbyterian model; and all academical honours and distinctions were conferred in that line.
This, beyond doubt, having been the case, and the
principal persons concerned in the controversy against
the Remonstrants, having been zealously, and (most of
them at least) conscientiously attached to this system; so
that it appeared to them as if the very interest of vital
religion was intimately, if not inseparably, connected with
it; he must, I say, be a most unreasonable and partial
Anti-Presbyterian, who can expect from  men of this
stamp, that they would permit their whole system, and
all its operations, to be retarded, disturbed, nay, totally
deranged and subverted, and the whole state of their
churches thrown into confusion and anarchy, without
vigorous struggles to prevent a catastrophe in their view
so deplorable and ruinous. Even in this age and land,
few persons, of supposed candour and liberality of mind,
either among zealous Episcopalians, or Independents,
seem inclined tamely to witness the subversion of their
favourite system, without employing the most effectual
means of preventing it, which are fairly within their
reach.  Indeed, it is not in human nature, and cannot
reasonably be expected.  Nor, till men are convinced
that it is not the cause of God, nor essential to that of
true religion, would it be right thus to yield it up to their




64               INTRODUCTION
opponents. But when measures of this nature are adopted,
at first simply in self-defence, against aggressors, in order
to preserve advantages already possessed by law and custom, it must also be expected that, in the eagerness of a
violent and protracted contest, even conscientious men
will, through remaining prejudices and evil passions, excited and irritated by what they judge injurious usage,
be betrayed into some unjustifiable measures, of which
their opponents will make great advantage, and which
even impartial spectators cannot justify or excuse.  If,
then, this should appear to have been the case in the
Belgic contest, with the opposers of the Remonstrants, as
well as with the Remonstrants themselves, it ought
neither to excite our surprise, nor prejudice us so deeply
against the whole company, as, on account of it, to involve them in one sweeping sentence of condemnation.
Again, it is well known, at least it is capable of the
most complete proof, in respect of the doctrines controverted during this period in Belgium, that the Confession and Catechism of the Belgic churches were entirely
on the side of the Contra-Remonstrants. Their appeal is
constantly made to those articles, not under the disadvantage in which some of us in England appeal to the articles of our established church, while our opponents, with
a degree of plausibility, interpret them in a different
meaning, but, as to the very documents to which the Remonstrants objected, nay, which they vehemently and
openly opposed, both in their sermons and public writings. So that their concessions and requisitions, in this
respect, put the matter beyond all denial or doubt to him
that has carefully examined the history.  This will
fully appear as we proceed. Now he must be a most un



TO THE HISTORY, ETC.                  65
reasonable and unfair advocate for the Remonstrants, who
would require decided and conscientious Contra-Remonstrants, holding responsible stations in the Belgic churches,
universities, and schools, by virtue of their subscription
to this Confession and Catechism, to suffer without any
effort to the contrary, those documents to be opposed,
proscribed, and vilified, and contrary doctrines promulgated, even by persons who generally held their situations in the same manner; while the opposers of the
established doctrines indefatigably laboured and employed
all their influence with those in authority, to set them
aside and introduce the contrary doctrines; and this by
the authority of the civil governments alone, to the exclusion of that ecclesiastical power, by which they in
great measure had been supported.  Such a passive acquiescence would not, I apprehend, be found at this day,
if eager opponents should put the matter to the trial,
either among decided Episcopalians, or Lutherans, or any
others, who are cordially attached to their own views of
Christianity. How far the defenders of the Belgic Confession and Catechism  used, exclusively, "weapons of
Warfare not carnal, but mighty through God," is another
question. It can scarcely be doubted, but there were
faults on both sides, in the vehement contest, but I cannot think in an equal degree. Let the candid inquirer
read and judge for himself.
In translating this history, and the other documents
which I now lay before the public, I make no pretensions
to any thing beyond fairness and exactness, in giving the
meaning of the original. Had I been disposed to aim at
it, I do not think myself competent to the office of translating in such a manner, as to invest the Latin, fairly and
6*




66               INTRODUCTION.
fully, with the entire idiom of the English language; but
I have, even by design, confined myself more closely to
literal translation, than I should have done, in an attempt
less connected with controversy; and have often declined
giving a more approved English word or expression, when
I feared it might be suspected of not exactly conveying
the sense of the original. Indeed, as far as it could be
made consistent with perspicuity, I have rather preserved
than shunned the Latin idiom, where any doubt could remain as to the idea which the writers intended to convey.
And when, after all, I had any apprehension that I had
not fully accomplished this, I have given in a parenthesis
the Latin word, that the reader may judge for himself.
In other places, a parenthesis often contains a word not
found in the Latin, but useful in elucidating the meaning.
My sole desire has been, to render the whole clearly understood by the English reader; and to call the attention
of pious and reflecting persons to a part of ecclesiastical
history, which I am confident has been generally less
known, and more grossly misrepresented by some, and
mistaken by others, than any other part whatever has
been; but which, I am also persuaded, is peculiarly replete with important useful instruction, especially to
zealous Calvinists, who may here learn in what a guarded,
and holy, and practical manner, these generally reprobated
theologians, stated and defended their tenets; and on
what grounds, exclusively scriptural, they rested them.




THE HISTORY.
IN the course of the last summer, the decision of the
venerable Synod, lately held at Dordrecht (or Dort) concerning some heads of doctrine, which had hitherto been
disputed in the Belgic churches, with the greatest disturbance of the same, was published, having been comprised in certain distinct canons. And as this most celebrated Synod had been called together, by the Illustrious
and most mighty the States General, the supreme magistracy of the federated provinces, especially for the removal of the controversies, which had arisen in religion,
the most of them judged that it would be sufficient, if
merely the determination of the Synod concerning these
same controversies were published. But when it afterwards was evident, that there were very many who greatly
desired further to know, from the very acts of the Synod,
what besides these things had been done in the Synod,
and by what method, especially with the Remonstrant
pastors: and when it was not doubtful, but that they
themselves, in order to veil their own pertinacity, were
about to publish some things concerning these matters,
not with the best fidelity, it pleased the Illustrious and
most mighty the States General, that the acts also of the
same Synod, faithfully transcribed from the public registers (tabulis) should be published in print, for the satisfaction (in gratiam) and use of the churches.  And as
in these (records) many things every where occur, which
(67)




68                  HISTORY OF
pertain to the history of the things transacted in the Belgic churches, and which could less advantageously be understood or judged of by readers who were ignorant of
these things: for which cause even the national Synod
(as it may be seen in the different sessions) sometimes
enjoined, especially on the deputies of the South Holland
churches, to write a brief narrative of the affairs transacted
with the Remonstrants: it seemed good to prefix, in the
place of a preface, from it (that history) some things,
which were publicly transacted; that the foreign churches
especially might for once know with good fidelity what
was the rise and progress of these controversies; and on
what occasion, and for what causes, the illustrious and
most mighty the States General convened this most celebrated Synod, at a very great expense;* especially when
many things are related by the Remonstrants, in writings
exhibited, and here inserted, which less accord with the
truth of the things transacted.
In the Reformed churches of Federated Belgium, how
great an agreement had, in the preceding age, flourished,
on all the heads of orthodox doctrine, among the pastors
and doctors of the Belgic churches; and moreover, how
great order and decorum (erc^eats' and evsxrno6UUv) had al* " After long and tedious debates, which were frequently attended with popular tumults and civil broils, this intricate controversy was, by the counsels and authority of Maurice, prince of Orange, referred to the decision of the church, assembled in a general
Synod at Dordrecht, in the year 1618." (Mosheim)-" It was not by
the authority of prince Maurice, but by that of the States General,
that the national Synod was assembled at Dordrecht. The States
were not indeed unanimous; three of the seven provinces protested
against the holding of this Synod, viz. Holland, Utrecht, and Overyssel." (Maclaine.) Mosheim's History, vol. v. p. 367.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                   69
ways been preserved in the government of the same, is
too well known to the Christian world for it to be needful
to set it forth in many words. This peace and harmony
of the Belgic churches, lovely (in itself) and most pleasing to God and all pious men, certain persons had attempted to disturb, with unbridled violence, but not with
great success: (persons) who having deserted Popery,
but not being yet fully purified from its leaven, had
passed over into our churches, and had been admitted
into the ministry in the same, during that first scarcity
of ministers: (namely) Caspius Coolhasius, of Leyden,
Herman Herbertius, of Dordrecht, and Gouda, and Cornelius Wiggerus, of Horn. For in the same places, in
which they had got some persons too little favouring the
Reformed religion, on whose patronage they relied, this
their wicked audacity was maturely repressed, as well by
the authority of the supreme magistracy, as by the prudence of the pastors, and the just censures of the church;
that of Coolhasius, in the national Synod at Middleburg;
that of Herbertius, in the Synods of South Holland; and
that of Wiggerus, in the Synods of North Holland.
Afterwards James Arminius, pastor of the most celebrated church at Amsterdam, attempted the same thing,
with great boldness and enterprise; a man indeed of a
more vigorous genius, (excitatioris,) but whom nothing
pleased except that which commended itself by some
show of novelty; so that he seemed to disdain most things
received in the Reformed churches, even on that very account, that they had been received.  He first paved the
way for himself to this thing, by publicly and privately
extenuating, and vehemently attacking (sugillando), the
reputation and authority of the most illustrious doctors




70                 HISTORY  OF
of the Reformed church, Calvin, Zanchius, Beza, Martyr,
and others; that by the ruin of their name he might
raise a step to glory for himself. Afterwards he began
openly to propose and disseminate various heterodox opinions, nearly related to the errors of the ancient Pelagians,
especially in an explanation of the epistle to the Romans;
but by the vigilance and authority of the venerable Consistory of that church, his attempts were speedily opposed, lest he should be able to cause those disturbances
in the church which he seemed to project (moliri).
Yet he did not cease among his own friends, as well as
among the pastors of other churches, John Utenbogardus,
Adrian, Borrius, and others, whose friendship the same
common studies had conciliated, to propagate his opinions,
by whatever means he could; and to challenge Francis
Junius, the most celebrated professor of sacred theology
at Leyden, to a conference concerning the same.*
But when in the second year of this age, (Aug. 28,
1620,) that most renowned man, D. Junius, had been
snatched away from the University of Leyden, with the
greatest sorrow of the Belgic churches, Utenbogardus,
who then favoured the opinions of Arminius, with great
earnestness commended him to the most noble and ample
the Curators of the University of Leyden, that he indeed
might be appointed in the place of D. Junius in the professorship of sacred theology in that University. When
the deputies of the churches understood this, fearing lest
the vocation of a man so very much suspected of heterodoxy might sometime give cause of contentions and schism
* The lustre and authority of the college of Geneva began gradually to decline, from the time that the United Provinces, being formed
into a free and independent republic, universities were founded at
Leyden, Franeker and Utrecht."-Mosheim, vol. v. p, 365.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                      71
in the churches, they entreated the most noble lords, the
Curators, that they would not expose the churches to
those perils, but rather would think of appointing another
proper person, who was free from this suspicion. And
they also admonished Utenbogardus to desist from  this
recommendation; who, despising these admonitions, did
not desist from urging his (Arminius's) vocation, until
at length he had attained the same.
His vocation having been thus appointed, the Classis
of Amsterdam  refused to consent to his dismission; especially for this reason, because the more prudent thought
that a disposition so greatly luxuriant, and prone to innovation, would be statedly employed, with more evident
danger in an University, at which youth consecrated to
the ministry of the churches are educated, and where
greater liberty of teaching uses to be taken, than in any
particular church in which it may be restrained within
bounds, by the vigilance and authority of the presbytery.
His dismission was notwithstanding obtained, by the frequent petitions of the lords, the Curators, of Utenbogardus, and even of Arminius himself; yet upon this
condition, that a conference having been first held with
Dr. Francis Gomarus, concerning the principal heads of
doctrine, he should remove from himself all suspicion of
heterodoxy by an explicit (rotunda) declaration of his
opinion; when he had first promised, with a solemn attestation, that he would never disseminate his opinions,
if perhaps he had any singular ones.* This conference
* How far he fulfilled this solemn promise and attestation, not
only the following history, but even the histories of his most decided.
advocates, fully show. In fact, he fulfilled it in the very same
manner thai the subscriptions and most solemn engagements of
numbers in our church at their ordination are fulfilled.




72                  HISTORY OF
was held before the lords, the Curators, the deputies of
the Synod also being present; in which, when he (Arminius) professed that he unreservedly (diserte) condemned the principal dogmas of the Pelagians concerning
natural grace; the powers of free will, original sin, the
perfection of man in this life, predestination, and the
others; that he approved all things which Augustine and
the other fathers had written against the Pelagians; and
moreover that he judged the Pelagian errors had been
rightly refuted and condemned by the fathers, and at the
same time promised that he would teach nothing which
differed from the received doctrine of the churches, he
was admitted to the professorship of theology.*
May 6, 7, 1602.] In the beginning of this he endeavoured by every means to avert from himself every suspicion of heterodoxy; so that he defended by his support
and patronage in public disputations, [October 28,] the
doctrine of the Reformed churches concerning the satisfaction of Christ, justifying faith, justification by faith,
the perseverance of those who truly believe, the certitude
of salvation, the imperfection of man in this life, and the
other heads of doctrine which he afterwards contradicted,
and which, at this day, are opposed by his disciples.
(This he did) contrary to his own opinion, as John Arnoldi Corvinus in a certain Dutch writing ingenuously
confesses.
But when he had been now engaged in this employment as professor a year or two, it was detected that he
* The received doctrine of the churches was contained in the Belgic
Confession and Catechism. Let the reader carefully attend to this,
and bear it in mind while he peruses the subsequent narrative.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                       73
publicly and privately attacked (sugillare) most of the
dogmas received in the Reformed churches, called them
into doubt, and rendered them suspected to his scholars;
and that he enervated the principal arguments by which
they used to be maintained from the word of God, by the
same exceptions, which the Jesuits, the Socinians, and
other enemies of the Reformed church were accustomed
to employ:* that he gave some of his own manuscript
tracts privately to his scholars to be transcribed, in which
he had comprised his own opinion: that he recommended
in an especial manner to his scholars the writings of
Castalio, Cornhertius, Suerezius, and of men like them;
and  that he spake contemptuously of Calvin, Beza,
Martyr, Zanchius, Ursinus, and of other eminent doctors
of the Reformed churches.t  He moreover openly professed, that he had very many considerations or animadversions against the received doctrine which he would
lay open in his own time. Some pastors, who were intimately acquainted with him, gloried that they lossessed
an entirely new theology. His scholars, having returned
home from  the University, or having been removed to
other Universities, petulantly (proterve) insulted  the
* The Reformed church included not only the church of Geneva,
but the churches in Switzerland, France, Holland, England, and
Scotland, and others. The doctrines opposed were then not those
of Calvin or of Geneva in particular, but common to all these
churches.-T. S.
t This is the only way in which Calvin is ever mentioned in the
whole of this history, as along with many others, an eminent doctor
of the Reformed churches; for it was not then supposed that there
was any essential difference between the doctrine of the church at
Geneva, and that of the other Reformed churches.
7




74                HISTORY OF
Reformed churches, by disputing, contradicting, and reviling their doctrine.
When the churches of Holland considered these and
other things, being justly solicitous lest the purity of the
Reformed doctrine having been weakened, (or corrupted,
labefactata) and the youth which was educated in this
seminary for the hope of the churches, imbued with
depraved opinions, this matter should at length burst
forth to the great mischief and disturbance of the
churches: they judged that an inquiry should be thoroughly
made into the whole transaction by their own deputies,
to whom the common care of the churches used to be
committed; so that in the next Synods it might be
maturely looked to that the church might not suffer any
detriment. Concerning this cause the deputies of the
churches, as well of South as of North Holland, go to
Arminius and state to him the rumours which were every
where circulated concerning him and his doctrine, and
how great solicitude possessed all the churches, and in a
friendly manner they request him that if, perhaps, he
found a want of any thing in the received doctrine, he
would sincerely (sincere, ingenuously) open it to his
brethren, in order either that satisfaction might be given
him by a friendly conference, or the whole affair might be
carried before a lawful Synod. To these (persons) he
answered, that he himself had never given just cause for
these rumours; neither did it appear prudent in him to
institute any conference with the same persons, as deputies, who would make the report concerning the matter
unto the Synod; but if they would lay aside this character (personam) he would not decline to confer with them,
as with private pastors, concerning his doctrine, on this




PRECEDING EVENTS.                   75
condition, that if perhaps they should too little agree
among themselves, they would report nothing of this to
the Synod. As the deputies judged this to be unjust,
and as the solicitude could not be taken away from the
churches by a conference of this kind, they departed
from him without accomplishing their purpose (re infecta.)
Nor did they yet the less understand from the other professors of sacred theology, that various questions were
eagerly agitated among the students of theology concerning predestination, free will, the perseverance of the
saints, and other heads of doctrine, such as before the
coming of Arminius had not been agitated among them.
July 26, 1605.] He was also admonished by the church
of Leyden, of which he was a member, by the most ample
and most celebrated men, Phnedo Brouchovius, the consul of the city of Leyden, and Paulus Merula, professor
of history (historiarum, histories, ancient and modern,)
elders of the same church, that he would hold a friendly
conference with his colleagues, before the Consistory of
the church of Leyden, concerning those things which he
disapproved in the received'doctrine; from which it
might be ascertained, whether, or in what dogmas, he
agreed, or disagreed, with the rest of the pastors. To
these (persons) he replied, that he could not do that without the leave of the Curators of the University; neither
could he see what advantage would redound to the church
from such a conference.
The time approached when the annual Synods of the
churches in each Holland used to be held; and when,
according to the custom, the grievances (gravamina,)
of the church were sent from each of the Classes; and
among the rest this also was transmitted by the Classis




76                HISTORY  OF
of Dordrecht: "Inasmuch as rumours are heard, that
certain controversies concerning the doctrine of the Reformed churches have arisen in the University and church
of Leyden, the Classis hath judged it to be necessary,
that the Synod should deliberate on the means by which
these controversies may most advantageously and speedily
be settled; that all schisms, and stumbling-blocks, which
might thence arise, may be removed in time, and the
union of the Reformed churches be preserved against the
calumnies of the adversaries." Arminius bore this very
grievously, (cegerrime,) and strove with all his power
that this grievance should be recalled; which when he
could not obtain, by the assistance of the Curators of the
University, he procured a testimonial from his colleagues,
in which it was declared, " That indeed more things were
disputed among the students, than it was agreeable to
them; but that among the professors of sacred theology
themselves, as far as it appeared to them, there was no
dissension in fundamentals."
A short time after the Synod of the province of South
Holland was convened in the city of Rotterdam, which,
when it had understood from  the Classis of Dort the
many and weighty reasons for which this grievance had
been transmitted by the same, and at the same time, also,
from the deputies of the Synod, how things really were
in the University of Leyden, and what had been done by
Arminius and the other professors of sacred theology;
after mature deliberation, it determined that this spreading evil must be counteracted in time, neither ought the
remedy of it to be procrastinated under the uncertain
hope of a national Synod. And, accordingly, it enjoined
on the deputies of the Synod, that they should most dili



PRECEDING EVENTS.                          77
gently inquire, concerning articles on which disputations
were principally held among the students of theology in
the University of Leyden; and should petition the lords
the Curators, that a mandate might be given to the professors of sacred theology, to declare openly and explicitly their opinion concerning the same, in order that by
this means it might be ascertained respecting their agreement or disagreement; and  the churches, if perhaps
there was no dissension, or no grievous one, might be
freed from  solicitude: or, if some more weighty one
should be detected, they might think maturely concerning a remedy of the same.
The Synod also commanded all the pastors, for the sake
of testifying their consent in doctrine, that they should
subscribe the Confession and Catechism of these churches,
which in many classes had been neglected, and by others
refused.* The deputies of the Synod, having diligently
* "The opinions of Calvin, concerning the decrees of God, and
divine grace, became daily more general, and were gradually introduced everywhere into the schools of learning. There was not, however, any public law, or confession of faith, that obliged the pastors
of the Reformed churches in any part of the world, to conform their
sentiments to the theological doctrines that were adopted and taught
at Geneva."-Mosheim, vol. v. p. 366. This introduces the learned
historian's account of the Synod of Dort: but the Confession and
Catechism of the Belgic churches alone were appealed to in this
contest, and they were certainly obligatory on all the pastors of
those churches, and subscribed to by most of them. Again: "Arminius knew that the Dutch divines were neither obliged by their
confession of faith, nor by any other public law, to adopt and propagate the opinions of Calvin," vol. v. p. 41. Now Arminius was not
accused, as the whole history shows, of deviating from the opinions
of Calvin, but for openly opposing the Confession and Catechism of
the Belgic churches.
7 *




78                 HISTORY  OF
examined the matter, exhibited to the lords, the curators,
nine questions concerning which they had understood,
that at this time disputations were principally maintained
and they requested that it might be enjoined by their authority on the professors of sacred theology, to explain
fully their opinion concerning the same. But they answered, that some hope now shone forth of obtaining a
national Synod in a short time; and therefore they judged
it more prudent (consultius) to reserve these questions to
the same, than by any further inquisition respecting them
to give a handle to dissension. The pastors also, who
had embraced the opinion of Arminius, everywhere in
the Classes refused to obey the mandate of the Synod,
concerning the subscription of the Confession and the
Catechism.
This matter increased the solicitude of the churches,
when they saw that these pastors, relying on the favour
of certain persons, evidently despised the authority of the
Synod, and more boldly (audacius) persisted in their attempt.  Wherefore, as in that way a remedy could not
be applied to this evil, they copiously explained to the
most illustrious and mighty lords, the States General, in
how great a danger the church was placed; and petitioned,
that in order to the taking away of these evils, a national
Synod, which had now been for many years deferred,
might be called together by the authority of the same
persons, at the earliest opportunity. These (the States
General) declared, that the states of all the provinces had
already agreed on the convocation of a national Synod;
but that there were those among them, who, in the letters of consent, had added this condition, or, as they
called it, clause: Namely, that in the same there should




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                     79
be a revision of the Confession and Catechism of these
churches, and, consequently, the convocation of a national
Synod could not be made, unless this clause were added,
without the detriment (prcejudicio) of the States of that
province. But as it was not obscurely evident, who for
some years had counselled (authores fuissent) the illustrious the States of Holland, that this clause should be
added, and even pressed; and as it might be feared, if it
should be annexed to the calling of the Synod, that they
who earnestly desired changes of doctrine, would abuse
the same; and at the same time also, lest (especially in
this state of things) it should afford no light cause of offence to the churches; as if the illustrious States themselves, or our churches, doubted of the truth of the doctrine comprised in this Confession and Catechism; the
deputies of the churches petition that the convocation of
the Synod should be drawn up in general terms, as they
call them, in the manner hitherto customary; especially
as this clause seemed the less necessary, seeing that in
national Synods it had always been permitted, if any one
thought that he had ought against any article of these
writings, fairly and duly to propose it.
But the illustrious lords, the States General, declared,
that this clause was not so to be understood, as if they
desired any thing to be changed by it, in the doctrine of
these churches; for indeed a doctrine was not always
changed by a revisal (or recognition, recognitione,) but
sometimes was even confirmed; yet it could not be omitted without the prejudice of that province, which had
expressly added it. They therefore delivered the letters
of consent, in which this also had been added, to the
deputies of the churches, which they transmitted to the




80                HISTORY OF
churches of each of the provinces; and with them they
also signified what pains they had bestowed that it might
be omitted.
March 15, 1606.] The Belgic churches, on the receipt
of these letters, rejoiced indeed that, after the expectation
of so many years, at length the power of holding a national Synod had been obtained, though they were not a
little stumbled by this clause. Not because they were
unwilling that the Confession and the Catechism should
be recognized, after the accustomed and due manner, in
the national Synod; but because they feared lest they,
who were labouring for a change of doctrine, should be
rendered more daring, as if by this clause a power was
granted to them by the public authority of the lords, the
States, of moving and innovating whatever any one
pleased; and that these discords and controversies had
arisen from them, not from the inordinate desire of innovating, but from  an earnest endeavour to satisfy the
decrees of the illustrious, the States.  In the same letters
the illustrious lords, the States General, gave information
that it had been determined by them to call together
some learned and peaceful theologians from each of the
provinces, that they might deliberate with the same, concerning the time, place, and manner of holding this
national Synod.
August, 1606.]  While these things were transacting,
the annual Synod of the churches of Holland was held at
Groningen; in which, when the deputies of the churches
had related what had been done by them in the cause of
the national Synod, and what had been determined by
the illustrious lords, the States General, it was judged
proper to enjoin on the same (deputies) diligently to press




PRECEDTNG  EVENTS.                   81
the convocation of a national Synod; and though the
Synod thought that the Confession and Catechism would
be recognized, in a way and manner new and unaccustomed hitherto, in the national Synod, it purposed that
those persons who should be called together by the States
of Holland, out of South Holland, to the convention, in
which (it was to be deliberated) concerning the time, place
and manner of holding the national Synod, should be admonished to petition from the States General, in the name
of these churches, that the clause, of which it hath before
been spoken, might be omitted in the letters of convocation, for the reasons before assigned; and that, in the
place of it, other milder words, which might produce less
offence, might be substituted.
It was also enjoined in the same Synod, to all the pastors
of the churches of South Holland, and to all the professors
of sacred theology in the University of Leyden, that, at
as early a time as could be, they should exhibit the considerations or animadversions, which they had upon the
doctrine contained in the Confession and Catechism; (because Arminius and the pastors who were attached to him
were often accustomed to glory that they had very many;)
the pastors indeed in their own Classes, but the professors
to the deputies of the churches; that the same might be
lawfully carried unto the national Synod, if satisfaction
could not be given to them in the Classes. When this
was demanded of the pastors attached to Arminius, they
declined proposing them in the Classes, because, they
said, they were not yet prepared, but that they would
propose them in their own time and manner. Arminius
also having been admonished concerning this thing by
the deputies of the churches, answered that it could not




82                HISTORY OF
be done at that time with edification; but that, in the
national Synod, he would fully lay open the same.
May 23, 1607.]  And when, not long after, the illustrious, the States General, called together some theologians
out of each of the provinces, with whom they might deliberate respecting the time, place, and manner of the
national Synod, namely, John Leo and John Fontanus,
from Gueldria; Francis Gomarus, James Arminius, John
Utenbogardus, and John Becius, out of South Holland;
Herman Frankelius and Henry Brandius, out of Zealand;
Everard Botius and Henry Johannis, out of the province
of Utrecht; Sibrander Lubertus and Jannes Bogermannus,
out of Friesland; Thomas Goswinius, out of Transisulania;
John Acronus and John Nicasias, out of the city Groningen and Omland; the questions, concerning which it
should be deliberated in this convention, were proposed
to them by the illustrious, the States General; and it
was declared by their concurrent suffrages, that as to the
time it was necessary that the Synod should be called
together as soon as might be in the beginning of the
ensuing summer. [A. D. 1608.]  That, as to place, the
city of Utrecht would be the most convenient for holding
the Synod: as to the manner, 1. That the grievances to
be discussed in the Synod should be brought before the
national Synod from each of the provincial Synods. 2.
That from each of the several Synods, and by the suffrages of the same, four pastors and two elders should be
deputed; in the place of which elders also, men of singular condition, and skill in matters of theology, and adorned
by a testimony of piety, though they did not fill up any
ecclesiastical office, might be deputed. 3. That to these
deputies power should be given in all things which should




PRECEDING EVENTS.                          83
be treated of in the Synod, not of deliberating only, but
also of determining and deciding. 4. That the rule of
judgment in all the controversies relating to doctrines
and morals should be the written word of God, or the
sacred Scriptures alone.* 5. That to the national Synod
should be called together, not only the churches which
are in Federated Belgium, namely, of each language, the
Dutch and French, but those also of the Belgic nation
which are dispersed without Belgium, whether they were
collected under the cross, or otherwise (alibi). 6. That the
illustrious and most mighty, the States General, should
be requested that they would deign to send to the same
their own delegates professing the Reformed religion, that,
in their name, they might preside over the order of it.
7. That the professors also of sacred theology should be
called to the same.
In these things indeed  they were all agreed, as in
some others they could not agree among themselves. For
* This rule completely excluded all human reasoning, authority,
tradition, or new revelations, as opposed to the written word, "the
sure testimony" of God; not only the authority of fathers and
councils, with the traditions of the church of Rome, but the authority
also of the church of Geneva, of Calvin, and of all other Reformed
teachers. How is it then that ecclesiastical historians generally
represent this contest as an attempt to impose the doctrine of the
church of Geneva on the Belgic churches? It might as reasonably
be said that the clergymen and others who combined and used every
effort, some years since, to procure the abolishment of subscription
to the articles of the church of England, but could not succeed, had
the doctrines of Calvin and Geneva imposed on them. Whatever
similarity there might be between the doctrine of Calvin, or that of
the church of Geneva, and the Confession and Catechism of the Belgic churches, the latter was exclusively appealed to by the other
pastors, and avowedly opposed by Arminius and his followers; yet
even these were to be revised according to the written word of God.




84                 HISTORY  OF
Arminius and Utenbogardus, and the two (deputies) from
Utrecht, whom they had drawn over to their opinion, determined these three things: 1. That that was to be held
as the decision of the Synod, not which had been determined by the votes of all the deputies to the Synod, but
also by those who deputed them; for, under the name of
the Synod, not the deputies alone, but those who deputed
them also, ought to be understood. 2. That it should always be free to the deputies, as often as they might
choose, and as they perceived that they were burdened
in any thing, to retire to their own (friends or constituents) for the sake of taking counsel. 3. That the revision of the Belgic Confession and Catechism was altogether necessary; so that they saw no cause, for which
the clause concerning the revision of those writings,
should not be inserted in the letters of convocation.
The rest of the pastors and professors judged: 1. That
that should be considered as the definite decision of the
Synod, which had been determined either by the concurrent votes of the deputies to the Synod, or of the majority
of them; but that, under the name of the Synod, those
were to be accounted, who, as lawful deputies to the same,
had met together with the power of judging. 2. That it
might indeed be allowed them to retire to their friends
for the sake of taking counsel; yet so that, under this
pretext, the proceedings of the Synod should not be
rashly disturbed: that when, and in what manner, and
for what causes, they might thus recede, should not be
left to the unrestricted will (arbitrio) of individuals, but
to the judgment of the whole Synod. 3. That the Belgic Confession and Catechism might indeed be revised in
the Synod, if, for adequate causes, the Synod should de



PRECEDING  EVENTS.                   Q5
termine that this was necessary; and likewise that it
should be free to all, who thought that they had any
thing against those writings, to propose the same to the
Synod in due manner, to be examined and decided on;
but because the clause concerning the revision, if it
should be inserted in the letters of convocation, seemed
likely to give to some cause of offence, and to others the
license of innovating; they thought that the illustrious,
the States General, should be petitioned that this clause,
for the sake of the tranquillity of the churches, might
be omitted in the letters of convocation; and that, in the
place of it, these, or similar words, might be substituted,
namely, That the Synod was convened for the confirmation, agreement, and propagation of pure and orthodox
doctrine; for preserving and establishing the peace and
good order (ifca&c'w) of the church; and finally, for promoting true piety among the inhabitants of these regions.
And most of them showed that they had this very thing
in the mandates from their own churches, and also from
the States themselves of their own provinces. This disagreement of counsels and judgments threw in a new delay to the national Synod; for they who had hitherto resisted its convocation, eagerly seizing on this occasion,
laboured earnestly by all means, that the convocation of
the Synod, though now promised, might be hindered.
In this convention Arminius was requested, with the
strongest obtestation, by the other professors and pastors,
that the things which he had (to allege) against the doctrine expressed in the Confession and Catechism, he
would, in a free and brotherly manner, communicate to
them as his fellow ministers; the promise being added,
that they would bestow pains fully to satisfy him, or that
8




86                HISTORY  OF
he, on honourable conditions, might be reconciled to his
colleagues, and might thenceforth live peaceably with
them; neither would they, a reconciliation having been
effected, publish beyond the place of the convention any
of those things which he should make manifest unto
them. But he said, that neither was this thought prudent by him, nor was he bound to do it, as the convention was not appointed for this purpose. In the following summer, when the annual Synod of the South
Holland churches was held at Delft, Utenbogardus was
admonished to explain to the Synod the reasons on account of which, in giving the counsels concerning the
manner of holding the national Synod, he, with Arminius,
had thought and advised differently from the rest of the
pastors, that the same might be well considered and decided on by the Synod.  He answered that he was
bound to render an account of this to the illustrious, the
States alone, and not to the Synod. Being requested
that he would explain those things which he had (to allege) against the doctrine that was contained in the Confession and Catechism of these churches, he replied, that
neither did it appear to him prudent to do it in that assembly, nor was he prepared. It was in this Synod also
inquired, whether, according to the decree of the former
Synod, any considerations,'or animadversions, upon the
Confession and Catechism  had been exhibited to the
Classes; but it was answered by the delegates from each
of the Classes, that most of the pastors had professed in
the Classes that they had no animadversions against the
received doctrine, but that those who professed that they
had some were unwilling to explain them, either because
they said that they were not yet prepared, or because




PRECEDING EVENTS.                        87
they did not think that this was advisable for them *
Wherefore the Synod judged that it should again be enjoined on them, that, omitting all evasions, subterfuges,
(tergiversationibus,) and delays, they should explain, as
early as might be, all the animadversions which they had
against the received doctrine; each of them to his own
Classis.
It was likewise shown to the Synod, that every where
in the churches dissensions daily more and more increased;  and that most of the young men coming forth
from  the University of Leyden, and the instruction of
Arminius, being called to the ministry of the churches,
in the examination indeed concealed their opinion by ambiguous methods of speaking; but when they had been
set forth to the ministry, they immediately moved new
disputations, contended earnestly for opinions, and gloried that they had various considerations against the received doctrine; that in the Classes and Consistories,
sharp dissensions and altercations arose among the pastors, concerning most of the heads of doctrine; and that
among the people also, various disputings concerning doctrine were heard, with the great offence and disturbance
of the churches; yea, moreover, that the beginnings of
schisms were seen; that the pastors attached to Arminius instituted frequent meetings, in which they might de* Nothing can be more evident than this fact, that the followers
of Arminius aimed to subvert, or exceedingly to modify, the doctrine
of the authorized writings of the Belgic churches; and that the
others wanted no alteration to be made in that doctrine, as more
favourable, either to the doctrine of the church of Geneva, or of
Calvin, as many writers confidently assert.




88                   HISTORY  OF
liberate concerning the propagation of their doctrine;ant
that the people more and more went away into parties.?
As therefore the Synod judged that the remedy of this
evil could no longer be deferred, and that the hope of
obtaining a national Synod, because of this diversity of
counsels and opinions, was altogether uncertain: it vas
determined by the Synod, from the counsel of the most
ample the delegates, to petition of the illustrious lords, the
States of Holland and West Friesland, that from the two
Synods of South and North Holland, one provincial Synod
might be called at the first opportunity, (as it had formerly been done in similar difficulties,) in order to quiet
and remove these evils. When the deputies of each Synod
had copiously explained to the illustrious lords, the States,
these difficulties of the churches, as growing more and
more heavy; and had petitioned, that for the removal of
the same the convocation of a provincial Synod might be
appointed at the most early time: though great hopes
had been given them, by the most ample the lords the
delegates, they were not as yet able to obtain it; because
at that time, [Sept. 14, 1607,] a beginning had been
* The enlightened and decided friend to free inquiry, will see,
even in the causes of these complaints, (while the immediate effects
may perhaps be deemed very unfavourable to truth and holiness,)
the dawn of that more enlarged state of things, in which free investigation of both received and exploded, and of novel opinions,
proves ultimately and highly beneficial to the cause of truth: and
he will agree, that the arm of authority, secular or ecclesiastical,
could not beneficially be exerted against it; except so far as to require those who voluntarily belong to, and minister in any church,
to conform to the rules of that church, or to recede from it without
further molestation. But this does not prevent the propriety of
doing justice to the character of wise and pious men, to whom no
views of this kind had as yet ever been presented.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                    89
made of settling the terms of a truce with the enemy;
and the illustrious States being themselves fully occupied
with the most weighty affairs of the republic, could not
have leisure to attend to these ecclesiastical concerns.
April 30, 1608.] In the mean time Arminius, when
he saw that the churches were urgent that this cause
should be determined by the legal ecclesiastical judgments,
in order that he might decline that trial, (forum, meaning the decision of the ecclesiastical courts,) having exhibited a suppliant writing (libellum), to the illustrious,
the States, obtained that cognizance should be taken of
his cause, by the most ample the counsellors of the supreme court, being political men (not ecclesiastical);
and Gomarus was commanded to hold a conference with
Arminius before the same, the pastors being present, who
had lately attended at the preparatory convention from
South and North Holland.  When the deputies of the
churches had understood this, they again requested the
illustrious, the States of Holland and West Friesland,
that instead of this conference instituted before the supreme court, a provincial Synod might be called; that in
the same, cognizance might be taken and judgment given
on this ecclesiastical cause, by ecclesiastical men, skilful
in these matters, and lawfully delegated by the churches,
with the power of awarding judgment. The illustrious,
the States, answered, that the cognizance of the cause
alone had been entrusted to the supreme court; but that
the decision of it would afterwards be committed, either
to a provincial or to a national Synod.
In this conference a long dispute occurred about the
order of proceeding.  Arminius contended that Gomarus
ought to undertake the part of an agent, (actoris, pleader,
8A




90                HISTORY OF
or prosecutor, or accuser,) but that he was only bound to
defend himself; while Gomarus judged, that this method
of proceeding was not less unjust than unusual, especially
in an ecclesiastical cause, before political judges; that he
indeed was prepared to bring proof before a lawful Synod
that Arminius had proposed dogmas which were at variance with the word of God, and with the Confession and
Catechism of the Belgic churches; but that it could not
be done in this place, without prejudice to his cause;
that he, (Gomarus,) thought this conference, in order to
answer the intention of the illustrious lords, the States,
might better be conducted in this manner, namely, that
without these mutual accusations, each of them should
clearly and perspicuously explain and set forth his own
opinion, concerning every one of the heads of doctrine;
for thence it might most advantageously be understood
in what things they agreed or disagreed. As to what belonged to himself, he would not shrink from explaining
his opinion concerning all the heads of doctrine, fully and
openly, as much so, indeed, as could be desired by any
one; that Arminius also, if he were willing fully to perform the part of a faithful teacher, ought in the same
manner to declare his own opinion, and not any longer in
this business to use subterfuges of this kind. He (Arminius) nevertheless persisted in his purpose; so that he at
length exclaimed that he wondered, seeing various rumours
of his heretodoxy had gone about through the churches,
and the conflagration excited by him was said to rise
above the very roofs of the churches, that he yet found
no one who dared to lodge an accusation against him.
Gomarus, in order to meet this boasting, undertook to
prove that he had taught such an opinion concerning the




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  91
first article of our faith, namely, concerning the Justification of man before God, as was opposed to the word of
God, and to the Confession of the Belgic churches. For
the proof of this thing, he produced his own very words,
written out from the hand-writing of the same Arminius,
in which he asserts, that in the justification of man before God, the righteousness of Christ is not imputed for
righteousness; but that faith itself, or the act of believing
(Tr credere), by the gracious acceptation (acceptationem,
acquittal), was that our righteousness by which we are
justified before God.  When Arminius saw himself thus
fast bound, as he could not indeed deny this to be evidence of proof, (evidentiam probationis, conclusive evidence,) he began to consent to another method of proceeding, namely, that each should sign in a writing his
own opinion comprised in certain theses, concerning the
principal articles in which the difference was thought to
consist; on which each afterwards, in return, marked his
own animadversions.
This conference having been terminated, the counsellors
of the supreme court reported to the illustrious, the States
of Holland and West Friesland, that they, as far as they
had been able to perceive from the conference, judged
that the controversies which had arisen between these
two professors, were not of so great importance, but regarded especially some more subtile disputes concerning
Predestination, which might either be omitted or connived
at, (dissimulari,) by a mutual toleration. But Gomarus
added, that the difference detected in the opinions were
of so great moment, that he, with the opinion of Arminius,
should not dare to appear before the judgment of God:
and unless a remedy were maturely applied, it was to be




92                 HISTORY OF
feared lest, in a short time, one province should be engaged in contest against another, church against church,
state against state, and citizens against each other. But
the illustrious, the States, determined that the writings
scaled on each side in this conference should be preserved
in the supreme court, even unto a national Synod, neither
should they be communicated in the meanwhile to any
man (cuiquam mortalium).   Yet neither did this conference deliver from anxiety the churches, but rather increased it; especially as the things which had been done
at it were concealed from the churches. For not without
reason (haud temere), they judged that this was done in
favour of Arminius, lest his opinions should be made manifest.  In the meanwhile the churches did not cease, by
their deputies, strenuously to petition the illustrious States,
that this ecclesiastical cause, which, except with great
danger of the church, could not be deferred, might be examined and decided on, as soon as possible, by the judgment either of a lawful provincial, or a national Synod.
When Arminius understood this, he procured by Utenbogardus, whose authority at that time was great among
most of the chief persons of the country, that the illustrious States should command, that the annual Synods
themselves, as well of South as of North Holland, the time
of which was at hand, should be deferred.  But as this
could not be done without the greatest detriment of the
churches, they again, having explained before the illustrious, the States, their difficulties, petitioned, either that it
might be allowed to hold, according to custom, each of the
annual Synods, as well that in South as in North Holland;
or that out of each united together one provincial Synod
should as soon as possible be called, as it had also before
this been petitioned.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  93
June 28, 1608.] To this petition, the illustrious States
declared, that they had determined, in the next October,
to call together a provincial Synod for this purpose. When
this had been made known to the churches, all the pastors attached to Arminius were again admonished, that
each of them should lay open to his Classis his considerations, (or remarks, considerationes,) that the same
might be lawfully carried to the approaching Synod. But
they, as before, so now also each of them, declined this
with one consent, with their accustomed evasions (tergiversationibus).  And when the month of October approached, and the churches pressed the convocation of a
provincial Synod, as promised, that was again deferred
for two months: and it was again permitted to the churches,
to hold the particular annual Synods, as well in South as
in North Holland; yet on this condition, that the cause
of Arminius should not be treated of in the same, which
they willed to be reserved to the provincial Synod. In
the Synod of the churches of South Holland, which was
held at Dordrecht (or Dort), when it had been reported
that all the pastors attached to Arminius were hitherto
unwilling to lay open their considerations, which they
said they had against the received doctrine, to their fellow pastors (symmistis), but that they eluded by various
evasions the admonitions of the churches and the decrees
of the Synods, it was determined that it should be
gravely enjoined on them, to lay open these their considerations within the space of the next month, after the
admonition given, under the penalty of incurring the
ecclesiastical censure against the contumacious. The same
also was demanded from the professors of sacred theology
in the University of Leyden, and from Peter Bertius, the




94                 HISTORY  OF
ruler of the theological college. These pastors, when they
saw that either their opinion must be laid open, or they
must undergo the ecclesiastical censure; in order to evade
each of these, they, by the aid of Utenbogardus, obtained
letters from the illustrious lords, the States, in which it
was enjoined on these pastors, that within the space of
one month they should transmit to the lords, the States
themselves, the considerations which they had sealed up,
that they might be reserved by the same, to be exhibited
to the provincial Synod. The professors being asked by
the deputies of the Synod, if they had any considerations
of this kind, to open these before them, Gomarus answered, indeed, that he had observed nothing in the Confession and Catechism of the churches which he thought
in need of correction or alteration, as too little agreeing
with the word of God; but Arminius, that he would answer by writing to this demand, in his own time. And
when he saw himself thus urged by the churches to the
declaration of his opinion, he explained in a prolix discourse to the lords, the States, in their stated convention,
what he thought concerning divine predestination, the
grace of God, and the free-will of man, the perseverance
of the saints, the assurance of salvation, the perfection
of man in this life, the deity of the Son of God, the justification of man before God, and the other heads of doctrine. At the same time, he endeavoured to persuade the
illustrious, the States, that in these Reformed churches, a
doctrine was delivered concerning the divine predestination, which was at variance (pugnaret) with the nature
of God, with his wisdom, justice, and goodness; with the
nature of man and his free-will; with the work of the
creation; with the nature of life and death eternal, and




PRECEDING EVENTS.                            95
finally with that of sin; and which took away the divine
grace, was inimical to the glory of God, and pernicious to
the salvation of men; which made God the author of sin,
hindered sorrow for sin, took away all pious solicitude,
lessened the earnest desire of doing good things, extinguished the ardour of prayer, took away the "fear and
trembling," with which we ought to "work out our own
salvation," made way for desperation, subverted the gospel, hindered the ministry of the word, and lastly, overturned the foundations, not only of the Christian religion,
but also wholly of all religion.*
When Gomarus had heard these things, he deemed it
a part of his duty, to give better information (melius
erudire) to the illustrious lords, the States, lest perhaps
* It is probable that in all the volumes which ever since that
time have been written by Arminians, or Anti-Calvinists, in refutation of Calvinism, there is no objection of any plausibility urged
against the doctrines designated by that term, which is not here
briefly, and fairly, and emphatically stated, as used by Arminius, before the States of Holland, in this history, written with the express
purpose of sanctioning the decisions of the Synod of Dort: perhaps
no where else can so compendious a list of these objections be found.
The compilers evidently did not consider them as unanswerable, or
very formidable; nor were they afraid of having the whole cause
fairly tried and determined according to THE WORD OF GOD; the objections being, indeed, neither more nor less than man's presumptuous reasonings against the express, sure, and authoritative testimony of God himself; the substance of the inquiry which the apostle
answered, or silenced at once, "Thou wilt say to me, Why doth he
yet find fault? For who bath resisted his will? Nay but, 0 man,"
rejoins the apostle, "who art thou that repliest against God?" It
is evident from the whole narrative, that the Confession and Catechism of the Belgic churches, as well as the sermons and writings
of the pastors, were involved in this heavy charge, and condemned
most deeply by this sweeping sentence.




96                 HISTORY  OF
by this method, their minds should be pre-occupied with
unfavourable prejudices against the orthodox doctrine.
Having therefore petitioned for permission to speak, he,
in the same convention, copiously (prolixe) explained
what was the genuine opinion of Arminius concerning the
grace of God, and the free will of man, the justification
of man before God, the perfection of man in this life,
predestination, the origin of sin, and the perseverance of
the saints; and what just cause of suspicion he (Arminius) had given, that he did not think aright, concerning
the Holy Scripture, the sacred Trinity, the providence
of God, the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, the church, faith,
good works, and the other heads of doctrine. By what
arts also he disseminated his own opinions; namely, that
when publicly asked and solemnly enjoined, he has
hitherto concealed his opinion from the churches; but
had diligently inculcated it privately on the pastors, whom
he hoped he should be able to draw over into it, and on
his own pupils (or scholars); that he enervated the principal arguments of our party, (nostrorum) with which the
orthodox doctrine used to be fortified; but confirmed
those of the Jesuits, and of the other adversaries, with
which they are accustomed to fight against the doctrine
of the Reformed churches; that he suggested various
doubts concerning the truth of the received doctrine, into
the minds of the pupils; and (taught them) to hold the
same at first as in an equilibrium with the heterodox doctrine, and at length altogether to reject it; that hitherto
he had not been willing to publish any declaration of sincerity and consent in doctrine, though very often lovingly,
and in a brotherly manner, asked by the churches to do
it; that he had earnestly laboured by all means, that he




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  97
might not lay open to the churches his errors, which had
been detected before the supreme court; and that he had
aimed at this one thing, by delaying the time, to have
the opportunity of drawing over the more persons into
his own opinion, and of every where occupying the
churches; that, having despised the decisions and decrees
of Synods, Classes, and Consistories, he had in the first
instance burst forth (prosiliisse) to the tribunal of the
Supreme Magistrate, and had there proposed his complaints and accusations against the  doctrine  of the
churches; and by the arts of a courtier (aulicas) hadt
industriously studied to conciliate favour to himself, but
to bring hatred on the churches.  Wherefore he (Gomarus) earnestly entreated the States, (seeing that the students of sacred theology in the University of Leyden, and
every where the pastors daily more and more revolted
from the orthodox doctrine; discords and contentions
spread abroad; the churches were disturbed, and the
citizens were drawn into parties,) that the promised national Synod might as early as possible be called, in
which the causes of these evils having been legally examined, a suitable remedy might at length be applied.
The deputies of the churches also soon after petitioned
for the same; but by the endeavours of Utenbogardus
and others it was effected, that this calling of the Synod
should always be deferred.
April 4, 1609.]  They (the deputies of the churches)
likewise several times admonished Arminius, to send to
them  the considerations contained in the writing which
he had promised, who at length answered by letter, that
he did not deny that this had been promised by him, but
because he had understood that the illustrious, the States,
9




98                    HISTORY OF
had ordered the pastors to send their considerations sealed
up unto them, he had changed his mind (consilium), and
that he would wait till the same also should be enjoined
on him. Peter Bertius, the regent of the theological college, being admonished by the same deputies that if he
had anything against the received doctrine of the churches
he would freely explain it, declared his own opinion concerning most of the heads of doctrine openly, without any
evasion, and showed that, in the articles of the justification of man before God, of predestination, of the grace of
God, of free-will, and finally, of the perseverance of true
believers (vere fidelium), he thought differently from the
dtctrine of the Belgic churches.*  This rendered  the
churches more and more anxious, seeing they understood
that not only Arminius in the University, but Bertius
also, in the seminary of the churches of Holland, set before
the youth entrusted to his fidelity, and destined to the
ministry of the churches, heterodox doctrine; and having
drawn them  aside from  the sincerity (or purity) of the
doctrine, instilled into them (imbuere) new opinions. The
churches saw these things, and grieved; yet they were
* " There was not, however, any public law, or confession of faith,
that obliged the pastors of the Reformed churches in any part of the
world, to conform their sentiments to the theological doctrines that
were adopted and taught at Geneva."  Mosheim, vol. v. p. 366.
"Arminius knew that the Dutch divines and doctors were not obliged
by their confession of faith, nor by any public law, to adopt and propagate the principles of Calvin." Ibid. p. 441. It might be supposed
from this, that the opposers of Arminius, and all concerned in procuring the Synod of Dort, wanted Arminius and his party to adhere
to the Geneva Confession and the creed of Calvin, &c.: whereas, in
fact, these are never mentioned in the history prefixed to that of
the Synod, but the received doctrine of the Belgic churches alone.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                  99
not able to apply the lawful remedy to these evils, though
it was that which they chiefly wished and judged necessary;
Utenbogardus, and others, whose authority was at that
time great among certain chief persons of the country,
hindering with all their power, by their means, all synodical conventions and ecclesiastical judgments.
Hence the pastors attached to Arminius were made
more bold to propose their own heterodox opinions; and
they began even publicly before the people to defame
the received doctrine with various calumnies, and to rage
furiously (debacchari) against it, as horrid and detestable. Among these, a certain person, (called) Adolphus
Venator, the pastor of the church of Alcmar in North
Holland, was not the last; who, besides that he was of
too little approved a life, (vitce minuis probatce,) openly
and by no means in a dissembling manner, scattered
abroad Pelagian and Socinian errors, with incredible impudence, publicly and privately; for which cause he was
suspended from the office of teaching, by the legitimate
judgment of the churches of North Holland.  He (however) despising the judgment of the churches, persisted
ih the office of teaching, against the will of the churches.
The orthodox pastors in the Classis of Alcmar judged
that this unholy man (impurum), having been lawfully
suspended from the ministry, and a few other pastors
whom he had drawn over into his opinion, and who pertinaciously refused to testify their consent to the doctrine
of the Reformed churches, by the subscription of the Confession, should not be admitted into their assembly. They,
having complained of this matter to the illustrious, the
States, by the aid of Utenbogardus, obtained a mandate,
by which this admission for them was commanded; which,




100                HISTORY  OF
when the orthodox could not do, because of their conscience, they submissively requested the illustrious, the
States, that they might not be burdened by mandates of
this kind, which they could not conscientiously obey. The
deputies of the churches, when they saw that these dissensions and scandals were daily more and more increased,
again earnestly entreated (or adjured, obtestati sunt) the
illustrious, the States, in the name of the churches, that
the promised provincial Synod might be called together
at the earliest time, for the removal of these evils.  But
when Utenbogardus, and the rest of the pastors addicted
to Arminius, observed the minds of the illustrious lords,
the States, to incline to this, in order that they might
avoid the ecclesiastical decisions, they effected, by certain
individuals who seemed more attached to their cause, that
in the stead of the provincial Synod, a conference, concerning the controverted articles between Gomarus and
Arminius, should be held, in the convention itself, of the
illustrious States; in the which each might take to himself four pastors, whose counsels they might be allowed
to use. Arminius had taken Jannes Utenbogardus, of
Hague, Adrian Borrius of Leyden, Nicholas Grevinchovius of Rotterdam, and the before mentioned Adolphus
Venator of the Alcmarian church. But Gomarus (took)
Ricardus Acronius of Scheidam, James Roland of Amsterdam, John Bogardus of Harlem, and Festus Hommius of Leyden, pastors of the church.
When they had come together, Gomarus and the pastors, who had joined themselves to him, requested these
two things: 1. That this conference should be instituted
in writing, to be exhibited on each side; by which means,
vain rumours of whatever kind might be counteracted.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                       101
2. That these writings should afterwards be delivered to
a national Synod, to be examined and judged, by which
the judgment of an ecclesiastical cause might be reserved
entire to the churches.* The illustrious, the States, willed
that the conference should be instituted, by word of
mouth, (viva voce,) yet so that it might be allowed to use
writing in aid of the memory; and they promised, having given public letters for confirmation of the matter,
that this cause, when they had known concerning the
same from this conference, should be reserved to the judgment of a provincial Synod; and in order to this, that all
things whatever, which should there be treated of by
word of mouth, being afterwards sealed up in writing,
those writings should be exhibited to the Synod.
The same persons also thought it a shameful thing,
(indignum,) that Adolphus Venator, who, on account of
his doctrine and impure life, had been suspended from
the ministry by the lawful censures of the churches, should
be brought forward (or employed, adhiberi) in such a
conference, to the great detriment of ecclesiastical censures.  Wherefore they demanded, that another person
should be taken in his place; which, as Arminius vehemently struggled against it, they were not able to obtain.
In the beginning also, a disputation occurred concerning
* That this cause might be regularly condemned, it was judged' proper to bring it before an ecclesiastical assembly or Synod.
This method of proceeding was agreeable to the sentiments and
principles of the Calvinists, who are of opinion, that all spiritual
concerns and religious controversies ought to be judged and decided
by an ecclesiastical assembly or council."-Mosheim, vol. v. p. 450.
" The Calvinists are not particular in this; and indeed it is natural
that debates, purely theological, should be discussed in an assembly
of divines."-Note, Ibid. Maclaine.
9*




102                  HISTORY OF
the order of handling the articles. For Arminius seemed
to place the great defence of his cause in this, that the
beginning should be made with the article of predestination.  Gomarus thought, that because the article which
respected justification seemed more necessary, the beginnings should be made with it; which also pleased the
illustrious, the States.*
Concerning this article, there was the same controversy,
which had previously been agitated before the supreme
court, namely, whether faith, inasmuch as it is an act
according to the gracious estimation of God, be that
righteousness itself by which we are justified before God.
In the second place, it was treated concerning the doctrine of divine predestination, which Arminius endeavoured to render odious by the same consequences, which
he had lately brought forward in the convention of the
illustrious, the States. But Gomarus urged the principal
point, namely, Whether faith were the antecedent cause
or condition of election, or whether indeed the fruit or
effect of the same. The third controversy was concerning the grace of God and free-will. Arminius professed
that he acknowledged all the operations of divine grace,
whatever could be assigned in the conversion of man;
only that no grace should be assigned, which is irresistible.  Gomarus showed what ambiguity and what guile
might be concealed under that word irresistible; namely,
* Arminius on this point showed his sound policy; for when declamations against predestination have prepared the way, a prejudice
as to the other doctrines connected with it, or held by those who
hold that offensive doctrine, will seldom be impartially considered.
Some modern refuters of Calvinism either have not been so politic, or
they have been more fair, in this respect, than Arminius was.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                        103
that indeed under the same might be hidden the doctrine
of the Semi-Pelagians, and the Synergists (Co-operators),
which had been condemned of old: and he stated, that in
the regeneration of man, that grace of the Holy Spirit
was necessary, which works so efficaciously, that the
resistance of the flesh being overcome, whosoever are
made partakers of this grace, are certainly and infallibly
converted to God by the same.  Finally, they treated
concerning the perseverance of the truly believing. Arminius declared, that he had never opposed the doctrine
of the certain perseverance of the truly believing, nor thus
far was he willing to oppose it, because those testimonies
of Scripture stood for it (or were extant for it) to which
he was not as yet able to answer; he should therefore
only propose those topics, which, in this article, had
excited scruple and hesitation in him.*  When Gomarus
had answered to these topics, he confirmed this doctrine
from the word of God by many evident testimonies.
These things having been fully discussed, the collocutors were asked whether there remained more articles,
concerning which they differed from each other.  Gomarus answered, that there were more: the articles, for instance, concerning original sin, the providence of God, the
authority of the sacred scriptures, the assurance of salva* It is remarkable, that Arminius himself in this his last public
conference, and just before his death, should express himself so undecided on this grand point of decided and unqualified opposition to
modern Arminians; and should make the concession, that he was
not yet able to answer the Scriptures, which seemed to favour the
doctrine of the final perseverance of all true believers. It is worthy
the serious consideration of his disciples. He died Oct. 19, in this
same year.




104                HISTORY  OF
tion, the perfection of man in this life, and some others,
concerning which, whether they should treat also in this
place, he left to the prudence of the illustrious, the States;
especially as they must a second time be discussed by
them in the Synod.  But when the state of Arminius's
health did not seem such as could endure a longer conference, it pleased the illustrious, the States, that it should
be broken off; after that, they had promised to the petition of Gomarus and the rest of the pastors, who had
joined themselves to him, that this entire cause should
be more fully examined and decided on in a provincial
Synod, to be called together as soon as might be; and
had enjoined the collocutors, that each of them should
exhibit to them his opinion with the arguments and refutations of the contrary opinion, contained in a writing,
within the space of fourteen days, in order that these
writings might be preserved by them, even to the provincial Synod.  Gomarus within the prescribed time transmitted his writings, which were afterwards published in
Dutch (Belgice).
As the difficulties of the church were rather increased
than taken away by this conference, the deputies of the
churches submissively again petitioned the illustrious, the
States, that the provincial Synod, so often before, and in
the conference itself promised, should be called, and also
at the earliest time. Answer was returned to them, though
there were certain persons who strove against it, that the
convocation of it would then be appointed, when the pastors of the Alemarian Classis had obeyed the mandate of
the illustrious, the States, admitting to their assembly
Adolphus Venator, and the pastors attached to him. But
lest that affair should delay the provincial Synod, the




PRECEDING EVENTS.                         105
deputies of the churches going to Alemar treated with
the pastors of that Classis concerning this admission, and
so far prevailed on them that they were ready to admit
the pastors attached to Venator, on honourable conditions
(or equitable, honestis); but they laid before the deputies
so many and weighty reasons why they could not admit
Venator himself, that they themselves judged that, in
this respect, they ought not to be urged. When this had
been reported to the illustrious, the States, not even yet
could the calling of a Synod be obtained. For indeed the
pastors attached to Arminius effected this, that it should
be again enjoined to the Classis of Alcmar, unreservedly
to admit these pastors without any condition; which when
they could not do, the calling (of the Synod) was again
hindered.*
Arminius in the meanwhile excused himself to the illustrious States by letters; that by reason of bodily weakness he was not able to prepare the writing enjoined him;
* " These measures confirmed instead of removing the apprehensions of the Calvinists; from day to day they were still more firmly
persuaded that the Arminians aimed at nothing less than the ruin
of all religion; and hence they censured their magistrates with great
warmth and freedom, for interposing their authority to promote
peace and union with such adversaries. And those who are well
informed and impartial must candidly acknowledge, that the Arminians were far from being sufficiently cautious in avoiding connections
with persons of loose'principles; and by frequenting the company
of those whose sentiments were entirely different from the received
doctrines of the Reformed church, they furnished their enemies with
a pretext for suspecting their own principles, and representing their
theological system in the worst colours."-(Mosheim, vol. v. p. 445.)
It seems evident that they patronized men not only of loose principles, but of licentious character. The word Calvinists is not used
in the historical preface of the Synod of Dort.




106                 HISTORY OF
which weakness so increased upon him by degrees, that
a short time after he departed this life. [Oct. 19, 1609.]
Thus these contests and dissensions exercised the University and the churches of Batavia while Arminius was
living; but when he was taken away from among the
living, though every good man hoped that a great part
of these evils would be taken away and buried along with
him, seeing that he had been the leader and author of
all these contentions; yet, as many pastors, every where
in the churches of Holland, had consented to his opinion,
and would not cease from propagating it, the deputies of
the churches thought that nevertheless the convocation
of a provincial Synod should be urged; to whom it was
again answered, that the illustrious, the States, would then
consider about calling some ecclesiastical convention,
when the Classis of Alcmar had obeyed their mandates.
In the meantime, the pastors attached to Arminius,
when they saw the affair brought into such a situation,
that the calling of a Synod having been hindered, little
seemed to be feared by them from ecclesiastical judgments
and censures; as if with loosened reins of boldness and
impudence, they began to inveigh and rage furiously,
both in public and private, against the orthodox doctrine
of the Reformed churches, concerning election, the perseverance of the saints, the assurance of salvation, and
other articles, with the most bitter and contumelious revilings, with the greatest offence of the pious, and the congratulation of adversaries, and disturbance of the churches;
and to render the doctrine of the churches by all means
suspected by the people, and to embitter the minds, especially of the nobles (magnatum) against it, and the faithful teachers of the same. Neither was it sufficient for




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                 107
them by private whisperings, and public and official sermons (tribunitiis), to excite the minds, as well of the common people as of the rulers; but by public writings also,
which in great number, and not with less scandal, were
daily every where dispersed among the people, they so defamed (proscindebant, cut up) the doctrine of the Reformed
churches, that the sworn adversaries of the same had
scarcely been able to do it with greater virulence and evil
speaking.  And, that they might the better conciliate to
themselves the favour of the magistrates, and render their
minds more and more bitter against the rest of the pastors,
by Utenbogardus at first, in a speech made in the convention of the illustrious, the States, and then publicly in
writing, they endeavoured to persuade the magistrates
that the rest of the pastors diminished and undermined
the authority of the magistrates, and affected and arrogated to themselves a power collateral, or equal to their
power.
Wherefore the deputies of the churches judged, that
the illustrious, the States, should be again approached,
and entreated that they would deign at length to apply
a legal remedy to these evils, which seemed now to have
come to the height, by calling together a Provincial Synod. And when the illustrious, the States, seemed easily
about to consent, because of the extreme necessity of the
matter, the pastors attached to the opinions of Arminius
suggested to them a new counsel, by which they thought
that this calling (of a Synod) might either be entirely
hindered, or be so instituted that their cause might be in
safety; namely, that the persons from among whom the
Synod was to be called, should not be delegated by the
churches, (as was equitable, and had been hitherto the




108                HISTORY  OF
custom,) but be called forth by the States themselves;
for they would easily afterwards obtain that those only
should be selected, who either were attached to their cause,
or too little averse from it. This innovation, though they
had already persuaded some of the chief persons of the
country, the more prudent could not approve; who judged
that this convocation (of a Synod) should be instituted
after the accustomed manner.  They effected, nevertheless, that while a disputation was excited among the illustrious, the States, concerning the manner of calling the
Synod, that the convocation itself, (which in the first
place these pastors regarded,) not only of the provincial
Synod, but of the annual Synods, and those which before were ordinarily held, should by this means be entirely
hindered. For as often as they who wished that these
evils should be taken away from the churches by this
lawful remedy, made mention concerning the convocation
of any Synod; so often they who favoured Arminius and
his cause renewed the contentions concerning the manner
of calling it. Wherefore the pastors also, who were attached to the opinions of the same, (Arminius,) when they
discerned that matters were now brought to that situation, that the fear of all ecclesiastical judgment and censure seemed to be taken away, being rendered more
daring, their own churches not having been consulted,
or aware of it, and without the authority of the supreme
magistrate, they privately met together in a great number; and there, having entered into confederacy or conspiracy, by the subscription of names they formed a body,
as they called it, separate from the body of the rest of
their fellow pastors, and instituted a manifest schism in
the Reformed churches.  At this time they exhibited a




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                   109
suppliant writing, (libellum,) or, as they called it, the
Remonstrance, to the illustrious, the States of Holland
and West Friesland; from  which they were afterwards
called Remonstrants.  In this they placed before them
the doctrine of the Reformed churches, concerning the
divine predestination, and the perseverance of the saints,
unfaithfully, (mala fide,) and not without open and atrocious slanders,* that by this means they might render it
odious to the illustrious orders; at the same time they
added that declaration of their own opinion concerning
the same articles, which they under the ambiguous coverings of words concealed, that so it might appear to the
more unskilful not much distant from the truth. And
moreover they petitioned from the illustrious, the States,
to be received under their patronage and protection,
against all the censures of the churches.
This matter vehemently affected all the Belgic churches
with amazement and grief (perculit), as they saw that
these controversies had now burst forth into an open
schism; and they used every endeavour that they might
be able to procure a copy of this remonstrance, by which
means an answer might be returned to the calumnies of
these persons. But by the favour of him who was used
to keep these things, they (the Remonstrants) easily obtained, that not one copy could come into the hands of
the rest of the pastors. Another thing was added to this
calamity of the churches, which above measure increased
their anxiety and their difficulties. For when a succes* It seems a sort of right by prescription to Anti-Calvinists, to misrepresent and bear false witness against the Calvinistic doctrines,
and those who hold them. I would that no Calvinist had ever imitated them in this respect.
10




110               HISTORY OF
sor was sought to J. Arminius in the professorship of
theology, the deputies of the churches strenuously requested and adjured the most ample the Directors of the
University of Leyden, in the public name of the churches,
that they would substitute in that place a man clear from
all suspicion of heterodoxy, in order that by this means
the controversies in the University of Leyden might
gradually cease, and their peace be restored to the
churches; at the same time they commended certain
eminent theologians, as well foreign as Belgic, to the
Directors, but without success (irrito successu). For the
Remonstrants, who seem to have pre-occupied the minds
of certain persons, effected by their commendations, that
Conradus Vorstius, a professor of Steinfurt, a man for
many years justly suspected by the Reformed churches
of Socinianism, should be called to the professorship of
theology in the place of Arminius; and for that cause
that Utenbogardus should be sent away to Steinfurt.
Which thing when the deputies of the churches had understood, they thought it to belong to their duty to admonish the illustrious, the States, that a man of this kind
might not rashly be admitted to this vocation, who might
be as a nail or claw in an ulcer, especially in so disturbed
a state of the churches. Moreover, that this might be
done by them with the greater fruit, they petitioned by
letters from the venerable, the theological faculty of the
University of Heidelberg, to whom  this Vorstius had
been intimately known, that it would sincerely declare,
whether it thought that this Vorstius, in the present
state of things, could with profit, and the peace and edification of the churches, be placed over the education of
youth in the University of Leyden. It was also answered




PRECEDING EVENTS.                    1ll
(by this theological faculty) that a certain book of his
had lately been published concerning God and the divine
attributes, in which he refuted (convelleret) the doctrine
both of ancient and modern theologians; and taught that
God was as to essence, great, finite, composed of essence
and accident, changeable in his will, and obnoxious to
passive power, (passivce potentice,) with other similar portents.  And that he had been sent ten years since to
Heidelberg, that he might clear himself before the theological faculty, D. Pezelius also being present, from (the
charge) of Socinianism, of which he had been accused by
the churches.  And indeed that he had so cleared himself, a writing (syngrapha) having been left: but that
this clearing of himself (purgationem) had not been
made valid, but, on the contrary, too often, and by various means, he had rendered himself more suspected,
because he carried in his head a nest of monstrous fancies
(portentorum), with which he had hitherto polluted the
school and the youth at Steinfurt; but if a man of so suspected a faith should be called to the most illustrious University of Leyden, this would be nothing other than to
extinguish a conflagration with oil.
When not only the deputies of the churches but also
the most ample the magistrates of the principal cities of
Holland, of Dort for instance, and Amsterdam, had signified these things to the lords the curators, and to the
illustrious the States themselves, and entreated that they
would not exasperate the difficulties of the churches, and
expose them to the danger of new and greater (evils) by
this calling of that man, the Remonstrants laboured with
all their powers that they would not desist from this purposed calling (of him); for they persuaded them that this




112                     HTSTORY OF
would be joined with the loss of their own authority. In
the meantime, Vorstius came into Holland; who, after
he had been heard in the convention of the illustrious, the
States, Utenbogardus alone of the pastors being present,
returned to Steinfurt.
About this time, when certain students of sacred theology, having been called to the ministry of the word in
the divers Classes, were about to be subjected to examination, the Remonstrants procured it to be enjoined to
these Classes, by the counsellors of the illustrious, the
States, that no further declaration should be demanded
from any one, in the examination, concerning the article
of predestination, and the heads annexed to it, than what
had been expressed in five articles of the Remonstrants,
which were sent along with (this injunction); and at the
same time, it was strictly forbidden, that any should be
driven away from  the ministry of those who professed
that they thought in the before mentioned articles with
the Remonstrants.*  When the pastors, on many accounts,
* The five articles of the Remonstrants so often mentioned in this
history, do not occur separately and all together in the authenticated
documents, of which I make use; but comparing the detached accounts of them, and the arguments used in the Synod of Dort concerning them, with the following statement from Mosheim, (vol. v.
pp. 444, 445,) the latter appears sufficiently accurate for our present
purpose.
1. "That God, from all eternity, determined to bestow salvation
on those who, as he foresaw, would persevere unto the end in their
faith in Christ Jesus, and to inflict everlasting punishment on those
who should continue in their unbelief, and resist, to the end of life,
his divine succours.
2. " That Jesus Christ, by his death and sufferings, made an atonement for the sins of mankind in general, and of every individual in
particular: that, however, none but those who believe in him can be
partakers of that divine benefit.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                          113
were very reluctant, (gravarentur) to consent to  this,
the deputies of the churches having been asked by them,
laid open their grievances, in the next election of the illustrious, the States of Holland and West Friesland;
and at the same time declared that they were prepared to
prove in a lawful Synod that those articles of the Remonstrants were contrary to the word of God, and the Confession and Catechism of the Belgic churches; and they
entreated the illustrious, the States, not to suffer these
3. " That true faith cannot proceed from the exercise of our natural faculties and powers, or from the force and operation of free will,
since man, in consequence of his natural corruption, is incapable
either of thinking or doing any good thing; and that therefore it
is necessary to his conversion and salvation that he be regenerated
and renewed by the operation of the Holy Ghost, which is the gift
of God, through Jesus Christ.
4. "That this divine grace, or energy of the Holy Ghost, which
heals the disorders of a corrupt nature, begins, advances, and brings
to perfection every thing that can be called good in man; and that,
consequently, all good works, without exception, are to be attributed
to God alone, and to the operation of his grace: that, nevertheless,
this grace does not force the man to act against his inclination, but
may be resisted and rendered ineffectual by the perverse will of the
impenitent sinner.
5. "That they who are united to Christ by faith, are thereby furnished with abundant strength, and with succours sufficient to enable them to triumph over the seductions of Satan, and the allurements of sin and temptation; but that the question, Whether such
may fall from their faith, and forfeit finally this state of grace, has
not been yet resolved with sufficient perspicuity, and must therefore
be yet more carefully examined by an attentive study of what the
holy Scriptures have declared in relation to this important point."
" It is to be observed, that this last article was afterwards changed
by the Arminians, who, in process of time, declared their sentiments
with less caution, and positively affirmed that the saints might fall
from a state of grace." Mosheim, vol. v. p. 445.
10 *




114                HISTORY OF
heterodox articles, having never been duly examined in
a lawful assembly of the churches, to be obtruded in this
manner on the churches; but rather, that they would
call together the provincial Synod so often petitioned for,
nay, now for a long time earnestly sought, in which these
articles might be first examined according to the rule of
the divine word.  They showed also, with how great
scandal and detriment of the churches it would be joined,
if the appointed calling of Vorstius should proceed. And
further they request, that this should be hindered by the
authority of the illustrious, the States.
A  consultation having been held concerning these
things, it was determined that a conference should be
appointed, at the next Comitia of the count of Hague,
(proximis Comitiis Hagce-Comitis,) in the convention
itself of the illustrious, the States, on these five articles
of the Remonstrants, between six pastors, to be chosen
by each party.  The Remonstrants had chosen for themselves, by the deputies of the several Classes, John Utenbogardus, of the Hague; Adrian Borrius, and John Arnoldi Corvin, of Leyden; Nicolas Grevinchovius, of Rotterdam; Edward Poppius, of Gouda, and Simon Episcopius,
pastors of the church of Bleswick.  But the rest of the
pastors had chosen, by the deputies of each of the Classes,
Peter Plancinus, of Amsterdam; Libertus Francinus, of
Brilan; Ruardus Acronius, of Schiedam; John Beccius,
of Dort; John Bogardus, of Harlem; and Festus IHommius, of Leyden, pastors of the church.
March 11, 1611.]  When they had met together, the
Remonstrants refused to institute the conference with the
other six pastors, as with the deputies of the Classes of
Holland and West Friesland, such as they showed them



PRECEDING EVENTS.                   115
selves to be by letters of commission (fidei), lest they
should seem to be the adversaries of the churches: moreover they protested that they would depart, the matter
being left unfinished, (re infecta,) unless these would lay
aside that character.  When there had been for a long
time much disputation, the rest of the pastors chose rather
to yield to their importunity, than to contend any longer
concerning that matter.  And they who had been deputed by the Classes, before they went into the conference,
besought the illustrious lords, the States, that the promise
which had been made to the churches more than two
years before, in the conference held between Arminius
and Gomarus, (namely, that the conference being ended
the judgment of this cause might be permitted and reserved to a provincial, or national Synod,) might here
also be renewed.
It was agreed upon that this order of proceeding should
be observed by them; that each party should comprise
in writing the arguments of its own opinion, concerning
which a conference should then be instituted by word of
mouth.  Before they came to the examination of the articles, the pastors, who we before said had been deputed
by the Classes, exhibited an answer to the suppliant writing (libellum) of the Remonstrants, a copy of which they
had procured a little before the conference; in which they
showed, that the Remonstrants had most unfaithfully
(pessima fide) set forth the opinion of the Reformed
churches, and had feigned in addition to it (adfinxisse)
many things as a calumny; and that they had not openly
avowed their own (opinion), or set forth all the articles
concerning which there was a controversy. And, seeing
there were more controverted heads. besides those which




116                 HISTORY OF
were explained in these five articles, they humbly prayed,
that, by the authority of the illustrious, the States, it
might be enjoined on the Remonstrants, that they should
likewise roundly and openly declare themselves concerning
all the rest. Therefore, when the first article of the Remonstrants was about to be discussed, (or canvassed, excutiendus) in which it is stated, " that God had from eternity decreed to save persevering believers," which no
Christian denies, and this article was so placed by them,
as that which contained the doctrine concerning God's
eternal election, the Remonstrants were asked, that (in
addition) to the declaration of their opinion, as expressed
in this article, they would explain these two things:
First, whether they would maintain that this article contained the whole decree of predestination; secondly,
whether they thought that this faith and perseverance in
the faith were causes and conditions which preceded election unto salvation; or fruits which spring from election,
and follow after it.  After they had shifted about for
some time, they answered at length, to the first indeed,
that they acknowledged no other predestination to salvation, than that which had been expressed by them in the
first article; but to the second, that faith in the consideration and view of God was prior to election to salvation, and that it did not follow in the manner of any
fruit.  They then proposed in return seven other questions, as well concerning election as reprobation, to which
they desired an answer to be given by the pastors deputed
from the Classes. These, as they did not belong to the
state of the controversy concerning the first article, and
moreover were most of them mutilated and intricate, were
proposed by them, that by this method they might draw




PRECEDING EVENTS.                       117
them from the principal state of the controversy, and the
right manner of treating it into doubtful disputations
(ambages).* The pastors, having shown by a libel (libellum) to the illustrious, the States, this unjust way of
proceeding, did not indeed entreat that they might not
manifest their own opinion concerning reprobation; as
the Remonstrants had too often iniquitously (improbe)
objected to the same persons; but declared expressly their
opinion, as far as they thought might suffice for the peace
and edification of the churches, not only by word of mouth,
but also in writing; that indeed when they state the eternal decree concerning the election of individual persons,
they at the same time state the eternal decree concerning
the reprobation or rejection of certain individual persons;
because it could not be, that there should be election, but
moreover there must be, at the same time, a certain reprobation or dereliction. Yet to rashly canvass all these
difficult questions concerning this article, was nothing
else but,to fill the church with useless disputations and
contentions not profitable, and to disturb its peace. That
this their declaration suppliantly expressed in this libel,
ought to suffice all men of moderate dispositions and lovers of peace: namely, that it was indeed believed and
taught by them, that God condemned no one; yea, neither
had he decreed to condemn any one, unless justly for his
own proper sins.t
* A common method among many controversialists, expressly
called " throwing dust in men's eyes."
t " That God, by an absolute decree, had elected to salvation a
very small number of men, without any regard to their faith and
obedience whatever; and secluded from saving grace all the rest of
mankind, and appointed them by the same decree to eternal damnation, without any regard to their infidelity or impenitency." Hey.
lin's 1st Article of the Synod of Dort.




118                 HISTORY  OF
It therefore pleased the illustrious, the States, that
leaving these thorny questions, they should come to the
discussion of the articles. The pastors deputed by the
churches proposed in writing their reasons on account of
which they disapproved of each of these articles. The
Remonstrants also, on the other side, exhibited in writing
their own arguments, by which they thought that each of
them might be confirmed. About these reasons and arguments, disputations were held by speaking in the full
convention of the illustrious, the States. The parts of
the collocutor, in the name of those deputed by the
churches, were sustained by Festus Hommius; but in the
name of the Remonstrants, at first by Adrian Borrius, and
then by Nicolas Grevinchovius, John Arnoldi, and Simon
Episcopius, succeeding each other by turns.
While the pastors were occupied in this conference,
Conradus Vorstius had returned out of Westphalia into
Holland, whom the illustrious, the States, appointed to be
heard in a full convention, all the collocutors being present.
When they were come together, he made a prolix oration,
in which he endeavoured to clear himself from the errors
objected to him. Then the collocutors were asked whether
they had any considerations on account of which they
judged that the calling of Vorstius to the professorship
of theology in the University of Leyden should be
hindered.  The Remonstrants expressly declared that
they had nothing against Vorstius, neither had they detected any thing in his writings which was repugnant to
truth and piety.* The other pastors exhibited in writing
i " Among the persecuted ecclesiastics was the famous Vorstius,
who by his religious sentiments, which differed but little from the
Socinian system, had rendered the Arminians particularly odious."
Mosheim, vol. v. p. 455.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                  119
their reasons for which they judged that this vocation
would be vehemently mischievous and disgraceful to the
churches of Holland; and they showed from a book of
Socinus, concerning the authority of the sacred Scriptures,
edited by Vorstius himself, and interpolated, and also
from that which Vorstius himself had very lately written
and published concerning God and the divine attributes,
his principal errors, concerning which there was held
during some days a conference between him and Festus
Hommius, in the convention of the illustrious, the States,
in the presence of the collocutors. This having been
finished, the pastors on each side were again asked by the
illustrious, the States, that they would sincerely, and without any passions (afectibus), declare whether Vorstius by
his answers seemed to have satisfied them. The Remonstrants answered, that full satisfaction had been given to
them  by Vorstius, and they moreover judged that it
would be very useful to the churches and to the University if his vocation proceeded. The rest of the pastors
declared in writing, that the answers of Vorstius were so
far from  having moved them from their former opinion,
that by them they were the more confirmed in that opinion, and that his vocation could not be forwarded, except
by the extreme detriment of the churches and of the
University, and the manifest danger of still greater disturbance, to which, that they might not rashly expose the
churches by this vocation, they submissively adjured (or
obtested) the illustrious, the States, that, dismissing Vorstius, they might return to the conference concerning the
five articles of the Remonstrants: and when this, having
been continued during some days, was at length brought
to a conclusion, the illustrious, the States, commanded




120                HISTORY OF
the collocutors on each side, that those things which had
been spoken viva voce, and whatever they might judge
necessary to a more full answer, being on each side comprised in writing, should by Utenbogardus and Festus be
exhibited to the illustrious, the States. And in the meantime, that the pastors might not glory among themselves
concerning the victory which they had gained one over
the other, but that they might teach moderately with edification concerning the controverted articles, and live
among themselves in peace and charity, they determined
that these articles should be left in the same state in which
they had been before the conference.
In the cause of Vorstius nothing was at that time decided, but when a little time afterwards the most ample,
the magistrates, of the city of Dort, by their delegates,
most ample men, D. Hugo Musius, ab Holii, the Prcator,
(or Mayor,) James Wittius, Adrian Repelarius, John
Berkius, the Syndic, requested the illustrious, the States,
seeing rumours concerning the errors and heresies of
Vorstius, became daily more and more frequent, that his
vocation might be broken off, or at least deferred; the
illustrious, the States, commanded the curators of the
University to proceed no further in his vocation. And
when the report of his vocation had come to James the
First himself, the most serene and powerful king of Great
Britain, the Defender of the Faith, who out of his admirable skill in theological matters, especially in a king, and
for his singular zeal towards the Reformed religion, when
he had himself carefully read the tract of Vorstius, concerning God, and had noted the principal errors with his
own hand, judged that the illustrious, the High Mightinesses the States General, his neighbours and his allies,




PRECEDING EVENTS.                         121
were to be admonished, as well by letters (the catalogue of
his errors being also transmitted,) as by his own ambassador, an illustrious person, D. Rodolphus Winwood, not to
admit a man infamous by so many and so great errors and
blasphemies, to the public office of teaching in the University; but rather to banish him from their borders,
lest if the youth should be imbued by him  with these
wicked and execrable errors, the state should by little and
little go to decay; seeing that by the purity of the Reformed  doctrine, in  which  the  Belgic  churches had
hitherto  cultivated  an  amicable  agreement with  the
English, and in the preservation of it, the safety of the
republic itself was concerned.* When this was delayed,
the Remonstrants earnestly striving against it, and especially Vorstius, by various explanations, apologies, prologues (prodromis,) and answers, as well modest, as more
fully excusing and strengthening (incrustante) his own
errors; yet his most Serene Royal Majesty did not desist
to urge his dismission, sometimes repeating his admonitions, and even adding a serious protestation.t
* This at least shows the general judgment of theologians concerning Vorstius, whom the Remonstrants so zealously supported; and
even still more strongly, on the supposition that James and his select
divines were not at that time favourable to Calvinism.
t This shows that the generally received doctrine of the church
of England was then supposed to be, viz. for substance the same as
that of the Belgic church. The eulogium on James I. reminds us
of the words of Cowper, "Grant me discernment, I allow it you:"
yet the English divines have spoken still more decidedly on the subject. (Preface to Translation of the Bible.) It may be supposed,
that the Belgic divines who adhered to the Synod of Dort, would retract or qualify this eulogium, when they learned the change which
soon after took place in England under the patronage of the saum
James.
11




122                 HISTORY  OF
While these things were doing, certain students of
sacred theology, who likewise had come forth from the
instruction and the house of Vorstius, in the University
of Franeker, which they had now been sedulously employed in infecting with Socinian errors, published in
print a certain little book of Faustus Socinus, concerning
the duty of a Christian man, in which persuasions are
given, that all who would consult the salvation of their
own souls, having deserted the dogmas and assemblies of
the Reformed churches, should embrace the opinion of
the Photinians and the Ebionites, adding a preface, in
which they diligently commend this book  unto the
churches.*   The illustrious, the States of Friesland,
having been assured of this, and having at the same time
procured certain familiar letters of these students, in
which they declared by what arts the common cause of
Socinianism, (which they not obscurely intimated was also
carried on by Vorstius and by Utenbogardus and others
in Holland,) might be occultly and safely propagated;
having taken care that the most of these copies of this
book should be destroyed by the avenging flames, and
having expelled the students from their confines, they,
at first indeed by letters, admonished the magistrates of
the principal cities of Holland, and then by the most noble
person Kempson a Donia, the illustrious lords, the States,
themselves; and they requested, inasmuch as the orthodox
* "Photinus's opinions concerning the Deity were equally repugnant to the orthodox and Arian systems."-(See Mosheim, vol. i. pp.
425, 426.) Though the Ebionites believed the celestial mission of
Christ, and his participation of a divine nature, yet they regarded
him as a man born of Joseph and Mary, according to the ordinary
course of nature."-(Ibid. vol. i. pp. 214, 215.)




PRECEDING EVENTS.                  123
consent in the Reformed doctrine was the principal bond
and foundation of union among the confederated provinces,
that they would not admit, by the vocation of one man,
thus suspected of manifest heresies, this agreement to be
enfeebled, nor suffer themselves to be led about by artifices and frauds of this kind, by which it was evident that
these men secretly attempted this. But the pastors of
Leoward having made public the above mentioned letters
of the students, with necessary annotations, solemnly
warned all the churches to take heed to themselves against
artifices of this kind, and especially the deceitful machinations of the heretics, and in the first place of Vorstius.
The illustrious duchy of Guelderland and county of Zutphen also warned the illustrious, the States of Holland, concerning the same thing, who answered that nothing would
be more their hearty desire and care, than that they might
retain in the common business of religion this consent,
with the rest of the federated provinces, inviolate. Concerning which their constant purpose, they peculiarly
requested that their federated neighbours would be assured; in the meantime, that they themselves would
have regard to this admonition.  And they command
Vorstius to remove his place of abode from the city of
Leyden to Gouda, and there to vindicate himself from
the errors objected to him by public writings, as much as
he could.
Then-the same, the lords the States, decreed, that they
who held the conference at the Hague should on each
side exhibit in writing the state of the controversy concerning the five articles of the Remonstrants; and should
at the same time add their counsels, by what method they
thought that these controversies might be most advanta



124                  HISTORY  OF
geously composed to the peace of the church and the good
of the republic. The Remonstrants judged, that no more
certain method of concord could be entered on than a
mutual toleration, by which each party might be permitted
freely to teach and contend for his own opinion concerning
these articles.* The other pastors declared that they
could not show  a more advantageous way, than that as
soon as possible, and on the first opportunity, a national
Synod should be called together by the authority of the
illustrious, the High Mightinesses, the States General;
in which these and all other controversies having been
clearly explained and examined, it might b6 determined
which opinion agreed with the word of God, and the common judgment of the Reformed churches, and on that
account ought to be publicly taught, lest by the agitating
of discordant opinions, truth should be injured, or the
peace of the churches disturbed.
On these counsels the opinions of the illustrious, the
States, were various, some approving the counsel of the
Remonstrants, and others that of the rest of the pastors,
which was the cause that nothing was determined in this
* Such a toleration amounted to an entire abolition of the Belgic
Confession and Catechism, without any previous interference of those
Synods, Classes, and Presbyteries, which were essential to their form
of church-government. As if, under the name of toleration, here in
England, the whole establishment of the church, without any reference
to the authority which established it, should be disannulled by one
royal or senatorial mandate, and all preferments in the church and
universities thrown open to men of every creed and character. James
the Second attempted a little in this way in order to bring in popery,
but the dissenters in general opposed this his dispensing power, and
few, if any, of modern dissenters, who make the highest claims of
something above toleration, mean such acomplete abolition of the
present state of things, by the same despotic authority as this implied.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                    125
matter, by which an end might be put to these controversies.
Dec. 3, 1611.] But when the illustrious, the States,
had understood that, besides these five articles, concerning
many other things controversies of no small importance
were moved, in order that they might meet the innovations maturely, they appointed that the doctrine of the
holy Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ should be most
purely set forth, as well in the churches as in the public
schools of these regions; and to this end, in the churches
and in the public schools of Holland and West Friesland;
that concerning the perfect satisfaction of our Saviour
Jesus Christ for our sins, concerning the justification of
man before God, concerning saving faith and original sin,
and the certitude of salvation, and the perfection of man
in this life, nothing should be taught otherwise than as
it is every where delivered in the Reformed churches,
and hath been hitherto delivered in these provinces. In
the meanwhile, every where in the churches, discords,
scandals, disturbances and confusions increased in a deplorable manner.  For the Remonstrants laboured assiduously with all their powers, that the pastors who especially resisted their attempts, (the magistrates having
been excited against them by false accusations,) should
not only be cast out of their ministerial stations, but out
of the cities themselves; and that on all the churches
which were deprived of pastors, even when reluctant and
struggling against it, those should be obtruded who were
addicted to their own opinions, all others being excluded
wherever they were able, though excellently furnished
with learning, piety, and necessary endowments, and law11*




126                   HISTORY OF
fully sought out and called by the church.* And this
was the cause that the orthodox churches could not consider, as their lawful pastors, pastors of this kind; who
had either oppressed and cast out their innocent colleagues,
contrary to all law and justice, or who had been obtruded
on them against their will, and who had reviled the doctrine of the Reformed churches, in the most virulent sermons, daily and in a horrid manner; that they could not
hear their sermons, or partake of the Lord's supper, along
with the same; but that they chose rather to go to the
sermons of orthodox pastors in the adjacent places, though
they were exposed to many reproaches, disgraces, and injuries on that account. And these were the beginnings
and occasions of the separations from the Remonstrants.t
The church at Alcmar was the first among all, which
was compelled to institute a separation of this kind.  For
Adolphus Venator, the pastor of that church, having been
suspended from the office of teaching, as well for his too
impure life, as for his most impure doctrine, by the
churches of North Holland, despising the censures of the
churches, nevertheless persisted in the office of teaching.
And now that the magistracy having been changed, as it
was used to be done every year, such persons had been
lawfully chosen as seemed least to favour his party, and
* The toleration which these men pleaded for, was precisely like
that which Papists demand as emancipation-that is, power and full
liberty to draw over others to their party by every artful means, till
they become strong enough to refuse toleration to all other men.
t Here was a schism begun, as several others have been; but did
all the blame lie on those who separated from the rest? On the
other hand, would such a toleration as is here described meet the
wishes and claims of the advocates for toleration, who in this transaction, as in many others, are imposed upon by a favourite term,
however misapplied?




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                    127
on whose patronage he could no longer depend; having
excited the people against the lawful magistracy, he effected that they (the common people), having seized arms
by sedition, would not be appeased, before the lawful magistracy, having abdicated themselves, certain others were
substituted to the same, men estranged from the Reformed
religion, and addicted to the party of Venator. These
men, as soon as they had been established in the government of the city, at Venator's instigation, at first commanded the elders and deacons to go out of their office;
and then they also deprived of their ministerial stations
two pastors, because they had opposed themselves against
the errors of Venator; of whom the one, Peter Cornelii,
for almost fifty years had presided over that church with
the greatest edification; the other, Cornelius EIillenius, a
man of the most upright faith and life, and a very earnest (acerrimum) defender of the orthodox doctrine,
they most unworthily cast forth as driven out of the city.
This separation (at Alcmar) the church at Rotterdam was
compelled to imitate; for Nicolas Grevinchovius, when
he saw his colleague, Cornelius Gezelius, most acceptable
to the church at Rotterdam, on account of his singular
piety, modesty, and sincerity, and that by his endeavours
he vehemently resisted the introduction of the doctrine
of the Remonstrants, procured, that by the magistracy
of that place, he should first be deprived of his ministry,
and then driven out of the city by the public beadles (lictores).*  The pastors also of the Classis of Rotterdam, at* The names both of the persecuted and persecuting pastors are
given in this history; but the names of the magistrates who concurred in the persecution are withheld, in honour, as it may seem, of the
magistracy. This greatly accords to the narrative in the Acts of the
Apostles.




128                  HISTORY  OF
tached to the purity of doctrine, declined holding the
meetings of the Classis with this Grevinchovius, and
others who had been drawn over by him to the opinion
of the Remonstrants, when the magistracy of Rotterdam
by authority had obtruded Simon Episcopius, to whom
the church of Amsterdam, in which he had lived, had refused to give a testimonial of doctrine and life, on the unwilling church of Bleyswick, contrary to the preferable
(potiora) suffrages of the pastors. Many churches also
in the villages, on which either Remonstrants had been
obtruded against their will, or whose pastors had revolted
to the Remonstrants, because they could not hear without
the greatest offence, and sorrow, and perturbation of mind,
those horrid railings against the orthodox doctrine, which
were daily heard in their sermons, having left their temples they either went to the sermons of the neighbouring
orthodox pastors, or where these could not be had at
their own villages, they were instructed by other pastors,
or by orthodox candidates for the ministry, in separated
assemblies; which when the Remonstrants had in vain
attempted to hinder by the edicts of their magistrates,
they excited no small persecution against these churches.*
In the mean time, the lords, the curators of the University of Leyden, by the counsel of the Remonstrants,
called M. Simon Episcopius to the professorship of theology, that very renowned man, Dr. John Polyander, who
had been called to the same professorship in the place of
* This was their toleration! Certainly, according to this history,
the persecution began on the part of the Remonstrants; nor does the
contrary appear, that I can learn, from other histories. The ContraRemonstrants appealed to existing laws and to legal Synods; the Remonstrants used the illegal aid of penal edicts and secular magistrates.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  129
F. Gomarus, being unwilling, and struggling against it.
This augmented not a little the grief and anxiety of the
churches; when from this it appeared that it was determined by them, (the curators,) to cherish contentions in
that University, and to establish the doctrine of the Remonstrants. But as these evils now could scarcely any
longer be contained within the limits of the churches of
Holland, this contagion at length pervaded, in the first
place, the neighbouring churches of Gueldria, the province of Utrecht and Transylvania.  In the diocese of
Utrecht, by the negligence of the pastors, the ecclesiastical order seemed prostrated. And under the pretext of
restoring it, Utenbogardus introduced into that church
some Remonstrant pastors, and among them one James
Taurinus, a fierce and turbulent man. These (pastors)
from that time gave diligence, not only in this city, but
in the whole province, by ejecting everywhere the orthodox pastors, and substituting  Remonstrants in their
places, that the doctrine of the Remonstrants alone should
publicly prevail. But in order to establish their cause
in the same province, they devised a new formula of
ecclesiastical government, which at first had been approved by the Synod, in which Utenbogardus, the pastor
of the Hague, presided, and then, through the endeavour
of the same person, by the illustrious, the States, of that
province likewise. In the fourth and fifth article of the
second chapter, the toleration of the opinion of the Remonstrants, which in Holland they so greatly urged, was
established; where also the doctrine of the Reformed
churches is obliquely and odiously traduced. Finally,
very many new things in the government of the churches
occur everywhere in this formula. So that from the same




130                HISTORY  OF
it might appear, that nothing other was proposed by
these men, than that they might make all things new,
not only in doctrine, but in the external government of
the church by rites (gubernatione ritibus ecclessice.)
And now also in Gueldria, the Remonstrants had drawn
over to their party, the pastors of Neomagen, Bommelien,
and Tilan; who from that time placed over the ministerial charges of the neighbouring churches, only men of
their own opinion, and that they might do this with the
more freedom  and safety, Utenbogardus, Borrius, and
Taurinus, going into Gueldria, when the comitia of the
illustrious, the States, were celebrated in the same place,
with the other Remonstrants effected this, that in the
province also, the ordinary and annual meeting of the
Synods should be prevented. In Transylvania also, some
pastors, especially in the church of Campen and Daventer,
by the endeavours and artifices of certain persons, had
been drawn over to the opinion of the Remonstrants, who
in those places thenceforth disturbed peaceable churches
with new contentions.
Sept. 27, 1612.] When the Belgic churches saw that
this evil, thus crept also into the other provinces, was
spread abroad in them, as they judged it to be most
highly necessary that it should be met as soon as possible,
neither that the remedy should be any longer deferred,
having communicated counsels one with another, they sent
away two delegates from each of the provinces, to the illustrious, the High Mightinesses, the States General: namely,
from Gueldria, John Fontanus and William Baudartius;
from Holland, Libertus Fraxinus and Festus Hommius;
from Zealand, Herman Frankelius and William Telingius;
those of Utrecht refused to send theirs; from Friesland,




PRECEDING EVENTS.                   131
Gellius Acronius and Godofrid Sopingius; from Transylvania, John Gosmannus and John Langius; finally, from
the state of Groningen and Omland, Cornelius Hillenius
and Wolfgang Agricola, who, together with the deputies
of the church of Amsterdam, which was Synodal, Peter
Plancius, and John Hallius, having set forth copiously
the difficulties and dangers of the churches, as well in
the name of the churches themselves as also most of them
in the name of the illustrious, the States, of their own
provinces, (whose letters also they set before them,) most
strenuously requested and adjured the illustrious, their
High Mightinesses, the States General, that pitying the
most afflicted state of the churches, they would at length
seriously think concerning a remedy of these evils; and
for that purpose at the earliest time caltogether a national
Synod, (which had been) first promised many years before.
Though most persons among the States General judged,
that the convocation (of a Synod) was not to be deferred
any longer, and even themselves urged it: yet because
the delegates of the province of Utrecht were absent, and
those of Holland and West Friesland said that they had
not been furnished with mandates sufficently clear as to
that business, by those who delegated them, the matter
was put off, until the delegates of all the provinces had
agreed to it by their common suffrages, which was thenceforth hindered from being done by the endeavour of the
Remonstrants in Holland and Utrecht.
In the meantime, the Remonstrants did not desist from
strenuously promoting their own cause, (or cease) to court
(aucupari) the favour of the great men, to occupy the
minds of the magistrates, to render suspected to the politicians and impede all Synodical meetings, to seize on the




132                HISTORY OF
vacant churches, to propagate their own opinion by sermons and public writings, to rail at the orthodox doctrine
with horrid calumnies, to draw over the people to their
party, and to alienate them more and more from the doctrine of the Reformed churches. For this purpose they
earnestly scattered pamphlets (libellos) in great number,
among the common people, written in the vulgar tongue,
under the titles of " The bells of a conflagration," (campance incendiarice) "A more compressed declaration,"
"A more direct way," and others; in which they not
only fought in defence of their own doctrine, but both
excused Vorstius, and most atrociously, with a canine
eloquence, canvassed the received doctrine of the Belgic
churches by most impudent calumnies, and most absurd
consequences dedcced wickedly and unjustly against the
same.  Hence bitter disputes and altercations were excited among the people, which sounded throughout all
places; and the minds also of those who were most nearly
related, (or connected, conjunctissimorum) having been
embittered among themselves, (with the great wound of
charity, and the disturbance of the churches and of the
public peace, and with the immense grief and offence
of the pious,) were torn asunder in the most miserable
manner.  And as in most of the cities, they had the
magistracy more favourable to them, and could do every
thing, through J. Utenbogardus, with the advocate of
Holland, they insolently exulted over the churches, and
their fellow ministers.
In the meanwhile, all pious men, and lovers of their
country and of religion, bewailed and wept over this most
wretched calamity of the churches; and when they could
not ia their mind perceive whither at length these tumults




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                 133
were about to grow, unless a remedy should be maturely
applied, because this had not hitherto been practicable by
public authority, they began seriously to think, whether
by some other way this evil might at least be stopped, if
it could not be taken away. In the first place, the most
illustrious, the count of Nassau, William  Lewis, the
Governor of Friesland, according to his extraordinary
affection toward the churches and the republic, privately
admonished as well Utenbogardus on the one side, as Festus Hommius on the other, that, seeing the state of the
republic itself grievously assaulted by these ecclesiastical
contentions, they should look well to it, in a friendly and
brotherly manner between themselves, to see whether some
honourable way might not be found out, of composing
this most deplorable dissension, and of coming to an
agreement.  Festus declared, that if the Remonstrants
differed from the rest of the pastors in no other articles
than in those five concerning predestination, and the heads
annexed to it, he thought that a way might be found out
in which some peace might be established between the
parties, until the whole controversy should be settled by
a national Synod. But because there were weighty reasons
on account of which the churches believed that most of
the Remonstrants dissented from the doctrine of the Belgic churches in more articles, and those of greater importance, neither could it be done (fieri) that under the pretext of these five articles they should permit or suffer the
most grievous errors to be brought into  the  same
(churches), there did not seem any hope of entering into
agreement with the Remonstrants, unless they would sincerely (or unreservedly, sincere) declare, that except these
five articles, they thought with the Reformed Belgic
12




134                  HISTORY  OF
churches in all the heads of doctrine.*   Utenbogardus
being interrogated as to these things, answered, that as
far as he himself was concerned, he had nothing, beyond
these five articles, in which he dissented, and that he would
be always ready to declare sincerely his own opinion, nor
did he doubt but that the most of the Remonstrants would
do the same, and that he did not wish for any thing more,
than that for this cause a conference might be instituted
among some pastors of a more moderate disposition. And
when he had repeated the same declaration privately to
Festus at Leyda, it was agreed between them, that each
of them should procure among his own friends, three pastors to be deputed on each side, who might in a friendly
manner confer together, and seriously consider among
themselves concerning a convenient way of peace, which
afterwards might be communicated to the churches, and
approved by them.
Feb. 27, A. D. 1613.]   When  the  illustrious, the
States of Holland, understood that these counsels were
privately agitated, they approved this their earnest endeavour, and commanded in the public name, that this
conference should be held as soon as it could be done.
Soon after, there met together, for this cause, in the city
X As predestination, and the doctrines immediately and evidently
connected with it, are more readily rendered odious in the view of
mankind in general, than the other peculiar doctrines of Christianity,
at that time, as well as at present, it was the policy of those whose
real and declared views were opposed to others of these doctrines, to
hold out to the public, and to rulers especially, that the whole dispute, or difference, was about election and reprobation, while in refuting these articles they take in a much wider compass. But an
obnoxious word will do a great deal of execution on those who have
not time or heart to examine the matter deeply.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                    135
of Delft, on the part of the Remonstrants, John Utenbogardus, Adrian Borrius, and Nicolas Gervinchovius;
on the part of the rest of the pastors, John Beccius, John
Bogardus, and Festus Hommius.  After that the illustrious, the States had, by their delegates, exhorted them
seriously, that laying aside all resentments and evil affections, they would bend the whole energy of their capacity,
that some way of peace among themselves might be found;
and had declared that this would be at the same time acceptable to God, and to the churches and all pious men,
and in the first place to themselves, the illustrious, the
States; and when each of these pastors had testified that
they came together with a mind most earnestly desirous
of peace, and that they would bring thither all things
which could proceed from  them, in order to conciliate
peace, an amicable conference was held by them. In this
the Remonstrants declared, that they were not able to
show any other way of peace, except a mutual toleration,
as they called it: namely, that it should be freely permitted to each party, to teach publicly his own opinion
concerning those five articles; and they asked of the rest
of the pastors, to declare whether they thought their
opinion, expressed in these five articles, to be tolerable or
not. If they thought that it was not tolerable, (or to be
tolerated,) it was not necessary that any further deliberation should be had concerning the way of peace; as truly
in their judgment, no method then would remain of entering into peace. The rest of the pastors answered, that
this appeared to them the safest and most advantageous
way of peace; that seeing they were each of them pastors
of the Reformed Belgic churches, and were desirous of
being considered as such, each party should submit its




136                 HISTORY OF
own cause to the lawful decision of the Belgic churches,
and that it should for that end and purpose, seriously and
sincerely labour that a national Synod of the Reformed
churches should be called together as speedily as might be,
even if it could be done in the next summer, by the authority
of the illustrious and High Mightinesses, the States General, in which the whole cause having  been  lawfully
examined and discussed, it might either be determined
which doctrine, as agreeable to the word of God, ought
thenceforth to be taught in the churches, or that the plan
of a toleration might be entered into, by the suffrages of
all the churches of that kind which might appear proper
to be instituted from the word of God. That they were
ready to subject themselves to the judgment of the Synod,
if the Remonstrants were willing to do the same, thus
peace might be accomplished; but that a toleration such
as they had hitherto used, and such as they seemed to
request, being circumscribed by no laws, could not promote the peace of the churches, but if they would suffer
it to be circumscribed with fair (or honourable) conditions,
they were ready to confer with them concerning the same
(conditions), provided they would assure the churches by
a sincere and open declaration, that they thought differently
from these Reformed churches in no other heads of doctrine except these five articles.* But since the illustrious,
* " The demands of the Arminians were moderate; they required
no more than a bare toleration of their religious sentiments; and
some of the first men in the republic, such as Olden Barneveldt,
Grotius, Hoogerberts, and several others, looked upon this demand
as just and reasonable." (Mosheim, vol. v. p. 442.)  " This toleration was offered to them in the conference holden at the Hague in
1611, provided they would renounce the errors of Socinianism."
Note by Maclaine.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                      137
the States, two years before, [Dec. 3, 1611,] had by name
expressed six heads of doctrine, concerning which they
forbad to be taught, otherwise than it had been hitherto
delivered to the Belgic churches, namely, concerning the
perfect satisfaction of our Lord Jesus Christ for our sins,
the justification of man before God, saving faith, original
sin, the assurance (or certitude) of salvation, and concerning the perfection of man in this life, they, in the first
place, demanded  that they would  declare concerning
these articles, that they embraced the opinion expressed
in the Confession and Catechism of these churches, which
they, the other pastors, had comprised from the same in
certain written theses, and that they rejected the contrary
opinion proposed in certain anti-theses, from the writings
of Arminius, Bertius, Vorstius, Venator, and others. The
Remonstrants replied (regesserunt) to this, that they could
not see in what manner these controversies could be
quieted (sopiri) by a national Synod; and truly in the
present state of things, that they neither approved nor
demanded its convocation; that this cause could not be
helped by synodal decisions; nor did they think that Holland, in the concern of religion, would ever submit itself
to the decisions of the other provinces. As to the declaration which was demanded, they would communicate
with the other Remonstrants concerning the same, and
when on each side they had comprised briefly in writing
their own opinion, they departed, the business being left
unfinished.* Afterwards the illustrious, the States, called
* The event was what might previously have been expected: indeed
nothing else could come of such a conference, between parties whose
sentiments were so entirely discordant (2 Cor. vi. 16-18.) The toleration demanded by the Remonstrants was in direct opposition to the
12 




138                 HISTORY  OF
Utenbogardus and Festus to them, that they might know
from  them  what had been done in this conference at
Delft, and what hopes shone forth of concord being
entered on. Festus sincerely and without disguise (nudeque) related what had been done, and declared that
hope of peace shone forth, only provided the Remonstrants would openly declare their opinion on the articles
delivered to them. Utenbogardus, by courtly craftiness,
had procured that he should be heard alone, Festus being
absent, that he might the more freely propose the things
which he thought would serve his own purpose.  And
when he had odiously traduced the proceedings of the
rest of the pastors, as the persons who, by the demand of
a declaration, (which yet before the conference he himself had promised,) endeavoured to bring a new inquisition
into the churches, and one by no means to be endured,
obtained that the same persons should be forbidden any
more to demand this declaration from the Remonstrants,
and moreover, that it should at the same time be enjoined
on them to explain more at large in writing their counsel
on the best way of peace, and concerning the conditions
by which they thought that a toleration should be circumscribed.  When this had been done by them, and it had
also been shown that the proposed theses concerning which
a declaration had been demanded, were extant in so many
words in the Confession and Catechism  of the Belgic
existing laws, grounded on private or partial authority at best, like
King James's claim of the dispensing power over acts of parliament
in matters of religion, and indeed it amounted to a private repeal of
those laws. The others were willing to consent to a legal and limited
toleration. It is also evident that their firm decision and opposition
was not mainly about predestination and reprobation.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                         139
churches; and the anti-theses themselves had been delivered in public writings by many persons with whom the
Remonstrants had much communication in these regions;*
when this their writing had been publicly read, they (the
Remonstrants) by their advocate effected that it should
be severely forbidden to be communicated to any of the
human race, either in printing, or as written by the hand
of any one. And because they saw that the deputies of
the churches, or of the Synods, to whom the common
cause of these concerns used to be committed, greatly
withstood them, (as the nature of their office demanded,)
they caused also, that as before all the annual Synods had
been hindered, so that it should likewise be forbidden to
the same persons, henceforth to use the name, or perform
the office, of a deputy of the churches or of a Synod.
That by this means all care respecting the safety and peace
of the churches being taken away, they (the Remonstrants)
might so much the more freely make progress among
them.t
* Mosheim and many (indeed most) other writers on the subject,
represent the Contra-Remonstrants as aiming to impose the creed of
Geneva, or of Calvin, on the Remonstrants in Belgium. Let the impartial reader judge whether this was the real case. There might
be, and indeed was, some coincidence between this and the Confession
and Catechism of the Belgic churches, but the latter exclusively are
mentioned in the whole contest.
t These decrees were made by the States of Holland alone or nearly,
and they directly tended to disannul the code of laws of the federated
provinces, promulged by the States General of these provinces, and
thus to dissolve their political as well as religious union. Now what
motives could the Remonstrants or their patrons have, in such circumstances, for so carefully concealing the statements and avowed
sentiments of the other pastors? Impartial love of the truth could
not possibly suggest such precautions and injunctions. TLey cannot




140                  HISTORY OF
By this method of acting, the Remonstrants rendered
themselves more and more suspected by the churches;
while all the more prudent men judged -that unless they
dissented in these articles (the six stated above, pp. 125,
137,) from the doctrine of the churches, they would have
had no reason why they should covertly flee from this declaration; especially when they might have (thus) promoted (consuliposset) the peace of the churches and their
own credit. But that they might the more easily obtain
that toleration by public authority which they always
pressed; by the benefit of which they indeed hoped to
be able by little and little to introduce their own doctrine
in the churches, they employed this artifice; they sent
over into England, by Hugo Grotius, a certain writing,
in which the true state of the controversy was dissembled,
a copy of a letter being also annexed; and they requested
that he would petition from the most Serene James, King
of Great Britain, seeing this cause could not be settled
by any other method than by a toleration, that his most
Serene royal Majesty would deign to give letters according
to the form of the annexed copy, to the illustrious, the
High Mightinesses the States General; which he, (Grotius) having seized on an opportunity, surreptitiously obtained, and transmitted them to the illustrious, the States
General.*
but call to our recollection the conduct of the Jewish priests and
rulers respecting the apostles of Christ, " But that it spread no further among the people, let us straitly threaten them, that they speak
to no man in this name." (Acts iv. 16, 17.)
* It should be noted that this narrative was published several
years before the death of James, who, therefore, it must be presumed,
was willing to have it thought that these letters were surreptitiously
obtained by Grotius; and indeed he seems to have been enveigled




PRECEDING EVENTS.                         141
On this occasion, the Remonstrants exulted after a
wonderful manner, and hoping that they might now become possessed of their wish, they laboured by their advocate, that a certain formula of a toleration (the same
indeed which is contained in the fourth and fifth articles
of the second chapter of the ecclesiastical government of
Utrecht,) should be confirmed by the authority' of the
illustrious, the States, and commanded to the churches.
Though the minds of many in the convention of the States
were inclined to this, yet the more prudent strenuously
opposed it; thinking it to be unjust to command (authoritatively) on the church a toleration, as to articles
of faith which had never been duly examined in a lawful
ecclesiastical convention, and which drew with them a
manifest change in doctrine; neither could the peace of
the churches be obtained by this, when it was to be feared,
if it were permitted, that opinions so discordant should
be proposed from the same pulpit to the same congregations, that the churches should be more and more disturbed, as experience had hitherto taught.*  Yet the Reinto a measure, by no means consistent with the part which he afterwards sustained in the controversy.
* Let it be recollected that all the parties were professedly, and
many of them in judgment and conscience, strict Presbyterians as to
church-government. The toleration here described is entirely different from any thing known in Britain, or indeed at present thought
of. The general sentiment even of those who claim not only the
fullest toleration, but something beyond toleration, as their indisputable right, is, at least, "Separate places of worship for those of
discordant opinions." The ground of the toleration here stated, likewise, is widely different from that which is at present insisted on;
namely, that in matters of conscience towards God, no human authority has a right to interfere, provided nothing be avowed or done
which threatens or disturbs the peace of the community; and that
human authority can make only hypocrites, not willing and conscion



142                   HISTORY OF
monstrants went on to press this their toleration by every
means, and to commend it privately and publicly in their
writings and sermons; especially by this argument, that
the articles, concerning which the controversy was maintained, they said, were of so small importance, that they
did not relate to the ground or fundamental points of salvation; but in articles of this kind, toleration might and
ought to be established.
July 25, 1614.] And thus they at length effected,
that a decree concerning this toleration, some of the principal and powerful cities of Holland and West Friesland
being unwilling and striving against it, should be published in print, confirmed with certain testimonies of
Scripture and of the fathers (among whom they had also
brought forward Faustus Regiensiensis, the leader of the
Semi-Pelagians.)  Against which things, when James
Triglandius, a pastor of the church at Amsterdam, had
answered in a public writing, Utenbogardus also prolixly
attempted a defence of this decree. In this, he, by unworthy methods, traduced and reviled, as well the doctrine of the Reformed churches, as especially the lights
of the same, Calvin, Beza, Zanchius, and others. To this
writing, Triglandius opposed an accurate answer, in de.
fence of the honour, both of the doctrine and the doctors
of the Reformed churches.  And when they (the Remonstrants) saw that the authority of this writing, to which
they had given the name of a decree of the States, was
tious conformists. This is simple, intelligible, and evidently reasonable; but to tolerate exclusively opinions which do not relate to the
fundamentals of salvation, or militate against them, must make way
for intricate and endless disputes and difficulties, about what are and
what are not the fundamentals of salvation; what is tolerated, and
what is not tolerated.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  143
not so great, as that by it they could attain to what they
aimed at, they indicated that the same things must be attempted in another way; and for that purpose, a certain
other formula of toleration having been devised in deceitful phrases, they, by the hands of certain persons, who
secretly favoured their party and opinions, but were not
considered as Remonstrants, solicited from the pastors
subscription to this formula, every where throughout Holland, both privately and in their convention.
But when even in this way the business did not go on
according to the purpose of their own mind; they judged,
that those persons must be compelled (cogendos) by the
authority of the superiors, whom they were not able to
persuade to this, and that at length some time it must be
broken through, and this business evidently accomplished.
To this end they likewise obtained, that in the name of
the illustrious, the States, the decree concerning mutual
toleration, which had been published in the former year,
should be sent to each of the Classes, and at the same
time it should be enjoined on the pastors to obey the same
without any contradiction.  And that they might the
more easily prefer those who were attached to their party,
to the ministries of the churches, others having been excluded; they effected moreover that another (decree)
should be joined to it, by which it was permitted, that in
the vocation of pastors and elders it should be allowable
to use that order, which in the year 1591 had been framed,
but not approved; from the prescribed rule of which,
the election was appointed to be by four of the magistracy,
and four others to be deputed from the presbytery. When
these decrees had been transmitted to the Classes, the
most of them sent away their deputies to the illustrious,




144                 HISTORY OF
the States, that they might publicly explain their difficulties or grievances, which they had as to those things,
that were contained in the writing, and might deprecate
the introduction of the same. When on this account they
had come to the Hague, and had now learned from the
delegates of the principal cities, that those decrees, though
they had already been transmitted, had not as yet been
eonfirmed by the customary (solemni) approbation of all
the States; and therefore could not as yet obtain the
force of a law, they judged that they must desist from
the design till they should be further pressed. But this
last decree gave occasion to new contentions and disturbances in many places, especially in the chureh at Harlem.
For when some magistrates determined that ministers
should be called, according to this new form, and (thus)
called them, but the churches did not approve it, it came
to pass, that they refused to acknowledge those who had
been thus called as their lawful pastors, and to have any
ecclesiastical communion with them. It was also effected
by these decrees, that certain Classes in Holland, which
had hitherto preserved unity in the government of the
churches, with the, Remonstrants for the sake of peace,
were now torn away from them  (divellerentur), because
the most of the pastors could not approve these things:
yet as the Remonstrants purposed that the churches
should be governed according to the prescript and law
of these decrees, but were not able to extort this from
their fellow ministers by authority, they introduced into
the conventions of the Classes certain political persons,
mostly alienated from the Reformed religion, and attached
to their party, and brought dominion into the churches.
For the orthodox pastors, tired out by the contentions




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                     145
which from these causes daily arose with the Remonstrants, judged it to be better to meet together apart
without them, and to take care of their own churches in
peace, than to be wearied with their perpetual contentions.
In the meantime Utenbogardus procured that it should
be enjoined on his colleagues, by the authority of the superiors, to obey these decrees also; which when his colleague Henry Rosaeus said that he could not promise
with a good conscience, he was suspended from his office
of teaching by the authority of the same persons, and by
the sinister instigation of Utenbogardus.* Thence the
members of the church at the Hague, who loved the
purity (sinceritatem) of the Reformed doctrine, continued
the exercise of their religion; at first indeed in the neighbouring village of Risverch, but when the pastors had
obtained it by loan from the other churches at the Hague,
in a separate place of worship (templo), to which afterwards some of the chief persons out of the States themselves, and the counsellors of the courts, and the other
colleagues, and the most illustrious, the Prince of Orange
himself, and the most Generous Count William Ludovicus, leaving the assemblies of the Remonstrants, resorted,
that they might testify their consent to the orthodox doctrine, and their strong attachment to the same. The Remonstrants odiously traduced this separation under the
title of SCHISM,t and endeavoured byall methods to hinder
or to punish it: labouring in the meanwhile that these
* Whatever pretensions were made to toleration by the Remonstrants, it is from this most evident that they paid no due regard to
the rights of conscielce, the proper ground of all toleration.
t It commenced nearly as most other schisms have done; but all
the blame did not rest on those stigmatized as schismatics, nor even
the greatest measure of it.
13




146                 HISTORY  OF
decrees should be authoritatively put in execution in
every place where they knew that the magistrate favoured
them.  On which account, when many pious men were
punished by fines, prisons, and banishments, they appealed
to the supreme tribunal of justice, and implored assistance
against force; and when now the most ample, the Senators
of the supreme court, attempted to succour the oppressed,
they (the Remonstrants) obtained by the advocate of
Holland, that an interdict should be laid on the same
court, from protecting them.*
March, A. D. 1616.] But when many also and principal
cities of Holland, and in the first place among them the
most powerful city of Amsterdam, opposed the execution
of these decrees, it was effected that Hugo Grotius with certain persons should be sent to Amsterdam, in order that
by his eloquence he might persuade the most ample, the
Senate of that city, to approve the same decrees. When
he had attempted  this with  a prolix oration, it was
answered by the most ample, the Senate, that they could
by no means approve that, passing by the lawful synodieal conventions, it should be deliberated in a convention
of the States, concerning ecclesiastical affairs, that decrees
should be made, and the execution of those decrees enjoined by authority;  that it was purposed by them, that
the true Christian religion, the exercise of which had
flourished during fifty years in these regions, should be
preserved; they judged also that even the least change
* What must the modern advocates for toleration, and more than
toleration, think of that toleration which these men pleaded for,
while thus employed in persecution; and who have rendered their
opponents odious even to this day, as enemies to toleration, for rejecting their legal measures?




PRECEDING EVENTS.                  147
would be pernicious to the republic, unless it had been
first maturely examined by a lawful Synod; and further,
they could not assent to the different propositions and
acts made from the year 1611, even to the eighteenth of
March of this year, 1616, nor to this last proposition;
neither were they willing that under the name of the
city of Amsterdam, (when it was no feeble member
of that convention of the States,) any decrees should be
established, much less authoritatively carried into execution, or any thing decreed against those who professed the
Reformed religion, unless controversies and changes in
religion and in ecclesiastical affairs, had been first examined and discussed in lawful Synods, by the authority
of the illustrious, the States. But neither were they willing that pastors who were attached to the opinion of the
Reformed religion defended by the Contra-Remonstrants,
should in the meantime on that account, either be suspended or removed from their ministerial offices, because
they declared that they could not conscientiously cultivate
ecclesiastical unity with the Remonstrants, neither that
the churches which followed the same opinion should,
under the pretext of schism, or because according to conscience they were reluctant to attend on the sermons of
the Remonstrants, be hindered in the exercise of divine
worship.  And all these things they determined, until by
the authority of the illustrious, the States, a lawful Synod
should be convened, in which these controversies might
be duly examined and discussed.  Thus the labour and
endeavour of the Remonstrants, and of those who favoured
them, were in vain; especially because the magistrates
of the most ample city of Dort, of Enckhuysen, of Edamen,




148                   HISTORY OF
and of Purmerent, publicly approved this determination
of the Senate of Amsterdam.*
About this time, the pastors of Camp in Transylvania,
having embraced the opinion of the Remonstrants, by the
assistance of the magistracy, cast out of the ministry their
most learned colleague, and most tenacious of sound doctrine, William Stephanus, because he opposed their attempts; and by pamphlets published, and by public sermons full of calumnies, they endeavoured to bring the
Reformed religion into the hatred of the common people.
March, A. D. 1617.] When, on account of these innovations in doctrine, and the disturbances of the churches,
and of the state which followed, they saw that they were
rendered more and more odious, they presented a second
Remonstrance to the States,t in which, with incredible
impudence, they endeavoured to remove from themselves
the crime of innovation, and to fasten the same on those
pastors who most constantly remained in the received
doctrine of these churches.4 And the rest of the pastors
presented likewise to the States a copious and solid answer
* As no intimation is here given of molesting the Remonstrants,
either pastors or churches, but merely of preventing the Contra-Remonstrants from being molested till a Synod were held, this decision
of the Senate of Amsterdam contains more of the spirit of toleration
than any thing which we have yet met with.
[t Henceforth the titles of honour prefixed in the original to the
States and individuals will be omitted.-Editor of the Beard of Publication.]
t Either this whole narrative is false throughout, or this attempt
was made with consummate effrontery; not indeed incredible, because other innovators, both ancient and modern, have endeavoured,
and with success, to fasten the charge of innovation on those who
most steadily abode by the doctrine of articles, &c., subscribed by all
parties. But nothing is incredible, of which several undeniable instances may be adduced.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                  149
to it. But, whereas these long continued controversies
had already brought not into the churches only, but the
republic likewise, so great a mass of difficulties, perturbations, and confusions, that all who loved the safety of the
federated provinces, or of the Reformed churches which
are in them, or who favoured the same, understood that
the remedy of these evils could no longer be deferred
without the manifest danger of the state and of the
churches; and yet the States had not been able hitherto
to agree as to the kind of remedy: James I., out of his
singular and sincere affection towards these regions and
churches, thought that the States General should be admonished by letters, no longer to suffer this gangrene to
feed upon the body of the republic: but that they should,
as soon as possible, proceed to meet these unhappy contentions, divisions, schisms, and factions, which threatened manifest danger to the state. And at the same time
he obtested them, that they would restore to its original
purity, all errors having been extirpated, the true and
ancient Reformed doctrine, which they had always professed, which had been confirmed by the common consent
of all the Reformed churches, and which had been always
the foundation and bond of that most strict friendship
and conjunction, which had so long flourished between
his kingdoms and these provinces; and which he judged
might be done, of all means the most advantageously, by
a national Synod, to be called together by their authority.
For indeed this was the ordinary, legitimate, and most
efficacious remedy, which had been had recourse to in
every age, in evils of this kind among Christians. But
moreover Maurice, prince of Orange, the governor of federated Belgium, as often before this, so now did not de13 




150                   HISTORY OF
sist daily, in a most solemn and weighty manner, to obtest,
as well the States General, and also the States of Holland
and West Friesland, that in proportion as the safety of
the republic and the churches was dear to them, so they
would give diligent endeavours that a remedy, as soon as
possible, might be applied to these most grievous evils.
For this purpose he also commanded, and pressed upon
them, the convocation of a national Synod, as the most
ordinary and the safest remedy.
The States of Zealand also, by D. Malderraus, Brouwerus, Potterus, and Bonifiacius Junius, solemnly warned
and entreated the orders of Holland and West Friesland, in
their convention, that, seeing the contentions and dissensions grew  more and more grievous every day, with the
greatest danger of the republic, and many remedies had
hitherto been tried in vain, that they would agree to the
convoking of a national Synod, as the ordinary remedy
proposed by the Holy Spirit for evils of this kind, and
always had recourse to by Christians.* Then likewise the
States of Gueldria, Friesland, Groningen, and Omland,
requested the like thing by their deputies of the same
States (General.)
* It has, I believe, been generally supposed, that the Synod of Dort
was convened by a faction or party, and for party ends and purposes;
but it seems undeniable, that it became the general and almost universal opinion of the different States in the confederated provinces,
that such a national Synod as the Contra-Remonstrants always had
urgently requested, was become absolutely and indispensably needful; and that the Remonstrants and their party could no longer resist
this generally prevailing sentiment.  Indeed, nothing can be more
clear, than that all parties, except the zealous Remonstrants, regarded
a national Synod as the proper and only effectual way of terminating
the controversial disturbances; and not only sanctioned by the ex



PRECEDING  EVENTS.                    151
But when the Remonstrants saw that the convoking
of a national Synod was recommended with so great
earnestness by kings and princes, and the neighbouring
and federated republics, yea, and also by the principal
cities of Holland and West Friesland, and when they
feared lest the States of Holland and West Friesland, of
whom many of their own accord inclined to it, and promoted this business diligently, should at length be moved
to this consent; and so, that at some time, an account
must be rendered of their doctrine and actions before the
ecclesiastical tribunals, in order to avoid this, they at
first proposed a new way of settling the controversies,
namely, that a few persons, both political and ecclesiastical, of a certain and equal number, should be chosen by
the States of Holland and West Friesland, who, having
communicated counsels with each other, might devise
some method of peace and concord, which having been
approved by the States, might then be prescribed to the
churches.  But when this did not succeed, (because the
more prudent easily foresaw from  whom, and of what
kind of persons this convention would be constituted, and
what was to be expected from  it; and besides, that it
was unprecedented in the churches, and very little suited
for taking away ecclesiastical controversies in things pertaining to doctrine,) they thought that the most extreme
measures must be tried, rather than be reduced to this
necessity; and accordingly recourse was had to the most
ample of Christians in every age, but enjoined byGod himself. How
far they were warranted in this sentiment, constitutes a distinct question. The Synod of Dort, however, should not be judged by our
modern opinions, but by the general opinion of that age. The reasons
why the Remonstrants dissented from that opinion are very evident.




152                 HISTORY  OF
desperate counsels. For some of the chief persons (or
nobles, proceribus) were persuaded by them  that the
calling of a national Synod, which was then pleaded for,
was adverse to the majesty and liberty of the provinces;
for that each province possessed the supreme right of determining about religion as it should seem good to it:
that it was an unworthy thing to subject this their liberty
to the judgment of other provinces; (and) that this right
of majesty was to be defended by all means, even by
arms. By these and similar arguments, the minds of the
more imprudent were so stirred up that the rulers of some
cities, having made a conspiracy, decreed to levy soldiers,
who should be bound by oath, neither to the States General, nor to the Prince of Orange, the Commander-in-chief
of the army, but to themselves alone, for the defence of
the cause of the Remonstrants, and of their own authority;
which for the sake of the same (cause) they had exposed
to danger. This was done at Utrecht, in which city the
States General had a garrison sufficiently strong against
tumults and seditions; at Harlem, Leyden, Rotterdam,
as also Gouda, Schookhove, Horn, and other places; the
Remonstrants instigating the magistrates of the cities to
this, as may be clearly proved by divers of their letters,
which afterwards came into (the) hands (of the States.)
And thus the dissensions of the Remonstrants would have
brought these flourishing provinces into the danger of a
civil war, if this madness had not been early repressed
by the singular prudence of the States General, and by
the vigilance and fortitude of mind, never to be sufficiently
celebrated (depredicanda), of the Prince of Orange.*
How far the subsequent proceedings against the Remonstrants
are to be considered simply as religious persecution, may well be




PRECEDING EVENTS.                       153
The States General, when they saw that by this method
the provinces were brought into extreme dangeri judged
that the calling of a national Synod must no longer be
delayed, but be hastened at the earliest opportunity;
especially when Dudley Carleton, the ambassador of the
King of Great Britain, by a very weighty and prudent
speech, had earnestly stirred up their Illustrious Highnesses to the same. This oration the Remonstrants afterwards were not afraid publicly to revile, in a most impudent and most calumniating pamphlet, to which they gave
the title of Bilancis; sparing with a slanderous tongue no
order of men, not the States, not the Prince of Orange,
yea, not even the King of Great Britain, This pamphlet
the States General condemned by a public edict as scandalous and seditious, having offered a most ample reward
if any one could point out the author. Afterwards Jo.
Casimirus Junius, the son of the most celebrated Francis Junius, not unlike his father, (haud degener,) copiously refuted the same. Therefore the States decreed
the convoking of a national Synod, at length, in the name
of the Lord, to be held on the first day of May in the following year; and at the same time they enacted some
laws, according to which they willed as well that the convocation should be instituted, as the Synod itself held.
But because the Remonstrants did not appear greatly to
regard the judgment of the Belgic churches, and had
always endeavoured to persuade the people that they did
questioned, when such seditious, if not treasonable practices, were
proved against them from their own letters. It seems evident from
this history that recourse to arms, in the first instance at least, was
had by the party of the Remonstrants, and in opposition to existing
laws. This is not generally understood. The rights of conscience,
and the toleration arising from the recognition of it, seems to have
been equally unthought of by both parties.




154               HISTORY  OF
not dissent from the opinion of the Reformed churches, it
seemed good, also, to invite from all the Reformed churches
of the neighbouring kingdoms, principalities, and republics, some theologians, distinguished for piety, learning,
and prudence, that they might support by their judgments
and counsels the deputies of the Belgic churches; and
that so these controversies, having been examined and
thoroughly discussed, as it were, by the common judgment of all the Reformed churches, might be composed
so much the more certainly, happily, safely, and with the
greater benefit.
Dec. 11, 1617.] This decree having been made, the
Remonstrants began in a wonderful manner to make disturbances, and proposed various other projects (concepti.
bus) by those who were attached to their cause, in
endeavouring to overturn it and render it of no effect;
in Holland, indeed, they themselves, by their favourers,
demanded a provincial Synod, against which a little
while ago they had entertained so strong an aversion
(tantopere abhorruerant).  And because measures had
been devised for calling foreign theologians to the national
Synod, they thought that to this provincial Synod, if so
it seemed good, some foreign theologians might be (invited). But it was answered, that indeed a provincial
Synod had formerly been demanded by the churches of
Holland, when no hope appeared of obtaining a national
Synod, and when the controversies were confined within
the boundaries of the churches of Holland alone; but
now, because the calling of a national Synod had been
decreed, and the evil had diffused itself through all the
provinces, so that it could not be taken away by the Synod of one province, it was at this time altogether unrea



PRECEDING  EVENTS,                    155
sonable to think of a provincial Synod, for the composing
of these controversies. Because, in like manner, as it behoved particular Synods in each of the provinces, to precede the national Synod, so in Holland also, both North
and South (Holland), particular Synods would precede.
Yet the Remonstrants, by their favourers, pressed eagerly
and urged such a Synod: either because they thought
that it would less obstruct their cause, as they had in Holland so many great men and even pastors favouring them;
or that they might by this tergiversation absolutely hinder
the calling of the national Synod. But when they themselves saw that this demand was too unjust for them
easily to persuade (the granting of) it, they fled to a new
exception, and desired (or proposed) that this cause should
be deferred (or reserved) to a general council (cecumenicam).  But it was answered them, that it was most uncertain whether or when a general council could be called;
yet that these evils required a present remedy, and that
this national (Synod) about to be called by the States
General would be, as it were, an oecumenical and general
(council); when deputies from almost all the Reformed
churches would be present at the same. If they should
account themselves aggrieved by the judgment of such a
Synod, it would always be entire and lawful to them to
appeal from this national to a general council; provided
only, that in the meantime they obeyed the judgment of
the national Synod. By these evasions and subterfuges
they effected that the letters of convocation were for some
little time delayed; and it was necessary that the day appointed for the meeting should be changed and deferred.*
* The conduct of the Remonstrants, on this occasion, evidently
resembled that of an accused person who, instead of demanding a fair
trial, objects to the authority of the court, challenges the jurymen,




156                 HISTORY OF
In the mean while that most illustrious person, Dudley
Carleton, in the convention of the States General, publicly
complained that the honour of his master, the King of
Great Britain, had been very unworthily and impudently
reviled in the infamous libel (or pamphlet) Bilancis,
which the Remonstrants, even after the edict of their
Highnesses, had taken care should be printed again, having
been translated into the French language; and having
briefly and solidly refuted most of the objections of the
Remonstrants, he explained to the States General what
method the King of Great Britain was accustomed to
employ in settling controversies concerning religion or
doctrine, which, because it agreed with the decree of
the States General, it more and more confirmed their
Highnesses in this holy determination. The Magistracy
also of the city of Amsterdam, having communicated
counsel previously with the pastors of that church, and
others called together for this cause, propounded in writing
many and very weighty reasons, in the convention of the
States of Holland and West Friesland, in which it was
most evidently demonstrated that these  controversies
could not be determined at this season by any other
method, than by a national Synod; at the same time
they most solidly answered all the objections of the Remonstrants, and all their projects concerning a provincial
Synod, and also concerning a general council. Soon after,
likewise, the Magistracy of the city of Enckhuysen, having
exhibited many reasons in writing also, approved the
same.  These reasons were afterwards made public, that
and endeavours to find out flaws in the indictment, and adopts every
evasion to escape the trial, which can be suggested by his solicitor or
counsel.




PRECEDING EVENTS.                    157
it might be evident to all men how unjustly the Remonstrants and their favourers acted, because they obstinately
resisted the calling of a national Synod by these new projects, and eluded (subterfugerent) its decision.
The States General, as they judged that this thing so
entirely necessary, and for the most just and weighty
causes already decreed, was not to be any longer delayed
on account of projects and shiftings of this kind, again
decreed, that the convocation of a national Synod, without
any delay or adjournment, should be immediately instituted; and they determine that the city Dordrecht (or
Dort) should be the place of its meeting; the day, the
first of the next November.  When some persons among
the States of Holland and West Friesland, favouring the
cause of the Remonstrants, opposed themselves to this
decree, in the convention of the States General, who complained that an injury was done to the majesty, the right,
and finally, the liberty of that province, the States General declared by public letters, that they did not purpose
by this convocation of a national Synod that any thing
should be taken away from, or lessened in the majesty,
right, or liberty of any province; but that this was the
sincere intention of their Highnesses, that without any
prejudice of any province, and even of the union and confederation, by the ordinary decision of a national Synod,
the ecclesiastical controversies alone that had arisen concerning doctrine, which pertained to all the Reformed
Belgic churches, should lawfully be determined to the
glory of God, and the peace of the republic and of the
churches.  They then addressed letters to the States of
each of the provinces, in which they declared that it had
been determined by them to call together, in the name
14




158               HISTORY OF
of the Lord, from all the churches of these provinces a
national Synod on the first of November ensuing; that
by this method the controversies which had arisen in the
same churches, might be lawfully examined and settled
in a beneficial manner, (truth being always preserved.)
At the same time they admonished them, that as soon
as they could, they would call a provincial Synod in their
own provinces, after the accustomed manner; from which
six pious and learned men, and greatly loving peace,
namely, three or four pastors, with two or three other
proper persons, professing the Reformed religion, might
be deputed, who, in the aforementioned national Synod,
according to the laws constituted by them, (a copy of
which they transmitted,) might examine those controversies and take them away, truth being preserved, (or
safe, salva veritate.)  To the Gallo-Belgic churches also
(of French Flanders,) which used to constitute a peculiar
Synod among themselves, seeing they had been dispersed
through all these provinces, they addressed letters of the
same kind.  These letters having been received, the
States of each of the provinces, called together the provincial or particular Synods of their own churches, in
which the grievances might be proposed which were to
be carried to the national Synod, the persons to be sent
out to the same be deputed, and the commands with which
these were to be furnished, framed by the common suffrages of the churches. These things were transacted in
each of the piovinces, in the manner hitherto in use in
these Reformed churches; except that in Holland and
in the province of Utrecht, because of the very great
number of the Remonstrants, the customary method could
not in all things be observed. For when in Holland sep



PRECEDING EVENTS.                  159
arations had been made in some of the Classes, so that
the Remonstrants held their own Class-meetings apart,
and the other pastors theirs also, it seemed proper to
the States of that province, that of the Classes, in which
a separation of this kind had not been made, four should
be deputed by the majority of votes, in the manner hitherto customary, who with the ordinary power might be
sent forth to the particular Synod; but in the other
Classes, for the sake of avoiding confusion, the Remonstrants should appoint two, and the other pastors in like
manner two, who might be sent with equal power to
the particular Synod. In the province of Utrecht, the
churches had not been distributed into certain Classes,
wherefore it pleased the States of that province that all
the Remonstrants should meet together apart in one
Synod; but the rest of the pastors, who did not follow
the opinion of the Remonstrants, of whom there still remained no small number, in another (Synod,) and that
from each Synod and party three should be sent forth to
the national Synod with the power of judging.
But the church of Utrecht, as it had been torn asunder
into parties, of which the one followed the opinion of the
Remonstrants, but the other disapproved of it; and this
(party) recently set at liberty from the oppression of the
Remonstrants, had not made provision for stated pastors,
but used at that time the ministry of John Dipetzius, a
pastor of Dort, it so happened that he was lawfully deputed by another Synod, in the name of the churches of
Utrecht, which did not follow the opinion of the Remonstrants. But when the Synod of the churches of Gueldria
and Zutphen had been assembled at Arnheim,the Remonstrant deputies from the Classis of Bommellien refused




160                  HISTORY OF
to sit along with the rest, unless previously certain conditions had  been  performed to them, which the Synod
judged to be opposed to the decree of the States. And
when ten articles had before this been offered by the Remonstrants of the Classis of Neomage, Bommelli and Tiel,
to the States of Gueldria, and to the counsellors of the
same, which they intimated to be taught by the rest of the
pastors; it had been enjoined on them that they should
publicly name those pastors who taught these things, in
order that they might-be cited before the Synod, that it
might in a legal manner be examined, whether the matter
were so indeed. For it was evident (constabat) that those
articles had been framed by the Remonstrants in a calumniating manner, in order to excite odium (ad conflandam
invidiam) against the rest of the pastors, before the
supreme magistracy.  But they were not able to name
any one in that whole province, except the pastor of Hattemis, who had abundantly cleared himself to the Classis;
and when the Synod nevertheless was willing to cite him,
that he might be heard before them, the Remonstrants no
further pressed it. Certainly, Henry Arnoldi, a pastor
of Delft, who was present in the name of the churches
of South Holland, declared that there was no one in South
Holland who approved or taught these things.* Therefore the Synod severely reproved them for these atrocious
i In like manner it is at this day confidently asserted by writers,
who, on one account or another, are regarded as worthy of credit,
and thus it is generally believed that there are a numerous set of men
in Britain, called Calvinists, or Methodists, or evangelical preachers,
who preach doctrines, defined and stated by the writers, and justly
deemed absurd and pernicious; who, if they were thus authoritatively
called on to prove their assertions, would scarcely be able to substantiato the charge on one individual of the whole company.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                 161
calumnies; and at the same time declared, that the
churches of Gueldria did not embrace or approve the doctrine contained in these articles, as it was set forth by them:
though there were in them some sentences, which, taken
apart, and in an accommodating sense, could not be disapproved. Then, at length, having confessed the crime of
a calumny, into which they had been driven (impactce
calumnice), they requested forgiveness of it (eam deprecati
sunt). There was then drawn up in the same Synod, a
state of the controversy between the Remonstrants and
the rest of the pastors, which afterwards was exhibited to
the national Synod. And as there were many pastors in
that province, of whom  some had been suspected of
various other errors besides the five articles of the Reinonstrants, others had illegally intruded into the ministry,
and finally, others were of profligate life; some of them
having been cited before the Synod, for these causes were
suspended from the ministry, but by no means because of
the opinion contained in the five articles of the Remonstrants, which were reserved to the national Synod. The
cause of the rest, having been left in the name of the
Synod, was referred to some persons deputed by it, to whom
the States likewise joined their own delegates. These
causes having been fully examined in their Classes, they
suspended certain of them from their ministry, and others
they entirely removed.
In the mean while the States General, when they had
several times commanded those of Utrecht especially to
dismiss the new soldiers, and those who, it appeared, had
been levied for this purpose also, that the execution of
the decrees of the future national Synod, if perhaps the
remonstrants could not approve of them, might be hinder14*




162                 HISTORY   rF
ed by an armed force; determined that all these soldiers,
of which there were now some thousands, should, as soon
as possible, be disbanded and discharged by their authority. And when this measure had been carried into effect
by the Prince of Orange, with incredible fortitude of soul,
prudence, dexterity, and promptitude, without any effusion
of blood, and their principal officers, who had endeavoured
by force to resist this disbanding of them, had been committed to custody, John Utenbogardus, James Taurinus,
and Adolphus Venator, conscious in themselves of criminality (male sibi conscii), having deserted their churches,
fled out of federated Belgium, as likewise did a short time
after Nicolas Grevinchovius, having been cited by the
court of Holland to plead his own cause.  And when a
particular Synod in South Holland had been called at
Delft, most of the Remonstrants, despising the before
mentioned decree of the States, refused to depute any
person to the Synod; and having presented a little suppliant book (libello supplice) to the States of Holland and
West Friesland, they petitioned that, instead of the national Synod now proclaimed, another convention, instituted
according to the same twelve conditions, which those who
were cited afterwards laid before the national Synod,
might be called. The States, having heard the judgment
of the Synod of Delft, concerning this demand, (which
also was inserted in these acts,) commanded them to obey
the constituted order, and the mandates of the States;
and moreover, fully to state their opinion comprised in
writing, concerning the articles proposed in the conference
at Delft, in the year 1613; and to add all their considerations, which they had respecting the Confession and
Catechism of these churches. They exhibited the declara



PRECEDING  EVENTS.                  163
tion of their opinion on the before mentioned articles,
which afterwards, having been translated into Latin by
the delegates of this Synod, was communicated to the na.
tional Synod: but, in the place of considerations, they
sent some things gathered out of the writings of certain
learned men, as if opposite to the Confession and the
Catechism.
Before this Synod, John Utenbogardus and Nicolas
Grevinchovius were cited; and when the former, as a
fugitive (profugus), dared not to appear, but the latter
contumaciously refused, the accusations produced against
them having been examined, each of them  was by the
judgment of this Synod removed from the ecclesiastical
ministry. But when in South Holland, besides these two,
there were many others, of whom the most in these dissensions had been obtruded on unwilling churches without a lawful vocation; and others, who besides these five
articles, had moreover scattered many Socinian errors,
others had grievously offended the churches by wicked
and turbulent actions, and others finally led a profane
life; it was judged necessary, in order that the churches
should be purified from these scandals, and the discipline
of the clergy, as it is called, which had fallen into decay,
should at length be restored, that all these disorderly
(oidaxTovr) pastors should be cited, that they might render
before the Synod an account, as well of their vocation as
of their doctrine, and also of their life; which seemed
proper to be done even for this cause also, before the national Synod, that if perhaps any should deem themselves
aggrieved by the sentence of the Synod or its deputies,
they might appeal to the judgment (of the national Synod.)
Certain of these appeared, whose causes having been duly




164                HISTORY  OF
examined, some of them were suspended from their office)
and others wholly set aside. But as to those who, because
of the shortness of the time, having been cited, could not
be heard, and those who having been cited, had not appeared, five pastors were deputed, to whom the States
joined also three deputies who might take cognizance of
their cause, and give sentence upon it in the name of the
Synod.  But it was expressly enjoined on these deputies
not to fix any censure on any one, because of the opinion
expressed in the five articles of the Remonstrants, forasmuch as the judgment concerning the same had been
reserved entire to the national Synod. But they, though
they every where on the aforementioned most weighty
causes, even during the national Synod, suspended many,
partly from the office of teaching, and partly entirely set
them aside; yet marked no one with any censure because
of the opinion of the five articles, as it may be evidently
shown from their very Acts.* In North Holland matters
were conducted after the same method, in the Synod of
Horn, in which the pastors of Horn, John Valesius,
John Rodingenus, and Isaac Welsingius, having been
suspended from the office of teaching, appealed to the national Synod. And when the deputies of this Synod, along
with the delegates of the States, examined, in the Classis
of Alcmar, the cause of John Geystran, a pastor of Alcmar, and of Peter Geystran, his brother, a pastor of Egmond, it was discovered that they had been evidently addicted to the blasphemous and execrable errors of Socinus,
* The appeal is thus made to the registered Acts of these deputies,
evidently because they had been or were likely to be misrepresented
by the favourers of the Remonstrants; as, beyond doubt, they generally have been to this very day.




PRECEDING  EVENTS.                   165
as it appears from their own confession, which, because
it was publicly read in the national Synod, to the horror
of all men is likewise inserted in these Acts. In the
Synod of the Transylvanian churches, some of the Remonstrants were commanded to render an account of their
doctrine and actions  and when among them four pastors
of the church of Campe, Thomas Goswin, Assuerus Matthisius, John Scotlerus, and above all, Everard Vosculius,
had been accused of many errors, and of various turbulent
actions, the cause having been examined, it seemed good
to reserve it for the national Synod, even as it was afterwards brought before the same. In the other provinces,
because no manifest Remonstrants were found, the Synods
there held duly prepared all things with less labour, after
the accustomed manner, for the national Synod.
In the mean time, the States General had addressed
letters to James I., king of Great Britain, to the deputies
of the Reformed churches of the kingdom of France, to
the Elector Palatine, and the Elector of Brandenburg; to
the Landgrave of Hesse; to the four reformed republics
of Helvetia, (Switzerland,) Zurich, Berne, Basil and
Schaffhausen, to the Counts of Correspondentia and Wedevarica; to the republics of Geneva, Bremen, and Emden, in which they requested, that they would deign to
send from them to this Synod, some of their own theologians, excelling in learning, piety, and prudence, who
might earnestly labour by their counsels and decisions,
along with the rest of the deputies of the Belgic churches,
to settle those controversies, which had arisen in these
Belgic churches, and to restore peace to the same.
All these things having been duly prepared and completed, when at the appointed time as well the deputies




166               HISTORY  OF
of the Belgic churches, as also the foreign theologians, a
few excepted, had met together at Dordrecht, (or Dort,)
that national Synod was begun in the name of the Lord,
on the thirteenth day of November (1618.) But in this
Synod, what now was actually done, the prudent reader
may copiously (prolixe) know from the Acts of the same,
which now are published for the favour (satisfaction, gratiam) and use of the Reformed churches. It hath seemed
good also, that to these Acts should be joined, besides
other writings exhibited to this Synod, the judgments
also of the theologians, concerning the five articles of the
Remonstrants as they were proposed in the Synod; by
which they may more fully know, by the same, on what
passages of Scripture, and on what arguments, the canons
of the Reformed church do rest. It is not to be doubted,
but that the prudent reader will discover in these judgments, the highest and most admirable agreement.  If
perhaps in less matters a certain diversity appear, even
this will be an argument, that a due liberty of prophesying
and judging flourished in this venerable convention; but
that all, notwithstanding, by concording opinions, agreed
in the doctrine expressed in the canons of this Synod, of
whom all and every one, (not one indeed excepted, or
declining to do it,) subscribed to testify this consent.
But all the Reformed churches are requested willingly
to embrace, preserve and propagate this orthodox doctrine,
so solemnly in this Synod explained and confirmed from
the word of God; and transmit it to all posterity, to the
glory of divine grace, and the consolation and salvation of
souls. And at the same time also favourably to receive the
pious, and never sufficiently to be celebrated, zeal and earnest
endeavour of the States General of federated Belgium,




PRECEDING EVENTS.                          167
for preserving the purity (sinceritate) of the Reformed
religion, and also to follow up with their favour, the diligence and piety in maintaining the same, of so many doctors of distinguished churches, who were present at this
Synod; and, above all things, it is requested that they
would earnestly entreat the most high and gracious God
(optimum  maximum) that he would indeed benignly preserve the Belgic churches, and in like manner all others
professing with them the same orthodox doctrine, in the
unity of the faith, in peace and tranquillity; and that he
would inspire a better mind into the Remonstrants themselves, and all others who are involved in error;* and by
the grace of his own Spirit, would at length some time
lead them to the knowledge of the truth, to the glory of
his own divine name, the edification of the churches,
and the salvation of us all, through our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ; to whom  with the Father, and the Holy
Spirit, the one, true, and immortal God, be praise, and
honour, and glory, for ever and ever. Amen!t
* " That it may please thee to bring into the way of truth all such
as have erred and are deceived."-(Litany.) The Calvinism of the
Synod did not, it seems, prevent their prayers for those who, as they
supposed, were in error. It did not lead them to treat their most
eager opponents as reprobates, and give up as necessarily consigned
to destruction, as many ignorantly suppose, or confidently assert
that decided Calvinists do, even with malignity and malignant satisfaction. So greatly are they calumniated!
t "Accordingly a Synod was convoked at Dordrecht in the year
1618, by the counsels and influence of prince Maurice, &c."-(Mosheim, vol. v., p. 450). "Our author always forgets to mention the
order issued by the States General for the convocation of this famous
Synod; and by his manner of expressing himself, and particularly by
the phrase (Meauritio auctore) would seecn to insinuate, that it was by
this prince that the assembly was called together.  The legitimacy




168                HISTORY OF, ETC.
of the manner of convoking this Synod was questioned by Olden-Barneveldt, who maintained that the States General had no sort of authority in matters of religion: affirming that this was an act of
sovereignty that belonged to each province separately, and respectively."-(Maclaine, Ibid.)
It was by means of these disputes about the ecclesiastical authority
(which all parties supposed to be possessed by some of them), that
the union of the confederated States was endangered in this controversy.
" Dr. Mosheim, however impartial, seems to have consulted more
the authors of one side than of the other, probably because they were
more numerous, and more generally known. When he published this
history, the world had not been favoured with The Letters, Memoirs,
and Negotiations of Sir Dudley Carleton, which Lord Royston (afterwards Earl of Hardwicke) drew from his inestimable treasure of historical manuscripts, and presented to the public, or rather at first to
a select number of persons, to whom he distributed a small number
of copies, printed at his own expense.  They were soon translated
both into Dutch and French; and though it cannot be affirmed that
the spirit of party is nowhere discoverable in them, yet they contain
anecdotes with respect both to Olden-Barneveldt and Grotius, that
the Arminians, and the other patrons of these two great men, have
been studious to conceal. These anecdotes, though they may not be
sufficient to justify the severities exercised against these eminent
men, would, however, have prevented Dr. Mosheim from saying that
he knew not on what pretext they were arrested."  (Mosheim, vol.
v., pp. 449, 450. Note by Maclaine.)
In a political contest for authority, between prince Maurice and
his opponents, in the States General, the Remonstrants favoured his
opponents, and the Contra-Remonstrants were attached to him. The
prince's party at length prevailed, and "the men who sat at the
helm of government were cast into prison. Olden-Barneveldt, a man
of wisdom and gravity, whose hairs were grown grey in the service
of his country, lost his life on the public scaffold, while Grotius and
Hoogerberts were condemned to perpetual imprisonment; under what
pretext, or in consequence of what accusations or crimes, is unknown
to us."-(Mosheim, vol. v., pp. 448, 449.)




THE JUDGMENT
OF THE
NATIONAL SYNOD OF THE REFORMED BELGIC CHURCHES,
HELD AT DORT, IN THE YEARS OF OUR LORD, 1618, 1619;
AT WHICH VERY MANY THEOLOGIANS OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES
OF GREAT BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND FRANCE, WERE PRESENT, CONCERNING THE FIVE HEADS OF DOCTRINE CONTROVERTED IN THE
BELGIC CHURCHES.
(Published on the 5th of May, A. D. 1619.)
PREFACE.
In the name of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
Amen.
Among very many comforts which our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ hath given to his own church militant,
in this calamitous pilgrimage, that which he left unto
it when about to go away to his Father, into the heavenly
sanctuary, saying, " I am with you at all times, even unto
the end of the world," is deservedly celebrated. The
truth of this most delightful promise shines forth in the
church of all ages, which, whilst it has been besieged
from the beginning, not only by the open violence of
enemies, but also by the secret craftiness of seducers, truly
if at any time the Lord had deprived it of the salutary
guard of his own promised presence, had long since been
either crushed by the power of tyrants, or seduced into
destruction by the fraud of impostors.
15                                     (169)




170             SYNOD  OF DORT.
But that good Shepherd, who most constantly loveth
his flock, for which he laid down his life, hath always,
most seasonably, and often by his own right hand stretched
forth, most miraculously repressed the rage of persecutors;
and hath also detected and dissipated the crooked ways
of seducers and their fraudulent counsels, by both demonstrating himself to be most effectually present (proesentissimum) in his church. Of this thing an illustrious
instruction (documentum) exists in the history of the pious
emperors, kings, and princes, whom the Son of God hath
excited so often for the assistance of his church, hath
fired with the holy zeal of his house, and by their help
hath not only repressed the furious rage (furores) of tyrants, but also hath procured to his church when conflicting with false teachers, in various ways adulterating
religion, the remedies of holy Synods; in which the
faithful servants of Christ, by united prayers, counsels,
and labours, have valiantly stood for the church, and for
the truth of God; have intrepidly opposed themselves
against the "ministers of Satan, though transforming
themselves into angels of light;" have taken away the
seeds of errors and discords; have preserved the church
in the concord of pure religion; and have transmitted
the genuine (sincerum) worship of God uncorrupted to
posterity. With a similar benefit our faithful Saviour
hath, at this time, testified his own gracious presence
with the Belgic church, by one means or other (aliquam)
very much afflicted for many years.  For this church,
rescued by the powerful hand of God from the tyranny
of the Roman antichrist, and the horrible idolatry of
popery, (or the popedom, papatus,) and many times most
miraculously preserved in the dangers of a long-continued




SYNOD OF DORT.                  171
war, and flourishing in the concord of true doctrine and
discipline, to the praise of her God, to an admirable increase of the republic and the joy of the whole Reformed
world, James Arminius and his followers, holding out the
name of Remonstrants, by various errors old as well as
new, at first covertly, and then openly assaulted (tentarunt), and while it was pertinaciously disturbed with
scandalous dissensions and schisms, they had brought it
into such extreme danger that unless the mercy of our
Saviour had most opportunely interposed in behalf of his
most flourishing church, they had at length consumed it
with the horrible conflagration of discords and schisms.
But blessed be the Lord for ever, who, after he had hid
his face for a moment from us, (who by many ways had
provoked his wrath and indignation,) hath made it attested
to the whole world, that he doth not forget his covenant,
nor contemn the signs of his own people.  For when
scarcely any hope of a remedy, humanly speaking (humanitus), appeared, he inspired this mind into the States
General of confederated Belgium, (see Ezra vii. 27, 28,)
that with the counsel and direction of the Prince of
Orange, they determined to go forth to meet these raging
evils, by those legitimate means which have been sanctioned by the examples of the apostles themselves, and
of the Christian church that followed them, during a long
course of years, and which have before this been had recourse to (usurpatce) in the Belgic church, with much
fruit; and they called a Synod at Dordrecht by their own
authority, out of all the provinces which they governed;
having sought out towards it both the favour of James,
king of Great Britain, and of illustrious Princes, Counts,
and Republics, and having obtained also very many most




172             SYNOD OF DORT.
grave theologians, that by common judgment of so many
divines of the Reformed church, those dogmas of Arminius and of his followers might be decided on accurately,
and by the word of God alone; that the true doctrine
might be confirmed, and the false rejected; and that concord, peace, and tranquillity might, by the divine blessing,
be restored to the Belgic churches. This is the benefit
of God, in which the Belgic churches exult; and then
humbly acknowledge and thankfully proclaim the compassions of their faithful Saviour. Therefore this venerable
Synod, (after a previous appointment and observance of
prayers and fasting, by the authority of the Supreme
Magistracy in all the Belgic churches, to deprecate the
wrath of God, and to implore his gracious assistance,)
being met together in the name of the Lord at Dordrecht,
fired with the love of God (divini numinis) and for the
salvation of the church, and after having invoked the
name of God, having bound itself by a sacred oath that
it would take the Holy Scriptures alone as the rule of
judgment, and engage in the examination (cognitione)
and decision of this cause with a good and upright conscience, attempted diligently, with great patience, to induce the principal patrons of those dogmas, being cited
before them, to explain more fully their opinion concerning the known five heads of doctrine, and the grounds
(or reasons) of that opinion.
But when they rejected the decision of the Synod, and
refused to answer to their interrogatories, in that manner
which was equitable, and when neither the admonitions
of the Synod, nor the mandates of the delegates of the
States General, nor yet even the commands of the States
General, availed any thing with them, (the Synod) was




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  173
compelled, by the command of the same lords, to enter
on another way, according to the custom received of old,
in ancient Synods; and from  writings, confessions, and
declarations, partly before published, and partly even exhibited to this Synod, an examination of those five dogmas (or points of doctrine) was instituted. Which, when
it was now completed, by the singular grace of God, with
the greatest diligence, fidelity, and conscience (or conscientiousness), with the consent of all and every one,
this Synod, for the glory of God, and that it might take
counsel for the entireness (integritate) of the saving truth,
and for the tranquillity of consciences, and for the peace
and safety of the Belgic church, determined that the
following judgment, by which both the true opinion,
agreeing with the word of God, concerning the aforesaid
five heads of doctrine is explained, and the false opinion,
and that discordant with the word of God is rejected,
should be promulgated.
On this preface, I would make a few remarks:
1. If the expectations which the persons constituting
this Synod, and of those who were concerned in convening
it, as to the useful tendency and beneficial effects of such
assemblies, were indeed ill-grounded, and, of course, the
measure improper, the fault was not exclusively theirs,
but that of the age in which they lived, and indeed of
almost all preceding ages. Not one of the Reformers, or
of the princes who favoured the Reformation, can be named,
who did not judge either a general council, or national
councils or Synods of some kind, proper measures for
promoting the cause of truth and holiness, and counteracting the progress of schism, heresy, and false doctrine,
and in every place where the Reformation was established,
15i




174             SYNOD  OF  DORT.
assemblies of the rulers and teachers of the church, under
one form or other, were employed either in framing, or
sanctioning, the articles of faith adopted in each church,
and in regulating the several particulars respecting the
doctrine to be preached, the worship to be performed by
by those who constituted each church, and the terms of
officiating as ministers in their respective societies. The
system  of independency and individuality, so to speak,
either of separate congregations, or ministers, or Christians,
without any such common bond of union or concert, had
not then been thought of, at least in modern times. And
at this day, while numbers suppose that they steer their
course at a distance from the rocks which endangered the
first Reformers, as well as the whole church in former
ages, it may well be questioned whether they do not run
into the opposite extreme.  Solomon says, or God himself by him, " In the multitude of counsellors there is
safety;" yet who does not know, that through the evil
dispositions and selfish conduct of those who constitute
the counsellors, and senates, and parliaments of different
nations, such abuses often occur in them, as form a manifest exception to this general maxim?  Yet who does
not also see, that parliaments, and counsellors, and laws,
are in themselves very desirable, and far preferable to
every thing being settled by the sole will or caprice of
every one who by any means obtains authority? or that
every man should do that which is right in his own eyes,
as when there was no king in Israel? The abuse alone
is the evil, and to be guarded against; the thing itself is
allowedly beneficial.
The apostles themselves, when consulted by Paul and
Barnabas, did not settle the question proposed to them by




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  175
their own direct authority, but "the apostles and elders
came together for to consider of this matter." Acts xv. 6.
It is evident that some, even in " that first general council," as it is very improperly called, had strong prejudices
against the measure which was finally decided on; yet its
decrees proved a blessing of no small magnitude to the
churches of Christ, whether constituted of Jewish or Gentile converts. Now, a measure thus sanctioned cannot be evil
in itself, though General Councils and Synods should have
in many or most instances been productive of far greater
evil than good. The fault lay in the motives, the corrupt
passions and wrong state of mind and heart of those who
convened, and of those who constituted them, (that is, in
the abuse of the thing,) not in the thing itself.
The apostles by their own authority might have decreed
the same things, and have said, "It seemed good to the
Holy Ghost and to us, &c.;" but they were not led by the
Spirit of inspiration to adopt this method; they did
nothing by absolute authority; it does not appear that
any thing directly miraculous, or of immediate revelation,
concurred in their decision. It was the result of arguments drawn from  facts, and from the holy Scriptures,
under the teaching of the Holy Spirit, not materially
differing from what uninspired men, of the same character and heavenly "wisdom, without partiality and without
hypocrisy," might have formed, under the mere ordinary
teaching and superintendence of the same Spirit. Now,
it is not impossible for God to raise up elders and teaehers,
bearing this holy character, and endued with this heavenly
wisdom, in other ages and nations, who, coming together
to consider of those things which corrupt the doctrine,
worship, and purity, or disturb the peace, of the church,




176             SYNOD  OF DORT.
may form and promulgate decisions, so evidently grounded
on a fair interpretation of the sacred oracles, and so powerfully enforced by the character and influence of those
concerned, as, by the divine blessing, may produce the
most extensively beneficial effects.
General councils, so called, convened by the concurring
authority of many princes and rulers, over rival nations,
are not likely to come to any such scriptural decisions;
and the history of general councils is certainly suited
exceedingly to damp our expectations from them.  But
the history of the Reformation, both on the continent and
in this land, produces many instances of conventions,
under one name or other, in which the rulers and teachers
of the church, under the countenance of princes who
favoured the cause of truth and holiness, came to such
decisions, in the most important matters, as proved very
extensive and permanent benefits to mankind, and which
could not have been expected without united deliberations
and determinations of this kind. The ministers and members of the establishment, in this land, at least, must be
allowed to think that this was the case, in the framing
of our articles, liturgy, and homilies.
It is true that afterwards convocations became useless,
or even worse than useless, and so sunk into disuse, but
this was not until the spirit of wisdom and piety, which
actuated our first Reformers, had most grievously declined, and made way for a political and party spirit, in
the persons concerned. Thus the abuse of the measure,
not the measure itself, must bear the blame.
2. I observe from this preface, that the members of the
Synod of Dort, in the most solemn manner, and in the
language at least of genuine piety, declare the awful obliga



SYNOD  OF DORT.                  177
tions under which they brought themselves, to decide the
controverted questions according to the holy Scriptures
alone, and their full consciousness that they had discharged this obligation in an upright manner. The names
annexed to their decisions certainly include among them
a great proportion of the most able Protestant and Reformed theologians in Europe: and who can doubt the
sincerity of these professions, when coming from such men
as Bishops Davenant and Ward, and those with whom
they thus cordially united? Prejudices, mistakes, and
faults of many kinds may be supposed in them, but the
candid and pious mind recoils from  the idea that the
whole was direct and intended hypocrisy.
In fact, I must give it as my opinion at least, that they
did fulfil their solemn engagement, and must confess, that
fewer things appear to me unscriptural in these articles
than in almost any human composition which I have read
upon the subject. Of course I expect that anti-Calvinists
will judge otherwise, and even many Calvinists; yet surely
every candid man will allow that they honestly meant
thus to decide, and thought that they had thus decided.
It may also be seen, in the course of this work, that
their doctrine accorded with the Belgic articles before in
force among them, to which the Contra-Remonstrants had
all along appealed.
3. I would observe, that they seem to have aimed at
too much in their deliberations and decisions, not too much
for an ordinary controversial publication, but too much
for an authoritative standard, to be entirely received and
adhered to by all the ministers of religion and teachers
of youth in the Belgic churches.  I should indeed say
far too much. And here I again avow my conviction of




178             SYNOD  OF DORT.
the superior wisdom bestowed on the compilers of our
articles on the several points under consideration, in which,
while nothing essential is omitted or feebly stated, a generality of language is observed, far more suitable to the
design than the decrees of this Synod, and tending to
preserve peace and harmony among all truly humble Christians, who do not in all respects see eye to eye, yet may
"receive one another, but not to doubtful disputations;"
whereas the very exactness and particularity into which,
what I must judge, scriptural doctrine is branched out,
and  errors reprobated, powerfully  counteracted  the
intended effect, and probably more than any thing else,
or all other things combined, has brought on this Synod
such decided, but unmerited, odium and reproach.
4. I would observe, that using the arm of the magistrate, and inflicting penalties on those who stood out
against the decisions of the Synod, not being mentioned
in the preface, will more properly be considered in another
stage of our progress. But had the decrees been promulgated, and compliance with them demanded from all who
acted as ministers of religion, or teachers of youth in the
established seminaries of the Belgic church, with simply
the exclusion from such stations of those who declined
compliance, or violated their engagements to comply,
while a toleration was granted, as at present in Britain,
either to preach or teach in other places or schools, the
terms might indeed have been considered as too strict,
and requiring more than could reasonably be expected;
but in other respects, it does not appear that the conduct
of the Synod would have been blamable. For every body
or company of professed Christians, down from established
national churches to independent dissenting congregations,




SYNOD  OF DORT.                   179
prescribe terms of communion, or of officiating as ministers
on those who desire voluntarily to join them, and exclude
such as decline compliance.
How far the revenues in the Belgic churches could with
any propriety have been shared, and any portion of them
allotted to what we might call the dissenting teachers, I
am not prepared to say. But as toleration (in this sense
at least) was no part of the system at the Reformation
in any country, the ancient revenues for religious purposes,
as far as they were preserved for those uses, of course were
allotted to the established ministers in the different
churches. Neither dissenters, nor provision for dissenters,
were thought of, and it would afterwards have been expecting too much  in  general, to suppose  that they
who found themselves in possession of these revenues
would voluntarily share them with the dissentients, or
that rulers would venture to compel them. Yet, if to a
full toleration something had publicly been allotted towards
the support of peaceful and conscientious dissenting teachers, it would, as it appears to me, at least have had a
most powerful effect in diminishing acrimony, silencing
objections, and promoting peace and love.




ARTICLES
OF
THE SYNOD OF DORT.
The Articles of the Synod of Dort, Heylin introduces
in this manner:-" Because particular men may sometimes be mistaken in a public doctrine, and that the judgment of such men being collected by the hands of their
enemies, may be unfaithfully related, we will next look
on the conclusions of the Synod of Dort, which is to be
conceived to have delivered the genuine sense of all the
parties, as being a representative of all the Calvinian
Churches of Europe, (except those of France,) some few
divines of England being added to them. Of the calling
and proceedings of this Synod we shall have occasion to
speak further in the following chapter. At this time I
shall only lay down the results thereof in the five controverted points (as I find them abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus) according to the heads before mentioned in summing
up the doctrine of the Council of Trent." (Refutation
of Calvinism, p. 566.)
A few things may here be noted.-Is it very probable
that such decided anti-Calvinists as Heylin or Collier
should be impartial in their account of this celebrated
Synod? Is it to be supposed that there was no difference
of sentiment among the persons of whom it was com(180)




SYNOD OF DORT.                   181
posed? Were four divines an adequate representation of
all the Calvinists in England? Did not one or more of
all these four dissent from the decisions of this Synod?
Were other Protestant countries represented in any great
degree more adequately?  Were not the leading men
greatly embittered with personal enmities, and the spirit
of persecution and resentment? Did not political interests
and the spirit of party still more embitter the spirits, or
sway the deliberations and conclusions of the Synod?
And therefore are all the Calvinists who lived at that
time, or who now live, or whoever shall live, to be judged
according to the proceedings of the Synod of Dort? It
would be no difficult undertaking by such a procedure to
fix very heavy charges on the whole body of anti-Calvinists in Europe and in the world; but attempts of this
kind prove nothing, except a disposition to act the part
of a special pleader in the controversy, rather than that
of an impartial judge. As I, however, had met with the
same abstract of the articles of this Synod in other publications more favourable to Calvinism, I had no suspicion
that these were not the real articles of the Synod, but an
abbreviation, (yet with several clauses also added,) an abbreviation by avowed opponents. But the Christian Observer first excited a suspicion that these were not the
real articles of the Synod, and led me to inquire after a
copy of those articles, which are indeed immensely more
discordant with the abbreviations than I could have previously imagined.  But let the attentive reader judge
from the following literal translation of these articles, &c.
as contained in the Sylloge CoLfessionumn, Oxford, 1804.
16




182            ARTICLES  OF THE
CHAPTER I.
OF THE DOCTRINE OF DIVINE PREDESTINITION.
ART. 1. As all men have sinned in Adam, and have
become exposed to the curse and eternal death, God would
have done no injustice to any one, if he had determined
to leave the whole human race under sin and the curse,
and to condemn them  on account of sin; according to
those words of the apostle, " All the world is become
guilty before God." Rom. iii. 19. " All have sinned,
and come short of the glory of God." verse 23. And,
" The wages of sin is death." Rom. vi. 23.*
2. But "in this is the love of God manifested, that he
sent his only-begotten Son into the world, that every one
who believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life." 1 John iv. 9. John iii. 16.
3. But that men may be brought to faith, God mercifully sends heralds of this most joyful message, to whom
he willeth, and when he willeth, by whose ministry men
are called to repentance, and faith in Christ crucified.
For " how shall they believe in him of whom they have
not heard? and how shall they hear without a preacher?
and how shall they preach except they be sent?" Rom.
x. 14, 15.
4. They who believe not the Gospel, on them the wrath
of God remaineth; but those who receive it, and embrace
the Saviour Jesus with a true and living faith, are through
* Gal. iii. 10 22.-" In every person born into the world, it,
(original sin,) deserveth God's wrath and damnation." Art. ix.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                        183
him, delivered from the wrath of God, and receive the
gift of everlasting life (ac vita ceterna donantur). Rom.
vi. 23.
5. The cause or fault of this unbelief, as also of other
sins, is by no means in God, but in man.  But faith in
Jesus Christ, and salvation by him, is the free gift of
God. " By grace are ye saved, through faith, and that not
of yourselves, it is the gift of God." Eph. ii. 8. In like
manner, " It is given you to believe in Christ." Phil. i. 29.
(See Art. x.)
6. That some, in time, have faith given them by God,
and others have it not given, proceeds from his eternal
decree; for " known unto God are all his works, from the
beginning of the world." Acts xv. 18. Eph. i. 11.* According to which decree, he graciously softens the hearts
of the elect, however hard, and he bends them  to believe; but the non-elect he leaves, in just judgment, to
their own perversity and hardness.t  And here, especially, a deep discrimination, at the same time both merciful
and just, a discrimination of men equally lost, opens itself
to us; or that decree of Election and Reprobation which
is revealed in the word of God. Which, as perverse, impure, and unstable persons do wrest to their own destruc- Eph. i. 4, 5; iii. 11. 2 Thess. ii. 13, 14. 2 Tim. i. 9, 10. Tit. i. 2.
1 Pet. i. 2, 20. Rev. xiii. 8; xvii. 8.
t " Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God, whereby, before the foundations of the world were laid, he hath constantly
decreed by his counsel, secret to us, to deliver from curse and damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind, and to
bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation, as vessels made to
honour. Wherefore, they which are endued with so excellent a benefit of God, be called according to God's purpose by his Spirit working
in due season; they through grace obey the calling; they be justified freely, &c." Art. xvii.




184              ARTICLES OF  THE
tion, so it affords ineffable consolation to holy and pious
souls.*
7. But Election is the immutable purpose of God, by
which, before the foundations of the world were laid, he
chose, out of the whole human race, fallen by their own
fault from their primeval integrity into sin and destruction, according to the most free good pleasure of his own
will, and of mere grace, a certain number of men, neither
better nor worthier than others, but lying in the same
misery with the rest, to salvation in Christ, whom he
had, even from eternity, constituted Mediator and Head
of all the elect, and the foundation of Salvation; and
therefore he decreed to give them unto him to be saved,
and effectually to call and draw them into communion
with him, by his own word and Spirit; or he decreed
himself to give unto them true faith,t to justify, to sanctify, and at length powerfully to glorify them, having been
X "As the godly consideration of predestination and our election
in Christ is full of sweet, pleasant, and unspeakable comfort to godly
persons, and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of
Christ, mortifying the works of the flesh and their earthly members,
and drawing up their minds to high and heavenly things; as well
because it doth greatly establish and confirm their faith of eternal
salvation, to be enjoyed through Christ, as because it doth fervently
kindle their love to God; so for curious and carnal persons, lacking
the Spirit of Christ, to have continually before their eyes the sentence
of God's predestination, is a most dangerous downfall, whereby the
devil doth thrust them either into desperation, or into wretchlessness
of most unclean living, no less perilous than desperation." Art. xvii.
Whatever method of interpretation be adopted, as to the different
parts of this our article, they who cordially approve it cannot consistently object to this article of the Synod of Dort, which is entirely
coincident with it, and at least not more decided and explicit.
t " We believe that the Holy Spirit, dwelling in our hearts, imparts to us true faith, that we may obtain the knowledge of so great
a mystery."-Belyic Confession.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                    185
kept in the communion of his Son, to the demonstration
of his mercy, and the praise of the riches of his glorious
grace, as it is written: " God hath chosen us in Christ
before the foundations of the world were laid, that we
should be holy and without blame before him  in love,
having predestinated us unto the adoption of children, by
Jesus Christ to himself, according to the good pleasure
of his will; to the praise of the glory of his grace,
wherein he hath freely made us accepted to himself in
that Beloved One." Eph. i. 4-6. And in another place,
" Whom  he did predestinate, them  he also called; and
whom he called, them  he also justified; and whom he
justified, them he also glorified." Rom. viii. 30.
8. This election is not multiform, but one and the
same of all that shall be saved, in the Old and New Testament, seeing that the Scripture declares the good pleasure, purpose, and' counsel of the will of God, by which
he has, from eternity, chosen us to grace and glory: both
to salvation and the way of salvation, which he hath " before prepared that we should walk in it." 2 Thess. ii.
13, 14. 1 Pet. i. 2.
9. This same election is not made from any foreseen
faith, obedience of faith, holiness, or any other good
quality and disposition, as a prerequisite cause or condition in the man who should be elected, but unto faith,
and unto the obedience of faith, holiness, &c. And, therefore, (or truly, proinde,) election is the fountain of every
saving benefit; whence faith, holiness, and the other salutary gifts, and finally, eternal life itself, flow as its fruit
and effect, according to that word of the apostle: " He
hath chosen us (not because we were, but) that we might
be holy, and without blame before him in love." Eph. i. 4.
16*




186             ARTICLES  OF THE
10. Now the cause of this gratuitous election is the
sole good pleasure of God, (Matt. xi. 26. Eph. i. 5. 1 Tim.
i. 9. James i. 18,) not consisting in this, that he elected
into the condition of salvation certain qualities or human
actions from all that were possible; but in that, out of
the common multitude of sinners, he took to himself certain persons as his peculiar property, according to the
Scripture: "For the children being not yet born, neither
having done any good or evil, &c., it is said," (that is, to
Rebecca,) "the elder shall serve the younger; even as
it is written, Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated."
Rom. ix. 11-13.  And "as many as were ordained
(ordinati) to eternal life, believed." Acts xiii. 48.
11. And as God himself is most wise, immutable, omniscient, and omnipotent, so election made by him  can
neither be interrupted, changed, recalled, nor broken off;
nor can the elect be cast away, nor the number of them
be diminished.
12. Of this, his eternal and immutable election to salvation, the elect, though by various steps, and in an unequal measure, are rendered  certain  (or assured), not
indeed by curiously scrutinizing the deep and mysterious
things of God, but by observing  in themselves, with
spiritual delight and holy pleasure, the infallible fruits of
election described in God's word, such as true faith in
Christ, filial fear of God, sorrow for sin, according unto
God (xv7r  xa&a ~e6v-" Godly sorrow,") (2 Cor. vii. 10
Gr.) hungering and thirsting after righteousness, &c.*
* How different is this from the generally circulated opinion, that
they who believe election in the Calvinistic sense, are taught to assume
it a certainty that they are the elect without further evidence! In
this the vehement opposers, and the perverters of the doctrine, seem to
coincide, but no more with the Synod of Dort, than with Peter's
exhortation. 2 Pet. i. 5-10.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                      187
13. From the sense and assurance (certitudine) of this
election, the children of God daily find greater cause of
humbling themselves before God, of adoring the abyss of
his mercies, of purifying themselves, and of more ardently
loving him reciprocally who had before so loved them;
so far are they from being rendered by this doctrine of
election, and the meditation of it, more slothful in observing the divine commands, or carnally secure.* Wherefore, by the just judgment of God, it is wont to happen
to those who either are rashly presuming, or idly and
frowardlypratig (fabulantes) about the grace of election,
that they are not willing to walk in the ways of the elect.
14. But as this doctrine of divine election, in the most
wise counsel of God, was predicated by the prophets, by
Christ himself, and by the apostles, under the Old as
well as under the New Testament, and then committed to
the monuments of the sacred Scriptures, so it is to be declared at this day by the church of God, to whom it is
peculiarly destinated, with a spirit of discrimination, in
a holy and religious manner, in its own place and time,
all curious scrutinizing the ways of the Most High being
laid aside; and this to the glory of the most holy divine
name, and for the lively solace of his people.t
15. Moreover, holy Scripture doth illustrate and commend to us this eternal and free grace of our election, in
* 1 Cor. xv. 58. Col. iii. 13, 14. 1 John iii. 2, 3.
t Election, as a part of divine revelation, and of the "whole counsel of God," must be preached; we must "not shun to declare it,"
for in doing so, what do we but presume ourselves wiser than He
who revealed it as a part of his counsel, and decide that it ought
not to have been revealed? But this declaration must be made
with " discrimination, in a holy and religious manner, &c." Thus
declared in its proper connection, application, and proportion, as in




188               ARTICLES OF THE
this more especially, that it doth also testify all men not
to be elected, but that some are non-elect, or passed by
in the eternal election of God, whom truly God, from
most free, just, irreprehensible, and immutable good
pleasure, decreed to leave in the common misery, into
which they had, by their owu fault, cast themselves, and
not to bestow on them living faith, and the grace of conversion; but having been left in their own ways, and under just judgment, at length, not only on account of their
unbelief, but also of all their other sins, to condemn and
eternally punish them, to the manifestation of his own
justice.*   And this is the decree of reprobation, which
determines  that God is in no wise the author of sin,
(which to be thought of is blasphemy,) but a tremendous,
irreprehensible, just Judge and Avenger.
16. Those who do not as yet feel efficaciously in themselves a lively faith in Christ, or an assured confidence of
the sacred Scriptures, it will greatly conduce to improve the true believer's character, his humility, gratitude, admiring love of God, meekness, compassion, and good will to man, as well as his comfort and
joy of hope. It will also exhibit the gospel of most free and rich
grace in its unclouded glory, cast a clearer light on every other part
of divine truth, and secure to the Lord alone the whole honour of
man's salvation. Yet the same doctrine, rashly, indiscriminately,
and disproportionately preached, and not properly stated and improved, does immense mischief.
* "He" (God) " secluded from saving grace all the rest of mankind (except a very small number), and appointed them by the same
decree to eternal damnation, without any regard to their infidelity
and impenitency."-Heylin's Abbreviation.  Is not this a direct
violation of the command, " Thou shalt not bear false witness against
thy neighbour?"  Or are not Calvinists to be considered as neighbours by anti-Calvinists? And do not they who retail the false accusation, intentionally or heedlessly, share a measure of the criminality? Is this the moral practice which is contended for by antiCalvinists?




SYNOD  OF DORT.                      189
heart, peace of conscience, earnest desire (studium) of
filial obedience, glorying in God through Christ, yet
nevertheless use the means by which God has promised
to work these things in us, ought not to be alarmed by
the mention of reprobation, nor reckon themselves to be
reprobate; but to use diligently the means of grace, and
ardently to desire, and reverently and humbly to expect,
the period of more abounding (or fructifying, uberius,)
grace.  And much less should those persons be terrified
by the doctrine of reprobation, who, when seriously converted to God, simply desire to please him, and to be
delivered from the body of death, yet cannot attain to
what they wish in the path of faith and piety, because
the merciful God hath promised that he will not " quench
the smoking flax, nor break the bruised reed."*  But
this doctrine is justly for a terror to those who, forgetful
of God and the Saviour Jesus Christ, have delivered
themselves wholly to the cares and carnal pleasures of
the world, so long as they are not in earnest (serio) converted unto God.
17. Seeingthat we are to judge of the will of God by
his word, which testifies that the children of believers
are holy, not indeed by nature, but by the benefit of the
gracious covenant, in which they are comprehended along
with their parents, pious parents ought not to doubt of
the election and salvation of their children, whom God
hath called in infancy out of this life.t' "Furthermore, we must receive God's promises, in such wise as
they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture, and that will of
God is to be followed which we have expressly declared to us in the
word of God."-Art. xvii. Church of England. John vi. 37-40.
t The salvation of the offspring of believers, dying in infancy, is
here scripturally stated, and not limited to such as are baptized.




190            ARTICLES  OF THE
18. Against those who murmur at this grace of gratuitous election, and the severity of just reprobation, we
oppose this word of the apostle, "0 man, who art thou
that repliest against God?" Rom. ix. 20; and that of
our Saviour, " Is it not lawful for me to do what I will
with mine own?" Matt. xx. 15.  We, indeed, piously
adoring these mysteries, exclaim with the apostle, " Oh,
the depths of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable are his judgments, and
his ways past finding out! For who hath known the
mind of the Lord, or who hath been his counsellor? Or who
hath first given to him, and it shall be recompensed to
him again? For of him, and through him, and to him,
are all things; to whom be glory, for ever. Amen."*
These eighteen articles concerning predestination are
abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus, and reported by Heylin, in
the following single article:
OF DIVINE PREDESTINATION.
"That God, by an absolute decree, hath elected to salvation a very small number of men, without any regard
to their faith and obedience whatsoever; and secluded
from saving grace all the rest of mankind, and appointed
them by the same decree to eternal damnation, without
any regard to their infidelity and impenitency."
Nothing is said of the children of unbelievers dying in infancy, and
the Scripture says nothing. But why might not these Calvinists have
as favourable a hope of all infants dying before actual sin as antiCalvinists can have?
* A more appropriate and scriptural conclusion of these articles
cannot even be imagined.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                   191
I have long been aware that there is " no new thing
under the sun," (Ecc. i. 9, 10,) and that "speaking all
manner of evil falsely," of the disciples of Christ, is no
exception to this rule; and that misrepresenting and
slandering men called Calvinists has been very general
ever since the term was invented; but I own I never before met with so gross, so barefaced, and inexcusable a
misrepresentation as this, in all my studies of modern
controversy. It can only be equalled by the false testimony borne against Jesus and his apostles, as recorded
in holy writ.  But is that cause likely to be in itself
good, and of God, which needs to be supported by so
unhallowed weapons?
REJECTION OF ERRORS BY WHICH THE BELGIC CHURCHES HAVI
FOR SOME TIME BEEN DISTURBED.
The orthodox doctrine of election and reprobation
having been stated, the Synod rejects the errors of those,
1. Who teach that " the will of God, concerning the
saving of those who shall believe, and persevere in faith
and the obedience of faith, is the whole and entire decree
of election unto salvation, and that there is nothing else
whatever concerning this decree revealed in the word of
God." For these persons impose upon the more simple,
and manifestly contradict the sacred Scripture, which
testifies, not only that God will save those who shall believe, but also that he hath chosen certain persons from
eternity, to whom, in preference to others (prce aliis), he
may, in time, give faith and perseverance, as it is written,' I have made known thy name unto the men whom thou
hast given me." John xvii. 6. Also, "As many as were
ordained unto eternal life believed." Acts xiii 48. And,




192              ARTICLES OF THE
" He hath chosen us before the foundation of the world,
that we should be holy, &c." Eph. i. 4.
2. Who teach that " the election of God to eternal life
is of different kinds (multiplicem); one, general and indefinite; another, singular and definite: and again, this
either incomplete, revocable, not peremptory, or conditional; or else complete, irrevocable, peremptory or absolute." In like manner, " that one election is to faith, another to salvation; so that there may be an election to
justifying faith, without a peremptory election to salvation." This is indeed a comment excogitated by the human brain without the Scriptures, corrupting the doctrine
of election, and dissolving this golden chain of salvation.
" Whom he predestinated, them he also called, whom he
called, them he also justified, and whom he justified, them
he also glorified." Rom. viii. 30.*
3. Who teach "that the good pleasure and purpose
of God, which the Scripture mentions in the doctrine of
election, does not consist in this, that God before selected
certain men above the rest (prce aliis); but in this, that
God chose, that from  among all possible conditions,
(among which are also the works of the law,) or from the
order of all things, the act of faith, ignoble in itself, and
the imperfect obedience of faith, should be the condition
of salvation; and willed (voluerit) graciously to account
this instead of perfect obedience, and to judge it of the
* They be called according to God's purpose by his Spirit working
in due season; they through grace obey the calling, they be justified
freely, they be made the'children of God by adoption, they be made
like the image of the only begotten Son, Jesus Christ, they walk religiously in good works, and at length by God's mercy they attain to
everlasting felicity."-Art. xvii.




SYNOD OF DORT.                        193
reward of eternal life. For by this pernicious error, the
good pleasure of God and the merit of Christ are enervated, and men are called away by unprofitable disputations, from the truth of gratuitous justification and the
simplicity of the Scriptures; and that of the apostle is
accused of falsehood, " God hath called us with a holy
calling, not of works, but of his own purpose and grace,
which was given us in Christ Jesus, before the world began." 2 Tim. i. 9.*
4. Who teach that " in election to faith this condition
is prerequired, that man should rightly use the light of
nature; that he should be honest, lowly, humble, and disposed for eternal life, as if upon these things, in some
measure, may election depend." For they savour of Pelagius, and by no means obscurely accuse the apostle of
falsehood in writing, " Among whom we also had our conversation in times past, in the lusts of the flesh, fulfilling
the desires of the flesh and of the mind, and were by nature
the children of wrath, even as others. But God, who is
rich in mercy, for his great love wherewith he loved us,
even when we were dead in sins, hath made us alive
together with Christ, (by grace ye are saved); and hath
* We are accounted righteous before God only for the merit of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, by faith, and not for our own
works or deservings."-Art. xi. " Faith is the only hand which putteth on Christ unto justification, and Christ the only garment which,
being so put on, covereth the shame of our defiled nature, hideth the
imperfection of our works, preserveth us blameless in the sight of
God, before whom otherwise the weakness of our faith were cause
sufficient to make us culpable: yea, to shut us from the kingdom of
heaven, where nothing that is not absolute can enter."-Hooker.
The error refuted in this article, is as contrary to the doctrine of our
church as to that of the Synod of Dort.
17




194            ARTICLES  OF THE
raised us up together in heavenly places in Christ Jesus,
that in the ages to come he might show the exceeding
riches of his grace, in his kindness towards us through
Christ Jesus. For by grace are ye saved, through faith,
and that not of yourselves; it is the gift of God, not of
works, lest any man should boast." Eph. ii. 3-9.*
5. Who teach that "election of individuals to salvation, incomplete and not peremptory, is made from foreseen faith, repentance and sanctity, and piety begun, and
for some time persevered in; but that complete and peremptory election is from the foreseen final perseverance
of faith, repentance, holiness and piety; and that this is
the gracious and evangelical worthiness, on account of
which he who is elected is more deserving than he who
is not elected; and therefore, faith, the obedience of faith,
holiness, piety, and perseverance, are not the fruits or effects of immutable election to glory, but the conditions
and causes required beforehand, and foreseen as if they
were performed in the persons to be elected, without
which there cannot be complete election." This is what
opposes the whole Scripture, which every where assails
(ingerit) our ears and hearts with these and other sayings:
Election is not of works, but of him  that calleth.
Rom. ix. 11. "As many as were ordained to eternal life,
believed." Acts xiii. 48. " He chose us to himself, that
we might be holy." Eph. i. 4. " Ye have not chosen me,
but I have chosen you." John xv. 16. " If it is of grace,
it is not of works." Rom. xi. 6. " Herein is love; not
* This error requires from unregenerate man, and ascribes to nature,
that which is the effect of regeneration and grace. Prov. xvi. 1. James
i. 15-17. Second Collect, Evening Service.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                     195
that we loved God, but that he loved us, and sent his
own Son." I John iv. 10.*
6. Who teach that " not all election to salvation is
immutable, but that some elect persons, no decree of God
preventing (obstante), may perish, and do perish eternally."  By which gross error they make GOD mutable,
subvert the consolation of the godly concerning the stability of their election, and contradict the sacred Scriptures, whereby we are taught that the elect cannot be deceived (Matt. xxiv. 4); that " Christ loses not those who
were given to him  by the Father." John vi. 39. That
"those whom  he (God) hath predestinated, called, and
justified, them he also glorifies." Rom. viii. 30.t
7. Who teach that " in this life there is no fruit, no
sense, no certainty of immutable election to glory, except
from a mutable and contingent condition." But, besides
that it is absurd to mention an uncertain certainty, (ponere
incertam certitudinemn,) these things are opposite to the
experience of the saints, who, with the apostle, exult in
the consciousness of their election, and celebrate this benefit of God; who rejoice with the disciples, according to
Christ's admonition, "that their names are written in
heaven." Luke x. 20. Who finally oppose the feeling of
election to the fiery darts of diabolical temptations, inquiring, " Who shall lay anything to the charge of God's
elect." Rom. viii. 33.
* Some of the texts here adduced seem not decidedly conclusive,
but may be otherwise explained; but others might easily be substituted. Eph. ii. 4, 5, 9, 10. 2 Tim. i. 9. James i. 17, 18. 1 Pet. i. 2.
t John x. 27-30. 2 Thess. ii. 13, 14. I Pet. i. 5, 23-25. 1 John
iii. 9; v. 18.
t See Article xii. on Predestination.-" The godly consideration
of predestination and our election in Christ is full of sweet, pleasant,




196             ARTICLES OF THE
8. Who teach that " God has not decreed from  his
own mere just will, to leave any in the fall of Adam, and
in the common state of sin and damnation, or to pass them
by in the communication of grace necessary to faith and
conversion."  For that passage stands firm, " He hath
mercy on whom  he will have mercy, and whom  he will
he hardeneth." Rom. ix. 18.  Also,   I glorify thee, O
Father, Lord of heaven and earth, for that thou hast hid
these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes; even so, Father, for so it hath
pleased thee." Matt. xi. 25, 26.
9. Who teach that "the reason why God sends the
gospel to one nation rather than another is not the mere
and sole good pleasure of God; but because this nation is
better and more deserving than that to which the gospel
is not communicated."  Yet Moses recalls the people of
Israel from  this, saying, "Behold the heavens and the
heaven of heavens is the Lord thy God's; the earth also,
with all that therein is; only the Lord had a delight in
thy fathers to love them; and he chose their seed after
them, even you, above all people, as it is this day." Deut.
x. 14, 15.  And Christ, " Woe unto thee, Chorazin!
Woe unto thee, Bethsaida! for if the mighty works that
are done in thee, had been done in Tyre and Sidon, they
and unspeakable comfort to godly persons; and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ, mortifying the works of the
flesh, and their earthly members, and drawing up their minds to
high and heavenly things; as well because it doth greatly establish
and confirm their faith of eternal salvation, to be enjoyed through
Christ, as because it doth fervently kindle their love towards God."
Art. xvii. of the'Church of England.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                    197
would have repented long ago in sackcloth and ashes."
Matt. xi. 21.*
"That we thus think and judge, we testify by the subscription of our hands."
Then follows a list of the names of all those who subscribed and attested these articles and refutations, among
whom are found, George, Bishop of Llandaff, John Davenant, Presbyter, Doctor, and public professor of sacred
theology in the University of Cambridge, and at the same
time president (praeses) of King's College.  Samuel
Ward, presbyter, Archdeacon of Taunton, Doctor of
sacred theology, and head of Sidney College of the University of Cambridge   Thomas Goad, presbyter, Doctor of sacred theology, and precentor of the cathedral
church of St. Paul, London.  Walter Balcanqual (ScotoBritannus), a Scotchman, presbyter, Bachelor of sacred
theology; with very many others from various parts of
the continent of Europe, amounting to above eighty.
These were deputed by churches, differing from  each
other in various respects, Episcopalians, Presbyterians,
and those in some of the regions which are generally accounted Lutheran, and men that occupied the most important stations in the church and universities of their
several countries; yet they all subscribed these articles of
the Synod, agreeing in this respect though not in others.
For it cannot be supposed that they who opposed, or were
much dissatisfied with any of the conclusions, would thus
voluntarily and solemnly attest and subscribe the same
decisions. This consideration should, in all reason, at
least, induce us to give these articles a candid and attentive
* This shows that the election of nations is really as opposite to the
anti-Calvinist's ideas of divine justice as the election of individuals.
17 *




198             ARTICLES OF THE
examination, comparing them carefully with the Scriptures of truth, and praying for the teaching of the Holy
Spirit, that we may not be so left "to lean to our own
understanding," as to reject and even to revile that which
perhaps may, in great part at least, accord with the " sure
testimony of God."
CHAPTER II.
ON THE DOCTRINE OF THE DEATH OF CHRIST, AND THROUGH IT THE
REDEMPTION OF MEN.
1. God is not only supremely merciful, but also supremely just. And his justice requires, (according as he
hath revealed himself in the word,) that our sins committed against his infinite majesty, should be punished
not only with temporal, but also with eternal sufferingsof soul as well as of body; which punishment we cannot
escape, unless the justice of God be satisfied. Isa. xlv. 21.
Rom. iii. 25, 26.
2. But as we cannot satisfy it, and deliver ourselves
from the wrath of God, God of infinite mercy gave to us
his only begotten Son as a surety, who, that he might
make satisfaction for us, was made sin and a curse on the
cross for us, or in our stead.*
3. This death of the Son of God is a single and most
perfect sacrifice and satisfaction for sins, of infinite value
and price, abundantly sufficient to expiate the sins of the
whole world.t
* Isa. liii. 4-6,10, 11. 2 Cor. v. 21. Gal. iii. 13. 1 Pet. ii. 24;
iii. 18.
t John i. 29. 1 John ii. 2. Prayer of consecration, Communion
Service. Catechism, second instruction from the articles of the creed.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                    199
4. But this death is of so much value and price on this
account, because the person who endured it is not only
truly and perfectly a holy man, but also the only begotten
Son of God, of the same eternal and infinite essence with
God the Father and the Holy Spirit, such as it behoved
our Saviour to be. Finally, because his death was conjoined with the feeling of the wrath and curse of God,
which we by our sins had deserved.
5. Moreover, the promise of the gospel is, that whosoever believeth in Christ crucified, shall not perish, but
have everlasting life; which promise ought to be announced and proposed promiscuously and indiscriminately
to all nations and men to whom God, in his good pleasure,
hath sent the gospel, with the command to repent and
believe.
6. But because many who are called by the gospel do
not repent, or believe in Christ, but perish in unbelief,
this doth not arise from defect or insufficiency of the
sacrifice offered by Christ upon the cross, but from their
own fault. John iii. 19, 20; v. 44. Heb. iii. 5.
7. But to as many as truly believe, and through the
death of Christ are delivered and saved from sin and condemnation, this benefit comes from the sole grace of God,
which he owes to no man, given them in Christ from
eternity.*
8. For this was the most free counsel, and gracious
will and intention of God the Father, that the life giving
and saving efficacy of the most precious death of his own
Son, should exert itself in all the elect, in order to give
* John i. 12. 1 Cor. xv. 10. Phil. i. 29. 2 Thess. ii. 11-14. "We
believe that God (after that the whole race of Adam had been thus
precipitated into perdition and destruction by the fault of the first




200              ARTICLES OF THE
them alone justifying faith, and thereby to lead them to
eternal life: that is, God willed that Christ, through the
blood of the cross, (by which he confirmed the new covenant,) should, out of every people, tribe, nation, and
language, efficaciously redeem  all those, and those only,
who were from eternity chosen to salvation, and given to
him  by the Father; that he should confer on them  the
gift of faith (which, as well as other saving gifts of the
Holy Spirit, he obtained by his death); that he should
cleanse them by his own blood from all sins, both original
and actual, committed after as well as before faith; that
he should  preserve them  faithfully to the end, and at
length present them glorious before himself, without any
spot and blemish.*
9. This counsel, having proceeded from eternal love to
the elect, from the beginning of the world to this present
time, the gates of hell in vain striving against it, has been
mightily fulfilled, and will henceforth also be fulfilled:
so that indeed the elect may in their time be gathered
together in one, and that there may always be some church
of believers founded in the blood of Christ, who may
constantly love the Saviour, who for her, as a bridegroom
for his bride, gave up his soul upon the cross, and perseveringly worship and celebrate him here and to all eternity.
man,) demonstrated himself to be such as he is in reality, and to have
acted as such (pres8titisse), namely, both merciful and just; MERCIFUL indeed in delivering and saving from damnation and death (interitu) those whom, in his eternal counsel, according to his gratuitous
goodness by Jesus Christ our Lord, he elected, without any respect
to their works; but JUST, in leaving others in that their own fall and
perdition into which they had cast themselves headlong." Belgio
Confession, Article xvi.
* John vi. 37-40, 44, 65. Eph. v. 25-27. 1 Pet. i. 2-5. Rev. v. 9, 10.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                    201
These nine articles are thus abbreviated by Tilenus and
Heylin.
Art. II. Of the Merit and Effect of Christ's Death.
"That Jesus Christ hath not suffered death, but for
those elect only; having neither any intent nor commandment from the Father, to make satisfaction for the sins
of the whole world." (See Articles iv. v.)
REJECTION OF ERRORS ON THE SECOND CHAPTER.
The orthodox doctrine having been explained, the Synod
rejects the errors of those,
1. Who teach " that God the Father destined his own
Son unto the death of the cross, without a certain and
definite counsel of saving any one by name (nominatim),
(Rev. xiii. 8; xvii. 8; xx. 15,) so that its own necessity,
utility, and meritoriousness (dignitas), might be established unimpaired (sarta tecta) to the benefit obtained
(impetrationi) by the death of Christ, and be perfect in
its measures (numeris), and complete and entire, even if
the obtained redemption had not, in fact, been applied to
any individual." For this assertion is contumelious to the
wisdom of God and the merit of Jesus Christ, and is contrary to Scripture, as the Saviour says, "I lay down
my life for the sheep, and I know them." John x. 15, 27.
And the prophet Isaiah, concerning the Saviour, " When
he shall give himself a sacrifice for sin, he shall see his
seed, he shall prolong his days, and the will of JEHOVAH
shall prosper in his hand." Isa. liii. 10. And finally, it
overturns the article of faith by which we "believe the
church."*
* For in this case there might possibly have been no " Church of
God, which he hath purchased with his own blood." Acts xx. 28.




202              A-RTICLES  OF THE
2. Who teach " that this was not the end of the death
of Christ, that he might, in very deed, confirm  the new
covenant of grace through his blood; but only that he
might acquire a bare right to the Father of entering again
into some covenant with men, either of grace or of works."
For this contradicts the Scripture, which teaches that
" Christ is become the Surety and Mediator of a better
covenant." Heb. vii. 22. And a testament is at length
ratified in those that are dead. Ileb. ix. 15, 17.*
3. Who teach that " Christ, by his satisfaction, did not
with certainty (certo) merit that very salvation and faith,
by which this satisfaction of Christ may be effectually applied unto salvation; but only that he acquired to the
Father power, and a plenary will, of acting anew with
men, and of prescribing whatever new  conditions he
willed, the performance of which might depend on the
free will of man; and therefore it might so happen either
that none or that all might fulfil them." Now these think
far too meanly of the death of Christ; they in no wise acknowledge the principal fruit or benefit obtained by it,
and recall from hell the Pelagian heresy.t
4. Who teach that "that new covenant of grace, which
God the Father, through the intervention of the death of
Christ, hath ratified with men, does not consist in this,
that by faith, so far as it apprehends the merit of Christ,
we are justified before God and saved; but in this, that
Isa. xlii. 6; xlix. 8. Dan. ix. 27. Matt. xxvi. 28. Mark xiv. 24.
Gr. Heb. ix. 13-23; xiii. 20.
t That so large a body of learned theologians, collected from various
churches, should unanimously, and without hesitation, and in so
strong language, declare the error here rejected to be the revival of
the Pelagian heresy, may indeed astonish and disgust numbers in




SYNOD OF DORT.                         203
God, having abrogated the exaction of perfect legal obedience, imputes (reputet) faith itself, and the imperfect
obedience of faith, for the perfect obedience of the law,
and graciously reckons it as deserving of the reward of
eternal life." For these contradict the Scripture, " They
are justified freely by his grace through the redemption
made in Jesus Christ, whom  God has set forth as a propitiation through faith in his blood." Rom. iii. 24, 25.*
5. Who teach that " all men are taken into a state of
reconciliation and the grace of the covenant; so that no
one on account of original sin is liable to damnation, or
to be damned, but that all are exempt from the condemnation of this sin." For this opinion opposes the Scripture, affirming that "by nature we are the children of
wrath."t
6. Who usurp the distinction of impetration and application, that they may instil this opinion into the unwary
and inexperienced; that God, as far as pertained to him,
our age and land, who oppose something, at least, exceedingly like
this against the doctrines called evangelical; but it should lead them
to reflect on the subject, and to pray over it. Are they not, in opposing Calvinism, reviving and propagating the heresy of Pelagius?
* " We of good reason and right say with divine Paul,' That we
are justified by faith alone,' or' by faith without the works of the
law.' But, properly speaking, we by no means understand that faith
by itself, or of itself, justifies us; seeing it is that which becomes indeed as an instrument, by which we apprehend Christ our righteousness. Christ therefore himself is our righteousness, who imputes
unto us all his own merits, but faith is an instrument by which we
are joined to him in the society or communion of all his goods, and
are retained in it: insomuch that all these having been made ours,
are more than sufficient for us for our absolution from sins." Bblgic
Confession, Art. xxii.
t See on the third article of the Rejection of Errors, concerning
divine Predestination.  " Original sin, the fault and corruption of
every man that is naturally engendered of the offspring of Adam, in




204               ARTICLES OF THE
had willed to confer equally upon all men the benefits
which were acquired by the death of Christ; and that
some rather than others (prse aliis) should be partakers
of the remission of sins and eternal life, this discrimination depended on their free will, applying to themselves
of the grace indifferently offered, not from an especial
gift of mercy operating effectually in them, that they,
rather than others, should apply to themselves this grace.
For these, while they pretend to propose to themselves
this distinction in a wholesome sense, endeavour to give
the people a taste of the pernicious poison of Pelagian.ism.*
every person born into this world, deserveth God's wrath and damnation. And although there is no condemnation for them that believe
and are baptized, yet the apostle doth confess that concupiscence and
lust hath of itself the nature of sin." Art. ix. Church of England.
"We believe that the disobedience of Adam's sin, which they call
original (originis), hath been spread abroad, and poured out upon
the whole human race. But original sin is the corruption of the
whole nature, and hereditary vice, by which even infants themselves,
in the mother's womb, are polluted; and which, as a certain noxious
root, shoots forth (progerminat) every kind of sins in man, and is so
base and execrable before God, that it suffices for the condemnation
of the whole human race. Neither is it to be believed that it is entirely extinguished or pulled up by the roots in baptism; seeing that
from it, as from a corrupt fountain, perpetual streams and rivulets
continually arise and flow forth, though it does not fall out to condemnation, and is not imputed to the children of God, but is remitted
to them by the pure grace and mercy of God; not that they should
fall asleep confiding in this remission, but that it should excite the
more frequent groans (gemitus) in the faithful, and that they should
more ardently desire to be freed from this body of death. Hence we
condemn the error of the Pelagians, who assert that original sin is
nothing but imitation." Phil. ii. 13. John xv. 5. Psa. li. 7. Rom.
iii. 10. Gen. vi. 3. John iii. 6. Rom. v. 14. Eph. ii. 5. Rom. vii. 18
-24. Belgic Confession.
i 1 Cor. xv. 10. Eph. ii. 3-6. Tit. iii. 4-6. Art. x. of the Church
of England, on Free-will.
"We believe that the Holy Spirit, dwelling in our hearts, imparts




SYNOD OF DORT                       205
7. Who teach that " Christ neither could nor ought to
die, neither did he die, for those whom God especially
(summe) loved and chose to eternal life, when to such
there was no need of the death of Christ." For they contradict the apostle, saying, " Christ loved me, and gave
himself for me." Gal. ii. 20. Also, " Who can lay any
thing to the charge of God's elect? It is God that justifieth.  Who is he that condemneth?  It is Christ who
died" (Rom. viii. 32, 34), doubtless for them. And the
Saviour who declared, "I lay down my life for my sheep."
John x. 15.  And, "This is my command, that ye love
one another, as I have loved you; greater love hath no
man than this, that he lay down his life for his friends."
John xv. 12, 13.
CHAPTERS III. & IV.
OF THE DOCTRINE OF MAN'S CORRUPTION, AND OF THE METHOD OF HIS
CONVERSION TO GOD.
1. Man, from the beginning, was created in the image
of God, adorned in his mind, with the true and saving
knowledge of his Creator, and of spiritual things, with
righteousness in his will and heart, and purity in all his
affections, and thus was altogether holy; but by the instigation of the devil and his own free will (libera sua
voluntate), revolting from God, he bereaved himself of
unto us true faith, that we may attain to the true knowledge of this
so great a mystery; which faith embraces Jesus Christ, with all his
merits, and claims it to itself, as its proper effect, and seeks thenceforth nothing beyond him." Belgic Confession, Art. xxii.
18




206              ARTICLES  OF  THE
these inestimable gifts; and, on the contrary, in their
place, contracted in himself blindness, horrible darkness,
and perversity of judgment in the mind; malice, rebellion,
hardness, in the will and heart; and finally, impurity in
all his affections.
2. And such as man was after the fall, such children
also he begat; namely, being corrupted, corrupt ones,
corruption having been derived from Adam to all his posterity, (Christ only excepted,) not by imitation as the
Pelagians formerly would have it, but by the propagation
of a vicious nature, through the just judgment of God.*
3. Therefore, all men are conceived in sin, and born
the children  of wrath, indisposed  (inepti) to all saving
good, propense to evil, dead in sins, and the slaves of
sin; and without the grace of the regenerating Holy Spirit,
they neither are willing nor able to return to God, to correct their depraved nature, or to dispose themselves to the
correction of it.t
4. There is indeed remaining in man, since the fall,
some light of nature, by the help of which he retains certain notions concerning God and natural things, concerning the difference of things honourable and shameful, and
manifests some desire after virtue and external discipline;
but so far from his being able by this light of nature to
* "Hence we condemn the error of the Pelagians, who assert that
this original sin (peccatum originis) is no other thing than imitation."
Belgic Confession, Art. xv.
" Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam (in imitatione
Adami,) as the Pelagians do vainly talk, (fabulantur); but it is the
fault and corruption of the nature of every man, that naturally is
engendered of the offspring of Adam, whereby man is very far gone
(quam longissime distet) from original righteousness, and is of his
own nature inclined to evil, &c. Art. ix. Church of England."
t See on Rejection of Errors, Chap. ii. Art. 6.




SYNOD OF DORT.                        207
attain to the saving knowledge of God, or to turn himself to him, he does not use it rightly in natural and civil
things; nay, indeed, whatever thing it may at length be,
he contaminates it all in various ways, and holds it in
unrighteousness, which when he does he is rendered inexcusable before God.*
5. The reason (or purport or purpose, ratio) of the
decalogue, particularly delivered from God by Moses to
the Jews, is the same as that of the light of nature; for
when indeed it exposes the magnitude of sin, and more
and more convicts man of guilt, yet it neither discloses a
remedy, nor confers the power of emerging from misery;
so that, being rendered weak through the transgression
of the flesh, it leaves him under the curse, and man cannot through it obtain saving grace.f
6. What, therefore, neither the light of nature nor the
law could do, that God performs by the power of the Holy
Spirit, through the word, or the ministry of reconciliation;
which is the Gospel concerning the Messiah, by which it
hath pleased God to save believers, as well under the Old
as under the New Testament.4
* Man by the fall "entirely withdrew himself from God, (his true
life,) and alienated himself, his nature having been wholly vitiated
and corrupted by his sin; by which it came to pass, that he rendered
himself obnoxious as well to corporeal as to spiritual death. Therefore, having become wicked and perverse, and in all his ways and
pursuits (studiis) corrupt, he lost all those excellent gifts with which
he (God) had adorned him; so that only small sparks and slender
remains (vestigia) of them are left to him, which yet suffice to render
men inexcusable, because whatever there is in us of light hath been
turned into blind darkness." Rom. i. 18. 20; ii. 1, 12, 16. Eph. iv.
17-19. Belgic Confession, Art. xiv.
t Rom. iii. 20; v. 20; viii. 3. 2 Cor. iii. 7, 9. Gal. iii. 10, 22.
j Rom. viii. 3. Gal. iii. 22. Hlub. iv. 1, 2; xi. 7. Both in " the Old




208             ARTICLES OF THE
7. God revealed this mystery of his own will to fewer
persons under the Old Testament; but now, the distinction of people being taken away, he manifests it to more.
The cause of which dispensation is not to be ascribed to
the dignity (or worthiness) of one nation above another,
or to the better use of the light of nature, but to the most
free good pleasure and gratuitous love of God. Therefore
they to whom, beyond and contrary to all merit, such
grace is given (fit), ought to acknowledge it with an humble
and thankful heart; in respect of the rest to whom this
grace is not given, to adore with the apostle the severity
and justice of the judgments of God, but by no means to
scrutinize them curiously.t
8. But as many as are invited by the gospel, are invited sincerely (or in earnest, serio). For sincerely and
most truly God shows in his word what is pleasing to
him, namely, that they who are called should come to
him.  And he sincerely promises to all who come to him
and believe, the peace of their souls and eternal life.T
9. That many who are called by the ministry of the
gospel, do not come and are not converted, the fault of
this is not in the gospel, nor in Christ offered by the gospel, nor in God inviting by the gospel, and conferring
various gifts on them, but in the persons themselves who
are invited; some of whom being regardless, (or unconcerned, securi,) do not admit the word of eternal life;
others indeed admit it (admittunt), but do not receive
and New Testament, everlasting life is offered to mankind by Christ,
who is the only Mediator between God and man, being both God and
man."-Art. vii. Church of England.
* See Rejection of Errors on first chapter. Art. ix.
t Matt. xxii. 4-10. John vi. 37-40. Rev. xxi. 6; xxii. 17.




SYNOD OF DORT.                         209
(immittunt) it into their heart, so that they turn back
after an evanescent joy of temporary faith; and others
choke the seed of the word with the thorns of the cares
and pleasures of the world, and bring forth no fruit, as
our Saviour  teaches  us in  the parable of the sower.
Matt. xiii.*
10. And that others, who are called by the ministry of
the gospel, do come and are converted, this is not to be
ascribed to man, as if distinguishing himself by free-will
(libero arbitrio) from others, furnished with equal or
sufficient grace for faith and conversion, (which the proud
heresy of Pelagius states,) but to God, who, as he chose
his own people in Christ from eternity, so he also effectually calls them in time, gives them repentance and faith,
and, having been rescued (erutos) from the power of darkness, translates them into the kingdom of his Son, that
they may declare his energies (virtutes) who called them
out of darkness into this marvellous light, and glory, not
in themselves, but in God, the apostolic Scripture everywhere testifying this.t
* Luke vii. 12-15. John iii. 19-21. Heb. iii. 12. iv. 2.
-t Whatever things are delivered to us concerning the free-will
(libero arbitrio) of man, these we deservedly reject, because he is
the slave of sin, and man can do nothing of himself, unless
it hath been given to him  from heaven.  For who will dare to
boast that he can perform whatsoever things he shall will, when
Christ himself saith, " No one can come unto me, except the Father
who sent me shall draw him?"  Who will boast his own will, who
hears that "the affections of the flesh are enmities against God?"
Who will glory in his understanding, who knows that the animal man
is not capable of those things which are of the Spirit of God? In fine,
who will bring forward (proferat in medium) any thought of his own,
who understands that " we are not sufficient of ourselves to think
any thing as of ourselves," but that we are sufficient, all this is of
18 *




210              ARTICLES  OF THE
11. But when God performs his good pleasure in his
elect, or works in them true conversion, he not only provides that the gospel should be outwardly preached to
them, and  that their mind should be powerfully illuminated by the Holy Spirit, that they may rightly understand, and judge what are the things of the Spirit of God;
but he also, by the efficacy of the same regenerating
Spirit, penetrates into the innermost recesses of man,
opens his closed heart, softens his obdurate heart, circumcises his uncircumcised heart, infuses new qualities into
his will, makes that which had been dead alive, that which
was evil good, that which had been unwilling willing, and
from being refractory, obedient; and leads and strengthens
it, that as a good tree it may be able to bring forth the
fruit of good works.*
12. And this is that regeneration which is so much
declared in the Scriptures, a new creation, a resurrection
from the dead, a giving of life, (vivificatio,) which God
without us, (that is, without our concurrence) worketh in
us.  And  this is by no means effected by the doctrine
alone sounding without, by moral suasion, or by such a
mode of working, that after the operation of God (as far
as he is concerned) it should remain in the power of man,
God? That which the apostle hath said ought to remain certain and
firm: "It is God who worketh in us, both that we may be willing,
and that we may effect (it) of his own most gratuitous benevolence."
Phil. ii. 13. For no mind, no will acquiesces in the will of God, in
which Christ himself hath not first worked, which he also teacheth,
saying, "Without me ye are able to do nothing." John xv. 5. Belgic Confession, Art. xiv.
* Dent. xxx. 6. Ps. ex. 3, Bible translation. Jer. xxxi. 33; xxxii.
39. Ez. xi. 19; xxxvi. 25, 26. Zech. xii. 10. Matt. xi. 25, 26. John
i. 12; iii. 3-6; vi. 44, 45, 65. Eph. ii. 4, 5. Phil. i. 13. Col. i. 13.
1 Thess. ii. 13, 14. Tit. iii. 4-6. 1 Pet. i. 3; ii. 9, 10.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                      211
to be regenerated or not regenerated, converted or not
converted: but it is manifestly an operation supernatural,
at the same time most powerful and most sweet, wonderful,
secret, and ineffable in its power, according to the Scripture, (which is inspired by the Author of this operation,)
not less than, or inferior to, creation or the resurrection
of the dead, so that all those in whose hearts God works
in this admirable manner are certainly, infallibly and
efficaciously regenerated, and in fact (actu) believe.* And
thus their will being now renewed, is not only influenced
and moved by God, but being acted on by God, itself
acts and moves.  Wherefore, the man himself, through
this grace received, is rightly said to believe and repent.t
13. Believers cannot in this life fully comprehend the
manner of this operation; in the meantime they acquiesce
in it, because by this grace of God they know and feel
that they believe in their heart and love their Saviour.
14. Thus, therefore, faith is the gift of God, not in that
it is offered to the will of man by God, but that the thing
itself is conferred on him, inspired, infused into him.
Not even that God only confers the power of believing,
but from thence expects the consent, or the act of believing; but that he, who worketh both to will and to do,
worketh in man both to will to believe, and to believe
itself (et velle credere et ipsum credere), and thus he
worketh all things in all.1
* John v. 21, 24, 25. Rom. vi. 4-6; viii. 2. 2 Cor. v. 17, 18. Gal.
vi. 15. Eph. i. 19, 20; ii. 6, 10. Col. ii. 12, 13; iii. 1.
- Jer. xxxi. 18, 19. Acts iii. 19; v. 31. Rom. viii. 13. 2 Tim. ii.
25, 26. 1 Pet. i. 22.
1' We believe that the Holy Spirit dwelling in our hearts doth
impart to us true faith."  Belgic Confession, Art. xxii.




212            ARTICLES  OF THE
15. This grace God owes to no one.  For what can he
owe to him, who is able to give nothing first, that he may
be recompensed?  (Rom. xi. 35.) Nay, what can he owe
to him, who has nothing of his own but sin and a lie?
He, therefore, who receives this grace, owes and renders
everlasting thanks to God; he who receives it not, either
does not care for those spiritual things, and rests satisfied
within himself; or, being secure, he vainly glories that
he possesses what he has not.  Moreover, concerning
those who outwardly profess faith and amend their lives,
it is best to judge and speak after the example of the
apostles; for the inmost recesses (penetralia) of the heart
are to us impenetrable.  As for those who have not yet
been called, it behoves us to pray to God, who calls the
things which are not, as though they were; but in no
wise are we to act proudly against them (adversus superbiendum eos est), as if we had made ourselves to differ.
(Rom. xi. 18-20. 1 Cor. iv. 6, 7.)
16. But in like manner, as by the fall man does not
cease to be man, endowed with intellect and will, neither
has sin, which has pervaded the whole human race, taken
away the nature of the human species, but it hath depraved
and spiritually stained it; so even this divine grace of regeneration does not act upon men like stocks and trees, nor
take away the proprieties (or properties, proprietates) of
his will, or violently compel it while unwilling; but it
spiritually quickens, (or vivifies,) heals, corrects, and
sweetly, and at the same time, powerfully inclines it; so
that whereas before it was wholly governed by the rebellion and resistance of the flesh, now prompt and sincere
obedience of the Spirit may begin to reign, in which the
renewal of our spiritual will and our liberty truly consist.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                      213
In  which  manner, (or for which reason,) unless the
admirable Author of all good should work in us, there
could be no hope to man of rising from the fall, by that
free will, by which when standing he fell into ruin.*
17. But in the same manner as the omnipotent operation of God, whereby he produces and supports our natural life, doth not exclude, but require the use of means,
by which God in his infinite wisdom and goodness sees
fit to exercise this his power, so this fore-mentioned
supernatural power of God, by which he regenerates us,
in no wise excludes or sets aside the use of the gospel,
which the most wise God hath ordained as the seed of
regeneration and the food of the soul. Wherefore, as the
apostles, and those teachers who followed them, have
piously instructed the people concerning this grace of
God, in order to his glory and to the keeping down of all
pride; in the meantime, neither have they neglected
(being admonished by the holy gospel) to keep  them
under the exercise of the word, the sacraments, and discipline: so then be it far from us, that teachers or learners
in the church should presume to tempt God, by separating those things, which God, of his own good pleasure,
would have most closely united together. For grace is
conferred through admonitions, and the more promptly
we do our duty, the more illustrious the benefit of God,
who worketh in us, is wont to be, and the most rightly
doth his work proceed.  To whom  alone all the glory,. A more lucid and scriptural exposition of the efficacious influence, by which the regenerating, life-giving, illuminating grace of
the Holy Spirit draws, teaches, and inclines the heart to willing
and sweet submission and obedience, can hardly be produced from
any writer. 2 Cor. x. 5.




214              ARTICLES OF THE
both of the means and their beneficial fruits and efficacy,
is due for everlasting. Amen.*
These seventeen  articles are abbreviated, as above
stated, in these two that follow.
ART. III.-Of Man's Will in a State of Nature.
" That by Adam's fall his posterity lost their free will,
being put to an unavoidable necessity to do, or not to do,
whatsoever they do or do not, whether it be good or evil;
being thereunto predestinated by the eternal and effectual
secret decree of God."
ART. IV. Of the Manner of Conversion.
" That God, to save his elect from the corrupt mass,
doth beget faith in them, by a power equal to that whereby
he created the world and raised up the dead: insomuch,
that such unto whom  he gives grace cannot reject, and
the rest, being reprobate, cannot accept it."t
REJECTION  OF ERRORS ON  THE  THIRD  AND  FOURTH
CHAPTERS.
The orthodox doctrine having been set forth, the Synod
rejects the errors of those,
1. Who teach that "it cannot properly be said, that
original sin (peccatum originis,) suffices of itself for the
* Can any statement be more rational, unexceptionable, and scriptural than this is?
t Let the candid reader compare carefully the seventeen articles
above given, with these two abbreviated articles, and then judge for
himself, whether such a reporter deserves even the least credit or
confidence.




SYNOD OF DORT.                        215
condemnation of the whole human race, or the desert of
temporal and eternal punishments;;' for they contradict
the apostle, who says, (Rom. v. 12), " By one man sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death passed
upon all men, for that all have sinned." And ver. 16,
" By one man the offence entered unto condemnation."
Also (Rom. vi. 23), " The wages of sin is death."*
2. Who teach that " spiritual gifts, or good habits and
virtues, such as kindness, sanctity, and justice, could have
no place in the will of man when he was first created, and
therefore neither in the fall could they be separated from
it." For this opposes (pugnat cum) the description of
the image of God, which the apostle states in Eph. iv. 24,
where he describes it (as consisting) " in righteousness
and holiness," which have a place in the will altogether.
3. Who teach that " spiritual gifts are not separated
from the will of man in spiritual death, as it (the will)
never was corrupted in itself, but only impeded by the
darkness of the mind, and the irregularity of the affections; which impediments being removed, it may be able
to exert the free power planted (insitam) in it: that is,
it might of itself will or choose, or not will or choose,
whatever good was proposed to it." This is new and erroneous; even so far as it causes the power of free-will
to be exalted, against the words of the prophet, (Jeremiah
xvii. 9,) " The heart is deceitful above all things and per* "Original sin is so base and execrable, that it suffices to the
condemnation of the whole human race." Belgic Confession, Art. xv.
"God saw that man had so cast himself into the condemnation of
deafh, both corporeal and spiritual, and was made altogether miserable and accursed." Ibid. Art. xvii. "In every person born into the
world, it deserveth God's wrath and damnation." Art. ix. Church of
England.




216              ARTICLES OF THE
verse:" and the apostle, (Eph. ii. 3,) "Among whom,
(contumacious men,) we all had our conversation in times
past, in the lusts of our flesh, fulfilling the desires of the
flesh and of the thoughts."*
4. Who teach that "man unregenerate is neither properly nor totally dead in sins, or destitute of all power for
what is spiritually good; but that he can hunger and
thirst after righteousness or life, and offer the sacrifice of
a broken and contrite spirit, which is accepted by God."
For these things are contrary to the open testimonies of
Scripture, (Eph. ii. 14,) "Ye were dead in  trespasses
and sins."   And Gen. vi. 5, and viii. 21, "The imagination of the thoughts of man's heart is only evil continually.'  Moreover, to hunger and thirst after deliverance
from  misery, and  for life, and to offer unto God the
sacrifice of a contrite spirit, is the part of the regenerate,
and of those who are said to be blessed.  Psa. li. 19.
1 Chron. xxix. 14. Matt. v. 6.
5. Who teach that "man, corrupt, animal, (4ux )oo)
can so rightly use common grace, which in them  is the
light of nature, and the gifts remaining after the fall,
that by this good use he may obtain greater grace, for
instance, evangelical or saving, and gradually may obtain
salvation itself: and on this account God hath showed himself ready, on his part, to reveal Christ to all, seeing that he, "The apostle says that' it is God who worketh in us, both that
we should will, and that we should do, of his own free benevolence;'
for no mind, no will, acquiesces in the will of God, in which Christ
himself hath not first operated." Belgic Confession, Art. xiv. " We
have no power to do good works, pleasant and acceptable to God,
without the grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have
a good will: and working with us, when we have that good will."
Art. x. Church of England.




SYNOD OF DORT.                         217
administers to all, sufficiently and efficaciously, the necessary means to the revelation of Christ, faithand repentance."
For, besides the experience of all ages, this is testified to
be false  by the Scripture, (Psa. cxlvii. 19, 20,)  "He
showeth his words unto Jacob, his statutes and laws unto
Israel; he hath  not done so  unto  any  other people,
neither have they known his laws." (Acts xvi. 16.) " God
permitted in past ages, all the nations to walk in their
own  ways."  Acts xvi. 6, 7. "They  were  forbidden
(Paul and his companions) by the Holy Ghost to preach
the  word of God  in  Asia."   And "when  they were
come into Mysia, they endeavored to go towards Bithynia,
but the Spirit suffered them not.*
* The matter of fact, that all those who enjoy the means of
grace in the greatest abundance, do not profit by them, is as undeniable as that all nations are not favoured with the means of grace; but
to speak of those things as sufficient and efficacious, which in the case
of a vast majority prove insufficient and inefficacious, must surely be
unreasonable, especially as to them the Gospel itself proves "a savour of death unto death." That " Paul may plant and Apollos may
water," but that God alone can give "the increase," is most manifest
to those who have the deepest experience, and have made the most
accurate and long-continued observation on the event of the wisest,
most loving, and most Scriptural instructions. 1 Cor. iii. 6, 7.
Enough has been quoted from the Belgic Confession to show that this
error was as contrary to that document, as to any article of the Synod
of Dort. " The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that
he cannot turn or prepare himself, by his own natural strength and
good works, to faith and calling upon God."  "Works done before
the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spirit, are not pleasant
to God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ; neither do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the school authors say) deserve grace of congruity; yea, rather, for that they are
not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we
doubt not but they have the nature of sin." Art. x. xiii. Ch. of Eng.
He who is well versed in this controversy, is aware that the doctrine
19




218            ARTICLES OF THE
7. Who teach that "in the true conversion of man
there cannot be new qualities, habits, or gifts infused by
God into his will; and so faith, by which we are first converted, and from which we are called the faithful, is not
a quality or gift infused by God, but only an act of man;
nor can it be otherwise called a gift than with respect to
the power of attaining it." For these contradict the holy
Scriptures, which testify that God doth infuse new qualities
of faith, obedience, and a sense of his love into our hearts.
Jer. xxxi. 33. " I will put my law into their mind, and
will write it in their heart." Isa. xliv. 3. "I will pour
water on him  that is athirst, and rivers upon the dry
ground; I will pour out my Spirit on thy seed." Rom.
v. 5. "The love of God which is shed abroad in our
hearts by the Holy Spirit which is given to us."  They
also contradict the constant practice of the church, according to the prophet, praying-" Convert thou me, and
I shall be converted." Jer. xxxi. 18, 19. (Ez. xi. 19, 20;
xxxvi. 25-27. Eph. i. 19, 20; ii. 8-10.)
7. Who teach " that the grace by which we are converted to God, is nothing else than gentle suasion; or
(as others explain it) the most noble method of acting in
the conversion of man, and the most suitable (convenientissimum) to human nature, is that which is done by suasions, and that nothing hinders that moral grace alone
should render animal (natural, 4tuxnov) men spiritual; indeed God produces the consent of the will no otherwise
than by moral reason; and the efficacy of divine grace, by
which he overcomes the operation of Satan, consists in
here condemned, comprises the very hinge on which the whole turns;
iffalse, Calvinists (in the modern use of the word) are right; if true,
anti-Calvinists are right.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  219
this, that God promises eternal benefits, and Satan temporal ones." For this is altogether Pelagian, and contrary
to the whole Scripture, which, besides this, acknowledges
also another and far more effectual and divine mode of
acting of the Holy Spirit in man's conversion. Ezek.
xxxvi. 26. "I will give you a new heart, and I will put
a new spirit within you; and I will take away the heart
of stone, and give you a heart of flesh," &c. "Except
a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God."
John iii. 3-6. "The natural man (4vxiwc) receiveth not
the things of the Spirit of God, neither can he know them,
because they are spiritually discerned." 1 Cor. ii. 14.
8. Who teach that " God does not apply those powers
of his own omnipotence in the regeneration of man, by
which he mightily and infallibly bends his will to faith
and conversion; but all the operations of grace having
been employed (positis) which God makes use of in man's
conversion, man nevertheless can so resist God and the
Spirit, intending his regeneration and willing to regenerate
him, and in very deed (ipso actu) often doth so resist, as
entirely to hinder his own regeneration, and thus it remains in his own power, whether he will be regenerated
or not." For this is no other than taking away all the
efficacy of God's grace in our conversion, and subjecting
the act of Almighty God to the will of man, and
contradicts the apostles, who teach that "we believe
through the efficacy of the mighty power of God." Eph.
i. 19, and that " God fills up in us the good pleasure of
his goodness, and the work of faith with power." 2 Thess.
i. 11.  Also, that "his divine power hath given us all
things which pertain to life and godliness." 2 Pet. i. 3.
"Thy people shall be willing in the day of thy power."
"It is God that worketh in us both to will and to do."




220             ARTICLES OF THE
The want of the willing mind is the grand thing wanting,
and until this is wrought in us, we " do always resist the
Holy Ghost." (Psa. ex. 4. Phil. i. 13.)
9. Who teach that " grace and free will are partial
causes concurring at the same time, to the beginning of
conversion; nor doth grace, in the order of causality, precede the efficacy of the will; that is, God does not effectually help the will of man to conversion, before the will
of man moves and determines itself."  For this dogma
the ancient church long ago condemned in Pelagius,
from the apostle, Rom. ix. 16. " It is not of him  that
willeth, nor of him that runneth, but of God that showeth
mercy." And 1 Cor. iv. 7. "Who maketh thee to differ?
And what hast thou that thou didst not receive?" Also,
Phil. ii. 13. "It is God who worketh in you this very
thing, to will and to do of his good pleasure."*
CHAPTER V.
OF DOCTRINE.
CONCERNING THE PERSEVERANCE OF THE SAINTS.
1. Those whom God, according to his purpose, calleth
to the fellowship of his Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, and
regenerates by the Holy Spirit, he indeed sets free from
the dominion and slavery of sin, but not entirely in this
life from the flesh and the body of sin.t
* "Almighty God, we humbly beseech thee that, as by thy special
grace preventing us, thou dost put into our minds good desires, so,
&c." (Collect. East. Sund. Ch. Eng.
t They who constitute the true church; "such a mark of them is
the faith by which Christ, or their only Saviour, being apprehended,




SYNOD OF DORT.                         221
2. Hence daily sins of infirmity arise, and blemishes
(ncevi) cleave to the best works even of the saints, which
furnish to them continual cause (materiam) of humbling
themselves before God, of fleeing to Christ crucified, of
mortifying the flesh  more and  more by the spirit of
prayer, and the holy exercises of piety, and of panting
after the goal of perfection (ad perfectionis metam suspirandi) until the time when, delivered from this body of
death, they shall reign with the Lamb of God in the
heavens.*
3. Because of these remains of indwelling sin, and
moreover, also, the temptations of the world and of Satan, the converted could not continue (perstare) in this
grace, if they were left to their own strength. But God
is faithful, who confirms them in the grace once mercifully conferred on them, and powerfully preserves them
in the same, even unto the end.t
4. But though that power of God, confirming the truly
they flee from sin and follow after righteousness; at the same time
they love the true God and their neighbours, neither turning aside to
the right hand nor to the left: they crucify the flesh with its affections, but by no means this indeed, as if there were not in them any
longer infirmity: but that they fight against it through the whole
time of their life, by the energy (virtutem) of the Holy Spirit; and
in the mean time they flee to the blood, the death, and the sufferings
and obedience of our Lord Christ, as to their most safe protection."
Belgic Confession, Art. xxix. Rom. vii. 21-25; viii. 1, 2. Gal. v.
16, 17, 24. See Art. ix. Ch. Eng.-The Remonstrants or Arminians
of those days held, it seems, the doctrine of sinless perfection in this
life more generally than anti-Calvinists do at present.
* " Not that they should slumber, trusting in this remission, but
that the feeling of this corruption may excite in the faithful more
frequent groans; and that they may wish more ardently to be freed
from this body of death. Rom. vii. 18, 24." Belgic Confession, Art. xv.
t Prov. xxviii. 26. Jer. xvii. 9. Luke xxiL 31, 32. 1 Pet. L 5.
19 9




222             ARTICLES OF T:HE
faithful (vere fideles) in grace, and preserving them, is
greater than what can be overcome by the flesh; yet the
converted are not always so influenced and moved by
God, that they cannot depart, in certain particular actions,
from the leading of grace, and be seduced by the desires
(concupiscentiis) of the flesh, and obey them.  Wherefore, they must continually watch and pray, lest they
should be led into temptations.  Which, when they do
not, they may be not only violently carried away by the
flesh, and the world, and Satan, unto grievous and atrocious sins; but they are sometimes even thus violently
carried away by the righteous permission of God, which
the mournful falls of David and Peter, and of other saints
recorded in Scripture, demonstrate.*
5. But by such enormous sins they exceedingly offend
God; they incur the guilt of death, they grieve the Holy
Spirit, they interrupt the exercise of faith, they most
grievously wound conscience, and they sometimes lose,
for a time, the perception of grace, until by serious repentance returning into the way, the paternal countenance of God again shines upon them. (Psa. li. 11, 12.)
6. For God, who is rich in mercy, from his immutable
purpose of election, does not wholly take away his Holy
Spirit from his own, even in lamentable falls; nor does
he so permit them  to glide down (prolabi,) that they
should fall from the grace of adoption and the state of
justification, or commit the sin unto death, or against the
Holy Spirit, that, being deserted by him, they should
cast themselves headlong into eternal destruction.t
* Psa. cxix. 116, 117. Matt. xxvi. 40, 41, 69-75. 1 Pet. v. 8.
Jude 20, 21, 24.
t Luke xxii. 32. John iv. 14. 1 John v. 16-18.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                      223
7. In the first place, he preserves in them, in these falls,
that immortal seed by which they are regenerated, (or
begotten again, regeniti,) lest it should perish, or be shaken
out. 1 Pet. i. 23. 1 John iii. 9. Then, by his own word
and Spirit, he assuredly and efficaciously renews them to
repentance, that from the soul they may mourn according
to God for the sins committed, may seek remission in the
blood of the Mediator by faith, with a contrite heart, and
obtain it, that they may feel the favour of God again
reconciled, may adore his mercies by faith, and finally,
work out their salvation more earnestly with fear and
trembling.*
8. So that not by their own merits or strength, but by
the gratuitous mercy of God they obtain it, that they
neither totally fall from faith and grace, nor finally continue
in their falls and perish. Which as to themselves (quoadl
ipsos) not only might easily be done, but would without
doubt be done; yet in respect of God, it cannot at all be
done, (or take place, fieri,) as, neither can his counsel be
changed, his promise fall, their vocation according to his
purpose be recalled, the merit, intercession, and guardianship of Christ be rendered void, nor the sealing of the
Holy Spirit become vain, or be blotted out.t
9. Of this guarding of the elect to salvation, and the
perseverance in the faith of the truly faithful, (vere fideliumn,) the faithful themselves may become certain  (asCan anything be guarded in a more wise, holy, and scriptural
manner, than this statement of the means by which God preserves
and restores his offending children? Psa. 1xxxix. 30-34. Jer. xxxii.
40. 1 Cor. xi. 32. Matt. xxvi. 75. John xxi. 17. 1 Pet. iv. 7; v. 8.
t John x. 27-30; xiii. 36; xiv. 19; xvii. 24. Rom. v. 9, 10; viii,
16, 17, 28-39. 2 Cor. i. 2. Eph. i. 13, 14; v. 30,




224              ARTICLES OF  T HE
sured), and are, according to the measure of their faith, by
which they certainly believe themselves to be, and that
they shall perpetually remain true and living members
of the church, have remission of sins, and eternal life.*
10. And, indeed, (truly proinde,) this certainty is not
from any peculiar revelation made beyond or without the
word of God, but from the belief of the promises which
God hath most copiously revealed in his own word for
our comfort; by the testimony "of the Holy Spirit witnessing with our spirit, that we are the sons and heirs of
God."  Rom. viii. 16.   Finally, from  the earnest (or
serious, serio) and holy desire (or pursuit, studio) of a
good conscience and good works.t  And of this substantial consolation of the victory to be obtained, and the infallible earnest of eternal glory, if the elect of God could
be deprived "in this world, they would of all men be
the most miserable."
11. In the mean while, the Scripture testifies that the
faithful in this life are assaulted (conJlictari) with various
doubtings of the flesh, and, being placed in heavy temptations, do not always feel this full assurance of faith and
certainty of perseverance. But God, " the Father of all
consolation," does not suffer them to be tempted above
their strength, but with the temptation  makes some
way of escape" (prcastat evasionerm, ro:ewn xCoiv )  And,
- May become certain, not, are all of them, or at all times certain.
Heb. vi. 10, 11. 2 Pet. i. 10, 11. 1 John v. 11-13, 19, 20.
t Surely this has the stamp of holiness deeply impressed upon it!
It is evangelical truth, in that part of it, which is most vehemently
accused as tending to laxity of practice, and most frequently misstated by the injudicious, and perverted by enthusiasts and hypocrites, set forth in its genuine and inseparable connection with good
works. 1 Cor. xv. 58.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                     225
by the Holy Spirit, he excites again in the same persons,
the certainty of perseverance.
12. But so far is this certainty of perseverance from
rendering the truly faithful proud and carnally secure,
that, on the contrary, it is the true root of humility, of
filial reverential fear, of true piety, of patience in every
conflict, of ardent prayers, of constancy in the cross, and
in the confession of the truth, and of solid joy in God;
and the consideration of this benefit is the spur (stimulus)
to the serious and continual exercise of gratitude and
good works, as it appears by the testimonies of the Scriptures, and the examples of the saints.
13. Neither even in those who are re-instated after a
fall, doth the renewed confidence of perseverance produce
licentiousness, or neglect (incuriam) of piety, but much
greater care of solicitously being guarded (or kept) in the
ways of God, which are prepared, that by walking in
them  they may retain the certainty of their own perseverance, lest, on account of the abuse of his paternal benignity, the face of the merciful God, (the contemplation
of which is to the pious, sweeter than life, and the withdrawing of it more bitter than death,) should again be
turned  away from  them, and so they should fall into
heavier torments of the soul. (Psa. lxxxv. 8.)
14. But as it hath pleased God to begin this work in
us by the preaching of the gospel, so by the hearing,
reading, meditation of the same, by exhortations, threatenings, promises, and moreover, by the use of the sacraments, he preserves, continues, and perfects it.*
15. This doctrine concerning the perseverance of the
* Is not this a full confutation of those who accuse such as hold
this doctrine with rendering all means of grace needless, and all ex



226             ARTICLES  OF THE
truly believing and saints, and of its certainty, which God
hath abundantly revealed in his word, to the glory of his
own name and to the comfort of pious souls, and hath impressed on the hearts of the faithful, the flesh indeed doth
not receive, Satan hates, the world derides, the inexperienced (imperiti) and hypocrites violently hurry away
(rapiunt) into abuse, and the spirits of error oppose. But
the spouse of Christ hath always most tenderly loved it,
as a treasure of inestimable value, and hath constantly
defended it (propugnavit), which indeed that she may do
God will take care (procurabit), against whom  neither
counsel can avail, nor any strength succeed. To whom,
the only God, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, be honour
and glory for ever and ever. Amen.
These fifteen articles are abbreviated, as has been above
stated, in the following article.
ART. V. Of the Certainty of Perseverance.
" That such as have once received that grace by faith,
can never fall from it finally or totally, notwithstanding the
most enormous sins they can commit."
To which is added, " This is the shortest, and withal
the most favourable summary which I have hitherto met
with of the conclusions of this Synod, that which was
drawn up by the Remonstrants in their Antidotum, being
much more large, and comprehending many things by
hortations nugatory? The means to be used by the persons themselves, and by others for them, in whatever form they are employed,
constitute a part of that counsel and plan, by which God preserves
his people, and causes them "to walk religiously in good works, and
at length by his mercy they attain to everlasting felicity." Art. xvii.
Church of England. Compare Acts xxvii. 22-24, with 31, and Jude
20, 21, with 24.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  227
way of inference which are not positively expressed in the
words themselves."
I am not able to annex the Antidotum of the Remonstrants: yet I cannot but be disposed to think, that it
does not contain a more unfavourable statement of the
conclusions made by the Synod of Dort, than that abbreviated in these five articles, though doubtless it is more
prolix. But would not the very articles published by the
Synod itself, being produced or commented on, have been
far more like a fair and equitable conduct towards it, than
any abbreviation or antidotum, drawn up by its avowed
opponents? I trust such would have been the conduct
of most Calvinists, in recording the proceedings of an
anti-Calvinistic Synod: but it seems Calvinists are exceptions to all rules, and have no right to expect fair and
equitable treatment from other men.
REJECTION OF ERRORS ON THE FIFTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE DOCTRINE OF THE PERSEVERANCE OF
THE SAINTS.
The orthodox doctrine having been set forth, the Synod
rejects the errors of those,
1. Who teach that "the perseverance of the truly
faithful is not the effect of election, or the gift of God
obtained by the death of Christ, but a condition of the
new covenant, to be performed by man, of free-will, antecedent to his peremptory election and justification, as
they themselves speak." For the sacred Scripture testifies,
that it follows election, and that it is given to the elect
through the power of the death, resurrection, and intercession of Christ. Rom. xi. 7. " The election have ob



228              ARTICLES OF THE
tained; the  rest were hardened." (ifc~,oaw). Also,
Rom. viii. 32. "He who spared not his-own Son, but
delivered him up for us all, how shall he not with him
freely give us all things? Who shall lay anything to the
charge of God's elect? It is God that justifieth. Who
is he that condemneth? It is Christ who died; yea, rather, who is risen again, who also sitteth at the right
hand of God, who likewise intercedeth for us. Who shall
separate us from the love of Christ?"*
2. Who teach that "God indeed provides the believer
with powers sufficient for persevering, and is ready to
preserve them in him if he performs his duty: all things,
however, being furnished which are necessary to persevering in faith, and which God willeth to supply for the
preservation of faith, it always depends upon the freedom
of the will whether he will persevere or not persevere:"
for this opinion contains manifest Pelagianism; and, while
it willeth to make men free, makes them sacrilegious, contrary to the perpetual agreement of the evangelical doctrine, which deprives men of all ground (materiam) for
glorying, and ascribes to divine grace alone the praise of
this benefit; and it is opposite to the apostle, who declares that " it is God who will confirm us even to the
end blameless, in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ."
I Cor. i. 8.t
- Luke xxii. 32. 1 Pet. i. 5. "Because the frailty of man without
thee cannot but fall; keep us ever by thy help from all things hurtful." Collect, xv. after Trinity, Church of England.
t " Being confident of this, that he who hath begun a good worl
in you, will perform it until the day of Jesus Christ." Phil. i. 6. If
it depend absolutely on the freedom of man's will, whether he will
persevere or not, his reliance must and ought to be placed on that,
on which the whole event depends; and is not this to trust our own
hearts?




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  229
3. Who teach that "true believers and regenerate
persons may not only fall from justifying faith, and in
like manner from grace and salvation, totally and finally,
but likewise that in fact (re ipsa) they not seldom do fall
from it, and perish eternally." For this opinion renders
vain the grace itself of justification and regeneration, and
the perpetual guardian care (custodiam) of Christ, contrary to the express words of the apostle Paul. Rom. v.
8, 9.  "If Christ died for us while we were yet sinners,
much more, therefore, being now justified through his
blood, we shall be saved from wrath by him."  And,
contrary to the apostle John, (1 John iii. 9,) " Every one
that is born of God doth not commit sin, because his
seed remaineth in him; neither can he sin, because he is
born of God." Also, contrary to the words of Jesus Christ,
(John x. 28, 29,) "I give eternal life to my sheep, and
they shall never perish, neither shall any one tear them
violently out of my hand; my Father who gave them me
is greater than all, neither can any one tear them violently out of my Father's hand."
4. Who teach that "true believers and the regenerate
may sin the sin unto death, or against the Holy Spirit."
But the same apostle, John, chap. v., after, in the 16th
and 17th verses, he has mentioned those who sin unto
death, and forbidden to pray for them, immediately, ver.
18, adds, "We know, that whosoever is born of God,
sinneth not," (namely, in that kind of sin) " but he that
is born of God, keepeth himself, and that wicked one
toucheth him not."
5. Who teach that "no certainty of future perseverance can be had in this life without special revelation."
For by this doctrine solid consolation is taken away from
20




230             ARTICLES  OF  THE
true believers in this life, and the doubting of the papists
(pontioficiorum) brought back into the church.  But the
holy Scripture every where requires this certainty, not
from special and extraordinary revelation, but from the
peculiar marks of the children of God, and the most constant promises of God.  In the first place, the apostle
Paul, (Rom. viii. 39,) " No created thing can separate us
from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord,"
and 1 John iii. 24, "Whoso keepeth his commandment
remaineth in him, and he in him; and hereby we know
that we remain in him by the Spirit which he hath given
us."*
6. Who teach that " the doctrine of perseverance and
the assurance of salvation, from its nature and tendency
(indole), is a pillow for the flesh, and injurious to piety,
good conduct, prayers, and other holy exercises; but that
on the contrary, to doubt concerning it is laudable." For
these persons show themselves to be ignorant of the efficacy of divine grace, and of the operation of the indwelling
Holy Spirit; and they contradict the apostle John, affirming in express words, (1 John iii. 2, 3,) "Beloved, now
are we the sons of God, but it doth not yet appear what
we shall be; we know, however, that when he shall be
revealed, we shall be like him, because we shall see him
as he is. And whoso hath this hope in him, purifieth him* 1 John ii. 3, 4; iii. 14, 18, 19. Not a single instance can be adduced from the Scripture, in which any prophet or apostle ascribes
his own assurance of salvation to special revelation, or to any thing
different from what he exhorts others to, in order to obtain and retain
the same assurance. This concludes at least as strongly against those
who ground their assurance on dreams, visions, and impressions of
whatever kind, as those who say it can only be enjoyed by immediate
revelation.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                       231
self, even as he is pure." They are, moreover, confuted
by the examples of the saints in the Old as well as in the
New Testament, who, though they were certain of their
own perseverance  and salvation, were nevertheless assiduous in prayers and other pious exercises.
7. Who teach that "the faith of temporary believers
doth not differ from justifying and saving faith, except
in duration alone."   For Christ himself, (Iatt. xiii. 20,
and Luke viii. 13, &c.,) besides this, manifestly constituted a threefold distinction between temporary and true
believers, as he says, those received the seed in stony
ground, these in good ground, or "an  honest heart;"
those are without root; these have a firm root; those are
destitute of fruit; these bring forth their fruit in divers
measures, constantly or perseveringly.*
8. Who teach that " it is not absurd, that the first regeneration being extinct, man should be again, yea, more
often regenerated."t  For by this doctrine they deny the
incorruptibility of the seed of God, by which we are born
again, contrary to the testimony of the apostle, 1 Pet. i.
23: "Being born again, not of corruptible seed, but of
incorruptible."
9. Who teach that "Christ doth in no wise pray for
the infallible perseverance in faith of believers." For
they contradict Christ himself, who says, (Luke xxii. 32,)
"I have prayed for thee, (Peter,) that thy faith fail not,"
* " The foolish virgins took their lamps, but no oil with them.
The wise took oil in their vessels, with their lamps." Matt. xxv. 4, 5.
1 John ii. 19.
t This is a ground that modern opposers of the doctrine not only
disclaim, but charge it erroneously as an error which the Calvinists
maintain.




232             ARTICLES  OF THE
and John the evangelist, testifying, (John xvii. 20,) that
Christ prayed, not only for the apostles, but likewise for
all who shall believe through their words; ver. 11, " Holy
Father, keep them through thy name;" and ver. 15, "I
pray not that thou mayest take them out of the world,
but that thou shouldest keep them from evil."
CONCLUSION.
And this is a perspicuous, simple, and ingenuous declaration of the orthodox doctrine concerning the five
controverted articles in Belgium, and a rejection of the
errors by which the Belgic churches have for some time
been disturbed, which the Synod, having taken from the
word of God, judges to be agreeable to the confessions
of the Reformed churches.  Whence it clearly appears
that they, whom it by no means became, purposed to inculcate on the people those (articles) which are contrary
to all truth, equity, and charity.
(Namely,) " That the doctrine of the Reformed churches
concerning predestination, and the heads connected with
it, (annexis ei,) by its own proper nature (genio) and
impulse, draws away the minds of men from all piety and
religion;* that it is the pillow of the flesh and of the
*Two things clearly appear from this passage, 1. The Remonstrants assumed it as undoubted that the predestination which they
opposed, with its connected heads of doctrine, was generally held by
the Reformed churches, including the Church of England. And, 2.
They injuriously charged it with involving those very consequences
which they who contend that the Church of England is not Calvinistic
charge on the doctrine of those whom they call Calvinists.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                       233
devil, the citadel of Satan, from which he lies in ambush
(insidietur) for all, wounds very many, and fatally pierces
through many, as well with javelins of desperation as of
security. That the same doctrine makes God the author
of sin, unjust, a tyrant, a hypocrite; nor is it any other
than interpolated Stoicism, Manicheism, Libertinism, and
Turcism, (Turcismum.)*  That it renders men secure, as
being persuaded that it does not hinder the salvation of
the elect, in what manner soever they live;'and they can
with safety perpetrate the most atrocious crimes. That it
does not profit the reprobate, as to salvation, if they
should truly do all the works of the saints. That by the
same (doctrine) it is taught that God, by the bare and
mere determination (nudo puroque arbitrio) of his will,
without any respect (views intuitu) of the sin of any man,
predestinated and created the greatest part of the world
to eternal damnation. That in the same manner as election
is the fountain and cause of faith and good works, reprobation is the cause of infidelity and impiety. That many
unoffending (innoxice) infants of believers are violently
torn away from the breasts of their mothers, and tyranni* The chapter in the "Refutation of Calvinism," showing "that
the earliest heretics maintained opinions greatly resembling the peculiar tenets of Calvinism," comes far short, it seems, of the charges
brought by the Remonstrants against the doctrine of predestination
as held by the Reformed churches, including that of England among
the rest. That doctrine, as held in these churches, was not only
Manicheism, but heathen Stoicism, infidel Libertinism, and Mohammedism. But it is far more easy to bring accusations against any
tenet or body of men, than satisfactorily to prove them. The Synod
of Dort did not at all shrink from proclaiming that such charges had
been brought; and they were satisfied, and on good ground, that they
had fully demonstrated them to be unfounded.
20*




284             ARTICLES  OF THE
eally precipitated into hell; so that neither baptism, nor
the prayers of the church at their baptism, profit them."*
Also, those very many other things that are of the same
kind, which the Reformed churches not only do not
acknowledge, but which they detest with their whole soul
(pectore). Wherefore, this Synod of Dordrecht, obtests
by the name of the Lord, all as many as piously call on
the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ, that they would
judge concerning the faith of the Reformed churches, not
from the calumnies heaped together from this and the
other quarter (hinc inde), nor even from  the private sayings of certain individuals, as well ancient as modern
doctors, quoted often either unfaithfully, or wrested (detortis) into a foreign meaning; but from the public confessions of those churches and from this declaration of the
orthodox doctrine, confirmed by the unanimous consent
of all, and every one, of the members of this whole Synod.
It then (deinde) seriously admonishes the calumniators
themselves to consider how heavy a judgment of God they
may be about to suffer, who, against so many churches,
against so many confessions of churches, bear false witness, disturb the consciences of the weak, and diligently
employ themselves (satagunt) to render the society of true
believers suspected.t
Lastly, this Synod exhorts all their fellow ministers in
* The language of these accusations is so horridly irreverend, that
if it had not been actually used by the Remonstrants, it could hardly
have been thus brought forward; and nothing but to show the real
spirit of these controversialists, could excuse the repeating of it,
either by the Synod, or in this publication.
t This solemn warning is quite as seasonable in Britain at present
as it was in Belgium in the seventeenth century.




SYNOD  OF DORT.                     235
the gospel of Christ, that in the treating (pertractatione)
of this doctrine, they would walk piously and religiously
in the schools and in the churches, and apply it, whether
by tongue or pen, to the glory of the divine name, to holiness of life, and to the consolation of alarmed souls, that
they may not only think, but speak, with the Scripture,
according to the analogy of faith; finally, that they would
abstain from all those phrases which exceed the prescribed
limits of the genuine sense of the Holy Scriptures, and
that might afford a just handle to perverse sophists of
reviling, or even calumniating the Reformed churches.
May Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who, sitting at the
right hand of the Father, bestows gifts on men, sanctify
us in truth, lead those to the truth who err, shut the
mouths of those who calumniate the holy doctrine, and
endow the faithful ministers of his word with a spirit of
wisdom and discretion, that all their eloquence may tend
to the glory of God, and the edification of the hearers.
Amen.*
THE DECISION OF THE SYNOD CONCERNING THE REMONSTRANTS.
The truth having been, by the grace of God, thus far
explained and asserted, errors rejected and condemned,
and iniquitous calumnies refuted, this Synod of Dort,
(according to the duty which is further incumbent upon
* Can any thing be more wise, pious, and scriptural, than this concluding counsel and prayer? Who can deny that many called Calvinists, by neglecting the counsel here exhibited, have given much
occasion of misapprehension, prejudice, and slander to opposers,
which might have been avoided? Who can object to this counsel?
What pious mind will refuse to add his hearty amen to the closing
prayer?




236            ARTICLES OF THE
it) seriously, earnestly, and by the authority, which, according to the word of God, it possesses over all the members of its churches, in the name of Christ, beseeches,
exhorts, admonishes, and enjoins all and every one of the
pastors of the churches in confederated Belgium; the
doctors and rectors of the academies and schools, and the
magistrates, and indeed all universally, to whom either
the care of souls, or the discipline of youth is committed,
that, casting away the five known articles of the Remonstrants which are erroneous, and mere hiding places of
errors, they will preserve this wholesome doctrine of
saving truth, drawn from the most pure fountain of the
divine word, sincere and inviolate, according to their
ability and office, propound and explain it faithfully to
the people and youth, and diligently declare its most
sweet and beneficial use in life, as well as in death; that
they instruct those of different sentiments, those who
wander from the flock, and are led away by the novelty
of opinions, meekly by the evidence of the truth, "if peradventure, God will give them  repentance to the acknowledgment of the truth; that, restored to a sound
mind, they may with one spirit, one mouth, one faith and
charity, return to the church of God and the communion
of the saints: and that at length the wound of the church
may be closed, and all her members be of one heart and
mind in the Lord.
But moreover, because some persons, having gone out
from among us, under the title of Remonstrants, (which
name of Remonstrants, as also of Contra-Remonstrants,
the Synod thinks should be blotted out by a perpetual
oblivion,) and the discipline and order of the church
having been violated, by their endeavours and private




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  237
counsels in unlawful ways, and the admonitions and
judgments of their brethren having been despised, they
have grievously, and altogether dangerously disturbed the
Belgic churches, before most flourishing, and most united
in faith and love, and in these heads of doctrine; have
recalled ancient and pernicious errors, and framed new
ones, and publicly and privately, both by word and by
writings, have scattered them among the common people,
and have most vehemently contended for them; have
made neither measure nor end of inveighing against the
doctrine hitherto received in the churches, by enormous
calumnies and reproaches; have filled all things every
where, with scandals, dissensions, scruples of consciences,
and inventions (excogitationibus,) which great crimes
certainly against faith, against love, and good morals, and
the unity and peace of the churches, as they could not
justly be endured in any man, ought necessarily to be
animadverted on in pastors, with that most severe censure, which hath in every age (ab omni evo) been adopted
by the church, the Synod having invoked the holy name
of God,.and honestly conscious of its authority from the
word of God, treading in the footsteps as well of ancient
as of recent Synods, and fortified by the authority of the
States General, declares and judges, that those pastors,
who have yielded themselves leaders of parties in the
church, and teachers of errors, and of a corrupt religion,
and of the rended unity of the church, and of most grievous scandals, and moreover, having been summoned before this Synod, of intolerable obstinacy against the decrees of the supreme authority made known by this Synod,
and also against the venerable Synod itself, be accounted
convicted and guilty persons.




238             ARTICLES OF THE
For which causes, in the first place, the Synod interdicts the before cited persons from every ecclesiastical
service, and deposes them from their offices, and judges
them even to be unworthy of academical functions until
by earnest repentance, abundantly proved by words and
deeds and contrary exertions, they satisfy the church, and
be truly and fully reconciled with the same, and received
to her communion; which for their own good and for the
joy of the whole church, we peculiarly (unice) desire in
Christ, our Lord. But the rest, of whom the knowledge
hath not come to this national Synod, the Synod commits
to the Provincials, the Classes, and the Consistories, after
the received order, that they may take care that the
church at present receive no detriment, nor fear it hereafter. Let them discriminate with the spirit of prudence
the followers of these errors; let them depose the refractory, the clamorous, the factious, the disturbers, as soon
as possible from ecclesiastical offices, and those of the
schools which belong to their knowledge and care; and
let them be admonished that without any interposed delay, after the reception of the decision of this national
Synod, having obtained the authority of the magistrate
in order to it, they assemble (for this purpose) lest the
evil should increase and be strengthened by delay. Let
them, with all lenity, by the duties of love, by patience,
excite those who have fallen or been carried away by infirmity and the fault of the times, and perhaps hesitate
in lighter matters, or are even dissentient, but quiet, of
blameless life, tractable, to true and perfect concord with
the church; yet so that they may diligently take care
that they do not admit any to the sacred ministry who refuse to subscribe these synodical constitutions of the de



SYNOD  OF DORT.                  239
dared doctrine, and to teach it; that they even retain no
one, by whose manifest dissension the doctrine approved
with such agreement in this Synod may be violated, and
the tranquillity of the churches again disturbed.
Moreover, this venerable Synod seriously admonishes
all ecclesiastical assemblies, most diligently to watch over
the flocks committed to them, and maturely to go and
meet all innovations privily springing up in the church,
and pull them up, as it were tares, out of the field of the
Lord; that they attend to the schools and the conductors
(moderatoribus) of schools, lest any things, from private
sentiments and depraved opinions, having been instilled
into the youth, destruction should afterwards be produced
to the church and the republic.
Finally, thanks having been reverently given to the
States General of Belgium, because they in so necessary
and seasonable a time clemently gave succour to the
afflicted and declining interests of the church by the
remedy of the Synod, that they received the upright and
faithful servants of God under their protection, and willed
that the pledge of every blessing and the divine presence,
the truth of his word, should be in a holy and religious
manner preserved in their dominions, that they spared no
labour or expense to promote and complete such a work,
for which extraordinary benefits the Synod, with its whole
heart, prays for the most abundant recompense on them
from the Lord, both publicly and privately, both spiritual and temporal. And the Synod indeed most strenuously
and humbly asketh the same most clement lords, to will
and command that this salutary doctrine, most faithfully
expressed according to the word of God, and the consent
of the Reformed churches, be alone and publicly heard




240           ARTICLES  OF THE
in these regions; to drive away all heresies and errors
privily springing up, and repress unquiet and turbulent
spirits, that they would go to approve themselves the true
and benign nursing fathers and tutors of the church; that
they would determine that the sentence, according to the
ecclesiastical authority confirmed by the laws of the country, be valid against the persons before spoken of; and
that they would render the Synodical constitutions immovable and perpetual by the addition of their own decision (calculo).
On this conclusion a few remarks may be useful.
Conceding that there were things unjustifiable in the
decisions made and the measures adopted by the Synod,
I would inquire whether all the blame in the whole of
that lamentable contest was on one side? Whether the
conduct of the Remonstrants was not as remote at least
from a conciliatory spirit, as the members of the Synod?
And whether, in case the Remonstrants had been victorious, they would have made a more Christian use of
their victory and authority than the Synod did? I never
yet knew or read of an eager and pertinacious contest, in
which both parties were not greatly culpable; and in
many instances it is not easy for an impartial observer to
determine on which side the greatest degree of criminality
rests, only where other motives or prejudices do not
counteract, the suffering party is generally favoured and
excused, and still more, when the motives, sentiments,
or prejudices of the persons concerned are on his side.
The Remonstrants, and all who ever since have favoured
them, throw the whole blame of the contest, both of the
management, result, and consequences of it on the Synod;
and as the Remonstrants were, in the first instance, at




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  241
least, the chief sufferers, and as their tenets are generally
more favoured than those of the Synod, the public mind
has greatly favoured the cause of the suffering party.
Yet the Synod and its supporters seem very confident
that the Remonstrants exclusively were in fault, and consider their conduct as intolerably haughty and pertinacious. But will not an impartial judge, would not one
who had no sympathy with either party, no partiality or
prejudice as to the five points of doctrine, on either side,
(if such a man can be found on earth,) would he not
fairly divide the criminality? At least would he not allot
nearly one half of it to the one, and one half to the other?
Nay, might he not allot the greater part to the Remonstrants? Thus, in all other contests which have terminated
in incurable separations, the charge of schism has been
brought with the utmost confidenee (if not bitterness) by
each party against its opponent; and, except in one solitary instance, nearly with equal justice. I say, one instance excepted; for beyond all doubt, on the broad
ground of Scripture, in the separation of Protestants
from the Roman church, all the guilt of schism rested
with that corrupt body which excluded from its communion all those who would not worship creatures, or conform to anti-christian observances; and in many ways
made it the duty, the absolute duty of all the true worshippers of God through Christ Jesus, to come forth and
be separate. But perhaps this is the only exception.
I would by no means exclude schism from the vocabulary of sins, of great and grievous sins, as many seem disposed to do. Pride, ambition, obstinacy, and self-will,
and other very corrupt passions, powerfully influence both
those who by spiritual tyranny, would lord it over other
21




242            ARTICLES  OF THE
men's consciences, and impose things not scriptural, if
not directly anti-scriptural, as terms of communion, or
even of exemption from pains and penalties; and also on
those who on slight grounds refuse compliance where the
requirement is not evidently wrong, and then magnify
by a perverse ingenuity, into a most grievous evil, some
harmless posture, or garb, or ceremony. If the one party
would humbly and meekly, without desiring to arrogate a
power not belonging to man, desist from peremptorily requiring such things as are doubtful, and liable to be misunderstood, and so scrupled by upright, peaceable, and
conscientious persons; and if the other party would determine to comply, as far as on much previous examination of the Scripture, with prayer and teachableness, they
conscientiously could do it, the schism might be prevented, and all the very bad effects of the church of
Christ being thus rent and split into parties, prevented.
For these several parties are generally more eager in disputing with each other, than "contending for the faith
once delivered to the saints;" in making proselytes, than
in seeking the conversion of sinners, and in rendering
their opponents odious and ridiculous, than in exhibiting
our holy religion as lovely and attractive to all around
them. In these things, their zeal spends itself to no good
purpose.
As to the existing divisions, it appears to me, on long
and patient investigation, that they originated from very
great criminality on both sides; nor am I prepared to
say, on which side it was the greater, and that there is
criminality on both sides, in the continuance of them,
and still more in the increase of them, in which the
heaviest lies, on those who hastily, and on very doubtful




SYNOD  OF DORT.                  243
or inadequate grounds, make new separations. Yet as to
the general division of the Christians in England, into
churchmen and dissenters, it appears to me, that in
present circumstances, neither individuals, nor public
bodies, can do anything to terminate it; nor till some
unforeseen event make way for a termination, by means,
and in a manner, of which little conception can previously
be formed.  In the mean while, it seems very desirable
to abate acrimony and severity, and to differ, where we
must differ, in a loving spirit; and to unite with each
other in every good work, as far as we can conscientiously.
It is in my view in this case precisely the same as it
was with the Synod of Dort and the Remonstrants, each
party throws the whole blame on the other; but impartiality would, I think, nearly allot half to the one and
half to the other. True Christians of every description
live surrounded with ungodly men, nay, such as are profane, and immoral, and contentious, yet they generally
are enabled to live peaceably with them all. How is it,
then, that they cannot, on the same principles, bear with
each other, when differences in merely the circumstances
of religion are the only ground of disputations, bickerings,
and contests? " Whence come fightings among them?"
2. A large proportion of that which at present would be
disapproved, if not reprobated, in the concluding decision
of the Synod of Dort, and in its effects, must be considered
by every impartial and well informed person as pertaining
to that age, and those which had preceded it. The authority of such conventions to determine points of theology, to enforce their decisions by ecclesiastical censures,
interdicts, and mandates, such as this conclusion contains,
had not been called in question, at least in any great de



244            ARTICLES  OF THE
gree, by any of the Reformers or Reformed churches. It
was the general opinion, that princes and states ought to
convene councils or assemblies when needed, and, as far
as hope was given of such councils being convened, they
acted on this principle. They considered the ruling powers as invested with the right of authorizing these conventions to cite before them the persons whose tenets and
conduct gave occasion of convening them, and of animadverting on them as contumacious, if they refused to appear
or to submit to the decisions of the majority. And they
regarded it as a great advantage when the secular power
would concur in carrying into effect their censures, exclusions, or requirements. These points had been almost
unanimously assumed as indisputable from the dawn of
the Reformation to the time of this Synod, both on the
continent and in Britain; and little had been advanced
in direct opposition to the justice of proceeding still further to punish the refractory with pains and penalties.
The vanquished party indeed generally complained and
remonstrated with sufficient acrimony, yet when the
tables were turned, and they acquired a victory, they
used their superiority in the same manner, and sometimes
even with still greater severity. How far all this was
criminal, unscriptural, unreasonable, or not, is by no
means the present question, but how far the Synod of
Dort went beyond the precedents of former times, and
of other countries.
3. Thus far, it seems to me at least, the case is clear,
and to an impartial mind not difficult; but how far the
whole of this procedure, either in this Synod, or in other
similar cases on the continent and in our land, was wrong,
in toto or in parte, whether the whole must be reprobated




SYNOD OF DORT.                   245
together, or only some.part of it, or where the line should
be drawn, are questions Qf greater difficulty, on which men
in general will decide according to the prevailing sentiments of the day, and those of that part of the visible
church to which they belong. Yet I would venture with
a kind of trepidation, and with much diffidence, to drop
a few hints on the subject, the result of very much reflection during a long course of years, with what other aid I
could procure, in addition to the grand standard of truth
and duty, of principle and practice, to men of all ranks,
individually, or in corporate bodies, the " Oracles of God."
It must, as it appears to me, be incontrovertible, that
penal means, of whatever kind, are wholly inadmissible
in matters purely religious; and in which the persons
concerned would act peaceably, if not irritated by opposition and persecution, for oppression in this case often
maketh a wise man mad, and his mad conduct is ascribed
to his religious peculiarities, when it originates from other
causes, and is excited by oppression. Punishments can
have no tendency to enlighten the understanding, inform
the mind, or regulate the judgment; and they infallibly
increase prejudice and tempt to resentment. They may
indeed make hypocrites, but not believers; formalists,
but not spiritual worshippers; and, in a word, they are
no " means of grace" of God's appointment, and on which
his blessing may be expected and supplicated. The
weapons of this warfare are carnal, not mighty through
God. The judicial law of Moses, as a part of the theocracy, punished with death nothing but idolatry and
blasphemy, and this to prevent the contagion; " that men
might hear, and fear, and do no more such wickedness,"
not to produce conviction or conformity; and no penalty
21 *




246            ARTICLES OF THE
in other things was appointed, where the public peace
was not interrupted, and God's appointed rulers opposed.
In the New Testament not a word occurs on the subject,
except as our Lord blamed the apostles when they forbade
one to cast out devils because he followed not with them.
Whatever company in any nation can give proper security that they will act as peaceful citizens and good subjects, has, I apprehend, a right to the protection of the
state, whatever its religious opinions or observances may
be, provided nothing grossly immoral, and contrary to
the general laws of the country, be practised under the
pretence of religion. Yet the murders, human sacrifices,
and other abominations in the East Indies, and in many
other places, can have no right to toleration, nor can the
toleration be by any means excused.  Again, whatever
may be urged in favour of allowing Papists full liberty
as to their superstitious and idolatrous worship, (for so it
doubtless is,) this should be done in their case with peculiar circumspection. But to grant them what they claim,
and many claim  for them, as emancipation, and which
means nothing else than admission topower and authority,
seems irreconcilable to wisdom, either human or divine.
It is an essential principle of popery, however disguised
by some, and lost sight of by others, to tolerate none who
are not of that church; and the grant of power to them,
till this principle be disavowed by bishops, vicars-general,
legates, cardinals, and popes, as well as others, in the most
full and unequivocal language, is to liberate lions, because
they have been harmless when not at liberty; and the
event, should this emancipation be fully conceded, will
be that the power thus obtained will be used in persecution
of those who gave it, as soon as it has acquired a proper




SYNOD OF DORT.                   247
measure of consolidation.  If the advocates for this measure in our land, should they prove successful, do not themselves live to feel this, their posterity, I can have no doubt,
will know it by deplorable experience. Avowed atheists
seem also inadmissible to full toleration, as incapable of
being bound by any obligation of an oath, or of an affirmation, as in the sight of God, which is equivalent to an
oath.  How far some kinds of blasphemers should be also
exempted may be a question; but every species of profaneness or impiety is not direct blasphemy. Yet if men
outrage, or expose to ridicule or odium, the most sacred
services of the religion of the country, or if public instructors inculcate immoral principles, they may, as far as I
can see, be restrained, so that the mischief may be prevented, though perhaps without further punishment, except for actual violation of the peace. Every collective
body, however, has an indisputable right to prescribe the
terms on which men shall be admitted into it, either as
members of the company, or in an official capacity; and
if it have funds at its disposal, the terms on which men
shall be allowed to receive a share of them, provided
that they who join them do it voluntarily, and that others
may, without molestation, be permitted to decline these
terms, or to withdraw, if they, after having joined them,
can no longer conscientiously comply. I say a right indisputable by man, yet a right for the use of which they
are responsible to God, and the abuse of which has been
and is the source of most deplorable consequences.
If, however, the Synod of Dort had only proceeded to
exclude from office, public teachers, whether of congregations or schools, belonging to the church or churches established in Belgium, who would not comply with the




248            ARTICLES OF THE
terms agreed on in the Synod, the terms alone would
have been the proper subject of our judgment, and not
this exclusion, provided no further punishment had been
inflicted. But this exclusion (ex officio) would of course
be also (ex beneficio), or from the emolument of the office.
And how far this would have been justifiable, I am not
prepared to say; and, indeed, much depended on the nature of their funds, and the tenure on which they were
obtained or held. But one thing is clear, that if some
reasonable proportion of the emolument had been reserved
to those who were excluded from office, so long as they
conducted themselves peaceably, it would have been a
very conciliatory measure, and suited to give a convincing
testimony, that the glory of God, the peace of the church,
the cause of truth; and the salvation of souls had been their
motives and object, and not secular and party interests.
In respect of those revenues which, having been appropriated to religious purposes in former ages, fell into the
hands of those who conducted the Reformation and formed
establishments, it cannot reasonably be expected that the
bodies thus in possession should voluntarily agree to share
them with dissentients; but in revenues raised by taxes
on the present generation, for the purposes of supporting
religion, and other things connected with it, equity seems
to require that a proportion should be awarded to peaceful
dissentients, of whatever description, according to the
sum which that whole body may be required to pay towards such a tax; for they who contribute and are good
subjects, and can give a pledge to the government of good
behaviour, ought, in all reason, to share the benefit in
proportion.*
* It may be worthy of consideration, how far a grant from parlia



SYNOD  OF DORT.                     249
When the teachers of congregations and of schools,
supported by the revenues of the churches in Belgium,
had been excluded or suspended from their office and its
emolument, all that was done in accession, seems to have
been unjustifiable. The excluded party, in reason, and
according to the Scripture, (though not according to the
general sentiments of that age,) were entitled to full toleration, to worship God, and instruct others either as
preachers or teachers of schools, not supported by the
establishment, provided they did this peaceably.  At
most, only very general restrictions should have been required. But such teachers of separate congregations, and
of schools, were not then known, or at least not recognized; nearly all places of worship and schools were in
the hands of the established authorities, and every thing
attempted must be done secretly, and then, on that very
ground, condemned as a conventicle or seditious meeting.
Excommunication, according to Scripture, is nothing
more than simple exclusion from  the communion of the
church: "let him be as an heathen man, and a publican:"
except when God miraculously by his apostles, who could,
in that respect, " do nothing against the truth, but for the
truth," inflicted salutary chastisements, " for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit might be saved in the day
of the Lord Jesus;" or that " others might learn not to
blaspheme." But when, in addition to such an exclusion,
ment for building churches or chapels exclusively for the establishment, while the public at large must advance the money from the
general tax or taxes, is thus consistent with strict equity. The design is excellent and most desirable; but whether it would not be
more unexceptionable if a proportionable sum were granted to peaceable dissenters, for the building or repairing their places of worship,
may be matter of inquiry to impartial legislators.




250           ARTICLES OF THE
many heavy consequences followed, even to fines, banishment, imprisonment, exclusion from the common benefits
of society, and even death, the very word excommunication became dreadful and hateful; and the relaxation of
all discipline, nay, almost its annihilation, has been the
consequence. Restore the matter to its original use; let
the communicants become such of their own voluntary
choice, admitted on a simple and credible profession of
those things in which Christianity consists; and let them,
if they act inconsistently, be excluded from communion,
and left in their former state till they give proof of repentance; considered as equally entitled to good will and
good offices in temporal things, as our other neighbours;
admitted to any means of grace which may aid their recovery; conversed with in every way which does not
sanction their misconduct; and " restored," if it may be,
in "the spirit of meekness." On this plan, I apprehend,
discipline might again be established, and great benefit
arise from it.  But they who cannot inflict miraculous
judgments surely are not authorized to attempt other
punishments of excommunicated persons, which have a
thousand times oftener been exercised against the truth
than for the truth.
The distinctions among the different offenders, and the
mandates given to the different subordinate classes and
presbyteries, appear in no other way exceptionable, than
as the Presbyterian plan will of course be objected to,
both by Episcopalians and Independents. But the Synod,
as it has been seen, attempted far too much; and, forgetful of our Lord's prohibition, were so eager to root up
the tares that they greatly endangered the wheat also.




SYNOD OF DORT.                   251
THE APPROBATION OF THE STATES GENERAL.
The States General of federated Belgium, to all who
shall see and read this, health (or salvation, salutem).
We make it known (that) when in order to take away
those lamentable and pernicious controversies which, a
few years since, with great detriment to the republic and
disturbance of the peace of the churches, arose concerning
the known five heads of Christian doctrine, and those
things which depend on them, it seemed proper to us according to the order in the church of God, and thus also
in the Belgic church, to convene at Dordrecht a national
Synod of all federated Belgium; and that this might
be celebrated (celebrari) with the greatest fruit and advantage of the republic, not without much inconvenience
(molestia) and great expenses, we sought for and obtained
unto the same, very many, the most excellent, learned,
and celebrated foreign theologians of the  Reformed
church, as it may be seen from the subscription of the
decrees of the aforesaid Synod, after each of the heads
of doctrine. Moreover, our delegates being also commissioned (deputatis) from each of the provinces, who, from
the beginning to the end, being present, should take care
that all things might there be handled in the fear of God,
and in right order from the word of God alone, in agreement to our sincere intention; and when this aforesaid
Synod, by the singular blessing of God, hath now judged
with so great a consent of all and every one, as well of
foreigners as of Belgians, concerning the aforementioned
five heads of doctrine, and the teachers of them; and we,
having been consulted, and consenting, published on the
sixth of May last past, the decrees and determination af



252:          ARTICLES  OF THE
fixed to these presents; we, that the much wished for
fruits from this great and holy work (such a one as the
Reformed churches have never before this time seen)
might be abundant to the churches of these countries,
seeing that nothing is to us equally desired and cared for
as the glory of the most holy name of God, and the preservation and propagation of the true Reformed Christian
religion, (which is the foundation of prosperity and bond
of union of federated Belgium,) as the concord, the tranquillity, and the peace of the churches, and in like manner the preservation of the concord and communion of
the churches in these regions with all foreign Reformed
churches, from which we never ought, nor are able to
separate ourselves; having seen and known, and maturely
examined and weighed the aforementioned judgment and
decision of the Synod, we have fully in all things approved
them, confirmed and ratified them, and by these presents
we do approve and ratify them, willing and enacting
(statuentes) that no other doctrine concerning the aforesaid five heads of doctrine be taught or propagated in the
churches of these regions, besides that which is conformable and agreeable to the aforesaid judgment; enjoining
and commanding with authority to all the ecclesiastical
assemblies, the ministers of the churches, the professors
and doctors of sacred theology, the rulers of colleges,
and to all in general, and to every one without exception,
(in universum) whom these things can in any way concern or reach unto, that in the exercise of their minis.
terial offices and functions, they should in all things follow them faithfully, and sincerely conduct themselves
consistently with them. And that this our good intention may every where be fully and in all things satisfied,




SYNOD OF DORT.                   253
(or complied with,) we charge and command the orders,
governors, the deputies of the orders, the counsellors, and
deputed orders of the provinces of Gueldria, and the
county of Zutphen, of Holland, West Friesland, Zealand,
Utrecht, Frisia, Overyssel, and of the state of Groningen,
and the Omlandias, and all their officiaries, judges, and
justiciaries, that they should promote and defend the observation of the aforesaid Synodical judgment, and of
those things which depend on it, so that they should not
either themselves make any change in these things, or
permit it by any means to be done by others; because
we judge that it ought to be so done to promote the glory
of God, the security and safety of the state of these regions, and the tranquillity and peace of the church. Given
(actum) under our seal, and it hath been sealed by the
sealing of the president, and the subscription of our secretary, the count of Hague, the second of July, in the
year 1619.                               A. PLOOS.
As also beneath,
By the mandate of the States General.
Subscribed, C. AERSSEN.
And in that space, the aforesaid seal was impressed on
red wax.
On this document, it must be again observed, that the
measure adopted by the rulers of Belgium, in respect of
the decisions of the Synod of Dort, ought not to be judged
according to the generally prevailing sentiments of modern
times. An immense revolution in opinion, on these subjects, has taken place, within the last two centuries: and
to render these rulers and this Synod amenable to what
we may call statutes long after enacted, as if whatever
there was wrong in the conduct, was exclusively their fault,
22




254            ARTICLES OF THE
would be palpably unjust. "Are ye not partial in yourselves, and are become judges of evil thoughts?" James
ii. 4. "But the wisdom from above is withoutpartiality."
James iii. 18. The general principle of inducing, by coercive measures, conformity in doctrine and worship, to
the decisions of either councils, convocations, synods, or
parliaments, was almost universally admitted and acted
upon to a later period, than that of this Synod; and
though not long afterwards it was questioned, and in some
instances relinquished, yet it retained a very general prevalency, for at least half a century after; nor is it without
its advocates, even in the Reformed churches, at this
present day. Had the opponents of the Synod possessed
the same authority, they would have acted in like manner,
and so would the rulers of the other countries in Europe.
The exclusive charge therefore against the measures under
consideration, must be laid in those things which were
peculiar in their proceedings.
As authority and compulsion can never produce conviction, or any regulation of the mind and judgment, the
word sincerely in this state-paper is very improperly used.
It could not indeed reasonably be expected, that even
external conformity to so exact and extensive a doctrinal
standard, could be generally or durably accomplished;
but to suppose that any thing beyond this would be the
result, except what argument and explanation, and appeals to the Scriptures, in the articles of the Synod itself
could effect, was evidently most irrational, yet it was the
notion of the times, and does not still appear absurd to
all men, even in Protestant countries.
Had the rulers of Belgium  adopted and ratified the
decisions of the Synod, as approving and recommending




SYNOD  OF DORT.                   255
them to all the persons concerned, and giving countenance
in some measure to those who voluntarily avowed the
purpose of adhering to them, and leaving others entirely
at liberty to decline these terms, whether as authorized
teachers of congregations or of schools, but no further molesting them, or interfering with their pursuits or instructions, their conduct might have been  advocated, especially if, as it was said before, some fair portion of
their former incomes had been reserved to those who relinquished their situations rather than promise to conform,
but who otherwise behaved as peaceful members of the
community.  But by absolute authority to demand of all
entire conformity, whether voluntary or involuntary, and
to follow up this demand by the secular arm, and by heavy
punishments, was altogether unjustifiable. Yet, except
the strictness of the rule itself, what country almost was
there in Europe at that time, or which almost of either
the rulers or teachers of the Reformed churches, that did
not in great measure attempt to do the same?  So that
while authority, in many instances, repeatedly shifted
sides, whichever part was uppermost, its religious decisions were enforced by similar measures.
" The Reformers dissented from almost every principle
of the church of Rome but this, the right of persecution,
and though Luther and some others thought it rather too
much to burn heretics, all agreed that they should be restrained and punished, and in short, that it was better to
burn them than to tolerate them. The church of England
has burnt Protestants for heresy, and Papists for treason.
The church of Scotland, and the London ministers in the
interregnum declared their utter detestation and abhorrence of the evil of toleration, patronizing and promoting




256            ARTICLES OF THE
all other errors, heresies, and blasphemies whatever, under
the abused name of liberty of conscience."  (Williams
on Religious Liberty, Eclectic Review.)
The main point in this quotation is indisputable; but
in respect of Luther especially, it is erroneous. It would,
probably, be difficult to produce an instance in which
this great man even so much as sanctioned the punishment
of the wild enthusiasts and deceivers of his day, except
where the peace of society rendered the interposition of
the magistrate indispensable.-" At the same time, he
(Luther) took occasion to reprobate the cruel sufferings
inflicted on the poor wretches by the persecutions of the
ecclesiastical rulers, insisting with the utmost precision
on that grand distinction of which this Reformer never
lost sight; that errors in articles of faith were not to be
suppressed by fire and sword, but confuted by the word
of God, and that recourse was never to be had to capital
penalties, except in cases of actual sedition and tumult."
(Milner's Eccl. Hist. vol. iv. p. 1098.)
" His worthy friend Lineus, probably in a state of irritation, had asked him whether he conceived a magistrate to be justified in putting to death teachers of false
religion-a question then little understood, and not generally agreed upon till long afterwards. I am backward,
replied Luther, to pass a sentence of death, let the demerit be ever so apparent; for I am alarmed when I reflect on the conduct of the Papists, who have so often
abused the statutes of capital punishments, against heresy,
to the effusion of innocent blood.  Among the Protestants, in process of time, I foresee a great probability of a
similar abuse, if they should now arm the magistrate with
the same powers, and there should be left on record a




SYNOD  OF DORT.                   257
single instance of a person having suffered legally for the
propagation of false doctrine. On this ground, I am decidedly against capital punishment in such cases, and
think it quite sufficient that mischievous teachers of religion be removed from their situations." (Milner's Eccl.
Hist. vol. v. p. 1100.)
But whatever were the opinions or practice of those
times in this respect, or whatever the sentiments of any
in our times may be, it seems to me incontrovertible, that
every church or associated company of Christians, whether
as a national establishment, or in any other form, has a
right (for the use of which they are responsible to God
alone) to appoint the terms on which such as voluntarily
desire it, shall be admitted to communion with them, or to
teach as pastors and as tutors in their schools and academies, to refuse admission to such as do not agree to these
terms, and to exclude those who afterwards act contrary
to them.  And if they have funds, which are probably
their own, they have a right to employ these funds to the
exclusive support of such as voluntarily concur with them,
volenti non fit injuria; and it is absurd to deem  those
compelled, or their liberty infringed, who of their own
voluntary will choose to conform, whether under an establishment or elsewhere.  The Eclectic Review on "Gisborne on the Colossians," says, " Was it possible for the
author of these discourses to put down a sentiment so
just and so weighty as this, without the perception of
its censure bearing against the rites and ceremonies of
his own church?  Is there nothing of will-worship in
that communion?  What are sponsors, and the sign of
the cross in baptism, the compulsion to kneel at the Lord's
supper, but new commands and prohibitions added to
22*




258           ARTICLES  OF TEE
those which are established in the Bible?-(Eclectic Review, May 1817, p. 481).
My concern at present is only with the word compulsion. Can it be conceived, that they who voluntarily
come to the Lord's Supper in the Church of England,
consider kneeling as compulsion 2 And who is at present
compelled to receive the Lord's Supper in that church?
Some indeed are tempted, too strongly tempted, but
none are compelled. Again, would it not excite at least
as much surprise and perplexity in a dissenting congregation, both to minister and communicants, if one or more
of the company should kneel down to receive the bread
and wine, and refuse to receive them in any other posture, as it would in a church, if one or more should sit
down, or stand, or refuse to kneel at the time of receiving?
Should the custom of receiving in a sitting posture be
considered as compulsion, and as a command or prohibition added to those which are established in the Bible?
By no means. Each company has its usage, whether established by law, or by the appointment of an independent
church. That usage is known; it is seldom seen that a
communicant expresses the least objection to it.  He is
voluntary, or he need not come. Whether kneeling as
uniting solemn prayer with receiving, or sitting, as among
Presbyterians and Independents, or standing, or reclining
on couches, (the posture no doubt of the apostles, at its
institution,) if it be voluntary in each person, there is no
infringement of liberty, whatever else may be controverted,
respecting the posture.
But to return to Belgium and the Synod of Dort.
There toleration of dissentients was not thought of; and
the effort was made to enforce conformity on the whole




SYNOD OF DORT.                  259
mass of the population, especially on public teachers, and
this, not only by exclusions, but by very severe disqualifications and other punishments.  And probably the
change of sentiment and practice in Belgium in this particular, which soon afterwards took place, and the toleration granted there, before it had any legal ground in
Britain, combined in augmenting the general odium
against the measures connected with this Synod.
However, I do, in may private judgment, consider the
articles of the Synod of Dort as very scriptural, yet, when
made the terms of conformity, or of officiating as public
teachers, even with full toleration and exemption from
any thing beyond simple exclusion, I must regard them
as peculiarly improper. The terms of communion, even
where none are molested who decline them, and of being
public teachers, should by no means be carried into all
the minutice of doctrine, which perhaps the ablest theologians are convinced to be scriptural. They should include only the grand principles in which all the humble
disciples and pious ministers of Christ agree, and not
those in which they are left to differ. " Him that is weak
in the faith, receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations."
The apostles never attempted to enforce by authority,
the whole of what they infallibly knew to be true. And
who then should attempt to enforce their fallible opinions
on others?  Besides, by aiming at too much, the very
end is defeated: the numbers who, from ignorance or
indolence, and corrupt motives, conform in such cases,
and of those who teach other doctrines than what they
have consented to, becomes too great for any discipline
to be exercised over them. Many, also, of the most pious
and laborious teachers who, in one way or other, manage




260         THE SYNOD  OF DORT.
to explain the established articles in their own favour, or
at least as not against them, add greatly to the difficulty
and evil: and so all discipline is neglected, as facts deplorably prove.
Probably, this has been, and is in a measure, the case,
in most or all of the churches; but the proceedings of
the Synod of Dort, and of the rulers of Belgium at that
season, were more exceptionable than those of any other,
at least as far as I can judge. And this appears to me
the chief blame to which they are justly exposed; but
which is almost, if not wholly, overlooked, in the torrent
of indiscriminate invective in which they, and these transactions, have been long overwhelmed.
THE END.