C 405,059 Ul-; tl- l r3 CI) C~~~4 0 141,~ 5 I I r~i ~ ~ ~I~(: I r\ \~ I ~ *'~ C L; ~ ~ ~r - ~ -— __; ~T -. I1 I i/ *1 / / l / MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII FIRST MEMOIR WASHINGTON, D. C. 1931. < 1 I - r-..~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN LIBRARIES I I 1,I MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SC IENCES VOLUME XXIII FIRST MEMOIR UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1931 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. -.. Price $1.00 (paper cover) 82 2 X75 e2 12SA3 013 XL 2G Q II NMrl., d 1 /.2 r%1\ - )) A~ -- -- MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII FIRST MEMOIR THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO BY JOHN M. GARVAN PRESENTED TO THE ACADEMY AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1929 III a THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO BY JOHN M. GARVAN v 46 CONTENTS Page PART I. DESCRIPTIVE_ --- —-_ ------— _ ------------— _ 1 CHAPTER I. Classification and geographical distribution of Maln6bos and other peoples in eastern Mindanao ---------------------—.. -------------—. --- —--- 1 Explanation of terms - - - -- -- - _ __ - ______ _ ____ ___ 1 "Eastern Mindanao" ----------- -—. --------------- -— _ 1 The term "tribe " --- —---------- 1 Present use of the word "Man6bo "_ --- —---— _ --- — - 1 The derivation and original application of the word "Man6bo"___ 2 Geographical distribution of the Man6bos in eastern Mindano- ____ - - - - -------- 3 In the Aguisan Valley --------------------------- --------------------------------- 3 On the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera --------------- -.____ 3 On the peninsula of San Agustin --------------------— ___-__ 3 The Mamanuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Man6bo half-breeds ---- — ______ 4 The Banuaons ---------------------------------- 5 The Mafiggufigan.s ---------------------------- 5 The Mansakas -------. --- —--------—. —. --- —-------------- 6 The Debabdons -— _ ------- ---------- ------------ 6 The MandAyas ----------------—. --- —--- ------------------—. — 6 The Tagum branch. --- —------------— _ --- —-. ----.- - 7 The Agusan Valley branch- 7 The Pacific coast branch_ --- —----------- _ --- __ — _ 7 The gulf of Davao branch- 7 The Moros_ --- —------------ 7 The Bildns --.. -------- ---------------------------------------------- 7 The Tagaka61os ---- -------------------— _ --- —- 7 The L6aks or L6ags.-__ -------------------------------------------—..- 8 The conquistas or recently Christianized peoples --- —------ ---------- -- 8 The Man6bo conquistas_ --- —-------------- -------- 8 The Mandaya conquistas -_-_ --- ------------------— _. 8 The Mamanua conquistas --- —----------------------------------------------- 9 The Mafigguafigan conquistas --- —--------— __ 9 The Mansaka conquistas --- —- ---- _ --- —--- ------------ 9 The Debabaon conquistas _ ---- 9 The Bisayas or Christian Filipinos --- —---------- 9 CHAPTER II. Physical characteristics and general appearance of the Man6bos of eastern Mindanao_ 10 Physical type - ----------------------------------— 10 Divergence of types -------------------------------------------------------------- 10 General physical type ---- ---------------------------— 10 Racial and tribal affinities ----------------------------— 11 Montano's Indonesian theory _- -----------------------— 12 Keane's view ----- ----------------- ----- ---— 12 The Indonesian theory as applied to Man6bos -------------------— __ --- —----—.. 12 Physical type of contiguous peoples -------------------------------------------— 13 The Mafiggunfigans ------------------ -------------- 13 The Mandayas --- — -------------- ---- --------— 13 The Debabaons -------------- -----------------— 14 The Mamnuas --- —-- --------------- ----------------- — 14 The Banuaons --- —--------------- 14 Physical appearance as modified by dress and ornamentation _ ------ ------— 14 CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and sociological culture of the Man6bos of eastern Mindanao_ 17 General material culture -------------------------------------------------— 17 Dwellings -------------------------------------------------------------------- 17 Alimentation -------------— 17 Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments -------------— 18 Means of subsistence -----------------------------— _ ----_ 19 Weapons and implements --- —_ 19 Industrial activities_ ------------------------------------------------------------- 19 vi VIII CONTENTS PART I. DESCRIPTIVE-Continued. CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and sociological culture of the Man6bos of eastern MindanAo-Continued. Page General sociological culture --------- -------------------- -20 Domestic life -------------------------------------------------------—. ---— 20 Marital relations ----—..-_- -----------------------------—. --- —----- _ __20 Pregnancy, birth, and childhood ---------- --------- _____20 Medicine, sickness, and death ----------- ----------- -— 21 Social and family enjoyments ---------— ___21 Political organization ----- -------— 22 System of government and social control ---— __ -_____ 22 Methods of warfare ---------------------------— 23 Intertribal and analogous relations -------------------------— 24 Administration of justice --------------------------— 25 General principles and various laws ------------------------— 25 Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary procedure in settlement of disputes -----------------------------------— 26 CHAPTER IV. Religious ideas and mental characteristics in general ------------- __28 A brief survey of religion ------------------------------------------------ 28 The basis, influence, and machinery of religion ------------------— 28 The hierarchy of Man6bo divinities, beneficent and malignant ------— ____28 Priests, their functions, attributes, and equipment ---------------— __ —_ --- —-—.. __ 29 The main characteristics of Man6bo religion -------------------------- ______. —29 Mental and other attainments and characteristics ---------------—.-_ ----. —___ ---_ --- —. 30 PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE_ ----------------------------------- 37 CHAPTER V. The Man6bo home ------------------------------------ _.-...... --- 37 In general ------— _-______ 37 Motives that determine the selection of the site -----------------— ___37 Religious motives - __________ --- ------ — __ --- ______37 Material motives_ — ____,____- --— 37 Religious ceremonies connected with the erection of a house ----------— _ --- —------—.- 38 Structure of the house ------ ---- -------------- ___ -— ___38 The materials -— _ --- — ------------- ----------- _.38 The dimensions and plan of construction-_ ----— __-_____38 The floor ------— __ ___-_______. 38 The roof and the thatch --------------- ------ --- — __39 The walls ----- ------------------------------------— _ ---__- _.39 The doorway and the ladder _-. ---— ___ -- -________40 Internal arrangements ----------------------------— 40 Decorations. — --------..-__ ------- -----— __ —. ---- - ______40 The furniture and equipment of the house -----------------------— 40 The underpart and the environment of the house -------------------— 42 Order and cleanliness of the house --------------------------— 42 CHAPTER VI. Dress _ —_ —. —_-_ --- —----—. —. _ ________________ 44 General remarks ------- ---------------- — ______44 Delicacy in exposure of the person ------------------------ -------- - 44 Variety in quantity and quality of clothes --------------------— 44 The use of bark cloth ---------. --- —------------- -------- ---------— ___44 Dress as an indication of rank - --------------------— ____44 Dress in general —_ 44 Preferential colors in dress --- ------------------------ -45 The man's dress --- —-----. ----- -----— __-__________45 Hats and headkerchiefs_ __-__ —_ _ ---____ ---- -_______45 The jacket --— __ --- —--— __ ------—...-____ -____-______46 The lower garment ---.. --- —-. 47 The girdle ---- ------------------------------------------------------— __47 The betel-nut knapsack _ --- —----------------— _______ 47 The woman's dress --------- ---------------------------------------------- 48 The jacket --------------------------- ----- -— 48 The upper Aguisan style_ -------------------— ______48 The style of the central group ----------------— 48 The girdle and its pendants --------------------------— 48 The skirt ------------------------------------------------------------------ 49 CONTENTS IX PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE-Continued. Page CHAPTER VII. Personal adornment -----— __-______- __- ___ ---- _ --- —-- --------------------- 51 General remarks ---------------— _____ --- —-------— 51 Hair and head adornment ____-___-___ _ ---51 Care and ornamentation of the head — ___ -----------------— 51 Combs ------------— _ _ --— _ ------ -------— 51 Ear disks _ ---- __________ ---52 Neck and breast ornaments ----- -— _ _. --------- ---------- 52 Arm and hand ornamentation _ --- —--- ___ — --— _ --- —---- 53 Knee and ankle adornments ---------------- ------------— 54 Body mutilations -— _ --- —-.____ -— _ —____ -. ----_____ —. -54 General remarks -_______.__.._... —._________-.-.__...._..... ----. -54 Mutilation of the teeth_ ----- ---- ------ — _ ----------— 55 Mutilation of the ear lobes — ___ —_ —_ —___ ---_ _____ ---- _ — ------- ---- 55 Depilation _ — ______- - ___ — ---— _ —____.. __ --- —------------ -- ------ 56 Tattooing ------------ ------------------— 56 Circumcision _- _ ------ _ --—. — ------- --- -----— 57 CHAPTER VIII. Alimentation _-_ --- —-- —.. -_. — _... --- —---------------------- 58 Fire and its production ------ ------- ----- - ------------— 58 The "fire saw ----- ---------------- ---------- -— 58 The steel and flint process ------------— _ ___ --------------------- 58 Continuation of the fire -------- -------------- 58 Lighting-____ _ --- —- ----- __ --- —59 Culinary and table equipment-__ __ —_- __ --- —-_ —.____ — -------- -- 59 Various kinds of food. ---_ _ -------------------- - - ----------------------- 60 The preparation and cooking of food ---------------- --------— 62 Preparing the food --- ------------------------------ 62 Cooking the food __ ----- - -----------------------— 63 Food restrictions and taboos --------------------------— 64 Meals ------------------------------------------- --—. ----- ----— 64 Ordinary meals --------- ------------------------------ ----- --------------- 64 Festive meals ----------------------- ---------— 65 CHAPTER IX. Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments --------- ------- ------ 67 Drinks used by the Man6bos -- ---------------------------------- 67 Sugar-palm wine _-_-_ ---_ --- —----------------------------- ----------------------- 67 Bdhi toddy ----—. --- —----.. -------. --- —--—. --- -----—.. ----. --- —----- -----— 67 Sugarcane brew. ---------------- --. --- —-----------—. --- —----- 68 Extraction of the juice -______ ___________________-__ --- — --- - — _ -- 68 Boiling... --- — -- ----------------- ------------------- 68 Fermentation.- ------------------------------------------------ 68 Mead -_____... --- —------ -----—. 68 Drinking. _ ----..... --- —---. --- —--------------- - ------------------ 69 General remarks -------------------------------- - ---------------------- 69 The sumsum-an _ — -----------------------------— 69 Drinking during religious and social feasts ------------------- - --------------- 69 Evil effects from drinking --- ------------— 70 Tobacco preparation and use _ --- —--------------- 70 The betel-nut masticatory-. --- —------------------------- 71 Ingredients and effect of the quid ---- ---------------- 71 Betel chewing accessories ---- - -------------------------------- 72 CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence ------------------------------------ --- 73 Agriculture ----------------------------------------- ------------------------- 73 General remarks ---------------------------------- ----------------------- 73 The time and place for planting rice ------ ------------------- 73 The sowing ceremony --------------------- 73 The clearing of the land --- —------------------ 74 The sowing of the rice and its culture --- —---------- --- 75 The rice harvest --- —-------------- - --------------------- 76 The harvest feast ----------- -------------- -- 76 The culture of other crops ------- ----------------------------------------- 77 Hunting --------------- 77 Hunting with dogs_ --- —--------------------------------------------------- 78 Offering to Sugddun, the spirit of hunters --- —------------------- 78 x CONTENTS PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE-Continued. CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence-Continued. Hunting-Continued. Page The hunt-_ -— 78 Hunting taboos and beliefs __ __ _ ---- ----- ------- _ — ___. __. --- —-.,... __ 79 Other methods of obtaining game --------------------------—.....-. -----— _79 Trapping -— 80 Trapping ceremonies and taboos - _. --- —-----------—,- -----—.... --- — -—.. —__ - -____ 80 The bamboo spear trap - __ _ ------------- _ --- —--- -— _80 Other varieties of traps __... —.. —............ 81 Fishing -—. —......................................_ _ -_ _-...... _ _ _....-. - 81 Shooting with bow and arrow... ---. —. -- -—.._..__ _____ 81 Fishing with hook and line... -------------------.... ---_ --- —--—... _81 Fish-poisoning ------------------— _..-_... --- —------------- _._. ----.... ___.. ____82 The tuba method -----------------------—. --- —---—... —...-_ ------------.. —_. 82 The tubli method.......___.__ __.......82 The ldgtang method ----—.. --- ---------—.-.- - - ----— __ ---.....-.. ___________ 82 Dry-season lake fishing. --- —--------------— _... ----_.. -_..____82 Fishing with nets, traps, and torches......__.- - - -.....__ 83 CHAPTER XI. Weapons and implements ----------------------------—.. --- —----—... —. 84 Introductory remarks ---------------------------- 84 Offensive weapons --------------------------------------------------- ----- 84 The bow and arrow --------------------------------------. --- —- ---- __84 The bolo and its sheath_ - --------------------------— 86 A magic test for the efficiency of a bolo ------------------ --— _87 The lance - ---------------------------- -------------— 88 The dagger and its sheath-_h -------------— 89 Defensive weapons ----------------- ------------- ------------------ 90 The shield ------------------------------ - 90 Armor -----— _ --- —----— 91 Traps and caltrops -------------------------- _____91 Agricultural implements --------------------------------------------—. ----__._______. 92 The ax -------—,__ — __.. --- -_,_ --- — ----— _ ----_ --- —- -. ----.-9_2-. 92 The bolo --------------------------------------------------------—. --- —--- - 92 The rice header --------------— _ --- —------------- -----— __. — _-___ —________..___ 92 Fishing implements ------- --------------------— __ _____92 The fishing bow and arrow ---------------------------------------— ___ _92 The fish spear -------- ---- -------------- - _______93 Fishhooks-.______________...-..-..-...-....-.._.__.____ 93 Hunting implements ____ —_ ___.___._____...-. __. -____..____ 93 The spear ---------------— _ ---— _ --- —... --- —----------- -_ -__ ---.-_ -___.__.- 93 The bow and arrow __ ___ --- —----------— ___-___- _93 The blowgun ------------------- -------- _94 CHAPTER XII. Industrial activities — -_ 95 Division of labor ----------- ------— 95 Male activities -------------------------- __ --- ___ 95 Female activities _ --- —------------------------------------ --—. ____ _ ______ 95 Male industries in detail _ --- —------------------------------— _. —..-_.___ -____ 95 Boat building ___ --- ---------------------------------------- -—. --- —____ _ ___ 95 Mining _ _ --- —---- ---------------------. ----_96 Plaiting and other activities ------------------------------- -- -... - ________96 Female industries in detail --------------------------------—.- — __ --- -..... ___.________ 96 Weaving and its accessory processes ----------------- —._____-96 Pottery ------------------------------------ 98 Tailoring and mat making ------- ---------------— ______98 PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE --------------------------------— ______ --- - _ 99 CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and marital relations _ _- ------------- — _ __ 99 Arranging the marriage ---------- ----— 99 Selection of the bride --- —----------- ------------ ------—. 99 Courtship and antenuptial relations ---- -----------— 99 Begging for the hand of the girl ------------------- 99 Determination of the marriage payment - ----------------— 101 The marriage feast and payment --- —--------------- ------- 102 The reciprocatory payment and banquet ----------------- ---------- 103 CONTENTS X-I PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE-Continued.. CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and martial relations-Continued. Page Marriage and marriage contracts ---------------------------------------— 104 The marriage rite ------------------ ------------— 104 Marriage by capture ------------------ 105 Prenatal marriage contracts and child marriage -------- ---- ------— 107 Polygamy and kindred institutions. 107 Endogamy and consanguineous marriages 108 Intertribal and other marriages --------------------— __. ------------— 108 Married life and the position of the wife ----------------------— 109 Residence of the son-in-law and the brother-in-law system _ ___ ___- -110 CHAPTER XIV. Domestic life: Pregnancy, birth, and childhood _ --- —------- ----— 111 Desire for progeny- _____ --- _, __ ---- -----— ___ — __ ---- - 111 Birth and pregnancy taboos ---------------- 111 Taboos to be observed by the husband _ _ --- —-_ -------- — 111 Taboos to be observed by the wife -112 Taboos to be observed by both husband and wife -------- - -112 Taboos enjoined on visitors _ --- —-- --------------------------- 112 Abortion - -—,-_ --- —------- -----------— 112 Artificial abortion -------------— 112 Involuntary abortion ------------------------------------------------------------- 112 The approach of parturition -- __ — ------ — 113 The midwife ----------------------------- 113 Prenatal magic aids ------------- --------------------------------- 113 Prenatal religious aids _ 114 Prenatal religious aids --- —------------------------------------------ 114 Accouchement and ensuing events ---------------— 114 Postnatal customs -- ----- ------- ---------— 115 Taboos ----------------— 115 The birth ceremony --- —----------------------------- 115 The naming and care of the child. - ---------------------— 116 Birth anomalies -- ----------------------— 117 Monstrosities ---- 117 Albinism- 117 Hermaphroditism- 117 CHAPTER XV. Domestic life: Medicine, sickness, and death ------- -------— 118 Medicine and disease -- ------------ ----------------------— 118 Natural medicines and diseases _ --------- -----------— 118 Magic ailments and means of producing them __ --- —--- --------— 119 The composition of a few "Kometan" ---------- -- 119 Other magic means --- —--------------------------------------------- 120 Bodily ailments proceeding from supernatural causes ------- --------— 120 Sickness due to capture of the "soul" by an inimical spirit ----- ------— 120 Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons --- —---------- 120 Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases —_ - --- --------- 121 Sickness and death --- —------------------------- ----- ------- 121 The theory of death --- ------------ --------------------- 121 Fear of the dead and of the death spirits ------- -—. --— 121 Incidents accompanying deaths ----- -- ------------- ----- 123 Preparation of the corpse ----------------------- -------- 123 The funeral -- -------- --------------------— 124 Certain mourning taboos are observed --------------— 125 Death and burial of one killed by an enemy, of a warrior chief, and of a priest ------ 126 The after world -------------------------------— 126 The death feast --------------------------------------------------------- - 127 CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments _-__.. ------------- —. 129 Instrumental music -________ --- —--—...- - ----------------------- -------—. 129 The drum --- —..... -.. --- —--------—. 129 The gong --- —------------- -----------------------------------------; --- —--------- 130 FThe gong --- —--------------------- -------------- ---------— 130 Flutes-................... 130 The pauindag flute ---------------------------- -------------------------- 130 The to-dli flute --- —------------------ ------------- ---------- 130 The ldnt flute --------------- ----------------------------- ----------- 130 The sd-bai flute --- —----------------------------------------------— 130 XII CONTENTS PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE-Continued. CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments-Continued. Instrumental music-Continued. Page Guitars ----------------— 131 The vine-string guitar -----------------— ______-_131 The bamboo-string guitar ---- -------— _-___-__ ___ _-___131 The takimbo _ ------ -----------— _______ _-132 The violin ----------------— 132 The jew's-harp --------------— 132 The stamper and the horn of bamboo_ --------- --— ______133 Sounders ------------------— _______ ___133 Vocal music ---- -------------- _________133 The language of song - -___________________________ 133 The subject matter of songs ------------------------—..__. _______134 The music and the method of singing ---------- -— ___ __134 Ceremonial songs ------------------— 134 Dancing -— __ —___- --— _ --- —------— _. ---- -—..1__.. ------..- 134 The ordinary social dance ------------------------------—.. ---- --- _____________ 135 The religious dance — 136 Mimetic dances ----------------------------------— _ --- ——.. -— _ __.-__-___.-___ 136 The bathing dance ---- ----------------— ________137 The dagger or sword dance --------------------------— _ -__ — _-__. _ 137 The apian dance ---------------------------- __137 The depilation dance ------ - --- - -------------- ---------------- 137 The sexual dance ---------- -------— 137 The war dance -_ __-_ --- —---------— _ --- —-------------------------- _____ 137 CHAPTER XVII. Political organization: System of government and social control ___ --— ___139 Clans_ ----------------— 139 Territories of the clans and number of people composing them -------- --— _ 139 Interclan relations. --- —--------------------------------— _ — -— _______...___ 139 The chief and his power — __ ----- --— ___ ______ _ _______ _139 The source of the chief's authority.-. --- ------------- - -.. — -- - -- - ______________ 139 Equality among the people ------ --------— ___ __ — _____140 Respect for ability and old age.- -- ------------— _-___ ---._____-..-._.._-___-__-___.. 140 The warrior chief --------------------------- -— _____141 General character. ---- -.. --- —--------------—. -.- -------- —.. ----. -.-_. _ -___- -— _,___ 141 Insignia and prowess of the warrior chief -______-_-__ ---___-.___. - __________141 The warrior's title to recognition ---— _ -____ —_-____-________.__... — -- _________ 142 Various degrees of warrior chiefship ----— __ ---_ ------------ ---- --. — - 142 The warrior chief in his capacity as chief ------------------------— _-__ -— _. _______- 143 The warrior chief as priest and medicine man -_____ —_____- -— _________ _..__ 144 CHAPTER XVIII. Political organization: War, its origin, inception, course, and termination ---1 --- 145 Military affairs in general --------— _ _ _- -------- ____145 The origin of war -------- --— __ --- —_._- _______ ___ — ------— __ -- -- -— _-______ _______. 146 Vendettas __ --- —-- ----- 146 Private seizure __ --- —— __ ---- ------._ --- —— _ --- —-- — ___- --- -- -— _________.____ 147 Debts and sexual infringements --------—. --- —--------—. -__. 148 Inception of war_ --- —---- -----— ___ ---- ________148 Declaration of war _ --- —_____- _____ --- _____.__________ — _____________ __.-. _- __ 148 Time for war ---------------------—. --- ——. --- — ----- — __ --- ------ --— ___. _148 Preparations for war --— _ ___________ ---_________149 The attack-_ - __________ ____ ___ ___ — ______ -____150 Time and methods of attack --------------------- -___ __ 150 Events following the battle. ------ ---------------- -___ ---152 Celebration of the victory __- ____ ___ --- —-— __ ---152 The capture of slaves __ --- —---------- 153 The return of the warriors _ --- — -----------------— _ 153 Ambushes and other methods of warfare ---------------------—. 154 Peace --- —-------------------------------------------------------------------------- 155 CHAPTER XIX. Political organization: General principles of the administration of justice; custom- 156 ary, proprietary, and liability laws --------------. --- —-------------------------------- General considerations --- —----------------------------------------------------------- 156 General principles -----------------------------------------------------— 156 The principle of material substitution --- —----------------------------------- --- 156 Right to a fair hearing - ---------------------------------------------— 157 CONTENTS Xiii PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE-Continued. CHAPTER XIX. Political organization-Continued. General principles-Continued. Page Securing the defendant's good will --------------------— _ ___157 Foundations of Man6bo law ------------------------------------— 157 Customary law ----------------------- ______158 Its natural basis ------------------------------— 158 Its religious basis --------------------— ___ -___158 Proprietary laws and obligations ----------------------- ---— 159 Conception of property rights -----------------------— 159 Land and other property -------— ___________________ 159 Laws of contract__ ----------------------------- - 161 The law of debt --------- ------------------- _____ __161 Interest, loans, and pledges ------------------- ------------ 163 Interest ------------------------ _____ _163 Loans and pledges ------------------- ___ __________164 Laws of liability ------------------------------- 164 Liability arising from natural causes ------------— __________164 Liability arising from religious causes ------------------— ____ _164 Liability arising from magic causes -----------— _ — _______ —_165 The system of fines ----------------— 165 CHAPTER XX. Political organization: Customs regulating domestic relations and family property; procedure for the attainment of justice --- __ — _____ _____________167 Family property.___ ------------------------------— ____ ------— _ --- —--- _167 Rules of inheritance ------------------------------— 167 Rules governing the relations of the sexes — ______ _____________167 Moral offenses ------------------------— 167 Marriage contracts and payments -------------— _ 168 Illegitimate children_ ----------------------------— 169 Extent of authority of father and husband ----------— ___ ______169 Residence of the husband ------— _ --- —---— ____169 Crimes and their penalties ----------------------------— 169 Crimes_ -__ -------------------------------— 169 The private seizure - ----- ------------- 170 Penalties for minor offenses --- ---- -----------— _ -170 Customary procedure_ --------------------— 170 Preliminaries to arbitration -------- --------—. -- ----— 170 General features of a greater arbitration ----------- -— 172 Determination of guilt ----------------— 173 By witnesses _- ------------------------------------------------------------ 173 By oaths --- —---------------— 173 By the testimony of the accused --------------- ---— _- _- 173 By ordeals ------------------------------------- --------------— 174 The hot-water ordeal -------------- ------------------------------------ 174 The diving ordeal ---- ------------------------------------------- 174 The candle ordeal --------------- -------------------------------------- 174 By circumstantial evidence ----------------------------------------------------- 174 Enforcement of the sentence --------- --------------------------------------- - 175 CHAPTER XXI. Political organization: Intertribal and other relations ___ --- —---- 176 Intertribal relations ---------------------------------- 176 Interclan relations ------------------------------— 177 External commercial relations ------------------- 178 Exploitation by Christian natives - ----------------------------------— 178 Exploitation by falsification --------------------------------------------------- 178 Defraudation by usury and excessive prices ---------------— 179 Exploitation by the system of commutation ___- -- ------------- 179 Wheedling or the pudnak system --- —--------------------------------------- 180 Bartering transactions -- ------------------------------------------------- 180 General conditions of trading ----- ------------------------------------------ 181 Internal commercial relations -------------------------------------------------------- 182 Money and substitutes for it --- —-------------------------------------------------- 182 Prevailing Man6bo prices_ --- —------------------------ 183 Weights and measures -------------------------------------------------------- 183 xiv CONTENTS PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE-Continued. CHAPTER XXI. Political organization-Continued. Page Slave trade and slaves _ --- —-------------------------------—.. --- —---— 184 Slave trade.- -------------------------------------------------— 184 Classes of slaves ____ -----------------------------— 184 Delivery and treatment of slaves-_ --------------------— 185 PART IV. RELIGION — __-_ --- —-----------------------------— __ 187 CHAPTER XXII. General principles of Man6bo religion and nature and classification of Man6bo deities __ --- —---— 187 Introductory ---------------------------------------— 187 General principles of religion -----------------------------— 87 Sincerity of belief ---------------------------—._- _ 187 Basis of religious belief ----------------- 187 Means of detecting supernatural evil ----------------------— 188 Belief in an hierarchy of beneficent and malignant deities ------- _____188 Other tenets of Man6bo faith_ 189 Spirit companions of man --------— 1 --- - -- -- ___ _-___ -— _____ —.______ ~______- - I... 89 General character of the deities ----------— _________________ 190 Classification of deities and spirits ___________ ___________190 Benevolent deities ----------------------------— 190 Gods of gore and rage ---------------------------— 191 Malignant and dangerous spirits ______ ___________________191 Agricultural goddesses -------------------------------------—. 191 Giant spirits-__ --------------------------------------------- 191 Gods of lust and consanguineous love-. ---------------------—. —. _191 Spirits of celestial phenomena 1 --- —----------— _________ 191 Other spirits -------------------------------------—. — __-__._______. 192 Nature of the various divinities in detail.-._._- __ — _____ _____...__ —.. _______________ 192 The primary deities --------------—. ---. --- —--------------.._________ 192 The secondary order of deities....... 192 The gods of gore, and kindred spirits.-.... __..... __. 193 CHAPTER XXIII. Maleficent spirits ----------------------------- ------------------ _ 195 The origin and nature of malignant demons -_ --------------------------— _____195 Methods of frustrating their evil designs _ --- —-—. -----------------— 195 Through priests —...-. -.... _-. _195 By various material means ------- ----------------— _____196 By propitiation ---------------— _ ----_ ---_ --- —----- ---- _______196 The tagbdnua, or local forest spirits ----------------—. --- —------ -—.-____197 Their characteristics and method of living — ___.. --- —------------—.. ________ 197 Definite localities tenanted by forest spirits ------------------— __- 198 Worship of the forest spirits ---------------- -198 CHAPTER XXIV. Priests, their prerogatives and functioIns ----------- — _- -200 The baildn or ordinary Man6bo priests --- --------- --— __.,__200 Their general character ---------------— __ --- —-------------._______... 200 Their prerogatives ---------------— _-_ --- —-—. --- —-__ --- —___________..._____ 201 Sincerity of the priests —_ ---- _ --- —--— _______ ____ _ 201 Their influence --------------------- ----- ----— _- -_... --- —--------------- 202 Their dress and functions -— _ _____ ---_ - - -202 The bagdni, or priests of war and blood ----------------- -- ____203 CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and religious rites ------------------- _ 204 General remarks --------------------— ___ ______204 The paraphernalia of the priest __ --- —--— ___ — ___ ----_-__204 The religious shed and the baildn's house --------------- - -__ -204 Equipment for ceremonies ---------- ---—. 204 Ceremonial decorations ---------------------------—.-..._. -----— _ _ ____ 205 Sacred images ----------— ___- __ — -- _____ __ 205 Ceremonial offerings._ - -205 Religious rites. 206 Classification.. ________...... --—. — — ______ _206 Method of performance -------------------------— __,__206 The betel-nut tribute -- ---------------— _ --- —__ -___ 206 The offering of incense --- —-- - ----------- -_ _. - -_____ 207 CONTENTS xv PART IV. RELIGION-Continued. CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and religious rites-Continued. Religious rites-Continued. Method of performance-Continued. Page Invocation ------------------------------— 207 Prophylactic fowl waving__- __ __ --- —---- -------- -— 207 Blood lustration ----- ------------------------- 207 Lustration by water_ --------------------- -----— 207 CHAPTER XXVI. Sacrifices and war rites -— 209 The sacrifice of a pig- ____ —____ ----_ —_ --------- _ _ --- —-— 209 Rites peculiar to the war priests ------------— __ -----------— 211 The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies_ -------------- -- 211 Various forms of divination _- ___- _ __ ---- ----- ---------— 211 The betel-nut cast --------- --------------------- 211 Divination from the bdgun vine ------------ -- -— 212 Divination from bdya squares -------------------------- 212 Invocation of the omen bird -----—.. ---- -----—._. --- —---- - ----------—.. 212 The tagbisau's feast_ - ----------------- ------------— 213 Human sacrifice -- ------— _ _ --- —---- ---------— 214 CHAPTER XXVII. Divination and omens ---------------- - -------— 216 In general —__ ___ ------- -- ------ -------— 216 Miscellaneous casual omens ______ __ — - ------ ----------— 216 Divination by dreams_ _ --- —-— __ ---.. --- --- ---- ----------— 217 Divination by geometrical figures _ --- ---------------------— 217 The vine omen ----__ — _,__ ____ --- —--- — 217 The rattan omen --------------- -----— 219 Divination by suspension and other methods __ --- —---- -------- ------—.. — ----- 219 The suspension omen _ ---------- -------------- ---- 219 The omen from eggs ------------------- _ --- --------— 220 Divination by sacrificial appearances___-_ ---- - ---------- --- ---- 220 The blood omen_- ------- — _ —_- -------- -- 220 The neck omen -___ --- —-- --- ----- ---— 220 The omen from the gall - ---------- ---------- -------- -- 221 The omen from the liver __ --- —-_ --- —- -- --- -------- -- 221 The omen from a fowl's intestinal appendix -_ ------------ ---- ---- 221 Ornithoscopy ----------- --— 221 In general -----------------------.. --- ------- --- ---------------— 221 Respect toward the omen bird ------ ----------— 221 Interpretation of the omen bird's call __....-__ --- —--------------------- - -- 222 Birds of evil omen_ - ----- ------------------ -- 223 CHAPTER XXVIII. Mythological and kindred beliefs ------------- -— 224 The creation of the world --- —----------------- --------------------- 224 Celestial phenomena ___ — ----— _ ----224 The rainbow ---------------------------------------------------- 224 Thunder and lightning --- —--------------- ------------ 224 Eclipse of the moon_ _ --- —-------------------- ---------------------- 225 Origin of the stars and the explanation of sunset and sunrise ------ -- ----— 225 The story of the Ikuigan, or tailed men, and of the resettlement of the Agusan Valley -------- 226 Giants ---------------— 226 Peculiar animal beliefs_ --------- ------------— 227 The petrified craft and crew of Kagbubatafig ---------------------— 227 Anig6, the petrified Man6bo — -228 CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement of 1908-1910 _ --- —------- ------------- 229 The extent of the movement- _ - -------------------------- 229 Reported origin and character of the revival ______ — -_ —.- ------------------------ 229 Spread of the movement_ ---— _- --------------------------------------------- - 230 Its exterior character and general features_ _ ------------- -— 231 The principal tenets of the movement --------- ---------------- 231 New order of deities --------------------------------------- 231 Observances prescribed by the founder. __ --------------- -------------- 232 Religious rites --- —------ ----------------------— 233 xvI CONTENTS PART IV. RELIGION-Continued. CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement of 1908-1910-Continued. Page The real nature of the movement and means used to carry on the fraud --- —---------------- 235 The sacred traffic ----- -------------------------- 235 Religious tours -- - ------- ----------------------- 236 The whistling scheme --- —------------------ ------------------- - 237 Pretended chastity and austerity ----- --------------------- 238 The end of the movement --- ------------------------------------------ 239 Similar movements in former yes ---------------------------------------------- 239 APPENDIX Historical references to the Man6bos of eastern Mindano ---------------------------------------- 241 Early history up to 1875 ---------- - 241 From 1875 to 1910- 244 Methods adopted by the missionaries in the Christianization of the Man6bos ------— 249 The secret of missionary success --- —---------------------------------------------------- 250 Explanation of plates..-,,, --- —------- 252 PART I. DESCRIPTIVE CHAPTER I CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MANOBOS AND OTHER PEOPLES IN EASTERN MINDANAO EXPLANATION OF TERMS "EASTERN MINDANAO Throughout this monograph I have used the term "eastern Mindanao" to include that part of Mindanho that is east of the central Cordillera as far south as the headwaters of the River Libaganon, east of the River Tagum and its influent the Libaganon, and east of the gulf of Davao. THE TERM ' TRIBE " The word " tribe " is used in the sense in which Dean C. Worcester defines and uses it in his article on The non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon: A division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and distinguished from their congeners by physical characteristics, dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form; peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufacture; practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms used in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs; but not constituting a political unit subject to the control of any single individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect. PRESENT USE OF THE WORD ( MANOBO" The word "Man6bo" seems to be a generic name for people of greatly divergent culture, physical type, and language. Thus it is applied to the people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of Point San Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the southern part of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those, again, that occupy the hinterland of Tuna Bay 2 come under the same designation. So it might seem that the word was originally used to designate the pagan as distinguished from the Mohammedanized people of Mindanho, much as the name Haraf6ras or Alfuros was applied by the early writers to the pagans to distinguish them from the Moros. In the Agusan Valley the term manobo is used very frequently by Christian and by Christianized peoples, and sometimes by pagans themselves, to denote that the individual in question is still unbaptized, whether he be tribally a Mandaya, a MIangguifigan, or of some other group. I have been told by Mandayas on several occasions that they were still manobo, that is, still unbaptized. Then, again, the word is frequently used by those who are really Manobos as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in remoter regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or a culture way as they are. Thus I have heard Man6bos of the upper Agdsan refer to their fellow-tribesmen of Libaganon as Manobos, with evident contempt in the voice. I asked them what they themselves were, and in answer was informed that they were Agusdnon that is, upper Agusan people-not Manobos. I Philip. Journ. Sci., 1: 803, 1906. 2 Tuna Bay is on the southern coast of Mindanao, about halfway between Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay. 67173~ —31 2 1 2 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL THE DERIVATION AND ORIGINAL APPLICATION OF THE WORD "MAN6BO One of the earliest references that I find to the Man6bos of the Agiisan Valley is in the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers (1661-1699) by Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis.3 The author says that "the mountains of that territory 4 are inhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for the greater part, called Manobos, a word signifying in that language, as if we should say here, robust or very numerous people. " I have so far found no word in the Man6bo dialect that verifies the correctness of the above statement. It may be said, however, in favor of this derivation that manusia is the word for "man " or "mankind " in the Malay, Moro (Magindanao), and Tirurai languages. In Bagobo, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to Manobo, the word Man6bo means "man," and in Magindanao Moro it means "mountain people," 5 and is applied by the Moros to all the mountain people of Mindanao. It might be maintained, therefore, with some semblance of reason that the word Manobo means simply "people." Some of the early historians use the words Mlanobo, Mansuba, Manubo. These three formsindicate the derivation to be from a prefix man, signifying "people " or " dweller," and suba, a river. From the form Manubo, however, we might conclude that the word is made up of man ("people "), and hzibo ("naked"), therefore meaning the "naked people. " The former derivation, however, appears to be more consonant with the principles upon which Mindanao tribal names, both general and local, are formed. Thus Mansdka, Manddya, Manggudigan are derived, the first part of each, from man ("people" or "dwellers"), and the remainder of the words, respectively, from sdcka ("interior"), ddya ("up the river"), gudaigan ("forest"). These names then mean "people of the interior," "people that dwell on the upper reaches of the river," and "people that dwell in the forest." Other tribal designations of Mindanao races and tribes are almost without exception derived from words that denote the relative geographic position of the tribe in question. The Banudon and Mamdnua are derived from banud, the "country," as distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the river. The Bukidnon are the mountain people (bukid, mountain); Subanun, the river people (suba, river); Tirurai, the mountain people (t'dukc, mountain, eteu, man); 6 Tagakaolo, the people at the very source of a river (tdga, inhabitant, 61o, head or source). The derivation of the above tribal designations leads us to the opinion that the word Mianobo means by derivation a "river-man, " and not a "naked man." A further alternative derivation has been suggested by Dr. N. M. Saleeby,7 from the word titbo, "to grow"; the word Man6bo, according to this derivation, would mean the people that grew up on the island, that is the original settlers or autochthons. The word tuibo, "to grow," is not, however, a Man6bo word, and it is found only in a few Mindanao dialects. Father F. Combes, S. J.,8 says that the owners, that is, the autochthonic natives of Mindanao, were called Man6bos and Mananapes.9 In a footnote referring to Mananapes, it is statcd, and appears very reasonable and probable, that the above-mentioned term is not a tribal designation but merely an appellation of contempt used on account of the low culture possessed by the autochthons at that time. Hence there seems to be some little ground for supposing that the word Manobo was originally applied to all the people that formerly occupied the coast and that later fled to the interior, and settled along the rivers, yielding the seashore to the more civilized invaders. 3 Blair and Robertson, 41: 153, 1906. ' The author refers to the mountains in the vicinity of Liano, a town that stood down the river from the present Veruela and which was abandoned when the region subsided. Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti's Diccionario Moro Magindanao-Espafiol (Manila, 1892), 125. e My authority for this derivation is a work by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera on The Origin of Philippine Tribal Names. 7 Origin of Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the Philippine Academy, Manila, Nov. 1, 1911. 8s IiStoria de Mindanao y Jolo (Madrid, 1664). Ed. Retana (Madrid, 1897). * The word maanndp is the Word for animal, beast in the Cebu Bisaya, Bag6bo, Tirurai, and Magindan5o Moro languages. Among some of the tribes of eastern Mindanao, the word is applied to a classof evil forest spirits of apparently indeterminate character. It is noteworthy that these spirits seem to correspond to the Manubu spirits of the Subanuns as described by Mr. Emerson B. Christie in his Subanuns of Sindangan Bay (Pub. Bur. St., Div. Eth., 88, 1909). ACAMY O SCIENCES] CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION 3 The following extract from Dr. N. M. Saleeby'o bears out the above opinion: The traditions and legends of the primitive tribes of the Philippine Archipelago show very clearly that they believe that their forefathers arose in this land and that they have been here ever since their creation. They further say that the coast tribes and foreigners came later and fought them and took possession of the land which the latter occupy at present. When Masha' ika, the earliest recorded immigrant, reached Sdlu Island, the aborigines had already developed to such a stage of culture as to have large settlements and rajas or datus. These aborigines are often referred to in Sllu and MindanAo as Manubus, the original inhabitants of Sulu Islands, the Budanuns, were called Manubus also. So were the forefathers of the MagindanAo Moros. The most aboriginal hill tribes of Mindando, who number about 60,000 souls or more, are called Manubus. The idea that the original owners were called hMan6bos is the opinion of San Antonio also, as expressed in his Cronicas.11 Such a supposition might serve also to explain the wide distribution of the different Manobo people in Mindanao, for, besides occupying the regions above-mentioned, they are found on the main tributaries of the Rio Grande de Kotabato-the Bataigan, the Bikt6sa, the Luan, the Narkanitan, etc., and especially on the River Pulafigi-on nearly all the influents of the last-named stream, and on the Hifigoog River in the Province of Misamis. As we shall see later on, even in the Agusan Valley, the Manobos were gradually split on the west side of the river by the ingress, as of some huge wedge, of the Banuaons. Crossing the eastern Cordillera, a tremendous mass of towering pinnacles-the home of the Mamanuas-we find Manobos occupying the upper reaches of the Rivers Hubo, Marihatag, Kagwait, Thgo, Tandag, and Kantilan, on the Pacific coast. I questioned the Man6bos of the rivers Tago and Hubo as to their genealogy and former habitat and found that their parents, and even some of themselves, had lived on the river Kasilaian, but that, owing to the hostility of the Banuaons, they had fled to the river Wa-Wa. At the time of the coming of the Catholic missionaries in 1875, these Manobos made their way across the lofty eastern Cordillera in an attempt to escape from the missionary activities. These two migrations are a forcible example of what may have taken place in the rest of Mindanao to bring about such a wide distribution of what was, perhaps, originally one people. Each migration led to the formation of a new group from which, as from a new nucleus, a new tribe may have developed in the course of time. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE MANOBOS IN EASTERN MINDANAO12 IN THE AGUSAN VALLEY The Manobos occupy the whole Agusan Valley as far as the town of Buai on the upper Agdsan with the following exceptions: 1. The upper parts of the rivers Laminfga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Ohut, and the whole of the river Maasam, together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably the territory beyond in the district of Misarnis, as far over as the habitat of the Bukidnon tribe.13' 2. The towns of Butuan, Talakogon, Bunhwan, Veruela, and Prosperidad. 3. The town of Tagusab and the headwaters of the Tutui and Binufigfgaan Rivers. ON THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE PACIFIC CORDILLERA In this region I include the upper waters of the Liafga, Hubo, Oteiza, Marihatag, Kagwhit, Tago, Tandag, and Kantilan Rivers. ON THE PENINSULA OF SAN AGUSTIN I desire to call the reader's attention to the fact that this monograph has no reference to the Manobos of Port San Agustin nor to the Manobos of the Libaganon River and its tributaries, nor to the Manobos that occupy the hinterland above Nasipit as far as the Bugdbus River. I had only 1 The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the Philippine Academy on Nov. 1, 1911. 1 Blair and Robertson, 40: 315, 1906. 12 See tribal map. 13 The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that the people inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters of the above rivers have the same physical types, dress, and weapons as the Bukidnons, if I may judge from my slight acquaintance with the latter. 4 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN M [VOL. XXIII, cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the last-named region but both from my own scant observations and from the reports of others more familiar with them, I am inclined to believe that there may be differences great enough to distinguish them from the other peoples of the Agisan Valley as a distinct tribe. As to the Man6bos of Libaganon, it is probable that they have more or less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Man6bos that form the subject matter of this paper, but, as I did not visit them nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them untouched until further investigation. Of the Man6bos of the lower half of the peninsula of San Agustin, I know absolutely nothing except that they are known as Man6bos. I noted, however, in perusing the Jesuit letters 14 that there were in the year 1891 not only Man6bos but Moros, Bilans, and Tagaka6los in that region THE MAMANUAS, OR NEGRITOS, AND NEGRITO-MANOBO HALF-BREEDS The Mamanuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manobo half-breeds of Mindanao occupy the mountains from Anao-aon near Surigao down to the break in the eastern Cordillera, northwest of Liafiga. They also inhabit a small range that extends in a northeasterly direction from the Cordillera to Point Kawit on the east coast. I heard three trustworthy reports of the existence of Negritos in eastern Mindanio. The first report I heard on the Umafam River (Walo, August, 1909). It was given to me by a Man6bo chief from the River Ihawan. He assured and reassured me that on the Lafigilafig River, near the Libaganon River exists a group of what he called Manobos but who were very small, black as an earthen pot, kinky-haired, without clothes except bark-cloth, very peaceable and harmless, but very timid. I interrogated him over and over as to the bark-cloth that he said these people wore. He said in answer that it was called agahan and that it was made out of the bark of a tree whose name I can not recall. He described the process of beating the bark and promised to bring me, 60 days from the date of our conference, a loin cloth of one of these people. I inquired as to their manner of life, and was assured that they were tau-batang; that is, people who slept under logs or up in trees. He said that he and his people had killed many of them, but that he was still on terms of friendship with some of them. The second report as to the existence of Negritos I heard on the Baglasan River, a tributary of the Salug River. The chiefs whom I questioned had never visited the Negritos but had purchased from the Tugawanons 5 many Negrito slaves whom they had sold to the Mandayas of the Kati'il and Karfga Rivers. This statement was probably true, for I saw one slave, a fullblooded Negrito girl, on the upper Karaga during my last trip and received from her my third and most convincing report of the existence of Negritos other than the Mamanuas of the eastern Cordillera. She had been captured, she said, by the Man6bos of Libaganon and sold to the Debabaons (upper Salug people). She could not describe the place where her people live, but she gave me the following information about them. They are all like herself, and they have no houses nor crops, because they are afraid of the Man6bos that surround them. Their food is the core1' of the green rattan and of fishtail palm,17 the flesh of wild boar, deer, and python, and such fish and grubs, etc., as they find in their wanderings. They sleep anywhere; sometimes even in trees, if they have seen strange footprints. Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances, daggers, and bolos. According to her description, the bolos are long and thin, straight on one side and curved on the other. The men purchase them from the Atas in exchange for beeswax. The people are numerous, but they live far apart, roaming through the forests and mountains, and meeting one another only occasionally. 14 Cartas de los PP. de la Compafila de Jesis, 9: 335, et seq., 1892. tI The Tugawanons were described by my Salug authorities as a people that lived at the headwaters of the River Libaganon on a tributary called Tugawan. They were described as a people of medium stature, as fair as the Mansakas, very warlike, enemies of the reported Negritos, very numerous, and speaking an Atas dialect. Perhaps the term Tugawanon is only a local name for a branch of the Atas tribe. u O-bud.?1 Ba-hi (Caryota sp.). ADEMY OF SCIENCE] CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION No. 1] 5 The statements of this slave girl correspond in every particular with the report that I received on the upper Shlug, except that the Shlug people called these Negritos Tugmaya and said that they live beyond a mountain that is at the headwaters of the Libaganon River. Putting together these three reports and assuming the truth of them, the habitat of these Negritos must be the slopes of Mount Panombaian, which is situated between, and is probably the source of, the Rivers Tigwa (an important tributary of the Rio Grande de Kotabato), Sabud (the main western tributary of the Ihawan River), and Libaganon (the great western influent of the Tagum River). Montano states that during his visit to the Philippines (1880-81) there were on the island of Samal a class of half-blood Ata' with distinctly Negroid physical characteristics. Treating of Ata' he says that it is a term applied in the south of Mindanao by Bisayas to Negritos "that exist (or existed not long ago) in the interior toward the northwest of the gulf of Davao." 18 A careful distinction must be made between the term Atas 19 and the racial designation Ata', for the former are, according to Doctor Montano, a tribe of a superior type, of advanced culture, and of great reputation as warriors. They dwell on the northwestern slope of Mount Apo, hence their name Atas, hatdas, or atdas, being a very common word in Mindanfto for "high." They are, therefore, the people that dwell on the heights. I heard of one branch of them called Tugawanons, but this is probably only a local name like Agusanons, etc. I found reports of the former existence of Negritos in the Karaga River Valley at a place called Sukipin, where the river has worn its way through the Cordillera. An old man there told me that his grandfather used to hunt the Negritos. The Mandayas both of that region and of Tagdaufig-dufig, a district situated on the Karaga River, five days' march from the mouth, on the western side of the Cordillera, show here and there characteristics, physical and cultural, that they could have inherited only from Negrito ancestors. One interesting trait of this particular group is the use of blowpipes for killing small birds. In the use of the bow and arrow, too, they are quite expert. These people are called taga-butdi-that is, mountain dwellers-and live in places on the slopes of high mountains difficult of access, their watering-place being frequently a little hole on the side of the mountain. THE BANUAONS The Banuaons,20 probably an extension of the Bukidnons of the Bukidnon subprovince. They occupy the upper parts of the Rivers Lamifiga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Ohut, and the whole of the River Maasam, together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably extend over to the Bukidnons. THE MANGGUANGANS This tribe occupies the towns of Tagusab and Pilar on the upper Agusan, the range between the Salug and the Agusan, the headwaters of the Mdnat River, and the water-shed between the Manat and the Mawab. The physical type of many of them bespeaks an admixture of Negrito blood, and their timidity and, on occasions, their utter lack of good judgment, brand them as the lowest people, after the Mamanuas, in eastern Mindanao. One authority, a Jesuit missionary, I think, estimated their number at 30,000. An estimate, based on the reports of the people of Coinpostela, places their number at 10,000 just before my departure from the Agisan Valley in 1910. The decrease, if the two estimates are correct, is probably due to intertribal and interclan wars. 18 Une Mission aux Philippines, 346, 1887. 19 Called also ItAs. 20 Also called Higaunon or Higagaun, probably "the Hadgaguanes-a people untamed and ferocious"-to whom the Jesuits preached shortly after the year 1596. (Jesuit Mission, Blair and Robertson, 44: 60,1906.) These may be the people whom Pigaffetta, in his First Voyage Around the World (1519-1522) calls Benaian (Banuton?) and whom he describes as "shaggy and living at a cape near a river in the islands of Butuan and Karaga-great fighters and archers-eating only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons" (Blair and Robertson, 30: 243, 1906). 6 1.THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [M" OLo,^. XXI THE MANSAKAS The Manshkas do not seem to me to-be as distinct tribally as are the Man6bos and Mandayas. It would appear from their physical appearance and other characteristics that they should be classed as Mandayas, or as a subtribe of Mandfyas with whom they form one dialect group. I judge them to be the result of intermarriage between the Mafiggufigans and the Mandayas. They occupy the Mawab River Valley and the region included between the Hijo, Mawab, and Madawan Rivers. They are probably the people whom Montano called Tagabawas, but I think that this designation was perhaps a mistaken form of Tagabaas, an appellation given to MafigguAfigans who live in the bd-as, or prickly swamp-grass, that abounds at the headwaters of the MAnat River. THE DEBABAONS The Debabions are probably a hybrid group forming a dialect group with the Man6bos of the IhawAn and Biobo, and a culture group in dress and other features with the Mandayas. They claim relationship with Manobos, and follow Man6bo religious beliefs and practices to a great extent. For this reason I have retained the name that they apply to themselves, until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They inhabit the upper half of the Salug River Valley and the country that lies to the west of it as far as the Baobo River. THE MANDAYAS These form the greatest and best tribe in eastern Mindanao.21 One who visits the MandAyas of the middle Kati'il can not fail to be struck with the fairness of complexion, the brownness of the hair, the diminutiveness of the hands and feet, and the large eyes with long lashes that are characteristic of many of these people. Here and there, too, one finds a distinctly Caucasian type. In psychological characteristics they stand out still more sharply from any tribe or group of people that I know in eastern Mindanao. Shrewd and diplomatic on the one hand, they are an affectionate, good-natured and straight-forward people, with little of the timidity and cautiousness of the Man6bo. Their religious instincts are so highly developed that they are inclined to be fanatical at times. On the whole, the impression made upon me in my long and intimate dealings with the Mandayas of the Kati'il, Manorigao, and Kariga Rivers is that they are a brave, intelligent, u1 It is very interesting to note that the people called Taga-balooyes and referred to by so many of the writers on Mindanao can be none other than the Mandayas. Thus San Antonio (Blair and Robertson, 40: 407,1906) states that" the Taga-balo6yes take their name from some mountains which are located in the interior of the jurisdiction of Caraga. They are not very far distant from and trade with the villages of (Kariga) and some, indeed, live in them who have become Christians. * * * These people, as has been stated above, are the descendants of lately arrived Japanese. This is the opinion of all the religious who have lived there and had intercourse with them and the same is a tradition among themselves, and they desired to be so considered. And it would seem that one is convinced of it on seeing them: for they are light complexioned, well-built, lusty, very reliable in their dealings, respectful, and very valiant, but not restless. So I am informed by one who has had much to do with them: and above all these are the qualities which we find in the Japanese." In further proof, Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (ibid. 41: 138, et seq.) says: "The nearest nation to our village [Bislig] is that of the Taga-balo6yes who are so named from certain mountains that they call Balooy. * * * They are a corpulent race, well built, of great courage and strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding, and more than halfway industrious. Their nation is faithful in its treaties and constant in its promises, as they are descendants, so they pride themselves, of the Japanese, whom they resemble in complexion, countenance, and manners." The writer describes briefly their houses and their manner of life, and mentions in particular the device they make use of in the construction of their ladders. It is interesting to note that the same device is still made use of by the more well-to-do Mandayas on the Karaga, Manorigao, and Kati'fl Rivers. In other respects their character, as described, is very similar to that of the present Mandfyas of the Kati'il River who in physical type present characteristics that mark them as being a people of a superior race. In Medina's historia (Blair and Roberston, 24:175,1906,) we findit related that Captain Juan Nifio de Tabora mistreated the chief of the Tagabalo6yes in KarAga and that as a result the captain, Father Jacinto Cor, and 12 soldiers were killed. Subsequently four more men of the religious order were kflled and two others wounded and captured by the Taga-balo6yes. Zufiiga in Estadismo (ibid. 2:71, et seq.) notes the fairness of complexion of theTaga-balooyes, a tribe living in the mountains of Balooy in KarAga. Father Manual Buzeta in Diccionario geografico-estadfstico-histdrico de las Islas Filipinas (1: 506, 1905) makes the same observation, but M. Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix in Voyage commercial et politique aux Indes Orientales (1803-1809) goes further still by drawing attention to these people as meriting distinction for superior mentality. The Jesuit missionary Pastells in 1883 (Cartas de los PP. de la Compafnia de Jesfs, 4: 212, 1884) writes that the people above Manresa (southeastern Mindanao) are perhaps of Moro origin but bettered by a strain of noble blood, which their very appearance seems to him to indicate. In support of this view he cites the authority of Santayana, who claims Japanese descent for them and repudiates the opinion of those who attribute Hollandish descent. In a footnote, the above celebrated missionary and scholar adds that the town of Kinablangan (a town on the east coast of Mindanfo) owes its origin to a party of Europeans who were shipwrecked on Point Bagoso and took up their abode in that place, intermarrying with the natives. I was informed by a Bisfya trader, the only one that ever went among the mountain MandAyae, that he had seen a circular, clocklike article with strange letters upon it in a settlement on the middle Kati'il. The following year I made every effort to see it, but I could not prevail upon the possessors to show it to me. They asserted that they bad lost it. It is probable that this object was a ship's compass. NCOAD1M OF SCIENCES] CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION clean, frank people that with proper handling might be brought to a-high state of civilizationm They are looked up to by Man6bos, Mafiggu&figans, Mansakas, and Debabfons as being a superior and more ancient race, and considered by the Bisayas of the Agdsan Valley as a people of much more intelligence and fair-dealing than any other tribe. The Mandiyas consist of four branches: THE TAGUM BRANCH These occupy the country from near the mouth of the TAgum to the confluence of the Salug and Libaganon Rivers, or perhaps a little farther up both of the last-mentioned rivers. It is probable that the Debabaons farther up are the issue of Man6bos and TAgum Mandayas. THE AGUSAN ALLEY BRANCH It is usual for the people of the upper Agdisan from Gerona to Compostela to call themselves MandAyas, but this appears to be due to a desire to be taken for Mandhyas. They have certainly absorbed a great deal of Mandaya culture and language, but, with.the exception of.Pilar and Tagusab, they are of heterogeneous descent-Mandaya, Manobo, Mafiggufiagan, Debabhon, and Mansaka. At the headwaters of the Agusan and in the mountains that encircle that region live the Mandayas that are the terror of Mandayaland. They are called by the upper Agdsan people Kau-6, which means the same as Tagakal6o, but are Mandayas in every feature, physical, cultural, and linguistic. THE PACIFIC COAST BRANCH They occupy the following rivers with their tributaries: the Kati'il, the Baganga, the Manorigao, the Karaga, the Manai, the Kasauman, and the upper reaches of the Mati. There are several small rivers between the Kasauman and the Mati, the upper parts of all which, I think, are occupied by Mandayas. THE GULF OF DAVAO BRANCH These occupy the upper reaches of all the rivers on the east side of the gulf of Davao, from Sumlug to the mouth of the Hijo River whose source is near that of the Agiisan and whose MandAyas are famous in Mandayaland. THE MOROS Moros or people with a preponderance of Moro blood and culture occupy the coast towns on the eastern and northern sides of the gulf from Sumlug to the mouth of the TAgum. Of course they have other settlements on the north and west sides of the gulf. In Mati and its vicinity, I believe there are a comparatively large number of Moros or Mohammedanized Mandayas. THE BILANS 22 Bilans were found according to the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries23 in Sigaboi, Tikbakawan, and Baksal, on the peninsula of San Agustin. THE TAGAKAOLOS According to the authorities just cited there were Tagaka6los in Sigaboi, Uanigen, Kabuaya, and Makambal between the years 1889 and 1891. It is probable that these people are scattered throughout the whole of the hinterland to the west of Pujada Bay, and that they are only Manda'yas who, unable to withstand the stress of war, fled from the -mountains at the headwaters of the Agusan River. I base this suggestion on the fact that the Mandhyas at the headwaters of the Agusan are known as, and call themselves, Kau-6 24 and that they were, and are probably 22 Called also, I think, Bi-la-an. 23 Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesfs, 9: 331, et seq., 1889-1891. 24 Kau-6 would be Ka-6lo in Bisaya, from the prefix ka, and olo, head or source. 8 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEVOL. LAXIII, still at the date of this writing, the terror of MandAyaland. If the Tagaka6los of Point San Agustin are fugitive Kau-4, according to the prevailing custom they would have retained their former name; this name, if Kau-6, would have been changed by Bisayas and by Spanish missionaries to Tagaka6lo. THE LOAKS OR LOAGS According to the authority of Father Llopart 25 the Loaks dwell in the mountains southwest of Pujada Bay. He says that in customs they differ from other tribes. They dress in black and hide themselves when they see anyone dressed in a light color. No stranger is permitted to enter their dwellings. The same writer goes on to state that their food is wholly vegetable, excluding tubers, roots, and everything that grows under the ground. Their chief is called posdka,26 "an elder who with his mysterious words and feigned revelations keeps his people in delusion and under subjection." It is the opinion of Father Llopart that these people are only fugitives, as he very justly concludes from the derivation of their name. 27 Another writer, Father Pablo Pastells 28 makes mention of these Loak as being wild Tagaka6los who are more degraded than the Mamanuas. He designates the mountains of Hagimitan on the peninsula of San Agustin as their habitat. I am inclined to think that the authority for this statement was also a Jesuit missionary. THE CONQUISTAS OR RECENTLY CHRISTIANIZED PEOPLES The work of Christianizing the pagans of eastern Mindanao was taken up in earnest in 1877 by the Jesuit missionaries and carried on up to the time of the revolution in 1898. During that time some 50,000 souls were led to adopt Christianity. These included Mandayas, Manobos, Debabaons, Mansakas, Mafiggufnigans, and Mamanuas, and members of the other tribes that live in eastern Mindanao. For the present, however, we will refer to the conquistas of the Manobo, Mandaya, Mamanua, Mafigguafigan, Mansaka, and Debabaon tribes. THE MANOBO CONQUISTAS The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agusan Valley except Novela, Rosario, the towns south of Buai, the towns within the Banuaon habitat, and a few settlements of pagan Manobos on the upper Umalam, Argawan, and Ihawan, Wa-wa and Maitum are Manob6 conquistas. On the eastern slope of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San Miguel (Tago River), on the Marihatag and Oteiza Rivers there are several hundred Manobo conquistas. The towns up the Hinatuan and Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manobo and Mandaya conquistas. THE MANDAYA CONQUISTAS In the Agusan Valley the towns on the Sulibau River and perhaps on the Adlaian River are made up of Mandaya conquistas for the most part. These Manddayas evidently worked in from the Hinatuain River for one reason or another, perhaps to avoid missionary activity on the east coast or to escape from Moro raids. On the Pacific coast we find Mandaya conquistas to a greater or less extent in nearly all the municipalities and barrios from Tandag to Mati, with the exception of such towns as have been formed by immigration of Bisayas from Bohol and other places. There can be no doubt but that in former years the MandAyas covered the whole Pacific slope from Tandag to Mati, for we still find recently Christianized MandAyas in Kolon and Alba on the Thgo River and in 2s Cartas de los PP. de la Compaifa de Jesls, 9: 337-338, 1891. X Posdka means in Malay, and in nearly all known Mindanao dialects, an "inheritance," so that in the usage attributed to these Loaks it would appear that there may be some idea of an hereditary chieftainship. The word in Bagobo, however, means something beloved, etc., so that the reported L6ak posdka or chief might be so called because of his being beloved by his people. 27 He states that l6ak is probably from lIog, "to flee," "to take to the mountains." In several dialects of eastern Mindanao laag, lag, means, 'to get lost," while ldgui is a very common word for "run" or "run away." Is Ibid., 8: 343, 1887. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION No. 1] 9 Kagwait and Bakolod on the Kagwait River. The inhabitants of these eastern towns are not known by the designation of conquistas, but assume the name and status of Bis&yas and are not so dependent on the older Christians as are the conquistas of the Agdisan Valley who are called conquistas and treated as inferiors by the older Christians. I think that from Lifigig to Mati all the barrios, both of the coast and in the hinterland, are made up of Mandayas that have been Christianized since 1877. THE MAMANUA CONQUISTAS These Mamanua conquistas live in the vicinity of Anao-aon and Malimono' on the northeast coast; in San Roque and San Pablo, also on Lake Mainit; on the River Asiga, a tributary of the River Jabonga; and somewhere up the Lanusa River on the east coast. THE MANGGUAiGAN CONQUISTAS During my stay on the upper Agisan, there were only two towns of Mafiggufnigan conquistas-Tagusab and Pilar-and even these were mere suggestions of towns. It may be, however, that since the appointment of a deputy governor, the great numbers of Christianized Mafggufagans that had fled from the wrath of their enemies into the swamp region at the headwaters of the Manat River have returned and that Mangguiagan towns now exist. THE MANSAKA CONQUISTAS In Compostela, Gandia, and Tagaunud are found a few Mansaka conquistas. The inhabitants of these towns, however, are of such a heterogeneous blend that it is difficult to assign any tribal place to them. It may be said, in general, that these towns are still passing through a formative period, the result of which will probably be their complete adoption of Mandhya culture and language, if they are left free to follow their own bent. THE DEBABAON CONQUISTAS The Debabaon conquistas are found in the town of Moncayo and are also scattered about on the upper Salug. The missionaries found the Debabaon people very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made evinced, on the one hand, all the fickleness and instability of the Man6bo and, on the other, the aggressiveness of the Mandaya. THE BISAYAS OR CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS The Bisayas or Christian Filipinos in the Aguisan Valley occupy the towns of Butuan, Talak6gon, Veruela, Bunhwan, and Prosperidad, of which latter they formed, during my last visit to the Aguisan Valley, a majority. Outside of the Agulsan Valley, they occupy all the towns on the north coast except the towns of Tortosa, Maasao, Tamolayag, and Malimono'. On, and in the vicinity of Lake Mainit, they occupy the towns of Sison, Timamana, Mainit, Jabonga, Santiago, Santa Ana and several other small ones. On the east coast they occupy all the coast towns from Surigao to Bislig. South of Bislig only the towns, of Kati' il, Baganga, Karaga, Santiago, and Mati may be said to be Bisaya, although the Christianized Mandayas of the intervening towns call themselves Bisayas. But even the above-mentioned towns, with the exception of Santiago, have hardly any claim to be considered Bisaya in the sense in which that word is applied to the Bisayas of the town of Surigao. The same holds true of a great portion of the inhabitants of Tandag, Tago, La Paz, and Kagwait, where the Mandaya element in language and in superstitious beliefs still holds sway to a considerable extent among the lower class of the inhabitants. In the Agusan Valley a great part of the Bisayas of Talak6gon can not be considered as Bisayas in the full sense of the word. Many of them called Sulibaonon are of no higher culture than the conquistas of the River Sulibao from which they come. They are distinctly Mandaya in physical type and in manner of life except that they have abandoned the ancient MandAya religious beliefs and adopted those of Christianity. They are probably the first group of Mandaya conquistas that were induced to leave the Sulibho and take up their abode in Talak6gon. CHAPTER II PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE MAN6BOS OF EASTERN MINDANAO PHYSICAL TYPE DIVERGENCE OF TYPES There seem to be differences in physical type between the Manobos on the lower part of the Agusan as far as the Bugabus River and those of the Ihawan and the upper Agusan Rivers. On the upper Agusan the variations become more noticeable as we approach the confines of the Mandayas and the Debabhons, both of whom differ from the Manobos in physical characteristics to such an extent that even an ordinary observer can not fail to notice it. Again, on the upper Agusan, in the vicinity of Tagusab, we find types that remind us of the Manigguangan with his manifestly Negroid characteristics. Over on the Tdgo River, too, and on the far upper Wa-wa, there are groups of so-called Man6bos who are clearly descendants of Mamanuas. With these exceptions the following delineation holds good, I think, for the great mass of Man6bos with whom one comes in contact throughout eastern Mindanao. GENERAL PHYSICAL TYPE In general, the Manobo man is of athletic build and of strong constitution, although he is often short of stature. His muscular development denotes activity, speed, and endurance rather than great strength. Corpulency and prominence of the abdomen are never present, so far as I have observed. His skin, as a rule, is of a reddish-brown color that turns to a somewhat dark brown after long exposure to the sun, as in the case of those who engage in fishing in the lake region. The hair is abundant, long, black, straight, and coarse. As we approach the domains of the Mafiggutiigans and of the Mamatnuas, the hair is a little less abundant and shows traces of curliness. Occasional waviness may be observed also among those Manobos who live near the territory of the Mandatyas, Debabaons, and Mansakas. Beard and body hair are not abundant. In this respect the Manobo differs from the Mandafya and from the Banuaon, both of whom have a more copious growth (though I can not be definite as regards the latter people), and, in some cases, beards that are abundant enough to suggest admixture with white people. The head appears to be well developed, being rather high and arched, as compared with that of the average Bisaya.1 There is no flattening of the occiput. This roundness of the posterior part of the cranium, due, as Montano2 states, to the prominence of the parietal bumps, becomes very apparent when comparison is made with the heads of Bisayas of other islands. The occipital arch of the latter is invariably flattened. Owing to the prominence of the jawbones and to the above-mentioned height of the cranium, the face is decidedly lozenge-shaped, a feature that distinguishes it, on the one hand, from the long face of the Mandaya and of the Banuaon and, on the other, from the short, round face of the Mamanua and of the Mafgguangan. Montano 3 says that this peculiar shape is due to the development of the zygomatic arches or cheek bones and to the diminution of the minimum frontal line, that is, the shortest transverse measurement of the forehead. 1 In physical comparisons between Man6bos and Bisayas no reference is made to the Bisayas of eastern Mindanao, the great majority of whom are tindoubtedly of Man6bo or other pagan origin. X Une Mission aux Philippines, 349, 1906. Loc. cit. 10 PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 1! Prognathism is marked but variable according to the. testimony of Montano, who took the anthropometrical measurements of many crania which he obtained from caves in northeastern Mindanto. The forehead is somewhat high and prominent, and the superciliary ridges are salient. The eyes are brown in color. The palpebral opening is elongated as compared with that of the Mandaya, whose eye is round. There is no trace of the Mongolian falciform fold, and the transverse axis is perfectly horizontal. The nose is prominent and well-developed but short, and, as a rule, straight. Toward the confines of the Banuatons we sometimes notice a slight curve upward at the top. The nostrils are somewhat slender, but otherwise well developed. They are a little larger than those of Bisfyas. The ridge is broader than that of Bisayas, and the root is lower down. The lips bear resemblance to those of the Bisayas except that the upper lip of the Man6bo is more prominent and more developed, due, it is suggested, to the universal, incessant practice of carrying a quid of tobacco partly under it and partly protruding out between it and the lower lip. The chin is round and well developed, but is not prominent. The above statements hold true of the women in all details except that of stature. The difference between the stature of the male and female Man6bo is much greater than that between the sexes among Bisayas and other civilized people of the Philippines. This difference in the stature of the sexes is apparent in all the tribes of eastern Mindanho with the exception of certain groups of Mandayas, and may be attributed, on the one hand, to the excessive burdens carried, and the onerous labor performed by the women in the discharge of their household and other duties, and, on the other, to the unencumbered outdoor life pursued by the men in their hunting, fishing, and trading expeditions. The other parts of the bodies of both sexes are in good proportions. The thorax is especially well developed, and the feet are, perhaps, inordinately large. The general appearance of the men is somewhat unpleasing and, perhaps, among the Manobos of remote regions, might be said to be coarse. This is especially noticeable among the latter, as their eyes usually bulge out and give them a somewhat wild and even vindictive air. The blackening of the teeth and lips, the quid of black tobacco between the lips, the look of alarm and suspicion, and various other characteristics all tend to heighten this expression. The women have a more pleasing expression, but the timid furtive look, the ungainly gait, and the ungraceful contour of their abakad skirts, detract from the moderate beauty that they possess in their youth. After marriage their beauty wanes incredibly fast. Comparing the Manobo's physical and general appearance with that of neighboring peoples, we may say that he stands fifth, the Mandaya, Mansaka, Debabhon, and BanuAon leading, while below him stand without any questiong the Mafgguga ad the Mamanua. He has not the height, the proportions, the fairness, nor the gentility of the first three. He lacks the nobility, courage, and intelligence of the fourth,4 buhe maintains his superiority over the Mangguangan, whose repellent features, sparse hair, scanty clothing, and low intelligence put him only a little above the Mambnuas. These latter are only poor homeless forest dwellers like the Negritos of Luzon, and physically, mentally, and culturally stand lowest in the plane of civilization of all the people of the eastern Mindanao. RACIAL AND TRIBAL AFFINITIES With our present lack of knowledge concerning the great number of tribes that inhabit not only the island of MindanAio but Borneo, Sumatra, and other islands of the Indies, it is impossible to make any definite statement as to the racial and the tribal affinities of the Man6bo people. My acquaintance with Banuaons is so slight that I can not make any definite physical comparison. 12 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIR NAXII;IA MONTANO'S INDONESIAN THEORY Montano proposed the Indonesian theory to explain the origin of the Samals, Bagobos, Giangas, Atis, Tagakablos, Man6bos, and Mandhyas. He asserts that these peoples are pure Indonesians whose origin can not be explained otherwise than by supposing them to be the indigenes of all the islands included under the term Indonesia. Hence he calls the above tribes Indonesians of Mindanao. He claims that these Indonesians are the result of a fusion of three elements: (1) the Polynesian, (2) the Malay-Bisaya, and (3) the Negrito. The Bisaya element, he says, is considerable and becomes apparent in the increase of transverse diameter of the cranium. The Negrito element is apparent only in the waviness of the hair, the height and prominence of the forehead, and the darker color of the skin. He further states that the anatomical characteristics of these tribes are their superior stature, their muscular development, and the prominence of the occipital region in contradistinction to the flattening noticeable in Malays in general, and especially in those of the Philippines. KEANE S VIEW Keane in his Ethnology5 notes thatthe term "Indonesian," introduced by Logan to designate the light-colored non-Malay inhabitants of the Eastern Archipelago, is now used as a convenient collective name for all the peoples of Malaysia and Polynesia who are neither Malays nor Papuans but of Caucasic type. * * * Doctor Hamy, who first gave this extension to the term Indonesian, points out that the Battaks and other pre-Malay peoples of Malaysia so closely resemble the Eastern Polynesians, that the two groups should be regarded as two branches of an original non-Malay stock. Although all speak dialects of a common Malayo-Polynesian language, the physical type is quite distinct and rather Caucasic than Mongolic, though betraying a perceptible Papuan (or Negrito) strain especially in New Zealand and Mikronesia. The true Indonesians are of tall stature (5 feet 10 inches), muscular frame, rather oval features, high, open forehead, large straight or curved nose, large full eyes always horizontal and with no trace of the third lid, light brown complexion (cinnamon or ruddy brown), long black hair, not lank but slightly curled or wavy, skull generally brachycephalous like that of the Melanochroic European. Regarding the Indonesians of the Philippine Islands, he says: 6 Apart from the true Negrito aborigines Blumentritt distinguishes two separate "Malay" invasions, both prehistoric. Montano also recognizes these two elements which, however, he more correctly calls Indonesian and Malay. The Indonesians whom he affiliates to the "Polynesian family" were the first to arrive, being followed by the Malays and then, in the sixteenth century, by the Spaniards, who were themselves followed, perhaps also preceded, by Chinese and others. Thus Blumentritt's Malays of the first invasion, whom he brings from Borneo, are Montano's Indonesians, who passed through the Philippines during their eastward migrations from Borneo and other parts of Malaysia. The result of these successive movements was that the Negritoes were first driven to the recesses of the interior by the Indonesians with whom they afterwards intermingled in various degrees. Then the Indonesians were in their turn driven by the Malays from the coast lands and open plains, which are consequently now found occupied mainly by peoples of true Malay stock. Then with peaceful times fresh blends took place and to previous crossings are now added Spaniards and Chinese with Malays, there "quadroons" and "octoroons" with Indonesians, and even here and there with Negritoes. It has thus become difficult everywhere to distinguish between the true Malays and the Indonesians, who are also less known, dwelling in the more remote upland districts, often in association with the Negritoes and not always standing at a much higher grade of culture. THE INDONESIAN THEORY AS APPLIED TO MANOBOS Comparing the physical characteristics of the Man6bos with those which are predicated of the Indonesians by these and other writers, I find that, in the case of the Man6bos of the Agusan Valley, in stature, waviness of the hair, abundance of the beard, and lightness of the skin color there appears to be a divergence from Keane's Indonesian standard. Keane requires 1.795 meters as an average for the stature of the Indonesian, whereas the average of the Man6bo, as I found it from cursory measurements, is approximately only 1.60 meters and Doctor Montano found it to be only 1.4667 meters. As to waviness of the hair, I have observed it rarely among the Manobos to which this paper refers. Neither is the beard abundant, and as for fairness in the A Ethnology, 326 et seq., 1901. 6 Op. cit., 332. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 13 color of the skin, a casual glance at the great mass of Man6bos that occupy the Agdsan and its tributaries will convince one that their color is decidedly ruddy brown and not light. It is true that in the mountains children and even young women are found with fair complexions, but this is probably due to confinement in the house or to protection from the sun while out of doors. PHYSICAL TYPE OF CONTIGUOUS PEOPLES In the first part of this chapter a broad comparison was made between the Man6bos and the contiguous tribes of eastern Mindanao, but, in order to bring out in stronger relief the physical characteristics of the Manobo, it is considered expedient to give a brief description of the contiguous tribes. THE MANGGUANGANS In stature the Maiigguafigan is shorter than the Man6bo. His physical configuration gives one the impression that he is undersized. His cranium is elongated from the front backward along the antero-posterior curve, there being formed accordingly an enlargement on the upper part of the occiput. From this enlargement downward there is a flattening of the curve. The forehead is large, high, and very prominent, and diverges backward from the plane of the face at an observable angle. The face is narrow and flat, the narrowness being due to the prominence of the lower jaw and to a depression that is formed in the side of the face between the jaw and the cheek bone. The hair is lank, coarse, and in males, scant. The beard is very sparse except in elderly men, and even then it is far from being as abundant as that of the Man6bos and especially that of the Mandayas. The nose is broad and conspicuously depressed, while the nasal orifices are rather large. On the whole, the prognathism is considerable but is not as variable as that of Man6bos and of Mandayas. There can be no doubt as to the Negritic character of the Mafggunfigan. Owing to the peculiar circumstances that arose after my arrival on the upper Agusan in 1909, I found it impossible to get into communication with any but the more domesticated Maniggufigan in the vicinity of Compostela, but my observation of their physical and mental characteristics and of their low degree of culture led me to a strong conviction of a Negrito origin not far removed. THE MANDAYAS The Mandaya, on the other hand, with the exception of groups on the upper Karaga and perhaps on the upper Kasauman Rivers, is of superior stature. Montano found the stature to be only 1.578 meters, but the number of men measured by him was so small that we can not base any conclusion on his figures. I did not make any measurements of Mandayas, but it is my impression that the male Mandhyas of the Kati'il, Karaga, and Manorigao Rivers are noticeably taller than Man6bos. In fact, one meets a great number that seem to come up to the Indonesian standard of Keane. The Mandaya's cranial conformation differs, according to Montano, from that of the Manobo only in one particular, namely, in the straightness of the middle part of the antero-posterior curve of the cranium. In other respects his cranium is similar to that of the Man6bo. The face is oval rather than lozenge-shaped and has a pleasant, sympathetic look, due no doubt to the greater width of the palpebral opening, the largeness of the eye, and the length, darkness, and prominence of the eyelashes. The nose is straight and prominent, occasionally quite European, and the nostrils are not depressed nor flattened. Their lower edges, instead of being horizontal, slant slightly upward from the tip. The nasal apertures are of medium size. The superciliary ridges are prominent, but as the hair of the eyebrows is constantly kept shaved, there is not such an impression of prominence as in the Christianized Mandhyas of the southeastern seaboard of Mindanho. As to the abundance of beard, it is hard to form a judgment because from youth it is constantly and conscientiously eradicated. The hair of the head is long, black, and abundant, often somewhat wavy and not as coarse, I think, as that of Man6bos. 14 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, The most striking characteristic of the Mandaya is. his fair color. It is not my intention to give the impression that he is one of a "lost white tribe" or that he is entitled to be called white in the sense in which we use the term when speaking of Europeans. But for a native of the Philippine Islands he certainly may be denominated white, though his skin is not tawny white like that of the Japanese or Chinese but has a peculiar ashy tint. I have seen a few individuals that were very nearly as white as the average American. but who otherwise were not of a pronounced Caucasian type. It is very difficult to explain the prevailing fairness of this tribe except by presupposing an admixture of some other blood. The Manobo lives in as dark forests and on as lofty mountains as those occupied by Mand&yas. His manner of life is practically the same, and yet the average tint of his skin is far darker, so much so that the Mandaya, in speaking not only of him but of Mafigguafigan and even of Bisaya, spurns them all as being "black." THE DEBAB.&ONS As to the Debabions, I have not come in touch with a sufficient number of them to enable me to make any general statements. The groups that I met in Moncayo, on the Salug where the Baglasan River empties into it, and in the country extending some 10 kilometers to the west of it, closely resemble the Mandayas in physical characters, and yet in language, general culture, and religious belief, and by genealogy, they belong to the Manobo tribe. It is probable that they are the result of intermarriage of Man6bo men of Ba6bo and IhawAn origin with Mandaya women of the lower Salug and TAgum Rivers. THE MAMANUAS The Mamhnuas need little comment. They are full-blooded Negritos in every respect, physical and cultural, like the Negritos of Mariveles, as Montano very explicitly states. The Man6bos of the upper Thgo River constantly intermarry with Mamhnua women, as I had occasion to observe on several visits which I made to that region. It is probable that the same thing takes place on the Hibo, MarihAtag, Lanusa, and Kantilan Rivers. In the vicinity of Lake Mainit, a great many MamAnuas are reported to be half-breeds. THE BANUA ONS I visited only one settlement of Banuaons, near the mouth of the Maasam River. I met members of the tribe here and there along the Agufsan between San Luis and Las Nieves, but my observations of them were casual and superficial so that I am not prepared to make any statements as to their physical characteristics. All reports, both of Manobos and Bisayas and the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries, state that they are a superior people. It is probable that this group of people, known as Banuaon in the Agusan Valley, is a branch of the Bukidnons of whom the celebrated missionary Urios and others make such commendatory mention,7 the former in one place going so far as to make the statement that the Bukidnons are fit to be kings of the Man6bos. PHYSICAL APPEARANCE AS MODIFIED BY DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION The upper garment of both sexes among the Man6bos is a closed square-cut garment with sleeves and with a sufficient opening on top to admit the head. It fits the body either closely or fairly loosely. It is made of abakd fiber when imported cloth is not available. It is always adorned with embroidery of imported red, white, blue, and yellow cotton, on the cuffs, on the seams of the shoulders and the side, and on the neck and lower edges. The garment of the man differs from that of the woman in being all of one color, except that across the back, over the shoulders, and as far down as the breasts, are horizontal, parallel, equidistant lines of inwoven blue cotton yarn. 7 Cartas de los PP. de la Compafifa de Jesfis, passim. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 15 No. 1] The body and sleeves of the woman's garment are of different colors. Thus, if the sleeves are black, the body is red and vice versa. Another distinguishing feature is the profuseness of cotton embroidery on the front of the garment. The lower garment of the man is a pair of trousers, generally of native cotton and abakdc fiber, reaching somewhat below the knees, with cotton embroidery in the above-mentioned colors on the sides and at the bottom. The ends of the draw string that holds the trousers in place hang down in front and are ornamented with tassels of the same colors. The lower garment of the women is a doubled sacklike skirt of abakd fiber, almost invariably of a.reddish color, with beautiful designs in horizontal panels or with a series of horizontal equidistant black stripes. A girdle of human hair or of plaited vegetable fiber, held in place with a shell button or with a plaited cord, retains this garment in place. The consequent gathering of the capacious opening of the skirt at the waist and the bulging out at the bottom (which is just a little below the knees), detracts not a little from the gracefulness of the Manobo woman's figure. From the girdle hang, in varying number and quality, beads, hawk bells, redolent, medicinal, and magic seeds, sea shells, and fragrant herbs. The hair is worn long by both sexes. It is dressed much like that of a Chinese woman except that it is twisted and tied up in a chignon on the crown of the head. The man wears a long narrow bamboo hat which protects only the top of the head, and which is held on the head by two strings passing from end to end behind the ears. Itusually has a plume of feathers standing up at right angles to the back part. The woman wears no hat as a general rule, but in lieu thereof adorns her head with a bamboo comb, at times inlaid with mother-ofpearl, at others covered with a lamina of beaten silver, but nearly always ornamented with decorative incisions. A pair of ear plugs with ornamental metal lamine are placed in the enlarged ear lobes. I have seen men who had each ear lobe pierced in one or two places and small buttons fastened over the orifices, but I never saw a case of a Manobo woman with any other perforation in the ears than the great aperture in each lobe for her ear disks. Around the neck the woman wears in more or less profusion, according to her means and opportunities for purchase, necklets of beads, and necklaces of seeds, beads, shells, and crocodile teeth. On her forearms she wears one or more sea-shell bracelets, circlets of black coral or of copper wire, and a close-fitting ringlet of plaited nito. This last adornment is also worn by men, who dispense with the use of other forms of bracelets, but who usually adorn the upper arm with a finely plaited ligature made of a dark fibrous vine. Both men and women frequently wear similar ligatures just below one or both knees. On solemn and festive occasions the woman decks her ankles with loose coils of heavy wire. A square knapsack of hemp, frequently fringed with cotton yarn of many colors and suspended from the back by strings passing over the shoulders and under the arms, constitutes the man's receptacle for his chewing paraphernalia. It may be more or less elaborate in beadwork and embroidery, but as a rule there is no ornamentation of this kind. Both sexes blacken the lips with soot black, and continually keep them more or less in that condition by the use of a large quid of tobacco, mixed with lime and mdu-mau juice, the whole being carried between the lips. This mixture serves not only as an indispensable and pleasing narcotic, but also as the principal factor in bringing about the complete and permanent staining of the teeth. In order that "they may not look like dogs," both sexes have the upper and lower incisors ground at an early age. They proceed at once to stain what is left with frequent applications of the above-mentioned masticatories. As white and sharp teeth are doglike, so beard and body hair are suggestive of the monkey. Hence all straggling hairs are sedulously and constantly eradicated. Tattooing by both sexes is universal. It consists of the puncturing of the skin and the rubbing in of a soot made from a very common variety of resin. The figures tattooed, often artistic, are representations of stars, leaves, crocodiles, etc. 16 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN Both sexes are tattooed on the breast, arms, and fingers, but it is customary for women to have an extra design on the calves of the legs and sometimes on the whole leg. As to the Christianized Manobos, it is obvious that the great majority have adopted the garb of their Bisiya brethren and abandoned the use of ornaments and mutilations characteristic of their pagan compeers. The change was enjoined by Spanish missionaries for religious reasons and, in the case of clothcaing, was encouraged by Bisya traders for commercial motives, but did not benefit the new Christians, as far as my observation goes, either religiously, financially, or esthetically. CHAPTER III A SURVEY OF THE MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE OF, THE MANOBOS OF EASTERN MINDANAO GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE DWELLINGS For a home the Manobo selects a site that is clearly approved by supernatural agencies, and that is especially suitable for agricultural purposes by reason of its fertility, and for defense, because of its strategic position. Hereon he builds an unpretentious, square, one-roomed building at a height of from 1.50 meters to 8 meters from the ground. The house measures ordinarily about 3 meters by 5 meters. Posts, usually light, and varying in number between 4 and 16, support the floor, roof, and intervening parts. The materials are all rattan lashed and seldom consist of anything but light materials taken from the immediate vicinity. The floor is made of slats of palm or bamboo, the roof is thatched with palm leaves, and the walls are light, horizontal, superimposed poles laid to about the height of the shoulders of a person sitting on the floor. The space between the top of the walls and the roof constitutes a continuous window. This open space above the low house wall permits the inmates during a fight to shoot their arrows at the enemy in any direction. The one ceilingless room serves for kitchen, bedroom, and reception room. There is no decoration nor furniture. Scattered around or hung up, especially in the vicinity of the fireplace, are the simple household utensils, and the objects that constitute the property of the owner-weapons, baskets, and sleeping mats. On the floor farthest away from the door are the hearth frames, one or more, and the stones that serve as support for the cooking pots. A round log with more or less equidistant notches, leading from the ground up to the narrow doorway, admits the visitor into the house. Under the house is the pigpen. Here the family pigs and the chickens make a living off such refuse or remnants as fall from above. The sanitary condition of this part of the establishment is in no wise praiseworthy. The only redeeming point is that the bad odors do not reach the house, being carried away by the current of air that is nearly always passing. The house itself is far from being perfectly clean. The low, cockroach-infested thatch, the smoke-begrimed rafters, the unswept, dirt-bestrewn floor, the bug-infested slats, the smokeladen atmosphere, the betel-nut-tinged walls and floor, these and other features of a small overpopulated house make cleanliness almost impossible. The order and quietude of the home is no more satisfactory. The crying of the babies, the romping and shouting of the boys, the loud talking of the elders, the grunting of the pigs below, the whining and growling of the dogs above, and the noise of the various household occupations produce in an average house containing a few families a din that baffles description. But this does not disturb the serenity of the primitive inmates, who laugh, chew, talk, and work, and enjoy themselves all the more for the animation of which they form a great part. ALIMENTATION In the absence of such a luxury as matches, the fire-saw or friction method of producing fire is resorted to, although the old steel and flint method is sometimes employed. The cooking outfit consists of a few homemade earthen pots, supplemented by green bamboo joints, bamboo ladles, wooden rice paddles, and nearly always a coconut shell for receiving water from the long bamboo water tube. 67173~-31 -3 17 18 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMoRS NXo IL The various articles of food may be divided into two classes, one of which we will call the staple part of the meal and the other the concomitant. It must be remembered that for the Manobo, as well as for so many other peoples of the Philippine Islands, rice or camotes or some other bulky food is the essential part of the meal, whereas fish, meat, and other things are merely complements to aid in the consumption of the main food. Under the heading, then, of staples we may classify in the order of their importance or abundance the following: Camotes, rice, taro, sago, cores of wild palm trees, maize, tubers and roots (frequently poisonous). Among the concomitant or supplementary foods are the following, their order being indicative of the average esteem in which they are held: Fish (especially if salted), domestic pork, wild boar meat (even though putrefied), venison, iguana, larvae from rotted palm trees, python, monkey, domestic chicken, wild chicken, birds, frogs, crocodile, edible fungi, edible fern, and bamboo shoots. As condiments, salt, if on hand, and red pepper are always used, but it is not at all exceptional that the latter alone is available. Sweetpotatoes, taro, tubers, and rice are cooked by steaming. Maize and the cores of palm trees are roasted over the fire. There are only two orthodox methods of cooking fish, pork, venison, iguana and chicken: (1) In water without lard; (2) by broiling. Python, monkey, crocodile, wild chicken, and birds must be prepared by the latter method. When the meal is prepared, it is set out on plates, banana leaves, or bark platters, with the water in glasses or in the coconut-shell dipper. On ordinary occasions the husband, wife, children and female relatives of a family eat together, the unmarried men, widowers, and visitors partaking of their meals alone, but on festive occasions, all the male members, visitors included, gather in the center of the floor. The hands and mouth are washed both before and after the meal. All begin to eat together on the floor. The men eat with their left hands and, on occasions, when the remotest suspicion of trouble exists, keep their right hand on their ever-present weapons. It is customary not to leave one's place after the meal without giving due notice. NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS The most common and indispensable source of everyday enjoyment is the betel-nut quid. It would be an inexcusable breach of propriety to neglect to offer betel nut to a fellow tribesman. Not to partake of it when offered would be considered a severance of friendship. The essential ingredients of the quid are betel leaf, betel nut, and lime, but it is common to add tobacco, cinnamon, lemon rind, and several other aromatic elements. At times substitutes may be used for the betel leaf and the betel nut, if there is a lack of either. Another important masticatory is the tobacco quid with its ingredients of lime and mdumau juice. This is carried constantly between the lips. Occasionally, however, the men like to smoke a little mixed tobacco in small pipes or in little leaf cones. The greatest and the most cherished enjoyment of all is drinking: Men, women, and children indulge, the last two sparingly. In Man6boland the fame of a banquet is in direct proportion to the number of those who became drunk, sobriety being considered effeminate, and a refusal to drink an affront to the host. The main drinks are of four kinds: Cabo negro toddy, sugarcane brew, bahi toddy, and mead. The first and third are nothing but the sap of the palms that bear their respective names, the sap being gathered in the same manner as the ordinary coconut tuba. The second or sugarcane brew is a fermented drink made from the juice of the sugarcane boiled with a variety of the ginger plant. It is the choice drink of Man6bo deities. The fourth drink mentioned above is mead. It is similar to the last mentioned except that instead of sugarcane juice, honey is used in its preparation. One feature of the drinking is that it is seldom unaccompanied by meat or fish. Hence, on every occasion that a supply of these may be obtained, there is a drinking bout. Religious sacrifices, too, afford abundant opportunity for indulgence. Quarrels sometimes ensue as a result of the flowing bowl, and war expeditions are proposed, but on the whole it may be said that the Man6bo is a peaceful and a merry drinker. ACAMY OF SCIENCES] SURVEY OF MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE No. 11 19 MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE The Manobo makes his living by farming, fishing, hunting, and trapping. He clears a patch of the primeval forest, and his womenfolk clean off the brush, sow broadcast a little rice, plant camotes, some taro, maize, and sugarcane. As the rice crop seldom is sufficient for the sustenance of his household, the Manobo must rely also on the camote for his maintenance. He obtains his supply of fish from the streams and rivers. When the water is deep and the current is not strong, he shoots the fish with a special bow and arrow. When the water is shallow and swift, he makes use of bamboo traps and at times poisons the whole stream. To provide himself with meat, he occasionally starts off into the forest with dogs and seldom returns without a deer or a wild boar. He keeps several spring traps set somewhere in the forest but it is only during the rainy season that he may be said to be successful with these. He has a trap for monkeys, a snare for birds, a decoy for wild chickens, and uses his bow and arrow on monkeys and birds. With the meat that he procures from the above sources, together with lizards and pythons which he sometimes catches, and fungi, larvae, and palm trees, which he finds in the forest, he manages to fill in the intervals between the ceremonial and the secular celebrations that recur so frequently during the year, and to keep himself fairly well supplied. WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS The bolo and, in some districts, the dagger, is the inseparable companion of the Man6bo. On the trails he always carries a lance and frequently a shield. For war he has an abakd coat of mail and a bow and arrow. In time of alarm he sets out bamboo caltrops, makes an abatis of fallen trees, and places human spring traps around his lofty house. For work he has a bolo and a primitive adze. These, with a rice header, a small knife, a hunting spear, a special arrow for hunting, a fish spear, and perhaps a few fishhooks, serve all the purposes of his primitive life. With one or the other of these he fells the mighty trees of the primordial forest, performs all the operations of agriculture, of hunting and fishing, builds himself a house, in certain districts hews out shapely canoes, whittles out handsome bolo sheaths, and makes a variety of other necessary and often artistic articles. They are the sum total of his tools and serve him instead of all the implements of modern civilization. INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES The burden of toil falls on the woman. The man fells the heavy timber once a year, builds the house, hunts, fishes, traps, and fights. Practically all the rest of the daily labor is the woman's share. The man is the master, and as such he attends to all matters that may arise between his family and that of others. Besides the occupations mentioned above, the man may engage, usually under the stress of a contract or of a debt, in canoe making, mining, and basket making. The women weave all the clothes of the family except when imported cloth has been obtained. Most of the Manobos' clothes, both for men and women, are made of native-woven cloth. The woman does all the sewing. A needle of brass wire in the absence of an imported needle, and a thread of abakcd fiber, constitute her sewing outfit. Almost all the material employed in weaving is abakd fiber. The dyes are vegetable, their fastness depending upon the duration of the boiling. The Man6bo woman, unlike the Mandaya women, and women of most other tribes in Mindanao, has never developed the art of inweaving ornamental figures. The best she can do is to produce warp and weft stripes. The making of simple earthen pots is also one of the industries of the woman. Pots are not, however, made in great quantities, the demand being, I think, a little greater than the supply. Bed mats and rice bags are made out of various materials such as pandanus and buri in the ordinary Philippine style. The work is done principally by the woman and the supply is not equal, as a rule, to the family needs. 20 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE DOMESTIC LIFE Marital relations.-In his choice of a wife the man is guided to a great extent by the wishes of his relatives, but the woman is given no option. There are no antenuptial relations between the pair, the marriage contract and all arrangements being made by their respective relatives. The transactions usually cover years. The woman's relatives demand for her an amount of worldly goods-slaves, pigs, bolos, and spears-that is almost impossible of payment. The man's relatives, on the other hand, strive to comply, but make use of every means to gain the friendship of the other side and thereby bring about a more considerate demand. When, perhaps after years of effort, an agreement is reached, a great feast is prepared by the two parties. The final payment is made by the man's relatives, and the following day a reciprocal banquet is given by the girl's relatives, in the course of which one-half of the value of the payment made by the man's relatives is returned by the girl's relatives as an indication that "she has not been sold like a slave." The marriage ceremony consists in the exchange of rice between the bride and the bridegroom. This is followed by a religious rite that consists mainly in determining by divination the fate of the couple. Marriage is sometimes effected by capture, usually, I think, with the connivance of 'the woman. But the procedure involves a heavier payment to the throng of armed relatives that invariably set out in pursuit of the captors. Prenatal marriage contracts are rare, but child marriage without cohabitation is practiced to a certain extent, especially among the more influential members of the tribe. The age for marriage is about the age of puberty for the women and about the age of 18 for the men. Polygamy is a recognized institution, but is comparatively rare except among those who have the means to pay for the luxury of a second, third, or fourth wife. It presupposes the consent of the first wife, who always retains and maintains her position, there being no jealously, as far as my observation goes, and few domestic broils. Polyandry is considered swinish, and concubinage is unknown. Divorce is not in accord with tribal customs. The same holds true of prostitution. There is no evidence of the practice of endogamy which is so widespread among the Oceanic peoples. As a rule, however, the Manobo marries within his own tribe. This is due to his environment, to the hostile relations he ever holds with surrounding tribes, and to differences of religious beliefs. The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity, but even this impediment may be removed in the case of cousins by appropriate religious ceremonies. Consanguineous marriages are rare. Upon the death of the husband, the wife is considered to belong to his relatives. Upon the presentation of a second suitor, she is remarried in the same manner as on her first marriage, but the payments demanded are not so high. Marriages seem to result in reciprocal good understanding and happiness. The wife goes about her manifold duties day after day without a murmur, while her master keeps his weapons in good condition, fishes and hunts occasionally, goes on a trading trip at times, takes part in social gatherings, lends his voice in time of trouble, and goes off to fight if there should be occasion for it. Faithfulness to the marriage tie is one of the most striking features of Manoboland. Adultery is extremely rare. The husband lives, at least during the first part of the married life, with his father-in-law, and displays toward his parents-in-law the same feelings that he entertains for his own parents. His wife is always under the eyes of her own parents, so that he is restrained from indulging in any marital bickerings. Pregnancy, birth, and childhood.-The desire for children is strong. Hence voluntary abortion and infanticide are unknown. In case of involuntary abortion, which is comparatively frequent, the fetus is hung or buried under the house. When the child begins to quicken in the womb, the mother undergoes a process of massage at the beginning of every lunar month. ACEMY OF SCIENCES] SURVEY OF MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE No. 1] 21 Parturition is effected almost invariably without any difficulty, the umbilical cord is cut usually with a bamboo sliver, the mother sits up to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb, the child is washed, and the operation is over. If the mother can not suckle her child it is nourished with rice water, sugar cane juice, and other light food, but is not given to another to be suckled. In a few days after her delivery the mother is up and back at her work. A little birth party takes place soon after the birth in which the midwife receives a slight guerdon for her services. The child is named, without any ceremony, after some ancestor or famous Manobo, or occasionally receives a name indicative of something which happened at the time of the birth. He is treated with the greatest tenderness and lack of restraint. As he grows up he learns the ways of the forest, and about the age of 14 he is a full-fledged little man. If the child is a girl, she helps her mother from the first moment that she is able to be of service. Birth anomalies are rare. I have seen several albinos and several people who might be called in a loose sense hermaphrodites. -Medicine, sickness, and death.-The Man6bo attributes some twelve bodily ailments to natural causes, and for the cure of such he believes in the efficacy of about as many herbs and roots. For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue of the smoking pipe are considered a good remedy. Betel nut and betel leaf are a very common cure for pains in the stomach. The gall of snakes has a potency of its own for the same trouble. As a rule, all natural remedies are applied externally until such time as they prove unavailing, and the symptoms assume a more serious aspect. Whenever an ailment is of a lingering character, especially if accompanied by increasing emaciation and not classifiable as one of the familiar maladies, it is attributed to magic causes. Certain individuals may have the reputation of being able to compound various noxious substances, the taking of which, it is believed, may superinduce lingering ailments. The pulverized and then mixed with finely cut human hair, ar e example of such compounds. Other magic medicines exist such as aphrodisiacs, and bezoar stones. When it is decided that the ailment is due to any of these magic causes, neutralizing methods must be resorted to, the nature and application of which are very secret. Epidemics are attributed to the malignancy of sea demons, and by way of propitiation, and inducement to these plague spirits to hurry off with their epidemic, offerings placed on raftlets are launched in the nearest rivers. As soon as it is realized that the malady is beyond the power of natural or of magic resources, recourse is had to the deities or good spirits, as will be explained under the resume of religion. Upon the occurrence of a death, wild scenes frequently take place, the relatives being unable to restrain their grief. Signals, by bamboo horns, are often boomed out to neighboring settlements to warn them to be on their guard. War raids to settle old feuds are sometimes decided upon on these occasions, so all trails leading to the house are closed. The corpse is washed and laid out on its back in its best apparel. The coffin is a hexagonal piece of wood made out of a log with a three-faced lid also hewn out of a log. The body is often wrapped in a grass mat before being laid in the coffin. Before decomposition sets in, the coffin is borne away by men amidst great grief and loud shouts. A high piece of ground is selected in a remote part of the forest for the last resting place of the deceased. A shallow grave is dug, a roof of thatch is erected, a potful of boiled rice is placed over the grave as a last collation for the departed one, and the burial party hurry back in fear to the settlement. As soon as they can provide themselves with temporary huts they almost always abandon the settlement. Social andfamily enjoyments.-Music, instrumental and vocal, and dancing are the two great sources of domestic enjoyment. There are several kinds of instruments, which I will mention in the order of their importance and frequency of use. The drum, the gong, four varieties of flutes, four species of guitars, a violin, and a jew's-harp. With the exception of the first two, the 22 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MMOLI. XXIII instruments are made of bamboo and are, in every sense of the word, of the most primitive kind. The strings are of vine, bamboo, or abakd fiber. The drum is the instrument of most frequent use. It is played during all dancing and at other times when a tribesman feels inclined. It is used as a signal to give alarm or to call an absent one. During the dance, religious or secular, it is nearly always accompanied by the gong. The use of the other instruments seems to depend upon the caprice of the individuals, though two of them appear to have a religious character. With the exception of the gong and the jew's-harp, all of these instruments can be made to produce varied and pleasing rhythms or music, according to the knowledge and skill of the performer. Each strain has its appropriate name, taken frequently from the name of the animal that it is supposed to imitate. Instrumental music, in general, is of minor tonality, melancholy, weird, and suggestive in some ways of Chinese music. Bamboo stampers are sometimes used to give more animation to a dancing celebration, and bamboo sounders are attached to looms to draw attention to the industry of the weaver. Songs are always sung as solos. They are all extemporaneous and for the most part legendary. The language is archaic and difficult for an outsider to understand. The singing is a kind of declamation, with long slurs, frequent staccatos, and abrupt endings. Of course, there are war songs that demand loudness and rapidity, but on the whole the song music is as weird and melancholy as the instrumental. Ceremonial chants do not differ from secular songs, except that they treat of the doings of a supernatural world, and are the medium through which supplications are made to supernatural beings. Perhaps the greatest of all social enjoyments, both for men and deities, is the dance. It is performed by one person at a time. Men, women and children take part. Dressed in a woman's skirt and decked out in all obtainable finery, the dancer keeps perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and the clang of the gong. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION System of government and social control.-Manoboland is divided into districts, more or less extensive, which are the property of the different clans. Each district is under the nominal leadership of the warrior chiefs and of the more influential men. In time of peace these districts are open to everybody, but in time of war-and wars were formerly very frequent-only persons of tried friendship are permitted to enter. A clan consists of a chief whose authority is merely nominal, and-of a number of his relatives varying from 20 to perhaps 200 souls. The whole system is patriarchal, no coercion being used unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members, approved by the consensus of opinion of the people, and in accord with traditional custom. The authority of the elder people is respected as long as they are physically and mentally able to participate in public gatherings. Those who have distinguished themselves by personal prowess always command a following, but they have a greater influence in time of trouble than in time of peace. Perfect equality reigns among the members of the clan, except in the one respect that the recognized warriors are entitled to the use of a red headkerchief, jacket, and pantaloons, each of these articles, beginning with the first, being added as the number of people whom the warrior has killed is increased. The chieftainship naturally falls to one who has attained the rank of bagdni-that is, to one who has killed a certain number of persons-provided he is otherwise sufficiently influential to attract a following. His duties consist in lending his influence to settle disputes and in redressing the wrongs of those who care to appeal to him. As a priest he is thought to be under the protection of a war god whose desire for blood he must satisfy. The bagdni also acts as a medicine man, for he is reputed to have certain magic powers both for good and for evil. The natural secretiveness of the bagdni made it difficult for me to secure much information on this point, but his power of harming at a distance and of making ACADEMY OF SCIENCES SURVEY OF MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE No. 1] 23 himself invisible are matters of general belief. In his character as a priest, he performs ceremonies for the cure of diseases in which fluxes of blood occur. Methods of warfare.-There is no military organization in Man6boland. The greater part of those who form a war party are relatives of the aggrieved one, though it is usual to induce some others of acknowledged prowess to take part. No resentment is harbored by the opposing party toward paid warriors. Vendettas and debts are the most usual cause of war, and not, as has been reported, glory and the capture of slaves. There is never wanting on the part of those who originate the war a reasonable motive. The vendetta system is not only recognized, but vengeance is considered incumbent on the relatives of one who has been killed, and, as a reminder, a piece of green rattan is sometimes strung up in the house. The rattan suggests that until it rots the wrong will not be forgotten. If the father is unable to avenge the wrong, he bequeathes the revenge to his son as a sacred legacy. Sometimes another person is deputed to take vengeance, in which case no blame is attached to him. The peculiar custom prevails of killing a third party who may be neutral, or of seizing his property, but I have known such an act to be resented. As a result of this custom a war party returning from an unsuccessful raid is dangerous. There is usually no formal declaration of war. In fact, the greatest secrecy is generally observed, and in urgent cases a body of ambushers proceed at once to kill the first one of the enemy that happens to pass their lurking place. As a rule, the enemy's house and his actions are watched for weeks, perhaps for years, until a favorable opportunity for attack presents itself. The usual times for undertaking an expedition are during the rice harvest and after a deatn. The preparation consists in acquiring a thorough knowledge of the enemy's house and of its environment. Everything being ready, the warriors assemble, a sacrifice is made, omens are taken, and the band starts out at such an hour as will enable them to reach the vicinity of the enemy about nightfall. From the last stopping point a few warriors make a final reconnaissance in the gloom of the night, release the enemy's traps, and return. The whole band, numbering anywhere from 10 to 100, advance and, surrounding the house, await the dawn, for it is at the first blush of the morning that sleep is supposed to be heaviest. Moreover, there is then sufficient light to enable the party to make the attack. Hence the peep of dawn is almost always the hour of attack. If the enemy's house is within spear reach, it is usually an easy matter to put the inmates to death, but if it is a high house, and, especially, if the inmates are well prepared, a warrior climbs up silently under the house and spears one of them. This, followed by the killing of pigs and by the battle cry, usually causes consternation. A battle of arrows then takes place; there is a bandying of fierce threats, taunts, and challenges, and the attacking party endeavors to set the roof on fire with burning arrows. If they succeed the inmates flee from the flames, but only the children, as a rule, escape the bolo and the spear. It is seldom that the attack is prolonged more than a few hours, and it is seldom that the attack is unsuccessful, for if other means fail, hunger and thirst will drive the besieged ones to flight, in which case they become the victims of the besieging warriors. If one of the latter is wounded or killed, the attack is abandoned at once, such an occurrence being considered extremely inauspicious. Each warrior gets credit for the number of people whom he kills, and is entitled to the slaves that he may capture. The warrior chiefs open the breasts of one or more of the headmen of the slain, insert a portion of their charm collars into the openings, and consume the heart and liver in honor of their war spirits. During the return home the successful warriors make the forest resound with the weird ululation of the battle cry, and adorn their lances with palm fronds. Upon arrival at their settlement they are welcomed with drum and song and loud acclaim. A purificatory bath is followed by a feast in which each one recounts the minutest details of the attack, After the 24 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, feast some of the captives may be given to warriors who were unlucky or who desire to satisfy their vengeance. The captives are dispatched in the near-by forest. Ambush is also a very ordinary method of warfare. Several warriors station themselves in a selected position near the trail and await their enemy. Whenever there is open rupture between two parties, it is customary for each of them to erect a high house in a place remote and difficult of access, and to surround it with such obstacles as will make it more dangerous. In these houses, with their immediate relatives and with such warriors as desire to take their part, they bide their time in a state of constant watch and ward. When both parties to a feud are tired, either of fighting constantly or of taking refuge in flight, a peacemaking may be brought about through the good services of friendly and influential tribesmen. On the appointed day, the parties meet, balance up their blood debts and other obligations and decide on a term within which to pay them. As an evidence of their sincere desire to preserve peace and to make mutual restitution, a piece of green rattan is cut by the leaders, and a little beeswax is burnt, both operations being symbolic of the fate that will befall the one that breaks his plighted word. Intertribal and analogous relations.-Intertribal relations between pagan Manobos and Christtianized Manobos, and between the former and Bisayas were comparatively pacific during my residence in the Agusan Valley. Between Manobos and other mountain tribes, excepting Mafigguanigans, the relations were, with casual exceptions, rather friendly, due, no doubt, to the lessons learned by the Manobos in their long struggles with Mandayas, Banuaons, and Debabaons up to the advent of the missionaries about 1877. The Manobos are inferior to the tribes mentioned in tribal cohesion and in intellect. Their dealings, however, with Mafigguangans, who are undoubtedly their physical and intellectual inferiors, present a different aspect. With the Mandayas and Debabaons, they have helped to reduce the once extensive Mafxggufangan tribe to the remnant that it is to-day. Manobos and other mountain tribes have little to do with each other. Only particular individuals of the various tribes, who have the happy faculty of avoiding trouble, travel among other tribes. In general, Manobos are afraid of the aggressiveness of their neighbors (excluding the Mafngguanfigans), and their neighbors fearManobo instability and hot-headedness; hence both sides pursue the prudent policy of avoidance. Interclan relations have been comparatively peaceful since the establishment of the special government in the Aguisan Valley. Occasional killings took place formerly and probably still take place in remote regions, notably on the upper Baobo. It is probable that since my departure from the Agusan in 1910 these murders take place much less frequently, as the special government organized in 1907 has made great headway in getting in contact with the more warlike people of the interior. Up to the time of my departure dealings between the various clans were purely commercial and of a sporadic nature. Old enmities were not forgotten, and it was considered more prudent to have as little as possible to do with one another. On all occasions, when there is any apprehension of danger, arms are worn. During meals, even of festive occasions, the Man6bo eats with his left hand, holding his right in readiness for an attack. The guests at a feast are seated in such a way that an attack may be easily guarded against. Various other laws of intercourse, such as those governing the passing of one person behind another and method of unsheathing a bolo, regulate the dealings of man with man and clan with clan. Commercial relations between Bisayas and Manobos, both pagan and Christianized, constitute, on the part of the first-mentioned, a system of deliberate and nefarious spoliation which has been denounced from the time of the first missionaries and which, by the establishment of trading posts by the Government, eventually will be suppressed. Absolutely inadequate values both in buying and selling commodities, use of false weights and measures, defraudation in accounts, demands of unspeakably high usury, wheedling by the pudnak or friendship system, advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates, especially just before the rice harvest, and the system of commutation by which an article not contracted for was accepted in ACAEMY OF SCIENCES] SURVEY OF MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE No..l] 25 payment though at a paltry price-these were the main features of the system. It may be said that the resultant and final gain amounted to between 500 and 1,000 per cent. The bartering was carried on in a spirit of dissimulation, the Manobo being cozened into the idea that the sale was an act of friendship and involved a comparative loss on the part of the Bisaya. A period, more or less extended, was allowed him wherein to complete the payment, with a promise of further liberal advances. Since the Manobo has become aware of the stupendous gain of the Bishya, he is not so prompt in his payments and in fact often thwarts his creditor by deliberate delays. Hence the frequent bickerings, quarrels, and ill will that are ever a result of these commercial relations. It is needless to say that throughout the valley there was most undue fluctuation of prices. Moreover, the Manobo sold a part of his rice in harvest time at 50 centavos a sack, and in time of scarcity repurchased it at as much as 5 pesos. The internal commerce of the Manobos presents, on the whole, a very different spectacle. It consists in simple exchanges. There is no circulating medium. The units of exchange are slaves (valued at from 15 to 30 pesos each), pigs, and plates, but with the exception of the first, these units are not constant in value. The measures used are the gintang, a cylindrical wooden vessel with a capacity of from 10 to 15 liters; the 7cabdn,1 which contains 25 gintang; the yard, measured from the end of the thumb to the middle of the sternum; the span, the fathom, the finger, and the finger joint. Slavery is a recognized institution, but since the diminution of intertribal and interclan wars the number of slaves has diminished. Slaves were originally obtained by capture and then passed from hand to hand in making marriage payments. It sometimes occurs, in an exigency, that a man delivers a child, even his own, into captivity. The slave is generally not ill-treated but has to do all the work that is assigned to him. He has no rights of any kind, possesses no property except a threadbare suit, and is usually not allowed to marry. However, he receives a sufficiency of food and seems to be contented with his lot. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE General principles and various laws.-It is frequently stated by Bishyas and others that Manobo justice consists in the oppression of the weak by the strong, but I have not found this to be true. The Manobo is too independent and too much a lover of revenge to brook coercion. He recognizes a set of customary rules, and any departure from them is resented by himself and by his relatives. Nearly all violations of rights are considered as civil and not as criminal wrongs, and upon due compensation are condoned. Failure on the part of the offender to make this compensation leads the aggrieved man and his relatives to take justice into their own hands. The guilty one in nearly every case is allowed a fair and impartial hearing in the presence of his own relatives. The matter is argued out, witnesses are called, and the offender's own relatives generally exert their influence to make him yield with good will. Hence the feast that follows nearly every case of successful arbitration. One of the fundamental customs of the Manobos is to regard as a duty the payment of one's debts, and this duty is performed sacredly and often at a sacrifice. Another fundamental custom is the right of revenge. Revenge is a sacred duty that is bequeathed from generation to generation, and from it result the long and terrible feuds that have devastated Manoboland. Customary law is based on the intense conservation of the Manobo, fostered by the priests and strengthened by a system of religious injunctions and interdictions. Anyone who violates these taboos or interdictions becomes liable for all evil consequences that may follow. Property rights are understood and rigidly upheld, so much so that there seems to be no conception of a gift as such. Large tracts of land are considered the property of a clan, but anyone on good terms with the clan may settle on the land and may have all the rights of a clansman except those of fishing. Each individual becomes the temporary owner of the land that he 1 Called also bdkid and anega. A kabdn is measured by counting out 25 gdntafig. 26 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MzmorRs NATIONAL [VOL. X*XIII, selects and of the crops that he plants thereon. As soon as he abandons the land it becomes the collective property of the clan. Land disputes are unknown. Property that is the result of one's labor or one's purchase belongs to the individual except in the case of women, children, and slaves. Loss of and damage to property belonging to another must be made good, no excuses being admitted. The law of contracts is stringent, but a certain amount of consideration is shown in case of a failure to fulfill a contract on time, unless a definite stipulation to the contrary has been previously made. All contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and frequently a knotted rattan slip, representing the number of items or the number of days to elapse before payment, is delivered by the one who makes the contract. Nearly all transactions are made on a credit basis, hence frequent disputes arise out of the failure of one party or the other to fulfill the terms of the contract. The failures are sometimes due to the fact that one individual man depends on payment from another in order to satisfy his debt to a third party. Undue delay on the part of a debtor finally gives the creditor the right to seize the property of the debtor, or even the property of a third party. Such an action is not common and is always taken under the stress of exasperation after repeated efforts to collect have proved unavailing. As a rule the relatives of the debtor prefer to settle the obligation rather than to allow matters to become too serious, but it happens at times that they, too, are obstinate and allow things to take their course. No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There are few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a distrust that is not pleasing to the Manobo. The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or die, the formner would be liable for his death. If one should die in the house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to the possession of magic powers. There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another. Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be proved in the subsequent arbitration. Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary procedure in settlements of disputes.-The house belongs collectively to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male inmates who have acquired it. The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must pay them. There is so little property in the ordinary Manobo home that there are no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is abandoned and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their baskets, mats, and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary part of the forest. The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are of the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few pesos. The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fianc6. In case of the death of one of the affianced parties, the payments made must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble and expenses AC.EMY OF SCIENCES] SURVEY OF MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE No. 1] 27 incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my observation. The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children, but in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind. Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household. The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes polygamy comparatively infrequent. The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage. With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton homicide, all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that is the author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be taken, if it is possible. When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or by the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably a relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure, on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his enemy. Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by arbitration. These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a feast, more or less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the party that lost the case. The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties are so molded that an agreement is reached. It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by witnesses who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful testimony. Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be obliged to take a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax. A little beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is being done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a wish that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In the case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal. Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient waiting. It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health. CHAPTER IV RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION A study of Man6bo religion is difficult because of the natural secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and, finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner the beliefs of his religious system. THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION The religious belief of the Manobo is an essential part of his life. On his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home is not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him success. All the great events of his life-his marriage, the pregnacy and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war-all are consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites. As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil spirits, of the dead-of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber-is the mainspring of the Man6bos religious observances and beliefs. In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he may be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and omens, and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain by invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has befallen him, or of the danger that he fears. THE HIERARCHY OF MAN6BO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT There is no supreme being in the Manobo pantheon, though there are two principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one of these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made up of humanlike deities called diudota that retain a fondness for this world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their mortal votaries in order to secure them. There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different character, whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that select certain individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds of valor, with the hope of procuring blood. In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a malignant or dangerous character. Chief among them are the bzusau, black, hideous spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are for the most part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the machinations of these spirits, the beneficent dieties are called upon by Manobo priests and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice. Pleased with these tokens of friendship, the good spirits pursue the evil ones, and even engage in battle with them. The tagbdn*zm are a class of local spirits that reign over the forest tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long as a certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of making offerings during hunting and other forest occupations. 28 RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS 29 Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer, Dagau; Anit, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic demons; the goddess of consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of sexual excess; the wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the winds and storms; the cloud spirit; and various others. Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the auspices of gods and goddesses. Thus HIakiddan and Taphdgan take care of the rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively; Tagamdling attends to other crops; Libtakan is the god of sunshine and good weather; and Sugz'jun is the god of the chase. There are other gods: Manddit, the birth deity; Ibu, the goddess of the afterworld; Makalidung, the founder of the world; Manduyapit, the ferryman; and Yiumud, the water wraith. PRIESTS-THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to the priests who are of two classes-baildn or ordinary priests, and bagdni or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests to hold communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them their desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the means to be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question. The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia, having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching, semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication with their familiars. The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and accordingly perform their rites only in matters that concern war and wounds. Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar house, a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table, ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings. The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice of pig or fowl. The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are: Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or "souls " of the living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a special invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid, placation and propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by sacrifice, and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote districts, by human sacrifice. THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MAN6BO RELIGION The main features, then, of the Manobo religious system are: (1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of anthropomorphic beneficent deities that will help the Man6bo if he supplies them with the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will allow and even cause evil to befall him. (2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who on occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated. (3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures their good will and assistance. (4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling toward the living. (5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries, and oracles for ascertaining future events. (6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic. (7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result. (8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and act toward one of the brute creation. (9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from birth till death. (10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit companions by malignant spirits. 30 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, (11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein. (12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil. (13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to others. (14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of promises and for the determination of truth. (15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the warlike character of one class of deities. Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion. The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains, odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar formations of nature; his belief that planted things have "souls" and his peculiar respect for animals and insects-these and minor manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal worship, but at present there is no indication of such. The Man6bo's conduct in the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear toward, and placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the phenomena or of the spirit owners of the objects that come across his path. It is to them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the material object or manifestation that has become the object of his perception. Though one of the characteristics of Manobo religion is the apotheosis of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the divinities, and from the general desire to die the death of the slain, yet I find little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their burial place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and relations with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast. after which it is expected that they will depart, to vex the living no more. MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMNIENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS The Manobo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on his fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as grains of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not know how to read. His "letters" and his "contracts" are material objects in the shape of bolos and other things, sent from one person to another with a verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots. His decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a hundred, though I am inclined to think that this last number represents to him infinity. The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day and night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open hand in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon would be at the time it is desired to indicate. The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name, though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they agree on its name. Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season, which varies according to the climate and geographical position of different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manobo who had any idea as to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of another. Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have occured within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides. It is obvious that the pagan Manobo has made no advance along academic lines, due to the fact that he never has had an opportunity afforded him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the Christianized Manobos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisaya. I had experience in organizing and conducting schools among the conquistas, and it has been my experience that ceteris paribus, they advance as rapidly as Bis6yas. If the conquistas have not progressed as far intellectually, it is due to lack of facilities and not to any inherent inability to learn. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS No. 1] 31 Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Man6bos to the names of a few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars, moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of disease is in vogue. Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though Man6bos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets. Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge, their observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his boyhood years the Manobo has lived the life of the forest. He has scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living, as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider, he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter. Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his knowledge of the latter, the Man6bo is inferior to both the Bisaya and the Mandaya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less enterprising disposition. The Manobo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all the Bisayas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the Man6bo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character. Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisaya regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manobo or by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his plantation and toil-man, woman, and child-for an utterly inadequate wage. His feeling toward the conquistas is little, if at all, better. Upon first acquaintance the Manobo is timid and suspicious. This is due to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that among his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and BisAyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care, reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally wonderful, that I was a solider in disguise, or by other similar reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon arrival in their settlement,, by refraining from any act or word that might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel toward a stranger. 32 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in "an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Revenge for an unatoned wrong is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by Manobo institutions, social, political, and religious; one that is consecrated by the breath of the dying, and passed on from generation to generation to be fulfilled; but it has one saving clause, arbitration. Hence a stranger must inform himself of such past happenings as might jeopardize him. The Manobo has a very limited conception of the extent of the outside world and of the number of its inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that one American, for instance, knows every other one and may be related by blood to any other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may draw down revenge on the head of another1, relative or not, for even innocent third parties may, by Manobo custom, be sacrificed to the unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the revenge from himself. It is, moreover, affirmed that Man6bos are treacherous. If by treachery is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be said to be treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged. I know of few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and demand reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent to a declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty to safeguard himself as best he can. The Man6bo, Mandaya, Manfgguhfangan, and Debabaon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the interior of eastern Mindanao, bear witness to the fact that these people recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there, is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a rule, be broken. Cowardice is a trait attributed to Man6bos and other people of Mindanao. It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The favorite hour for attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to thrust a spear through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to fight a handto-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on the trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to pick off a lone woman in a camote patch. Such are recognized methods of warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manobo will fight, and fight to a finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned various instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manobos. In some cases the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall into the hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds of instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout eastern Mindanao. Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manobo men, but such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and to hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders of the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish, hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor are short lived. No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manobo's sexual morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place results in a 1 It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis, geologist of the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the capture and exile of one Gubat of the upper Umaiam some 15 or 20 years ago. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS No. 1] 33 fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may be the penalty. As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one can, hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the supply. Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses is to do honor to the host and justice to his generosity. Honesty is certainly a trait of the Man6bo character. I do not mean to maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in small things that are considered to be more or less communal in their nature, such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other kinds of property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of honesty are punished more or less severely according to the amount of the property stolen and according to other considerations. Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it is surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or put away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I think, however, that these precautions arecaon due not so much to a fear of pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country that has always been subject to turmoil. Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is expected as to the time e and other details of payment, except in some very urgent cases. Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements, is equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be as prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be remembered, in connection with this last point, that in making an agreement one is presumed to make allowance for a great many impediments, such as evil omens, that do not figure in our system of contracts. Another difference, which applies also to the matter of debts, is that the man who owes a debt must be reminded of his obligation and urged in a gentle way to the performance of it. It occurs in some rare instances that a debtor is under a definite contract as to the exact time for meeting his obligation. In these cases the creditor may be more insistent upon payment. It is to the credit of the Manobo that he never disowns a debt nor runs away to avoid the payment thereof. It has been said that the Manobo is ungrateful, but I do not think that his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed by those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to express thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and ask for what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an inveterate beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers you his friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for everything he sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you to ask in a similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either apathetic or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among Man6bos no presents are made except of such trifles as have no value. The Manobo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a Manobo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the presence of his friends alone. Ile must be brought face to face with those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain the desired information. Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Man6bos are hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because they tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of 67173~-31 4 34 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for self-protection, gives the Man6bos a reputation for lack of that straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the Mandayas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness, coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out, or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private conversation among the Manobos themselves. One trait of the Manobo that seems hard to understand is his love for long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at length by every one present without a single interruption, except such exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning. Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of "making no concessions" or if they must be made, of making them begrudgingly. These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker at a time "has the floor," there are always a number of collateral discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds, produce somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic of Manobo life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed at the loud yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement, even though the occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival in the settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey. Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manobo family. The Manobo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and attached to his relatives, more so than the Mafgguanigan, but much less so than the Bisaya or the Mandaya. He is dearly fond of social gatherings for, besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them, they afford him an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and possessions as he may possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to keep him high in their estimation and thereby gather around him a number of friends who will be of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manobo, as of the other people of Mindanao, too much can not be said of his hospitality. If he has once overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's motives, he takes him into his house and puts himself to infinite pains to feast him as best he knows how. In Manoboland one who travels carries no provisions. He drops into the first house and when the meal hour arrives he sits down upon the floor and helps himself without any invitation. It is practically his own house, because for the time being he becomes one of the family. If there happens to be a feast, he partakes without any special invitation, and when he is ready to go, he proceeds upon his journey, only to repeat the operation in the next house, for it is customary always to pay at least a short visit to every friendly house on or near the trail. One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything else to retard the Manobo in his progress towards a higher plane of civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may produce future disturbances. "Let the river flow as it ever flowed-to the sea," is a refrain that I heard quoted on this subject by Manobos. "Fish that live in the sea do not live in the mountains, " is another, and there are many others, all illustrating that conservatism that tends to keep the Manobo a Manobo and nothing else. He is Christianized but, after going through the Christian ritual, he will probably invoke his pagan divinities. He takes on something new but does not relinquish the old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the Manobo to leave the district of his forefathers, and take up his abode in a new place amid unfamiliar spirits. This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and fickleness exhibited by the Christianized Man6bos at the beginning of their conversion. These were due to the call of the ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. F CIENCE RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS 35 forest hailing them back to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host of anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Man6bo's life. The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce upon him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms is as much a custom with Manobos as the wearing of a watch is with us. The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and betake himself beyond the reach of harm. Upon first acquaintance the Manobo will ask a host of questions that will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience. Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is accompanied by an appropriate reason. It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a fee for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a small present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manobo resents harsh words, especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove fatal. It is not good etiquette to ask a Manobo his name, especially if he is a chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him. The information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way. Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior chief is addressed bagdni, and not by his proper name. It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a fine. The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must bestuck in the ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger. It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manobo settlement go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially during mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left hand, the right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an emergency. There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to safeguard life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each individual for the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered throughout this paper, PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE CHAPTER V THE MAN6BO HOME IN GENERAL The Man6bo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because he always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less Mafigguinigan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid structure of the Mandiyas of Kati'il and the Debabaons of the Salug country. He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the exception of a rude shack1 on his farm, built to shelter those who are guarding the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds), he builds only one house, where he and usually several of his relatives dwell until such time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient or necessary to abandon it. MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold. RELIGIOUS MOTIVES It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Man6bo must be guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps his ear alert for the turtledove's 2 prophetic cry. If this is unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day. It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure, disaster, or death, as the Man6bo can prove to you by a host of instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives. Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them of the outcome of his journey. Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the Man6bo that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it is approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse to the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The bu-dd-lcan or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a house site, and the significance of the various configurations is the same as that described under "Divination or Omens." I was told that this latter omen is also taken in the forest before the final decision as to the selection of the site is made. The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the passing of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but the evil is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be described later. MATERIAL MOTIVES When no further objection is shown by the "powers above" to the selection of the home site, the Man6bo is guided by such motives as fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it. 1 Pin-di-ag. 2 Li-mo-kon. 37 38 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a priest, usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been made to the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the head of the family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are able to help him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building. When a more influential Man6bo begins to erect a capacious house, usually everyone in the vicinity-men, women, and childrenattracted by the prospective conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng to lend a helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made, cleaned and planted, and the frame of the house with the roof completed. People belonging to the less influential class may take months to complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that the house must not be completed at once.3 When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of the victim. STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE THE MATERIALS The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a house 4 for defense that more substantial materials are employed. THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50 to 8 meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In size it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it is nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form, it is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4 corner ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four horizontal pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by several of the small posts, form, together with a few joints, the support for the floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building and to render the floor stronger, the joints are supported by several posts, these last being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45~. In the case of a house built for defense, the number of supports and crosspieces is such that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it down. Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the Manobos of the Agusan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was cut off at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main branches from the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by erecting long auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main branches forming the principal support. In Baglhsan, upper Salug River, I saw a Debabhon house, belonging to Bagani pinamailan Lantayuna, built on a tree but without any auxiliary posts. No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or pieces of a peculiar vine 5 are used in lashing the beams and crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan strips are universally employed. THE FLOOR The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of palm 6 laid parallel and running along the length of the house with more or less regular interstices. Almost universally one or ' It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn yellow before the house is completed. I-li-Adn. a Hag-nsi-a (Stenochlena spp.). A-ni-nau. Palma brava. (Liritcnia sp.). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] THE MANOBO HOME 39 both sides of the floor, for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are raised to a height varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main floor. This raised portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the poorer classes of houses the height of this platform is so slight that I think that there exists or has existed some superstitious belief connected with it, though I have been unable to elicit any positive information on the point. In houses of the better class one occasionally finds roughhewn boards used for the floor of these platforms, as also for the walls. THE ROOF AND THE THATCH The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke vents, as may be seen in Plates 4 b and 6a. The four beams that form the main support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a height varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four substantial rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up at an angle of 45~ from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the ridgepole. Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the ridgepole in parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They project about 50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest and serve to support the roofing material. The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion. In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is made in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the frond to a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last much more than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of small cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it. In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark, or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an attack. There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable torrents. A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can describe the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manobo houses. They not only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also permit, during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not conduce to comfort. THE WALLS The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls, but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan strips. The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open all around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords more ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement seems to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows. 40 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER There is no door in a Manobo house. In the middle of one end of the house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is seldon any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest. This is another of the Manobo's devices against enemies, for on occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a fight. In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manobo, one frequently finds a crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs. INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even the little stalls erected by Mandayas for the married couples are very seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the part near the door. DECORATIONS No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to them indicates.7 THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE The Manobo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary kind. The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon a suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manobo does not indulge in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used throughout Mindanao by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge from flies. He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of wood or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head upon the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized fellowmen. It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild abaeld is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars which are in use are made out of abakcd fiber. As the cloth for them, made on the ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much as 24 meters long, it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long and sewn together to form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd number of pieces of cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of 11 or 13 pieces is considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito bar is very common among the conquistas of the Lake region. 7 Min-an-aik from mdn-uk, a fowl. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] THE MANOBO HOME 41 Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be seen trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers, and hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of some large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof. There is a special significance in the preservation of this trophy. There is one article, however, which the Manobo prizes as a mark of wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.8 I have been unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these jars except that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that they were bought from the Banuaons. Be that as it may, they are a matter of pride in Manoboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious, they are set out, brimful of brew. Not every Man6bo is the proud possessor of one of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it. A glance at Plate 14 k, I, will give an idea of what these jars look like. They are decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with figures of birds, snakes, etc., and to judge from their appearance are of Chinese workmanship. When given as marriage payments or for other purposes they are valued at about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when they have ears they are worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have ears. Next to jars the Man6bo values plates and bowls, even those of the cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The Man6bo of the middle Aguisan, unlike his Mandaya neighbor, is particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl, and a glass. Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's house, a drum and gong. One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the roof. They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made ordinarily out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their eggs, after meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of the house with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently necessary to drive the hens from the house. The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is usually located on the side of the house away from the door and near the wall. It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter long and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed in the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor within this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A half dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the fireplace is a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a plentiful supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is used. In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any regard for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube, the coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of banana and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are seen a variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an imported iron pan for cooking. Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and arrows, probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and other weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put into a rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung up close by. It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove 9 or a variety of parrakeet 10 in it. The cage is usually hung from the roof under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept for religious purposes, whereas the parrakeet is kept as other people keep a pet bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young folks as a lure to attract its wild fellows to the bird line. 8 Bd-hdn-di. JLi-An-kon. (Phabitreron brevirostris Tweedale). Generally called fruit dove. 10 Ku-1i-li-si. 42 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier Man6bos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall down to them. To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice mortar, an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it is hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the daily supply of rice. At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is cleared, and camotes," a little sugarcane, and a few other things are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at least on one side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent forest. When the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled all around in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there are at least two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult, in the generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the owner of the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties, the other, a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the house the visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of which requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a guide it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the houses, even if one had been shown their location from a distance. ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF TIE HOUSE As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is needless to say that there is generally a decided appearance of disorder, as well as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room of the house are congregated the married couples, generally a few extra relatives, their children, and their dogs. The Manobos are naturally very loud talkers, their children, especially the infants, are as noisy as children the world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to 15, are so constituted that, when they are not fighting with one another, they may at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation, begin one grand dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies and to the loud tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at meal times that the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the half-starved dogs, in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the inmates to loud yells of "Sida, sida," 12 and to other more forcible actions. In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps, etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the impression. But the Manobo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut or tobacco. The Manobo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes and parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As the Man6bo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a considerable length of time. ai Ipomoea batatas. 12 An exclamation to drive away a dog. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] THE MANOBO HOME 43 In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water falls necessairly under the house which, together with the excreta of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor. There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the inmates unless the house is very low. As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it is obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up among the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance to wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above the fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black. Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing. The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manobos is due to the lack of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these primitive people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or excretions proceeding from the inside.'3 It is for this reason that no shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from the clothes or from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of huddling together during the night these insects are propagated from one individual to another, so that it is seldom that the Manobo is free from them 1a I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern Mindanao. CHAPTER VI DRESS GENERAL REMARKS DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON Like all tribes of eastern Mindanho, Manobos, both men and women, wear sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children up to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female children commonly wear a triangular pubic shield1 of coconut shell, suspended by a waist string. Men, though they may denude themselves completely when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from one another's gaze. Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe. VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high preference. On the upper Agusan, where the Manobos have adopted a certain amount of Mandaya culture, their apparel partakes of the more gorgeous character of that of the Mandaya. In places where they are of Mafgguafigan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agusan, on the Manat, on the upper Ihawin and tributaries, and on the upper Salug, their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle Agdsan (including the Wa-wa, Kasilaian, lower Argawan, lower Umafam, lower Ihawan, Hibung, and Simulau Rivers) the dress may be called characteristically Manobo. THE USE OF BARK CLOTH The use of bark cloth2 in a region situated somewhere between the headwaters of the Libaganon and the Sabud, a western tributary of the Ihawan, was reported to me. My informants, both on the Salug River and on the Umaiam River, spoke of the people of that locality as true Manobos, very dark in color, and wearing bark clothes. If this report is correct, and I am inclined to give credence to it, it is probably the only case at the present time of the use of bark cloth in Mindanao, excepting perhaps among the Mananuas. DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession of the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female priests very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms, talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a mark of their unmarried condition, for in Man6boland, as in other parts of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may be the possessor. Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes. DRESS IN GENERAL The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by 1 Pikl. 2 A-ga-adn. 44 DRESS 45 a bamboo hat, a betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and other things, as the man may have been able to acquire. The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting, buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double sacklike garment made out of abakcd fiber. A girdle of braided human hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in place. A selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at the right side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a few necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The children's clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents on a smaller and less elaborate scale. PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow, white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads, which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned colors would be preferred. The Manobo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety of modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part of his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold are not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house, by night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one suit for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits. THE MAN'S DRESS HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS The hat worn on the Ihawan, upper Agusan, and upper Simdlau resembles that worn by Mandayas. It is made out of two pieces of bamboo,3 dried over the fire into the desired shape, and is held together by two slender strips of rattan running around and stitched to the edges of the headpiece proper. These pieces project backward and overlap to form the tail of the hat. The upper surface of the whole hat is then painted with beeswax. The sustaining pieces of rattan around the rim and the under surface of the back part receive a heavy coating of this same material mixed with pot black. Odd tracings and dottings of beeswax and soot or of the juice of a certain tree 4 serve to decorate the whole upper surface; small seed beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim in a single row and at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top, especially around the conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes dotted over the top, and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings of a beetle 5 placed in the seams on top. All of these devices serve to enhance the beauty of the headpiece. A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the wearer. The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided imported cotton of the typical colors, of abakd fiber of the same colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of the preferential colors. The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and serves to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair from the rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative tracings and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that of personal adornment. s Cama bojo. 4 Ka-yu-ti. I Called d4-yau. 46 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NTIONAL A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Aguisan River Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manobos of the Pacific coast,6 is circular. It is made of the sago palm or of bamboo. It varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has the shape of a low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already described, are reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax and pot black for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences. No paint is applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to the bamboo as a preservative against cracking. Neither are any decorative incisions or tracings used in this form of hat, it being primarily and essentially for protection against sun and rain. Two parallel strips of rattan fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to hold the hat in position on the head. A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that is employed by the female members of the Man6bo, Mandaya, and Debab&on tribes.7 Besides the headkerchief,8 worn universally by warrior chiefs 9 and recognized warriors 10 throughout all tribes in eastern Mindanho, a kerchief 11 bound round the head is very often worn by Man6bos of the Argawan and Umaiam Rivers. THE JACKET In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It has long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from the neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long enough to reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow strip of cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted between the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist between the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket of men and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves, around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams. In the central portion of the Agusan Valley and on the Pacific coast, the most common form of jacket is made of unstained abakd fiber cut like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth, horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is very wide. I have seen it on the TAgo River (Pacific coast), on the upper Umaiam, Arghwan, Kasilaian, and Simulau Rivers. On the upper Agusan, including the upper Bahal-an, Ihawin, and Ba6bo Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandaya is most frequently to be seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like abakd cloth dyed black, or preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is desired and it is feasible to adorn 6 The Manobos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters of the Kantilan, Tandag, Tago, Marihatag, Hfibo, Bislig, and Lifigig Rivers. 7 The Man6bos of the lower Agfisan, inhabiting the towns of San Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are not referred to here. The Debabaons are looked upon as forming a separate tribe till further investigation. P Td-bang. 9 Ba-gd-ni. 10 Man-fk-i-ad. 11 P6-dung. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] DRESS 47 the garment with embroidery, the back of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for this prupose. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary colors, with a predominance of red, are used. THE LOWER GARMENT The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting garment made out of either undyed abackd fiber with a woof of native cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely the ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Man6bo and makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is the more common. The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called trousers, though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the ankles. They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed abakd fiber or of abakd fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed. Whenever it is obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of the trousers are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad and are joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers are worn on festive and other occasions that require a display of personal dignity. The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of imported cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist. When it is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery of cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that covers the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the wearer is of the central or of the upper Agusan group. THE GIRDLE Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a drawstring or girdle usually of braided abakd fiber dyed in the usual colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton, also in the preferential colors. On the upper Agusan one finds at times beads and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to hang down in front. The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of tieing, or by another simple method, which consists in attaching near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the garment in position. THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK12 The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may be considered a part of Manobo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored-braided abakd fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the knapsack is suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is carried in that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of which it is made is the usual undyed abakd cloth, though among the upper Agdsan group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps more frequently, Mandaya cloth,13 imported especially for knapsacks. The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however, among the Manobos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration originated outside the tribe. 12 P4y6. 13 Called qg-au. 48 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, THE WOMAN'S DRESS THE JACKET The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of red. Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the cuffs, if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body of the garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main parts of the body and extending vertically down the sides from the armpits are of the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as the upper parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more extensive and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's upper garment from the man's. In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced to two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows: The upper Ag usan style.-On the upper Agusan, on the Ihawa!n (excepting on its western tributaries), and on the Bahalan, the woman's jacket partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandaya. In shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from shoulder to se houlder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined to the body of the jacket. This garment is made out of either gauzelike abakd cloth of native weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European cloth obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when enough imported cloth has not been obtained. The style of the central group.-The main differences between this style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely cut in the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds, too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves are white and the body black. The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of the garment. THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS The girdle may be a mere braided cord of abakad fiber often mixed with strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of braided cords of nito,4 or of human hair. The girdle is made by braiding the nito or the hair into circular cords, each about 45 centimeters in length and about 2 millimeters in width. Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these braids are fastened together by involving the ends in small pieces of cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of the preferential colors. To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads, shells, and charms. To the other is attached a braided abakd cord, also variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer to fasten and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads in greater or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt. The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from the right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect. Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the ma-gu-bai tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked 14 Lyodium circinnatum sp. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] DRESS 49 up, it is said, in the forest; the pods of the ta-bi-gi tree, one or more, used for carrying incense 1 for religious purposes; odoriferous seeds and roots 16 cut up small and strung on abakd filaments with such beads as the wearer may not desire to use, because of their color or shape, for the ornamentation of other parts of his body. The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to ornament the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this last respect the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their purpose. But many of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and religious. I took no little pains in investigating this point, but the replies to my inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so varied, and so contradictory that I can not make any definite statement; but I am strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both medicinal and magic powers are attributed to many of the innocent-looking objects that go to make up the girdle pendants. THE SKIRT The Manobo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of more cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt of good strong abakad cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her manner of life. As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece (3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together, thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt. When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance. From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not reach much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one whose occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the grime of farming life. There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is of purely Manobo manufacture, and, second, from the type that is of southeastern Mindano. The purely Man6bo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence of elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven, are the only effort at beauty of design. The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandayas or purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisaya traders or, on the upper Agusan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what appreciation the Manobo regards this article. A Manobo from the Argnwan and Umailam will travel over to Hinatuan, a journey of three or four days, to proure a piece of Mandaya skirt cloth. He values it above the costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The M anbo woman upon seeing a fine specimen.dances with joy, and is long and loud in her praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice too great to purchase it. The explanation of this high regard in which Mandaya cloth is held is simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manobos, by enchantment, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty mountain fastnesses of Mandayaland.17 No other explanation will satisfy the credulous Manobo. He can not possibly understand how the fanciful and elegant designs on Mandaya cloth can be produced by other than supernatural means. The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practicalthe same size as Manobo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically the same way. The only difference is that the Mandaya fabric is heavier and has a beautiful inwoven pattern. 15 Called pa-li-na. It is obtained by tapping the ma-gu-baf tree. 16 The following are the native names of the roots and plants seen by the writer: ta-b6, the seed of a plant which looks like a sweet potato; sd-i, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the same name; ku-su, the root of a leguminous plant; ma-gu-bai, the bright red seed of a tree of the same name. It is interesting to note that this same seed is used for the eyes of sacred images. Ka-bis-da' and ko-md-la are also made use of. 171 I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandaya country and can testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions connected with the fabrication of the cloth. 67173~-31 5 50 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the weaver.18 18 The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of the woof threads (pu-gdu-a) into kan-ai-yum (black) and lin-f-ba (red); (2) according to the design on the central panel-im-pis no laf-ag if it is 25 centimeters wide, bin-a-ga-kis if the central panel is no wider than the lateral ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (sin-dk-lit) or of broad (pin-al-dw-an) white stripes; (4) according to the locality in which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most prized cloth being called ban-a-hdw-an, which proceeds from the Banahawan district in the Kasauman River Valley in the southeastern part of Mindanao. The Mafig-d-gan type is highly esteemed for being very similar in design and dye effects to the Banahawan. It is made by the Tagabuztai group of Mandayas in the Karaga River Valley. CHAPTER VII PERSONAL ADORNMENT GENERAL REMARKS The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women so that the following observations apply principally to them. In the discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and the blackening of the teeth and lips-all of which, with the exception of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women. The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bishya of the Agusan Valley. HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD With the exception of the Manobos of the far upper reaches of the Argiwan, Umaiam, and Sabud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manobos who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of Bisayas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon upon the crownof the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our standpoint is not very prepossessing. In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the crown and the nape of the neck. One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent even on the upper Agusan, and is probably adopted from the Mandayas. No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever used on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of the coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred, whenever it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the seed of an uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark of a tree, are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the hair. Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set teeth is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated. On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment. With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the profusion which nature gives it. COMBS An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment of bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate 9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the fashioner. Skeat and Blagden' quote an authority who asserts that the 1 Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula. 51 52 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN M [VOL. XXIII,' tribes of the Maiay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer made numerous inquiries in the Agusan Valley as to the existence of a similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manobos of the upper Aguisan in the vicinity of Veruela, one finds combs without incised work and among the Man6obos of Argawan, Umalam, and Kasilaian one occasionally sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions. On the upper Agusan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabaons of Moncayo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The writer knows of no Manobo silversmith. No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of, neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color. EAR DISKS Another ornament found on the Man6bo woman's head is the ear disk. This is a disk of wood 2 about 3 centimeters in diameter, and 6 millimeters wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests the edge of the ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough to get a thin lamina of silver or of gold 3 it is fastened on the outside of the wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported cotton yarn nearly always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the lamina and in the disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These metal plates have usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a simple chiseled pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agusan where there are Debabaion and Mandaya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a lamina made out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose. On the upper Aguisan both men and women suspend four strings of beads from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think that this custom is also of Mandaya origin. Occasionally one or two buttons 4 are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper Agusan. This practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandayas. NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of the wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply of beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part of the girdle-pendants, above described. It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of all the peoples of eastern Mindanao with whom I have been in contact. Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining factor in the choice of them. In the color of the beads used the Manobo is restricted by the character of the supply, but X Usually of ku-li-pd-pa. a Gold laminsa are very rare and are seldom parted with. They are highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a piece of silver money. I Ordinary undershirt buttons. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] PERSONAL ADORNMENT 53 it may be said that where he has his choice he selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed bead, but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring intervals. Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads, arranged symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures-a triangle of yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns. This necklet is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit the neck tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has a single string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men may wear this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They, however, occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair eradicator. I observed this only on the upper Aguisan, and, as it is an ordinary Mandaya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed-another indication of the influence of Mandatya culture on the Man6bos of the upper Agusan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made, ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having inturned edges. The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and embroidery on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly always by unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these disks is a custom practiced only on the upper Agusan, Ihawan, and Simulau Rivers, and is without doubt of Mandaya origin. The plaque is a large thin sheet of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in diameter. It is of Debabaon or of Mandaya workmanship. It has a pattern of concentric circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it, together with a fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate ones display an amount of artistic skill that gives the Mandaya 5 the high reputation that he has in eastern Mindanfo as a man of superior attainments. ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided nito. These are about 12/ centimeters in breadth and are braided into one continuous piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The writer has seen many that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They are, besides being distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another purpose, for they are supposed to impart strength to the muscles. Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable ligatures plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black glossy color when made of the dg-sam6 vine. They are rectangular in cross section, being about 6 millimeters by 6 millimeters. They must be moistened to make the filaments expand so that the wearer can pass them over his hands on the wrist. On drying they contract to the size of the wrist. Women often wear a few of these with their forearm ornaments. Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or of copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the fingers of both men and women. The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments of the black coral plant,7 cut into palm lengths and bent into rings by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case of an insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the right. These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of ornamentation, for a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by the Man6 -bos of the upper Agusan. They are thought to contract and grip, as it were, the wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of danger. Hence they are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This is due to the difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep water where the danger from sharks deters the native divers. 6 Mandayaland produces nearly all the lances, spears, bolos, daggers, and artistic cloth used by the Man6bos throughout eastern Mindanao. Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabaons, and a few among the hybrid group occupying the upper Agfisan from Gerona to Tagatinud, the Mandfya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in silverwork. 6 Both pug-nnt and dg-sam are species of nito (Lygodium sp.). 7 Called sag.-ai.sdg-ai in Manobo and band.ug in Bisaya (Antipatharia sp.). 54 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL The whorl of a sea shell,8 ground and polished into white heavy rings, whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very common forearm adornment for women on the upper Agusan. Sometimes as many as five of these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight of a full equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo. The use of such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions except in the case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them. These shell bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are very becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and marble white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage. It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandaya country, the similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandayas becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simdlau, Agusan, and IhawAn, another indication of the influence of Mandaya culture on the Manobo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are typical of Mandaya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1 centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the arm produced a tinkling sound. In the central Agdsan region and among the Manobos of the Pacific coast, one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell 9 as a bracelet but its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This is due to the fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into the country. In these regions the Man6bo is particularly poor in arm adornments. KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agusan one sees beads sewn on these bands. Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the ankles. They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some that they are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the husband the value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married women occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement. Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few rings10 of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter. The rings are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them, hence they hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two to each leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk bells that depend from the girdle and are considered highly ornamental. BODY MUTILATIONS GENERAL REMARKS The purpose of most body mutilations among the Man6bos is ornamentation. The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed later. Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanao except among the Mamanuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Maminuas of the upper TAgo River (within the jurisdiction of Tandag, Province of Surigao) and noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I concluded that the scars were due to the practice of scarification. Inquiries since that time made among both Man6bos and Bisiyas have confirmed these conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in eastern MindanAo. No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of the lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and the bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco, lime, and mdu-mau frequently becomes permanent till moistened by drinking. It is a strange sight to ~~Tak.Io~bo (Tridacna gigas). Called ta~~~~~gang. 10 10 -tut. 8 Tak-lo-bo (Tridacna gigas). 9 Called Id-gang. o10 Di-tus. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] PERSONAL ADORNMENT 55 see a handsome Manobo belle, decked out with beads and bells, or a dapper Man6bo dandy, take the olla, and darken the lips. No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the following mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations performed in connection with them. MUTILATION OF THE TEETH 1 As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their teeth ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much so that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think, however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of the stone used, for the Mandayas of the upper Karaga River claim that there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain. A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of 4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and those of the lower, concave. I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3 to 6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days. The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: "They look like a dog's." After e'ach grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the gums and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no longer felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed. Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant called mdu-mau which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manobo man, woman, and even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips. It is to be noted here that the primary oatbject i then use of this combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other purposes. Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of betel nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities, with tobacco. MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES The practice of mutilating the ear lobes 12 is universal and is not confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes in one, two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with a needle. A thread of abakcd fiber is then inserted and prevented from coming out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As soon as the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a woman in the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan leaf are inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is opened enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded sufficiently, a small spiral of grass, usually of pandanus 13 is inserted. This, by its natural tendency to expand, increases the size of the aperture until a larger spiral can be inserted. 1n Hd-sa-to-into. 12 Ti-ddng. 13 Bd-ui (Bisaya, ba46-oi). 56 THE MANOI3OS OF MINDA NAX GARVAN[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 56 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [VOL. XXIII, The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is about 2% centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture, which is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two other small perforations about 1 centimeters further up. These latter serve both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while the former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion of ornamental ear disks. DEPILATION A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a systematic and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by the Man6bo from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his face. For this purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,'4 ordinarily made out of beaten brass wire, with which he systematically plucks out such straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and on the chin, as well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always eradicated. A small knife 15 is frequently employed as a razor, not only on the chin and upper lip but also for shaving the eyebrows. The removal of the last mentioned is a universal practice, for hair on the eyebrows is considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes shave the eyebrows. leaving only a pencil line, or, in some districts, not even a trace of hair. The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not customary to remove it. TATTOOING 16 After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to understand that under the Spanish regim6, when killing and capturing was rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo marks. Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons from different localities and groups may have the same designs. No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but from my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is performed usually from the age of puberty onwards. The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called hermaphrodite,7 who has acquired a certain amount of skill in embroidering. These professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to the natural aversion felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to the fact that no remuneration is made for their services, though this last reason alone would not explain the paucity. The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate or an olla over a burning torch 18 made of resin until enough soot has collected. Then without any previous drawing, the operator punctures, to a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part of the body that is to be tattooed. The blood that flows from these punctures is wiped off, usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of the soot from the resin is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the hand of the operator. The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the skill of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject. It is painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my observations go. 14 Pan-um-pa'. 16 Called ba-di' or kdm-pit. 16 Pang-o-ttib. 17 One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern Mindanfo certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are reputed to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I saw were most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of women and to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with men. 18 Sal-yung (Canarium villoum). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES ] No. l PERSONAL ADORNMENT 57 Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe in an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that are used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion, differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is indicated by the names.'9 The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and plain, displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive and so remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear lines, but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or blotches. For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known whereby to eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those on young men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness nor in the preservation of the design. In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the upper arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg. CIRCUMCISION 20 Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not for ornamental purposes. According to the Manobo's way of thinking it serves a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to the procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have been unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong, and abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest reproaches that can be thrown at a Manobo, and it is said that he would stand no chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed; the womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the custom is obligatory. The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No ceremonies or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a male relative of the child, takes the small knife (ba-di') and placing it lengthwise over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit by hitting the back of the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient object at hand. It thus appears that it is not circumcision in the full meaning of the word but rather an incision. This operation is confined to males and is the only sexual mutilation practiced. 19 Bin-u-d-ja, (from bu-wd-ja, crocodile), gin-i-bang (from gi-bang, iguana) and bin-2-yo (from bu-jo', the betel leaf). 20 Tutli'. CHAPTER VIII ALIMENTATION FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION The Manobo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two very primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw, and the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese matches to such of the Manobos as come in contact with traders or with trading posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into disuse. THE FIRE-SAW 1 This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire is obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to, and over the back of, another. The "saw," as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be long enough, say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with both hands. The breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to resist the pressure. One edge must be cut sharp. The "horse," or lower piece, ought to be at least 10 centimeters broad and of any length. It is essential that the under surface be sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the bamboo is placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this bamboo is made a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now ready for the operation. The "horse" is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood or stone with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it can not move. The "saw" is placed transversely across the "horse," the sharp edge being right over the hole. Holding it firmly with a hand at each end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with great pressure across the "horse," precisely as if it were desired to saw it in two. After some 15 strokes, there appears a little smoke, and the operator increases the rapidity of his movement, until he thinks that there is sufficient fire underneath the bamboo. Then he blows down through the hole in order to separate any such bamboo dust as may still remain in or around it. He removes the "horse" applying at once a little lint or other tinder to the glowing particles of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece of good dry wood, preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds has a permanent fire. For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and well seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose, but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used. THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS2 The Man6bo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no wise from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff obtained from the sugar palm.3 It is found around the frond bases and after being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel in a special bamboo or rattan receptacle. CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for any ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but because it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is kept burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous districts, where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire is sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught with danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits. I Cut-&t -an. 3 Ti'-ti. 3 Arenga saccharifera. It is called hi-juip or hi-diip in Man6bo. 58 ALIMENTATION 59 Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods. LIGHTING Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only source of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the settlements of Christianized Man6bos that the luxury of coal oil is enjoyed. The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire, is a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in great abundance in eastern Mindanao.4 The method of obtaining the resin is to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the ground and to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is usually done overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a conical receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound with rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger end of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set upon the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient object at hand, frequently the whetstone. This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and, second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates. When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned bamboo, split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of the resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while outdoors at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for daunting the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of night. CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT The Man6bo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the exception of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan, he has none of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples. The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles the ollas or earthen pots used so universally throughout the Philippines. In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among the remote Man6bos, an imported cast-iron pan.5 It is from 5 centimeters to 10 centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40 centimeters in diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is used for general cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane beverage. As it is not provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo are used to keep the soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in, especially in steaming camotes and taro. When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some exceptional occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are brought into requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as bo or boho, is preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the contents, as I can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat is sometimes cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo are put into the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped with leaves. They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt nearly through. The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint into strips. These strips are usually given to the expectant children who scrape and lick them clean. I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer admirably. A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell, is about the only article that the Manobo ordinarily has to serve the purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little paddle made out of a flat 4 Called sai'-gung or saung. (CGanarium villosum). 8 Called ki-u-ja. 60 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOI. NTIOAL piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup, though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors. No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little rubbing with the hand are sufficient. The Manobo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances that equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a glass. Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due to the exorbitant prices charged for them. As a substitute for plates, the Man6bo uses platters of bark from the sago 6 and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of some big festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and platters, so he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them with banana or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with rice. Should all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests, he spreads out a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the floor, and lays the rice upon them. A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a substitute for, the coconutshell cup mentioned above. VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD The great staple of Man6boland is the camote.7 During harvest time and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute the bulk of his daily food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for friends, and for the sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment of debts. Should his camote crop fail he falls back upon the sago8 that abounds in the central Agusan; or, when sago is not available, he seeks the wild fishtail palm,9 that affords him as pleasant and nutritious a food as any sago palm that ever grew. In the upper Agusan the Man6bo plants a fair quantity of taro, and in the middle Agusan, a small amount of maize in season, or even some beans,10 so that it is seldom he has to have recourse to the forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Man6bo is occasionally compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm trees and vines that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest domain. I have seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the Manobos of the upper Wa-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped on a prickly rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series of washings and dryings. He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is not intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members of the household. Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little mint 11 and, perchance, a few other plants intended for seasoning. He is not accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare necessities of life. As a concomitant of his rice or camotes, he must have his is-da 12 which he procures from the forest 13 or from the river.14 It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have seen pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the rawness an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat pork absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and fish, an * Lfm-bia. 7 Ipomoea bataas Poir. Lfim-bia. Bd-hi' (Caryota sp.) 10 Called b-tung. 1 Called labwona probably from the Spanish yerba buena. 12 This word in its present usage corresponds to the Spanish vianda, to the Bisaya sadan, and the Tagalog ailam. Note that the generic word for is-da, "fish," has received a still more general application among the Manobos and Bisayas of the middle Agfisan. Originally, no doubts it meant simply'fish," but as the hru-an is almost the only fish in the middle Agfisan that is caught with frequency and in numbers, the generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish. Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to the Tagalog aoam and the Cebu-Bisaya s8t-dan. 1 See under "Hunting." 14 See under "Fishing." ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] ALIMENTATION 61 occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or a hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied. When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the rule than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some mushroomlike fungi,l1 or even mushrooms,16 or he may have taken a notion to cut down some palm tree, and get a fine palm 17 or rattan core 18 or even young bamboo shoots.l9 While straying along the river bank he may pick some fern tops of an edible variety.20 Any of these things affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larva.21 He may have a chance to kill an iguana 22 or monarch lizard.2 The killing of a monkey with his bow and arrow, or in his traps, affords him a choice piece of meat. And when he has the good fortune to kill a python, he has enough is-da for himself, his relatives, and his neighbors for at least one meal. Occasionally, during the proper season, he locates a bees' nest and therefrom procures an amount of honey, larva, and beebread that proves an uncommon treat for himself and his family. Again, on the river at certain periods he has nothing else to do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one) the exhausted "water-skimmers, " 24 or while passing near some sand bank to spy the spot where the water lizard buried her delicious eggs. In the little side streams he may catch a few frogs and go on his way rejoicing. With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisaya traders or from Christianized Manobos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple food. Salt, the native red pepper,25 and at times ginger constitute a very important part of the meal, if they are obtainable. The first mentioned article is far from being abundant, especially in certain localities, such as the Baobo River and the upper parts of the Ihawtn, Umaiam, and Bahalan Rivers. In such places as these the writer found such an intense craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and declared to be "sweet." There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manobo will submit sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish, peddled in such quantities by Bisaya traders, are prized above the choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manobo does not salt his own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an operation is strictly tabooed. Red pepper is a sine qua non. It is eaten much as we eat salt, and is said to impart courage. In the regions near the MandAyas it is put up in a special form,26 this being nothing more than the dried pepper pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in a dry place, usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it acquires an extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste mild. This is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the seeds of the pepper are triturated. 15 Ta-ling-a bd-tang. 18 Lig-bus, sa-ging-sd-ging. 17 6-bud. 18 Pd-san. 19 Da-bMng. 20 Pd-ko' (Asplenium esculentum) 21 A-bd-tud. 22 Gi-bang. 23 Ibid. 24 These are a variety of insect called dd-li, of a whitish color about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike appendages extending from the posterior part. They are eaten raw, usually with vinegar and salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one of the Neuroptera or Pseudoneuroptera. 25 Ka-tum-ba (Capsicum sp.). 26 D/u-mang. 62 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO —GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIoNA THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD PREPARING THE FOOD The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes or rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so that once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and paddles in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the farm. In localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men with lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard, for the camote field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak his vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Man6boland. The women and girls dig up the camotes with a bolo or with a small pointed stick, and get a little rice from the granary.27 After performing any necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return and prepare the meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter the game or other meat that may have been selected for it. The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in Manoboland, as also among Bisayas, Maiigguanigans, Debabaons, and Mandayas of the Agusan Valley, that it merits a detailed description. In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting of four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed. The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal. When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available, and the quartering begins. The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone. During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat. If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions of festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment. If it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor. The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and deserves a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is burnt to death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with one hand and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it over the fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought that this is a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists and flutters unless firmly held, but the Manobo is not allowed by his tribal institutions to lkll the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the head is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is no one "to revenge the deed, " he will tell you. So he chokes and burns it to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few of the tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure, but as the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar significance of its own. As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously awaiting such delicacies. The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important operation in the whole of eastern Mindanao that it deserves special mention. As the rice used by the mountain Manobos is exclusively of their own harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. ' Tamrb6-bung. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] ALIMENTATION 63 One sees from time to time a mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the mortar is a roughhewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper surface so cut that the paddy or rice will. have a tendency to fall back into the hole. The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about 1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaiam River I saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to vigorous and constant strokes. The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small, the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manobo drum rhythm. A visitor who has once seen three Manobo women dressed in gala attire, with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they were being plied on some imaginary drum. In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice and one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents of the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view. The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as quickly, as if it had been done by a machine. The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in diameter and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker rattan. It is held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions, which are better seen than described, accompained by a peculiar movement of the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken fragments of rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family pigs. COOKING THE FOOD Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade earthen pot,28 which is often lined with sugarcane leaves, not only to prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer flavor. It is covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters below the surface of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the water evaporates to the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the greater part of the fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam dry. These remarks also apply to the cooking of a variety of millet,29 which is sown sparingly with the rice. Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days. There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other is admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or bamboo a few inches above the fire. Is K6-don. 29 Da,-wa. 64 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONL When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house that it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and broiled over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking the heads even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are invariably broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and cooked better than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is not the most delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the majority of my Man6bo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion lizard are always broiled. Camotes and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common earthen pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot, so that the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no cover, or if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine the heat. A favorite dish of the Manobo and an indispensable one of the Mandaya is the famous d-pai.30 This consists of taro tops (stem and leaves) cut up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint, semiwild tomatoes, and any other vegetable seasoning which may be on hand. This makes a very palatable and wholesome dish. FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method 31 and not in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by anyone who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither should a part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken of. The whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious results,32 such as ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of the snares, and other misfortunes.33 An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. *The guilty one must free himself from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the hunting dogs. The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw, even when its slmell is not the most wholesome. On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from rice or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the abstinence. MEALS ORDINARY MEALS Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among the Manobos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,34 they keep replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any hour between 6 and 9 p. m. All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down upon the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male visitors and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves eat when all have finished, and get what is left in the pots. Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation to join in the meal and nobody will begin 30 Mandaya, ug-bis. a3 Ddng-dang. as Ma-ko-li-hi. 3 In the upper Agdsan the partition of such small birds would lead, I was told, to a dismemberment of the family. M There are many wild fruits in the Agisan Valley, the most common of which are: The famous durian (Durio zibethinus), the jackfruit, Idnka (Artocarpu integrifolia 1. f.), lanzones (Lansium domesticum Jack.), mak6pa (Eugenia javanica Lam.), mdmbug, tambis, kandiis, kdtom (Dillenia sp.), and the fruit of the rattan (kapi). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for this reason seem to be relished all the more. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] ALIMENTATION 65 to eat till everybody else has squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal. The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl, tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation of a possible attack. The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in the various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the mountain Manobos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes. A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or camote) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish, and all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish. The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be, as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water. In the upper Agusan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish. Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient, and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men. No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his neighbors. A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of Manobo etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a sudden attack are thereby lessened. It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If the place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a precaution against treachery. FESTIVE MEALS Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of the great religious and social celebrations that recur with such frequency in the Manobo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an unusual catch of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have had ample opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading expedition I was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for which was, of course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit. Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints, earthern pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and camotes. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little meat or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders a part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal. When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses, bark platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned in small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially and 67173~-31- 6 66 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is always given preference and the host may also especially favor others whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason for his partiality. All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade brew. Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling influence of the drink, they express their good will by giving material tokens, each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to gain. These tokens consist of handfuls of meat-lean, fat, bone, gristle, or anything-smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one friend into the mouth of another without any consideration of the proportion existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the gift. It is not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from the mouth. This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of beverage which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is gulped down with a mumbled expression corresponding to our "Here goes." The recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind, and so the meal goes on in mutual goodfellowship and congeniality till the food has completely disappeared, for it is against the conventionalities of Man6bodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the Man6bo loves a good eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a glory to get drunk. Now it happens at times at a Manobo banquet, as it does in all drinking bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and recourse is had to the ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild shouts and frantic gestures can not decide. For this reason the Man6bo eats with his left hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant vigilance. These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart in little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their own gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard above the din of the revellers. During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with the hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with man in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of food and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manobo troubled with nausea but, if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed portion. I have seen this happen on occasions. CHAPTER IX NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS DRINKS USED BY THE MANOBOS Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,' ba-hi toddy,' sugarcane brew,3 and mead. SUGAR-PALM WINE Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo negro palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days. After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one to three months. The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little milk has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but the fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the bark" of a tree is added. On the third day acetification begins to take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper is thrown into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is withheld for a period of about four more days. The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance on the eastern6 side of the lower and middle Agusan Valley and is universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however, it is not found with such frequency. The Manobo is therefore obliged to seek other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of his fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant. BAHI TODDY Tung-gang is the sap of the bdhi palm. The method of extraction is identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither as pleasant nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is not by any manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage only when no other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that sometimes the tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the sap. Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the flow of the sap. 1 Tuba or sai-yan or san, the sap of the hi-di-up (Arenga saccharifera) commonly known in the Philippines as cabo negro. 2 The fishtail palm (Caryota sp.). The extracted sap is called tung-gang. In-tus. Bd-is or bi-ai-lis. 5 Called la-gzd. 6 In the vicinity of Tudela, Simuilau River, there are groves of sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees. 67 68 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, SUGARCANE BREW In-tus is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane. It is the most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is deemed worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other occasions. Extraction of the juice.-The sugarcane is first peeled and then crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san. This is a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log usually of palma brava 7 or of the fishtail palm, set horizontally about 1 meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is provided with a vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from side to side over a flat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually between this latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion. As soon as the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it is doubled up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again crushed. By this method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a day. Boiling.-The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter is preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has been secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the purpose. In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder made of slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation. The boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a gingerlike plant8 and sugarcane juice is added to fill the interstices. The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor. If the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and browns. The Manobos of the upper Agusan make a better drink than those of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at brewing can gage by the smell. Fermentation.-After cooking, the decoction is unfit for immediate use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least three whole days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly drinkable. The longer the period of fermentation, the finer the quality of the resulting liquor, ceteris paribus. When well-cooked brew has been kept for a few months, it assumes a translucid amber color, smells and tastes strongly of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The liquor during fermentation must be kept in closed jars or earthen pots in a cool moist place. If kept in bamboo joints, it will spoil. In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it is wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are the result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like vino. In this connection it may be well to remark that I have never observed a case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other serious consequences that in other parts of the world frequently afflict the habitual drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the proverbial headache and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually occur only after periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule such effects are at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by munching sugarcane. MEAD This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manoboland, but as the honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the forest after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the family, the drink is scarce. The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane brew. The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed, and in general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place of the sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed with water in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to honey that determines the 7 A n iz-kau (Li vietona sp.). 8 L n k a C r ei e t r i ai i d ) 7 An-a-hau (Livistona sp.). 8 Lan-kwas (Cordeline terminates Willd.). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES NO. 1] NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS 69 strength, quality, and flavor of the final drink. A mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor and strength with those more up to date. DRINKING GENERAL REMARKS Though the Manobos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet neither during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy, have I ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing appliance9 is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by the blood unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in several parts of the Agusan River Valley. But such ceremonies are customary on the erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no relation to the actual production of the drink. During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the di-u-a-ta, tag-ba-nu-a (lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other spirits, for they, too, like to be regaled with the good things of this world. Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and social feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or visitor-also when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any other end by convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of fish or of meat is a common occasion for the making of the brew and gives rise to the following practice: THE SUMSUM-AN The sumsum-an, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an accompaniment of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agulsan Valley, the Salug Valley, and the whole MandAya country, is a thing that appeals especially to the true Mandaya, Manobo, and Mafiggunfigan. When a man of one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has trapped a wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his guests at the appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as all are assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood over the fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed into pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision as to weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of meat. During this operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some hiding place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under his arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from handleless German stemins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to each an equal amount. It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host drinks first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret poisons. After drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes to honor, unless they are already provided, and using some expression corresponding to our English "Here goes," the guest or guests quaff the brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the distributor, and the process is repeated until all have had a drink. DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as 9 Li-gi.an. 70 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIOAL 200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20 jars or 100 bamboo 10 jointfuls of sugarcane brew being consumed on the occasion of a great festival is not strange. The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during one of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be deliriously drunk before the MandAya or Manobo would be feeling merry. It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his plate as an evidence of that fact. With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue. EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic gestures can not settle. With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture an approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will be readily understood when one is told, that according to the social institutions of the Man6bos, it is considered no breach of manners to ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too, would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount of liquor consumed in Man6boland. Suffice it to say that the Manobo drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure a little of the flowing bowl. TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing. This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain Man6bos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass that there is a dearth long before the next crop. No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children. Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is commonly a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece of steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized Man6bos or from Bisayas. The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called into requisition. 10 Suging. ACADEMY o0 sCIENCES] NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS No. l] 71 There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the ba-ut method. In this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of a vine,1 and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may be the size of a large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the upper gums but resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the mouth, thereby keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for its narcotic qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament and tends to blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its strength is exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When tobacco is scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot black, and vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women are more accustomed than the men to the use of this bal-ut, for the reason that the former do not smoke, and also because they usually have hidden away a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The second method of using tobacco is known as the la-gut. This consists of chewing a little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel nut. Tobacco is seldom chewed alone. THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID The betel-nut quid is to the Manobo more than the cigarette, cigar, or pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the chief delicacy of the spirits. The betel nut12 is obtained from the palms found in the forest. These palms were planted either by the Man6bos themselves or by their ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to supply the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants 13 are used, but they are an inferior substitute. In taste the betel nut is exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in combination with the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender nut is preferred by the mountain Manobos, but the ripe nut seems to be the choice of those who have come in contact with Christianized Manobos or with Bishyas. The betel leaf14 is from a species of pepper, of which there are innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety is preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as in the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste. The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers, streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use. To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its fibrous rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece of betel leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube. The leaf is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is ready for use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn red, and depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An excess of lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this is avoided by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch of tobacco, the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid. There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things. 11 Mai-mau. 1i Areca betel. 13 Kan-in-yag, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes. Also called kandla. It Betel sp. 72 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to promote salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However, the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing, both in the Manobos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid. BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES The Manobo man carries on his back, in a little bag 15 of abakd or other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing. The woman deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in which case she carries them in a little closed basket. The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack for the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one or the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a supply, the Manobos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he has no more. He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass box,'1 if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he puts them in a cylindrical receptacle 17 usually made out of a small bamboo internode, or in a little round receptacle 18 of plaited rattan coated with the pulp of the seed of a tree.19 His tobacco for immediate use he keeps in another similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden away in the bottom of the knapsack. The lime is invariably kept in a small internode 20 of bamboo. This is open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited rattan inserted into the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess of lime from issuing. This spherical network resembles in miniature the football seen so commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired to add lime to the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a downward position with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the other fingers above it. The first finger is then made to slide with force from the middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the lime. This tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing rice. The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a small knife 21 which also answers the purpose of a general utility implement corresponding to our scissors. When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is mashed in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently soft for mastication. In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty one, owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and to the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole it is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manobos and Bisayas who have relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manobo can not endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he does, without this mild but efficacious restorative. 16 Pi-yo. 19 Ta-bontdbon (Parinarium mindanaense Perkins). 16 Ka-pt-yan or ka-pd.an. 10 Tdng-tang. 17 Lt-ka' or yu-ka. 21 Ba-di' or kam-pit. s Lin-am-bung. CHAPTER X MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE AGRICULTURE GENERAL REMARKS Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of the Christianized Manobos living in the river settlements have a few hundred abakd plants each, yet the care of them is left practically to nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But the true mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of life-rice and camotes, some taro,' a little sugarcane in season, a little patch of maize, and sometimes ginger and other spices. His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land. For a permanent crop he keeps his camote patch, on which he may plant a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane. Scattered around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more often planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and other plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees, not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted. THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird kcuahau first breaks from the forest and the leaves of lanipau tree begin to fall.2 Then the farmer hies to the woods to select the site for the rice field, calling upon the omen bird to direct him in his choice. Of course he is governed in his selection by reasons of proximity to water, safety from floods, distance from the settlement, etc., but the omen bird's cry must be favorable. Having decided on the location he makes an offering of betel nut to the tagbdnua and to such other spirits as may dwell in the neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to make friends with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased on account of the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects a spot for the house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts down a few small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special attention is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one of virgin forest. The Man6bo never plants his rice in the same place during two successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful harvest. The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin the work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate them. In the middle of the farm3 is erected a small platform for the seed and, near the house, the usual offering house4 and other sacrificial perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the rice-planting sacrifice. THE SOWING CEREMONY6 Taphagan is a female diuata under whose special superintendence are placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it. She is thought to guard the crop against man and beast, even reveal' In districts close to the Mandaya country the use of taro is more common, but even in the upper Agufsan it is not a permanent crop. The MandAyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is adapted to its growth. Taro is the Colocasia antiquorum. X Certain trees, such as the na-to' and the ba-ro-bo', begin to fruit at this season, and are also signs of the approach of the rice-planting season. a U-mna'. 4 Ka-md-lig. a The tdp-hag sacrifice 73 74 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMVOL. I XNTI ing, it is said, to her chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return for this she must be frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice season up to the harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she yields the field to Hakiadan. The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all Manobo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig, however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the evil 6 of the earth begone. I have often been told that a special ceremony is necessary at the time of rice planting. This ceremony is called hiu-gad to sd-ya or hui-gad to sd which means "to cleanse the sin." I am inclined to think that this rite is a purificatory one, as the name of it indicates. I suppose that it is a secret expiation of such transgressions as might be punished by a failure of the future crop. As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen, are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site or not. Among the offerings to Taphaigan is a handful of unhulled rice taken from the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets,7 and ants. A little rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome, and requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen birds, prophets of plentiful crops, and the kuahau, harbinger and companion of the rice crop, forgotten. During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from time to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in general, that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger, urge the owner of the crop to feast Taphagan and thereby obtain immunity from evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such things. THE CLEARING OF THE LAND The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were abandoned under these circumstances. The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the mutual-help system,8 that is, the farmer's relatives and friends unite to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family is expected to return in kind. The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step 9 in the clearing process consists in cutting down the underbrush and small trees. In this the men are assisted by the women and children who gather these into heaps for burning. This may take only a few days, if no inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my observation, it is seldom that some omen or other does not interfere with the work. Thus a dead animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found on the farm makes blood lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder means a temporary discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory ceremony, of which I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays the work. The next operation consists in the felling of trees.10 For this purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree at a height several feet above the buttresses of the tree 6 Ka-di-ut. 9 Called gas or gdi-as. 7 Abikai. 1o Ga-ba. 8 Pag-a-bai-y s-an. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE 75 or at such a point as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough. Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the feller plies his native axe"l until the tree yields and crashes down in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It may be observed here that the Manobo as a rule is an expert at tree felling and takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and clearing of Bisaiya land in the Agusan Valley is done by Man6bos of Christian or of pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost. After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the tree that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are cut ' and mounted into heaps for future burning.13 This burning, of course, can not take place till after the hot weather,14 which comes at this period and lasts about a month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally free from heavy timber, the ground remains encumbered with the larger trunks and branches, even after the burning, but this is no impediment, for the rice and camotes can be planted between the stumps. THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to the locality. Thus, in Umaiam district, the time for sowing is said tq be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of hot weather, known as guyabang, whereas in the upper Agusan 12 nights are counted from the first new moon after the guydbang and the sowing takes place the following day. It is thought that this procedure will insure a plentiful crop. The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful of rice from the woven-grass15 bag in the center of the clearing and scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family complete the sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed that it may not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the surface, the seed is covered'6 immediately so as to get it under the ground and away from the ravages of vermin. This is done by breaking the ground slightly with bolos. As a protection against weeds, camotes, sugarcane, and even maize are planted in places where the rice is not so close, and especially where the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed from time to time until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the ground. This and all subsequent work connected with the farm, except the making of wild-boar traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women and children. The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the farm must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast Taphagan upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a large bird, lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and lustration of blood must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain birds in the vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it becomes necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial means. Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the auspices of Taphagan and in the following manner: The rain makers'7 each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to the bank of the stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the surface of the water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his frond upon the bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain that rain would follow. There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So is the continuous cry of kuahau. There are many other omens both good and evil that render the growing season one of constant question and answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies. Traps and light fences are the principal defense 11 Hu-wd-aiu. 15 Kam-bu-yai. 12 GO-ang. 16 The process of covering the seed is called hi-la-b6n. 13 Sdng-ag. 17 Mig-pa-dyao. 14 Gu-yd-bang. 76 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL against wild boar. Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all directions from the watch house18 in the center of the field. The waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young person on watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the ricebirds,'9 parrakeets, and monkeys. A little offering of rice is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy departure of the latter. A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is given to TaphAgan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manobo's memory for another year. THE RICE HARVEST The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy. The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might never come to maturity.20 Should any one trespass upon the farm, it is imperative that work be discontinued until the following day. This gives a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the trespasser. I did not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason can offer only second-hand information as to what takes place from the time of the closing of the trails till the harvest feast. The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens are satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar stones21 placed in it in order that the rice may not only not diminish but may even increase in quantity. For the six following days the women and children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in the above receptacle. The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the following year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial purposes during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice must on no account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it must not be given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious decrease.22 In fine, it has such a sacred character that it must be pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not a member of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this time the rice would be found to have much chaff23 in it. THE HARVEST FEAST The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they are welcome to the feast of Hakiadan, the goddess of grain. The ceremony differs but little from that to Taphaigan, as described on previous pages. The invocation to Hakiadan is most elaborate, lasting for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiadan to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies, carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen by Dagau, that fickle mischievous s Ban-ta-an. 19 Mdya. 0 Makaddya is the term used to express the evil that might befall the crop. 21 Mi-ja or m.t-da. 22 Ka-gyvridun, i. e., literally, that it would be pulled away. a X-,. ACADEMY SCIENCES] MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE 77 spirit whose pleasure seems to be to bring hunger 24 to humankind. The dead, whose final feast 25 has not yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut offering and requested most devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even the greedy parrakeets, the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies of the rice have portions of the first fruits set out for them in little leaf packages. Hakiadan is asked to instruct these creatures to behave themselves during this delicate season. The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the usual revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a larger victim. After the celebration the women and children of the household, assisted by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as have agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each one starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger basket 26 has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the process goes on for the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest the crop. The men in the meantime make the granary 27 somewhere in the clearing, usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure consisting of four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf thatch. Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either of bamboo slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or grass receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones of bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to prevent the entrance of rats and mice. The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by sale or by home consumption. A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks, but where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it is on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agusan Valley, 50 sacks are not considered an extraordinary yield. THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the attitude of the powers above. Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanao, but they are not of man's sowing nor does the Manobo ever lay claim to them. He takes the fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes his way rejoicing. HUNTING The Manobos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional who 24 Ma-ka-bun-tas-ui. 26 Diwitan. 25 Ka-ta-pus-an. 27 Tam-b6-bung. 78 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house. HUNTING WITH DOGS The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines, except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a certain dog would be mangled 28 by a wild boar, swallowed by an alligator,2 and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not to purchase it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human life (30 pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom returned without having run down a deer or wild boar. The ordinary Man6bo house has at least a few dogs, and these are allowed the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and sometimes have a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent. Their food at the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as "Diguim," 30 "Sapas," 31 and are addressed by their masters with the greatest familiarity. A dog, however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to forebode the death of its master or of some inmate of the house. It must be sold, else the owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are supposed to be messengers of the blood spirits 32 and to be under the protection of the god of hunting,33 for whom the following ceremony must be made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase and the safety of his dogs from the perils thereof. OFFERING TO SUGUDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS A triangular tray of bayug or of ilang-ilang wood decorated with palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the house. The owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugudun, offers him a quid of betel nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as to assist in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl must be a male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better part of an hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced Sugudun of the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays the red fowl in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer 34 and placed upon the oblation tray 36 for the special entertainment of the hunting deity. In one case I saw the blood anointment 36 made on the principal dog in order to remove from him some evil influence that he was thought to possess. After the fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little cooked rice, and a few eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left there. THE HUNT On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agusan Valley teem with wild boar and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn u sound. The dogs keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with repeated snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a tree. The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry of the dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the scene, they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with their spears. 28 Pan-ti-g6n-on. a3 Sugftdun. 29 Si-bad-6n-on to bu-a-ja (budda). 34 Api,-gan. 0o " Black." 36 Su-gz-gan. 31 "Cotton." a6 Lim-pas. 32 Tagb4-sau. CADMY OF SCIENCES] MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE 79 Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in which both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on being wounded had proved a dangerous enemy. Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is divided in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the hunters are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement, they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for just about one meal. HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest: (1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the local forest deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of salt, of fish that are not found in the region, and of the name of the quarry. (2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other way except in the orthodox Man6bo manner of broiling it, or cooking it in water. (3) The meat must not be salted and dried. (4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act would be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result in lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts. (5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove the marrow. They must be broken with a bolo. (6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has been placed must be allowed to run over. (7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member of his family. (8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman, may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as that mentioned above. (9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory offering of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful to her. However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such counteracting practice. A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance that the Man6bo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill luck or total lack of success in future hunts. There are various traditional accounts of people who have been charmed 37 by deer and never heard of again. It seems that, at first, they were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they did not fear and allowed to come close. But among the deer was a transformed busau or demon that advanced and devoured the solitary hunter. It is said that a dog will not follow a deer of this description.38 OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of palma brava are used at times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for monkeys. The blowpipe (sum-pi-tan)39 is not used. Little game is obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter builds a shelter in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as come to feast themselves. "Birdlime," made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is occasionally used to capture small birds. 37 Pag-u-sa-hdn. 38 Called ma-pai-yag. 89 1 found a long slender blowpipe all over MandAyaland used for shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is it used in fighting. 80 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRSw XATI TRAPPING TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the consultation of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest deities of the locality are performed at the outset by the prospective trapper. The omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the danger of being speared by his own trap. I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy magnet,40 as a charm 41 to insure success in trapping, but I suspect that belief in the efficacy of the magnet was inspired by some inventive trader who wanted to dispose of his magnets with more dispatch and at a bigger gain. The use, however, of magic herbs 42 is said to have been learned from the Mamanuas and is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle and lower Agusan. I was afforded no information either as to the names or the nature of the herbs used. They are carried around the neck carefully concealed. The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the manikiad43 calls upon the emissary 44 of the war deities. The trapper sets a sign 45 near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch of grass or twigs tied to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by of his absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his trapping grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to the house at least temporarily,46 for otherwise he would catch nothing in the traps. In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be observed: (1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset. (2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him on his departure, an object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar deposit made for it. (3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided, and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a periphrastic way. I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that the trapper built a little offering house 47 near his shelter house, and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the spirit lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in direct proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his prayers. When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably the local forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other parts. THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP 48 A common method of trapping among the Manobos, more especially practiced during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear trap that is in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands. Without entering into details, it may be described as a trap in which a spring of bent wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has been attached to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole apparatus is laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is carefully concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply made, and in the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings from these traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct with which the Manobo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the trail, it releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom that a wild boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to be tracked for hours and sometimes is never found. o4 Bd-to bdni. 41 Sl6m-pa'. 4 Sin-ld-ub. 43 A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths to his credit. The number depends upon the locality. 44 This class of spirits is called pan-ai-yang. I Ba-li-zg. 46 Man6bos claim that the violation of this taboo would bring about a condition that is expressed by the word ma-ka-dg-ya; I can not state definitely what this condition is. I never have had a satisfactory explanation. 47 Bai-yui-bai-yui, literally, a little house. 4s Ba-tik. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE 81 No. 1] OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats 49 between 2 and 3 feet long set in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45~ in places where the wild boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful contrivance, as these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight and scent. The pa-yu-pa-yu trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as described above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized log held in a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar, the log falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him and causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes. The pitfall 0 is little used. It consists of a hole large enough for a wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the animal. The bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes. The monkey spring trap 51 is on the style of the bamboo spear trap described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch of a tree without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded monkey, on catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it, and is wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for monkeys succumb quickly to a wound. An ordinary noose trap 52 consists of a string with a piece of wood bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the trigger is released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on the bird's leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and other birds. The circle of nooses 63 is a series of rattan nooses placed around a decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges his wild fellows to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the woods soon finds his feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short time his whole body safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket. FISHING The Man6bo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of means be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the methods commonly employed for catching fish. SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW In shooting fish an arrow 54 that has a detachable head is used. The fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a stream or lake, and upon spying the fish lets fly a twopronged arrow which has a steel or iron point. This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agdisan Valley and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially during floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an average day's catch. The common catfish, called daldg in Manila, is the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the arrow. FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE The hook "6 is a stout one and is made out of the iron handle of the ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of similar size. It is attached to a substantial abakd cord,56 45 meters long, more or less. A piece of lead or a stone for sinker and a suitable bait complete the outfit. The fish caught with this apparatus are the swordfish 57 and the sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat or on a sand bank, and with the line tied to his foot or to his arm awaits a bite. He immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a chance to tire himself out as our fishermen do. Of course the fish is always pulled upstream. 49 Pa-dg4-pa. s Bdg'-ai. 5s Tu-ki-bung. s Katlad. l5 Pu-kis. " Ha-p6n. *2 Lt'-a. 7 Ta-gd-han Ka-lias. 67173~-31- 7 82 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MvMO NATIONAI FISH POISONING58 Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced more frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods, all of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manoboland. The tu'ba59 method.-A quantity of tuzba varying from one-half to two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought to the spot selected. Everybody comes provided with a fish spear, fishing bow, bolo, boat or raft, and conical traps6 made for the occasion. The tuiba is then pounded as it lies in the boat, a little water being added. This process occupies the greater part of an hour, and is a very animated one, everybody being in high hopes of a grand feast. Where there are no boats, the tuiba is pounded in the rice mortars and brought in bamboo joints to the selected spot. At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish may escape. When all is ready the tuiba is thrown into the river, and everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats, some on rafts, or, where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from rock to rock. It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and then the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing the fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more. During this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting, missing, and rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and exultation, sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of extra size. Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a good sized one and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great number of fish probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the effects of the poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have fallen a prey, these lurkers must be sought out. Tuiba has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and diarrhea, if taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from the effects of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous is-da of the Agdsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb to the effects of this poison. The tiubli method.-The root of the tubli plant is used for poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as tu ba. The Idgtaing method.-The ldgtaing is the seed of a tree that is not found in the middle and upper Agtisan Valley. I never witnessed the use of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to the absence of it in the middle and upper Agdsan. The following was the procedure followed in using it as witnessed by me. A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then pounded in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the intestines of a bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison. A deep quiet pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and the mixture of worms and ldgtang dropped into the water at the edge of the pool. In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish rise to the surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are followed by the larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch them till they have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die in the tall runo grass that grows along the banks. This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat fish caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects. There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I remember only the name of the tree called tigaiu. DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING61 The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agdsan dries up into mere pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands s5 Pag-tu-bd-han. 6o Sdn-au. 9' Tuba is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree. 61 Lingig. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE 83 of people from as far south as Lankilian, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but these are only of two species.62 Other varieties of fish do not remain in places that dry up to mere ponds. The hauz-an are known to leave the torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their way to other water. The fish after being caught are taken to the temporary shack and placed in water63 until such time as the owners are ready for the cleaning and salting operations. The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more, according to the strength of the sun. Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it is a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish heads-that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the main channels-are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may have thousands of dried fish.64 Ordinarily the lack of salt makes it impossible for any of the Manobos, except those of the better class, to remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisayas. FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manobos on the seacoast or by the Christianized Manobos who have learned the practice from Bisayas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper TAgo, upper Simuilao, and upper Agufsan. The bubo is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from %} to 1 meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap used. The large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made of bamboo slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so that the fish may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth facing either up or down stream. Another form of this trap 65 is cylindrical and not conical like the bubo. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and quickly becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.66 The hi-pon, u-ydp, and u-ydp td-na are varieties of small fish that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agusan to a distance of from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said that they arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into dugouts with scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This method of fishing is confined practically to Bisayas, but a goodly number of Christianized Man6bos who live in the vicinity of Butuan take part in it. A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manobos, as also among the pagan Manobos who do not live in too warlike a country, is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream, the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake region where they abound in numbers beyond conception. 62 The is-da or haft-an and pu-yo'-pu-yo. 05 Bdg-yas. 63 It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if they are left in water after being caught. M Pdn-tat. 64 Dd-ing. CHAPTER XI WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS INTRODUCTORY REMARKS There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in Manoboland. During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanao I saw no stone implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used for sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which the pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles hurled in wrath by Anitan' at irreverent mortals, but I have never seen these tokens of divine anger. Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive and defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and fishing implements. OFFENSIVE WEAPONS THE BOW AND ARROW As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of Mindanao, except perhaps the Banuaons,2 but, according to various rumors, to the Manobos occupying the central portion of Mindanao in the subprovince of Bukidnon. The bow is a piece of palma brava,3 or less frequently of bamboo 4 varying in length between 1.2 and 2 meters and in thickness between 7 and 12 millimeters. In the center it is about 30 millimeters broad and gradually tapers to a breadth of about 12 millimeters at each end. Except on the upper Agusan 6 no means are taken to strengthen this stock by winding rattan around it, unless the bamboo or wood shows indications of splitting, in which case a girdle of plaited rattan obviates the danger. No attempt at ornamentation is made except the smoothing and polishing of the wood. In the case of bamboo stocks, the projecting pieces of the joints are not removed on the proximal side of the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters from the extremities, two notches are made to hold the string. At the extremity, which we will call the upper one, from its being held up during use, one often sees a few concentric incised circles in one of which is set a little ring of steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of this is to increase the twang of the bow upon the release of the arrow. The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series of lodps. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3 centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the arrow. Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they are used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for hunting and fishing will be described in 1 One of the powerful spirits of the sky world. ' I am very much inclined to think that it exists among them as well. a An-d-hau. 4 Of the species called pa-i4ng. s MandAya and Mafigguafigan bows are smaller and neater than Man6bo bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and have graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of imparting strength thereto. 84 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 85 their proper places. The following description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in fighting. The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo6 about 8 millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a bamboo head. The head is a sliver of bamboo 7 varying in length from 20 to 36 centimeters. On the upper Agusan, where the Man6bos seem to have assimilated much from the Mandiyas, both the head and the shaft of the arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much handier. The arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance from the point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it, the head tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the other that it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In this socket it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at once to retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from splitting. A coating of tabontdbon 8 seed pulp over the lashing prevents it from loosening or slipping and at the same time preserves it from atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads with square shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel arrowheads in use among Man6bos, though it is certain that they are used by Mafgguangans between the Agdsan and the SAlug.9 It is not unlikely, moreover, that they are used by the people of the IhawAn and Ba6bo Rivers. A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of the abovementioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied. The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the length of the arrow shaft. The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend upon proper care in this respect. Unlike other bowmen, the Manobo makes a notch in the butt end of his arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative incisions and tracings on Manobo arrows.10 There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manobo, who has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other tool than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a bunch of arrows in a relatively short time. In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with the left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is placed, is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon the ground and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a movement toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the loop of the bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand and foot retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps the central part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of the left hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the first and middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right angles to, and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of thestring. The part of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the thumb and middle finger and under the index finger of the left hand. Raising up the bow and holding it inclined at an angle of 6 Of the species known as la-hi'. 7 Da-mu-dn species. 8 Parinarium mindanaense (Rosaceae). 9 I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique specimen which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly spur. The owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot at him and the party that accompanied him by the people of a ManfigguAfigan settle. ment. I was one of his party. 10 Among the Mandayas arrow shafts frequently have ornamental wavy lines and concentric circles incised along the length of the shaft, but this decoration has been observed among no other tribe that I know of in eastern MindanAo. 86 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, about 20~ from the vertical, the top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow butt always pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30 centimeters) to give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed to fly back, while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon the arrow butt, and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be released the end of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder. The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective range, however, is only about one-third of that. I can not laud the expertness of the Man6bo as a bowman. Here and there one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50 per cent at close range. No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is undertaken, the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is carried in a horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never poisoned. The bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a somewhat poisonous effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and hard to cure. THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH The next important offensive weapon used by the Manobo is the bolo. It is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the influence of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by night. As there are but two Manobo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos used are imported, either from the Mandiyas or from the Banu&ons, though one sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the Bagobos. The prevailing bolo is of Mandaya workmanship and merits a more detailed description. It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45 centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a breadth of 25 millimeters 1 at a point one-sixth of the length of the blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo changes its direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction of 15~. The lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until the blade, at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip attains its maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like the segment of a circle to the point of the weapon. The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is more common on the upper Agisan, has a thin straight back 12 up to within 6 or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the direction of the back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo is similar to the one described above. At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of which I do not know. The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the handle. The sheath, which is of Manobo production, consists of two pieces of thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3 centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square with incurving sides. The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this black paint 11 Figures given are approximate only. They vary in different bolos. n1 Hence it is called li-kfi-i-kud. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 11 WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 87 are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic plant, are not at all infrequent. The girdle, which is nearly always of braided abakd fiber, frequently multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of the wearer, passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This hole is made through 6 the central embossed part of the outer piece of the sheath. A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by * I pushing the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the J2 2 weapon remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the handle is pushed back to the upper3 5 side of the aperture. A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining the value of the bolo. A piece of j rattan the length of the weapon is cut into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long as the maximum width of the b bolo. These pieces are then placed in the following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig. 1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, 6 there is one piece of rattan that is / ' not as long as the others. This piece \f is always set down last, and its posi- 2 tion is the determining factor of the test. In Figure 1 a all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal, there being no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to complete the figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as it does not C augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a failure to kill.'3 In Figure 1 b all the pieces are of equal length, but there are not enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 a. This is a doubtful con- d figuration. On the one hand the FIGURE 1 weapon may or may not kill, on the other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not connected with fighting. In Figure 1 c we have only four pieces of rattan, three of which are equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is short. This is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the enemy will suffer loss.'4 13 This Combination is called If.mu*. 14 This formation is called,4-kab. 13 This combinatio>n is called If-mut. 14 This formation is called 8d-kab. __ 88 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [VOL. XXIII, In Figure 1 d we have the best conformation possible. The fact that the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous offers are made to him. A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a consecrated one, takes the part of the deus ex machina is described in the chapter on divination. THE LANCE The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The Mandaya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agdsan and on the upper reaches of the Umaiam, Argawan, and Kasilalan, and in the eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is said to come from the Puhlngi River, and which is used in the regions just mentioned where the MandAya lance is not considered lucky or effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft, usually of palma brava, but rarely of some other species.'5 The head is firmly attached to the shaft with a viscous substance. The lance is the inseparable companion of the Man6bo in his travels through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground, head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Man6bo friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing, just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same-a quick turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye. The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under the thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in a slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the hand. The Mandaya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally used, and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship. The shaft is a piece of either palma brava or of kulipdpa palm, varying from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform diameter of about 16 millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its length from the head; the other half tapers very gradually to about one-half of its original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point, which may be capped with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect the wood against injury from stones. The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point; much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25 millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At this point the edges converge at an angle of 45~ to the axis, until they meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45~. The neck is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are often little leaflike puncturings. When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or with coils of abakd fiber over which has been wound abakd cloth stuck with the above mentioned resin. Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver, sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture of the head and the shaft. 15 Wood of the tree ku-li-pd-pa is used occasionally. NACAMY OF SCIENCES] WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 89 A lance of another style is common among the highland Man6bos of the central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Man6bos of Kantilan and Tigo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general appearance, it is preferred by the Manobo, because it is said to cause a more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandiya lance sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in identically the same manner as the socketless Mandaya weapon. Another point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work within the periphery of these scallops. THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH A weapon, whose distribution among Manobos is limited almost exclusively to Man6bos south of the 8~ of latitude, is the Mandaya dagger, of Mandaya workmanship, and indicative of Manddya influence.'6 Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25 centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting in the line of the axis, and a hilt of bandti through which the projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held at the wearer's right side by a girdle. The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters. From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces of brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of ornamentation. The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of aba/cd fiber running from the handle to the under part of the sheath retains the weapon in its sheath. The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of nito fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that point and on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of it. The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath, and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set over the whole sheath.'7 Manobos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper Agdsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them. In this respect they are very unlike the Mandiayas and the Debabions, who are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances, and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of 16 It is the Mandaya tribal weapon that never leaves its wearer's side by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever there is apprehension of danger. 17 The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the production of Mandaya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern Cordillera, though on the Agfisan there are a few silversmiths. 90 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOI[L. A^III what we might call the sandpaper plant.18 Once burnished they are protected from rust by applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended from the roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference between the Man6bos, not including those of the upper Agusan, and the above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandayas and the Debab6ons very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons. DEFENSIVE WEAPONS THE SHIELD Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandaya and the Man6bo. The diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8~ latitude, not including the IhawAn and Baobo River district; the latter, to the rest of the Agusan Valley with the exception of the portion where Banuion influence is prevalent,'9 such as the upper Agusan and rivers to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the Agilsan. In general, shields are made of kcaldntas 20 wood, varying from 90 to 100 centimeters in length. In the center is a projecting knob resembling a low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high and varying in width at the base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the truncation from 7 to 8.5 centimeters. The inside of this knob is hollowed out in such a way that a longitudinal piece is left on the inside of it for holding the shield. The upper end has a transverse piece of the same material as the rest of the shield dovetailed into the main body, the object being to prevent the body of the shield, whose grain runs longitudinally, from splitting as a result of a blow. As a further protection against splitting, two strips of palma brava or of bamboo in upper Agisan types, and in other types three strips as wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side, facing each other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips passing through perforations in the wood. The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax, and of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a single series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double series longitudinally down the center. The operculum,21 of a seashell, or very occasionally some bright object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human hair secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about 3 centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its practice in eastern Mindanao and I doubt if such ever existed. The typical Man6bo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters broad. From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance (measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25 centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and practically straight. The MandAya type, as adopted from the MandAyas by the Agusanon Manobos 22 differs from the Manobo shield in being generally narrower-about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance 18 Ficu fiske and Ficus fiskei adorata (moracae). 19 The Banuaon types of shield seen by the writer were circular in form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited rattan painted with tabosn4bon pulp. 20 La-nip-ga. " Called paalftan. n Also by the Mafigguafigans and by the Debabaon and MansAka groups. The Man6bos and other peoples of the upper Agfsan call themselves Agusanon. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] WEAPONS AND INSTRUMENTS 91 equal to one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozengeshaped protrusion at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision, that might serve as an eyehole. Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of ornamental toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax and pot black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles to and along the central and the lateral scallops. The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which the MandAya type has as compared with the Man6bo style, the top and the bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15~ to the vertical. Among the Manddyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is considered evidence of valor in its owner. In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down. I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of what appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can bear witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield. The rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a marvel. ARMOR Another article used for defensive purposes is the abakd armor.23 Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a piece of Manddya skirt fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with sleeves and, in lieu of imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo or wood to keep it closed. When, however, the Manddya cloth is not to be had, his female relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords of abakd fiber, 6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in the form of an American or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps better than the Mandaya cloth. This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack on the upper Agusan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabdons went to make a demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nibuk. The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat. The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me-, he was so solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a depth of about 3 centimeters. I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argiwan. It was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used for wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article, as I later ascertained, was of BanuAon manufacture and use.24 TRAPS AND CALTROPS The dwellings of Man6bos who live in actual fear of attack are always surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties. These form an efficient and common means of defense. 52 Lim botung. 34 As a further protection in war there is used, it is said, a conical piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw this device in use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Man6bos. It was reported to me as also being of Banufon origin and make. 92 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When this trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a height that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the thigh. The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of the house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on the trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so set that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be injured by these traps. The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo, about 60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 450, and at some point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite spot is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a dangerous device. Another form of caltrop, very common indeed, and very treacherous in its character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about 18 centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2 or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil, thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot to a considerable depth. AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no draft animals in Manoboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements which require animals are made use of. THE AX For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in a hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7 centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Man6bo man can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time. THE BOLO For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisaya manufacture in use by Man6bos of the lower Aguisan. These bolos come from Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the purpose equally well, are readily purchased. THE RICE HEADER During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of a small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common shellfish.25 FISHING IMPLEMENTS THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agusan peoples, Christian and nonChristian, have access to the lakes and pools that abound in the central Agusan. The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from the more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its more frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance. u Bi-bi. ACDM OF SCIENCES] WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 93 Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting. The shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,26 varying in length from 1.2 to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5 millimeters. The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass, or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with tabon-tabon seed pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube. The head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of abakad fiber, about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the shaft, but which is unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to escape, leaving him with the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft breaking the water and indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of his victim. On the far upper Agusan the arrowhead is not of the 2-pronged type but is a thin, laminated steel point that expands gradually to form the two lateral barbs. It is of Mandiya manufacture and origin. THE FISH SPEAR The fish spear,27 except on the far upper Agusan, consists of a long bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy 3-pronged barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with strengthening girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron head is of Bisaya or of Christian Man6bo workmanship. On the upper Agusan the head is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer than that of the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is identical. FISHHOOKS Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are made out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the handle of a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary fishhooks such as are made in civilized countries. The method of using the hook has been described already under "Fishing." For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of palma brava sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur projecting backward at an angle of about 30~. To this piece of wood is attached a stout rope of abaka fiber, which in its turn is tied to a piece of stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set firmly in the ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60 centimeters of the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor, springs at the bait, and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom that by dint of frantic pulling and wriggling he does not free the bamboo and rush off to one of his favorite haunts, where, by the presence of the bamboo float above him, he is discovered and dispatched. HUNTING IMPLEMENTS THE SPEAR The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a stout, wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into the hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general appearance resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only about 10 or 12 centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being fashioned solely for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to the spear the inseparable bolo is carried. THE BOW AND ARROW In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the hunting bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in not being feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human game. A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piec of bamboo about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four 28 Of the variety called M-I~f or da-ga-sa. 27 Sd-pang. 26 Of the variety called Id-hi or da-ga-sd'. t7 Sd-pang. 94 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN or five tufts near one extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other, are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings. This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and efficient arrows become exhausted. Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions palma brava spike heads used by the Manobos of the far upper Agusan. These latter forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow. THE BLOWGUN The blowgun 28 is used sporadically and perfunctorily on the far upper Agusan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among Man6bos.9 It is used for shooting small birds, chickens, and mice. It is made of an internode of a variety of bamboo 30 about 1.2 meters long and 12.5 millimeters in diameter, to which is joined another internode about 20 centimeters long and of slightly larger diameter. This forms the mouthpiece. I have never seen any'decorative work on a blowpipe. The dart is a thin tapering piece of bamboo about 35 centimeters long and 1.5 millimeters in diameter at the butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore of the gun is fastened at the butt end of the dart. It is discharged by the breath. The point is never poisoned, nor is there any tradition as to the former use of poison on these darts. The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand. The maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds killed at a distance of about 8 meters. 2s Sum-pi-tan. 29 Its use by the Mandayas of the Kati'il, Manorigau, and Karaga Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a defensive nor an offensive weapon. ao Lahi'. CHAPTER XI1 INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES DIVISION OF LABOR It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been obtained practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the woman. The Man6bo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy, hard work that makes the division somewhat equitable. MALE ACTIVITIES House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the man. When the riceplanting season is at hand, he fells the trees and does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips the abakd for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder, and in all districts he conducts trading transactions. FEMALE ACTIVITIES The Manobo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the camote field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of her spouse. MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building, agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work. BOAT BUILDING,The art of boat building is known only to Manobos who have been in contact with BanuAons, so that one would be led to think that the art is of BanuAon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilafan, Libang, Maisam, Ohut, and Wa-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and there on the Hibung River and on the Similau River, but only an occasional one, if any, on the ArgAwan, Umafam, Ihawtn, and upper Agdsan. The boat is a dugout usually made of magasin6', kaldntas, or some light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed down with the simple ax, and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and shaped. In this way are made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats that ply up the network of rivers in the Agisan Valley. It is not uncommon to see a banca, or large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter beam. 95 96 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL MINING Mining is confined to the Hibung River and its tributaries, to the Wa-wa River, and to the Taligaman district, a few hours' walk to the southeast of Butuan. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the request of Bisaya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of any desire for gold. The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out with a circular, hollow, wooden pan.' The operation has an established religious procedure which must be followed if one wishes to be successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows: The gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manobo pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the miners upon arrival at themining ground turns loose a white fowl and kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1 ku-len-tds-on 2 for two packages. Noise and merriment are interdicted during the mining operations as being displeasing to the gold spirit, but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations of rice are made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold to be found. I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tago River, on the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera. PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures out of nito or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the lot of the women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the making of fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male occupation. The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of the tabontdbon fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost perfectly water-tight. Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility on long voyages are of the open wickerwork description. I know of only two Man6bo blacksmiths in the whole of Man6boland. They learned the trade from Bislyas and produce bolos much like the Bisaya or Bohol type seen in the Aguisan Valley. Here and there one meets a Man6bo who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or to make a crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manobo knows nothing of steel or iron work. As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he can do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs, baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter. FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES Abakd fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk. The women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling. Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of which is a top-shaped piece of the same material I Bi-ling-an. 2 Ku-len-td-on are said to weigh one-half of the gold piece that was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in pre-American days, and which was valued at 121 cents United States currency. ACEMY Op SCIENCES] INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES 97 which serves to sustain the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn is spun for the requirements of the spinner. The dyeing process consists in boiling the abakd yarn with finely chopped pieces of various woods.3 In order to produce a permanent dye, the process of boiling must be repeated more than once with new dyeing material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly always of small earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted by culinary operations, it is obvious that the process is an inordinately slow and unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to produce a fast red dye on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the boiling occupies the better part of two weeks. Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported cotton must be obtained through Christian or Christianized intermediaries. The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of two internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front part. The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo and between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of the posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther away from the weaver is a hardwood rood, as wide as the weft, around which are single loops of abakcd or other fiber. Through these loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when the batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they have been driven by the batten. The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat, polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric is finished. The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing. In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are folded up around the beam. The products of the Manobo loom are not as numerous and artistic as those of the MandAyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of abakd fiber and having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of abakd having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight weft stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material, but so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a cloth for trousers made out of an abakd warp and a native cotton woof. In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and beautiful effects produced by the MandAyas on abakd cloth. The Manobo woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are obtained. 3 Si-kd-lig root for red effects, pieces of kanai-yum tree for black and pieces of du.au for yellow effects. 67173~-31 8 98 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the weaver. POTTERY The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen pots out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new pot is an ordinary occurrence. The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by its incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of rattan when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running around the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to provide the pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay. TAILORING AND MAT MAKING Tailoring is such a simple affair in Man6boland that it hardly deserves mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American make is not to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye made in it. With the simple utensil and with a thread of abakd fiber, the garment is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch. When imported cotton is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with either a continuous fringe of cotton in alternate colors or with neat wavy stitches, all of which serve both to conceal the seams and to embellish the garment. In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle which forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the sleeves remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous clippings. All cutting is done with a bolo.4 Mats and bags are made out of pandanus. The same methods so commonly used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the Manobos. In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the method of embroidery and to the various designs in common use. PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE CHAPTER XIII DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE Manobo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection, and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mafggufagan warrior chief was captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the captor's enemies. The captor was a Man6boMafigguanigan of the upper Agusan. SELECTION OF THE BRIDE In the selection of his future wife, the Man6bo consults his own tastes as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the opinion of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look to the advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of the tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor, and where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen for him. COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the girl's house, observe her general character and especially her diligence, find out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her father and relatives, and report to his people. No communication of any kind takes place between him and his prospective wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply bids him see her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agusan Manbbos where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by her to her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order with a fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to have met his death at the hand of a Manobo for a mistake of this kind many years ago. In deepest Man6boland, when the offense passes, however slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare. BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of daily life-it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of a polecat in the snares 1-the prologue begins. This lasts from one to two days, including often the better part of the nights. Each of the visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a significant haw and cough, in good Man6bo style a series of periphrastic platitudes and examples that apparently give no clue to the object of their visit. The owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl quickly understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent air. The visitor who has taken up the discourse Litag. 99 100 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMORS NAIONAL continues, with never a care for the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or the yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and listen, for they have come with an object in view-to beg for the hand of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble and submissive "ho" and "ha," "bai da man" (yes, indeed), and so forth. He strains and racks his brains to think of every imaginable reason against the marriage, and finally, after he has exhausted every resource, he bids his visitors go home and come back on such a day, because he has to consult his relatives; but he can not get them to stir until he gives them a counterpresent, which he claims is of much more value than their present to him. On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the same house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within reach, each one carrying his present. Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same tactics pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their fatted pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his relatives to partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of persuasion will induce them-they have eaten already-they are all sick-they do not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being against all the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections the visitors by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all the while trying to put the other people into good humor and soften their hearts. But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and all this while the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor, surrounded by rice in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few of the visitors again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of the grass or underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents. The arrival of the presents is a grand moment for the father and relatives of the young man. Even the future bride, who up to this time has coyly hidden away in a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at the display of spears, bolos, daggers, plates, and jars. Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow at parting with them. "But, " he goes on to say, "it matters not, provided that you see our good will and will join us in this banquet." Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the order of their standing the array of presents, after which all squat down and begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to their friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften and yield. During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain-the other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6. The case of a Man6bo in Pilar, upper Agusan, will illustrate the point. His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the proposal for the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end of 1904 the parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be paid. A few months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and cunning bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the equivalent of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid on a Maiiggufangan settlement on the middle Salug (about April, 1905). The 6 "thirties,"2 or P180, were paid in lances, knives, and other things before the demise of the father toward the latter part of 1905, so that one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last visit to Pilar (February, 1910) the poor fiance was still doing chores around his mother-in-law's house, 2 Kat-lo-.n) meaning 30, is a monetary unit, representing the value of a good slave. NAEMY SCIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS No. 1] 101 and the slave was still unpaid. If he can not procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects, several times the value of the slave. Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of the expected bride-a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the benign influence of "the cup that cheers," he yields, but intimating that his petitioners can never afford the marriage payments.3 He will then probably recount the purchase price of this own wife, always with exaggerations; descant on the qualities of his daughter, her strength, her beauty, her diligence, her probable fecundity; and deplore the grievous loss to be sustained by her departure from her parents' side. Whereupon the visitors respond that they are willing to substitute a number of slaves to make up for the loss of the daughter, but that in any case she will not leave the paternal home and that the bridegroom will take up his residence there and help his father-in-law in all things; and so the matter is discussed and the payment of a certain number of slaves is determined in the following manner: DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male relative of the bridegroom, B. and one female relative of B, who is to be a substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins ens that it is a high price and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor a datu, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never satisfy such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as sickness or debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in resources, asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and tells him to go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation at the top of his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very menacing way. B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over the matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible means to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in securing one or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to get together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and so one fine day they start off to A's for another trial. B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to comply with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most atrocious "oriental diplomacies" that the human mind can concoct. A listens to this prologue, interlarded as it always is with ejaculations of corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an outrage, he will have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter for a bunch of pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and then the owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him. After a few hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make many gifts, he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the letter, the payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece of Chinese cloth, 8 Mandaya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his relatives interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She was midwife at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact with the unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick. Surely she deserves a big payment-1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell bracelets, and a piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims that she nursed the child, the future bride, two months during the illness of its mother, and demands two MandAya skirts. And so the haggling is con3 Abat. 102 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, tinued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects as sparingly as possible, taking care to make presents to the more vehement and unyielding parties on the other side. This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A consents. THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest, for the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house a rattan strip4 to indicate the number of days to elapse before the marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the expected attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful day. The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps, etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the bridegroom's party, the interminable parley 5 is continued. The bride's father and relatives make their last efforts for securing all they can in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain-it was too cheapthink of the price paid for the bride's mother-the expenses incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy-and compare the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps offering betel nut and brew to his new "cofather-in-law"6 and selects a favorable moment to make him a big present, possibly of an old heirloom, a jar, or a venerable old spear, the value of which he estimates at P50, although it may be worth only P8. The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the pig has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves, bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host, in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly pieces falling to the lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices helps to give animation to the occasion. The Man6bo speaks in no angelic whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable. Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo if suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have not ungirded them, they lay their left hands over their portions of rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands to their mouths ram it in with the palms. The two "cofathers-in-law" pay special attention to each other, each trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the other with chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called daiydpan and is universal among the non-Christian tribes of the Agusan Valley. It is a mark of esteem and the highest token of hospitality. A few pieces of fat and bone are scooped. Ba-ln-tuw. Bi-sd. 6 Bd'-i. No. 1 EN] DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS 103 up, dipped in a mixture of red pepper, salt, and water and thrust, nolens volens, into the mouth of the good fellow whom it is desired to honor. And it is not good etiquette to remove it. It must be gorged at once and the fortunate man must proceed to reciprocate in the same way. The brew is distributed in tumblerfuls or in bamboo joints holding about a tumblerful each. To refuse the allotted portion would degrade one in the eyes of everyone, for here it is a sin to be sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony finds no place in a Man6bo dictionary-one is merely full,7 but always ready to go on; friend divides his rice with friend, when he sees that the latter's supply is getting low, and his own is immediately replenished by one of the womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the culinary work. Nor must one finish before anybody else. It is not polite. Nothing must be left on the plate, a fact that each one makes clear by washing the plate clean with water. The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew diminishes. One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other end of the house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to reach the fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted. After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for payment,8 ushered in by many a "ho" and "ha," with another discussion. The tenor of this is that the father of the bridegroom is not as well provided with goods9 as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so, together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value them for less than Pl80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods demanded.10 Where two slaves had been asked he gives two kinds of goods," say a lance and a bolo, whereupon there is invariably a howl of dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things are settled nicely either by granting a few plates or some such thing for a solace, or by playing on the good will or simplicity of the person who objected. The distribution is not completed in one day. Usually about one-third of the entire amount of goods is held over with a view to observing if there is anyone who is not quite pleased with his portion, and also for the purpose of keeping up their hopes. THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins the reciprocatory payment 12 in which the bride's relatives return to those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in value, but approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage portion. As a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set about putting their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be noted that the duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with which the pig is dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a period of seven days, though it may be said that it is generally terminated the second day, at least in the case of less well-to-do Man6bos. The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them. 7 Mahdntoi. 10 By his cofather-in-law and relatives. 8 A-bat. 11 Da-dd-a no bafyo no mdng-gad. 9 Mdng-gad. 12 S,-bak. 104 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NTIONAL A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all available ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth and strips of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,'3 large, white and heavy; bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a comb inlaid with motherof-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of cotton; leglets of plaited jungle fiber-all these constitute her finery. During the process of dressing, the bride's female relatives usually weep, while the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think, of ficticious grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may join. At this juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede and endeavor to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents have been given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment, when the bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her and perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation. This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance and bolo as an offering toone of the family deities. It was done accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the sin 14 by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of all they had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are deprived even of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It may be remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is considered an act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent occurrence. The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but that of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except that the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on the one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment obtainable, while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the price down. Whatever is given in payment is overvalued-it is a keepsake, an heirloom, would never be given away under any other circumstances-in fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other hand everything that is received is depreciated-it is old, or of no use to the receiver. An old trick is to return it, whereupon a little additional gift is made for a consolation. But even then it is never admitted that the gift is received for its intrinsic value, but rather out of good will. MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS THE MARRIAGE RITE We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law warns him to watch for the omen bird. A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of slatted bamboo or of bark. When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from his plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar portion to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to 13 Tak-6-bo (Tridacna gigas). 14 Hegad to saf-ya. This is another instance of that peculiar belief in an atonement rite of which I can give no details. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS No. I] 105 hand behind his back seven times, after which he says in a loud voice: "We are now married; let our fame ascend." 15 The bride imitates him. Whereupon loud howls of assent proclaim the consummation of the marriage contract. The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I seldom witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become rather hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed anything but feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride. Instructions of a kind that would be considered highly indecent, according to our standards of morality, are howled out in the most candid way, so that this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She eats hastily and retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of the house. I have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child. continued to weep during the whole proceeding. The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen. Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses upon a sacred dish.'6 She then sets it upon the head of the bridegroom and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate with her hand. Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from its betel leaf, the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed immediately by the prophylactic rite-the fowl-waving ceremony. The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is not infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is accomplished, however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who occupies night after night the mat between the newly married couple, until such time as she thinks that her ward has become well enough acquainted with her husband so that she will not run away. The go-between returns the following day and claims her guerdon. Several cases passed under my observation, in which the husband was unable to use his marital rights for weeks owing to the timorousness and bashfulness of his youthful spouse. In no case was anything but patience and gentleness displayed by the husband. MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the upper Agilsan where the Man6bo is within the Mandaya culture area. During my last visit to the upper Agufsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910) three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the settlement of one of them. The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of the party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the camote patch, which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the house of its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in company probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene. Probably it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have gone on a hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly sure one or two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make inquiries in an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is confirmed, they thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out in full panoply from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize. By the time the girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the captors have eluded all chance of discovery and the captive has probably resigned herself to her fate, if she had not already consented by connivance. With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when carried out with the connivance of a datu or a warrior chief, it has on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured. The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Man6bo of the Nabuk River, in the upper Aguisan Valley. His son had a few months before my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of a Mafiggufigan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at the time and on hearing that an expedi15 Kandmi no miflo nakalibto ang bdntug ndmi 16 A-pag'-an. 106 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIU tion 1' to recapture the girl or to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I might be allowed to accompany the party. We arrived at the house of the datu and found everything and everybody prepared for war. This datu informed me that he anticipated trouble, as the Mafiggunfigan was of a different breed, being at times altogether unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day nothing occurred, but no one ventured out of the clearing without a strong guard, and during the night the strictest watch was maintained. The datu said that among Man6bos and Mandayas a wife capture was easy of arrangement and was never attended with any trouble, provided they had the wherewithal to pay the marriage price, but that the Mafggunigan was an unruly character and in a fit of rage or drunkenness was liable to commit acts of atrocity even against his nearest relatives. He cited the case of a MafgguAfigan from SMlug who discovered the whereabouts of his son-inlaw and of the captured bride and killed them without further ado. About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the watchers who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest. This report brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells of intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise. About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all sides. When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on the edge of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their weird and wild war whoop,l8 and four warriors, headed by the warrior chief referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war, rushed forward toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying, challenging, and cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large pigs under the house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut down the house posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice I ever heard. At this juncture the datu let down with a long strip of rattan a silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and a silver-sheathed Mandaya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was difficult to follow the tenor of conversation, but I observed that the warrior chief accepted the gift though he did not apparently relax his fury. He jumped around, menacing, and animating his companions to fire the house. The datu kept letting down presents of lances, MandAya cloth, pigs, and other things until everyone of the assailants had received a token of his good will. Their fury very visibly diminished, and the datu was finally able to hold a colloquy with his new cofather-inlaw, in which he persuaded him to come up into the house and hold a conference 19 over the matter. The latter, after numerous reiterations that he would never enter the house except to chop heads off, finally ascended the notched pole, followed by his braves. We of the house retired to the further half, all armed, while the newcomers squatted in that portion of the house near the ladder. Then began the conference which lasted till breakfast was ready. It resembled in all respects the usual marriage haggling, except that the warrior chief asseverated persistently that the act of the datu's son was deception and robbery, and that only blood would atone for it. His companions howled assent and clutching their bolos, half rose as if to begin a massacre. They were invited to sit down and regale themselves, but that only made them howl all the more. Finally the datu ordered out a stack of weapons and other presents, and made another allotment to the visitors, in due proportion to relationship. This had a soothing effect and induced them to drink copious draughts of sugarcane brew, which kept on soothing them more and more as the end of the meal approached. During all this time special attention was paid to the warrior chief, so that before long he was feeling so happy that he ordered his followers to remove all weapons from their persons, and began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat into the mouth of the datu according to the immemorial custom. After the feast I returned to the Agusan but learned later that everything had been settled amicably, the datu having provided a superabundance of wordly effects, in payment for the captured woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece. -~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 7 D kits M n a a tkI s.1 a Jjt a.1 is 17 Duk-i-f~a. (Mandaya, df~k-1ms). 18 Pa-nadjdu.ran. 1o Bisa. ACAEMY O SCIENCE] DOMESTIC LIE AND MARITAL RELATIONS No. 1] DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS 107 PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agdsan, especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more powerful chieftain. I was informed by a bagdni of the upper Salug that it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other powerful men to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship between themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages, however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law. According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere between the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect of these early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of the wife after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous duties that fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution can maintain unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the opinion that the average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of age. POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS It may be said that the Manobo is in practice a monogamist, but polygamy is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases that I have known, by her direction and even according to her selection. She finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number of warrior chiefs, both Manobo and Mandaya, who have as many as four wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little stall 0 and living in perfect peace and happiness with her sister wives. There appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the wish of the first wife being paramount in all things. I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that all tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanao branded the practice as swinish. Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,21 it is not likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a warrior chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong reasons. Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and knowledge go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that would provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement. Among the non-Christianized Manobos I never heard of a case of prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine. Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I know of cases where Man6bo maidens actually recounted to their relatives improper suggestions on the part of Bisiyas, and in every case these relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence. In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives of a certain woman. When, however, the Man6bo is removed from the stern influences of his pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a study of conditions in conquista towns. I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Man6bos but, though the guilty 90 Sin-d-bung. 1 I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not being allowed to marry the man of her choice, took tuble poison and ended her life. _ _ 108 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [VOL. NAIII, wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced. ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic institution which obliges a Manobo to marry within his tribe, but, in practice, such is his custom. The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of the goddesses Inayao and Tagabayao, they result in physical evil to both the parents and the children. The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden: (1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin. (2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to Tagabayao and Inayao have been performed, various omens very carefully taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage. (3) Stepmothers and stepfathers. (4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law. (5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law. (6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the way to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.22 Captives may, however, be married by others than those who captured them. (7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave girl is spoken of as dyo-dyo (no good). Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never without her consent. INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins within the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less, as the matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a marriage is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the marriage, the priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a number of objects to Tagabayao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This presupposes a sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I witnessed, a white pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo valued at P10, a dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were formally consecrated to Tagabayao. The consecration was followed by a sacrifice to Tagabayao, after which the marriage payment was made. Then came a similar series of offerings to Inayao, goddess of the thunderbolt, that she might not harm the newly married. I was told that year after year the newly married cousins had to repeat this ceremony, and thereby keep in Inayao's good graces. Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but is not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious belief as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband to take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of marriages between Man6bos and MangguAnfigans, Manfigguanfigans and Mandayas, and Mandlyas and Manobos, the man almost invariably married a girl belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manobo man to a Mandaya girl, or a Manfigguanfigan man to a Mandaya girl. The reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage price would be forthcoming. Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under my observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children also become the property of the father-in-law. It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is 22 Ma-lf-hi. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS 109 expected, in view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Man6bo pays it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded. Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow does not command so. high a price as a maiden and that she has something to say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be married if a funeral feast 23 for a near relative of the family is still unfulfilled. There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the nearest male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the contrary, a marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed, and this taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is never violated. MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as btudyag (wife) and leaves to her the management of the establishment in everything except such little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife gets the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep mountain sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns with her basket of camotes. In the meantime the husband whittles out his bolo sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a fishing expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in awhile, especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar traps, and they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the news of a wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for perhaps a week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part of the country and he must attend the discussion because there is a relative of his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and plenty of brew. So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back after a week with a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife and tells her all about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments on it, and then goes to get the camotes for dinner, with never a complaint as to her hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the institution of the great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil and slave. I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a case of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked his wrath on his wife. Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manoboland, due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo. The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manobos were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before leaving the upper Agusan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the datu who figured in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in the days of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she revealed to her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender. The warrior chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and located the house of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I visited the latter's house a few days after and found it in a state of defense, a large clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees, underbrush, and bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manobo of the Debabdon group who had spent many years under the tuition of the older Christians of the Agusan Valley. Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard of. From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it may be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel. In moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as binotunig, that is, purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Man6bo will tell you, has no tribunal, or tilibund; 24 she was born 23 Ka-ta-pfl-san. So The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take part in the discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish " tribunal," and erected by the Spaniards in the various Christianized settlements for the arbitration of judicial and administrative matters pertaining to the settlement. 110 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN to be the bearer of children and the planter of camotes. She can not carry a shield nor thrust a spear. Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no evidence of the matriarchate system in Man6boland. The husband is the lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency of a definite occasion required it.2 RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course, occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person. Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all who have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really needs either financial or other assistance. The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or in his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired. Is Malifigian of the upper Simfilau, to prevent his wife and children from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them and himself in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related in one of the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made already. CHAPTER XIV DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD DESIRE FOR PROGENY The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a time I have heard the remark made that so and so is a-yo-d-yo-a sorry specimen of humanity-because he had no children. If you ask a Manobo how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not only the number that died, but also the number of times that his wife suffered miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the noxious influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain taboos, or to some other cause. And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest themselves, the husband procures a white or black chicken and after inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of the occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving ceremony1 took place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so the husband told me, because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not because such a ceremony was customary. BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as also on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives. The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer, hold with little variation in every part of the Agusan Valley, and several of them are still adhered to by the Bisiyas of that region.2 The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one of sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial, in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manobo man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed. These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces her condition until the end of that trying period that follows conception. TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND 1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and haggling. 2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig. 3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making of canoes, or erection of house posts. 4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as tying or splicing. 5. He must in no case use resin 3 for the purpose of sticking handles or shafts on weapons. I K4i-yab to md-nuk. I find that some of these taboos are observed by the uneducated TagAlogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayabas Province. 3 Sdi-yung or saung. 111 112 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [VOL. ^XIIIL TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE 1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head. 2. She must not sit on a corer of the hearth frame. 3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered. 4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that seems to depend, according to my observation, on.individual whim. Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost fastidious in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to. No general rule can be given, but her general preference is for vegetable food, especially the core of the various wild palm trees,4 plantains, and when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid fruits, such as the various species of lemons or the fruits of rattan vines, seem to be her special predilection. TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE 1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an opening in the walls of the house. 2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them, but by a third party. 3. They must not return after having once started to descend the house ladder until they have reached the ground. 4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to impede free entrance or exit. 5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled or dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due comeliness. I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark from the more-ugly-looking firewood. TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and fourth taboos mentioned under the last section.5 ABORTION Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means, natural, magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the babe. Abortion, however, occurs. ARTIFICIAL ABORTION Artifical abortion is unknown among the pagan Manobos, but the Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,6 the core of a wild palm,7 the sap of black dyewood,8 and the juice of mint.9 I was told that these are very effective and, as a rule, not attended with evil consequences to the health of the woman. INVOLUNTARY ABORTION Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence. It would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained. The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the upper Agusan, 6-bui. 5 The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of the house is observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo that forbids quarreling. o Si-kd-lig. Called bdlg-a. T Td.gum. La-bw&-na. No.Y SCIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD 113 the Man6bo follows a MandAya custom by erecting over the grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older person. THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION THE MIDWIFE 10 About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the quickening impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and undergoes almost daily at her hands a massage, without which it is thought she would be in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could learn, the method followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical position within the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to take place at the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently the most important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not necessarily a priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective mother. She is always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant experience, and "has never lost a case." She is reputed to be versed in many secret medicines and devices necessary for the cure of any ailment proceeding from natural causes and connected with childbirth. I always found the midwife very reluctant to disclose the secrets of her profession. When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once to the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all carefully concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions, but is usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of the female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and none of the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the progress of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the neighboring houses. The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery. As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery. PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS11 During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery: 1. A piece of rattan 12 is taken by one of the women present and, after being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the midwife and held close to the person 13 of the parturient. With her hands the midwife then wafts the smoke over the patient, muttering at the same time a formula. The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was the following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with which the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound round and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to the removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in order that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone. During the burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy rattan but to come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal tenement. This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord 14 would be found to have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the child during the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and the danger. 2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder 15 and the subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced in identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to neutralize the evil effects 10 Pa-na-gdm-hon. 1s Vulva. 11 Ta-gi-d-mo. 14 P6-ud. it Ld-guw. 5 Pd-sung. 67173~-31 — 9 114 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEM~oL N.AI that might result from the transgressions, even involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at the door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after having begun his descent down the house pole or ladder. 3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a portion of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a fumigation of a part of the patient's person. The particular effect of this charm is to counteract the evil influences which might otherwise result to the child from the nonobservance of the various other taboos mentioned previously. 4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because of secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that the leaves 16 used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables during the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured a piece of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I ascertained it to be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to learn the purpose of this charm, the replies being contradictory or variable in different localities. The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various other secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar stone 17 found in the body of an eel. This could not be seen, for it was wrapped in cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering, she would dip this stone in water and rub it over the woman's abdomen. PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered in childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are occasionally met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the matter is said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the usual religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or more priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as the placing of lemon and sasa reed under the house, against the approach of evil spirits. ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until the moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to six hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The umbilical cord is immediately cut with a sliver 18 of bamboo, and the mother is made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for this last practice. The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine sprinkled over its navel.'9 It is then returned to its mother. Should the birth have occurred during the period between new and full moon, it is said that the child will have good luck 20 during life. I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agusan, I verified beyond a doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,21 states that if the child can not be suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled with ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice. The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and may be 33) per cent. The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given for the selection of this particular place, except that "no one passes there." Ir Tfiyus. 17 Mi-ya. 18 Ba-lis. 1' I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used was pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry. 2o Pai-ad. 1 Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus, 8, 1879. CAEMY F SCIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD 115 POSTNATAL CUSTOMS As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain. TABOOS For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from the use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm tree, native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a certain color; in the lake region of the Agdsan Valley it must be either black or white, and the leg must be dark in color. Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom of the locality. After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in order that the little one may have good luck, and also that they themselves may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent spirits that are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth. The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Man6bos there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the midwife, but among the conquistas or Christianized tribes, there prevails the customary price of 3P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones. THE BIRTH CEREMONY 22 When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the two spirit companions 23 that are to accompany it during its earthly pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is their nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction. Manddit, the tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked and appeased with offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions out of the multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These spirits then become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not separate themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some foul demon. These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical appearance like their corporal companion,4 whose every action they are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit down, our spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also prepare themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the mother leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow and to guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation no very definite explanation has so far been given to me. The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the machinations of Mandait, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl, for he. like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good things of this world. The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandait. A tiny canoe, more or less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and skill of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after sunset. The nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a relative, takes the chicken that has already been dedicated 26 to Mand&it, and waves it over the babe and around the house, in order to ward off all such bad influences and harmful spirits as might be flitting around, for in the Man6bo's mind, there are not a few of these demons waiting to devour the expected spirit companions. u Tag-un-fln to bd-ta. sa Umn-agdd, from 4-gad, to accompany. 24 In stature they are described as being somewhat smaller. 2 Sin-ug-bd-han.4 116 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATION The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to Mandait. To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked maize 26 or native rice.27 The priest, on these occasions invariably a woman, goes through her invocations while the offerings are being placed on the ceremonial boat. She burns incense 8 whose fragrance is said to be especially acceptable to Mandait. By the direction of the smoke, she ascertains the position of Mandait and of her own guardian or familiar spirit, and turning to him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state of tremor during which Mandhit is supposed to partake spiritually of the repast set out for him. This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little sugarcane beverage 29 is drunk, if it can be obtained. After the meal, the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of Manobo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo guitar.30 During the course of the night the two souls are supposed to enter into mystic consociation with the babe, and thenceforth to be its companions. The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe, however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended indefinitely. In the lower half of the Aguisan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of the Agusan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to Mandait instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the ritual is identical. THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that seems to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of some famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manbbo but at other times it may depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of Manobos who bore the names Batgio (typhoon), Linug (earthquake), Badau (dagger), Bihag (captive), Afiglafig (slave), Ka-ug (maggot). The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with the greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very youngest days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A hammock made out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by a string from a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided for his resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and the usual little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and to put him to sleep. When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest in most cases. As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is able to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any other male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often carrying the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too heavy for his tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency sent out to do little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel leaf or some firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent for a little water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has most of his time to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his little brothers and cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few hours a day in the water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching frogs and other edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a diminutive bow and ply his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky lizard or other living thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows, or other bold marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in the rude watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows moving, or by shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests. 2 Bad-bud. 29 In-tus. s2 Ba-kf. 80 Tan-ko. 8s Pa-lf-na, the gum of the ma-gu-bdi tree. NACo, OF CIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD 117 He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take a drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little fullfledged man with his teeth blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side. He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the boy grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is tatooed and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe. It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the average Manobo who has not come in contact with civilization would not know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed some Manobos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood. All the schooling which the Manobo boy gets is from the forest and the streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods. As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a man, he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age has been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much independence as his father, but will obey any behest without understanding the propriety or the necessity of complying. As a general rule, filial relations are most cordial, and great respect is entertained for both parents, but it may be said that male children respect and love the father, while girls love their mother. BIRTH ANOMALIES MONSTROSITIES Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a child with an abnormally large head.3' Idiocy also is very uncommon, only one case having come under my observation. ALBINISM Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon sire. Among the Mandayas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandayas. No explanation was obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one. HERMAPHRODITISM Hermaphrodites,32 in a secondary sense, are found occasionally. I am personally acquainted with five. In every case they were womanly in their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other occupations of women, and frequenting the company of women more than that of men. In one case at San Isidro, Simulao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In another case a Mandiya hermaphrodite of the Baklug River, a few miles south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on this point at a future date. On the Lamifnga River, a tributary of the Kasiluian River, there lived a woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her voice was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She constantly carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor, such as building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She had never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage. 81 Bgsa, Simfilao River, middle Agfisan. a2 Bdn-tut (Mandaya bi-d6). CHAPTER XV DOMESTIC LIFE-MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH MEDICINE AND DISEASE The subject of Man6bo medicine may be divided into three parts, according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be described as natural, magic, and religious. NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Man6bo. The following are the more common forms of sickness: Fever,1 tuberculosis,2 pain in the diaphragm,3 pains in the stomach and abdomen,4 pains in the chest,6 pain in the head,6 colds,7 chronic cough (probably bronchitis),8 pernicious malaria,9 ordinary malaria or chills and fever,10 cutaneous diseases,1l intestinal worms,12 and some few others. The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen. For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco pipe are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut is used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For other pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or faith of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall of a certain snake 13 is said to be efficacious. It is mixed with a little water and applied externally, or it may be taken internally, provided it be mixed with a little powder from a piece of pulverized plate.14 The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the manumbd tree are considered medicinal in some cases. The root of a tree called lu-na, when left to steep in water, is said to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of the sd-i grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to be a prophylactic against stomach troubles. No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manobos' suspicions of European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of "Physician, heal thyself," and takes the first dose. In any case it is not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should any change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking the foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual caliber, and say, as he probably would, "Post hoc, ergo propter hoc," and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected. On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child that was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father, who had requested me to give the child some i Hifg-yau. s ug-pa. a Ka-bti-hi, or gi-hib, probably a reversal of the diaphragm. 4 Pus-on and god-k. a Dagd-ha. 6 6-yo. 7 U-b6. 8 P.-mo., PMpi-. Po 6-yud. 11 Kd-do. 1" B-tuk. 12 Ba-ku-sdn. The gall of this snake is reported as being a panacea used by the Mamanuas. 14 Pf1gan, an imported plate of very inferior make. 118 DOMESTIC LIFE: MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH 119 medicine, through the medium of a MafngguAfigan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and about two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a reciprocatory gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The chicken and the beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my servants drinking about half a glass of the liquor. The following morning at about 4 o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The servants were called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and one of them suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of ipecacuanha saved our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look for the bearer of the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone to his forest home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he was an expert in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the liquor was probably the root of the tuzbli vine that is also used for poisoning fish. Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the magubdi tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites, is considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result. In fine, it may be said that the Manobos' knowledge of medicinal plants is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as soon as he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the worse the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and corresponding remedies are resorted to. On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected, but this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, display the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with an abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This also may account for the high death rate among children. MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM It is a common thing to hear that a kcometdn was the cause of a person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agusan near Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head, and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death, had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering disease shortly afterwards and finally died. The belief in the kometdn or secret means of superinducing sickness is widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on the subject because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is acquainted with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless it be a person so far away that there is no danger of future complications by reason of the imputation. THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW " KOMETAN 1. The fine flossy spicule of a species of bamboo'5 placed in the food or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering sickness that ends in death. 2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food, even into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a more expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months. 3. Another reported kometdn consists of the blood of a woman dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed with human hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a slow lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after death the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils. 4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is said to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known only to a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret composition was acquired from Bisdyas.16 1a Cara bojo, or bamboo of the genus Schizostachyum. Is It is called pa-dgai. 120 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MMOIRS NTIONAL It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with antidotes 17 against the kometdn. In fact, several assured me that they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter into any details. I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs and water sold for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the particular species of kometdn, which, on being placed in the path, would affect the one for whom it was intended when he passed the spot. A piece of lodestone,18 or even an ordinary toy magnet, is thought, in certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers kinds of evil charms. OTHER MAGIC MEANS I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an aphrodisiac 19 which is said to consist of wax made by a small insect called ki-ut, and of the ashes of various trees. The secret of compounding it is known to very few. There is a persistent rumor that this was first learned from the Mamaanuas,20 who are supposed to be very proficient in the making and use of it even to this day. If a little of the composition is put on the dress of a woman, or, better still, if a little packet of it is attached to her girdle charms she will become attached to the man who placed it there and will aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit for her hand. There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike between those who had formerly been friends. Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and plants,21 and animals and fishes such as the monkey and eel. Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called panddug, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat another. There is a bezoar stone from the banti tree that gets its owner to a place more quickly than his rival. BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical spirit.-When a malady is of such a nature that it can not be diagnosed, or of so serious a character that fear is entertained for the recovery of the patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil spirits, and supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the captured soul from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest intercedes with his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by offerings and promises, to rescue the captive. If the ailment is attributed to the war divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the officiant and, after appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering, secures the release of the unfortunate soul. Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons.-Epidemics of cholera and smallpox are thought to be due directly to evil spirits who bring the diseases from their faraway sea haunts. It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasiliian River district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamifiga River gave out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said of Mount Mag-diudta by the Sdlibao people. Be that as it may, those who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of contagion into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the mountains, and do not return until they feel assured that all danger is past. I was a personal witness of this among the upper Agusan Manobos, where I found a settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a contagious disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few miles away from all water.22 17 Sum-pa. 1s Bd-to bd-ni. 19 Called hu-pai. 2 It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern MindanAo attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have been informed that both Mamanuas and Mafigguafigans are more expert in the manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes. s1 Such as the a-ns-laag, the t^-ba, the tub-li. n The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a tree known as ba-si-kung. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] DOMESTIC LIFE: MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH 121 The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during epidemics is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea demons when they come upon their work of destruction. There were never wanting some in each settlement who had seen these demons under some monstrous form or other. Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases.-Besides such offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there is a special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed. A raftlet 23 is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same material raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is adorned with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a young pig or a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed various other offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the bounty and good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is ready, it is taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the hour when the mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march. Here the priest makes an address to the demon of the epidemic, descanting on the value of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at that particular time, the reasons for mutual friendship between him (the demon) and the settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these tokens of good will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself, though never mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take passage upon the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft is then launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the current. No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course, for it has become foul by contact with its pestilential owners.24 SICKNESS AND DEATH THE THEORY OF DEATH Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has met his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to the maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be relentless, insatiable demons "seeking whom they may devour." In some mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul, and ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their whims, when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous explanations given to me throughout the Aguisan Valley, I have never been able to satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place, and manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place. Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing vengence upon their heads. They are said to make use of an espiho 25 to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and of the captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty encounter between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by the priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to the home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song before its return to its earthly companion. FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the person of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features of Man6bo culture. In the death chamber and hoveru' Gd-kit. a4 Bisayas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls and pigs thus found floating to doom. u This es-pi-ho (from Spanish espejo, a looking-glass) is some kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects can be described at the farther extremi ties of the firmament. No lurking place is so remote or so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous power. 122 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, ing around the resting place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence 26 by the infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction to the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk to the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim. Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast, avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in important undertakings-these and a thousand and one other things-are attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. "You have been affected by an umagad, "27 is a common saying to express the peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the living. To avert this unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil consequences of it, it is not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory offerings made to the departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and other things. In one instance the father of a child that had died, presumptively from eating new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence from that article for a period of several months. As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the unwillingness of the Man6bo to use anything that belonged to the dead, such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons and other heirlooms,28 all of which have been consecrated and are supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death. Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken of by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful effects.29 Hence they are carefully removed to the outside of the house after the departed visitor is supposed to have regaled himself. This applies to betelnut offerings, and to such offerings as chickens and pigs that in cases of unusual pestering on the part of the dead may be set out with a view to propitiating them. One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of lemons, pieces of the sa-sd reed, and other things, said to be feared by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence, during the average "wake" the womenfolk huddle around the priestesses with many a startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male priest take up his stand at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch such spirits as might dare to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and gongs are beaten throughout the night, not merely as a distraction for their grief but as a menace to the everpresent demons. An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agusan, is reported to have wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a death. I was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory lance after each encounter. Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as sa-sd reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath the floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul. For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some baneful influence 30 into the plates from below. After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and X Bd-ho. 7v Inum-a-gdd ka. 28 An-ka. 29 Ka-dfl-t. 10 This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisayas of eastern Mindanao and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low table used by them. ANAD1EMYo SCIENCES DOMESTIC LIFE: MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH 123 children, nor in the case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the deceased. Father Pastells in one of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus" cites an incident that happened to him in the house of Seldngan on the upper SAlug in the year 1878. It seems that one of Pastells' followers died and that Selungan desired to collect the value of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually collected. I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tago, who would pay for the house in the case of my death. INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of grief. In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell down on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her head against the palma brava slats until she rendered herself unconscious. Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the corpse of her deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out into loud imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for their ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the clutches of its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do with them, and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and destroy the foul spirits that deprived her of her husband. In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was the ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the Manobo. On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to which the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo, started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son, after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance, declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives. The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was explained to me by Lino of the upper Salug, probably the greatest warrior of eastern Mindanao, in the following manner: "After the decease of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done with frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow, so, if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow of our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph." This statement of Lino may explain the origin of the taboo that is observed throughout the AguIsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at ashort distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15. PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the deceased is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being shown, and it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No personal ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms and talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The corpse is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in the rude coffin. There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the deceased used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo, however, was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among the mountain Man6bos there exists the custom of winding strands of colored cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after death. I witnessed this in the upper Agusan, and, in answer to my inquiry, was informed that such was the custom of the AgusAnon people. 124 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,31 and provided with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently has a few ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where European cloth is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping. The corpse is wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being placed upon a rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with rattan and is not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently lemons, sd-i grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed on or near it with a view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the dead. It is probable, however, that they are thought to have magic or other virtues. They certainly are objects of fear to the death demons. The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to fall on the corpse. Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar proceeding which I observed on one occasion.32 Before the corpse had been placed in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a dog, placed it transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few seconds. I was told that the object of the action was to remove the dog's bad luck 33 by putting him in the above-mentioned position, as he had for some time been rather unlucky in the chase. This proceeding was verified by subsequent inquiries in other settlements, and the custom and its explanation were found to be identical with the above mentioned. THE FUNERAL As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless the death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in. When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the deceased. The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the coffin, beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will to the living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary feast 34 will be prepared with all possible speed. The deceased is addressed, usually by several relatives and friends who wish him well in his new home and repeat the invitation to come to the death feast and bring grandfather and grandmother and all other relatives that had preceded him to the land of Ibu. Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several, accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others provided with sa-sd reed in anticipation of wounding some overbold spirits. I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral, thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most unlucky. I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting themselves to making the customary roof 3 31 A-yu-yao, said to be very durable, being found in perfect preservation after two years; kibidid or iang-ilang are also used. 2 San Luis, 1906. u Pd-yad. 4 Ka-ta pfis-an. " Bin-af-iu. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] DOMESTIC LIFE: MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH 125 No. 1] 125 to be placed over the grave, while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected around the burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence, and a fire is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When all is ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all haste. Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the corpse, that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women with their feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four supports about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present, sometimes a priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon the grave. Then an earthen pot 36 with its collation of boiled rice 37 and with a hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up under the roof. As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibi. The hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there. There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred jars 38 were also left. I never have been able to get sufficient information as to the exact whereabouts of the old burial grounds. The cave of Tinago near Tagan/an, about 12 miles south of Surigio, is easily accessible. The Bisiyas of the town state that it was a burial place for the ancient Bistyas, but Montano, who procured some skulls from this cave, pronounced it to be a Manobo cemetery. The fact is, however, that up to this day the townspeople repair to the cave on occasions and invoke their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used to go there and burn a candle in order to increase his luck. The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by them on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness. Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life, possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face the foul and insatiate soul ghouls. On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a mixture of water and herbs,39 placed at the door of the house. Each one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing the water on some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted. The explanation afforded me was that the water had a purificatory 40 effect in removing the evil influence to which they had become susceptible by contact with the dead. After the burial, a little repast is set out by way of compensation for those who assisted at the burial, and then begins the time of mourning which ends only with the mortuary feast. CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED (1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives. (2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain confined to the house. (3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their sleeping quarters to another part of the house. (4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives until the death feast has been celebrated. (5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as "my father" or "my cousin" or other relative. This taboo holds indefinitely. (6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days. (7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven days after the decease. 3a K6-don. "9 I was told that u-li-u-li grass is always used as an ingredient. 37 Imported rice can not be used. 40 Pan-di-has. 38 Ba-hdn-di. 126 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND OF A PRIEST As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through the machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious one, and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly, buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony. No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his chief. I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear. The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also Mandalangan or Mandayangan, the great ancestral hero of Manoboland. The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Thgo River, in the eastern part on Mindanho, that a certain Onkui, an acquaintance of mine, had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawan River. There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny demons is exhibited by the mourners. THE AFTER WORLD The land of Ibui is described as being somewhere down below the pillars of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this world of ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are seen in the Agusan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world and the big country of Ibu, mistress of the lower world, is a large river described to me as being as big as the Agusan, but with red water. Here lives Manduyapit, the ferryman. From Manduyapit's to Ibui's is said to be a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans, Spaniards, and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manobo's trail because each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibu is said to be divided into districts, one for each nation. Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that it is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibiui's. One week's travel brings it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by Manduyapit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at Ibui's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyapit, for one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one the reason for its failure to pass the great red river. If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the fatigues of the 14 days' journey. IbA's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is it a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the present life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. 'The spirits of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house and pass a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibui. There they eat, work, and even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities with whom they can commune, they pay a brief ANoEY F SCIENCE1 DOMESTIC LIFE: MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH No. 11MEIIEANDAT 127 visit to the home of their living relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibdi as fleetly as they came. THE DEATH FEAST 41 The death feast is the most important of all Manobo feasts, for it marks the ending of all relations between the living and their departed relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a well-to-do Manobo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones. The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable, bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased. The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience, are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land of Ibu, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until that time. " You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast be a token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the realms of Ibu." Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse consisting of exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction, that lasts several hours. Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an image suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to approach and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice mannikin around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is being done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands, after their long journey from Ibuland. During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands, with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air, retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry elicited no further information than that it was the custom. Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations between them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they have no more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they are not invited to the feast. 41 Ka-ta-.pt-san, meaning end, termination. 128 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and, finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.42 The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and others versed in chronicles of Manoboland. If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange waywardness of the envious dead. 42 An instance of a killing had taken place a short time before my visit in 1909 to the Man6bos of the Binudngngaan River, upper Agdsan. CHAPTER XVI SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC THE DRUM The drum is the instrument of universal use in Man6boland. Wherever one travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It is made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It is ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter. The top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of deerskin,1 from which the fur has been scraped, a little fringe of it, however, being left around the edges to prevent the hide from slipping when stretched. The stretching is effected by means of rattan rings or girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large enough to fit the cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece of wood forces these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby stretching the heads perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper tone. After a certain amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready for use. No attempts at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the hide being left protruding in an ungainly way. The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends. The left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass. The drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood, preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Man6bo men, women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20 to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as the versification just referred to. As the nomenclature 2 used in speaking of the tunes indicates, the various forms of drum music are based on imitations of animals and birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war roll signaling for help. To one who hears Manobo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agusan on a calm night, the Man6bo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener. THE GONG The gong3 is of the small imported type and is purchased from BisAya traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental triangular figures on the front, the Man6bo is taught to value them at as many pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that cost originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos. 1 Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare instances, and I have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very fine drumhead. 9 The following are some of the names of drum-tunes: Sin-ak-ai-sd-kai (significant of the movement of a raft or canoe); kum-bd-kum-bd to u-sd (imitative of the sporting of a deer); kin-am-pi-ldn (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro weapon called kampilan); Min-an-dd-ya, an adaptation from the Mandayas; bo-tufig-b6-tufig, ka-ta-hud-dn, ya-mt-yd-mut, pa-di-dit, pin-dn-dan, pa-tug-da-duk ti-bafig, min-afig-gu-dfig-an, tin-nm-pif ma-saSfg-au-it, to-mdn-do, in-dg-kui, pa-di-au, bin-dg-bad, pai-4m-bug, pa-dag-kug, tum-bd-lig, mafig-dd. 8 A-guig, 67173~-31 10 129 130 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum. Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to heighten the animation of the dance. Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are used in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his house. FLUTES The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a visitor. The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy, resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt endings. Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a knowledge of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and who is glad to display his skill. The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals' cries 4 and seem to be the product of each. Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes. The paundag flute.6-The paundag is the commonest form. The joints of the bamboo are cut off and the circumference of the resulting internode is measured accurately with a piece of abakad or other fiber. With this for a measure, 16 marks or rings are cut on the segment and at each end beyond the first and last mark, a distance equal to one-half the circumference is marked off, the remainder of the segment being then cut off square at each end. At the eighth mark a hole about 8 millimeters in diameter is cut or burned in the bamboo. The same is done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth, eleventh, twelfth, and fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then cut in much the same shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a segment of bamboo about 1 meter long, is ready for use. While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with the one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being uncovered. The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible, as a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone about two octaves. The to-di flute.-The to-dli is an abbreviated form of the flute just described and is made in a similar way, except that only 10 divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the fifth and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth openings, respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute is played like the paundag flute, except that the thumb and middle fingers of the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings, respectively, while the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control the seventh and eighth openings. In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous one but in other respects the music is similar. The ldni6t? flute.6-A flute known as ldntut is in existence, but I am not acquainted with the details of it. The sd-bai flute.-The sd-bai flute differs from the three already mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of the bamboo is cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off, beginning at the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that is, the point), The more common pieces are: Sin -gdu to bu-d-da (the roaring of the crocodile), bu-a-bM-a to d-mo (the monkey scare), and the din-a-go-yu-dn. Called also pan-dag. Call ed also ydntui. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS 131 fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes being added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as not to cover completely the opening at that point. The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last mentioned and striking the edge of the aperture that it partially covers. When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at divisions Nos. 5, 5S', and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third fingers, respectively, of the right hand. In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the quality of the music it in no wise differs from them. GUITARS The vine-string guitar.-There are two kinds of vine-string guitars, differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a description of the smaller one 7 will answer for the larger.8 It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.9 The combined neck and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box are of one piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood with a lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy on the bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely carved into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name indicates,10 and two holes are pierced in it for the insertion of the tuning pegs. Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little wooden frets, fastened to the finger board with beeswax. I can give no information as to the rule by which the interfret distances are determined. The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small vine n1 and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as catgut. Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one continuous piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance of the favorite fowl head. The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or wood.12 The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the performer.13 There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not played by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The performer takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the semidarkness plays his rude, melancholy tune. The bamboo string guitar.'14-The bamboo guitar is made of an internode of one of the larger varieties of bamboo.'5 Five small cylindrical strips are cut along the surface and small wedges of wood are inserted under them at the ends to stretch them and retain them in an elevated position. These strips extend from joint to joint. There are usually two bass strings on one side and three treble strings on the other. Between these treble bass strings is a longitudinal slit in the bamboo joint intended to increase the resonance of the instrument. The strings are at intervals of about 3 centimeters. Two holes are made in the joint walls, the purpose of which is to increase the volume of sound. 7 Kud-lung. e Bin-i-jd-an. 9 Ordinarily the bdn-ti or the sa-gu-bdd-bad wood is used. 10 AMin-an-4k, from manuk, a fowl. 11 Bis-lig. 12 As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can give no information. The matter requires further study. 13 The following are the names of some of the melodies: Di-u-wd-ta ko (Oh, my familiar spirit), a-ydu-u-ydu-d (don't, oh, don't), to-1t4g- (the sky), i-ka-nuSig-ud, ta-ta-lU-buiig, pan-in-6-ug, mi-a-pi tin-ig-bds-ai, du-yug-dd-yug, ta-ga-lin-dug, tiilg-ga-s6u, ma-.-rgud, pa-md-bd to ba-ku-ta, da-gi-tan. I4 Tan-ko. " Pa-turig, da-nu-dn, kai-yau-an. 132 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [AEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory nor the practice of tuning this guitar. While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three treble strings are controlled by the other hand. The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is indescribable. One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to appreciate its fantastic melodies. Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to think, for religious motives. During the famous tunigud'6 movement (1908-1910) it was used universally in the religious houses, but I was unable to obtain definite information as to its sacred character. In the postnatal ceremony that has been described under "Birth" I observed the use of the instrument on several occasions, but could obtain no further information except that the strains of this primitive guitar are pleasing to Mandait, the tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits further investigation.'7 The takiUmbo.-Though classed here as guitar, the takuimbo hardly deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has one joint wall opened. At the other end beyond the second joint it is so cut as to resemble a miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about 4 centimeters apart, and held in an elevated position and at their requisite tension by little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the strings. A lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings increases the resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings with little sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one time. The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very faint and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic occurrence. The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to confirm my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The carving is supposed to represent the mouth of a crocodile.18 I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the immolation to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other illnesses as are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the instrument is set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being upward, and that a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as if it were a little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never witnessed the ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not prepared to give credence to the above story till further investigation corroborates it. THE VIOLIN 19 I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries substantiate the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut shell with the husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the form of a defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several threads of abakcd fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings of the violin are two in number and are made of abakcd fiber. The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its use.20 THE JEW'S-HARP 21 Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manoboland, is a species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26 centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters longiscut. The tongueremainsattached at one end, the tip of it being toward the middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there U A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread itself all over the southeastern quarter of Mindanao. (See Chapter XXIX.) 17 The followirg are the names of some of the tunes played on the above guitar: ma-s-gud, tarm-bid, gam-a-gqd-mau, pa-ma-yd-ba, tig-ba-bau. 18 This figure is called bin-u-d-da, or bin-u-wd-ya from bu-d-ya, crocodile. 19K6gut.. 0o The names of some of the tunes played are: Pan-un-gd-kit, lin-ig-tui ka-bu-ka, ba-yp-bas, pan-ig-d-bon to ka-bf. n Kubifig. ACAMY OF SCIENCES] SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS 133 is a small cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room for the tongue of the harp to move while being played. The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud nor so harmonious. THE STAMPER AND THE HORN 22 OF BAMBOO On the upper Agusan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They consist of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are stamped on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance, the open end being held up. The use of these stampers by Man6bos is rare, the custom being confined almost exclusively to Maiigguangans of the upper Agusan and upper Salug Valleys. Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is the bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of an internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance on the first human being he met. SOUNDERS A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed Man6bo-Mafigguafigans of the upper Agusan, consists in beating on the butresses 23 of trees. It is surprising how far the resultant sound travels in the silence and solitude of the forest. In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to mention the bamboo sounders 24 attached to looms. They are internodes of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal slit extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes the yarn beam of the loom. These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard for several hundred meters. When the Manobo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention to her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in an upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles the volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that she would be an industrious wife. VOCAL MUSIC Singing is as common among the Man6bos as among their countrymen of the Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium through which the priests address their deities. TIE LANGUAGE OF SONG The language used in singing is so different from the common vernacular that Bisiyas and Christianized Man6bos who speak and understand perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the language of song unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me and found the song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies also to the song-dialect of MafigguAfigans, Debabaons and Mandayas. 22 Tam-bg-li. 23 Da-lid. 24 Ka-g:i. 134 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMLoRS AINS As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a " beauteous hill" a "fair mount," a "lovely eminence," a "beautiful elevation," all depending on the facility with which the maker 25 can use the language. This feature of the song serves to explain its inordinate length, for a song may occupy the greater part of a night, apparently without tiring the audience by its verbose periphrases and its exuberant figures. THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and verses. THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it is a declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung, the abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave remind one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently ascends to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from three to six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains playing around three or four consecutive semitones. There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed, the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are the rule. The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject of the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness, rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When, however, the subject of the song requires anything of the spiritoso or veloce, the strain is sung with verve and even furore. It seems to be good etiquette to cover the mouth with the hand when the singer, desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises to his highest natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening prolonged yell. CEREMONIAL SONGS26 Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and other occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs. They are supposed to be taught by a special divinity.27 The remarks that apply to music and singing in general apply to these religious songs. The only difference is that sacred singing is the medium by which the spirits are invoked, supplicated, and propitiated, and by which the doings of the supernatural world are communicated to Manobodom. These ceremonial chants are performed not only during religious celebrations but more commonly at night. The greater part of the night is often worn away with a protracted diffuse narration in which is described, with grandiloquent circumlocution and copious imagery, the doings of the unseen world. DANCING The Man6bo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses in Manoboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer. This may be done out of respect also. Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting season that they are given with greatest frequency. a smith or maker. 26 Tt~2d-m 27TutudOmo-n du-m-a 26 Pdn-d'u-'t a Smith or makter. 25 TUid-um. 27 Tu-tu-du-mon no diu-wd-ta. ACAMY O SCIENCES] SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS 135 THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an occasion of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and children, one at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons dance simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing of a woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for the practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array the dancer in all the available wealth of Man6bolandwaist jacket, hat, necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the person during dancing. The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agdsan bamboo stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mafiggufnigan custom, to impart more animation to the dance. The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant scream of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included under that term. The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that described under "the drum" at the beginning of this chapter. It corresponds somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although the movements of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance. The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather than the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers tried before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing. This is an indication of the excellent ear which the Manobo has developed for this apparently rude and primitive form of music. The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men; they make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other respects the dancing of the men and women is identical. The step may be called dactyllic 28 in that a long or accented beat is struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two quick short steps are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring intervals by omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or dramatic dances when the dancer desires to return to the center or to execute some extra evolution. To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of the dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body. 28 A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification. 136 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation. The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes. For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and exhortation from the encircling spectators. One who has witnessed a Manobo dance at night by the flare of fire and torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness are the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing, retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation, encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the rejoicing and to add 6clat to the celebration. THE RELIGIOUS DANCE Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is performed exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior chiefs of the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on the ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the case of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests. The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in the hands, palm fronds29 are used, one in each hand. The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and the step and movements are identical except that the dance is more moderate, there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As it is usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor, so that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to attend to such matters. The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the ceremony.30 MIMETIC DANCES Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing except that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by postures, and by mimicry of some feature of Man6bo life. So far as I know these dances are never performed by women. Mimetic dances are very popular in Manoboland, and visitors whom it is desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their part, to a series of these performances. They often contain an element of what we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manobo they merely represent ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic dances which I have witnessed. 29 Ma-ytn-hau. 30 See Chapter XXVI. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS 137 The bathing dance.-The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the ordinary style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he intimates the picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this on his shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby that he is a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a bath. All this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in perfect time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward glance to see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the dancing place which evidently represents the stream for he goes through a pantomimic drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward glances, divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing operations. He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed appearance of a person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to resume his skirt. The operation of washing the hair and other parts of the body are portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are also the resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo tubeful of water. The dagger or sword dance.-This dance is performed only by men, two of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in portraying a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the Mandaya dagger, as on the upper Agusan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in the central and lower Agusan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, foils, advances, and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are depicted just as if a real encounter were taking place. Tlie apian dance.-This is a dramatic representation of the robbing of a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the formation of them into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent of the tree, are all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the pantomine is the apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes, especially on certain parts of his body.31 This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from the spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic representation of the avid consumption of the honey and beebread. The depilation dance.-This is an illustration, by dancing movements, of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region. The dancer, indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being seen, simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby inflicted he manifests by the most comic contortions of his face.32 The sexual dance.-This is a dramatic representation of sexual intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous, stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness nor delicacy are exhibited by the female spectators.33 The war dance.-The war dance is performed outside of the house on the ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The dancer is attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is armed with lance, war bolo, and shield. The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm executed on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description. Suffice it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two expert players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet moving with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the rhythm which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The movement of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a turkey cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also similar to that of a game-cock before a fight. As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and hand-to-hand fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield. They gaze 31 The pubic region is referred to. 32 Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in dancing, I do not know positively that it takes place in reality. 833 I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen and a rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance. 138 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side, constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid roll of the drum. The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the extreme exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and endurance. CHAPTER XVII POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL CLANS TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM Manoboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been formed by non-Christian Manobos in the vicinity of Christian 'settlements and usually situated at the head of navigation on the tributaries of the Agdsan, is divided intodistricts, well defined, and, in case of hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These territorial divisions vary in extent from a few square miles to immense tracts of forest and are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by mountains and other natural landmarks. Each of these districts is occupied by a clan that consists of a nominal superior with his family, sons-in-law, and such other of his relatives as may have decided to live within the district. They may number only 20 souls and again they may reach a few hundred. INTERCLAN RELATIONS In the main it may be said that in time of peace the members of the various clans live on good terms, visiting one another and claiming relationship with one another, but peace inMan6boland was formerly very transitory. A drunken brawl might stir up bad blood and every clan and every individual would make ready for a fight. The Agdsan Valley was styled by Montano, the French traveler, "Le pais de terreur," and from the accounts given to me it must have deserved the name. A perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compaiia de Jesus," which set forth the religious conquest of the Agusan Valley, begun about 1875, will give an idea of the continuous raids and ambuscades that interfered to no inconsiderable extent with the work of Christian conquest undertaken by the missionaries. Upon my arrival in the Agdsan in 1905 such rivers as the Ihawtn, the Baobo, the upper Umafam, the upper Argfwan, and all tributaries of the upper Agulsan, were seldom visited by any but members of the clan to whose territorial jurisdiction these rivers and the adjoining districts belonged. The establishment of a special form of government on the lower and middle Agusan, now known as the subprovince of Butuain, did wonders toward repressing the interclan raids, but on the upper Agusan they continued at least until my departure in 1910, though not to such an extent as in previous years. For example, in February, 1910, the settlements of Dugmdnon and Monceyo were in open hostility. I traveled both by land and water with members of the two unfriendly clans. In traveling by water it was necessary to proceed in midstream with shields protecting the occupants of the canoe against the arrows of their enemies. On the trail it was imperative to travel in bodies with a warrior on each side of the trail to guard against ambush. This feud arose out of a mere bagatelle, followed by the seizure of a pig, and up to the time I left the region had given rise to four deaths. I made every effort to adjudicate the case, but as each clan seemed unwilling to yield, failed to bring the parties together. THE CHIEF AND HIS POWER THE SOURCE OF THE CHIEF'S AUTHORITY It may be said in general that the chief is a man who, by his fluency of speech and by his penetration and sagacity in unraveling the intricate points of a dispute, by his personal prowess, combined with.sagacity and fair dealing, has won influence. Personal prowess appeals to the 139 140. THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMVOL^ TXIII Man6bo, so that in time of hostility the warrior chief is looked up to more than any man who in time of peace might have enjoyed more influence and prestige. It must be borne in mind that the whole political organization of Manoboland, including the system of government, social control, and administration of justice, is essentially patriarchal, so that the chieftainship is really only a nominal one. The very entity of a clan springs from the kinship of its individual members, and, as in a family, the stronger or abler brother might be selected on a given occasion to represent, defend, or otherwise uphold the family, so in a Man6bo clan or sect the stronger or the wiser member is recognized as chief. However, he can not lay claim to any legal authority nor use any coercion unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members of the clan, is approved by public opinion, and is in conformity with customary law and tribal practices, for there is no people that I know of that is so tenacious and so jealous of ancient usages as the Man6bos of eastern Mindanao. EQUALITY AMONG TRIE PEOPLE Besides the titles applied to warrior chiefs and to priests, there is no title that is in common use to express the influence and authority wielded by any individual. It is not infrequent to hear of so-and-so being spoken of as a datu by the Bisayas of the Agtisan Valley, but the title is not used by Manobos, but only by the Banuaon group inhabiting the northwestern part of the valley or by Bisayas when they desire to cajole their Man6bo friends. The term kcuyano is sometimes used by the Bisatyas, but as far as my knowledge goes is not used by Manobos. It is in all probability a form of the word kculdno that is applied, I think, to Bukidnon chiefs in the subprovince of Bukidnon. The fact that no titles appear to exist for influential men except that of warrior chief and of priest is an indication of the inferiority of the Man6bo to the Mandaya in tribal organization.' There is no hereditary chieftainship, though a warrior chief makes earnest endeavors to instill the spirit of valor into his first born male child from the time he attains the use of reason. No insignia are worn except by the warrior chief and the recognized warrior 2 to denote the influence that they exert in the tribe or in the clan. Perfect equality is conspicuous in nearly all things. The chief or the warrior chief sallies forth, often in company with his slaves, and takes part in fishing and in hunting expeditions. On the trail he may carry his own share of the burden if he has been unable to induce others to take it. I have had warrior chiefs, priests, and other influential people many a time act as my carriers, but, of course, out of courtesy and respect, had to allow them more in the way of recompense than was given to those of lesser importance. The chief has no subordinate officers, no heralds, and no assembly house. He lives in his own house and when any trouble arises he settles it, in company with other influential men, either at his own house or at any other house to which it may have been deemed expedient to repair. Hence we may say that little or no formal demonstration of respect is shown a chief. He is a Man6bo of more than usual ability, of strong character, quick to discover the intricacies of an involved question, facile of tongue, loved for his hospitality and generous nature, more frequently better provided with worldly goods than his fellow clansmen, and as a rule with a reputation for fair dealing. Such are, in general, the sources of the respect that gives him a moral weight in the arbitration of clan troubles or even of tribal concerns when no hostility reigns. I have never heard among the Manobos of any special celebration in which a chief, other than a warrior chief, is formally recognized. He seems to grow gradually into recognition, just as one brother of a family may, after years of demonstrated ability, be looked up to by the rest of the family. RESPECT FOR ABILITY AND OLD AGE Although the chiefs almost invariably look upon other men of the tribe as their equals and show no affectation because of their position, yet by those who come in contact with them a certain I In Mandaya a very influential chief is styled d-ri-d-ri, a kind of petty king, and the elder of a settlement or even of an individual house has a special name, significative of influence and of respect, to wit, ma-td-durig. 2 Ma-ni-ki-dd. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES No. 1] SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL 141 amount of respect is shown. This is especially true in the great social and religious gatherings and on the visit of a chief to another house. Here he gets an extra supply of pork and of brew and of everything that is being distributed. From what has been said in a previous part of this monograph it is obvious that women play no part in the control of public affairs. There are no female chiefs. Women are domestic chattels relegated to the house and to the farm. There is a common saying that women have no tribunal-that is, are not fitted to take part in public discussions-the reference being to the town hall of the Spanish regime. Yet I know of one woman, Sinapi by name, who travels around like a chief and through her influence arbitrates questions that the more influential men of the region are unable to settle. She lives on the Simulao River, just above the settlement of San Isidro, and is without doubt the individual of most influence on the upper Simdilao and Bahaian. In the Jesuit letters mention is made of one Pinkai who had great weight among her fellow tribesmen of the Argawan River. Ceteris peribus, the word and authority of the old are respected more than those of others, probably because the former have more numerous relatives, including often their great-grandsons and great-granddaughters, as well as the indefinite number of relatives by marriage that have joined the family since their first sons or their first daughters married. When, however, they reach the age at which they can no longer travel around and take part in the numerous imbroglios and disputes that arise their influence is much less. This, it seems, is one of the great differences between the social system of the Mandayas and that of the Manobos and will explain the greater constancy and stability of the Manddya character as compared with that of the Man6bo. THE WARRIOR CHIEF3 The sword in Man6boland, as in all other parts of the world, is the final arbiter when conciliation fails. Hence the prominent part played by the warrior chief in time of war and frequently in time of peace. For this reason it becomes necessary to discuss at more length the powers, prerogatives, and character of the warrior chief. GENERAL CHARACTER The general character of the warrior chief is, among all the tribes of the Agusan Valley, that of a warrior who has to his credit an average of five deaths. As such deaths are attributed primarily to the special protection of divinities, called Tagbusau, who delight in the shedding of blood, the chief is regarded in the light of a priest in all that concerns war in somewhat the same way as the baildn or ordinary priest, under the protection of his familiars of tutelary spirits, is expected to officiate in all ordinary religious matters. To the priestly office of the warrior chief is added that of magician to the extent that he can safeguard himself and his friends with magic means against the evil designs of his enemies. Finally, in a country where there is no supremely constituted authority with sufficient force to remedy grievances, but only personal valor and the lance and the bolo to appeal to, it may be expected that in the majority of cases the warrior will assume a fourth prerogative, namely, that of chief. Thus the warrior chief will be considered heir in his warlike character of warrior, in his magic character as medicine man, and finally in his political character as chief. The Christian conquest of the Agusan Valley, begun in 1877, and the establishment of a special form of government therein in 1907, have contributed in no small measure to diminish the number of feuds and bloody reprisals that had given the Agusan Valley its reputation as "the country of terror," and as a consequence leave little opportunity for the recognition of new warriors. Thus it is that at the present day the ancient system is fast fading away, and it is only a matter of years before the warrior chief will be a thing of the past. INSIGNIA AND PROWESS OF THE WARRIOR CHIEF As a person of recognized prowess, the rleader in all warlike expeditions, and in time of peace he is looked up to as the future defender of the settlement in which he resides. 8 Ba-gd-ni from ba-rd-ni (Malay), valiant. 142 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [M VOL. XTIION Red is the distinguishing mark of the war chief's dress, which ordinarily consists of a red headkerchief with embroidery of white, blue, and yellow cotton at the corners, of a red jacket with similar embroidery on the shoulders and around the back, and of long trousers, sometimes red. His bolo is usually larger and more costly than those carried by ordinary men and is generally of Mandaya origin. His spear, too, is apt to be an expensive one, while his shield not infrequently is tufted with human hair. When leading his band of braves to the attack or during a sacrifice to his protector, the Tagbzusau, he wears his charm-collar 4 with its magic herbs.5 On the warpath he binds his hair knot securely and envelops it with a rough hewn hemisphere of wood. His influence in arranging all the details of the plan of attack is strong, but during the attack itself he has little control over his followers.6 This might be expected from the spirit of independence which the Manobo displays even in the ordinary affairs of life when not influenced by religious or other motives. In personal valor the warrior chief invariably surpasses his fellows. There are many who will fight face to face, especially in the upper Salug, Ba6bo, Ihawatn, and Agdsan regions. Lino and his brother, the late Gunlas, both of the upper Salug, are two of the numerous examples that might be adduced. It is true that they take no inordinate risks before an attack, and especially where firearms are opposed to them, yet during an attack they become desperate and will take any risk. The warrior has often been branded as a traitor, a coward, and butcher, but such an opinion, I unhesitatingly assert, is based on ignorance and prejudice. THE WARRIOR'S TITLE TO RECOGNITION When one of the braves who accompany an expedition has killed one or two men in fair fight he acquires the title of manikidd and is entitled to wear a headkerchief striped with red and yellow. His prowess is acknowledged, and he is considered to be so favored by the powers above that he is looked upon as a prospective bagdni or warrior chief. If during ensuing expeditions, or by ambushes, he increases to five 7 the number of people whom he has killed, his position as a full-fledged warrior is recognized, but he does not become a warrior chief until such time as the spirits of the gods of war become manifested in him. He is then said to be possessed,8 as it were, and it requires only a banquet to the neighboring datus and warrior chiefs to confirm his title. These peculiar operations of divine influence consist of manifestations of indescribable violence during the attack, of eating the heart and liver of a slain enemy, and of various other exhibitions. VARIOUS DEGREES OF WARRIOR CHIEFSHIP The rank of a warrior chief depends on the number of deaths which he may have to his credit. There is apparently no fixed rule in this matter, the custom of one region demanding five deaths for a certain rank while that of another locality may require eight or only two deaths for a similar one. From all reports made to me in nearly every district in the middle and upper Agusan it appears that the number of deaths requisite in the olden days for the various degrees of warrior chiefship was much higher than it is at present, due no doubt to the greater frequency with which people were killed in those times. For this reason the more recent warrior chiefs are spoken of by the older warriors as worthless.9 The following are the titles recognized by the Manobos of the Agusan valley: (1) handgan; (2) tinabuddn;'0 (3) kinaboan; (4) luto or linambuisan; (5) lunudgum; (6) lipus. The first title, handgan, is given to one who has killed five or more people but has not yet been admitted to the full favor of a tagbusau or blood spirit. The second title, tinabuddrn, 4 Ta-li-hdn. 6 These collars are often as thick as a man's arm in the center, tapering down to the ends. They are about 75 centimeters long, made out of cloth, and contain in sections charms made of trees, plants, herbs, and bezoar and other magic stones, all thought to have divers mystic powers, * So I have been assured by many great warriors. 7 The number of killings required for promotion to the rank of bagdni, or recognized warrior, varies according to the locality. 8 Tag-bu-sau-dn. * A-yo-d-yo. 0 Tlnabuddn, i. e., wrapped, the full expression being "tinabuddn to tabaig," i. e., wrapped with a red handkerchief. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL No. ] SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL 143 is given to a warrior who has made it evident that he has divine favor and protection, made manifest in the consumption of the heart and the liver, and who falls into a condition similar to that of the priest while in an ecstasy. The insignia of this degree consists of a red kerchief worn wrapped around the hair knot at the back of the head. The third degree, icinaboan, as the word itself indicates," entitles the bearer to add to his apparel a red jacket. Accounts are so various that the exact time when this title is conferred can not be definitely stated. Thus in Umafam I was given to understand that 25 deaths were a sine qua non, whereas on the Kasilaian River 6, and on the Salug 7 deaths were reported as sufficient. The fourth title, luto, by its derivation means "cooked," "done," "finished," so that on attaining this degree a warrior is complete, at least as far as his raiment is concerned, for he adds a pair of red trousers. Though the number of deaths requisite for the attainment of this degree is variously stated as being from 50 to 100, yet I suggest 15 as being, on the average, nearer the truth. The next degree, lunugum, as the word indicates, entitles the bearer to dress himself all in black. It is a title acquired fortuitously, being given to one who during an attack happened to lance unknowingly a dead man in the house of the enemy. I can offer no further information on the point, except that the recipient of this title must have been already a recognized warrior. It seems probable that when a man commits such an act on a dead man he is believed to be especially favored by the war gods. The warrior chief who acquires the last title, lipus, is supposed to have innumerable deaths to his credit, but I venture to put 50 as a safe standard of eligibility to this title. Fifty deaths extending over a period of many years, and recounted with such additions as a little vanity and a wine-flushed head might suggest, might easily be converted into infinity. I know of no living warrior chief who bears the title of lipus. Twenty-five deaths is the largest number reached by any warrior with whom I am acquainted. The famous Lino of Sdlug and his brother the defunct Guinlas, reached this rank. THE WARRIOR CHIEF IN HIS CAPACITY AS CHIEF It may be said that in nearly every case the warrior chief is the chief of the clan or settlement. As a man of proved prowess, of sufficient age, and with a good family following he is nearly always recognized as the only one competent to deal with all cases that may come up between his retainers and those of some other chief. Thus it may be said that the Manobo political system is a patriarchal one in which an elder member of a family, through the respect due to his personal prowess, age, and following, and not through any legal or hereditary sanction adjudges such matters of dispute as inevitably arise between his followers and those of some one else. The system is based on custom and is carried out in a spirit of great fairness and equality. The territory over which the warrior chief extends his sway is recognized as being the collective ancestral property of the settlement. In time of war no one except a relative is permitted to enter it under the penalty of death, but in time of peace it lies open to all friendly fellow tribesmen. Such matters, however, as fish poisoning 12 and hunting by aliens are always interdicted. Over this territory, usually occupying miles and miles of virgin forest, lofty mountain, and fair valley, are scattered the dependents and relatives of the warrior. It is only in times of trouble or of expected attack that they build high houses for purposes of defense in closer proximity to the chief. These settlements number between 20 and 200 souls, the former number being nearer the average than the latter. The attitude of the followers toward their chief is in time of peace one of kinship feeling or one of indifference. He has practically no authority until called upon in time of trouble to lend the weight of his influence and the fame of his prowess. He collects no tribute and receives no services. In every respect he does as his lowest retainer does, hunts, fishes, etc., except that he 11 From kd-bo, a jacket, 12 Pag-u-bd-han. 144 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN travels more to visit friendly neighboring chiefs, who always receive him as a guest of honor and feast him when they have the wherewithal. Various grades of chiefs are occasionally reported, such as kuydno,13 masikdmpo 14 and ddtu but such grades do not exist. These names have probably been conferred by mercenary Bisayas for commercial reasons and are not assumed by Manobos even for purposes of ostentation. The warrior chief is in almost every case the person of greatest influence and authority, both by reason of his position in the family and because of the prestige of his valor. In a country where the bolo and lance are final arbiters when all else has failed the warrior must of necessity be chief or be a person of very marked influence. If he is not recognized as such, he generally removes himself with as many as will or must follow to another locality, and there he becomes chief. Nothing said here is intended to apply to the political organization of the Christianized Manobos, or conquistas into settlements under the special government of the Agusan Province. My remarks are confined exclusively to the pagan people. THE WARRIOR CHIEF AS PRIEST AND MEDICINE MAN The reader is referred to the second part of Chapter XXIV, Part IV, for a detailed account of the functions and prerogatives of the warrior chief in his capacity as priest. For the present we will pass on to consider him in his role of medicine man, summarizing briefly his magic methods for the cure of various ailments ascribed to supernatural agency. As to the warrior's knowledge and powers in both capacities, I have always found the many warrior chiefs with whom I have come in contact very reticent and have accordingly been unable to secure detailed information on this subject. It is beyond a doubt, however, that great powers are attributed to them both in causing and curing certain ailments. It may be said that any disease attributed to the displeasure of the blood spirits falls within their jurisdiction as priests and may be cured by a sacrifice or by other ceremonial methods. As a general rule they are supposed to have a knowledge of various magic and medicinal herbs. They are always the possessors of necklaces,15 to which are attributed such powers as those of imparting invisibility and invulnerability. These peculiar charms, as well as numerous herbs, roots, and other things possessing magic power for good and for evil, are often bound up in the charm collars and can not be seen. Nothing will prevail upon the owner to declare even their names. After opening the breast of the slain enemies they dip these mystic collars in the blood and thereby, through the instrumentality of their blood spirits, impart to the collars greater potency. Hemorrhages and all wounds or other troubles in which a flux of blood appears are thought to emanate from the desire of the familiars of the warrior priests for blood. Hence he is called upon to make intercession and to propitiate 16 these bloodthirsty spirits with the sacrifice of a pig or fowl. After the pig has been killed, a little of the blood is caught in a split bamboo receptacle,17 which is then hung up in the house with the blood left in it for the regalement of these insatiate spirits. Besides curative means the warrior medicine man is said to have secret means of causing bodily harm to those against whom he feels a grievance. These means are called lcometdn and have been described in Chapter XV. It is true that others are reputed to have these secret magic means, but none except the warrior priest will make open confession of their reputed powers. 13 Kuldno, a title applied, I think, to Moros of the Rio Grande of Mindanio, and used, I have heard, by the Banuaons. 14 Maestre de Campo-i. e., field marshal-was a title given by the Spaniards to faithful Bukidnon chiefs. 1 Ta-li-Ihn. 16 Dd-yo to tag4nlau. 17 Bin.u.kd. CHAPTER XVIII POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, COURSE, AND TERMINATION MILITARY AFFAIRS IN GENERAL There exists no military organization in Man6boland, no standing army, no reviews, no conscription. The whole male circle of relatives and such others as desire to take part, either for friendship's sake or for the glory and spoil, form the war party. There is no punishment for failure to join an expedition but as blood is thicker than water, the nearer male relatives always take part and there are never wanting others who either bear a grudge against the author of the grievance or go for the emolument that they may receive or even for the sport and the spoil of it. It is customary to bring along such male slaves as may be depended upon to render faithful and efficient work. It is only fear of incurring enmity that holds back the majority of those who do not take part. I here desire to impress upon my readers one important point in the Man6bo's idea of war, and it is this: That no blame is laid upon nor resentment harbored toward anyone who joins an expedition as a paid warrior.l I have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt, after continual questioning on my part and open unsolicited avowals on the part of others, that warrior chiefs are frequently paid to redress a wrong in which they have no personal concern. In the case of ordinary tribesmen, I know that where personal feelings and the hope of material advantages are not an inducement to partake in the expedition, they are frequently tempted with an offer of some such thing as a fine bolo or a lance, to lend their services to the leader of the war party. It is needless to say that only close ties of friendship or relationship to the enemy prevent the offer from being accepted, especially as the acceptance of it relieves the Manobo from all responsibility for such deaths as may accrue to his credit during the prospective encounter. When, however, previous feuds, or other unfriendly antecedents existed between the warrior and his opponent, the acceptance of a remuneration for his participation in the fray would not shield him from the dire vengeance that would, sooner or later, surely follow. For a description of the weapons used and of the manner of using them, the reader is referred to Chapter XI. In the description of the Man6bo house (Chapter V), reference was made to the high houses erected for defense when an unusual attack is expected. Tree houses, at the time I left the valley, were very few and far between, even in the eastern Cordillera and at the headwaters of the Tago River. Besides building high houses and resorting to devices referred to in Chapter V, the Man6bos occasionally slash down the surrounding forest in such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber. In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A fence surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was necessary to ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass along two horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly bamboo caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious bamboo bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached only by climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross this perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or another, either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from the bristling caltrops below. 1 Sin-6-h6. 67173~-31 — 11 145 146 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, THE ORIGIN OF WAR Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas, sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is taken. The Man6bo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying that war has its origin in two things, namely "debt (blood debt included) and deceit." It has been said that glory and the capture of slaves are the springs of war in Man6boland, but this, in my opinion, is not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely religious reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations made during several years of intimate dealing with Manobos throughout eastern Mindanao, that fighting or killing takes place in order to redress a wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of anything else. It is true that many who have no grievance, take part merely for the sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case that I know of was there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated the war a real and reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust warfare but my informants were enemies of the parties against whom they complained and most probably were calumniating them. VENDETTAS Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the world, are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say, of the continuance of war. There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of Mindan6o would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from 1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the close of 1907 till my departure from the Agusan Valley in 1910. As in other countries, so in Man6boland, not only is the vendetta regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the Manobos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave, the valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary "to do without salt." 2 The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in eastern Mindanao that on one occasion a Manobo of the Tago River inquired of me whether there were any living relatives of a certain Man6bo of the upper Argawan who had killed his grandfather. Upon learning that there were, he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a raid against the relatives of his grandfather's murderers. Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wa-wa River a strong rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the influences of the sun and rain. This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house and of vowing vengeance "till it rot" is not uncommon, and is an indication of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic of the Manobos. Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the bequeathing from father to son 3 of the duty of seeking revenge. I have never been present at the ceremony but have heard over and over again that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor to carry out the X The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manobo's estimation, one of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he has derived from civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use of it, if it were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of his relatives. It is called ka-tud-li-dn. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES No. 1] WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, ETC. 147 dying behest of his father or other relative. One man, who had received this "teaching," on being questioned as to whether he would like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and vehemently protested, saying, "It can't be done, it can't be done, it is tabooed;" he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the suggestion. In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party, who has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a person is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty it is. In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured, is attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the system of private seizure render life in Man6boland very hazardous, and serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one Man6bo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life. PRIVATE SEIZURE' The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to our way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern Mindanao. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it frequently results in retaliation in kind. The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently a neutral, party, as a "call" on the debtor. For example, A owes B a slave and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to pay his debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at the same time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A. Finally, despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most probably, suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a relative or a slave or a pig of C as a "call" to A. C thus pays A's debt and then takes measures to collect from him, the understanding being that B is to take all responsibility for the consequences. This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has been shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to A, a feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might have been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have come to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in order to avenge the death of C. I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the upper Agdsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living their names will be represented by letters. A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B had knowledge of a secret or magic 5 poison. C who was a relative of A and already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent of all parties concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt, thereby putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at P30). Now some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some of B's relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own dues and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was forthcoming. The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave to another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a "call" on C. The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another woman were speared to death in a camote patch, and in revenge B took the lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have the matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be anxious to come to terms. Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors returning from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and settlements on their trail put themselves in a state of watchfulness,6 for when returning without having secured a victim the party might be incited to make a seizure in order to avoid thereby the derision of their enemies. 4 Tau-a-gfn. f Ko-me-tdn. 6 Ld-ma. 148 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS N.AIONAL DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote cause of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness with which debts are regarded in Manoboland. An excessive delay in meeting obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions, may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in personalities. Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under my personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There is no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor; it is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manobo opinion on the subject. INCEPTION OF WAR DECLARATION OF WAR No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On the contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form. Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close, vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself. Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may send a war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,7 or of a lance with an abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been able to ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs to keep their personal enemies on the qui-vive, by periodic threats. "I will begin my march 10 nights from now," "I will reap his rice," "I will eat his heart and liver," "He won't be able to sow rice for four years," "I need his wife to plant my camotes"-are samples of the messages that reach a clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle for many a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the posts of his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim tale of revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of eastern Mindanaoa memory of the dead. TIME FOR WAR The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the family or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both to soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of making it difficult for him to harvest it. War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable combination of omens obtained. It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement before them and massacre the defenseless women and children. 7 Li-kud-lf-kud. ACADMY OF SCIENCES] WAR, ITS ORIGIN INCEPTION, ETC. 149 PREPARATIONS FOR WAR The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Man6bo is a cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and cooperation. The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the nearest male relatives several days or even a week before the intended attack to reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this party word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a day and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the settlement. With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious rites 8 are performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual style and, if the omens are favorable, all is ready. But should the omens portend evil, the expedition is put off to a more auspicious occasion. In one instance that passed under my personal observation the departure of the warriors was postponed for several days by reason of inauspicious omens. I have heard of some cases in which the war party returned after several days' march in order to await more reassuring signs of success. No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women when the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love. Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives? The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads, accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manobos say, strides Mandayanhgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard, every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But itis only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered. If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day, but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible, tortuous and seldom trodden trails. The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the party while en route. (1) They may speak to no one met on the trail. (2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained. (3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing game is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.9 (4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield, preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of the party. (5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible till the return of their husbands. (6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the enemy is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a house along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long trip it is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to make a sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party replenished the inner man. Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced 8 See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI. 9 Man-dd-git. 150 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in 1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions, and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon, there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the uncompromising faith of the Manobo in omens, especially in that of the turtledove. There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack. It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the settlement at nightfall or during the night. When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage, the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place. Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made. Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position around the settlement and await with bated breath the break of day. THE ATTACK TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep is then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents whether they fight or flee. The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and position of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position. In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some 60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150. When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal up noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,10 drive their lances through the floor or through the sides 10 Pa-nad-jdu-an. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, ETC. 151 of the house, if it is low enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning ascertain whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive they are to surrender. When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or more high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors advance to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances one or more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow them to expend part of their supply. No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of the enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in number, reply. During all this time there is aobandying of hot words, threats, and imprecations on both sides. "I'll have your hair," "I'll eat your liver," "I'll sacrifice your son," "Your wife will get my water," are a few of the expressions that are used. The drum and gong in the house may be beaten all this time as a signal of distress to call such relatives or friends as may live within hearing distance. The priestesses of the attacked party may go through a regular sacrifice if there is a chicken or a pig in the house, beseeching their deities to protect them in this the hour of danger. When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the attacking party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should this succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the house the enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men and women, whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are spared. Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack is employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields. Moreover, the ordinary Manobo, who has lived in expectation of an attack sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12 to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack to an end, for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire after one of its members has been wounded or slain. The reason for this custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argawan in 1907 an instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Man6bo fighting that I received all over the Agusan Valley, there were numerous instances of the observance of this custom. In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days, either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves. Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios, S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind. As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Hulip River, upper Agusan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a somewhat larger scale than might be expected. As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls in his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell, calling out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid disputes later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the killing of a woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title, yet it adds one to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt to fall into the favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion 152 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN M VOLR. IIIO of the flight many women meet their end but that a good many remain in the houses and yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of these, especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors. As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of palma brava or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity. Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabdon 11 group, have described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of short duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions taken to insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched enemy is seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion of the male members are absent. As a r6sum6 of the method of attack, based on what I learned during my sojourn among the Man6bos, I may say that there are no general nor partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees. The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house, or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few, are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their arrows downward. From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance or the edge of the bolo. There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers, wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record. No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and imprecations at everybody else EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of which I have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the lifeless body of their chief enemy.l2 After performing their dance they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver, and place their charm collars 13 in the opening. When the heart and liver have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war chiefs have assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but their protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon 14 whenever obtainable, is mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me that their deities preferred the heart and liver raw. It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear away such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.51 1 Babao is the district between the Salug and Libaganon Rivers. 1" Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths "one palm-length." This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can throw no further light on the matter. 1i Ta-li-han. 14 S6-di. It is interesting to note the frequency of the use of lemons or limes in religious proceedings. 1s I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are doubled up and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As far as I know this is an exceptional proceeding. CDMY OF SCIENCES]] WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, ETC. 153 It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely do they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation, such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his crops than with the hope of securing a victim. THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule, all but children under the age of puberty are despatched there and then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive. However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one reply-that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the offender ga-bd-an.16 A warrior who would be guilty of violating this taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of warrior chief. Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive he must go through a purificatory17 process, the details of which I am unable to furnish. The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the living female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so far as it is considered improper to remove from their persons any object such as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of everything, even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and hewn. THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously. It frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards, to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the omens-anything but that. Should the band, however, have been victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least, no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to the bank and 16 I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of this word. It is used by Bisdyas in the form hi-ga-bd'-an, which has apparently a very similar meaning. 17 HAi-gad. 154 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MMOIRS NATIONAL the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors crossed the river they all took a bath,18 not for sanitary but for ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory effect in that it removes the evil influence19 of death. When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm fronds 20 with which they had adorned their lances and put them on the necks and heads of their wives and friends. Later on a banquet was prepared and the reader is left to conceive for himself the revels that followed. It is said that not infrequently at this time some of the captives are given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate slaughter. That this has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt, and every reason to believe. I have heard many describe among themselves how it was done, and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge upon one of their hereditary enemies. AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE Ambush21 is a legitimate method of warfare, according to Man6bo customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more companions at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite place for the ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his rice or camote field, but a spot on a river bank or at any suitable point may be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting up screens of leaves to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush. This is always made on the right hand 22 and very frequently there is a supply of sticks and stones in readiness. The position on the right hand is chosen because it gives those in wait an opportunity to deal a blow on the weaker side of the enemy, all of whom carry the shield in the left hand. It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper Agusan in 1907. Three Mafgguifigans were ambushed by a mixed group of Man6bos and Debabaions, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing. After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a state which is expressed by the word lama. This signifies that one or both of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the members of his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their families) to some place difficult of access. If the house can be built on a bluff, or a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides, so much the better. On such a site a house23 is built varying from 5 meters to 8 meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays, being built upon a tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the forest is left unburned. Bamboo or palma brava caltrops are placed in the encircling forest. In addition to these, spring traps24 for human beings may be set out if it is suspected that an attack is imminent. In certain localities I have seen a stockade26 erected around the house. Sometimes a wall of old bamboo may be built from the ground up to the floor, inclined inward at the bottom at an angle of about 700 to the ground. The ladder is invariably a log with a number of notches in it. Strips of bark or even bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule the Man6bo takes his chances with a roof of rattan leaf. On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is not unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen pot is frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a warrior chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called binuaka, and a number of saplings slashed down at a certain point on the trail, both of which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that will befall such as dare to enter the guarded region. 18 This is an invariable custom, I was told. 19 Bd-ho, literally foul smell. 20 Called Ma-yun-hau. It is said that these are frequently stained with the blood of the slain. 21 Bdiig-an. 22 Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be attacked. 3 I-li-hdn. 4 Bd-tik. 6 In-d-gud. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, ETC. 155 No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite distance of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit it except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he appoints a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the visitor, by beating on the butress of a tree or by any other preconcerted signal, announces his presence. The former may be suspicious and may first circle around to examine the footprints before he ventures to approach. PEACE 26 When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops, and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or a datu. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big sandbar, is appointed and a day fixed. On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such datus or persons of influence as may have been selected for that purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece of green rattan.27 Then beeswax 28 is burned. This is a kind of oath which serves to bind them to their contracts.29 26 Dug-kut. 27 I have been informed of a very interesting custom said to be observed by the Banuaon group in settling their troubles. It was said that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of opponents fight until the datus who act as umpires award the victory to one or the other. This is called din-a-t-an. 28 T6-tufig. 29 I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance to assist at one of the referred combats of the Banuion people, mentioned above CHAPTER XIX POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE; CUSTOMARY, PROPRIETARY, AND LIABILITY LAWS GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS Bisdyas and other people who have had more or less familiar dealings with Manobos almost invariably make the statement that Manobo justice is the oppression of the weak by the strong; that there is no customary law that governs in social dealings except that one which is founded on the caprice and villainy of the warrior chiefs and of those who have most influence and following. Now I utterly repudiate such statements and rumors as being due either to lack of familiarity; to a too ready tendency to believe malicious reports; or to undisguised ill will toward, and contempt of, Manobos. I have lived on familiar terms with these primitive people for a considerable period and have found no evidence of oppression and tyranny. Disputes and misunderstandings arise at times, people sometimes fly into a rage, killings take place on occasions, but such things happen among other peoples. It is truly surprising, considering the lack of tribal and interclan cohesion in Manoboland, that such occurrences are not more frequent or even continual. The statement that the warriors and other influential men rule by caprice and oppression is unfounded. There is no coercion in Manoboland, except such as arises from the influence of relatives, and from gentle persuasion and general consent. A warrior chief, or any other man who would try to use a despotic hand or even to be insolent, exacting, or unrelenting in his manner, would not only lose his friends and his influence, but would arouse hostility and place himself and his relatives in jeopardy. It must be understood from the outset that in Manoboland there is no constituted judicial authority nor any definite system of laws. There are no courts, and no punishments such as imprisonment, torturing, and whipping. All social dealings by which one contracts an obligation to another are regulated by the principle that one and all must act according to established custom. This principle governs the procedure even of chiefs and influential men when they endeavor to bring about a settlement through the weight of their influence. Voluntary and involuntary departures from the beaten track cause disputes when these deviations affect another's rights. Thus to refuse one the hospitality of the house, or to overlook him intentionally in the distribution of betel nut would give rise to a dispute, because these courtesies are customary and are therefore obligatory. Punishment for a violation of customary obligation then becomes a matter of private justice. The injured one either singly,or by means of his relatives and of such friends as he may interest in his cause, seeks reparation from the offender. If he can not secure it thiough an appeal to customary law supported by the consensus of opinion of the relatives on each side, he takes justice into his own hands and kills his opponent or orders him to be killed. GENERAL PRINCIPLES THE PRINCIPLE OF MATERIAL SUBSTITUTION The Man6bo system of law is still in its indefinite primitive stage. Its fundamental principles are involved in the retention, preservation, and devolution of property. Unlike the highly developed legal systems of the world, it tends, in general, to consider violations as civil, and not as criminal, wrongs. Hence upon due restitution, offered with good will, the great majority of transgressions upon another's rights are quickly condoned. In this it is far more humane than other systems that seek not only justice for the injured party but the corporal punishment of the wrongdoer. 156 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 157 RIGHT TO A FAIR HEARING As far as my observation goes justice is administered on a patriarchal plan in a spirit of fairness and equality. Except in the case of flagrant public wrongs the transgressor is given a fair and impartial hearing, aided by the presence of his relatives and of others whom he may select or who may choose to attend the arbitration of the case. The presence of the relatives contributes in nearly every case an element of good will, and prevents the use of intimidation. It helps greatly to promote, and not to prevent, justice. It is the paramount factor in determining the defendant to yield, even when bad feeling has been aroused on each side, and when their desire for revenge and spirit of independence would naturally prompt them to have recourse to violent methods. Though the female relatives do not take formal part in the arbitration, yet in their own gentle way they exert a certain amount of influence for good. SECURING THE DEFENDANT'S GOOD WILL Because of the desire for revenge which the Manobo inherits and the universal recognition of the revenge system in Manoboland, an appeal to good will in the settlement of matters is very important, and is a feature of every case of arbitration. I have attended many and many a Manobo arbitration at which the wrongdoer, after being condemned by the consensus of opinion, was asked over and over whether he recognized his fault and whether he received the sentence with good will. In nearly every instance he replied that he did, and, as an evidence of his sincerity, procured, as soon as convenient, a pig and invited the assembly to a feast. On one occasion I acted as the judge in a case of rape committed by a Manobo who had had frequent dealings with Christian Manobos. At my urgent request his life was spared and a fine of 100 pesos was imposed upon him. After he had expressed his conformity with the sentence and his lack of ill feeling toward his accusers, I notified the chief of the other party of my intention to leave the settlement, whereupon he told me secretly that I had better wait as the defendant in the case would undoubtedly entertain the company with pork and potations. And so it happened, for the defendant procured a pig that must have been worth 15 pesos, and a supply of sugarcane wine that must have cost him a few more, expenditures that would not be deducted from the amount of his fine. FOUNDATIONS OF MAN6BO LAW Owing to the utter lack of interclan and tribal organization there is no set of statute laws in Manoboland, but, in lieu of them, there are a number of traditional laws, simple and definite, that, in conjunction with religious interdictions, serve in the main to uphold justice, the foundation of all law. There is no word for law in the whole Manobo dialect, but the word for custom 1 is used invariably to express the regulations that govern dealings between man and man. One fundamental law is the obligation to pay a debt, whether it be a blood debt or a material one. A very common axiom says that "there is no debt that will not be paid "-if not to-day, to-morrow; if not during one lifetime, during another-for the collection of it will be bequeathed as a sacred inheritance from father to son, and from son to grandson. Montano2 notes with surprise the sacredness in which debts are held, not only by Manobos of the Agusan Valley but by all the numerous tribes with which he came in contact in his travels around the gulf of Davao. I noted the same throughout eastern Mindanao. The Manobo, when called to account, will never deny his true indebtedness, and when no further time is given him, he will satisfy his obligations, even if he has to part with his personal effects at a nominal value or put himself deeply in debt to others. He is never considered insolvent. It is true that the Christianized part of Manoboland is not so punctilious in the settlement of financial obligations to outsiders (Bisiyas), but this is explained by the bad feeling that has arisen toward the latter on account of the wholesale, fraudulent exploitation carried on in commercial dealings between them and the Christian Manobos. So many references have already been made in previous chapters to the practice of revenge that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here. Suffice it to say that it is not only the right but 1 Ba-td-san. 3 Une mission aux Isles Philippines. 158 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII the duty, often bequeathed by father to son, to obey this stern law. One who would allow a deliberate breach of his rights to pass without obtaining sufficient compensation would be looked down upon as a sorry specimen of manhood. The feeling is so deeply rooted in the heart that the wife may urge her husband, and the fiance, her lover, to carry out the law, and the father may instill into the hearts of his little ones the desire to wreak vengeance upon their common enemies. CUSTOMARY LAW ITS NATURAL BASIS The intense conservatism of the Manobo, fostered by the priestly order, is the basis of the customary law that determines and regulates social and individual dealings in Manoboland. So strong is this conservatism, based on a religious principle, that it is believed that any act not consistent with established customs arouses the resentment of the spirit world. This feeling exerts so powerful an influence that in many cases a definite custom is carried out even when a departure from it would be manifestly to the material advantage of the individual. As has been set forth before in this monograph, the ridiculously low prices at which rice is sold in harvest time is a case in point. The extreme cautiousness and suspiciousness that is such a dominant feature of Manobo character tends also to maintain the customary law. The Man6bo prefers to jog along in the same old way rather than to do anything unusual, thereby laying himself open to the displeasure of his fellowmen and to that of the gods. ITS RELIGIOUS BASIS The legion of taboos, religious and magic, limits the Manobo's actions, in no inconsiderable manner, within fixed and definite rules, the nonobservance of which would render him responsible for such evil consequences as might follow. To cite an instance: When I first went into a region near Talakogon that was considered to belong to a local deity, my guide cautioned me to avoid certain actions which, he said, were displeasing to the reigning deity. I asked him what would be the consequence if harm were to befall him as a result of my failure to comply with his instructions. He quietly informed me that I would be responsible to his relatives for any harm which might come to him. Again if one enters a rice field during harvest time the displeasure of the goddess of grain is aroused, and the rice is likely to be diminished in quantity. The transgressor may do all in his power to appease the offended goddess, but if she refuses to be appeased and permits a decrease of the supply, not otherwise explainable, he will be held responsible, and in the due course of events will have to make good the shortage according to the tenets of customary law. Another example will show the rigid regulations that custom imposes in the matter of omens. I started out with a Manobo of the upper Agusan for a point up the Nabok River. At the beginning of our trip the turtle bird's cry came from a direction directly in front of us-an indication of impending evil either during the trip or at its termination. My guide and companion begged me not to proceed, but I managed to convince him that there was nothing to be feared, so he consented to continue the trip with me. Now it happened that he had a quantity of loose beads in his betel-nut knapsack and that a hole was worn in the sack before the end of the trip, the result being that he lost his beads. He held a consultation with the chief of the settlement at which we had arrived, explaining the omen bird's evil cry and the efforts he had made to persuade me to desist from the trip. It was decided that because of my failure to follow the directions indicated by the omen bird, I was responsible for the loss of the beads. On further discussion of the point it became apparent that I would have had to answer for the life of-my companion, if he had lost it on the trail, for it was intimated to me that the omen bird's voice had clearly warned us of danger and I was requested to explain my failure to heed the warning. The observance of customs for religious reasons suggests an explanation of many acts that to an outsider seem inexplicable, not to say unreasonable. The selection of farm sites at ACAD MY OF sCENCES] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 159 considerable distances from the dwelling, the reluctance to leave the region of one's birth, the unwillingness to visit remote mountains and similar places, the fear of doing anything unusual in places thought to be the domain of a deity-these and numerous other ideas-are to be attributed to the observance of customary law. In this connection it may be well to remark that a stranger visiting remote Man6bo settlements without an introduction or without previous warning should be very careful, if he desires to deal with these primitive people in a spirit of friendship, not to break openly and flagrantly any such regulations, principally religious ones, as may be pointed out to him. In fact it would be well to ascertain as soon as possible what is expected of him. I have always made it a point to announce that I would not be responsible for any evil consequences attending my violation of customs that I was ignorant of and I have requested my new friends to acquaint me with such customs and beliefs as might differ from those of other Manobo settlements. PROPRIETARY LAWS AND OBLIGATIONS CONCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS Property rights in the full sense of the word are not only very clearly understood but very sternly maintained. The Man6bo conception of them is so high that, with the exception of such things as camnotes and other vegetable products, even gifts must be paid for. And even for such trifling things as camotes, an equivalent in kind is expected at the option of the donor. During my wanderings I was always in the habit of making presents as compensation for the food furnished me, and was frequently asked why I had done so, and why I did not make the recipients of these presents pay me. No explanation could change the strong belief that all property of any value, whether given under contract or not, should be paid for. This principle is further evidenced by the fact that there is no word in the Man6bo dialect for gift nor is there any word for thanks. In some places, however, they have a conception of "alms."3 On many occasions one of the first requests made to me by a new acquaintance of some standing was a request for alms. I am of opinion that this idea was acquired by them from the universal reports concerning the liberality of the missionaries who from the middle of the seventeenth century labored in the Agusan Valley. A request for alms or for a present of any value is seldom made by one Man6bo of another, but when it is made it is met by a simple answer, "I do not owe you anything. " That settles the question at once. My practice of distributing gifts frequently aroused some ill feeling. For example, on many occasions I was asked by individuals why I had made presents to so-and-so and not to them. It was necessary in these cases to explain that I owed a debt of good will to the individuals referred to and that I would most assuredly give like gifts to others whenever I should become indebted to them in a similar manner. LAND AND OTHER PROPERTY Customary law regarding public land is very simple. Each clan and, in some cases, one or more individual family chiefs, have districts which are the collective property of the clan or family. Theoretically this ownership gives hunting, fishing, agricultural, and other rights to that clan or family, to the exclusion of others. In practice, however, anyone who is on good terms with the chief who represents the family or the clan in question, may occupy a portion of the land without any other formality than that of mentioning the matter to the proper chief. The occupation presumes that the occupant is on terms of good will with the chief, and it never implies that the new occupant is required to pay anything for the use of the land. With regard to fishing rights, especially when the fish-poisoning method is employed, it is very often stipulated that a share of the catch shall be given to the owner. When the two parties concerned are on good terms, the territory of one may be used by the other for hunting, apparently without any question. 3 Li-mos, probably from the Spanish limosna, alms. 160 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, When the rice-sowing season is at hand, the Man6bo goes over the clan district and selects any piece of vacant land that, because of its fertility and closeness to water, may have recommended itself to him after a due consultation of the omens. Having made the selection, he formally takes possession of the land by slashing down a few small trees in a conspicuous place and by parting the top of a small tree stem and inserting into it at right angles a piece of wood. He then returns to his settlement and announces his selection. He has become now the owner of the land. Anyone who might attempt to claim the land would become cleft, so it is believed, like the parted stem that was left as a proof of the occupation of the land. In a few cases I saw a broken earthen pot left on an upright stick. It was explained to me that this, too, was a symbol of what would befall the one who would dare to dispute the right to the property. This is another evidence of the widespread belief in sympathetic magic. In my travels throughout eastern MIindanao I never heard of a single instance of a land dispute among the non-Christian peoples. There is no reason for dispute because the whole of the interior is an immense and very sparsely populated forest that could support millions instead of the scant population which is now scattered through it. Moreover, the religious element in the selection, the consultation of omens, and the approval by the unseen world seem to prevent disputes. From the moment of occupation, then, till the abandonment of the site the occupant is the sole lawful owner of the land and has full rights to proprietorship of all that it produces. When he abandons the land he still retains the ownership of such crops or plants as may be growing on it. Hence betel-nut palms, betel plants, bananas, and other plants, belong to him and to his descendants after him. Even such fugitive crops as camotes are his until they die off or are destroyed by wild boars. Fruit trees, such as durian, jack-fruit, and others growing in the forest, are, in theory, the collective property of a clan or of a family, but in practice anyone may help himself. However, the finder becomes sole and exclusive owner of a bee's nest as soon as he sets up an indication of his ownership in the form of a split stick with a small crosspiece, and announces his possessive rights on his return to the settlement. The parted trunk has a form and significance similar to that which it. has in connection with the selection of a new site. As far as I know a bee's nest once located by one individual is seldom appropriated by another, but the theft of palm wine is common enough, especially if the palm tree be at a considerable distance from the owner's settlement. All other property that is the result of one's own labor, or that has been acquired by purchase or in any other customary way, belongs to the individual, unless he is a slave. Even slaves, captured during war raids, become the property of their captors, unless stipulation to the contrary has been made before the raid. In one expedition that took place in 1907 a certain warrior chief was delegated to punish a Mafigguafigan. As an advance payment he received a few bolos and lances, but it was expressly agreed that after the attack he and his party were to receive all the slaves captured. With regard to the loss of, or damage to, property belonging to another, the customary law is rigid; the damage or the loss must be made good, no matter how unfortunate may have been the circumstances of the loss. This will explain the great care that carriers exercise in transporting the property of others through the mountains, for if by any mischance the things were to get lost or wet or broken, or damaged in any other way, they would be required to make good the loss. This custom, as applied in some cases, may seem somewhat harsh, but it must be remembered that Man6boland is a land where the law of vengeance prevails, and that no opportunity to wreak vengeance must be given. Such opportunities would occur if anyone were permitted to attribute a loss or other accident to involuntary causes. This rigid law will explain also the peculiar liability under which one is sometimes placed for an absolutely unintentional and unforeseen act. Thus, on a certain occasion, one of my carriers died a few days after my arrival in a settlement. Shortly after the occurrence of the death I was confronted by a band of the relatives of the deceased in full panoply and requested to pay the commercial equivalent of a slave. A.1MY OF SCIENCES] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 161 No. 1] PICPE u On another occasion I ran after a child in play. The child out of fright rushed into the forest and hid. The same afternoon it was taken with a violent fever to which it succumbed a few days later. I was not in the settlement at the time of the death, and was not sorry, for it was reported to me that the father of the deceased child had said that he would have killed me. On my return to his settlement a few days later I visited the father for the purpose of having the case arbitrated. He broached the subject and demanded three slaves, or their equivalent, in payment for the death of his child, which was due, he firmly believed and asseverated, to the scare that I had given it. Many instances might be adduced to illustrate the peculiar liability which one undergoes in dealing with these primitive men who follow out in practice the old fallacy of post hoc ergo propter hoc. LAWS OF CONTRACT The conception of contract is as universal as the conception of property rights, but a certain amount of leniency seems to be expected in such details as fulfilling the terms of the contract on the specified date, unless it has been expressly and formally agreed that no leniency is to be looked for. In case of a failure to fulfill the contract at the stated time it is customary to offer either what is called an "excuse," 4 in the form of extra hospitality or a free gift of some article, not so valuable as to constitute a debt, or to make many explanations, very frequently fictitious. These remarks apply only to cases in which the creditor has undergone the hardship of a reasonably long trip or of other necessary expenditures. Thus, to illustrate the point, A owes B a pig deliverable, according to agreement, after the lapse of so many days, there being no express provisions for any penalty in case of nonfulfillment of the agreement. B goes to A's house and is treated to a special meal with an accompaniment of drink when obtainable. Toward the or more numerous fictitious, reasons. B accepts this excuse but before leaving asks for some little thing that he may take a fancy to. It is always given as an "excuse." Another day for the payment is agreed upon. This leniency may be displayed on one or more occasions till the delay in paying exasperates B or renders him liable to loss. Ill feeling arises all the more readily if B feels that A has not been as assiduous as he should have been. Then a stringent contract is entered upon, the nonperformance of which will render A liable to interest or to a fine, as may be stipulated. In cases where serious consequences might result from a failure to fulfill a contract, itis customary for the contractor and often for the other party to make a number of knots on a strip of rattan, each knot signifying a day of the time to elapse before payment, or representing one article of the goods to be paid for, or one item of the goods to be delivered. All more important contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and the time and the number of articles to be delivered are counted out on the floor with grains of corn or with little pieces of wood, or are indicated by counting a corresponding number of the slats of the floor. THE LAW OF DEBT The law of debt in Manoboland is so rigid that failure to comply with it has given rise to many a bloody feud. All commercial transactions are conducted on a credit basis. An individual whom we will call A needs a pig, for instance, and starts out on a quest to secure one. He visits one of his acquaintances and informally brings up the subject, remarking, for example, that he would like to buy a certain pig that is in the settlement. He may not be able to make the purchase until he has tried several settlements, for it may happen that the owner of each pig may want in exchange objects that A does not have and is unable to get. Thus B, the owner of a pig in the first settlement, wants in payment a Mandaya lance of a certain length, breadth, and make. Now A knows of no one from whom he can procure such a lance, so he has to go 4 Ba-lf-bad. 67173~-31 12 162 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOLR.S o.N on to the settlement of C who in exchange for his pig wants five pieces of Mandaya cloth. A is afraid to take the pig on such terms because the Ihawdn Man6bos are in arms on account of a recent killing, and as the trade route for MandAya cloth passes through the territory of the IhawAn Man6bos he sees no possibility of fulfilling a contract to deliver the cloth. So off he goes to the settlement of D where he finds a pig for which the owner demands four yards of blue cloth, two of red, and two of black, together with a specified quantity of salt. A thinks that it will be easy for him to run over to some Christian settlement and get those articles in time to pay D, so he clinches the bargain by putting a series of knots in a strip of rattan to represent the number of days to expire before the date of payment. This he delivers to D and the contract is sealed. He then returns to his settlement with his pig, and turns it over to some one else perhaps, to whom he owes a pig, or, if it was intended for a sacrifice, to the family priest or priestess. In due time it is disposed of with much satisfaction to the gods and to the inner man. As the day for payment approaches, A must take measures to get the salt and the cloth for D, so he hastens to the settlement of E, if sickness in the family, or heavy rains, or some other obstacle does not prevent him, but finds that E requires a MandAya bolo for the articles needed and as A has no such object and sees no immediate prospect of obtaining it, he goes on to F's. F demands a certain amount of beeswax and a Mandaya dagger in exchange for the cloth and the salt and as A feels that he can procure these articles, he closes the bargain, promising to deliver the goods within so many days or weeks. A now owes D cloth and salt, payable within 14 days, let us suppose. He is also under contract to F to furnish him a dagger and a specified amount of beeswax, also on a specified date. Upon the approach of the time agreed upon A runs over to F's only to find that F had been unable to get the cloth and the salt, either because no Bisiya trader has been up to the Christianized settlement on the river, or because of heavy rains or for some other reason. The result is that A returns to his settlement without the cloth and the salt. Upon his arrival at D's or upon D's arrival at his settlement, as the case may be, he excuses himself to D, setting forth in detail the reason for his failure. He treats D as best he can, and fixes another date for the delivery of the salt and the cloth, the same to be delivered at D's settlement. D returns to his home without the salt and the cloth and awaits the delivery. Now it may happen that, through the fault of A or through the fault of F or through unforeseen circumstances, A is unable to keep his agreement. D has made many useless trips to collect from A. It is true that D has been feasted by A upon every visit but the long delay, and possibly his debt of salt to someone else, is gradually provoking him. So one day he speaks somewhat strongly to A, setting a definite term for the payment. If A is unable to meet his obligations after this ultimatum, or if D suspects or has proof that A is playing a game, matters become strained and D has recourse to one of three methods: (1) Collection by armed intimidation; (2) the tawdgan or seizure; (3) war raid. The last two methods have been sufficiently explained in Chapter XVIII but the first needs a little explanation. After all attempts to collect by peaceable means have failed, the creditor assembles his male relatives and friends and proceeds to the house of the debtor with all the accoutrements of war. It is customary to bring along a neutral chief or two from other clans. Upon arriving at the debtor's house no hostile demonstrations are made. The creditor and his party enter as if their object were an ordinary visit. Should, however, the debtor have abandoned his house, this part of the affair would be at an end, for the creditor would be justified in adopting the second method (i. e., the seizing of any object, human of other that he might see), or the third method. Should his debtor, however, be present, the creditor and his companions are regaled with betel nut and food and the meeting is perfectly goodnatured. But gradually the subject of the debt is introduced and then begins the pandemonium. If the chiefs who have accompanied the creditor's party have enough moral influence to bring about an agreement, the matter is settled, but if not, the visiting party may depart suddenly with yells of menace and defiance, and very frequently may have recourse to the seizure method, taking on their way home any object that they may encounter such as a pig, or even a human being. Hence as soon as it becomes known ACMY OF SCIENCES] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 163 that no settlement has been made bamboo joints 5 are blown-the invariable signal in Man6 -boland of danger-and everybody goes into armed vigilance. Children and women are not allowed to leave the house, and pigs are frequently taken from below and put up in the house until the enraged creditor and his party have gone. I was in one place where such a state of things existed. My merchandise was taken by my host from under the house and carefully hidden upstairs. I wished to go to meet the collecting party but no one would volunteer to accompany me. If an agreement to pay has been brought about, the debtor has to make the settlement before the departure of his creditor, even though it may require several days to complete the payment. In this latter case the sustenance of the visiting party and all their needs fall, by custom, upon the poor debtor. Such is the customary method of collecting debts when all peaceable efforts have been unavailing. To understand the principle involved in it, as also the circumstances that bring it about, it is necessary to bear in mind that once the creditor becomes disgusted with the delay of his debtor in settling the account, he announces his intention to add to the indebtedness a financial equivalent of all fatigues 6 and expenses to be subsequently incurred in the collection of the debt. These fatigues not only include the actual trips made both by himself and such messengers as he may send to collect the debt, but such incidental losses, sicknesses, or accidents as may be the outcome of such trips. Another principle recognized in this matter is the liability into which the debtor may fall for such losses as the creditor may undergo through his failure to fulfill his obligations to a third person. Thus A owes B a pig, and B owes C, who in his turn must pay a lance to D at a certain time. On account of C's failure to deliver the lance in due time to D, he is, according to a previous contract, mulcted to the equivalent of 15 pesos. Had C been able to purchase a lance with the pig that B owed him he would, by customary law, be justified in putting the fine of 15 pesos to B's account. B attributes his failure to A's delay and on the same grounds, adds 15 pesos to the latter's indebtedness. It is clear that the principle of liability involved in this system gives rise to an infinity of disputes that may lead to bloodshed whenever the matter can not be arbitrated by the more influential men and chiefs in a public assembly. The debt after a certain time increases beyond reasonable proportions until it finally becomes so great as to be beyond the debtor's means. Notwithstanding the sacredness with which the average Manobo regards his debts, it happens occasionally that a little bad feeling springs up which, in the course of time may lead to serious consequences. It will be readily understood how easy it is for one party to take umbrage at the words or actions of another and to become obstinate. Happily, however, this does not happen frequently, on account of the salutary fear inspired by the lance and the bolo, and the urgent endeavors of the chiefs and the more influential men to settle matters amicably. I am surprised that disputes and bloodshed arising from the great credit system do not occur more frequently among such primitive people. Though in practice the relatives of a debtor assist him to settle his obligations, especially when he is hard pressed by his creditor, yet in theory there is no joint obligation to pay the debt. Neither do they, as a rule, assume a collective responsibility for it. Between relatives, as between others, the law regarding the payment of a debt is strenuously maintained, though I know of no case between near relatives in which it led to more than family bickerings. A very careful account of the indebtedness of one relative to another is sedulously kept. INTEREST, LOANS, AND PLEDGES INTEREST No interest is charged unless an express contract is made to that effect.. In the case of a loan of paddy, however, even if no formal contract has been made, twice as much must be returned as was borrowed. Express contracts that call for interest are rather rare, as far as my observation 5 Tam-bu-li. 8 Ka-hd-go. 164 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIS NATIONAL goes, and when such contracts are made they are usually of a usurious nature, due, as I have noticed on several occasions, not so much to the desire for material gain, as to that of satisfying an old grudge against the borrower. In settlements that have had experience with the usurious methods of Christian natives, one finds here and there an individual who tries to follow the example set him by people that he looks up to. This practice is universally discountenanced, and, though it is submitted to under necessity in commercial dealings with Bisayas, it gives rise to no inconsiderable ill feeling, a fact that explains, to my mind, the difficulties that Bisayas experience in collecting from Christianized Manobos, as also the killing of many a Bisaya in pre-American days. During my trading tour of 1908 there was universal complaint made to me by MIanobos of the upper Agulsan, upper Umaiam, and upper Argaiwan Rivers against the system of usury employed by Bisaya traders, and many a time I heard this remark made concerning certain individuals: "We would kill him if we were not afraid of the Americans." LOANS AND PLEDGES With the exception of articles borrowed on condition that they are to be returned, loans are very rare in Man6boland. The most usual loan is that of paddy. Articles borrowed must be returned in as good a condition as that in which they were received. I know of no leases among non-Christian Manobos. Land is too plentiful to lease; other property is either sold or borrowed. I have never known a material pledge to be given, but the custom of going bond seems to be very generally understood though not much practiced, as such a custom insinuates a distrust that does not seem to be pleasing to the Manobo. A notable feature of the practice is the principle that the bondsman becomes the payer. I am inclined to think that this principle was taught to their mountain compeers by Bisaya and Christianized Manobos who found in it a convenient expedient whereby to make the collection of debts easier and sure. On the strength of it, a chief or a more well-to-do member of the tribe becomes responsible for the debt of one whose surety he became. LAWS OF LIABILITY LIABILITY ARISING FROM NATURAL CAUSES The liability here referred to is the general responsibility that a person acquires for consequences that are imputed to an act of his, whether voluntary or involuntary. Instances of this strange law arise on many occasions in Manoboland. The reader is referred to the case of the loss of the beads, the attempt to collect from me for the natural death of one of my carriers, for the death of a child that I had frightened, and other instances mentioned previously, all of which show the idea of responsibility for consequences following an act. A few more instances will make the principle involved clearer. On the upper Agusan, a Manobo of NTbuk River went over to MoncAyo to collect a debt. According to custom he carried his shield and spear. Now it happened that there were two women walking along the river bank, one of whom was the wife of an enemy of this NAbuk warrior. Upon seeing him she became frightened, fell into the river, and was drowned. The result of this was that the Nabuk man was condemned to pay a slave or its equivalent. As a near relative of his enemy owed him " thirty" (P30) he transferred the fine to him but the transference was not accepted on the ground that the Nibuk man ought to pay his fine first. A few days' discussion of the matter resulted in the departure of the Nibuk man, who upon his arrival in a near settlement killed, in his rage, one of his slaves. The outcome of the whole affair was a feud between Moncaiyo and Nabuk. LIABILITY ARISING FROM RELIGIOUS CAUSES The violation of the numerous taboos is believed to bring about evil consequences that are chargeable to the account of the infringer. For example, a man in Buai was charged 30 pesos for the breaking of a certain birth taboo, a violation which was supposed to have been responsible for the stillbirth of a child. I was warned on many occasions to desist from making disrespectful remarks about animals, such as monkeys or frogs, because, if Anitan were to hurl her thunder ENo. SIENCES] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 165 bolts at one of my companions and harm were to befall him I would be fined or killed. I would undergo a similar punishment, I was told on other occasions, for using such tabooed words as crocodile and salt; it was believed that a storm would be the result of the use of these words. On one occasion I thought it prudent to give a carrier of mine a piece of rubber cloth wherewith to cover his salt, for he had threatened to collect from me if it became wet from the storm that was impending, and which all my companions imputed to my deliberate use of the names of certain fish not native to their mountain water. LIABILITY ARISING FROM MAGIC CAUSES Another pregnant source of fines and of sanguinary feuds is the belief in the possession, by certain individuals, of magic power to do harm. No one that I know of or have heard of, except a few fearless warrior chiefs, has made open avowal of the possession of such power and yet on many occasions I have heard of the supposed possession of it by various individuals. To give an instance, a Manobo on the upper Agusan had the reputation of having secret poisons. One day another Man6bo and his wife visited him. With the exception of a trifling altercation about a debt, everything went well. On her return home the woman was suddenly taken sick and died. Her death was ascribed to the magic power of the person recently visited and the outcome was that the party with the bad reputation had to build a tree house, one of the few that I have seen, and surround his settlement with an abatis of brush and of sharp spikes, all in anticipation of an attack by the deceased woman's husband. It was the rule rather than the exception that I, myself, had the same reputation applied to me. Upon arrival in heretofore unvisited regions I was fpquently informed that they had heard of my wonderful power of killing. On many occasions it was only by assuming a bold front and by vowing vengeance on my traducers that I freed myself from the imputation. In such cases I always asked for the name of the slanderer, and, upon learning it, announced my intention of seeking him without delay, for the purpose of clearing myself from the imputation and of demanding satisfaction from him. THE SYSTEM OF FINES It is not intended here to consider the system of fines as penalties for voluntary wrongdoings but only as punishments for certain little acts of forgetfulness or of omission that might be construed as conscious acts of disrespect. The system is a very strange one and, to our way of thinking, very harsh, productive sometimes of bad feeling and even of more serious results. Instances that have passed under my personal observation will illustrate the system. Thus, on one occasion an acquaintance of mine left the house without making his intention known to those present. While he was under the house, one of the guests happened to spit through the floor upon the clothes of the man underneath. Upon his return he identified the guilty one both by his position in the house, and by the quality of the chewing material he was using. The case was discussed at length and it was decided that for carelessness the guilty one should make material reparation in the form of a chicken and some drink. Again, the dog of a certain individual on the upper Agusan was guilty of soiling the clothes of a person that happened to be working under the house. As the owner of the sick dog (it had been mangled by a wild boar) had been previously warned of the possibility of something untoward happening, he was fined and was condemned to make further reparation in the form of a convivial meeting in order to remove the ill feeling. Instances of fines that were imposed on me will illustrate the principle involved. Upon my arrival in new regions I was almost invariably called upon to pay a certain amount, on the ground that I had had no permission to enter the settlement, or that the local deities had been displeased at my visit, or that I was a spy, or for some other reason. The refusal to pay was always accepted after lengthy explanations and after the distribution of a few trifling gifts to the more vehement members of the settlement, but in one case arms were drawn and I had to take my stand with back to the wall and await developments. 166 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN Other instances in which unintentional disrespect toward the person or property of anyone was displayed might be adduced to profusion. It will suffice to say, however, that such acts as the following, even when unintentional, lay the agent under a liability, the commercial value of which must be determined by the circumstances and very frequently by formal arbitration: Spitting upon, or otherwise soiling another; rudely seizing the person of another; unbecoming treatment of another's property, especially of his clothes, as when, for instance, one steps upon another's shirt; opening another's betel-nut knapsack or other concealed property; borrowing things without formal announcement and due permission; going into certain places interdicted by the owner, as bathing, for instance, in that part of a river which the owner has forbidden the use of,7 or visiting his rice granary; and using disrespectful language, even in joke, about another, as, for instance, speaking of one as an insect, a Mafiggunfigan.8 These interdictions are necessary among the Man6bos in order that in their social dealings with one another proper deference may be shown toward their person and property. For were a mere "pardon me" a sufficient reparation for an act, however unintentional, advantage might be taken of it to inflict a thousand and one little incivilities that would serve to arouse the relentless spirit of revenge that centuries of feuds have instilled into the Man6bo character. 7 Due, presumably, to the fact that the place, usually a deep pool, is the abode of a water wraith. 8 This is a term'of reproach when applied to a Man6bo. CHAPTER XX POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS AND FAMILY PROPERTY; PROCEDURE FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE FAMILY PROPERTY The property of a Manobo family is so scanty that the rules governing it have never developed beyond a primitive stage. The house belongs collectively to the father and to such of his sons-in-law and brothers-in-law as may have constructed it. The structure represents little value to the owner except that of the rough-hewn boards which may be transported to another place. The reason that such cheap houses are built is that they may be abandoned without much loss at any moment that a death, or even a suspicion of danger, arising from religious or from natural reasons, may dictate. The movable property in the house belongs to the individuals who have made, purchased, or in any other lawful way acquired it. In this respect it is to be noted that each married couple provides itself with household utensils and such other things as may be necessary. These things do not become the property of the head of the family, but remain the individual property of the person who brings them. It must be noted, too, that women, children, and slaves have theoretically no light to ownership. It is true that women are allowed to dispose of the products of their labor like rice and cloth, but usually, if not always, the consent of their husbands or of their husbands' nearest male relatives is first secured if the article is of much value. Frequently a consultation is held with the head of the whole household. RULES OF INHERITANCE When a man dies and leaves no near relatives that are of sufficient age to manage the inheritance, the elder brother-in-law inherits the property. The deceased brother's wife is a part of this property. When the father dies, the son is the heir, and, if of sufficient age and capabilities, takes the place of his father. But should he be deemed incompetent by his near male relatives, his paternal uncle, or, if he has none, a brother-in-law, becomes the manager of the household. Any property which may be of value is thus retained within the line of male descent. This is in accordance with the principles of the patriarchate system which prevails in Man6boland. The eldest son inherits his father's debts, but the administrator (if in such unpretentious matters we may use so pretentious a word) pays the debts collecting in turn from the son unless he be a near kinsman of the deceased father. About matters of inheritance I have never even heard of a dispute. The valuable property may consist of only a lance and a bolo, or a dagger, and a few jars. The best suit of clothes together with personal adornments, such as necklaces, are carried with the deceased to his last resting place so that there is little left to quarrel over. With the exception of the few heirlooms, if there be any, consisting of a jar and some few other things, the greatest fear is entertained of articles that belonged to the departed one. This fear is due to the peculiar belief in the subtle, wayward feeling of the departed toward the living. RULES GOVERNING THE RELATIONS OF THE SEXES MORAL OFFENSES In the chapter on marriage the general principles governing the relations of the sexes is set forth. The relations both antenuptial and postnuptial are of the most stringent character. 167 168 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [EMOIR. XXATIO As a Manobo once told me, sexual morality is bound up with religion and the greater violations of it are sometimes punished by the divinities. Such lighter offenses, as gazing at the person of a woman while she is bathing, or on any other occasion when her person is exposed, are punished with appropriate fines. Improper suggestions and unseemly jokes undergo the same fate. It is a very common report among BisAyas that to touch a Man6bo woman's heel is an exceptionally serious offense against Manobo law. I never heard of any such regulation among Manobos, although it may exist. To touch any other part of her person, however, is an offense punishable by a good-sized fine. Death is the consequence of adultery, fornication, and seduction, except in very exceptional cases where the influence of the guilty one's relatives may save him. But it is certain that in these cases the fine is very heavy. I believe that it is never less than the equivalent of three slaves. All reports, both Bisaya and Manobo, state that when fornication has been attempted or accomplished the woman herself may make known the offense to her parents and relatives. The law is even more rigid in the matter of adultery. While I was on the upper Agusan River a case of adultery committed by a Christianized man and woman was discovered. The death of the man had been decided upon, and that of the woman was being mooted. I succeeded in having the death sentence commuted to a heavy fine of three slaves. It is the common report in Manoboland that, when a woman makes known the act of her lover, the latter does not deny it. Not only under such circumstances, but in nearly all other instances when brought face to face with the truth a Manobo will confess, sometimes even though there be no witness against him. Such is my observation of dealings between Man6bo and Manobo. In his relations with outsiders, however, the Manobo is not so veracious; on the contrary, he displays no little art in suppressing or in twisting the truth. MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND PAYMENTS In the chapter on marital relations it was made manifest that marriage is practically a sale in which a certain amount of the marriage price is returned to the bridegroom. This rule is very stringent. Should the marriage negotiations discontinue without any fault of the man or of his relatives all payments previously made have to be returned, item for item. In this respect it is to be noted that marriage contracts are almost relentlessly rigid, a fact that suggests an explanation of the length of the period that is usually required to terminate the negotiations. For it is only by many acts of attention and even of subservience that the suitor's relatives break down the obdurateness of the fianc6's relatives and make them relax the severity of their original demands. Very minute and strict accounts of the various payments, including such small donations as a few liters of rice, are recorded on a knotted rattan strip in anticipation of a final disagreement. When it is decided that the marriage is not to take place by reason of the death of one of the affianced parties, the father and relatives of the fiance must return all the purchase payments which may have been made. Custom provides that these payments shall be returned gradually, the idea being, presumably, to allow the fiance's relatives an opportunity to profit by the donations of a new suitor, if one should present himself within a stipulated period. It will be readily understood that the nature of the debts incurred by an obligation to return marriage payments determines the character of the payments that will be exacted from a new suitor. Thus, if A's relatives, for good reasons, decide not to continue their suit for the hand of B's daughter, B would be granted a specified time in which to await the presentation of a new suitor for his daughter's hand. This new suitor would be required to bring a lance, for example, and other objects that would serve as first and more urgent payments to A. In the case of fornication committed by a man with his fiance, death may be the penalty if the girl's father desires to have the marriage broken off, but I was given to understand that such a heavy penalty is rarely inflicted, the girl's father contenting himself with imposing a heavy fine. No. 1] IENE CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC. 169 ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN In all my wandering among the Manobos, I never knew nor heard of an illegitimate 'child, so can not say what regulations govern, if such births occur. In Mandiyaland the father of an illegitimate child is obliged to marry the girl and to enter his father-in-law's family in a state of semiservitude. The marriage takes place before the birth of the child. I was told by Mandiyas that illegitimate children belong to the nearest male relative of the mother, that in case of her marriage they still belong to her relative, and that they are treated in all other respects as legitimate children. EXTENT OF AUTHORITY OF FATHER AND HUSBAND The laws governing family relations are very simple. The father has theoretically absolute power of life and death over his wife, children, and slaves. In practice, however, this power is seldom used to its full extent. An arbitrary exercise of domestic authority over his wife and children would arouse the antagonism of her relatives and lead to a rupture of friendly relations. Hence, in family dealings there are displayed on one side paternal affection and leniency and on the other filial devotion and a sense of duty, so much so that the members of the family live in peace and happiness with seldom a domestic grievance. The wife, of course, is the absolute property of her husband, but is rarely, if ever, sold. I know of only one wife who was sold and she was a Bis~ya woman married to a recently Christianized Man6bo. It is not in accord with Manobo custom for a man to have two or more wives unless the first wife consents to the later marriages, and, if she does consent, she must always be considered the man's favorite and must be allowed to have a kind of motherly jurisdiction over the other wives. In all cases that have come under my observation, this rule was followed among Man6bos but not among Mandayas. The latter frequently seem more attached to their second, third, or fourth wives, but do not separate the first wife either from bed or board. As a result of the necessity of the first wife's consent to a second marriage, bigamy is comparatively rare. RESIDENCE OF THE HUSBAND The man is always expected to take up his residence in his wife's family and he nearly always does so. In fact, such is the implied and frequently the explicit contract made between his relatives and those of the girl. But after a few years, if not sooner, he usually takes his wife back to his own clan, leaving his father-in-law or other male relative of his wife some gift in the shape of a pig or other payment. In such a case it seems to be the custom for the father-in-law to acquiesce. CRIMES AND THEIR PENALTIES CRIMES It must be laid down as a general principle that in Man6boland it is considered proper and obligatory to seek redress for all wrongs (except a few serious ones) by an appeal to the relatives of the wrongdoer, either directly by a formal meeting or indirectly through the mediation of a third party. The first exceptions to this rule are cases of adultery, fornication, rape, and homicide when the murderer, wantonly, and without an attempt to arbitrate, kills a fellow man. The great law of vengeance presupposes in nearly every case a recourse to arbitration, and not a hasty, unannounced, deliberate killing. The one who orders the death of another or in any other way deliberately causes it is the one on whom vengeance must be taken. Thus, if A pays a neutral warrior chief to kill his opponent, the responsibility for the death will be laid, not on the warrior who did the killing (unless he had personal motives for committing the murder) but on the one who ordered the death. The warrior was paid and accordingly bears no responsibility. He may be paid again by the relatives of the slain to do a similar act to their enemies. Thus it is, that in Man6boland, it is 170 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [VOL. XXIII, very necessary to be on such terms of friendship with the members of the warrior class that they will not be inclined to undertake for payment the task of taking vengeance for another. Killing for public policy is a recognized institution, but such executions very seldom take place. On the upper TAgo River word was sent to me that my guide would be killed if he led me into a certain remote region at the headwaters of that river. It was reported on all sides that the principal chiefs of the region had assembled before my departure and had decided upon his death. For some reason, probably fear, the sentence was not carried into effect. It was reported to me that in time of an epidemic it is permitted to kill anyone who dares to break the quarantine. Involuntary killing when it is manifest that it was a pure accident can be compounded. THE PRIVATE SEIZURE By the tawdgan system a Manobo is permitted to kill or seize anything or anybody that he may decide upon, provided that he has made every endeavor to settle the dispute by amicable means. Having failed to adjust the matter without bloodshed, he may avenge himself, first and above all, on the guilty party. I will not make a positive statement to the effect that he must announce his intention to make use of the right accorded him by the tawdgan custom, but I am of opinion that this must be done, for in every instance that came under my observation it had been generally known beforehand that the aggrieved party would make a seizure within a specified time. I know that on one occasion I had to exact a promise from a man that he would not lay hands on merchandise of mine that was deposited under a house in the vicinity of his settlement. He had made public announcement that he would make a seizure, even though it should be that of my merchandise. The aggrieved party in making use of his right must, if possible, inflict damage, even death, upon the debtor or other wrongdoer or on some of his relatives, but should this prove impracticable he is at liberty to select anyone. If he kills a neutral party, he must compound with the relatives of the slain one for the death inflicted and enter with them into a solemn promise to act jointly against the offending party. In the case of seizure, he can not dispose of the object seized until the owner be consulted. It is customary for the two to enter a compact by which they bind themselves to take joint action against the offender, advantageous terms being guaranteed to the new colleague. The man whose property is thus seized is very often one who has had an old-time grudge against the original offender or debtor. PENALTIES FOR MINOR OFFENSES Minor offenses such as stealing, slandering, failure to pay debts, deception that causes material damage to another, loss or damage to another's property, the lesser violations of sexual propriety, disrespect to another's property, etc., are punishable by fines that must be determined by the assembled relatives of the two parties. I have never been able to find the least trace of any definite system of fines. In the determination of them for the more serious of offenses (adultery, wanton killing, etc.), the equivalent of a human life, 15 or 30 pesos, is the basis of the calculation. In the case of minor offenses, however, lesser quantities are determined upon after a lengthy discussion of the subject by the respective relatives of the parties involved. CUSTOMARY PROCEDURE PRELIMINARIES TO ARBITRATION The aggrieved party, upon hearing of the offense and after making many futile efforts to come to an agreement, consults with his relatives, when, after being assured of their cooperation he begins to issue threats, all of which reach the ear of his opponent. At first the latter probably is not disturbed by these, but, as they begin to pour in from all sources, he makes up his mind either to face his opponent in person, if the affair has not gone too far, or to look around for a friendly chief or other person of influence and sagacity to mediate. All this time new rumors No. 1]rSC CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC. 171 of his enemy's anger and determination to appeal to arms reach him, but he must not display cowardice, neither must his opponent openly seek arbitration, for such an action would bespeak fear on both sides. So, on the part of the aggrieved one, there is menace, revenge, and a pretense at least not to be amenable to peaceable measures. On the part of the other, there must be no display of fear, no hurry to arbitrate, and a general indifference, at least simulated, as to the outcome. If the offending party answers threat by threat, his opponent may become incensed and hostilities may break out, as happens in other parts of the world. In the meantime neighboring chiefs and influential people are throwing the weight of their opinions in favor of peace and if they prevail one or more of them are requested to assist in the final settlement, definite emolument sometimes being promised, especially when either of the contending parties is very anxious to have the matter settled. It is the duty now of the mediating chiefs or other persons to bring the parties together. This they do either by inviting the contestants to a neutral house or by persuading one of them to invite the other to his house. It may happen that the aggrieved party, instead of following this procedure, precipitates a settlement by sending a fighting bolo or a dagger or a lance to his opponent. This is an ultimatum. If the weapon is retained it means hostilities. If it is returned, it denotes a willingness to submit the matter to arbitration. But the one who receives the weapon probably will not return it at once as he desires to disguise, in the presence of his opponent's emissary, the bearer of the ultimatum, any eagerness he may feel for arbitration. Once having decided that he will submit the matter to arbitration or that he will yield, he announces to the messenger that he will visit his opponent within a specified period and talk matters over and that he is willing to have the affair settled but that his relatives are unwilling. If a bolo or other such and his readiness to take the consequences. A few days before the appointed time he orders drink to be made and he may go out on a big fishing expedition. He procures also a pig or two. With these, and accompanied by a host of male relatives, he sets out for the house that has been agreed upon. The pigs and drink and other things are deposited in a convenient place near the house, for it would be impolitic to display such proofs of his willingness to yield. This is the procedure followed in more serious cases. Cases of lesser importance, which occur with great frequency, are settled almost informally in the following manner: When the subject under dispute is not of such a serious nature, either in itself or by reason of aggravating circumstances, like quarrels or violent language that may have preceded it, the ordinary method of settling the trouble consists in a good meal given by one party to the other. Toward the end of the repast, when all present are feeling convivial from the effects of the drink, the question at issue, usually a debt, is taken up and discussed by the parties concerned and their respective relatives. It happens often that the matter is put off to another time, and thus it may require several semifriendly meetings to settle it. On the whole, however, the proceedings are terminated amicably, although I have seen a few very animated scenes at such times. On one occasion a member of the party, accompanied by his relatives, rushed down the pole and seizing his lance and shield challenged his adversary to single combat. The challenge was not accepted, so he and his party marched away vowing vengeance. I have seen bolos or daggers drawn on many occasions but the relatives and others always intervened to prevent bloodshed. It is to be noted that such violent actions are due often to the influence of drink but do not take place more frequently than drunken brawls do in other parts of the world. When the case in question is of such an involved and serious character as to make it dangerous for the accused one to enter the house, he remains hidden till he ascertains how his relatives and friends are progressing. In other cases he personally attends and may argue in his own defense.' 1 There is a very formal peace-making procedure followed by the Man6bos who have been in contact with the Banuaons of Maasam River, but I never witnessed it, so I can not give any first-hand information as to the details. In the chapter on war will be found such details as have been given to me by trustworthy Bisayas of Talak6gon. p 172 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, GENERAL FEATURES OF A GREATER ARBITRATION The general features of the procedure are the following: The policy of the aggrieved one and of his party is to maintain a loud, menacing attitude, and to insist on a fine three or four hundred times larger than they expect to be paid. The accused and his relatives keep up a firm attitude, not so firm, however, as to incense unduly their opponents, and from the beginning make an offer of a paltry sum in payment. Although everybody at times may break into the discussion, or all may yell at the same time, the ordinary procedure is to allow each one to speak singly and to finish what he has to say. The others listen and assent by such expressions as correspond to our "yes indeed," "true," etc., whether they are in accord with the speaker's opinions or not. These lengthy talks are, at least to an outsider, most wearisome, given, as they are, in a dreary monotone, but they explain the inordinate length of arbitrations that may last for several days. The whole party is squatted on the floor and makes use of grains of corn, of pieces of wood or leaf, of the bamboo slats of the floor, of their fingers and toes or of anything convenient, to aid them in the enumeration of the objects of which they treat. Everybody is armed, probably with his hand on his weapon, and his eyes alert. In very serious cases women and children may not be present. This, of course, is an indication of possible bloodshed and is a very rare occurrence. The chiefs or other influential men who have been selected to aid each side in the settlement take a conspicuous part in the proceedings and help to influence the parties concerned to come to an understanding, but it can not be said that their word is paramount. The contestants' own relatives have more weight than anyone else. The procedure at a Manobo arbitration may be likened to that of a jury when in retirement. Point after point is discussed, similitudes and allegories are brought up by each speaker until, after wearisome hours or days, the opinion of each side has been molded sufficiently to bring them into agreement. In one respect it differs from the jury method in that loud shouts and threats are made use of occasionally, proceeding either from natural vehemence or from a deliberate intention on one side to intimidate the other. It is not good form for the defendant to yield readily. On the contrary, it is in accordance with Manobo custom and character to yield with reluctance, feigned if not real. When a small pig is really considered a sufficient payment, a large one is demanded. WVhen the pig is received and is really in conformity with the contract, defects are found in it-it is lean or sick or short or light in weight-in a word, it is depreciated in one way or another. The giver, on the contrary, exaggerates its value, descants on its size, length, form, and weight, tells of the exorbitant price he paid for it, reminds the receiver of the difficulty of procuring pigs at this season, and in general manifests his reluctance to part with it. It must not be supposed that such actions and statements are believed at once. On the contrary, it is only after lengthy talks on each side that opinions are formed, an agreement entered into, a contract is drawn up, or reparation made. It is the identical case of stubborn jurymen. In the settlement of these disputes much depends upon the glibness of tongue and on the sagacity of one or more of the principal men. For were it not for their skill in understanding the intricacies of the subject and in sidetracking irrelevant claims the disputes would be impossible of satisfactory arrangement. This will be understood more readily if it is borne in mind that outside of the reasonable facts of the case, counterclaims are made by the debtor or the accused party. These claims are sometimes of an extraordinary nature and date back to the time of his grandfather or other distant relative. Thus he may say that his opponent's great uncle owed his grandfather a human life and that this blood debt has never been paid nor revenge obtained. Such an affirmation as this will be corroborated by his relatives and they may immediately break out into menaces of vengeance. Again, he may aver that his opponent was reputed to have had a charm by which death might be caused, and that his son had died as a result of this use of evil magic powers. Whereupon the other vigorously repudiates the imputation and demands a slave in payment of the slander. It is only the popularity of the chief men, their reputation for fair dealing, their sagacity, and perhaps their relationship with the respec ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC. No. - CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC. 173 tive contestants that dispose of such side issues and bring about an amicable and satisfactory settlement. It is customary for the one who loses to regale the assembly with a good meal. In Manoboland this latter is the great solace for all ills and the source of all friendship. So, when the question under dispute has been settled, the one who lost sends out and gets the pig and drink that have been brought for that purpose. When prepared, the food is set out on the floor, the guests are distributed in due order, and then begins one of those meals that must be witnessed in order to be understood. One feature of this feast is that the two former adversaries are seated together and vie with each other in reciprocating food and drink. As they warm up under the influence of the liquor they load large masses of food into each other's mouths, each with an arm around the other's neck. Upon the following day, or perhaps that same day, the winner of the case reciprocates with another banquet. When that is finished, the other party may give another banquet and so they may continue, if their means permit, for many days. I assisted at one peacemaking in which the banqueting lasted for 10 successive days. DETERMINATION OF GUILT BY WITNESSES The usual and natural method of determining the guilt of the accused is through the instrumentality of witnesses. They are questioned and requestioned at great length even if the defendant be not present. There seems to be no necessity for this procedure, for the defendant admits his guilt when brought face to face with the plaintiff or with the witnesses. The testimony of children is not only admissible but is considered conclusive. That of a woman testifying against a man for improper suggestions and acts is considered sufficient to convict him. False testimony in the presence of witnesses and relatives is almost unheard of. I suppose that this marvel is to be attributed to the fear of the dire retribution that would infallibly overtake the false witness. BY OATHS Ordinarily no oath is administered nor any other formal means adopted to make certain that the accused or the witnesses will tell the truth, but there is a practice which is sometimes followed whenever the veracityof anyone is doubted. This is called to-tung or burning of thewax, a ceremony that may be used not only with witnesses but with anyone from whom it is desired to force the truth. I have used it very successfully on numerous occasions in getting information about trails. The ceremony consists in burning a piece of beeswax in the presence of the party to be questioned. This signifies that if he does not answer truthfully his body by some process of sympathetic magic, will be burned in a similar manner. After making his statement and while the wax is being burned, he expresses the desire that his body may burn and be melted like the wax if his statement is untrue. This is another example of the pervading belief in sympathetic magic. BY THE TESTIMONY OF THE ACCUSED In the various instances that have come under my observation, the guilty one, as a rule, vigorously denied his guilt until confronted in public assembly by his accusers, so that I judge that custom does not require him to make a self-accusation until that time. But when duly confronted with witnesses, he nearly always admits his guilt. For if the defendant should deny his guilt and if there were no evidence against him other than suspicion, the injured party would be justified in inflicting injury on anyone else, according to the principles of the private-seizure system. If it should later be discovered that the defendant was the original offender, the innocent parties who were the victims of this seizure would ultimately take terrible vengeance on him. I was informed by the Debabtions that a false denial of one's guilt before the assembled arbiters and relatives is especially displeasing to the deities. I failed to get information on this point from Manobos, but it would be fairly reasonable to conclude that their belief in the matter is identical with that of the Debabions. 174 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMVOL. ATION Should the accused one deny his guilt and should circumstantial evidence point to him as the guilty one, the wax-burning ceremony above described would be performed. If he should still maintain that he was innocent, various methods for the determination of his guilt would be resorted to. BY ORDEALS The tests made to determine the innocence or guilt of a person are threefold: (1) the hotwater ordeal, (2) the diving ordeal, and (3) the candle ordeal. The hot-water ordea.2-A brass anklet, armlet, or similar metal object is put into boiling water in one of the iron pans so common throughout the Agusan Valley. The suspected party, or parties, is then called upon to insert a hand into the water and to remove the object that has been placed at the bottom of the shallow pan. Although I have heard many threats of an appeal to this test, I never saw the actual operation of it, but I have been assured repeatedly by those who claimed to have seen the performance that the hand of the guilty one gets badly scalded, while that of an innocent one remains uninjured. The belief in the truth of this test is so strong, that, at times when the ordeal was threatened, I have heard many express not only their willingness but their eagerness to undergo it. I have made numerous and very definite inquires in different localities and from members of different tribes as to the reason for the value of the ordeal as a test and as to whether or not it might be explained by the agency of supernatural beings, but in reply always received the answer that no reason could be given except that it had always been so and that religion had no connection with it. The diving ordeal.3-I never witnessed the actual operation of this ordeal except in play, but the belief in its efficacy is strong and widespread. The operation consists in a trial between the parties under suspicion as to the length of time they can remain under water. Two at a time undergo the test. The one that retains his head under water longer is declared innocent for the time being, but has to undergo the test with each one of the suspected parties. This method seems impossible as a final proof, but such is the procedure as described to me on the upper Tdgo River. Another and more common method is a simultaneous trial by all the accused. At a given signal they submerge their heads. The one that first raises his from the water is declared guilty. I was told by one party that the respective relatives of the accused ones stand by and hold them down by main force. This statement was corroborated by all those present at the time, but, as neither my informant nor anyone else could explain what it would be necessary to do in case of asphyxiation, I do not give credence to the story. On numerous occasions I made diving tests in sport with Man6bos and found that I could retain my breath longer than they could. They assured me, nevertheless, that if the test were made as an ordeal and if I were the guilty party, I would infallibly lose. The candle ordeal.-Among the Christianized Man6bos of the lake region I found the belief in the efficacy of the candle ordeal for determining the guilt of one of the suspected parties. Candles of the same size are made and are given to the suspects, one to each of them. They are then stuck to the floor and lit at the same time. The contestants have the right to keep them erect and to protect them from the wind. The one whose candle burns out first is declared guilty. A belief in the value of ordeals is widespread, but the actual practice of them is very rare. No reason for this has been given to me, although it is stated that the refusal to submit to one would be considered evidence of guilt. BY CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE In Man6boland circumstantial evidence, in the absence of other evidence, has sufficient weight to convict one who is under suspicion. Hence footprints and other traces of a man's presence are carefully examined. In fact, as a gatherer of testimony, even of the most insignifiPag-init. 3 Sin-ub. AD CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC No.I] CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS, ETC. 175 cant kind, the Man6bo is peerless; he is patient, ceaseless, and thorough. This is due, no doubt, to his cautious, suspicious nature and to that spirit of revenge that never smolders. He may wait for years until the suspicion seems to have died out, when one fine day he hears a rumor that confirms his suspicions and the flame of contention bursts forth. One by one the successive bearers of the incriminating rumor are questioned in open meeting until the truth of it is ascertained and the guilty one brought to justice. I have known many cases, principally of slander, traced in this way from one rumor bearer to another. This illustrates the statement made before that in cases involving damage or loss to another the guilty party and the witnesses as a rule declare the truth, when they are called upon, knowing that one day or another the secret will probably be ferreted out and then the punishment will be greater. ENFORCEMENT OF THE SENTENCE The sentence having been agreed to by the consensus of opinion of both sides, and the defendant having manifested his concurrence therein, a time is set for the payment. When the offense is of a very serious character, partial payment is made at once, the object being to mollify the feelings of the enraged plaintiff. This payment ordinarily consists of a weapon belonging either to the defendant himself or to one of his relatives, but in urgent cases it might be a human being, as a relative for instance. I myself saw delivery of a son made after the termination of an adultery case. The whole payment or compensation is not exacted at once but a suitable length of time for the completion of it is always agreed upon. The defendant receives a strip of rattan with a number of knots and is at times made to take the wax-burning oath. His conduct on these occasions is apparently submissive for he does not want to run counter to tribal opinion, but it happens sometimes that upon leaving the house of adjudication he expresses his dissatisfaction with the decision or throws the blame upon somebody else. In this case there may arise another contention. On the whole, however, he abides by the decision. In the great majority of cases the convicted man makes the stipulated payment, for a refusal to do so would lead to more serious difficulties than those already settled, and excuses for nonfulfillment are not accepted as readily as before. Moreover, a second arbitration subjects his opponent and his opponent's relatives to unnecessary trouble and long journeys. Hence, realizing that a second trial will only serve to exasperate his opponent and arm public opinion against him, he fulfills his obligations faithfully. CHAPTER XXI POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS Dealings on the part of Manobos with other tribes such as the Banuaon, the Debabion, and the Mandaya are almost without exception of the most pacific kind. I made frequent inquiries, especially while on the upper Agusan River, as to the reason for this, and was always given to understand that any trouble with another tribe was carefully avoided because it might give rise to unending complications and to interminable war. I am of the opinion that, in his avoidance of war with neighboring tribes, there is ever present in the Manobo's mind a consciousness of his inferiority to the Mandaya, Debabaon, and Banuaon, and a realization of the consequences that would inevitably follow in case of a clash with them. Thus the Man6bos of the upper Aguisan, who had provoked the Mandaiyas of the Kati'il River at the beginning of the Christian conquest, suffered a dire reprisal on the Ilu'lip River, upper Agusan, when some 180 of them were massacred in one night.' The current accounts of Debabaon warriors, as narrated to me by many of them on the upper Sdlug River, show the severe losses suffered by Manobos of the upper Agusan in their conflicts with DebabAons. The same holds true of the Manobos on the lower Agusan when they matched their strength with the Banuaons of the Maasam, Libang, and Ohut Rivers. A perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus" will give one a vivid picture of the devastation caused by not only the Banuaons but by the Mandayas and the Debabaons in Manoboland. The reason for these unfriendly intertribal relations and for the consequent defeats of the Manobos in nearly every instance is not far to seek. The Manobo lacks the organization of the Mandaya, Debabaon, and Banuaon. Like the Mafiggunfigan he is somewhat hot-headed, and upon provocation, especially while drunk, prefers to take justice into his own hands, striking down with one fell swoop his Mandaya or other adversary, without appealing to a public adjudication. The result of this imprudent proceeding is an attack in which the friends and relatives of the slain one become the aggressors, invading Manobo territory and executing awful vengeance upon the perpetrator of the wrong. The friends and relatives of the latter, with their inferior tribal organization and their conscious feeling of inferiority in courage, together with a realization of the innumerable difficulties that beset the path of reprisals, very rarely invade the territory of the hostile tribe. Both from the accounts given in the aforesaid Jesuit letters and from my own observations and information, I know that the same statements may be made of the intertribal relations of Manfigguanigans and Mandayas, Manfigguanfgans and Debabaons, and Manfigguanigans and Manobos. The Mafigguanfigans are much lower in the scale of culture than the Manobos, and when they are under the influence of liquor yield to very slight provocation. As a result of a rash blow, the Mangguanfigan's territory is invaded and his settlement is surrounded. He is an arrant coward as a rule, and, hot-headed fool as he is, jumps from his low, wall-less house only to meet the foeman's lance. Thus it happens that thousands and thousands of them have been killed. If we may believe the testimony of a certain Jesuit missionary, as stated in one of the Jesuit letters, the ManfigguAnfigan tribe numbered 30,000 at one time and their habitat extended eastward from the TAgum River and from its eastern tributary, the SAlug, between the Hijo and the Totui Rivers, to the Aguisan and thence spread still eastward over the Simdlau River. In 1886 Father Pastells estimated them to number some 14,000. In 1910, I made an estimate, based on the reports of their hereditary enemies in Compost6la, See Cartas de los PP. de la Compaflia de Jesus, 5: 22, 1883. 176 INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS 177 Gandia, Ger6na, and MoncAyo, and venture to state that in that year they did not number more than about 10,000 souls. Their territory, too, at that date, was confined to the low range of mountains that formed the Agusan-Sdlug divide and to the swamp tracts'in the region of the Manat River, with a scattered settlement here and there on the east of the Agdsan to the north of the MAnat River. The Man6bos of the Ihawdin, Ba6bo, and Agisan Rivers played a bloody part in the massacre of the Mafiggufangans. While on my first visit to the upper Agdsan in 1907, I used to hear once or twice a week of the killing of Mafggufigans. Many a time my MandAya or Man6bo or Debabdon companions would say to me, upon seeing a MafigguAngan: "Shoot him, grandpa, he is only a Mafgguaigan." I know from the personal accounts of Man6bo, MandAya, and Debabaon warrior chiefs that in nearly every case they had acquired their title of warrior chief by bloody attacks made upon Mafggunfigans. The warrior chiefs of the upper Agusan, upper Kariga, upper Manorigau and upper and middle Kati'il had nearly to a man earned their titles from the killing of Maniggufagans. This is eminently true of the Debabfon group. MoncAyo itself boasts of more warrior chiefs than any district in eastern Mindanao, and stands like a mighty watchtower over the thousands and thousands of Manggunfigan and Man6bo graves that bestrew the lonely forest from Libaganon to the Aguisan. INTERCLAN RELATIONS on the subject as well as from my own personal observation, interclan feuds among Man6bos have diminished notably since the beginning of missionary activity and more especially since the establishment of the special government in the Agdsan Valley. Upon the establishment of this government in the lower half of the Agusan Valley, there was a perceptible decrease in bloody fights due to the effective extension of supervision under able and active officials. Here and there in remote regions, such as the upper reaches of the Baobo, Ihawdn, Umafam, Argaiwan, and Kasilalan Rivers, casual killings took place. On the upper Agdsan, however, where no effective government had been established until after my departure in 1910, interclan relations were not of the most pacific nature. Thus, in 1909, the settlements of Dugmdnon and Moncayo were in open hostility, and up to the time of my departure four deaths had occurred. The Mandaiyas of Kati'il and Manorilgao had contemplated an extensive movement against Compost6la and after my departure did bring about one death. However, the intended move was frustrated happily by the establishment of a military post in Moncayo in 1910. Several Mafggunfigans at the headwaters of the Manat River met their fate in 1909. The whole Manfigguanfigan tribe went into armed vigilance that same year and rendered it impossible for me to meet any but the milder members of the tribe living in the vicinity of Compost6la. On one occasion I had made arrangements to meet a ManfigguAnfigan warrior chief at an appointed trysting place in the forest. Upon arriving at the spot, one of my companions beat the buttress of a tree as a signal that we had arrived, but it was more than an hour before our Mangguanfigan friends made their appearance. Upon being questioned as to the delay, they informed us that they had circle d at a considerable distance, examining the number and shape of our footprints in order to make sure that no deception was being practiced upon them. When we approached the purpose of the interview, namely, to request permission to visit their houses, they positively refused to allow it, telling us that they were on guard against three warrior chiefs of the upper SAlug who had recently procured guns and who had threatened to attack them. Upon questioning my companions as to the likely location of the domicile of the MangguAnfigans, I was assured that they probably lived at the head of the MAnat River in a swampy region and that access to their settlement could be had only by wading through tracts of mud and water thigh deep. During the same year various other raids were made, notably on the watershed between the SAlug and the IhawAn Rivers. The Man6bos of the Ba6bo River, which has been styled 67173~-31 13 178 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEVOL. ^XIIIo by the well-known Jesuit missionary Urios "the river of Bagani" (warrior chiefs), were reported to be in a state of interclan war. Such a condition, however, was nothing unusual, for I never ascended the upper Aguisan without hearing reports of atrocities on Ba6bo River.2 In time of peace, interclan dealings are friendly, but it may be said in general that dealings of any kind are not numerous and that their frequency is in inverse ratio to the distance between the two clans. It is seldom that a given individual has no feudal enemy in one district or another, so that in his visits to other clans he usually has either to pass through the territory of an enemy or to run the risk of meeting one at his destination. This does not mean that he will be attacked then and there, for he is on his guard, but it must be remembered that he is in Man6boland and that a mere spark may start a conflagration. Hence, visits to others than relatives and trips to distant points are not frequent. This is particularly true of the womenfolk. Here and there one finds a Man6bo man who travels fearlessly to distant settlements for the purpose of securing some object that he needs, but he never fails to carry his lance, and frequently, his shield; he is never off his guard, either on the trail or in the house he may be visiting. During the greater social and religious gatherings the greatest vigilance is exerted by all concerned as everyone realizes beforehand the possibility of trouble. Hence bolos or daggers are worn even during meals. Enemies or others who are known to be at loggerheads are seated at a respectful distance from each other with such people around them as are considered friendly or at least neutral. This arrangement of guests is a very striking feature of a Manobo meal and one of great importance, for it prevents many an untoward act. The host, in an informal way, sees to the distribution of the guests, and when his arrangement is not acceptable to any of the interested parties, a rearrangement is made and all seat themselves. This proceeding has nothing formal about it. The whole thing seems to be done by instinct. EXTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS EXPLOITATION BY CHRISTIAN NATIVES The shameless spoliation 3 practiced during my residence and travels in eastern Mindanao (1905-1909) by Christian natives upon the Christianized and un-Christianized Manobos is a subject that deserves special mention. Exploitation by falsification.-The hill people, living in their mountain fastnesses out of communication with the more important traders, had to depend wholly for their needs on petty traders and peddlers of the Christian population. They were accordingly kept in absolute ignorance of the true value of the commodities that they required. False reports as to the value of rice, hemp, and vino were constantly spread. To-day, it would be a report of a war between China and Japan that caused a rise of several pesos in the price of a sack of rice. To-morrow, it would be an international complication between Japan and several of the great European powers which caused a paralysis in the exportation of hemp and a corresponding fall of several pesos in the value of it. These and numerous other fabrications were corroborated by letters purporting to come from Butuan, but in most cases written by one trader to another on the spot, with a view to giving plausibility to the lie. It was a common practice for the trader's friend or partner in Butuan to direct, usually by previous arrangement, two letters to him, in one of which was stated the true value of the commodity and in the other the value at which it was desired to purchase or to dispose of it. The latter letter was for public perusal and rarely failed to beguile the ignorant conquistas and Man6bos. But it was not only in the exorbitant rates charged and in the unspeakably low prices paid for objects of merchandise that the Christian trader swindled his pagan fellow men. The use of false weights and measures was a second means. The Manobo had little conception of a pikul 4 2 The Baobo River rises in a mountain that is very near the confluence of the Salug and Libaganon Rivers, and empties into one of the myriad channels into which the Agfisan is divided just below Veruela. a Since the establishment in 1909 of government trading posts, this spoliation has practically ceased in the Agfisan Valley. A pikul is the equivalent of 137.5 Spanish pounds. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS 179 or of an arroba 6 of hemp, so that he was utterly at the mercy of the trader. The steelyards used by Christian traders from 1905 to 1908 were never less than 30 per cent out of true and frequently as much as 50 per cent. One pair of scales I found to be so heavily leaded that the hemp that weighed 25 pounds on them weighed between 38 and 39 pounds on a true English scales. Another method of defraudation consisted in false accounts. The Man6bo had no account book to rely upon in his dealings with the trader, but trusted to his memory and to the honesty of his friend. The payment was made in occasional deliveries of hemp or other articles, such deliveries covering a period usually of many months. When the day for settling accounts came, the Man6bo was allowed to spread out his little grains of corn or little bits of wood on the floor and to perform the calculation as best he could. Any mistakes in his own favor were promptly corrected by the trader, but mistakes or omissions in favor of the trader were allowed to pass unobserved. The account would then be closed and the trader would mark with a piece of charcoal on a beam, rafter, or other convenient place, the amount of the debt still due him, for it was extremely rare that he allowed the poor tribesman to escape from his clutches. Defraudation by usury and excessive prices.-Another method of exploitation consisted in a system of usury, practiced throughout the valley but more especially on the upper Agusan. An example will illustrate this: A BisAya advances 5 pesos in various commodities with the understanding that at the next harvest he is to receive 10 sacks of paddy in payment. At the next harvest the Man6bo is unable to pay more than 6 sacks. He is given to understand that he must pay the balance within two months. After that period the trader goes upstream again and proceeds to collect. The paddy is not forthcoming, so the trader informs his customer that the prevailing price of paddy in such and such a town is actually 5 pesos per sack and that he accordingly loses 20 pesos by the failure to receive the paddy stipulated for and that the debtor must answer for the amount. The poor Man6bo then turns over a war bolo or perhaps a spear at one-half their original value, for the contract called for paddy and not weapons. In that way he pays up a certain amount, let us say 10 pesos, and has still a balance of 10 pesos against him, he having no available resources wherewith to settle the account in full. He is then offered the alternative of paying 20 sacks at the next harvest or of performing some work that he is unwilling to do, so he accepts the former alternative. The bargain is then clinched with many threats on the part of the trader to the effect that the Americans will cut off his head or commit some other outrageous act should he fail to fulfill this second contract. The worst depredation committed on the Man6bo consisted of the advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates just before harvest time with a view to purchasing rice and tobacco. It is principally at this time that the Man6bo stands in special need of a supply of pigs and chickens for the celebrations, religious and social, that invariably take place. As he has little foresight in his nature and rarely, if ever, speculates, he was accustomed to bartering away in advance a large amount of his paddy and tobacco. The result was that after paying up as much of his paddy debts and tobacco debts as he could, he found that his stock was meager, barely sufficient for a few months. So the time came when he had to repurchase at from 3 to 10 pesos per bamboo joint that which he had sold for 25 centavos. Exploitation by the system of commutation.-Another means of defrauding perpetrated on the Manobo was the system of commutation by which the debt had to be paid, if the creditor so desired, in other effects than those which were stipulated in the contract. The value of the goods thus substituted was reckoned extraordinarily low. For example, in the event of a failure to pay the stipulated amount of tobacco, its value in some other part of the Agusan, where that commodity was high, would be calculated in money, and any object would be asked for that the trader might desire. Suppose the customary value of this object, a pig for instance, to be 10 pesos, at which price if would be offered to the trader, who would reply that he had contracted for tobacco and not pigs. He would go on to show that he had no use for pigs, that he could procure a pig of the same size for 2 pesos in another town, and he would finally persuade the debtor to turn over the pig for 2 pesos. 8 An arroba is 25 Spanish pounds. 180 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, I adjudicated unofficially, at the request of the Manobos, several cases where the Bisaya trader tried to collect not only the value of a sow but of the number of young ones that it might have given birth to had it lived. These pigs had been left with Man6bos for safe-keeping and either had died from natural causes or had been killed. One Bisaya went so far as to demand payment for the chickens that a hen would have produced had it not been stolen from the Man6bo to whom it had been entrusted. This part of the claim I did not allow, so the claimant demanded pay for the eggs that might have been laid. Wheedling or the pudnakc system.-Another means of exploitation practiced on the Manobos of the upper Agdsan was the pudnak system, invented by the Bisaya trader. The pudnak was some prosperous Man6bo who was chosen as an intimate friend and who, out of friendship, was expected to furnish his Bisaya friend anything which the latter might ask for. The Bisaya in return was expected to do the same. The BisAya paid his Man6bo friend a few visits every year, on which occasions he was received with all the open-hearted hospitality so characteristic of the Man6bo. Pigs and chickens, purchased frequently at high rates, were killed in his honor. The country was scoured for sugarcane wine or other drink, and no means were left untried to make the reception royal. The Bishya, in the meanwhile, lavished on his host soft, wheedling words, at the same time giving him sad tales of the rise in the price of merchandise, of his indebtedness to the Chinese, and before leaving gave him a little cloth or some other thing of small value. In return he received paddy, tobacco, and such other articles as he needed. The farewell was made with great demonstrations of friendship on the Bisaya's part and with an invitation to his Man6bo friend to visit him at a certain stated time. During his friend's visit the Man6bo had gone around the country canvassing for paddy and such other articles as he had been instructed to barter for. His wife and female relatives had stamped out several sacks of paddy for their friend. His sons and other male relatives had cleaned the Bisaya's boat and supplied him with rattan. In a word, the whole family had made menials of themselves to satisfy the Bisaya's every desire. At the stated time the Manobo started downstream with the various commodities that had been requested of him, paddy, tobacco, and other things. At his friend's house he was received with a great exhibition of joy and welcome. During his stay he was kept happy by constant doses of vino. Besides the killing of a suckling pig and of a few chickens, a little wheedling and palavering were about the only entertainment he received. But as the grog kept him in good humor and it is supposed to cost bne peso per liter, he was perfectly happy, turned over his wares to the host, had his accounts balanced for him (he was usually in a hilarious condition while this was being done), received further advances of merchandise at the usual usurious rates, and left for his upland home to tell his family and relatives of the glorious time he had at his pudnak's. Bartering transactions.-The following schedule of approximate values of commodities in the Agusan, 1905 to 1909, will serve to show the commercial depredations committed on Man6bos and conquistas by the Bisayas who have ever looked upon them as their legitimate prey. Sale price, Gain in Value of Article Quantity retailed y Article Quantity retailed Original Monetary in barter, weighing abakd in cost value for abakd or measurfiber ing Pesos Pesos Kilos Per cent Pesos Rice --- —------------ 1 sack --- —--— _ 5-8 12-22 100-200 30-50 16- 38 Vino --- —---- 1 demijohn --- —- - 5. 50 16 240 30-50 42- 48 Salt --- —------------- 1 sack -------- - 2. 50 12 100 10-30 21- 24 Salted fish 1 jar --- —---- 6.00 16 205 ---— 33- 37 Turkey red --- —- 1 piece --- —---- 4.00 14 106 15-25 26- 28 26.00 -----------------— 138-175 ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS 181 To this list might be appended the values of exchange in paddy, beeswax, and rattan and the corresponding gain made when these latter are bartered in their turn for hemp or disposed of to the Chinese merchants. From the above list it is evident that a Bisdya trader could go up the river with goods valued at 26 pesos and within a few weeks return with abakd valued at 138 pesos to 175 pesos, according to the scales and other measures used. His total expenses, including his own subsistence, probably would not exceed 30 pesos. No mention is here made of such luxuries as shoes, hats, or European clothes on which gains of from 500 to 1,000 per cent are the rule. Neither have various other usuries been included, such as high interest or payment of expenses in case of delays, all of which go to swell the gain that a Bisaya considers his right and his privilege when he has to deal with beings whom he hardly classes as men. Among the Manobos the credit system almost invariably prevails, based upon the sacredness with which the Manobo pays his debts. It is true that the Christianized Manobo occasionally is not very scrupulous in this respect, but this is because he has been fleeced so much by his Christian brethren. Arriving in a settlement, the trader displays only a part of his wares at a time. If he has two pieces of cloth, he displays only one. Of five sacks of rice, only two are his, he claims. In answering the inquiry as to whether he has dried fish, he says that he has just a little for his personal use, for the price of it in Butuin was prohibitive. On being besought to sell a little, he secretly orders it taken out from the jar and delivered to his customer, at an outrageous price. The object of this simulation is to hasten the sales of his wares, for should he display all his stock, many of his customers might prefer to wait in hopes of a reduction in prices, a sort of a diminutive "clearance sale." As the article for which the exchange is made is nearly always abakad fiber, it is evident that a certain period, longer or shorter according to the amount of fiber contracted for, must be allowed the customer. When this period exceeds a week, the stipulation is made that the payment shall be made in installments. A shorter period is allowed than is necessary for the stripping of the hemp, under the pretense that the trader is in a hurry to leave the settlement and catch a certain steamer with which he deals. This is a prudent precaution as the Manobo is not very methodical in his affairs nor quick in his movements. A thousand and one things-omens, sickness, bad weather-may delay him in the fulfillment of his contract. It is this tardiness that gives rise to the ill feeling and bickering that are not infrequently the outcome of this system of trading. The Manobo, moreover, has long since become aware of the stupendous gain made by the traders, and, when not dealt with gently, becomes exasperated and on occasions deliberately delays his creditor. Then again, some other trader may have got into the settlement in the meantime and seduced him into buying, cash down, some more enticing article, for this primitive man, like the rest of the world, often buys what he lays his eyes upon without any thought of the future. For this reason, the trader keeps close observation upon all who owe him, almost daily visiting their houses and profiting by the occasion to help himself to whatever little fish or meat or other edibles he may find therein. One who has been in debt a long time is a favorite victim, for when he is unable to pay his debt on time he is shamelessly required to offer a substantial apology6 in the form of a chicken or some other edible. GENERAL CONDITIONS OF TRADING In general, there was no established system in the Agdisan Valley as far as the dealings of Bisdyas went. The constant fluctuation of prices was a sufficient explanation of this. Thus, rice might be worth 13 centavos per kilogram in ButuAn, while at the same time it might command a price of 43 centavos on the Hibung River or in Veru6la. Salted fish might be selling in ButuAn for a trifle, whereas up the Simdlau a jar of it at retail might be worth 20 or 30 sacks of paddy. In general the increase in price of a commodity was in direct proportion to its distance from * B3a-lf-bad. 182 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, points of distribution. By points of distribution are meant the Chinese stores in Butumn and Talakogon. Again the old-time custom of selling paddy at a fixed customary price held the Man6bo in commercial servitude to his Bisaya compeer. This was due to the intense conservatism of the Manobo and to his peculiar religious tenets in this regard, both of which were fostered and sustained by the tribal priests and encouraged by Bisiyas. Could he have been induced to retain his paddy instead of selling it at 50 centavos per sack he would not have been obliged to repurchase at P5 per sack. The same might be said of his tobacco, which he sold wholesale by the bamboo joint at 25 centavos each, or, at most, at a peso each, and which he repurchased, paying, in times of scarcity, 20 centavos for enough to chew a few times. The credit system, too, was an impediment to his financial advance. It seems to have been a tribal institution. During my trading tour I frequently heard my Man6bo debtors proclaim boastingly to their fellow tribesmen that I had much confidence in their integrity. The Manobo who could gain the confidence of the traders and accumulate his debts seemed to be an honored person, but when he was able to make sufficient payment to satisfy his creditors he was a great man. Hence, the traders played upon his vanity and advanced him such commodities as he desired, seldom obliging him to settle in full his obligations, and induced him to accept on credit a certain amount so as to retain him in bondage to them. It must not be imagined that there was anything tyrannical in the manner of collecting outstanding debts. On the contrary, it was almost always done in a gentle diplomatic way, the trader knowing full well that the Man6bo regarded a debt as sacred and that he would finally pay it. But it must not be supposed that the transactions were entirely free from disputes and quarrels. It happened occasionally that the Manobo detected the frauds in his creditor's accounting or remembered omissions of his own in a past reckoning, and so the bickering began, the Bisaya never caring to admit his errors or frauds, while the Manobo, who is a hard and fast bargainer, insisted on claiming what he considered his rights. As a rule, the matter was settled peaceably by the principal men of the region. Numerous instances, however, occurred wherein the Manobo, exasperated by the numerous frauds of his creditor, awaited a favorable occasion to dispatch him. On the whole, it may be said that differences which arose between Bisayas and their mountain compeers in eastern Mindanao are to be attributed in no small degree to the ruinous, relentless exploitation of the unsophisticated, untutored Manobo by the greedy Bisaya traffickers. INTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS By internal trading is meant those simple transactions that take place between Manobo and Manobo. The subject presents a striking contrast to the merciless system adopted by the Christian traders in their dealings with their pagan congeners. The transactions are simple exchanges of the absolute necessities of life. MONEY AND SUBSTITUTES FOR IT There is little conception of money as such among the hillmen unless they have been in contact with Christian or Christianized traders, and even then although monetary terms are made use of, there is but a vague conception of the real value of what they represent. I asked a Manobo of the upper Wa-wa the price of his little bamboo lime tube. The answer was 30 pesos. Money, therefore, has no value as a circulating medium, although it may be prized as a material out of which to make rings and other ornamental objects. As substitutes, there are several units of more or less indefinite value. Thus, the value of a slave which, expressed in monetary value, varies between 15 and 30 pesos, is mentioned in connection with large fines and with marriage payments. Again, plates of the type called pinggan are referred to in small fines and in other payments, but as these are imported articles the price varies. On the whole, however, 100 pinggan are worth a good serviceable slave-that is, 30 pesos. Pigs also are mentioned as a unit of value, but here again the value is not wholly definite, as a great many of them are imported and vary with the purchasing price. NCEMY OF SCIENCES] INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS 183 PREVAILING MAN6BO PRICES The following list will give a fair idea of the monetary value of some of the commodities that are most frequently exchanged between Man6bos. Pesos 1. A slave who can perform a full-grown person's work_ ------- --------- 30. 00 2. A slave who can do a certain amount of work --- —---- --------- 20. 00 3. A slave whose right hand can not reach the tip of his left ear_ - -------------- 15. 00 4. A male pig 1 year old ---- ------------------ 1. 00 5. A sow that has given birth once --- —----------------------------------------------------- 1. 00 6. One fathom of abakd cloth nearly 1 meter wide ---------------------— 1. 00 7. A woman's skirt of abakd --- —--— _____ ---.50 8. One double sack of paddy (150 liters).. 50 9. Three double gantas (15 liters). 064 10. One large basket (15 liters) of camotes, corn, taro, etc__ --- —-------------. 06% 11. One bunch of bananas. 06% 12. One dugout, 7 fathoms long, with a beam of 4 spans --- —------------ 1. 50 13. One dugout, 11 fathoms long, with a beam of 5 spans --- —----------------------------------- 2. 50 14. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can not be easily inserted ---. 06% 15. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can be easily inserted -----. 122 16. One full-grown hen or rooster --- —---------------------------------------------—. 12Y2 The values above indicated are based on the monetary terms used to represent their value, and borrowed, possibly, from the terms which are still in vogue in eastern Mindanio.7 From the above scale it will be seen that a pig 1 year old could be exchanged for 2 full-grown chickens, 2 sacks of paddy, and 2 bamboo joints of tobacco. It is not customary to trade in such things as camotes, taro, and corn, the return of them being the usual stipulation, but the corresponding values have been inserted in the above list in order to give the reader an idea of the value of food commodities. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES No measure of weight is used by the hill Man6bo. The Christianized Man6bo may have obtained some old scales of the type used by Bisayas for weighing abackd fiber. These scales are steelyards, the construction of which permitted the Bisaya trader to fleece his non-Christian customers of as much as 50 per cent of their abakd fiber. The method of falsifying the balance was by loading the counterpoising weight with lead, and by filing the crosspiece that acts as fulcrum. Another method which might be used with even true steelyards consisted in giving the counterpoise arm a downward tilt, after the abakd fiber had been loaded on the other arm. This was usually done on the pretense of picking up the counterpoising weight which had been purposely left on the ground. In measures of volume the Man6bo is almost equally destitute for he has only the gdntang. This is a cylindrical measure made out of the trunk of a palm tree, with a bottom of some other wood. It has a capacity of from 10 to 15 liters, but I know of no rule which fixes its exact size. An interesting point with regard to the size of this measure is that it is double that of the one used by Bistiyas.8 It is suggested that the early BisAya traders, on the introduction of the Spanish ganta and fanega, taught, for obvious purposes, their unsuspecting mountain friends to make a measure double the size of the legal one. In the manner of measuring out paddy (for it is practically only for this purpose that the gdntang serves) there is a feature that is characteristic of Manobo frugality and economy. The paddy is scooped with the hands, little by little, into the measure, which is not moved until it is full. Then with a piece of stick the surface of the paddy is leveled off and it is emptied into the larger receptacle. At the same time the number is counted out loudly. The intention in not moving or disturbing the measure is to allow the paddy to have greater bulk, for if it is disturbed the grains settle and it requires more to fill the measure. 7 I-sd-ka sd-pi (Bis., t-sa'-ka sa-ld-pi), P0.50; ka-hd-ti, P0.25; Si-kd-pat, P0.12h; Si-kau-au, 2P0.066i. 8 The gdntafg measure in eastern MindanAo is of two kinds, de almacen, "of the store," and de provincia, "of the province." The latter is twice the size of the former, and is universally used by the mountain peoples. 184 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEtOLN XXIII, Twenty-five of these gdntang make a kabdn, bdkkid, or anega, as it is variously called. This kabdn, although there is no measure corresponding to it in Man6boland, would be equivalent in bulk to two sacks of rice, or about 150 liters. The yard is the distance from the end of the thumb, when the arm is extended horizontally, to the middle of the sternum. It, of course, varies somewhat with each individual. The BisAya trader, in measuring cloth, considerably shortens his yard by not giving a full stretch to the arm, and by slightly turning the outstretched hand toward his body. This gain, together with another little one secured when he bites off the measured piece from the bolt, makes a total gain of 10 centimeters approximately. Remonstrances on the part of the customer are unavailing, for he is told that such is the length of the trader's yard and, if the customer is not satisfied, he is not obliged to accept the cloth. As it is a credit transaction, the poor Man6bo is obliged to yield. The fathom 9 is the distance between the thumb tips when the arms and hands are outstretched. The fraud practiced by the Bisaya trader in the yard measure is also employed in this. The span 10 is the stretch between the tip of the first finger and that of the thumb as they are stretched over the object to be measured. The finger length " is the length of either the first or of the middle finger, according to the custom of each locality. The joint length 12 is the length of the middle joint of the finger. It is a measure that is very seldom used. SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVES SLAVE TRADE I have not visited the Agisan Valley since 1910, so that I am unable to give any information as to the actual extent of slave trading at the present day. From 1905 to 1909 the practice was in vogue, but to no great extent. It is reported on all sides by Mafgguiangans, Mandayas, Man6bos, and BanuAons that since the American occupation it has diminished to a remarkable degree, due to the wonderful reputation of the Americans for having overcome the Spaniards. This diminution was a natural sequence of the decrease of war raids. Slave trading among the Man6bos of eastern MindanAo was practically confined to the Ihawan, Ba6bo, upper Simulau, and Agusan Rivers. I am of the opinion that during my four years' residence in the Agusan there were not more than 100 cases of slave trade in the regions outside of the IhawAn and Ba6bo River Valleys. The customary value of a slave has been mentioned in this chapter, but it is only proper to add that a great many considerations, such as poor health, weak constitution, and other defects which might lessen the ability of the slave to work, detract from his value. It may be said in general that the value of a slave ranges between 10 and 30 pesos, never exceeding the last figure, at which he stands on a par with an unusually good hunting dog, or with an extra large prolific sow. SOW. Slave trading does not, in the Manobo's mind, involve the idea of degradation which attaches to it among other nations. A slave is to the Manobo a chattel which he can sell, kill, or dispose of in any other way that he may deem expedient. CLASSES OF SLAVES Captives 13 are those who have been captured from the enemy. At first their treatment may be a little harsh, or they may, when their owners happen to be angry, be killed outright. This is due to the fact that the feelings of revenge have not cooled off. But after a few days their condition and treatment is similar to that of ordinary slaves, except that more precautions are taken to prevent their escape. If fear of their escape is entertained, it is usual to sell them as soon as possible. o Dti-pa'. 10 Ddng-au. 11 Tui-lo. 1s Lfm-po. 13 Bi-hag. CAMY OF SCIENCES] INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS 185 By ordinary slaves 14 are meant those who have been purchased or who have been delivered over in payment of fines or marriages. There is no institution in Man6boland by which a freeman, not a minor, can become a slave by reason of debt. But minors, usually relatives of the debtor, sometimes in an exigency are turned over in payment of a debt. This is usually done with a view to avoiding bloodshed. DELIVERY AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES The manner of delivering the slave to a new owner depends ordinarily upon the feelings with which he regards the change, except in the case of children, who are easily coaxed into accepting it. In the case of older persons who have been attached to their owners, the matter is more difficult, as they display a reluctance to change hands. A ruse is then resorted to, as in a case which I witnessed. The person, in this case a slave girl, was sent to her purchaser's house, ostensibly for the purpose of procuring salt and of delivering a basket of paddy. As she was about to return her purchaser called her back into the house. She then, realizing the circumstances, burst into tears, but was soon soothed by the wives of her new owner. On the whole slaves are not mistreated. Like all menials, they at times become remiss in the performance of what is expected of them, and accordingly are given a few blows with a stick or other convenient object. In a very passionate moment, or when drunk, the master may cut off his slave girl's hair or denude her completely in the presence of the household, but such acts are of very rare occurrence. Immediately after being captured, or after a change of master, the slave feels his lot keenly, but as time goes on and as he realizes that there is no hope of deliverance, the remembrance of his relatives fades away and he resigns himself to his fate. Sometimes one finds a slave who has become so attached to his master that he is unwilling to return to his relatives. This is'true of those who have been captured when young, and especially of girls. A fondness often grows up between the latter and their master's wife, and separation causes loud and long weeping. A slave enjoys no rights, either personal or political. He can be disposed of without his consent either by sale or in marriage, or in any other way his master sees fit. If he runs away he is pursued and brought back to his master's house. If he runs away with frequency, and the owner is unable to dispose of him to some one else, he is simply speared to death. I never witnessed the actual killing, but trustworthy accounts authenticate the fact that formerly, at least, it occasionally took place. If a slave flees from his master's house no one may aid or abet him in his flight, though it is lawful for anyone to capture him with the intention of returning him to his master, who in this case must pay the capturer ~15.15 The slave does his share of domestic service. To the female falls the task of drawing water, gathering firewood, pounding rice, cooking, and weeding; to the male that of acting as his master's companion, porter, and general messenger, and of planting camotes and other crops. The slave's dress is usually sufficient to cover his nakedness and no more. Ear disks, bracelets, and similar articles of feminity are not allowed, and too neat arrangement of the hair is not countenanced, as it might be indicative of matrimonial inclinations. Marriage of his slaves is not looked upon with favor by the master, and he does not permit it unless the material advantages are so great that they will repay him for the loss of the slave's services. I know of few slave marriages. Captives, however, are said to be married off for a good payment, when their looks and other good qualities have won the heart of some young man. My observation and the testimony of Man6boland as to the sexual morality of slaves is that it is excellent, though no vigilance seems to be exercised over them in the matter. The female slave makes trips alone to the water place even by night, and spends many hours of the day in 4 A ig-lailg. 16 On my last trip among the Mandayas of southeastern Mindanao (Karaga River) I was instrumental in saving the life of a woman slave who had escaped six times. At the time of her escape six slaves, led by a boy slave of about 14 years of age, had fled from the house of their master. They were recaptured and no punishment except a good scolding and an infinity of threats was meted out to them. A few days afterwards an elderly slave again escaped. She was discovered in a neighboring house and brought back by the wife and daughter of her owner. When her master saw her he rushed from his house with spear and bolo and would have killed her had it not been for my remonstrances and entreaties. 186 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO —GARVAN solitary places while working in the clearings or traveling to the granary. This sexual morality is due to the fact that intercourse with a female slave is looked down upon with unmitigated contempt. The slave fares no worse in the matter of food than the inmates of the house; possibly he fares even better, for he gets more secret tastes of sugarcane and roasted camotes between meal hours; during meals he does not forget himself, as he often has the handling of the pots. PART IV. RELIGION CHAPTER XXII GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MAN6BO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION OF MAN6BO DEITIES INTRODUCTORY The matter of Manobo religious belief is so difficult of investigation, and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of timidity in taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the Manobo and his inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he has assured himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the principal sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending the divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual affairs to his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And finally his primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in a satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the numerous variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step in the investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings with, both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION SINCERITY OF BELIEF The life of a Manobo is as deep an expression of his religious beliefs as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to be instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he carries out his project with full assurance of success. To the Manobo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has tradition and revelation-tradition handed down from generation to generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the indications of what he considers supernatural influence. BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF I have had occasion to study the working of the Man6bo mind when brought into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated before and I observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being not prejudicial nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent supernatural agency, but when it produced the impression of being unintelligible or detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work of evil spirits. On one occasion a Man6bo of the upper Agusan accompanied me to Talakogon and, upon seeing the government launch, made inquiries as to its nature. His questions being answered to his satisfaction, he made his comments, praised its form, and finally declared it to be the work of a god. But when it began to move, giving forth its shrill whistle and producing the noise characteristic of a gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as being the work of evil agency. I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival of the first phonograph in the Simulau River district. My companion was a Man6bo of the upper Bahalan. Upon hearing the strains of the phonograph he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it. Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to such an unearthly noise. 187 188 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN MEMOIRS NATIONAL Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder, the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle, on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good will he must court, or whose anger he must placate. Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manobo's religious beliefs and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand occurrences which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one occasion I was at the headwaters of the Abaga River, a tributary of the T6go River. I had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock stood in midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my Manobo carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I asked them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the rock, and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there by the spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They would never, they said, be able to return to the Agdsan unless they showed their good will to the spirit lord of Abag6. MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL In all the concerns of life the Manobo must secure immunity from the ill will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone is not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how can he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught him how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after bitter experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the means of effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system of augury, that forms one of the most important parts of Manobo religion. Hence, before all important undertakings, and, above all, whenever there is any suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of supernatural ill will, the omens must be sedulously consulted and the machinations of evil or of inimical spirits thereby detected. BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that it might seem that the Manobo is left exposed to, and defenseless against, a host of spirit enemies.' However, he knows a means of defense, for the good old people of yore have handed down the belief that there is an hierarchy of beneficent divinities called diudta that are ever ready to be his champions against the powers of evil. The old, old, people found this faith justified and experienced the help of the beneficent gods. Why should not he? How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions? Evidently through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves for that purpose-the order of priests called baildn. And so, following out the practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in more important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the schemes of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The priest, in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by ecstatic communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings, learns the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil. Living in a "land of terror," as he had up to about 35 years ago, surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare with them, the Manobo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of Manobo religion-the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called tagbusan with whom communication is held through the mediation of warrior chiefs called bagdni. 1 Busau. CDMY OF SCIENCES] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANOBO RELIGION 189 OTHER TENETS OF MAN6BO FAITH Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Man6bos are the belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and duality of the soul.2 An inordinate fear of the dead and of all connected with them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a belief in the efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical means complete the summary of Manobo religion. For champions the Manobo has the tutelary diudta; for mediators, the baildn; for guides, dreams, divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation, prayers, invocations, oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith, tradition, revelation, and personal experience. SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN The umdgad,3 or spirit companions of man, as understood by the Manobo, may be defined as his material invisible counterparts without whose presence he would cease to live. He attributes to these spirits or souls invisibility, power of locomotion, and to at least one of them immortality. He invests not only men, but also animals and such plants as are cultivated by man for his sustenance, with souls or spirits. IHe will tell you that the soul of rice is like rice, and exists as a separate invisible form beside the visible material entity known as rice. I was given to understand that trees once had souls and in proof of the assertion the narra tree was cited, for even yet, it was explained, it bleeds when cut.4 No other explanation is offered in the case of animals, than that they live and die and dream, therefore they must have a spirit or soul. Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of man, are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they have lost their "soul." I frequently tested the substantial remains of the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained their pristine savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could convince my Manobo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the soul, and there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but the outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings. The Manobo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandhit with two invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each side in somewhat the same way as the "guardian angels " of other creeds accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident illustrative of this belief. It was on the middle Agisan, when a mother was about to leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed the spirits of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for their tender ward. Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding the close association between them and their human companions, they are seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad, and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their souls.5 It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief space on their own mystic Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical and theological belief, but a material counterpart of each individual. From d-gad, accompany. The sap of the narra tree bears a very striking resemblance to blood. Narra is one of the Pterocarpus species. This belief explains the reluctance that the Man6bo, like members of other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly from sleep. 190 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIL NAtIONAL errands, and their doings are mirrored in our dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Man6bo in dreams. These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them, while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously kidnaped and finally "devoured" by a ruthless evil spirit.6 As soon as the surviving soul realizes what has taken place, it bemoans the loss of its companion and leaving its corporal companion unattended wends its way, sad and solitary, to the land of Ibu. I have been assured by priests that this companionless soul frequently returns to the scene of sickness and there bemoans with piteous cries the loss of its companion, heaping horrid imprecations on the head of the foul spirit that wrought the evil. Only the priest can hear its wild wail of woe and see its piteous face, all suffused with tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief the priest renews at once his supplications to his tutelary deities, beseeching them to rescue the captured soul from the clutches of its enemy and thereby save the life of the patient. Should the prayers of the priest prove unavailing, the soul wends its way to the region of Ibu, where, free from the agressions of earthly enemies, it begins its second and unending existence in the company of its spirit relatives. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES Manobo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable number of deities called umli and of secondary deities called diudta. In contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of demons known as bu'sau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the Manobo world. In addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits known as tagbdnua to whom is assigned the ownership of the forests, hills, and valleys, while the various other divisions and operations of nature are thought to be under the superintendence of other preternatural beings, beneficent or otherwise. The conception which the Manobo has of the supernatural world is very much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the sovereignty of the other. We Jind no idea of a supreme being as such. The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help, but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manobo belief, one supreme universal being.7 Each priest declares the supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and Manobos declare Man6bo deities to be superior to those of other tribes. CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general classification of Manobo deities and spirits. BENEVOLENT DEITIES (1) tm-li, a class of higher beings who on special occasions, through the intercession of the diudta, succor mortals. (2) Diudta, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the priests hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast or to propitiate them. * The "souls" of an ordinary priest and of war priests, as also those of the slain, are not subject to such attacks, being untler the protection of numerous dieties. 7 During the great religious movement that was at its height in 1909, there was a general belief in the existence of a Magbabiya, or supreme being, that was to overthrow the world, but before my departure from the Agdsan in 1910, this supreme being was multiplied and was being sold to anyone of Man6bo belief who could afford to pay the equivalent of a human life. Thus one frequently heard that So-and-So had received one or more Magbabdya. NoDY OF ENCES1 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANOBO RELIGION 191 GODS OF GORE AND RAGE (1) Tagbuzsau, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in blood and who incite their chosen favorites, the bagdni or warrior chiefs, to bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of violence and madness. (2) Panaiyang, a class of fierce deities related by ties of kinship, and subordinate to the tagbu'sau or gods of gore. Their special function seems to be to drive men to madness.8 (3) Pamdiya, retainers of the tagbuzsau, and their emissaries, when it is desired to incite men to acts of rage. MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS Bui-sau, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some exceptions, occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind. The following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly believed in but who, unlike most of the other busau, are not of a perfidious nature unless aroused to anger. (1) Tag-bdnua, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places. (2) Tdme, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled jungle and beguiles the traveler to his doom. (3) Ddgau, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in stealing the rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a failure of the rice crop.9 (4) Anit or Anitan, is the spirit of the thunderbolt, and one of the mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky world.10 (5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the navel 11 of the ocean. AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES (1) Kakiddan, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian during its growth. (2) Tagamdling, the goddess of other crops. (3) Taphaigan, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice during its storage in the granary. GIANT SPIRITS (1) Mandayidngan, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in the far-off mountain forests. (2) Apila, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of Mandayanngan for the wrestling championship. (3) Tdme, the giant demon referred to above. GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE (1) Tagabdyau, a dangerous goddess, that incites to consanguineous love and marriage. (2) Agkui, half diudta, half busau, who urges men to consanguineous love and to sexual excesses. SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA (1) Inaiyau, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt and the lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms. (2) Tagbdnua, who, besides being local gods reigning over the forest, have the power to produce rain. (3) Umouiiui, the cloud spirit. 8 They are called ma ka-ydng-ug, i. e., "can make mad." 9 She is called also Ma-ka-bun-ta-sdi, i. e., "can cause hunger." 10 In-ug-i-haan. 11 Pds'-ud to da-gat. 192 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [M VOL^.III, OTHER SPIRITS (1) Sugudon or Suzgujun, the god of hunters and trappers, under whose auspices are conducted the operations of the chase and all that pertains thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting dogs. (2) Libtdkan, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a god who dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the production of light and good weather. (3) Manddit, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human being two invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts. (4) Yfimud, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit, abiding in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface of the water. (5) IbAu, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased mortals, whose abode is down below the pillars of the world. (6) Manduydpit, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman who ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to Ibuland. (7) Makalidung, the founder of the world, who set the world on huge pillars (posts). NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL THE PRIMARY DEITIES 12 The primary diudta are a class of supernatural beings that dwell in the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time they led a human existence in Manoboland but finally built themselves a stone structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities of the first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and have no dealings with the Manobo world. On occasions the minor diudta or those of the second class, when they are unable to afford man the required help, have recourse to these greater deities. During my last trip to the Agusan Valley, it was the common report that the diudta of a certain Manobo clan on the upper Umaiam River, having been unable to protect the people from military persecution had recourse to this higher hierarchy and that it was only a matter of time when the members of the clan would be taken up into the higher-sky regions where the supreme powers dwell and where they would themselves become imli or madigonan no diudta. It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they can draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold limbd,'3 but the conception of them is so vague and so varying that I am unable to give further definite information. THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have to deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the Manobo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life. They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run were in some inexplicable way changed into diudata. Though belonging now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain a fondness for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain men and women for their favored friends 14 they keep in touch with worldly affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the help of humankind. In physical appearance these deities are human and Manobo-like but they are described as being "as fair as the moon." Warriors they are, to a certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the insignia of a Man6bo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish some bold demon for his evil machinations against the tribe. 12 Called also fm-li or ma-di-g6on-an no di-u-d4-a. " Lim-bd possibly means chain. 14 These are the bdian or priests and priestesses of Man6boland. No. SCNCE] GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANOBO RELIGION 193 They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains 18 in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to fly "on the wings of the wind" to any part of the world in answer to a call for help. On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits 16 to do their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way, for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings. It is only the "soul," or, as is held by others, the redolence of the viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made in the case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by the deities. So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandait, the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It is believed too that Manaug, the special patron of the sick, causes many a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbusau, must have their blood libation periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them, and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind. It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals to the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities. Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and instructions, but the diudta that speaks through him. THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings. The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl. They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains. In order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond, they select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and accord to them an immunity from personal danger. It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when they do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their servants or when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In such cases they hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into watchfulness and compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with the viands so acceptable to them. 15 We find several mountains and promontories in eastern Mindanao named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuata to the southwest, and the Magdiuata range to the northwest, of the town of Lianga. Point Diuata also, to the west of Butuan, is reported as being the dwelling place of Man6bo divinities. 16 These retainers are called lim-b-tung, 67173~-31 —14 194 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN They have messengers, too. These are called pamdiya and are sent by their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and thereby bring on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil is said to tempt humankind. During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and partake of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their favorite servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing enemy, they accompany him and (luring the attack are by his side, protecting him and inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy, men and women, lie bleeding all around and the captives have been bound, these terrible spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart and liver and the blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the chief enemy. CHAPTER XXIII MALEFICENT SPIRITS THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a better name, bitsaut or demons; that is, evil agents holding an intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the Agusan.1 It is said that in the old, old days, these spirits were rather well disposed toward men, and that children used to bo entrusted to their care during the absence of the parents. Be that as it may, at the present day they have acquired a degree of maleficence that causes them to be considered the implacable enemies of the human race. As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the dead. They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an unwary human "soul," they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away with it "on the wings of the wind," in some mysterious way devour it. Or, again, simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon bird, or even a fish, they inflict bodily harm on their human victim. The story of "Apo B6hon"2 illustrates the belief in the metamorphosis of these demons. Apo B6hon was a Man6bo of the Kasilaian River. One day, in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but had no luck, though three times he had offered his tributes to the Lord of the AgibAwa marshland. Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest toward evening when lo! he spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart arrow he shot it. But he could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire but still the flesh only blackened with soot and would not cook. In his hunger he ate the flesh raw but he never returned home, for the monkey was an evil spirit and Apo Bbhon fell into his power. Thus it is that until this day he wanders around the woods of Kasilafan and may be heard toward evening calling his dogs together for his return to his home on Agibawa marshland. Woe betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path, for now his quest is human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler calls upon him and offers him a quid, Apo B6hon will pass on his way and do no harm. METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS THROUGH PRIESTS Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends, the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen coat3 they start off on the 1 The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of eastern Mindanao was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the year 1877. 2 A-po means "grandfather" and bo-on "ulcer." 3 Lim-b6-tufg. 195 196 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIR NTIONAL raid. They are described as having their hair bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads turbaned with the red kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of charms, much like the great warrior chiefs of Man6boland. Guiding their footsteps by means of a powerful glass,4 and traveling with tremendous speed, they are said to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy, even though they may have to travel to the other side of the world. Then begins a fierce battle between them and the enemy for the recovery of a human soul, or for the purpose of punishing the demons for acts of malice. This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story. A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball by the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in the demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in this ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits. BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS Besides having recourse to the diudta the Man6bos make use of a reed,5 or vine,6 of the branches of a wild lemon tree7 and other plants,8 in order to counteract the evil influence of these fiends. It may be remarked that 11 of these cause a painful wound on an ordinary human being but that they are said to be particularly irritating to evil spirits; this is especially true of the wound made by the sd sd reed. Hence, on occasions when these demons are expected to be present, the priest secures the above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where it is thought the demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the occasion of a death or of a birth that these precautions have to be taken for the smell of death and of human blood seems to have a great attraction for these monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees or of the other plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at any opening in the wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a sharpened sa sa reed in the hope of encountering some overbold demon. Although the wound inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it is very slow to heal and is said to be at times incurable. Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines, and branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient to frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension. Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent spirits. BY PROPITIATION When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,9 a corCalled espiho. There is a universal belief among the Man6bos in an espiho (from the Spanish espejo, looking-glass) by which one can see into the bowels of the earth or to the extremities of the world. 3 Sd-8d. 0 U-g. 7 Su- and Ka-ba-yand. s Ka-mili and Hfis. 9 Ban-kd-o and ta.-ldutl,. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] MALEFICENT SPIRITS 197 responding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness. Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.10 After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various objects, like sd sa and lemon branches, have been placed to prevent their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the house as if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing terms are used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics the custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard numerous accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the reason for it. Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits, who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same time, the diudta in pursuit. When the priests decide that all efforts to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine to propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement further, and to take themselves and their pig "down the river." The sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the body of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their Man6bo friends." THE "TAGBANUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING The tagbdnua 12 or lords of the mountains and the valleys, are a class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a certain district. To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and the deep forest and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an impression of mystery and solitude. The tagbdnua are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly spirits, and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them when we trespass upon their domains. A tagbdnua with his family selects a particular place for his habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to the headwaters of the Tago River, I saw the dwelling place of a tagbdnua. It was a huge bowlder, called Buhiisan, that stood at the junction of the two torrents that form the Abaga River, a tributary of the Tigo. A favorite haunt of the tagbdnua is a natural open place in the center of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes his domicile in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times select the laudn or any other lofty tree but that his choice is usually the balete. Here he dwells with his family and is said to lead a quiet, peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and provides himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of plants, such as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the vegetable part of his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the abundance of wild boars and deer. He and his family return home toward sunset and begin to prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manobos have heard with their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of the rice mortar but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any Man6bo home. i0 Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of offerings made to the diudta. 11 I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed in a less religious way by a Bisaya trader. 12 Tag a prefix denoting ownership, and bd-n-u-a, "uninhabited place," the open uninhabited country as distinguished from the territory in the immediate vicinity of the main rivers or of settled regions. 198 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO —GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL, XXIII. DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS There are in the vicinity of Talakogon two localities where tagbdnua are said to reign. One is called Agibawa and the other Kasawaigan. Both of them are remote timberless places in the center of swampy regions. In the former the reigning deity had constructed a house, so I was told by one who claimed to have seen the posts while the house was still in the process of construction. According to other reports this deity had a herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen by several of my friends and acquaintances.'3 The KasawAfigan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as interpreted to me by Man6bo guides and companions. It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information that he was afraid of the tagbanua, who was evidently displeased, for had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide then went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the marshland some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we would make friends with the diety he consented to remain with me. After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion set out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he had come into this region unwillingly. After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will of the tagbdnua toward me. I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manobo boys. Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed toward this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanao, Bisayas 14 included. WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS The existence of a tagbdnua in any particular locality is determined by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the name 15 of the spirit, ascertains the cause of his displeasure on a given occasion, and prescribes the offerings to be made to him either for reasons of propitiation or of supplication. Respect must be shown toward the tagbdnua in various ways. His territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other evil indicative of the tagbdnua's displeasure, unless immediate measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the finger at places like a mountain where dwells a tagbdnua, the displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manobos that pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in petrifaction of the arm. 11 These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the offspring, of a small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the Philippine insurrection. 14 Among the BisAyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid the tagbdnua amounts almost to worship. I Only the priests may pronounce the name. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] MALEFICENT SPIRITS 199 The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an invocation to the tagbdnua, especially if the site be in the vicinity of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place without obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds that game is scarce.16 In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an individual that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a result of a tagbdnua's animosity, and that the ordinary simple offerings are not sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must be killed and the regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be performed. It is rare, however, that a Manobo has so far forgotten himself as to draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manobo oarsmen desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon, but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manobo could explain it in no other way except that the local tagbdnua had been displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into the forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the balete tree it was unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the ruse was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the tagbdnua. Several little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the increase of the flood, both of which were also attributed to this spirit's malign influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me to stop for the purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the offended deity. We finally reached the desired spot and the supposed supernatural sounds were heard no longer. 16 In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on such occasions have been described. CHAPTER XXIV PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS THE BAILAN OR ORDINARY MANOBO PRIESTS THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER The baildn1 is a man or woman who has become an object of special predilection to one or more of those supernatural friendly beings known among the Man6bos as diudta. This will explain why the word diuatahdn is frequently used, especially by the mountain people, instead of baildn. I was frequently told by priests that this special predilection of the deities for them is due to the fact that they happened to be born at the same time as their divine protectors. This belief, however, is not general. As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, the priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with the other world. In the hour of danger the baildn is consulted, and after a brief communion with his spirit friends he explains the measures to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his tutelary deities. Should a balete tree have to be removed from the newly selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers not to molest the tiller of the soil, if not the baildn? Should a tribesman have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts succeed in giving a satisfactory interpretation, the baildn is called in to consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream forebodes, perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a white fowl must be made to Manaug, the protector of the sick. And should this offering prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends again and discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the patient. And if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who else but the baildn could learn through his divine friends the significance thereof and whether the home must be abandoned or the project relinquished? At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked, conciliated, or appeased, the Manobo calls upon the priest to intercede for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends. The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with few exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the baildn's relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest selects his successor, recommending his choice to the diudta. In one instance that I know of the mother, a baildn, instructed her daughter in the varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable to her familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when the priest himself has a personal concern in the succession. But no matter how proficient the baildn-elect may be in the sacred rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by his fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known as dundan, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is considered to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of some supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a violent trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, foaming at the mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that I have seen, apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These symptoms are considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, and the novice is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready to begin his ministrations under the protection of his spiritual friends. I know of one case on the lower I Bai-ldn is probably a transformation of the Malay word be-li-an, a medicine man. (Mandaya, Bag6bo, and Subanun, ba-Ii-dn.) 200 PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS 201 Lamifiga River, a tributary of the Kasilalan, where a certain individual2 became a baildn without previous premonition and without any aspirations on his part. He was a person of little guile and one who had never had any previous training in the practices of his order. When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that, due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions, but I did not find this to be the common belief. THEIR PREROGATIVES (1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in visible incarnation. (2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled to discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the bzsau, and even to wound them. I investigated two3 cases of the latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the truth of the killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power was entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the facts. (3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing with them. This statement applies to the spirits of "souls" 4 of the departed whose wishes and wants he interprets; to the spirits of the hills and the valleys, the tagbdnua, whose favor must be courted and whose displeasure must not be provoked, and to the whole order of supernatural beings that people the Manobo world, with the exception of the blood spirits, the worship of whom falls to the war priests. SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS On first becoming acquainted with the baildn system, I was very dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness of these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect. They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. "I will call on Si Inimigus" (her diudta's pet name, his real name being Si Inhmpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaian River to me once when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, "and I will let you know his answer." On her return she informed me that the child had fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and that Si Inimigus required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good will towards him and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt for such nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any compensation for her advice. I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated 2 Baya (or Bbrio) is the young man referred to. 3 San Luis and San Miguel. 4 Um-a-gdd. 202 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, men of political and social standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case, as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such deception. One shrewd Manobo of the upper Agusan assured me that the Manobos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such matters. Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy expenses is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his tutelary spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer constant oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these spirits are hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit some evil spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of course his relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the same time he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other individual. Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may be stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the sacrificial victim except that which he eats in company with those who attend the sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim. THEIR INFLUENCE The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the chieftainship of a settlement, even among the conquistas, or Christianized Manobos, who live within the pale of the established government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following incident is an illustration of this influence: During a visit which I made to the Lamifiga River, a western tributary of the Kasilalan River, I met Mandahanan, a warrior chief. Among other matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, P0.50 per sack, at which Manobos were wont to sell rice to the Bisaya peddlers who at that time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of their rice at the current BisAya rate of Pi2.50 per sack. He replied that he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by them being that such an action would be displeasing to Hakiddan, the goddess of rice, and to Tagamdaling, the protector of other crops. These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they took umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries to diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following year's crop.5 To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal practices and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change confessedly would be beneficial to them. THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs himself with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may have acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of charms, talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or girded around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries, one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached. All the rites of the Manobo ritual consist of one or more of the following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation, and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial proceedings. p The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, according to an account that I received, also demonstrates the influence exerted by the priests. O SCIENCES] PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS 203 These rites are the following: (1) The betel-nut offering.6 (2) The burning of incense.7 (3) Ceremonial omen taking.8 (4) Prophylactic fowl waving.9 (5) The death feast.10 (6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig 11 to his own tutelaries in the event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger. (7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to TaphAgan, the goddess of grain during the season of rice culture. (8) The harvest ceremonies in honor of Hakiadan for the purpose of securing an abundant crop and of protecting the rice from sundry insidious enemies and dangers. (9) The birth ceremony in honor of Mandait for the protection of the recently born babe. (10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, as also in cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to predominate over that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate sexual passion, as also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant efforts have failed to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are illustrations of the power of the evil spirits. (11) Lustration 12 either by anointing with blood or by aspersion with water. (12) The betel-nut omen.13 (13) The invocation of the diu&ta with the sacred chant.14 THE BAGANI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD The bagdni or warrior priests are under the protection of preternatural beings called tagbiusau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they must satisfy. This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all dangers, material and spiritual. It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home unscathed. Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which, after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do something rash. I witnessed the actions of several bagdni during ceremonial performances to the tagbusau, and I felt no little fear as to what might be the outcome of the warrior chief's fury. W7Shat has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to the war chief in his position as war priest. In return 'for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of war require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial of which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In another chapter we shall see the means whereby the bagdni keeps himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.15 6 Pag-d-pug. 11 Iin-ang to ka-hi-mo-nan. 7 Pag-pa-li-na. 12 Pai-as. 8 Ti-mai-ya. 13 Ti-mai-a to man-6-on. 9 Ki-yab to md-nuk. 14 Tid-um. 10 Ka-ta-pui-san. 15 For a full description of the rites peculiar to the warrior chief as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.. CHAPTER XXV CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES GENERAL REMARKS The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manobos of the middle and upper Agusan. THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST THE RELIGIOUS SHED 1AND THE BAIL;N'S HOUSE The priest has no special residence nor any special religious structure except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that will be described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious than that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos, daggers, and various other objects that are considered heritages,2 handed down from his predecessors in the priestly office. It is not unusual for the priest, especially among the Christianized Man6bos, to have two houses, one for the residence of his family and another which, by its seclusion, is better adapted for the celebration of religious rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting perhaps at the Catholic services in the settlement, to perform the pagan ceremonies that for him have more truth and efficacy than the Christian rites. While in the settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to all appearances a Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation he hies him to the seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of his fellow believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings who, to his mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy of Catholic belief. In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been consecrated 3 either by himself or by one of the settlement to the friendly deities. It may be remarked here that these consecrated objects can not be disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by making a substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipsofacto become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper deity. EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts, averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45 centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few fronds of palm trees,4 and covers a space of approximately 2.4 square meters. The ceremonial salver 6 is a rectangular wooden tray, generally of ilding-ildiig wood, usually decorated with incised, traced, or carved designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the ceremonial salver on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, betel nut, and other things for the deities. The sacrificial stand 6 also is made out of ildng-ildng wood. It consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, and is used for making the offerings of betel nut and other things. 1 Ka-md-lig. 4 The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: Betel nut, anibung, kagyas, and coconut, An-ka. a Ban-kd-so. Sin-ug-bd-han. 6 Ta-li-dung. 204 CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES 205 When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial table 7 of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been selected as the place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying on its side. Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. This stand is used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, unpretentious structure. CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, however, 8 enjoy a special preference, being used in every important ceremony when they are obtainable. No other leaves and no flowers, unless the bloom of the betel nut be considered such, are used as decorations. The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos, daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped with cloth, preferably red. SACRED IMAGES 9 Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At best they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45 centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of bdyud wood, or of any soft white wood when bdyud is not obtainable. More elaborate images are furnished with berries of a certain tree 10 for eyes and adorned with tracings of sap from the kayuti or the narra tree, but the ordinary idol has a smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a few tracings of the same for body ornamentation. Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female, and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts, though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a comb. Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. They are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are looked upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of honor and respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they represent. I have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and bead necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were thereby honored. It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. They are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the thatch of the roof. The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones, which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agusan, I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive movements. Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a pole and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These are supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are expected to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very common when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an epidemic. CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood " and meat of pig and fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an exhilarating beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every obtainable condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith to cleanse 12 the hand, 7 A4 g-ka. 10 Ma-gu-baf. 8 Known as ba-gaf-bai. n1 No reference is here made to human blood, a subject which will be found treated in Chapter XXVI. 9 Man-d-ug. 13 Pafg-hui.gas. 206 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [ VOL. XXIIIo being provided for the visiting deities. Such offerings are set out upon consecrated plates 13 which are used for no other purpose and can not be disposed of. As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest is very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all dirty grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after the deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of his fingering. The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the divinities have their special tastes. Thus Sugudan, the god of hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the tagbdnua display a preference for a white victim. RELIGIOUS RITES CLASSIFICATION (1) The betel-nut offering.14 (2) The burning of incense.'5 (3) The address or invocation.16 (4) The ceremonial omen taking.17 (5) The prophylactic fowl waving.'8 (6) The blood unction.19 (7) The child ceremony.20 (8) The death feast.2' (9) The sacrifice of fowl or pig.22 (10) The rice planting.23 (11) The hunting rite.24 (12) The harvest feast. (13) The conciliation of evil spirits. (14) The divinatory rites. (15) The warrior priest's rites. (16) Human sacrifice.25 A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, the warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of the warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies that may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major ceremonies as subrites, will be described. METHOD OF PERFORMANCE The betel-nut tribute.-In all dealings with the unseen world, the offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as it constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manobo life the essential preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious character when not performed by a baildn. The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated plate,26 or in lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the ordinary betel-nut quid, consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon a portion of buyo leaf, and sprinkled with a little lime. The priest who has more than one divine protector, must give a tribute to each one of them. In certain ceremonies seven quids are invariably set out by him, always accompanied by an invocation, the strain of which is usually very monotonous and always couched in long periphrastic preambles. It is really an invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be implored to partake of the offering. Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log for the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, he may think it prudent to show his deference to Is A-pu-gan. 20 Tag-un-t&n to bd-ta'. 14 Pag-d-pug. 21 Ka-ta-pt-san. 1" Pag-pa —na. h2 Ka-hi-md-nan. 1e Tawdg-tdwag. 23 Tap-hag. 17 Pag-ti-nd-ya. 24 Pafig-o-miid-an. s1 Kg-yab to mdn-uk. a Hu-d-ga. 19 Pag-lfm-pas. 28 A-pigan. NAADEMY o SCIENCES] CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES No. 1] 207 its invisible dwellers by offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him on his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the thunder, he lays out his little offering, quite often with the thought that he has in some unknown way annoyed Anitan, the wielder of the thunderbolt, and must in this fashion appease the offended deity. The offering of incense.-This ceremony appears to be confined to priestesses. I have never seen a Manobo priest offer incense. The resin 27 of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its fragrance is deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The priestess herself, or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the pod 28 at her side, where it is always carried depending from the waist, a little of the resin and lights it. It is then set on the altar or in any convenient spot. The direction of its smoke is thought to indicate the approach and position of the deity invoked. As the smoke often ascends in a slanting direction, it frequently directs itself toward the suspended oblation trays. This is taken as an indication that the deity is resting or sitting upon the bankdso tray, in which case he is called bankasu'han, or on the taliduing, when he is said to be talidiungan. This ceremony is preliminary to the invocation. The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the betel nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or evil smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the celebration of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion I wished to do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial celebration, but it was returned to me with the information that the smell was not acceptable to the presiding deities. Invocation.-The invocation is a formal address to the deities, and on special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired to make a truce with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly all ceremonies. As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and extends itself throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals for a whole night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be participated in by one priest after another, each one addressing himself to his particular set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of entreaty to be propitious. The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance. In addressing his gods the Manobo proceeds in about the same way as he does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point. The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship of them. After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it may be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts to his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation is continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods of ecstatic possession of the priest himself. Prophylactic owl waving.-The fowl-waving ceremony may be performed by one not of the priestly order. The performance is very simple. A fowl of no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs and wings being secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the person or persons 27 Twe-gak to na-gu-bdi. 28 This is the pod of a tree called ta-bi-ki. 208 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN in whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at the same time a short address is made in an undertone to this same influence,9 bidding it betake itself to other parts. The chicken may be then killed ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not killed it becomes consecrated and is given to the priest until it can be disposed of in a ceremonial way on a future occasion. This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a very evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe sickness or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion it was performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was the bearer of some malign influence. I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the efficacy of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the old, old folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the popular belief in its efficacy. Blood lustration.-When a fowl or a pig has been killed sacrificially, it is customary to smear the blood on the person or object from whom it is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to avert a threatened or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify an evil influence. The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the following way: Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose benefit it is intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his bloody finger over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and along the fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the house, thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses the indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows the preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous ceremony is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent enough to call for its performance. I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl the priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that issued to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest and could never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the sickness in the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl. Lustration by water.-Lustration by water is somewhat similar in its purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite among the Christianized Manobos of the lake region. I am inclined to think that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic Church because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manbbos. The following is the cermony: When the divinities are thought to have eaten the soul or redolence30 of the viands set out for themand to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that purpose, the priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and sprinkles the assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed this rite, the recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was evinced by their efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great efficacy in removing ill luck and malign influences.31 9 Ka-dz-ut. 30 Bd-ho and um-a-gad. 31 Pai-ad. CHAPTER XXVI SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG Religion is so interwoven with the Manobo's life, as has been constantly stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group under the heading of religion all the various observances and rites that properly belong to it.' I will now give an account of the sacrifice of a pig that took place on the Kasilafan River, central Agusan, for the recovery of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered typical of the ordinary ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it be for the recovery of a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any other favor. I arrived at the house at about 4 p. m. Near the pole leading up to the house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.2 On this, with a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the intended victim, a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had been erected the small houselike structure,3 which has been described already. It contained several plates full of offerings of uncooked rice and eggs, which had been placed there previously. The ceremonies began shortly after my arrival. Three women of the priestly order sat down near the ceremonial house and prepared a large number of betel-nut quids for their respective deities, but the spectators never ceased for a moment to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the quids were prepared and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each plate. Then one of the priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of bamboo and, calling for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other two priestesses, seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded to dance to the sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the third officiant. All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by previous understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the priestesses broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of repetitions and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were reminded of the various sacrifices that had been performed in their honor from time immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; of the size of these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the number of guests present; and of an infinity of other things that it would be tedious to recount. This was rattled off while the spectators were enjoying themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation was being carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong boomed out again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the ceremonial shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet ensued and another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix harangue to the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in rearranging the offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more incense, while the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the services. After an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was continued, the priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm branches waving up and down as they swung their arms in graceful movements through the air. This continued for several minutes, until one of them stopped suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The other two continued their dance around her, waving their palm fronds over her. The trembling increased in violence until her whole body seemed to be in a convulsion. Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her eyeballs protruded, and the eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong increased their booming in volume and in rapidity, while the dancers surged in rapid circles around the possessed one, who at this period was apparently unconscious of everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand and a copious perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the music and the 1 The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of the important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the subject of death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter XIV for the birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies will be found scattered through this monograph, each under its proper heading. X AUg-kan. s Ka-md-lig. 67173o~~~~~~~~31 15 209~~~~~~20 67173~-31 — 15 209 210 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the loud belching could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of this prolonged belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and painful gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with never a care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one uttered a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking enemies, spiritual or other. It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the early night everyone was feeling in high spirits. After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum and gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house, leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table. The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary chants 4 by a few priests consumed the remainder of the night. Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses, joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim. One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan under the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower opening of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of the blood and gave the pan to a sister priest.5 At the same time a little was given to the sick man, who drank it down with such eager haste that it ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then performed blood lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the remainder of the blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these bloody ministrations performed on them. The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with perspiration. Through him a diudta announced the recovery of the patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way. In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man recovered, and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be attributed to the deep and abiding faith that the 4 Tad-um. Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper wound. This is a custom more prevalent among the MandAyas than among the Manobos. NAEMY OF SCENCEs] SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES 211 Man6bo places in his deities and in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such as to inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers his health and strength in nearly every case. RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS (1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war. (2) The supplication and invocation of the gods of war. (3) The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies. (4) The various forms of divination. (5) The ceremonial invocation of the omen bird. (6) The tagbisau's feast. (7) Human sacrifice. The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations back. The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities with which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted will be described later on. THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf, his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without making it known that an attack 6 is soon to be made. It is then explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation. There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above ceremony, that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very pointedly the spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are said to be placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields in such a way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their presence on their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of the upper shields. VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION The betel-nut cast.7-This form of divination is never omitted, according to all accounts. In the instance which I witnessed the procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition invoked the tagbulsau, informing him that each of the quids represented one of the enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate by the position of these symbols after the ceremony the fate of the enemy. The warrior priest or his representative, lifting up the shield with one hand under it, and one hand above it, turned it upside down with a rapid movement, thus precipitating the quids on the floor. Now those that fell vertically under the shield represented the number 6 I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative of the enemy is generally selected for this task. 7 Ba-lis-kad to ma-md-on. 212 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, of the enemy who would fall into their clutches, while those that lay without the pale of the shield represented the individuals who would escape, and to whose slaughter accordingly they must devote every energy. There are numerous little details in this, as in most other forms of divination, each one of which has an interpretation, subject, it would appear, to the vagaries of each individual augur. Divination from the bdgung vine.-Before leaving the point from which it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green rattan, the length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, are laid upon the ground parallel to each other and about 23' centimeters apart. One of these stands for the enemy and the other for the attacking party. A firebrand is then held over the two until the heat causes one of them to warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus if the strip that represents the enemy were to begin to twist over toward that of the aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from the former, the omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the assaulting party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist over and fall on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march might be entered upon. The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed with the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen prove ill, the tagbitsau must be invoked and other forms of divination tried until the party feels assured of success. Divination from bdya squares.-The bdya is a species of small vine, a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly the length of the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the ground in squares. Should the number of pieces be sufficient to constitute complete squares without any remainder the omen is bad in the extreme, but should a certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. Thus if one piece remains the attack will be successful and of short duration. If two remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be some delay; and if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it will be necessary to construct ladders.8 When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination prove unpropitious, the tagbusau must be invoked and other divinatory methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party. Thus, for instance, the bad luck 9 might be attributed to the presence of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are eliminated and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the observance of all the omens necessary for an expedition, together with the concomitant ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and nights. INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD 10 Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the march. The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory. Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry 1 as a further inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in the neighborhood. 8 Pa-ga-hag-da-ndn, 9 Pai-ad. 10 Pan-du-ag-tdu-ag to li-mo-kon. n1 This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over palm and thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be tightly closed, leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is applied to this slit and by blowing in puffs the Man6bo can produce a sound that is natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a turtledove that may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known the birds to approach within shooting distance of the artificial sounds. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 11 SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES 213 THE TAGBtSAU'S FEAST In the ceremonies connected with the celebration in honor of his war lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which will serve as a general description of the ceremony: The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo, about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and gibafg 12 for the war deities. In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set out on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been spread out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been bound already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries and in its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, covered with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered throughout the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an imposing appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. Around their necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their pendants of shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs. About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony was ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during the night they chanted legendary tales of great Man6bo fights and fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies. During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system or order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger, they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield, and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge. Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an act of violence. At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party and assist them in capturing their enemies. When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, the chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest, together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at once and examined the gall bladder and the liver. 12 Gf-bafg is the nape of the neck, and here refers to that of a pig. 214 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATION The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at it. When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great extent in drinking. The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the scouts had not returned they waited until the next morning. When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and the march began. HUMAN SACRIFICE13 I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Man6bos in former times. It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a country where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less than a good dog. When it is considered that in Man6boland revenge is not only a virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands to reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend or relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have observed of Man6bo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee with which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a settlement, slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, liver, and blood taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger used by one Man6bo to another is "hucgon ka," that is, "May you be sacrificed." I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only that are near to the territory of the Bag6bos and the Mandiyas. This leads me to think that the custom is either of Bag6bo or of Mandiya origin. The Jesuit missionary Urios 14 makes mention of the case of Maliiigaan who lived on the upper Similao, contiguous to the Mandaya country. In order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little girl sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out against him, and the death of MalifigAan by his own hand. I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the headwaters of the Baobo, Ihawan, and Stbud Rivers. One particular case will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the sacrifice. A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was suffering.'5 The preparatory ceremonies were described as being of the same character as those which take place in the ordinary pig sacrifice for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nut tribute, the solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for the recovery of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the warrior priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave that it might harbor no ill will against the participants in the ceremony. The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud voice t Hu-.-ga. 14 Cartas de los PP. de la Compafila de Jesls, Cuaderno V, letter from Father Saturnino Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881. 11 Ta-bu-kdu. CAEMY OF SCIENCES] SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES 215 to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit. The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar 16 into one of the wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, tagbusaudn; that is, filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the scene that must have followed. Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when Man6bos speak among themselves. There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly typical of Man6bo character and would probably occur among any people that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly. What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive, probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of victory? 16 Ta.li4dn, CHAPTER XXVII DIVINATION AND OMENS IN GENERAL The Manobo not only consults his priest in order to determine the will of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of life and discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring indications, the course that he may pursue with personal security and success. To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to attempt a task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite uncertainties and seeming contradictions. Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and auguries the Manobo can afford no further information than that they have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which aroused the displeasure of a deity. In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success. There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manoboland. Here and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this reputation is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on the part of others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a combination of good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long consultation until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the other. MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill: (1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house, prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.1 (2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler must return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse must be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension omen, in order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him. (3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that is a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is unlucky and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, the exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence. (4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even in the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing. The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I arrived at a house on the upper KarAga, shortly after the occurrence of this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Man6bos and Mafiggunfigans. (5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. This omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be sold. (6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets prognosticates sickness. i Pan-di-ut. 216 DIVINATION AND OMENS 217 (7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day. (8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory explanation of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil import. (9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted to. (10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil import and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the threatened ill. (11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds. DIVINATION BY DREAMS As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings of the soul companions of the Man6bo and in some mystic way are thought to foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a proof that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly aroused but not rudely.2 The belief in dreams is strong and abiding and plays no small part in the Manobo's religious life. The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved in apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and reliable information. In cases where Manobo experts differ, and where other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the subject. Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to those of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more general application and to be more definite in their significance. But the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no value because it may happen that the future must be determined by recourse to other divinatory methods. There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the warrior chief may receive a knowlege of future events in their dreams and also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in which the latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that he had been instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He stated that he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he had given to a sick relative of his. However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction of the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration rite. DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES THE VINE3 OMEN I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the selection of a new townsite for the town of Monaciyo on the upper Agusan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The procedure in the rite is as follows: A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2c, e.) The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, as in figure 2a, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance is gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle itself. The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the posts that support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not sufficient to form even one "ladder," 2 If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in which he is said to be pa-ga-tam-di-un, a term that I have failed to learn the meaning of. 3 Bu-dd-kan, a species of creeper. 218 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, it is evident that all hopes of entering the house and getting the enemy are vain. The principle of the omen consists in the observation of the presence and number of ladders, and of the length of the central piece which represents the inmates of the house to be attacked. The following are some of the main and more intelligible figures. di f FIGURE 2 As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2 b, c it is a sign that the house of the opponent can not be entered. In Figure 2c the shortness of the central piece is an indication that one of the attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is called lahungan4 and is very inauspicious. 4 From la-hllfg, to carry on a pole between two or more persons. ACADEMY or SCIENCESI No. 1] DIVINATION AND OMENS 219 In Figure 2d the necessary ladders are present and the inmates of the house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called hagdanan.6 In Figure 2e there are the necessary means of getting access to the house as may be seen by the presence of the three "ladders" at right angles to the house. Moreover, the piece representing the inmates is shorter, an indication of great slaughter. This is a most favorable omen and, as there will be great weeping as a result of the killing, it is called luha'an.6 In Figure 2f the absence of a piece within the rectangle is symbolical of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the intended attack is put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward to reconnoiter. There are several other combinations to which different interpretations may be given according to whether the omen is employed for a war expedition or for the selection'of a new site, but the above figures give a general idea of this method of divination.7' Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a pig 8 or of a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should be performed, and then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the use of the vine may be made. THE RATTAN OMEN9 The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm. The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a handto-hand fight with the attacking party.10 Should, however, the different leaf circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the omen is excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations arising from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name and a special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable information as to these. This rattanfrond omen appears to be used very rarely. In fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed on it by many with whom I conversed." DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS THE SUSPENSION OMEN The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old smoking pipe may be used. The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, or table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and "no," and are expressed by the faint and silent movement or by the utter quietude of the object suspended. Movement denotes an affirmative response to the question, quietude or lack of movement a negative answer. I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the taker of the oracle. In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, the party wished to discover whether it would a From hdgdan, a pole ladder. 6 From lI-ha, a tear. 7 The interpretation of these figures can not be given in greater detail because the Manobos themselves can not always give consistent explanations of them. 8 Dd-yo to tag-b&-sau. 9 TI-ko. 10 The omen is then said to be na-ba-kd-an. The exact meaning of this term, I am unable to state. n For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI. 220 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMORS LATION be safe for him to proceed on a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and, after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer. The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of abakd fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position where the heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not surprising that it displayed a tendency to be in constant movement. THE OMEN FROM EGGS12 A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed, however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable. DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all occasions where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great importance. I witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the departure of a war party in the upper Aguisan in 1907. THE BLOOD OMEN The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright, spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent, but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions, uncertainties, and intricacies. THE NECK OMEN Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method of determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself. The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation, wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack. Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight. I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before all war expeditions 13 or war raids. In the lake region of the Agdsan Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be good if the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the north. 1s Y-ma-ya to a-td-yug. 8 Maflg-di-au is a word used by nearly all tribes in Mindanao to express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. Mr. H. 0. Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is used also by some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the Negritos of the Gumaln and Kaulaman rivers in western Pampanga. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] DIVINATION AND OMENS 221 THE OMEN FROM THE GALL The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or failure.14 When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, the omen gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful observance of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but disaster. THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of it dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of each individual augur. On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, this omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in other contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of previous evil ones. THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX15 I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject for augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of a chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In every case which I saw the omen was favorable. ORNITHOSCOPY IN GENERAL Divination by birds is confined practically to the turtledove.16 This homely inert creature is considered the harbinger of good and evil, and is consulted at the beginning of every journey and of every undertaking where its prophetic voice can be heard. Should its cry forebode ill, the undertaking is discontinued no matter how urgent it may be. But should the cry presage good, then the project is taken up or continued with renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is not this bird the envoy of the deities and its voice a divine message? No arguments can shake the Manobo's 17 faith in the trusty omen bird. For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you cite him of its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its prophecies have come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite to a false interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from the evil prognosticated by the bird. RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little camote or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the captive bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that they too in turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return. And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the success of the trip. 14 In the former case the omen is said to be gu-ts and in the latter case gi-pus. 15 P6s-ud. This appendix is a small blind projection found on the intestines of fowls. 16 Li-m6-kon... 17 Mandayas, Mafigguafigans, Debabaons, and Banuaons of the Agfsan Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Man6bos in regard to this omen bird. 222 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [M^EMOIS NAONI When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not the captive bird is solemnly invoked.18 It is requested to sing out its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. Before a war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the house as a further inducement to it to be propitious. INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of the various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases even several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent contradictions involved in Manobo ornithoscopy. The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus what was originally a good omnen, may become, in conjunction with subsequent ones, most fatal. The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general positions of the bird with reference to the person making the observation. (1) Directly in front. (2) Directly behind. (3) Directly at right angles on the right. (4) Directly at right angles on the left. (5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45~. (6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45~. (7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45~. (8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45~. The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that are not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be discontinued but vigilance must be exerted. The second direction'9 is also bad. It is a sign that behind one there are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the family. The trip must not be undertaken or continued until the following day. The third and fourth directions20 are indeterminate. One's fate is unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all ears are alert. The fifth direction 21 is good and one may proceed with full assurance of success. The sixth position22 merely guarantees safety to life and limb but one must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the trip. The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that is, bad. Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the destination one must hurry home without delay. Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his shield and spear in defense. I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and so difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter. Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every 18 Tdu-ag-tdu-ag to li-m6-kon. 21 Called bdg-to. 19 Called ga-biilg. 23 Also called bdg-to. N On the upper Agfisan it is called bd-us-bd-us, on the central, bi-tang. ACAMY OF SCIENCES] DIVINATION AND OMENS 223 journey the bird is consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable. BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger of good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode evil. Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is of evil omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil intent. An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around the house. Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the house forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay to avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil portent. CHAPTER XXVIII MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS THE CREATION OF THE WORLD The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agdsan Valley. In the district surrounding Talakogon creation is attributed to Makalidung, the first great Manobo. The details of his work are very meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is believed that should the trembling continue the world would be destroyed. In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that its extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these limits is an enormous hole called "the navel of the sea," through which the waters descend and ascend. This explains the rise and the fall of the tide. It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but that one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and it ascended to its present position. Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manobos of the Argxwan and Hibulng Rivers, gives the control of the world to Ddgau, who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company of a python. Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and when it is spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge serpent to wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the soil unproductive. According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the upper Agdsan, on the Simdlau, and on the Umalam, the world is like a huge mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. This pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of deities who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their feelings by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their duties. CELESTIAL PHENOMENA THE RAINBOW The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-tohand combat; but if the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching. On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might become curved. THUNDER AND LIGHTNING Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in Inugtuhan, the sky world, and together with Inaiyau is the wielder of the thunderbolt and of the storm. I P6-sud to dd-gat. 224 MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS 225 She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found. ECLIPSE OF THE MOON The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that a gigantic tarantula 2 has attacked the moon and is slowly encompassing it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first evidences of darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from the houses, shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with their bolos, play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of trees, blow bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time giving forth yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our moon," "You will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same time keep sticldng needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the direction of the enemy that is trying to envelop the moon. The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon does not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign and all human apparel will be turned into snakes. During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon. As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have never been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon the moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing actions of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because it has been handed down from the days of yore. ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married. They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household duties that fall to the lot of a woman-some say to get water, others say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun, who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance melted them like wax. Upon preceiving this he wept and quietly betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife. The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the house, turned to where the children slept, but found only their inanimate forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of her grief called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally softened by the long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight of him the wild cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled themselves until finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became angry and called her his chattel.3 At first she feared his anger and quieted her sobs, but finally, breaking out intp one long wail, she seized the burnt forms of her babes and in the depth of her anguish and her rage, threw them out on the ground in different directions. Then the husband became angry again and, seizing some taro leaves that his wife had brought from the farm, cast them in her face and went his way. Upon his return he could not find his wife, and so it is to this day that the sun follows the moon in an eternal cycle of night and day. And so it is, too, that the stars stand scattered in the sable firmament, for they are her discarded children that accompany her in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a shooting star breaks across 2 Tam-ban-a-kdu-a. (Bisaya, ba-ka-ndu-a.) Some say that a huge scorpion is the cause of eclipses. 3 Mdag-gad (chattel) and bin-6-tunig (purchase slave) are the ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband toward his wife and refer to her domestic st atus as originating in the marriage payment. 67173~-31~ 16 a 226 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEVOL. XXIII, her path, but that is only a messenger from her husband to call her back. She, however, heeds it not but speeds on her way in never-ending flight with the marks of the taro leaves4 still upon her face, and with her starry train accompanying her to the dawn and on to the sunset in one eternal flight. THE STORY OF THE IKTJGAN,5 OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE RESETTLEMENT OF THE AGtISAN VALLEY It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, Tidunfg,6 overran the Agisan Valley as far south as Veru6la. They were tailed men from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a dagger, and that of the women like an adze of the kind used by Man6bos. For 14 years they continued their depredations, devastating the whole valley till all the Man6bos had fled or been killed, except one woman on the Argawan River or, as some say, on the Umaiam. When the Man6bos first arrived in the Agusan Valley they tried to withstand the tailed men. The Manobos of the Kasilaian River are said to have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.7 It is said that when severely stung, took it for a bad omen and returned. As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be known, but they devastated the valley from Butuan to Veruela and from east to west. The solitary woman who had hidden in the runo reeds of Argawan continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving abakld cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a turtledove's egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for meat and fish were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot the egg. Thus it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when lo! instead of a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl who, under her foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to woman's estate. Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel through the country to discover whether the Ikugan had really departed, and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition-that he would place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came about the repopulation of the Aguisan Valley. The chief then married the beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land. GIANTS The great mythic giants of Manoboland are Tdma, Mandayddngan, and Apila. All three are described as of marvelous height, "as tall as the tallest trees of the mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep and dark forest. Tdma is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily. His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Man6bo of the Kasilaian River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all over eastern Mindanao. Mandaydngan, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike giant, who loves to attend the combats of Manoboland. He is said to have been one of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in the great mountain forests, where live the gods of war. ' Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of bamboos; others, that they are balete trees, and others again, that they are the taro marks referred to. s From i-kug, tail. 6 It would be interesting to know whether these Tidufig were members of a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Sulu Archipelago. 7 It is true that the Man6bos of the TAgo River, province of Surigao, claim kinship with those of the Kasilafan and Argawan Rivers, but their migration from the Agdsan Valley seems to have been comparatively recent, if I may believe their own testimony. 8 Sag-ui. CADY OF SCIENCES] MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS 227 Apila is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to leave his far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant strides, go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayiangan. The noise of their fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a league, and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty struggle for supremacy. Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more human, the principal of whom is Ddbau. Ddbau lived on a small mountain in view of the present site of Veruela. It is said that, before beginning his trip up the Agusan, he sent word to the inhabitants of the Umafam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake region and that all rice should be carefully protected against the commotion of the waters.9 On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a palma brava palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his bamboo raft from Butuan to the mouth of the Matisin Creek, near Veruela, in one day.10 With him lived his sister, also a person of extraordinary strength, for it is on record that she would at times pluck a whole bunch of bananas and throw it to her brother on a neighboring hill. PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern Mindanao with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of Anitan" the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtuhan. If they enter the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and divinatory means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck. I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anitan. The two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will sufficiently illustrate the point. Two Manobos of the Kasilaian River entered a house and, upon perceiving a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make unseemly remarks to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after it began to thunder and, remembering the offense that they had committed, they had recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided that Anitan was displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other victim than a hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her ceremonially unclean, she at once ordered the dog to be killed for Anitan. The thunder and the lightning passed away promptly. It may be noted here. that the dog may have had considerable value, for a really good hunting dog commands as high a value as a human life. In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anitan. As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the threating thunderbolts. In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine wrath, as the following legend will show. THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBATANG In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of Kagbubitafg.'2 The occupants espied a monkey and a cat fighting upon the summit of the promontory. The incon9 The nearest settlements to the channel through which Dabau must have passed were several kilometers distant. 10 This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large native canoe and under normal conditions. 1 Called also A-nit and In-a-ni-tan. 12 Kag-bu-bd-talig is a point within sight of the town of Placer, eastern Mindanao. 228 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN gruity of the thing impressed them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, addressing themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they and their craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified craft and crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make an offering,13 howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of these petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.14 In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that the imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for it might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but by petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the legend of Afig6, of Binaoi.'5 ANG), THE PETRIFIED MAN6BO Ang6 lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera with his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs in quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes, he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent, but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his camote patch he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on. He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic lime16 and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, for his feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell under the wrath of Anitan. The following morning the whole family had petrified up to the knees, and during the following three days the process continued from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and then on to the head. And thus it is that to this day there may be seen on Binaoi Peak the petrified forms of Afig6 and his family. 13 The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in fact anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the point. 14 There is said to be a similar locality near Taganito, between Claver and Carrascal. 1s Bin-d-oi is the name of an oddly shaped peak at the source of the River Afigadanan, tributary of the Wa-wa River. From the upper TAgo its white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the stream Malitbug that delivers its waters to the Tago River through the Borubuan. 10 Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to be objects of fear to the evil spirits, CHAPTER XXIX THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal report, among the Man6 -bos of the Libaganon River.' It was thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the LibagAnon and Tagum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manobos of the upper Palafigi, among the. SubAnuns, and among the Atas be true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected one-third of the island of MindanAo, exclusive of that part occupied by Moros 2 and Bisayas. I am acquainted with some Bisayas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsuan, became adherents. Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manobos, Mandayas, Mafggunfigans, and Debabaons I know of only a few men and of not a single woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it. Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one who had introduced the movement into the Agusan Valley. The following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable evidence. REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL One Meskinan,3 a Manobo of the Libaganon River, was taken sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until it reached the Miwab River,4 but in so altered a form that it not only attributed to Meskinan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansaka group of Mandayas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mtwab. The following is substantially his account. Upon their arrival at MIawab the most powerful chief on the river laid before them the messages that had been received from Libaganon; how Meskinan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a messenger arrived at Miwab settlement, purporting to come directly from Meskinan. He stated that Meskinan had announced the destruction of the world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.5 In the intervening time he (Meskinan) would direct men how to save themselves from destruction. I The Libagfnon River is the western influent of the Tagum River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao. 2I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P. C., deputy-governor of Davao, that the Moros of Mati took a zealous part in the movement. It is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it likewise. 8 Mesklnan is the religious pseudonym of Mapakla, a Man6obo of the Libaganon River. 4 A tributary of the Hijo River which empties into the gulf of Davao. 5 My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear. 229 230 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [M OL XXTIII, My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskinan: (1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they would devour their owners. (2) No more crops were to be planted. (3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each settlement. (4) In each settlement there was to be one priest 6 who must have received his power from Meskinan himself, and several assistants 7 who were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed services in distant "churches." (5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskfnan, performing sacred dances in his honor, and forwarding offerings to him. My informant described to me how several people of Mawab settlement went over the LibagAnon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they reported that Meskinan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden; that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings. The visitors to Libaginon brought the news that the toppling over 8 of the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of Meskinan, the Magbabaya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with never a care for material wants, the men on their shields, and the women on their combs. A high priest from the TAgum River conferred a "Magbabdya "9 or spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries. The people who had assembled at MAwab settlement decided accordingly to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts enjoined by the Magbabdya of Libagdnon. In this edifice they passed one month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at intervals into supplications to the MagbabAya of LibagAnon and fell into the state of violent exaltation that was the outward,manifestation of the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them. SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskinan that the end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even in the most inaccessible haunts of the land. My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the Baklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the other behests of the MagbabAya. All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the world kept pouring into Compostela from LibagAnon, so that it was not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to which Christianized Manobos, MafigguAfgans, and MandAyas resort, it is evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant, the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the settlements of MandAyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests and their 6 Called pun-6-an. 7 Tai-tdi-an, that is, "bridges, " meaning probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement. Kfi-lUg. As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this term. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 231 assistants the movement spread among the DebabAons of the SAlug country, among the Mangguingans of the Manat and SAlug districts and among the Man6bos of the upper Agdisan, the Ba6bo, the Ihawan, and the Simuilau Rivers. This great religious movement was known as "Tfigud."10 ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES When I arrived on the upper Agusan the movement was in full swing, and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libaganon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the sacred songs and supplications, b1ut I had many of them interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of the movement are first hand. The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the MagbabAya's injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agusan and of the Mandaya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the camote crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round suIm of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food. When in their home the people showed fear at all hours, t especialmely during the ownight. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libaginon, and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the mystic word "tuigud," and would sendrr them off in a hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "tungud, tungud," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the most influential men in the town. Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its profound influence upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manobos in general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisayas and others more or less conversant with Manobo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Ianfigguanfigans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the almost iiaccessible haunts of the upper Manorigao Manddyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of Coinpostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert. Debabaons from the Salug-LibagAnon region went fearlessly over p the Karaga, KasAuman, and Manai districts and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not for the order of the MagbabAya of Libaganon to refrain from quarrels and to for. go revenge, he would be killed. So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved themselves for it. THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT NEW ORDER OF DEITIES In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter interpretation as being more in accordance with general Man6bo religious 10 I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who pretended to know its meaning. 232 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMVOL. XIII, ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The Magbabfya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the statements of Mesklnan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in black-that is, pagan peoples-and to teach men to save themselves from a future life of darkness and desolation. After his deification Meskinan acquired the power to impart himself to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were said, after being thus endowed, to have a Magbabdya, in much the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by Meskinan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by others. OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER The means prescribed by Meskinan through his priests and emissaiies for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were: (1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings 1 in each settlement. (2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant under the direction of local priests or of their assistants. (3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants. That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous Manddya country (Kati'il, Manorigao, Kariga, and the very sources of the Agusan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the Kariga, the Christianized Manddyas of the coast towns in the municipalities of Kardga, Baganiga, and Kati'il had joined the movement. From Bagfaga to the point on the Libaganon that was the cradle of the movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the religious movement spread from Libaganon to Baganga and to more distant points in an incredibly short time. As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be " Tungud, tiungud."12 In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they feared so much. In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following: (1) A small alcove 13 in one corner, frequently provided with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained. (2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a supply of drink. (3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of four logs set upon the floor. (4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation. (5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a variety n Ka-md-lig. Is Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible, ta-gd-an. 1s Called sin-d-bufg. NC OF CICE] THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 233 of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation is unprecedented. (6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the deities. RELIGIOUS RITES Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabdya, I was unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper Agusan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on the Libaganon, Tagum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and emissaries with Magbabdya spirits did take place a few times in Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary religious performance, however, in honor of Meskinan I witnessed repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one. The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the new religion. Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on: "When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to come. When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libag~non, which was to the effect that Meskinan had determined not to overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the Magbabaya of LibagAnon bad departed to the underworld and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskinan, he announced the request of Meskinan that a certain number of lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled people that he perform the tunigud services, whereupon be and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabaya of Libaginon. The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of Meskinan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of the influence of his Magbabdya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.14 The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended 14 It may be noted here that the MandAya dance is neither so graceful nor so impressive as the Man6bo dance. The feet move faster and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so characteristic of the Manobo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor are handkerchiefs carried in the hands. 234 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOmI NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over. The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched, and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his feet and left him resting against the wall. As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "tuigud, tiungud, tagdan." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskinan in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as announced by Meskinan. In succession each of the priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but not with suchvehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to be "very big." An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,15 the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have been given personally by Meskinan to everyone upon whom he had conferred a Magbabdya. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabaya of Libaganon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and practiced. Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and which were unintelligible to my interpreters. After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them under or near the table. The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his fellow priests from the Agusan and by the new local priests. None of the priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed to have yielded to the new Magbabaya. The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side, the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted, they said, by their respective deities. The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "tungud, tungud, tagdan," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one. Is Mo-8d. MY o SCENCES] THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 235 THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the Agisan Valley among the MandAyas, Debabions, and Mafigguangans of the SAlug-Libaglnon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agdsan Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the MandAyas of the KarAga, Manorigao, Bagnfga, MAnai, and KasAuman Rivers, who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a great religious deception. I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskinan, whose real name was Mapfkla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence is not without precedent in Manoboland. I will admit even that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the reputation of the power of Meskinan's spirit became greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables. The scheme was most probably engineered by some MandAyas of the Tigum River in league with one of the men of the Miwab River and two of the upper Salug. The Mandiyas of the Tagum River have had dealings with Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his "Historia de Mindando," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compania de Jesus. Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried out. THE SACRED TRAFFIC Meskinan lived somewhere up the Libaganon River, far from the TAgum, and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agusan. Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either "down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him under these circumstances. As soon as it was reported from the Tagum and MAwab Rivers that Meskinan could take anyone under his special protection-in other words, that he could bestow his spirit upon othersseveral went over to TAgum and MAwab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those who purported to be the representative of Meskinan. Now those who received this spiritual influence were expected to give a consideration 16 for the gift, or Magbabdya, as it was called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every Magbabdya received from the representatives of Meskinan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start off for LibagAnon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his Magbabdya had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating rice. 6 Called d-lo. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish word regalo, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact. 236 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, I have seen MandAyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of renown, travel over to the MAwab-a wearisome journey of some four days-loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other chattels, with which to purchase a Magbabdya. I saw them return, too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in a worldly way. But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of Magbabdya alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from Meskinan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and consecrated by the great Magbabdya of Libaganon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and TAgum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the equivalent. A chief from the upper Sdlug sold a wooden religious image for the value of P15 on the Bahaian River. He asserted that it was presented to him by Meskinan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling out similar ones. sold by a high priest of Compostela about two years before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some MandAya skirt cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability. RELIGIOUS TOURS In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to visit other settlements. To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement. As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active, popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud and of their insidious utilization of its benefits. They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports about Meskinan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their possession. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 No. 1] 237 An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest from the upper Salug during a religious tour from the Agiisan to the Manorigao, KarAga, MAnai, and Kasiuman districts. 3 old English muzzle-loaders. 100 ornamental silver breastplates. 300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos. 60 pieces of MandAya skirt cloth. 9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of the tour). 30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes. I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of the most costly maids in his tribe. The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a trip among the Mandayas of Manorigao and within a few weeks received enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt. THE WHISTLING SCHEME The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the movement to call upon one's Magbabdya for an answer except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the Magbabdya of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak. The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice, "Magbabdya." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed. That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and descried one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of disguising the direction of the sound. Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed. On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps proceeding from the supposed Magbabdya in answer. The priest interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10 minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabaya has," "Tungud, Tungud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the exact location of the imaginary god. 238 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it is like a tiny flute." Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone on a trip to Libagainon, so we postponed the consultation in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said, from the camote clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay, Magbabaya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the individual-a proceeding that would be in violation of a current taboo-but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the consultation. PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a Magbabdya, and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was true of all the other priests. Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great Mlagbabdya of Libagdnon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity. The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great Magbabdya of Libaganon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the very end. ANoC O SCIECS THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910 239 These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a Manobo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry, and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid when even the mighty Magbabdya of Libaganon would at times demand a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others out of their temporal goods. THE END OF THE MOVEMENT The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various inconsistencies in the reports from Libaganon, the continual postponement by Meskinan of the end for one flimsy reason or another, the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisdiyas and others, and the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as offerings to the priests and to their assistants-all these contributed to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at least 50,000 people. It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to take place after one moon, but Meskinan made a long journey for the purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons, Meskinan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would be postponed because Meskinan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud. At the time of my departure from the upper Agusan the whole country was getting into a turmoil. The Mandayas, enraged at the loss of their property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack upon the people of the Aguisan. The Manobos announced their intention of raiding the Debabions. The Mafiggunfigans menaced the Tagum Mandayas. In a word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment of government on the upper Agusan to protect the Christianized peoples already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed. SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compaflia de Jesus" I find similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agdisan peoples impossible. On my trip to the upper Kardga a venerable old MandAya informed me that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the Moros of Siimlug, on the east side of the gulf of Divao, and that when the Manddyas of Kardga discovered the fraud they made a raid on the authors of it and killed many. 240 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father Urios,17 dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one ManAitai, a Manobo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaian River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatdan, to lead all the Manobos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatuan the whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and soul, into the sky. The letter states that ManAitai was obliged to abstain from everything except roots, sugarcane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatuan complied with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and observances. From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such as contagious diseases or fear of invasion. 17 Cartas de los PP. de la Compaiia de Jesus, 9; 533, 1891; APPENDIX HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANOBOS OF EASTERN MINDANAO EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875 From 1521 until 1877 Man6bo history is for the most part veiled in the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come down to us in Man6bo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but little light in the darkness, and that little is probably not the pure and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into hideous monsters. Thus Dabao, of whom mention will be made presently, was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded the Agusan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one tradition-persistent and universal-to the effect that up to 1877, and even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war-ruthless, relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines nor relished its rigorous precepts. 1521 Mention of the Agusan River and of Butuain is found in the writings of various historians, notably of Father Francisco Comb6s 1 who states that Magellan landed in Butuan in 1521. It is believed by various historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the mouth of the Agdisan River was intended by Magellan as a formal occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.2 A later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to this day near the mouth of the Agusan River. 1565-1574 A letter from Andr6s Mirandola to Philip II 3 some time after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore the islands of Magindanio and to seek a port called Butuan. Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In another letter of Mirandola,4 dated 1574, we find ButuAn spoken of as a district with much gold. 1591 In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuain was an encomienda6 and that tributes were collected as early as 1591. 1596 In Chirino's 6 relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in the Aguisan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of the district, Silofigan, divorced I Historia de Mindanao y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76. 2 It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass. 3 E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202, 1906. 4 Ibid., 3: 233. a An encomienda was a royal allotment or grant of land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of government. 6 Ibid., 12: 315. 67173~-31 17 241 242 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, five of his wives, and protected the missionaries in every way possible.7 Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed. Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,8 "a people untamed and ferocious-to the Manobos and to other neighboring peoples." 9 There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we find that a fort was constructed in Linao 10 some time after 1596. The headman, however, of the Linao region invited one Father Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks 1 visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion. "12 Morga in his Sucesos 13 speaks of Butuan as being peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats. 1597 In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray Andres de San Nicolas,"1 we learn that missionaries had penetrated the district of ButuAn as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people. 1622 In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical administration of Butuiin district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the conquest, for it is related 1 that he traveled 50 leagues up the river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three conventos 16 one of which was in the village of Linao.17 At this period Butuan is said to have had 1,500 Christians, and Linao, or Laylaia as it was also called, 1,600 souls. 1629 In 1629 18 there was a general uprising of the Siulus and of the Karagas. One Balintos arrived in Butuan with letters from the famous Corralat, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the people of Butuan to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of Corralat, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by every means in their power. 1648 The arrival of the Dutch in Manila19 in 1648 incited the natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa 20 sets forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manobos. 7 Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanao and kept the natives of Mindanao on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanao. 8 Perhaps the Hadgagunes here referred to are the Higagaons or Banuaons of the present day. 9 Ibid., 44: 60. 10 Linao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veru6la. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to the middle Agusan. 11 We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred to the mountain people as little blacks (Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Linao were Negritos. 1i Ibid., 44: 60, et seq. 13 Ibid., 15. 14 Ibid., 21. 15 Ibid., 21: 221. 16 A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants. 1" Ibid., 21: 221. Is Ibid., 35: 65. 19 Ibid., 36: 126. ~0 Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] APPENDIX 243 He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butugn in the Province of Kardga.21 "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.22 They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dabao, a Manobo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in Man6bo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in Linao.23 The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full of slaves." "The ButuAn chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been lost." 24 In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces. 1661-1672 Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical labors in the Agiusan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of the Manobos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living between Butuan and Linao. The people to whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bishyas of the present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manobo towns of the present day did not exist before 1877. Father Comb6s 25 is the authority for the statement that ButuAn was the origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan." The following is the extract: But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuan (which, although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the BisAyan Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the B6ol, and but a few leagues away from L6yte and from B6ol, islands which are in the same stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given kings and nobility to these nations.26 Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio 27 in 1744 says that "Some of the Manobos in the mountains of Karaga (who are heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute." We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manobos in Linao. He was unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuin. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around Linao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manobos-"tractable, docile, and quite reasonable," living in 21 The Province of Karaga at this time extended from Dapitan on the northwest of Mindanao to Karfga on the southeast. 22 The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to think that the ancestors of the present Manobos were Negritos. The only trace of curly hair among the Man6bos of the Agfsan Valley is observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and northeastern contiguous to ButuSn. 23 Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manobos of that region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate that the Manobos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is added by the application of the term Negrillos (little Negroes) to Manobos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is unknown to Man6bos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no tradition as to the former employment of them exists. 24 Blair and Robertson, 36: 134. 26 Ibid., 40: 126. 26 San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312) says: "They [the Butuans] are the origin of the best blood and nobility of the BasIlans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he was a Butuan." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity between Sulu and the variety of Bisaya spoken in the Agfisan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisfya dialect, are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was intercourse between the two peoples. 27 Ibid., 40: 298, 244 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN M [VOL. XXIII villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization-and the other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Man6bos are the ancestors of the present Bisayas of Veru6la, BunAwan, and Talakogon, who have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors. Concepcion 28 gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanao. "Butuin was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military post at Linao, up the river, alone escaped.' The tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Linao still exists among the Bisayas of the Agusan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in Veru&la that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro lantaka (small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Man6bos is the legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight. FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877 For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Man6bos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern MindanAo in 1875. The material concerning the Man6bos is contained in a series of selected letters, from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanao to civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the various town and rancherias 30 are furnished; with the names of the chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of Mindanao. 1877 In the Agdsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed to the Bistyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuan, Talakogon, Verudla, and Bunawan. Father Bove 31 in 1877 writes that he reunited many Bisayas of Hibung and Bunawan in Talakogon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuan. He notes the extent of the slave trade between Manobos and Bisayas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agusan and to the upper Salug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunawan and organized the church among the Bisayas of BunAwan who had not been annexed to Talakogon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuan, Tolosa (now Kabarbaran), and Mainit. 1879 In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Mafsam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of which rancherias of conquistas 32 or Christianized Man6bos are still in existence. In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisiya settlement of Talakogon, succeeded in settling the Man6bos to the south of Talak6gon in the town of Martines. These Man6bos were for the most part from the Rivers Pudldsan, Ldbnig, and Aniliwan. He comments on the ignorance of the Talak6gon Bisayas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibao and Hibung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuata. 28 Ibid., 48: 163. 9 These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compafia de Jesus de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later. 0 A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized people. 1s Cartas de los PP. de la Compafiia de Jesus, 3. 32 Conquista is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal use in the Agfisan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1 APPENDIX 245 The same year Pastells converted 771 Man6bos of the Simdlao River. He then visited the upper Agusan, and negotiated with the pagans of that district-a conglomerate group of MandAyas, ManigguAiigans, Man6bos, and DebabAons-for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabaon and Man6bo converts, respectively. Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Similao and baptized 1,000 Man6bos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then pursued his work among the Man6bos to the south of Veru6la and founded the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of the town was changed five times. La Concepcion,33 near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Man6bos but a casual glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation. During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umatam River, and succeeded in getting the Manbbos of San Rafael to settle in Tubai. This is interesting as the inhabitants of Tdbai pass for BisAyas at the present day. 1881-1883 From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of all the uncoverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talak6gon. Guadalupe and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Man6bos in the towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them. Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment. Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maasao, BugAbus, Ohut, Los Remedios, and HauiliAn, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the lower and middle Agiisan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simulao towns, were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of certain ButuAn BisAyas who had been killed by the conquistas of Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by the missionaries to reach the pagans. These conquistas were prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes nolens volens. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results that would follow as a consequence, the conquistas preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude. 1883 The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agiisan meant the return of some 5,000 conquistas to their original manner of life, for at this period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.34 The upper Agdsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simdlao district, 2,000. On the upper Agdsan affairs followed the same trend. The MandAyas of the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Huilip River. Jativa and Bdal were attacked by MandAyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately. Ba6bo, "the river of bagani," 36 continued to keep Patrocinio, Bdai, and Gracia on the alert. 3 This rancheria is not in existence. a Ibid., 5: 71. u A bagani is a Mandaya, Mafigguafigan, Debabaon, or Man6bo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities. 246 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN M [VOL. III,, Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in establishing Pilar, a Mafigguifigan town, on the MAnat. It is described as being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper Agdsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present site of Langkil6an. On the lower Aguisan, Gangub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and Tortosa on the Kabarbarin River were formed. Neither of them is in existence at the present day. The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manobos, directed their activities to the conversion of Maminuas. Hence in 1883 we read that the Maminua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo, Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them. 1884 In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agdsan district. Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandayas. On the lower Agusan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamanuas being the only important item that is recorded in the letters. 1885 On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to the Bisiyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan Mandayas of Marihatag and Kagwait. He also ascended the TUgo River converted the pagan Mandayas of Alba, establishing at the same time a town of that name. Guardiet worked among the Man6bos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized 217 in Ginhalinan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over to the Hibung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts. There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manobos of the lower Agusan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuan. On the upper Agusan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mafgguifigans of Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)36 moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however, they were re-formed. 1886 In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the lower Agusan affairs remained in status quo. The Maminua settlements were increased by one which was located on the Dtyag River, near Mainit. In the middle Agdsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawan River. It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the Agusan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in 42 towns.37 1887 In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro was abandoned this same year. M I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agusan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle Agisan, near the mouth of the Ihawan River, but it consisted entirely of Christianized Man6bos, and not of Mafigguafigans such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agfsan. 7 Ibid., 11, appendix. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 1] APPENDIX 247 1887-1888 On the lower Agdsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banu6on people of the upper Ohut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of La Paz, on the ArgAwan River, where it became necessary to make use of armed troops. 1889 In 1889 cholera got into the Agdsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the Man6bos of the Thgo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the Mamanuas of Kantilan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandiya converts in Alba on the Tigo River. 1890 In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on the Argawan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small rancheria called Tily6rpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. BAsa on the Kasilafan River and San Isidro on the Bahalan River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawan. Many Mamanua and Mandiya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Ohut was founded this same year. 1891 The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the foundation of a Banuion settlement, called Concordia, on the Libang River. In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Ba6bo River were established. Man6bos of the SibAgat River were converted and a settlement was founded at its juncture with the W6-wa. This settlement is now called Pait. San Miguel on the TAgo River was founded with 25 families, most of whom were Man6bos. This town is no longer in existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed through the same experience, though not so many times. 1893 In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on the BugAbus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labao River, was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in 1908, I think. On the Tago River the conversion of the MandAyas was completed and more Man6bos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number of Christianized Man6bo families to 80. In the Agisan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned. 1894 In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lingkilaan River. At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Langkilaan. During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the MAnat, was transferred to the Agisan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another town is said to have been founded on the Manat River. Gerona, between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaian, and Corinto on the Agsibo, a branch of the Ohut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was re-formed. 248 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [OEM" L,^XIII 1900-1905 I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed BisAyas of ButuAn that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in 1898 the Christianized Man6bos lived in a state of comparative tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From 1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agisan, excepting along the upper Kasilatan, ArgAwan and Umaiam, were very peaceful, a fact that was due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Man6bos devoted themselves to the culture of abakd and to the production of its fiber. On the upper Kasilaian, Argawan and Umaiam, IhawAn, and Baobo there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition of alarm. On the upper Agusan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro Province to station troops at Compostela.38 The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agiusan Valley up to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: MamAnuas, 1,000; Banuions and the branch of Man6bos occupying the northeastern part of the valley, 3,000; Manddyas, 2,000; Mafiggunfigans, 1,000; DebabAons, 1,000; Man6bos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns, including the unstable settlements of MamAnuas. From 1898 until the present time the conversion of pagans in the Agdsan Valley has been insignificant. u Upon my arrival in the Agfsan Valley in 1905 I found the following rancherins in existence: On the main river, Butuan (a Bisaya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo, San Mhateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruela (a Bisfya settlement), Patrocinio, Langkilaan, Hagimitan, TagusAb, Buai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-unud. On the Ohut River, Milagros and Remedios. On the Wa-wa River, Verdu. On the Lfbang River, Concordia. On the Kasilalan River, Basa. On the Hfbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos. On the Sfilibao River (tributary of the Hibung), Novele and Rosario. On the Argawan River, La Paz and Sagunto. On the Umaiam River, Loreto, Kandaugong. On the Similao River, San Jose, Bunawan (a Bisaya settlement), Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro. On the Nabuk River, Dugmanon. From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed: Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labao River. Pait on the Wa-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River. Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maasam River. Ba'ba', on the Hibung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia. Tillerpan and Kam6ta, above Sagunto on the ArgAwan. Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Walo, on the upper UmaIam. Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the nibung River. Mambalfli, below Bunawan on the Simfilao River. Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the following towns have ceased to exist: Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbaran River. Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Maasao. San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuan. Concepcion, near the town of Naslpit. San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the impression that it was located near Tubai). Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe. Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugabus River. Hauwilian, at the mouth of the Hauwilian River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labau River. Patai, between Martires and Borbon. Basa, on the Kasiliagan River. Las Navas, on the Hibung. Asuncion, on the Argawan River. Clavijo, on the Agfisan near the mouth of the Ihawan River. Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawan River. Bigo and Borja, on the Ba6bo River. Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agfsan San Miguel, on the Tago River (Pacific coast). ACADEMY OF SCIENCE APPENDIX 249 No. 1] APPENDIX 249 METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE MANOBOS The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans in MindanAo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.39 The following extracts are pertinent: The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he wishes them well, that he has known of such-andsuch misfortunes that have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza 4 and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins. It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by planting camotes and other crops which yield quickly. The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are presented with the official staff of command in thetname of the governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the Gobernadorcillo 1 of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of the province. The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new town and begin their teaching. As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the government. The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no otlier law than the caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their teachers "a Ibid., 11, appendix. 40 A public square. 41 This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to "mayor" at the present time. 250 THE MANOBOS OF MINDANAO-GARVAN [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on neighboring peolpe in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect. It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours. The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic eloquence easily convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and customs. Then he ceases to be Man6bo or Manddya, in order to be a Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian towns. Even the Mamdnuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements. THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanao to ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the information furnished me by the conquistas, both those who are still living under the effective control of the Government and those who have returned to their primitive haunts. (1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Silug, where many of the Christianized DebabAons had retired for many years, I was told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his understanding of Debabaon ways and customs. The pagans present on one occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them again. (2) In other regions (upper Umafam, upper Argmwan, and others) the chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of conquistas who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they were telling the truth. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] APPENDIX 251 No. 1 APPENDIX 251 How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the pagans. BisAyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans. (3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a feeling of obligation. (4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the people they were visiting. (5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of eastern Mindanao, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly to the Man6bo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average Christianized Man6bo understands little, and practices less, of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate him in selected centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for lie lost that spirit of manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the debt-ridden, cringing conquistas, and his manly, free, independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the conquista's time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisaya trader, and the other half in paying them.x, 'His rice is sold before it is harvested. His abakd patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.42 42 The special government established in the subprovince of Butuan took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the conquistas by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agusan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation of the special government. EXPLANATION OF PLATES PLATE 1. a, b, Man6bo women. Lankilaan, upper Agilsan. Note tattooing. c, Forearm of woman in d. d, MandAya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments. 252 PLATE I a b I;Ik. -- -M IOPW C PLATE 2 d PLATE, 2. a, Mafiggu~figan man and Man6bo woman. Jativa, upper Agiisan. b, Debab~on man and Man6bo woman. Upper Agiisan. c, Man6bo woman. Tagusib, upper Agiisan. d, Manddya man. Cornpostela, upper Agilsan. 253 PLATE, 3. a, Man6bo man. Tagusa'b, upper Agt'san. b, Man6bos. Ihawain River, Agiisan Valley. 254 PLATE 3 a b PLATE 4 a i, PLATE 4. a, Man6bo women. Umafan River, Agusan Valley. b, Man6bo house. Moncayo, upper Agdsan. Note thatched roof, notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls. 255 PLATE 5. a, Man6bo house, built for defense. Near Veruela, upper Agisan. b, Man6bo house. Gandia, upper Agdsan. Note notched pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo shingles. 256 PLATE 5 a (D -ij I < Q. PLATE 6. a, Typical Man6bo house. Near Compostela. b, Man6bo house. Central Agdsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now very rare. 67173~-31 —18 257 PLATE.7. a, Armor coat made of abak', with war chief's red jacket inside. Upper Agilsan Man6bos. b, Man6bo abakd skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. c, White trousers made of abakd. Central Agusan. d, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Aguisan. e, Mandaya abakd skirt. Worn by Man6bos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye process. 258 -a r -q m -4 PLATE 8 e / / 7, PLATE 8. a, b, Women's jackets of cotton and abaka, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agusan. c, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of bagani-ship used by Man6bos of the upper Agusan. d, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at least three people. e, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agusan. f, Man's jacket worn by wild Man6bos of the eastern and central Cordilleras. g, Man's jacket. Upper Agusan style. h, Central Agusan style. i, Hat worn in the Agusan Valley south of 8~ latitude. j, Woman's jacket. Central Agusan. k, lhawan and Ba6bo style. 1, Mandbo-Mafiggu&figan style. m, Mal6bo betel-nut bag. n, Betel-nut bag made of Mandaya abakd and cotton cloth. 259 PLATE 9. a, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. b, d, Bamboo guitars. c, Wooden two-stringed guitar. e, f, h, Bamboo flutes. g, Bamboo jew's-harp. i, Drum with head of deerskin. j, 1, m, n, Fish traps and fishing line. k, o, p, q, r, Rattan baskets. s, t, Women's incised bamboo combs. u, z, cc, Bead necklaces, worn by Man6bo men and women. v, y, Seed and shell necklaces, worn by Man6bo women. w, aa, bb, dd, ee, Women's incised bamboo combs. x, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by MandAyas out of coins; worn by upper Aguisan Man6bos. ff, 1I, rr, Nito bracelets, worn by Man6bo men and women. gg, ii, kk, Shell bracelets, worn by Man6bo women. hh, jj, Beaded girdles made of nito and human hair, worn by Man6bo women. mm, nn, oo, pp, Wooden ear disks and pendants. qq, Black coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Man6bo men and women. ss, Nito armlet, worn by Man6bo men. tt, Bear's bracelet, worn by Man6bo men and women. 260 w H0) Q. -e. I I aI - 4 A or1 z) g B J K)d~ I 2) 3i~% —'"~r IQ, le*',3 lll~ -Q 14; 6?|0 ok Ci) I <I " ^ Ui i I iI 111 I^ ^). P9" 1 PLATE 10 d ~. *- ---- 9 01~~ ---- oom - I -- -- - -— --~ ---L I-~~~IUI(~~)~)~~ICI. II —. S - -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~us -IJo _ _ j.~~~~~~~~ —R ZL — m — - - mwmvmm t; I ul I l l 1~~~~I M m u v 3*~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4.0~~~~~~t x -V W~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~a!~~~~~~ PLATE 10. a, Fish spear. Central Agusan. b-f, Fishing bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. g, Mandaya spear used by Man6bos of upper Agusan. h, Central Agulsan spear. i-k, Man6bo bow and arrows. I, Man6bo shield. Upper Agisan. m, Mandaya shield. n, Shield. Central Man6bo. o-r, Mandaya daggers and sheaths, used by Man6bos. Upper Agusan. s, MandAya betel-nut knife, used by Man6bos. t-v, Man6bo bamboo lime tubes. w, Moro brass box, used by Man6bos. x, y, Man6bo work bolo and sheath. z, aa, Mandaya war bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Man6bos. 261 PLATE 11. a, Mandaya woman in a dancing attitude that is characterisitc of Man6bos. Compostela, upper Agusan. b, Men of the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of the Man6bo war dance. 262 PLATE 11 VI-,% M.. 1 b PLATE 12 b PLATE 12. a, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper Agusan. b, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agusan. Note superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was built by the Man6bos during the great religious movement. 263 PLATE 13. a, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the stand. Gerona, upper Agusan. b, c, Sacred posts with offering trays for the Magbabdya, used on the upper Agusan during the great religious movement. 264 CY) n w FI a. S. -#5~iz AI Ak' " t9~c - A PLATE 14 _w~~sWM q r PLATE 14. a, d, Ceremonial birth canoes. b, c, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood. e, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. f-i, Sacred images, used to attract Man6bo divinities. j, Sacred shield. k, I, Sacred jars. m, o, Wooden stands used on the upper Agdsan during religious ceremonies. n, p, War chief's charms, worn during war raids. They contain magic herbs. q, Ceremonial birth offering stand. Middle Agdsan. r, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agusan. s, Bukidnon man. Silay, Bukfdnon subprovince. 265 O 0 0 i. Museurn Q 11 * N2 v. 23 Garvan, J M... The Man6bos.of Mindango 1 LTE DUE mr- - I. - UMlD 1 VIQA II L Q-1 - i Ii.5. I IT -1. - 4 I. - — I MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII SECOND MEMOIR WASHINGTON, D. C. 1941 I - --- I MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII SECOND MEMOIR UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1941 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. Price 45 cents I MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII Second Memoir DAKOTA GRAMMAR BY FRANZ BOAS AND ELLA DELORIA PRESENTED TO THE ACADEMY AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1939 III DAKOTA GRAMMAR BY FRANZ BOAS AND ELLA DELORIA v !/?. 6./ _.,.ot ' S t PREFACE The following grammar is the result of the joint work of the authors. While the undersigned is alone responsible for the presentation and arrangement of the material, the detailed information was given by Miss Deloria, a graduate of Teachers College, New York City, whose family name is des Lauriers. Her parents were Yankton but she has grown up among the Teton of Standing Rock. It is due to her quick grasp of the importance of minute details and her perfect control of idiomatic usage and of an extensive vocabulary that the many apparent irregularities, the significance of the minute accentual peculiarities, and the emotional tone connected with particles could be at least partly presented, although many details may have escaped us. Where there was any doubt in regard to special points, Miss Deloria corroborated them by questioning other Tetons. There are slight dialectic differences in Teton. Particularly the south-western Ogalala of Pine Ridge and Rosebud have some peculiarities of their own. Along the Missouri there is Yankton influence upon vocabulary and syntax while the phonetics are pure Teton. In the text a number of abbreviations has been used. T stands for Teton, Y for Yankton, S for Santee. References to Stephen Return Riggs, A Dakota-English Dictionary, Washington, 1890 (Vol. VII Contributions to North American Ethnology) are given as "Riggs"; those to the same author's Dakota Grammar, Texts and Ethnography, edited by James Owen Dorsey, Washington, 1893 (Vol. IX Contributions to North American Ethnology) as "Riggs, Grammar." Most of the examples are taken from Ella Deloria, Dakota Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, Vol. XIV, New York, 1932. References like 105.10 refer to page 105, line 10, of that publication, etc. No references have been made to "A Grammar of Lakota" by Eugene Buechel, S. J., St. Francis Mission, South Dakota, which appeared while the present grammar was being set up. The analysis of Dakota in Buechel's Grammar is based on the theory that every syllable has a meaning. The arrangement is that of an English Grammar with Dakota equivalents. Since much of the material is based on Bible translations and prayers, many unidiomatic forms occur. Still, it contains much valuable material in an improved orthography. The distinctions between medials and aspirates have been made properly, except for c and ct which are not regularly distinguished. Accents are not always reliable. FRANZ BOAS. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, April, 1939. VII CONTENTS Page 1. Introductory — -_ 1_ -------------- ---- -— ____ ------ 1 2-23. Phonetics ------ ------------— _ --- —--— _ --- —-- -- 4 2. Tableof sounds- - - - 4 3. Vowels_ ---- ---------- 4 4. Consonants ----- --------------- -----------------------— 5 ---5. Consonantic clusters ---------------------- -----— __- 5 6-8. Phonetic processes, vowels ----------------------— _- — __ 6 6. Nasalized vowels -—. ---------------- -— 6_ 7. Contraction _ --- —---------------— _ -— __ - 6 8. Glides ------------------------— 10 9-22. Phonetic processes, consonants --------------------- — ____11 9. Effect of nasalized vowel --------------------—. 11 10. Effect of o, u and q upon y -------------------— 11 11. Terminal consonants of cvc verbs ----------------------- 11 12. Compounds_ -------------------------- --— 13 13. Doubled consonants --------------------------— 13 14-18. Relation between k and c_ --- —----------------------— __ --- —-_ 13 14. Comparative notes ------ --—. --- —- ____ ---13 15. Influence of a changed to e upon k sounds ------- ------ 14 16. k in neutral and active verbs ---------------- __ 14 17. Influence of prefix i-_ _ --------------------- _ 15 18. Influence of the demonstratives e, le, he -_____-_ _-_ _-_ 16 19. Peculiarities of western dialects --------------------— _-__ --- —-— 16 20. Relations between z, s; z, s; and,, h --------------------- 16 21. Relations between vowels _- ---------------------- 18 22. Irregular phonetic changes -----------------------— 19 23. Accent -___ --- —-- _ — ------------------------------------------— _. --- —- -- - 21 24-171. Morphology and syntax- __ — _ — ------------ ------------- 23 24-29. Stems ------------------------- — 23 24. Introductory ------— ___ --- —---------— _ --- —-- --------------- 23 25-28. Verbal stems ------------------------— 25 25. Introductory ------------------ ---------—. 25 26. Stems with terminal consonant, cvc ------ ----- - 26 27. Verbs of the type cv-_____________________-__ ------— 26 28. Verbs of the type cvcv ----------— ___ ----__ --- —--— ____ 26 29. Nominal stems ---------- -------------------------------------- 28 30-35. Change of terminal a to e or j ------------------— 29 30. Conditions under which a changes to e or j-___ --- __ --- 29 31. Verbs that do not change terminal a --------------— _- 30 32. Verbs of the types cv and cvcv - -----— __- _- ---— _ — 31 33. Verbs of the types cq and cvcq ----------------------------- 32 34. Nouns changing a to e in possessive form __ --- —--- ------- 32 35. Nominalized verbs --------- ----------------------------- 33 36. Nouns in e changing to a ---------- - --------------------- 34 37. Loss of terminal a or e --------------------------------------— 34 38. Reduplication _ _- --— __ — _ —, ----_ -- ---- ---------— 36 39-70. Structure of the theme -------------------------------------- -- -- 39 39-44. Locative prefixes ------------------------— 39 39. Introductory -----— _ --------------- 39 40. 'a- on, added, more -------------------- 39 41. 'o- within a restricted area, in _________-_____40 42. 'i- against, in reference to, by means of ---------— 41 43. Combinations of locatives ------- ----- ----- 43 44. Locatives transforming neutral into active verbs ---- -- 45 IX x CONTENTS 24-171. Morphology and syntax-Continued. 89-70. Structure of the theme-Continued. Page 45-53. Instrumental prefixes --- —------------------- 45 45. List of prefixes --- —----------------------— 45 46. Impersonal verbs with instrumental prefixes --------------- 47 47. Adverbs with instrumental prefixes -------- ------- 48 48. Instrumentals with verbs in tu -------— _ --- — _ --- - —.._- 48 49. Instrumentals with verbs in pta, ka ca --- —-- - -----—. 49 50. Locatives with instrumental ka_ --------------- 50 51. Locatives with varied instrumentals --------- ------ 50 52. Instrumentals with nouns -------------------- ----—. 51 53. Instrumentals with lost meaning -------------—. --- —_ --— __ 51 54. Order of locative and instrumental suffixes ---------- ------ 52 55. Indefinite object wa- -------------------— 52 56-64. Suffixes --- —--------------— 54 56. -ca ------ ---- -----------------— 54 57. -ka rather_ ---- --------------------— 55 58. -kel somewhat, rather, subordinate form -----------— 56 59. -la diminutive ----------------------— 57 60. hica, predicative, hci, subordinate ------ -------— 57 61. -tu --------------------------— 58 62. -ya with neutral verbs -------------- ---------— 59 63. -hq -------------- ----— 60 64. -p --- —-------------------— 66 65-70. Compounding ------------------- ------ 67 65. Introductory —_ 67 66. Noun and noun_ -------- ---------— 68 67. Noun and adjective___ ----— _ --— _ __69 68. Noun and verb -------------------— 70 69. Nouns, classifiers -------------— 70 70. Verb and verb -------------------— 73 71-99. The Pronoun ------ __-_ —______ --- —— __ --- —___ ----. — - 76 71. Subjective and objective forms ---------------------- 76 72. Transitive verbs ------------------------------------------------- 76 73. Verbs with initial y --- —------------— _ 76 74. Verbs with initial vowel ----------- ---—, — - _- _ 77 75. Intransitive verbs with objects ---------- -— ______77 76. Neutral verbs with two objects ------------ _ - ---— 77 77. Independent personal pronoun ---------------- — 78 78-98. Position of personal pronouns --------------------- 78 78. Monosyllabic stems --- —----- -- — __ _- 78 79. Stems with initial vowel ------- ---— ___ - 78 80. Stems with two initial vowels ---— _ ---- ------- 79 81. Stems with prefix kt'i ----------— _ --- —- 79 82. Stems with initial consonant ------- --— _ ---- 80 83. Stems with initial m --------- --- — __ 81 84. Stems with initial t -------------- — __81 85. Stems with initial c, c', ec' ___________ --- —-- 81 86. Stems with initial w -------- --— _____82 87. Instrumentals wa, wo, na, na --------— _ _- — _82 88. Instrumentals ka, pa, pu --------- ______- ___82 89. Stems with initial n -------------------------------- - 82 90. Verbs with terminal pa_ -------------- ---- 83 91. Verbs with terminal k ----a ---- --------- --- 83 92. Verbs with terminal k'q -------------------- 83 93. Verbs with terminal toq to wear --------— _- --- _83 94. Verbs compounded of noun and verb --------- ----- 84 95. Subordinate verbs --------------------- 84 96. Compound verbs -------------------- 84 97. Nouns ----------------- —.-.-.... - 85 98. Double verbs --- —--------------- ---- 85 99. Possession of object and indirect object ------- -— ____ _86 CONTENTS xI 24-171. Morphology and syntax-Continued. Page 100. Possession in verbs with initial p, ka, y ------------------ ----------— 87 101. The use of ki- for "back again" --- —------------ 88 102. Position of possessive and indirect objects --- —------------------ -------- 88 103. Use of regular forms ----------- ------ --------- 88 104-107. Irregular use of forms ----------------— 89 104. Irregular use of we'- and waki --- —-------------------------------- 89 105. Verbs in ka- and ki- and related forms- - ---- -------— 91 106. Irregular forms of verbs in g.l_ ----------------— 92 107. Verbs with initial k'i expressing contact ----- -------— 92 108-115. Verbs of going and coming ---------- --------------- 92 108. Single and compound forms --- —-------------- 92 109. Connective ya in compound forms _ ------ --------— 92 110. Dative forms ------------ ------------— 93 111. Forms in 'a ---------------------------— 94 112. Compounds of verbs of arriving ------- ----- --— 95 113. To go, come, for a purpose - -- -------------------- 95 114. To reach ---- ------------------------------------- 96 115. 'e' and 'ahi' --------------------— 96 116-136. Irregular verbs ---------------------------— 97 116. Neutral verbs with initial 'i -------- ---------— 97 117. Verbs with terminal u --- —-------------------— 97 118. Verbs with apparent irregularities due to nasalization --- ---— 97 119. Verbs in yu- (Santee) ----------------- 97 120. Verbs with initial 'q ------- -------------— 98 121. ' q' to exist, 'ec'q' to do, yak'' (Santee) to be ---- -----— 98 122. 'ec'' to think something --------------— 98 123. '' to wear about the shoulders as a blanket ----- ------— 99 124. 'q'pa to lay down; to smoke ---------- ------- 99 125. yqka' to sit, yqka' to lie, 'iyq'ga to question about, heyq' to tie a bundle 99 126. yu'ta to eat --------------- ---— 100 127. Causative verbs in-ya and k'iya -100 128. na'tz to stand ---------------------— 101 129. 'eya' to say —. --- —---------- --- ----- 101 130. hiyu' to start to come ------------------------------------------- 101 131. kq'za to decree, ka'ga to make ---- ---- ------ ----- 101 132. Verbs in t'q and others inserting ca-... 101 133. i-cu' to take; 'a-tq'wq to look around for; 'o-wa' to draw, write —. 102 134. q'yq to lose ------------------------- --------------------- 102 135. Defective verbs ---------------------------------------- 102 136. Irregular adverbial forms ------------------------------------- 102 137. Reciprocal -_ --- _______ --- —------------------------ 103 138. Reflexive --- —---------------- - -- ------— 103 139. Continuative --- ----- ----------------- 104 140. Future ------------------— 105 141. Negative -------------------------------------------- 105 142..na usually ----- -------------------— 106 143. s'a regularly, habitually --------------— 106 144. Quotative ---------------------- ---— 106 145. ki take care lest (S ki, nic'e') ---------------------- ------------ 107 146. ke' ridiculing ------------------------ 107 147. s'e as though ---------------— 107 148. Adversative s ------------------— 108 149. Declarative particles and end of sentence --------------— 109 150. Optative --- —------------------------------ 111 151. Interrogative- ---- --------------------------------------- 111 152. Imperative — __-111 153. tk-a' ---------------------— 112 154. Numerals ----------------------------------------------------- 113 155. Demonstratives, indefinite, and interrogative pronouns -_ - ------------- 114 xII CONTENTS 24-171. Morphology and syntax-Continued. 156-158. Nouns156. Nominal stems ---- ---------------------- --------- 157. Nouns derived from verbs ----------------- 158. Classification of nouns --- ---------------------------- 159-162. Possessive pronouns-__ ------------- 159. General remarks __ --- —---------------------- -- 160. Inseparable possession --- —----------------------- 161. Terms of relationship --- —---------------------------- 162. Separable possession - --------- ------------ 163. The article -------------------------------- 164. Adverbs -------------- ----------------------------------------------------- 165. Conjunctions -_ --- —----------------- --—.. --- —--—. --- —----------- 166. Exclamations -. —.-.. -. --- —------------------------------- 167. Word order ------------------------- -- 168. Tenses --- —------------. --- —---------------------------- 169. The plural -------------------- - ---- ------ -- 170. Compounding --- —------------- ---------------------- 171. Particles expressing mood of speaker --- —------------ Texts: Teton: The Stingy Hunter --- —----------------------------- The Friendship Song --- —---------------------------- The Twin Spirits --- —------------------------------- Santee: The Skeptic --------------------------------------------------------------- The Fallen Star --- —------------------------------ Assiniboin: The Red Fox --- —------------------------------ Page 125 125 125 126 127 127 128 129 131 133 137 144 149 153 156 157 157 158 160 167 170 176 179 182 ~ 1. INTRODUCTORY It seems well to give first of all a brief sketch of some essential features of the language. There is a fundamental distinction between verbs expressing states and those expressing actions. The two groups may be designated as neutral and active. The language has a marked tendency to give a strong preponderance to the concept of state. All our adjectives are included in this group, which embraces also almost all verbs that result in a state. Thus a stem like "to sever" is not active but expresses the concept of "to be in a severed condition," the active verb being derived from this stem. The same is true of the concept "to scrape," the stem of which means "to be in a scraped condition." Other verbs which we class as active but which take no object, like "to tremble" are conceived in the same way, the stem meaning "to be a-tremble." Active verbs include terms that relate exclusively to animate beings, either as actors or as objects acted upon, such as words of going and coming, sounds uttered by animals and man, mental activities and those expressing actions that can affect only living beings (like to kill, wound, etc.). There seem to be not more than 12 active words that would not be covered by this definition. The meanings of many verbal stems are very specific, nice distinctions being made according to the physical properties and forms of the objects the condition of which is described. Thus the generalized concept "to sever" is in many cases expressed more specifically by words that might correspond to English "to shatter, to split, to cross cut," etc., but also "to sever soft objects, to sever in the middle of a flat object, at the border," etc. Other terms are specialized according to the visual or acoustic effect of the condition. The latter might sound contradictory, because sounds are produced by action, but the Dakota concept is rather: "it is the sound of being squeezed through a narrow opening," "it is the sound of dripping," and the like. On the whole the acoustic value plays a much more important r6le than the visual character. There are exceedingly nice distinctions between states accompanied by various kinds of noises. The importance of the acoustic sense expressed in Dakota appears particularly in the various forms of sound symbolism. Among consonants the series s, s, h and z, i, 0 represent series indicating grades of intensity, s and z being the lowest grades, s and z middle grades, h and g the highest grades. For instance sle'ca, sle'ca, hle'ca express "it is in a condition of splitting" for thin objects, heavy objects, membranes. Vocalic symbolism appears particularly in terms expressing noises. One series is i, u, e, a, as in kpi', (kpu'),' kpe', kpa' which mean in order a light crackling, the noise of stick striking stick, and a sharp noise like that of a firecracker; spi' small things (berries), Spu' larger things, are removed; spe' s'e as though a pattern had been cut out of it; spa' large things are removed. There is also another series e-o: k'e'a a surface is scratched leaving no marks, k'o'Oa a surface is scraped. Nouns that are not derived from verbs are similar in structure to neutral verbs. The most frequent type of stem has the form consonant2-vowel-consonant. No more than two consonants can ever be in contact. Terminal consonants of these stems are limited to the medial surds p, t, c, k, and the sonants la z, z, g. Most of these stems carry the accent, provided not more than one syllable precedes them. A second, less frequent type of stem has the form consonant2-vowel. There is a strong probability that the fairly numerous bisyllabic stems of the type consonant2-vowel-consonant 3-vowel are compounds of two stems of the type consonant2-vowel. Most of these have the accent on the second syllable, the general pattern of Dakota accentuation, except for monosyllabic stems without prefix. 1 Only in the form kpukpa' large and small objects intermixed (like twigs, leaves and small fragments swimming in water, or colors). l See ~11, p. 11. s Or two consonants. Generally two consonants. 1 2 DAKOTA. GRAMMIAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, The distinction between neutral and active verbs is expressed by the pronoun. As in many American languages the object of the transitive verb coincides with the subject of the neutral verb. In Dakota this may perhaps be so understood that the state is expressed in reference to the personal pronoun "being strong is in reference to me"; i. e., "I am strong." Reduplicated neutral verbs may be made active by retaining the accent on the first syllable, while the neutral form throws it on the second syllable. The personal pronoun is poorly developed. There are only three distinct forms, "I, thou, thou and I." There is no pronoun of the third person. The active subjects "I" and "thou" differ from the objective forms. The dual "thou and I" is the same in both forms. Transitive forms with pronominal subject and object combine the separate forms, most frequently in the order object-subject, except the combination "I-thee" which cannot be derived from the simple pronouns. The possessive pronoun is closely related to the neutral pronoun. Inseparable and separable possession are strictly differentiated, but on the whole the possessive pronoun is avoided, possession by the subject being expressed by a verbal element. Instead of saying "my horse is sick," the Dakota says "the horse is sick for me."3" Demonstratives express three positions: here, there, and there visible so that it can be pointed at. They play an important role in the language because they perform syntactic functions. The desire for exact localization which is characteristic of many American languages appears also in all verbs of motion and their ever-recurring combinations with other verbs. The motions hither and thither and the resulting arrival here and there; returning hither and thither, and the resulting arrival here and there after returning are strictly differentiated. Verbal stems are built up into more complex themes by means of two classes of prefixes, locatives and instrumentals. The locatives are a-on, o-in, i- against. The instrumentals express modes of action: yu- by pulling, i. e., movements towards the body; pa- by a steady push; ka- by a sudden stroke; wo- by an impact from a distance; pu- by pressure; ya- by action with the mouth; na- by action with the foot, also by inner force: 'a-pa'-hpa on-by a steady push-lie; i. e., to throw down on-is a typical example of such combinations. Nouns are conceived as classified according to form. This concept finds expression in accompanying verbs of position. Certain things lie, others stand or sit. An earlier greater importance of this feature is suggested by the use of verbs expressing standing (in Teton), of sitting (in Yankton), as continuative verbal forms. Distributive ideas are expressed by reduplication. In bisyllabic stem complexes the second syllable is repeated. The more or less intimate relation between two concepts is expressed by phonetic devices. Thus intimate, exclusive possession may be expressed by vocalic contraction of the prefixed possessive element t'a with the initial vowel of the stem, in contradistinction to less intimate possession in which no contraction occurs. My seat which it is my privilege to occupy, is contracted. My seat on which I sit although others may use it as well, is not contracted. Another device is used for expressing the more or less intimate relation between nouns, nouns and verbs, adverbs and verbs. The parts of the complex may remain independent, each retaining its accent, or they may be combined into one word with one common accent. For instance, nominal subject and neutral verb predicate are independent, noun and adjective have only one accent; in combinations of verbs two actions occurring at the same time, as "he comes dancing" are felt as separate units in which dancing is an adverb describing the act of coming; while in successive actions as "he comes to dance" the two verbs are united by a single accent. Although the general structure of the language is transparent, the semantic values of compounds are often highly specialized and tend to be considered as new units which are further elaborated by the usual processes. There is also a tendency, rather unusual in American languages, to obscure the original composition by processes of processes of phonetic assimilation and metathesis. In contrast to the prefixes which refer to the content of the verb, enclitics without accent s 5. pp. 86, 128, 132. ACADEMY OF SCIENCuS] No. 2] INTRODUCTORY 3 express situational relations, modalities, that do not affect the meaning of the stem complex. The declarative, future, negative, customary, imperative, interrogative, quotative, and some others are included in this group. Most characteristic is the differentiation of these terms in the speech of men and women.4 An enclitic expressing plurality belongs to this group. It does not express plurality of a single word but pluralizes the whole sentence. Its use is confined to animate beings. Some enclitics perform syntactic functions. The most important among these are the articles. Since every noun may also be predicative if provided with the proper ending, and since the articles nominalize phrases, they might perhaps better be called nominalizing elements comparable to our relative pronouns. Numerous coordinating and subordinating conjunctions belong to this class. The noun has no cases. The locative ideas "at, from, towards" are expressed by means of nominal suffixes; more complex locative forms are adverbial forms derived from verbs; "with (several people)," for instance, is the adverbial form of the verb "to join." The general syntactic structure is determined by the order of words. The subject followed by all its qualifiers opens the sentence which closes with the verb preceded by all its qualifiers, but followed by the modal enclitics. The nominal object is one of the qualifiers of the verbal theme and stands near it. Subordinate clauses should be considered as nominalized, the "conjunction" standing at the end of the complex. Thus: he came the one-, a young man he comes if-; you do it when-, are units which may function as subject or object of the complex sentence. These clauses unless very simple are often summarized by a demonstrative. In verbal complexes each element qualifies the following: "carrying them 11 nice place-a I searching for 1| he went"; i. e., he went searching for a nice place while carrying them 21.11. A peculiar feature of the language is its tendency to express approval, disapproval, or indifference. Datives have two forms expressing whether an action is done with or without approval. "I give it to him with" or "without his approval," or also "at my own" or "at his initiative." "I gave it to him, but he did not accept it," has one form if my giving is appropriate, another if it is inappropriate, a third when no judgment as to propriety is made. "He gave me stone instead of bread," highly inappropriate; "he gave me bread instead of stone," highly appropriate, "he came instead of his brother," indifferent, have distinctive forms. 4 This differentiation is a general feature of Siouan languages. In Mandan the usage has been reversed insofar as one form is used in address. ing men, the other in addressing women. ~~ 2-23 PHONETICS ~ 2. TABLE OF SOUNDS Consonants Stops Affricatives Spirants So- Medial Aspi- Glot- Medial Aspi- Glot- So- Glot- a Lat emi nant surd rate talized surd rate talized nant Sur talized al vowels Labial ----- b p p' P - m - w Dental --- —- t -t' - - -z (') n I Alveolar --- — - - c c' c' z ( ') - - Velar_ — - - -.- - - 9 h (H') _- - Palatal -------- g' k ' k' _ - - Open breathing__- - - - - - h - - Glottal stop- - -. - - - - - - - Vowels Oral --- —------------------------------------------------- e a o u Nasalized -- - -- q I Only as first element of consonantic clusters. X See 11, p. 11. ~ 3. VOWELS Among the vowels only e is open; when accented only slightly so; when unaccented quite open. Nasalization is weak, j when closing a syllable is so slightly nasalized that the speaker himself is often in doubt whether there is any nasalization. After m and n the vowel a although etymologically purely oral, is liable to be nasalized. The duration of vowels depends upon their position. Terminal vowels, both accented and unaccented are of slightly shorter duration than preceding vowels. All initial vowels begin with a weak glottal closure which is very apparent in all cases when a consonant precedes a word beginning with a vowel. In these cases the glottal stop follows the consonant and must be clearly differentiated from the glottalized stop which is released with high pressure, the glottalization being synchronous with the stop and ceasing after the release. yuq'k-'e'qpa in prone position he lays him down waA'a'k-'ic'i'la he considered himself strong ttap-'i'capsice bat for ball-playing but k'a' to dig The same break occurs before w. Ask-'wo'k'u to feed horses t'ep-'wi'c'aya he consumed them 105.20 There is a complete absence of diphthongs. Vowels may follow each other being separated by a weak glottal stop, they may be connected by a glide, or they may be contracted. The choice between these three processes depends largely upon grammatical relations. It is not determined by purely phonetic processes. 4 ACADEMY OF SCINCBs] PHONETICS 5 No. 2] ~ 4. CONSONANTS c, c', c' correspond to the medial, aspirate, and glottalized sounds of English ch. 9, h, h' are velar spirants; z, s correspond to the sonant and surd sounds of English, 2 and s to the French j and English sh, respectively. The morphological treatment of verbs suggests that the aspirate and glottalized consonants must be considered as double consonants, because in bisyllabic stems the second syllable which begins with one of these sounds is treated like a syllable beginning with two consonants. Furthermore these consonants rarely appear in consonantic clusters. (See below.) Since no triconsonantic clusters are admitted, this may be conceived as a corroboration of our assumption. The sounds s', s', h', are not themselves glottalized, but consist of s, s, h followed by glottal stops. The only consonants that occur in terminal position of words, but not of sentences, are p, 1, k, and h. ~ 5. CONSONANTIC CLUSTERS Biconsonantic clusters in initial position of the word or syllable are common, while they are absent in terminal position. Triconsonantic clusters do not occur. Three groups of biconsonantic, initial clusters may be distinguished-clusters with initial surd stops; those with initial b and g; and those with initial s, s, A. Second consonant of cluster Initial con- p - pt - k ps p pc - s -- -- tk k kp kt - k ks kskc b - - - - - - b.l g - - - - g.l g.n g.m s sp st sk - sc sl sn sm As p st k - - c sl An Am h lip it - - I ic li hin lim We find also g.w, hw and m.n. The period on the line used here in all clusters of sonants indicates a very weak articulation of the following vowel, as g.la=gala; g.li-gili. In Winnebago these vowels are fully sounded so that the corresponding forms are bisyllabic. In a few cases other clusters of consonants occur due to the dropping of vowels, p. e. tkta' for tukta'. For skta' it is said, no dropping of vowel can be proved. Other clusters appear, due to composition or reduplication. It will be noticed that in these clusters aspirates and glottals do not appear, presumably because they must be considered as double consonants. No consonant appears with another of the same class. (In the combinations sc the point of articulation of c is with greater extent of the tongue touching the palate than in s; sc consists of two sounds which are physiologically more closely related.) p, t, and k are never followed by a sonant; t can be followed only by k (in Santee tp and kp are equivalent). No triconsonantic clusters are admissible. 1, n, m and w are the only sonants that appear at the end of a consonantic cluster. When they follow the sonants b or g, the sonancy of the two sounds produces a very weak vocalic sound between the two consonants. A third class are the clusters beginning with s, s, and X which may be followed by p, t, k, c and by 1, n, m. The three sounds behave in an identical way. It is particularly striking that the com162236~-41-2 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NAONAL 6 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, binations As and hs, which might seem admissible, do not occur. This must be accounted for by the intimate relations between the three consonants which is repeated in the voiced group z, z, g. ~~ 6-8. PHONETIC PROCESSES-VOWELS ~ 6. NASALIZED VOWELS Nasalized vowels have a purely phonetic effect upon the vowel a of the following syllable ya or sometimes wa, the a being nasalized; t1twq' to look; kiyq' to fly; 'ot'yq to have for a habitation, but 'oy'waya I have for a habitation. The same happens when the syllable preceding ya or wa contains a nasal consonant: niyq' to save; pem.ni'yq slantingly. There are, however, some exceptions to this rule. Thus we have niya' to breathe, niyq' to save; k'qyqg' promptly (adv.), k'q-ya' to have for a mother-in-law; nah'y'yq hearing (adv.), nah'4'ya to notify. It seems that this differentiation occurs only when there are two words that would be identical otherwise. ~ 7. CONTRACTION A considerable number of contractions of adjoining vowels occur. These are not entirely free. Verbs and nouns are often treated differently and other syntactic or morphological features determine whether contraction occurs or not. In a number of cases two vowels separated by a consonant may be contracted. The following contractions have been observed: 1. a+a>a 8. a+o>o 2. a+i>i 9. e+o>o 3. a+i>e 10. o+o>o 4. aki>e 11. q+o>q (=7) 5. a+i>i 12. o+i>q 6. q+i>i 13. o+j>q 7. q+o>q 14. i+i>i 15. wayu>wo 18. ohq>q 16. awo>o 19. aye>e 17. ihq>i 20. iye>e In the last forms the consonants are treated as glides and the vowels are contracted. In a similar way 'asaq'pi milk, results from 'as, stem of 'aze' breast, and hqpi' liquid of-. In other cases it would be more appropriate to consider the resulting single vowel as due to elimination of one of them. Examples are: mat'g.la'm.namatto' bear, 'ig.la'm.na to turn suddenly (a name) Elision of vowels is obvious in other names t'i'psa'pa<t'i'pi-sa'pa black tipi;-t'i'pt'o'wi<tTi'pi-t o'wi blue tipi woman; —te't'qni<'ite'-t'qni' old face;-te'g.le'ga<'ite'-g.le'ga spotted face 1. Nouns with initial wa 6 prefixed to a verb beginning with a contract to accented a. wa'kahpe sheet covering, 'aka'hipa to cover;-wa'lowqc the singer in the htqka' ceremony who swishes the horsetail over the candidates, 'alo'wq to sing over somebody;-wa'b.loska a black bird with white wings, 'ab.lo' shoulder blade;-wa'paha war-standard, 'apa'ha to raise high over something;wa'wqyaka guard, policeman, 'awqyaka to guard over;-wa'g.luhe 7 one who lives with his relatives, particularly those who stayed near the fort, their daughters having married soldiers ('iya'yuha to be attracted, to be drawn after) I Bushotter writes k'oyq'; cf. Yankton k'oye'hq meanwhile. * wa- is an indefinite object. (See p. 52.) 7 Name of a band that stayed near the military forts, because their daughters were married to soldiers. A -. --- -- -- - -- -I ACADEMY OF SCIENCKSJ PHONETfICS7 No. 2] Verbs with indefinite object wa (see p. 52) do not contract. waa'li to walk over something;-waadyata to predict something;-waaiya to gossip about something;waa'p'a to strike people;-waa'wqyaka to keep watch over things (wa'wQyak-na'tj to stand as a guard);-waa'lowq to sing over people; —waadyuha to stay near, attracted, as by one's relatives; waa'bMeza to be observant (wadb.leza inspector);-wad'pawljta to rub (ointment) on A number of such verbs with special idiomatic meanings are contracted. wa'nakihma to deny, 'anahma to hide it on, 'anadkihma to hide one's own; the uncontracted form wad'nakihma means: he hides his things;-wa'g.li coming back successfully from a hunt (adv.); wcaagli he brings things home;-wa' kita to look about; waa'kita to look about for something a and a contract to accented a'. t'a'b.lo deer's shoulder blade; but t'aa'b.lo it is his shoulder blade (in most cases parts of body are not used with possessive pronouns; see pp. 86, 128, 132) 2. Nouns with wa 8or t'a 11 prefixed to an instrumental noun beginning with i tontract to accented i; wa prefixed to verbs only when they have a special meaning. wai'leya to burn up things;-wai'yut'a to try something;-wai'yutq to be tempted by something wi'k'q rope, 'ik'q' tying strings;-wt'yukpq coffee mill, 'iyu'kpq instrument for pulverizing, a grinder;-. wi'k'ic'qye tools (i by means of, k'ic'q'yq to work with, to handle);-wi'ytj~a to question, 'iyt*'#a to ask;-wi'tqtq to be vain, 'itq to be proud of;-wi'hpeya to give away after a death, 'ihpe'ya to discard, to throw away, wai'hpeya to discard things t'tsto foreleg of a ruminant (t'a ruminant, 'isto' arm);-tYiAkak'q ankle ligament ('iAkad ankle, k'q sinew) In some cases the possessive tca is also contracted with initial ijlO t'hi'yetku its (a pet's) master Terminal a of wicca human, is also contracted in nominal compounds with initial i. wic'ite human face, from wic'a'-ite' but wic'a'i human mouth Similar contractions occur in names. In these cases we are not always dealing with contraction but rather with loss of terminal a. t'at'cq'kiyo'take from t'at'q'ka buffalo bull, 'iyotaka he sits;-matVo'ap-'ic'iya from matVo bear; sadpa black, with loss of terminal a, 'iciya he causes himself to be Terminal a and initial i are contracted: c'aki'yuhu~e fishhook (c'alca' palate, 'iyu'hu~la to break into by means of). In verbs with locative prefix 'a on (see p. 39 et seq.) or instrumental prefixes wa, na, pa, Ica (see p. 45 et seq.) a and i are not contracted. 'ai'ya to gossip about, 'iya' to talk;-waivcihti to gash oneself, wahq( to gash with a knife;-'ai'le to burn on;-'ai'hpeya to throw on;-kai'yotak making sit down (adverb);-pai'le to strike a light (to make burn by pushing) 3. Accented initial e is the result of contraction of the prefix a- and 'i' to arrive going. 'e'wat'i arriving there I camped (compare 'ak'iwat'i, 'ahi'wat'i.ll By analogy the form derived from i to arrive there, would be 'ai'wat'i);-'e'yaya to start from here with something (compare 'ahi'yaya);'e'hsqni to arrive there taking it (compare 'ahi'hsqni);-'e'nap'a to take something outside ('ina'p 'a to go out; 'a in verbs of motion: taking something along);-'e'lipeya to take there and leave there (compare 'ahi'hpeya to bring here and leave, 'ak'i'hpeya to take back there and leave); —'e'ttwq to look about over there (compare 'ahilqswq to look over here) Indefinite object; see p. 52. 't'a ruminant; see p. 71. 10 See P. 133. 11 See p. 96. DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~[MFIMOIRs NATINAL 4. Accented initial e is also result of a contraction of aki. In dative forms (see p. 87) we have the homologous forms waki and we', yaki and ye-' with distinction of meaning. 'ektnta or 'aki'kttjia he forgets about his own ('akttq'ia it is forgotten by him; neutral verb 'ama'khtta I forgot it);-'e'cip'api (Santee) they meet together (for 'aki'c'ip'api '2;-'e'c'iyuptapi (Santee) they answer each other, 'aki'c'iyuptapi (Teton);-'e'c'inak~jpi (Santee) to stand up for each other; 'ana'lcic'ikijpi (Teton). If in Santee the order were 'aki'nac'ik~jpi this would explain the form in e 5. a and i are contracted in nouns to accented j; not in verbs. Nouns: p'j'kpa tip (p'a' head, 'j'kpa end);-kj'skokeca that size (ka' that, 'j'skokeca as large as) The following may possibly be due to contractions: t'j'ta open fields;-hj'ta basswood Verbs: paifyqkapi they cause to run by pushing;-paj'ca to move a bit by pushing 6. q and i>j. c'j'kpa<c'q-'j'kpa tree top;-c'j'co~ja<e'q-'icog.a drift log (i'cog.a to gather against);- c'gcakjze< ctq-'i-ka-kj'za wood by striking against squeak (= Arapaho);-ptesj'yotake<pte-sq'-'i'yotaka albino cow sitting (name) 7. and 1 1. q and o >it. Ii't'kpani (Ii'q-'okpa'ni) to be unable to act;-e~'r'ka~ke fence ('oka'Aka to tie into);-c'ti'~oke dense woods (o in, Ao'ka thick);-c'tq'iehika very dense forest ('ot'e'hika difficult in);-c i'wq~vca woods all over ('owqca);-c'tj'k'j a load of firewood (c'q-o-lc'j wood in to carry on back) 8. a and o contract to accented o'. Nouns: wo'wa~te benefit ('owa'Ate it is beneficial);-Wo'slohela from wao'yuglohq to drag in (the paths of mice) ('oma'slohq I slide down; la diminutive);-p'owiwila fontanelle, (p'a head, 'owi'wila soft inside);p'o'Nfq beaded baby carrier (p'a head, 'o'Aq to fit over);-c'eAko'hloka pit in shoulder above clavicle (c'eAka' chest, 'oliloka hole);-'iAko'na~i black spot inside horse's hoof ('i~ka' ankle, o in, na~i' ghost); 18-wo'aiye gossip;-wakpo' paya along a river (wakpa' 'o-p'a'ya);-mahpi'yoh'q'k'o (mahpi'ya cloud, 'oh'q'kto fast) a name;-t'tjki'skowj' (t'rfki' shell, ska white, 'owj' to wear as earrings) a name Verbs: w.o'yaka to tell something ('oya'ka to relate);-wo'ctj to beg (o in, c'j to desire, want);-wo'le to look for something ('ole' to look for);-wo'p'et'tq to shop ('op'e't'ui to buy);-Vog.lut'a to surround (<'ao'gdlut'a) See also page 132, contraction of possessive tta. Examples of uncontracted locatives a and o (p. 44). 'ao'ka~a to exaggerate; —'ao'hom.ni to go around, to encircle 9. Terminal e and initial o contract to o, terminal e and initial j to j, terminal e and initial to qz. It may be that e is rather elided. c'.qto'yuze disposition (c'qte heart, 'oyu'ze condition of holding);-c-qto'g.naka to cherish;-c'qto'0e pericardium ('o'#e cover); —nij'oh.loka orifice of ear (nti'#e ear, 'ohlo'ka hole);-ho'Aii Bad Lands (he mountain, 'oiki rough, ruffled);-ho'puza desert (he mountain, o in, pu'za dry);-'ito'ma'6a~u Rain-in-Face (name) ('ite'-o-ma~a'iu);-t'ato'mani Roaming-Wind (name) (t'ate'-'oma'ni);ht~naptqyq hill side (he-'tqnaptqyq):-hj'kpa brow of hill (he-'jkpa) 10. o and o contract to accented o. (See also p. 44.) o'hentqpa Two Kettle Sioux ('o-ohq'-ntq' pa);-Vohiye length of a row in a series of parallel rows, strings of beads 12 In Teton this would mean 'they strike each other." Is Perhaps misunderstood etymology, for 'i8'ko'%4#e ankle gnarl. ACADEMY OF SCISMNCZS] PHONETICS 9 No. 2] 12. Initial 0-i often contract to If..'oi'hqketa at the end of a long thing, 'tq'hqketa finally, at last (Yankton);-'o'g~lake the moving of camp, 'a dla(Santee);-'oi'cikpani to fail oneself ('oki'kpani to have no energy), -'ij'cikpani to be indolent;-' oi'cihi to be prosperous, successful ('oki'hi to be able, for oneself), 'tq'cihi to be active, industrious (generally used negatively, to be lazy);-'oi'yanica to be delayed, 'oe'c'snica to be without power to act, 'rq'c'aqnica to be dumfounded, without power to act The last three show peculiar changes of c'. (See ~131, p. 101.) In the last example the contraction is apparently from oe to it. 13. o and 'i contract to If. hrq'kpa<ho-'j'kpa camp circle ends 14. i and i contract to i. Tikpatq<'ii'kpatq to brace oneself against;-Ticak'ap<'ii'cak'ap placing by striking against;-Tiyahcq< 'ii' yahq to erect on by means of against 15. In a number of cases wa-yu (see p. 53) is contracted to wo', but almost always with a special meaning. wo'oa to husk corn, wo'waoa, wo'ya~a, first and second persons but wayu',ia to separate from its covering (except corn), wab.lu'#a, walu'oa first and second persons tvo'b.leca to unpack things belonging to another person, either for stealing or for finding what valuables they possess with a view of asking for them at some opportune time, wo'wab.leca first person but wayu'b.leca to scatter or break up anything else, wab~lu'b.leca first person wo' ze always refers to the heyo'k'a and means the heyo'k'a takes food out of boiling water but wayu' ze to take out of a liquid under ordinary circumstances wo sna to sacrifice, wo'wa~na first person but wayu'Mia to drop out of hand under ordinary circumstances wo'hpa to buy a wife, literally to pull things down; i. e., the goods offered from the back of the horse, to be accepted or rejected by the girl's father but wayu'hpa to pull down under ordinary circumstances wo'tqt'q to feel about (obscene meaning) wo'wat'qt'q first person wayu'Tqt'ea to feel about (as in the dark) for something wo'ha to carry things but wayu'ha to have things A number of verbs have in the first and second persons the ordinary forms. wo'kpq to grind (as coffee), wab.1u'kpq, walu'kpq;-wvo'lcsa to cut things, wab.lu'ksa, walu'lcsa;-wo'pta to cut skin, goods into patterns, wab.lu'pta, walu'pta Sometimes both forms are used. wo'~pi to pick berries, (first person) wo'waipi, not so often wab.lu'APi;-wo'ia and wayu'2a to cook mush, are both used A number of these forms are used only adverbially (i. e., in combination with a following verb). wo'c'qc'q shaking things; wayu'qc''q he shakes thin gs;-wo'ha to have things, to carry things in the hand, also adverb;-wvo'hica, wo'hil waking people (wo'hica also used as third person); wayu'hica he awakens people;-wo'kcq divining; also third person; also wic'a'Aa-wo'kcq kIc the diviner;wayu'kcq to investigate, appraise Irregular iswo'ta to eat; uwawa'ta, waya'ta, watq'yuta I, you, we two, eat;-yu'ta to eat it, forms wa'ta, ya'ta, tqyu'ta (Mta 5) I, you, we two, eat it;-wo'yute food t'o'wa.~e his goodness (wo'wa~te goodness);-t'o'ksape his wisdom (wo'ksape wisdom) 17. i~ha>hj'. hjske' <hi-haska long teeth (=canine teeth) 10 DAKOTA GRAM AR MaMORs NATINAL 18. o+hq>4. tn'wel, tohq'el once upon a time 19. Terminal a when changeable is contracted with ye closing the sentence to e. (See p. 109.) yau'kte<yau'lcta ye you will come 131.5 'u'lcta AV'e lo'<'ukta AV'a ye lo' it is said he will come 12.3 In Santee of Prairie Island, Minn. yaukt ye', etc., remain uncontracted. 20. Terminal i of the plural pi is contracted with ye closing the sentence and in some imperative forms to pe. (See pp. 30, 109, 1 11.-) Terminal vowels of stemns ending in a and e, Under certain conditions to be discussed later (pp. 29 et seq.) terminal a of cvc, CV, and cvccv verbs is changed to e. Verbs behave very irregularly in this respect; and while most stems change, a considerable number retain their a; terminal e of nouns may change to a (p. 34). The ending a of cvc verbs and a and e of cvc nouns drop off under certain conditions. (See p. 34.) ~ 8. GLIDES When i is followed by a, o, or u the glide y is introduced; when followed by i or the nasalized vowels q, j or -q there is no glide. niya'te thy father;-m.ni'yaye water carrier ('adya to go carrying);-'iya'p'a to strike against;-t'iyo'k~q around the house (tT'iwo'kNq<t'i-wa-'ok~q things lying about in the house);-t'iyo'Alola cricket (Alo to chirp);-'iyu't'a to try 'iiq'hila to take pity on by means of; — 'itA' to rub on;-'i'qpetu-hqke'yela on the same day it happened; 'iq'petu the following day;-k'ij'yqka to race against Few exceptions to the general rule have been found. 'iya' to talk; reduplicated 'ida.a-waa'iya gossip;-wio'wa painted tipi; t'io'he and t'iyo'he tent site, are both used;-napi' yt with the hand only;-hupi'ytf with wings only 'ot'i'wota, Western Ogalala 'ot'i'weta old campsite, is of doubtful derivation; Santee forms are 'ot'i'wota, 'ot'IA'wita, 'ot'i'wita;-t'iwa'he a household, compare 'ot'tf'wahe village (t'iqwq'pi they form a village 8) i is followed by i without intervening glide. 'ii'cu instrument for taking;-'im.ni'icu instrument for taking water;-wiil'c'u wa love charmn (wi-i -k'uwa woman means of pursuing) 'ie'Ani he does not talk, is used often instead of 'iye'Ani to avoid ambiguity, 'iye'Ani it is niot hie Verbs with the prefix i preceded by another i form contractions. (See p. 19.) o is rarely followed by a glide. No case has been found in which the prefix o is followed by a glide. 'oahec'eca to be of improved health;-wo'aiye gossip;-wo'ak'inice a thing ini dispute;-'oi'se corner;'oo' wound (place of hitting);-'oco' yuspe-Ai'ca hard to catch;-'oo'wa design; —' oo' henijpa or o'0'hentfpa Two Kettle Sioux;-'ou'ye growth;-'o'jkpa tip, source of river;-'otA' amnount of somnething used at one time; —'otfpa to lay into (cradle);-ho'uya; to make voice come;-hoi'c tuwa fishing tackle Exceptions are: owi'hqke end;-howo'k~q around the camp circle (Yankton hoo'kAq); —'owvj' earrings;-g.lo'wj to wear one's own, as a shawl;-'owe't'i camping place; ---howa' sapa catfish (=fish on surface black) e seems to behave irregularly. There are not many examples. heicak'q a louse comb;-heyodlela monkey (little louse seeker);-hewo'skqtu deserted place;-hewa' kte (a name, derivation?);-hewa'ktokta Arickaree Indians . - --- -- -- - --- I ___ _ __ _ U Y ACADEMY OF SCIBNC8 PHONETICS 1 u followed by other vowels is treated by different individuals differently, but some words do not take a glide. c'qku'-'ag.la'g.la along the road;-ttahu'-'oklq around the neck;-su-'o'tala melon (little one many seeds);-sua'ip'iyake or suwa'ip'iyake cartridge belt;-huwo'kahmi inner side of knee joint;wahu'wapa corn on ear;-wahu'ataya or wahu'wataya to cause oneself to be paralyzed (by fear) h followed by e takes the glide w in ty'wel (<to'hq wq e'l) once upon a time. ~~ 9-22. PHONETIC PROCESSES, CONSONANTS ~ 9. EFFECT OF NASALIZED VOWELS There is a strong tendency to anticipate nasalization. b and I preceding a nasalized vowel become respectively m and n, the corresponding nasals. Under certain conditions (see p. 29) hig.la changes its terminal a to j and the word takes the form h{g.n{. In the same wayle-{'sko becomes nj'sko as large as this wag.lj'kta becomes wag.ni'kta b.li'kta becomes m.nj'kta I shall go Nasalized vowels have a peculiar influence upon preceding stops. In certain morphological forms a preceding k or c is glottalized, or a glottalized c' becomes medial. (See pp. 98, 100.) ~ 10. EFFECT of o, u AND i UPON FOLLOWING y Under a number of conditions y following the vowels u, it, o changes to w. 1. In the imperative the endings yo and ye expressing order or permission on the part of a man, permission on the part of a woman, change to wo and we. (See p. 111.) manq'wo' (man speaking) steal! manr'we' (woman permitting) hiyu'wo' (man speaking) start coming hiyu'we' (woman permitting) The imperative, requesting form, which changes terminal a into i does not have the change from y to w, an indication that a suffix has been contracted with a to form i, while in the verbs ending in u, q, o it has disappeared, although it has prevented the assimilation of the following y. manq'ye' please, do steal it hiytye' please, do start coming 2. ye's in spite of, becomes we's after u, 4, o. 'ecrit' weA yustq' Ani in spite of the fact that he did it, he did not finish it;-'icu' we's 'ak'e' yusna' in spite of the fact that he took it, he dropped it again 3. The syllable ye inserted before lak'a evidently (such and such happened), for (the reason that), and sq but, and yet, changes to we after u, A, o. p'o'welak'a it must have been foggy, for4. The close of the sentence in ye, ye lo, ye le changes to we, we lo, we le after u, f, o. maga'zuwe' it is raining wakte'-ku we lo' he returns from killing ~ 11. TERMINAL CONSONANTS OF CVC VERBS Verbs derived from stems of the type consonant vowel consonant end in a suffix a. Under certain conditions the a is lost. Then the terminal consonants undergo regular phonetic changes. 12 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MmMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, Only p, t, c, k, z, i, and g are found in this position. t and c are changed to a weak, almost voiceless 1, in Yankton to d, and in Santee to n; p and k lose in intensity and have very slight sonancy. There is merely a closure with a very slight escape of air. For instance: sa'pa black, becomes sap; reduplicated sapsa'pa Ao'ka thick, becomes Aok; reduplicated AokAo'ka si'ca bad, becomes sil ska'ta to play, becomes Skal The terminal sonant spirants of the cvc stems are transformed into the corresponding voiceless spirants yu'za to hold, becomes yus sni'za to be faded, becomes snis t'a'ga to be rough, becomes t'ah Stems ending in the stops p, t, k and the affricative c, when losing the terminal a increase their voicing, while those ending in the voiced spirants z, z, g lose their voicing, an apparent contradiction. On account of the lack of differentiation in the shortened forms of stems ending in t and c, both of which take the form 1, it seems that the forms with terminal a should be considered as more fundamental. If we should consider z, z, and 0 as by origin medial surds, there would still remain the contradiction that in the shorter form they lose in voicing. When these consonantic changes occur in compositions in which the second part of the compound begins with a vowel, the initial glottal closure brings about a noticeable break. Akal-'o'mani he goes about to play, from Aka'ta to play In Yankton the weak initial glottalization is anticipated and very brief. Its release coincides so nearly with the terminal consonant that it becomes a sonant. There still remains a very weak break. Teton Yankton 'owq'k-'ole 'owq'g.ode to seek a campsite wqya'k-'ipi wqyq'g.ipi they arrive there to see it kaha'p 'iye'ya kahia'b.iye'ya he drove it off yuhla'l 'iye'ya yuhda'd.iye'ya he scratched it In Teton terminal p changes to m after nasalized vowels except when a nasalized vowel follows. 'iyo'yqpa it is light, 'iyo'yqm-ya he makes it light 'i'ssp-'hi'yupi we came on past it In Yankton the final m remains before nasalized vowels. 'oq'm 'qyut'tqpi we finished wrapping up (the baby) In Yankton terminal t becomes n after nasalized vowels, and also before another nasalized vowel. kahi'n 'iye'ya he swept it; —kahi'n 'qyu'stqpi we finished sweeping Colloquially the terminal i of the plural pi is dropped. When it follows a nasalized vowel and preceding the future kta, p changes to a weak I or a nasalized w. he'c'i 'qyq'ywkte'<he'c'i 'qyq'pikte' we will go there he'c'i ya'wkte'<he'c'i ya'pikte' they will go there In other cases, preceding a k the p is a mere closure of the lips without any release of breath. After a nasalized vowel it becomes either an unvoiced m or a nasalized w. 'eya'p k'e'yas they said, but 'ec'y'm k'eyas, or 'ec'q'w k'e'yaA they did so, but AcAInRuY or SCIMNCES PHONETICS No. 2] 1 ~ 12. COMPOUNDS In stereotyped compounds of stems ending in a consonant followed by a word beginning with a vowel the initial weak glottal stop of the second word is liable to disappear and the two words form a firm unit. These forms occur when a stem of the type cvc is followed immediately by another with initial vowel. Generally these are compounds of noun and verb. Examples are: napo'ktq bracelet (nap- hand, o- in, and -ktq to be bent);-napo'ilekiyap~i fluffy seed hair used as tinder with fire drill or for cauterizing (nap- hand, o- in, 'ile' to burn, -kiya to make one's own, -pi plural);napo'c'okaya second finger;-napo'g.na handful (nap- 'og.na' in);-napi'yij by the hand only, without tools (nap- hand, -i by means of, y glide, aq to use);-napo'Ikaike wrist (nap-, o- in, ka instrumental, ~ika to be tied);-napo'yaipuyaya the hand itches (o- in; ya~pu'yaya to itch);-hqpi'~ika ankle piece of moccasin (hqp- moccasin, i~lka'hu ankle bone); — hq'papVa-'ec'tf'pi moccasin game (here hqp- and 'ap'a' to strike retain their accents, 'ec'tt' to do, -pi plural);-hqpo'kzhq to put on moccasins (hqp-, o- in, ki- own, hq to stand);-hupi'ys4 only by the wings (hup- wing, i- by means of, y glide 'tj to use);-loli'Ii'q to work food; i. e., to cook (lot- food i- in reference to, hi'q to act);loli'p'ila to deny food to someone (lot -'ip'i'la to deny); —p'eli'cag.la by the fireside (p'et fire, 'ica'g.la by the side of);-p'eli'icu fireshovel ('ii'cu means of taking);-t'at'q'kiyo'take Sitting Bull (name) (ttat'q'k- buffalo bull, 'i'yotaka to sit), (in another name t'at'q'k-'ehq'ni Ancient Bull, there is no fusion);-rnak'o'b.laye flat land;-mak'i'natpe spade (-Apa to be broken off);-wali'top'e oars (wat- boat, i- instrument, '%op'a' to follouw14;-t'apiiyuk'ape implement for catching ball (t'ap ball, i-instrument yuk'a'pa to catch);-Azigi' yop 'eyapi they exchanged it for a horse (Yankton) (AIqk- horse, 'iyo'p'eya to barter, exchange);-Amqgo'natj barn (Yankton), Atqk-'o'natj (Teton) Very few cases have been found in which the first part is a verb. Akali'cakiya suffering for want of play, but more commonly Akal-'i'cakiya ~ 13. DOUBLED CONSONANTS When in consequence of the terminal change p comes into contact with a following p or p '; or k with a following k, kV or k'; s,.i, hl with following s, ~, Ih, the consonant becomes long. There is no release of the first sound. The stop or spirant is held. When followed by a medial, the stop is long; when followed by an aspirate the stop is held and followed by the aspiration, when followed by a glottalized k the glottalization begins in the middle of the stop. hqp'a'hi (<ha'p-pahi') to collect moccasins; —hqp~a'hta (<hq'p-p'ahta') to tie moccasins in a bundle;o 'ap- 'ata (<c'ap-p'ata') to butcher beavers;-Aaqk-a'Ataka (<Aatk-ka~ita'ka) to whip a horse;'i'yotak. 'iya (<'i'yotak-ktiya) to make sit down; —t'ok- '0u' to give over a (captive) enemy of somebody;-'otvj'Ai he orders him to spread the quilts ~ ~ 14-18. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE icAND C SERIES. ~ 14. COMPARATIVE NOTES There is clear evidence in Teton and in all the other Dakota dialects of a tendency to a forward movement of Ik after the vowels e, i, j. This results in a change of kc, kt, k', to c, c', c'. A comparison of verbs ending in ka and ca in Dakota and other dialects is proof of this tendency. Teton Mandan Winnebago Osage to be stiff and hard - sa'ka ak ibadger hoka' Ook' ho'ga ground - - mak'a' rna'ka Mqmrq'k'a to bethick - A____._ o'ka — Aoga Aoga' to be new — t --- —-- e'ca — c~ek' tse'ga to snr-j~ca — c to be ba - -arca hika iik elastic-_- - zikzi'ca cjjkcjk tosniffle --- —----- - ij'kkjca icf'kcika horazj'zjk to be without --- —-------- wani'ca ma-'rnika - beans --- —------ - -orn.ni' ca o'minik hiinik 14 The derivation is not clear. 14 DAKOTA GRAM AR [M VOL.aNXXIoNI In Teton ce'kia to stagger and ci'k'a(ta) small are two of the few stems that retain ic after e or 'i. In nouns also the ending ca and c'a are preceded by e, or i, except in naca' chief of a war party, t'qc'c' body, while ka and k'a are preceded by a, q, o, u, 14. cvc verbs beginning with a dental or alveolar consonant and ending in c reduplicate in Dakota so that the reduplicated syllable ends in Ik; not in 1 as might be expected.15 Ae'ca to be dry (like wood, hay), reduplicated Aek~e'ca In ca to be bad, reduplicated Aik~ica perhaps an indication that c is derived from an older ic. (See p. 36.) 16. INFLUENCE OF a CHANGED To e, UPON k SOUNDS In all those cases in which a terminal a changes to e (see p. 29), excepting instrumental nouns (see p. 43), the following kj, k'4, kjhq, k'1qhcq', (k'ehq' Yankton), k'e, k'eya~, ica change their ic to the corresponding c. Nomina actoris are all relative clauses, and require after a verb changing a to e the change of the ic sound of the following particle. Instrumental and locative nouns (see pp. 43, 125) change a of the verb to nominal e and do not affect the following k sound. 'ica'#ie ki the instrument (ka'Oa to make), ivaka'#e cj he' the maker;-wi'yut'e kj the measure (iyut'a to test), wi yut'e ci he' he who measures or tet;-ica' kj the fork (c'ap'a' to stab); wac'a'p'e cj he' the stabber; —'oymq'ke bed;-'o-wq'yake sight ~ 16. ic IN NEUTRAL AND ACTIVE VERBS The fundamental distinction between neutral and active verbs appears also in the treatment of ic. Riggs has already pointed out (p. 8, No. 7c) that neutral verbs never change initial kc, k6, k', to el c, IC'. This does not even happen when neutral verbi r rniiie yisrmna prefixes. k'a'ta he is warm, nmik'a'ta you are warm, nai'cik'ata he makes himself warm by walking (na- with the feet);-kj'za he squeaks, nikj'za you squeak, nani'kjza he makes you squeak by kicking you; —'k'jta to be scraped off, nani'ic'ta he scrapes (mud) off you with the foot;-k'o confusion, irni'k'opi there is confusion on thy account Active intransitive verbs do not chiang!e initial kc, k', k'. lkjyq' to fly;-ku' to come hoine;-k'i' to return there;-c'ap'e'-ku he comes home frinn stabbing In active transitive verbs the initial Ic ct, Ic' changes to c, c', c' after all pronouns ending in i, as ni thee, ic'i one's self, ki to, ici mutually, kici for him, c'i I-thee. Ica' to mean, nie'a' he means thee; ---k'u' to give, nic'u' he gives it to thee'6;, ---k'j' to carry on back, ni'c'j he carries thee on his backm7;-kilo'ivq he sings to another one, nicilow q he sings to thee Exceptions are: kmq' to covet; wakme' I covet; nikq( he covets thee; and the dependent verbs k'o' to prophesy, t'eni'k'o he prophesies your death; -kapj to be reluctant to, and kij'za to pretend.'8 They behave like all combinations of two verbs in which the subordinate verb expresses a purpose, and changes its a to e. In this case the following Ik does not change; c'ap'e'k'iya he makes him stab it In reduplicated forms the second, reduplicated syllable retains the c form regardless of the preceding sound. wvic'a'kicalicah 'iye'ya quickly he made it for them (from kca'6a to make);-nape' ki'coscoza he waved his hand to him (from ko'za) Verbs with initial kc Ict kc' except those with fixed initial ki change in their possessive forms, but retain k, kct, kc' in dative forms; Icictu/wa he pursues his own; Iciktu'wa he pursues for him. (See p. 87.) 1l5The forms without terminal vowel change their ctolIin Teton, to nin the eastern Dakota (lialects. Ailya' badly, Santee Ainya';-Iica' rich, tilga' to cause to he rich, Santee liya'1. 16 Second person direct object is expressed by wic'a'mmic'u you are given away (lit. he gives thee to them; only in marriage). First person direct object Is formed in the same way. 17 k'f he carries an Inanimate object; ki'c'j he carries an animate being. Is But ks4'za to decree, changes k to c. ACADEMY OF SCIIINCES] No. 2] PHONETICS 1 15 ~ 17. INFLUENCE OF PREFIX i~ Nouns with the prefix i- which express instruments change Ik to c. (See examples p. 43.) An exception is 'ik'c1' handle, holding or tying strings, derived from k'q sinew. The verbal prefix i- on account of, by means of, as a result of, to, for, against, does not affect the following k, kt, or k', excepting however the instrumental prefix ka-. 'iki'yut'a to measure, try for another without his sanction; ---'iki'pq to call out an invitation on account of some delicacy to be offered;-'iki'tj to anoint with one's own, as with an ointment;-(Santee lini'e'ipaij he opposes thee on account of; 'ik'spa~j to oppose someone on account of) in Teton more often '4( k'ipa'2j;-'ik'inicapi they tear it apart to nothing;-'ilc'iyuksa to be cut by something (as thorn, etc.);-ik'o'p'a to fear for somebody;-'ikVu'e the way is blocked (also 'ini'ukue your way is obstructed, because neutral);-'iko'yaka to be fastened to ('irni'coyaka you are fastened, because neutral) All nouns derived from verbs with initial dative ici retain their k: wii'kiio fiageolet (wi woman, kiio' to whistle for someone;-'iki'cize weapon (Ictiza to fight, kic'izapi they fight each other);-pte-i'kicto means of calling buffaloes. The prefix kti when expressing "into two parts" (see p. 80) does not change after pronominal i. 'oni''i~ata your (tongue, etc.) is split (neutral);-'ini'k'inicapi they tear you apart (active) When expressing the idea of mutual contact it changes after pronominal i, but not after a changed to e (see p. 80). wak'i' I pelt him, nic'i' he pelts thee;-wak'ik~q I wrestle with someone, nic'ikAq he wrestles with thee;-'ok'iya he courts her, 'oni' iya he courts thee;-nuwe'-k'ipaij he contends against him in (a) swimming (contest);-'ic'ik'iyela near each other To this group belongs the dependellt verb -keiya (from -ya to cause) to cause someone to do something. It does not change after an a changed to e, but changes to ctiya after pronouns ending in i. tswe'kiYa he made him see; -ttjwe',nic'iya he made thee see (ni thee) 'eye' k'iya he made him say it;-' eye' nic 'iya he made thee say it yek'i'ya he sends him, yec'i'ya I send you, yec'ic'iya I send it to you (c'i I-thee) The prefix lea- changes after prefixed i. 'ica'hci to break through by means of;-'ica'hlaya to peel off by means of;-'ica'k'oka to make a noise by striking against;-'ica' blaska to flatten by means of;-'ica't'jza to make firmn by means of; — 'ica'm.na to earn by means of; (also: it snows) The prefix i- of local adverbs which expresses reference to a particular place does not change the following Ik. k'iye'la near, 'ikcTiyela near to;-k'qye'la near, 'ik''yela near to 19;-lc'oka'p20 in front, 'ik'o'kap in front of;-k'apte'ya exceeding, 'ik'a'p'eya exceeding by;-ka'k'iya yonder,21 'ikak'iyatqhQ on that side of;-kak'i'yot'q 21 in that direction, Tikak'iyot'q in that direction from;-kahe'yata2l towards the rear, 'ikaheyata towards the rear of;-kaa'k'owap'a22 a little farther away, 'ikaak'owap'a a little farther away from;-kak'i'yela a little nearer, 'i'kalk'iyela a little nearer than;-kat'o'katakiya somewhat towards the front, 'ikattokatakiya somewhat towards the front of;-kahu~k'ul somewhat downward through the air, 'ikahuk'ul somewhat downward from;-kaa'iyohpeya somewhat downhill, 'ikaaiyohpeya slightly downhill fromn;-'i'kawqka1 somewhat upward in the air from it; kahe'piya somewhat uphill, 'iklahepiya somewhat uphill from;-kag.la'kjyq in a horizontal plane, Yikag~lakiyq in a horizontal plane from;.-1ao'hmiyq somewhat out of line, 'ikaolimiyq somewhat out of line from 1g Synonym of k'iye'la; but ik'q'ye in front of, in the open. 20 Perhaps originally t'oka'p in front of; t'eka'ta towards the front; froka'hoeya first (in time or space). 21 ka demonstrative. 22 In this and the following examples ka- means "forced". (See p. 47.) DAKOTA GRAMMAR [~~~~~~~MEMOIRs NATION~AL DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, 518. INFLUENCE OF THE DEMONSTRATIVES e, le, he The demonstrative pronouns le this near me, he, that near you, and the generalized demonstrative 'e require the change of the following ic sounds. ka'k'a that kind, le'c'a this kind; —to'k'eca what it is like; he'c'eca like that; 'ec'e'ca to be like it;ka'k'el in that manner, le'c'el in this manner; 'ec'e'l in the right way;-to'k'elya in some way, he'c'elya in that way; 'ec'e'lya in the right manner,-ka'/c'etu it is thus, Ie'cetu it is this way; 'ec'e'tu it is right so;-ka'k'i over there (definite place), le'c'i over here;-ka' kiya over there (indefinite place), le'ciya towards here;-to'Icetkiya which way, he'c'etkiya that way;-ka'k'iyatq that side, 1,e'ciyatq on this side; 'ec'iyatq from the side mentioned before;-ka'k'iyatqhq from that place or on that side, 1e'c'iyatqhq from this place or on this side; 'ec'iyatqhq from the place or on the side already mentioned;-kakci'yot'q towards that way, lec'iyot'q in this direction; 'ec'iyot'q in the aforesaid direction;-ka'k'eq he does that, le'c'tq he does this, 'ec't( he does it ~ 19. PECULARITIES OF WESTERN DIALECTS In the most western Teton dialects the glottalized k' tends to disappear and only the glottal stop remains. In the same dialects si becomes a sonant aifricative UI. ~ 20. RELATIONS BETWEEN Z, 8; Z, 8, AND 0, AL The vocabulary of Dakota shows clear evidence of an ancient sound symbolism. It is not a live process but it may be illustrated by many examples. The three groups Z, s; i, ~; and 0, IL indicate three stages of intensity. Following is a list of words illustrating the relations between these sounds. cvc verbs 23a — waza surface is temporarily disturbed (like result of a horse pawing the ground);-baza (5) — taia it is permanently disturbed, lawless; wvaia'ie a band of the Ogalala; wo'iapi a stew made of niany ingredients stirred up;- -baia it is disturbed (5) -ba~a it is twisted (S), crumbled (T) — wtvi it is bent without breaking, as an elastic twig; ma'za-wj~wwf2ahela pliable iron wire -wjiga it is bent in a sharp angle -bMaza it is torn in one straight line -b~la~a it is forced apart so as to produce a strain; p. e., to spread the legs of a person apart. Compare (-) iaka it is spread apart, i~ta' ~a'ka hie is pop-eyed, has a strain in the corners of the eyes -b~laoa it spreads out in all directions b~lah'a' it is shaped somewhat spherically (basket, kettle, stout person). Doubtful whether belonging to this series -paza it has a thin-skinned blister (or -pqza) -paia it has a thick-skinned blister (or -pq~a) (-)pi'za it squeaks (as a mouse; the noise of small bubbles in boiling grease) (-)pi'2a it is soft and wrinkled *pi'6a it is in the state of forceful bubbling (pilh'a); mat'a'pih'a or mak'a'pihi'a toad; also used to describe the Badlands; perhaps meaning "rough) wrinkled as by forceful boiling" (-)ptu'za it is bent forward (T S Y) -ptuta small pieces are cracked off an object without being broken off -ptu~a small pieces are cracked off an object so that they fall off wo'ptuh'a crumbs, scraps (-)ptq'2a it is porous and soft (like cotton, hay) *p'q'#a it is porous and hard, pithy (p'a~i' wild artichoke) -m.niza it is curled, contracted, wrinkled, but so that it can be smoothed again -m.ni~a it is shrunk permanently -m.nuza it gives a crunching sound, as snow or something easily broken -m.nuia the same with more resistance -m.nu~a the same for hard objects, shells, bone, eggshells, corn as chewed by horses wam.nu'Ii'a thin shells for decorating clothing. (See *nuza) "*, Words with required prefix, Indicated by prefixed -, are given without accent because the accent depends upon the number of syllables of the required prefixes. Those with permissive prefix, Indicated by prefixed (-), are given accent indicating the accent of the word without prefix. Those which cannot be used with prefixes, indicated by *, are given with accent. ACADEMY OF SCIENC38] PHONETICS 17 No. 2] (-)t'a'za water has waves -t'a~a water is churned up so as to form foam (t'age' saliva) (-)t'f'za it is solid, hard, compact *t''ga to strain body. (-)sa'pa it is black (-)Aa'pa it is soiled -sota it is used up (T Y); (-)so'ta it is clear, it is empty so that container is clean (S) *so'ta it is hazy, smoky, muddy *ho'ta it is grey — suza it has a slight bruise, a single crack in a bone -suza it is badly bruised, flesh and bone are crushed together -iuga a hard round shell (egg, skull) is fractured -sleca small things easily split are split; meat, bread is sliced -sleca a bone, board, log is split -ileca it is split, rent, with emphasis on the sound produced (skin, fabrics) -sloka it is taken out (a wad, cork) (-)hlo'ka a hole is broken into something -sluta a long thing is in the state of sliding through a narrow opening -sluta the same for wet things, to be slippery, on a slippery surface (-)sta'ka he is listless, generally owing to causes beyond one's control; kasta'ka to pour out mud -staka it is jellylike; wasta'kyapi jelly, something caused to be jellylike (-)sni'za it is in the state of collapsing owing to a small leak *sni'za it is wilted, withered, like plants or a paralyzed limb pkesni'za sparks (p'e'ta fire) p'ehni'ga it is red hot, quivering with heat kahni'ga to choose -skapa it is in the condition resulting from a forcible slap, surface against surface — skapa the same, one or both surfaces being wet (-)ske'pa liquid is draining out -skepa the same with emphasis on wetness -skica it is tightly compressed (hay, etc., by a heavy weight) -skica moisture is being pressed out -zapa it is in the state of being ripped off easily (like skin of a chicken) -gapa the same, but ripped off with difficulty (these two are not clearly distinct as to degree; used idiomatically for various objects) (-) ~a'ta it is forked, pronged; spread apart; used for a division into two parts only (-)ga'ta it is branching with many angles *zi'pa very thin, almost transparent, only as *zizi'pela -zipa thin layers are shaved off izu'za a smooth whetstone (see zuze'ca snake, somewhat rough?) Western T izu' za igu'ga rough sandstone kazu'kzuka liquid hangs like mucus, saliva drivels, nose is running, yugu'ka to stretch, elongate *nu'za it is soft and movable, like an enlarged gland under the skin *nu'za the same, but harder, like cartilage *nu'ga hard, like callus on a bone, a gnarl on a tree (see -m.nuza) (-)g.le'za striped with narrow, indistinct lines (like a gray cat); compare gweza rippled, ridged (-)g.le'ga striped with wide, strongly contrasting colors, as in g.leg.le'a eyes with strongly contrasting white cornea and dark iris; sina'-g.leg.le'ga Navaho blanket, a Navaho (-)ki'za a single high-pitched tone sounds (-)k'kfa the same with several such tones blending; to moan; a child is wailing (-)ksi'za it is bent near the end; an ankle is sprained; figuratively, he is a crank, he is mean -kUiza it bends on a joint, as the elbow, a penknife, folding doors -k'eza hard objects are in contact, it is in a scratched condition; it is polished -k'ega it is in a scraped condition (-)k'o'za a surface is smooth, like ground trampled down, closely woven fabric -k'oga the outer layer of hard material is scraped off 18 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MFIMOIRs NATIONAL 18 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, cv verbs -spa a thin sheet is dented.-hpa something soft, easy to break, like dough, clay, is broken *8pq' (snow) is wet; spq' s'e dark complexioned *Apq' it is "burnt" by heat or cold (cooked meat, frozen limbs) (-)hpq' it is soaked (-) ewu' it is in fine parts (sand, pebbles) -Apu fiat parts are coming off from a surface -hpu it is knocked off (pitch, scabs, etc.) hpuhpu' dandruff, scabs 'o'smaka hollow (-ka rather) (-) Ama deep (as snow, water, weeds) -smi to be trimmed off (trees of branches, meat from bones) AmiAmi' s'e it is as though it were bare *,sla' it is greasy, oily (-)Ala' it is bare, sleek -lilaya it has a layer removed; nahla'ya to peel of its own accord (-)sli' water or a thin liquid is in the state of being squeezed out; Sli'-hig.la sound of a distant highpitched clap (-)Ali' thick, semiliquid matter is in the state of being squeezed out; 41iye'la sound of trickling water (-)Iili' it is muddy material; Iilihli'la mud 'oslo6'hq it is in a sliding condition; 'osdo'hq to slide (S) 'o Wdo'kahq it comes off S; 'oAlo'kahq it slips out of position wa~te' good wahte'Ani bad (lit, not good) 'f' ko as big as it 'j' kola as small as it (-la diminutive) (-)8ku' a tightly adhering skin (apple) is peeling off; skum.na' it smells musty (-Aku' kernels of ripe corn are in the state of coming off; Akum.na' it smells fermented, sour yu8'e it drips involuntarily, as urine (-)A'e drops are dripping h'eh'e' little pieces are dangling down, ragged ze zeya dangling (adv.); yuze' to fish out of a liquid Sap ~'deteya right on the edge, almost toppling over (adv.) de'#eya dangling as a bundle (adv.); ka~e' to draw together in a heap zir it is yellow zir it is tawny #i' it is brown (-)b.laska' fiat and hard (board, stone) *b.laAka' fiat and flabby Ntzj'tka musk bag (referring to its round form).V'tij'Atka rose (referring to its many round fruits in masses) When petting children it is customary to pronounce instead of 8 and z, the corresponding h and i, but with half-closed teeth. ~ 21. RELATIONS BETWEEN VOWELS The vowels e and o vary. At present several words are used by some people with e, by others with o. t'iyo'pa and t'iye'pa doorway;-'ot'i1'wota and 'ot'i'weta abandoned campsite -b.lota'hrqka and bMote'hijka war chief (mdota'htjka and mdeta'hrqka, S);-k'ekto'pawj~e and k'okto'pawjde one thousand. In other cases there is a variation in meaning. ~O'pa to snore, #e'pa to pant (generally adverbial #epye'la, but also #e'pahq continuative);- -k'oda to scrape off a surface layer, -k,'e~a to scratch without injuring surface;- (-)k'o'za to be hard and firm, like soil stamped down, closely woven, smooth fabrics, -k'eza to be even with, flush ('iyak'esyela ka~la' he has a close haircut);-(-)hlo'ka to have a hole, -hi eca to be torn In other words the relation of meanings is not so evident (->Ilco'pa to be bent in a gentle curve, ka~ike'pa to sweep out wetness with a wide, sweeping movement. ACADEMY OF SCIEDNCIS]I No. 2] PHONETICS 19 There is another series of vocalic stages, i, u, el a, which appears in a number of words. -kpi it is the sound of small crackling objects kpe' it is a somewhat sharper, sound; kpekpe'ya with noise of a stick striking a long stick in the middle or at the free end; only as adverb (kpuk pa' large and small objects are mixed; little trash on water, small and large figures in a pattern) (-)kpa' a sound like kpe stronger and heavier, it is punctured; ho'kpakpa with resounding voice; nakpa'Icpa sound of explosion of firecracker -Api small berries are off from their bushes -bpu larger object, like clasps, buttons, are off -4pa a piece is removed from a whole; -tpe Sle 22 used for a woman sitting with shawl over head, seen in silhouette, like a piece out of which a pattern has been cut *hpi' it hangs suspended (like a dog's ears, a long lower lip; wic'a'Ilpi stars, malipi'ya sky, clouds) (-)hpu' things that have dried come off easily (dry mud, resin on trees) -hpa to be down, to have fallen (hpa'hpa s'e flopping along, lying down intermittently; hpeytq'ka a dog lies with litter; hpeca'Ani not to be down; i. e., energetic) -h'i it is rough, scabby (always yuhTi) -h'u the same with larger scabs or greater roughness MY' it is rough, like a pebbly space; Iieh'e' ragged *h'a' they are scattered, like stars, a pebbly surface, mould -hni it is a-tremble *lina' it is a deep tremolo, deep rattle *k4j' it is crescent shaped *kAq.' it is crooked -m.ni'#a it is shrunk -m.nu~a it is the sound of breaking up a gnarled object (nu'oa) -m.niia it is curly -m.nuia it is the sound of breaking brittle, easily crunched material (nu'ia) (-)swu' it is in very small parts, often parallel strips (c'qswu'la saplings; iswu'la tiny stones; oka'swu f ringes) *swa' it is slashed as a trimming along edge; unraveled There is also a relation between i and u, j and,'q. In some cases both forms are used indifferently, in others there is a dialectic difference between Teton and Santee. Pani'Mn to form a film; wa'nuni to form hard spots (lichens on a stone, pigmented spots on skin);tipu'te or Aupu'te lower abdomen;-' olu'luta or 'oli'lita temperature is warm; 'itu'Ii'q to act in vain (T); '1utu'/'q (S);-hiyo'ya to go to get (T Y); huwe'ya (S);-nq let it be so!I (S), ni (T);-ntqyq' to tame (S) niyq' to save (T);-'iqg.na'hqla suddenly (T), 'ihnu'hqna (S);-ntqwq' to swim (T Y), niwtq' (S);'ikto'ri spider (T, 'tfkto'mi (Y, S);-tokj'A hardly (T Y), ttoktA'g (S). Changes from a to i, q to i occur between Teton and Santee. nac eca perhaps (T Y), nic'e'ca (S);-lakc'a'A of course (T), nak'a'A, nik'a'A (S);-wqhj'kpe arrow (T), wjhj'tpe (S);-hq'ta' look out!I (T Y), hjte' (S);-hi'hqni morning (T), hifhqna (T Y), hqhi'q'na (Y S);-'osq or 'osi' entire (S) ~ 22. IRREGULAR PHONETIC CHANGES There is a strong tendency to modify long words the etymological derivation of which is perfectly clear. Various processes occur. Words may be abbreviated or contracted, sounds may be assimilated by neighboring sounds, related sounds may be substituted, or there may be changes due to metathesis. 1. Abbreviations or contractions. wi cta for w'ic'ite g~le'#a raccoon (man face striped) ma'peh'a toad for mat'a'peh'a, mat'adpih'q, or mak'a'piliq.; also wit'adpeh'q, mit'a'peli'q ctqAkelktama'g~le, or ctqpte'tkamak'a'g.1e to kneel, for c'qkpe'Akamak'a'g.le (c'qkpe' knee, Aka probably by metathesis from k~a to be bent, mak'a' ground; g.le to set upright) mi'c'a wolf, probably for ma'yac 'a or mi'yac 'a c'qhlo'Ou woody weeds, from c'q-hilo'#a-hu wood-pithy-stalk p tetu'a medicine, from p'eti'-hu'te herbs-butt end Is a changed to e before s'e. (See p. 29.) 20 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MrMoiRS NATIONAL DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, p'etq'l on the fire, from p'e'ta-'akq'l fire on top hjhtq' to be rough and absorbent, from hi (or ha skin) fur, -htqta to be rough c 'ai'ya to talk crying, for c'e'ya-'iya c'~kta to be on the verge of crying, for the regular future c'e'yjkta wi'kte a tiavestite, from wi'yqkta he will be a woman Aupu'te lower abdomen, from Aupe'hu'te intestine base ma.~ko'pa bracelet, for mas-Alco'pa (iron curved) Santee srj'kakc'q' horse, from Aq'ka-wak'q' wonderful dog ma' zak'q' gun, from ma' za-wak'q' wonderful iron nap'a'htqka thumb, from nape' hand, t'ahtq'ka its elder brother(? In adverbial expressions and conjunctions contractions are very common. Generally both the contracted and the full forms are in use. ytj'A < yt'k'q'A if '9owe'ki'i<'owe'kina'A<'owe'kinaha'Al perhaps ttq'weni<to'htqweni never to'kAa'<to'k'e~a'<tok'e'tukeAa' no matter what happens (to'lc'etu-lca-eia') bye and bye ta'keya<ta'ku eya' he said something; i. e., he spoke ta'kto'k'tq<ta'ku to'k'iq he is doing something ta'k t'o'ka 'awa'c'ini (adv.) being preoccupied<ta'kuni t'o'keca 'awa'c'jini anything different he does not think of t'o'wa'~<itVo k'e'yat first of all, before doing anything else t'oke'ya<t'oka'heya (t'oka'-hq-ya) first (adv.) to'kc'j'yq<to'kel c'j'yq anyway he wishes; i. e., carelessly; reduplicated tokc'j'kc'jyq haphazard (adv.) 'iye'Akaka (western Ogalala), more commonly 'iye'Atuk'a but he he'c'ena< he'c'eg.na immediately 2. Assimilation nazij'spe ax, for ma8-tj'spe iron ax nasc'qwap'a bridle, forina8-C'q'-yap'a c 'qmtq'mtjpa I smoke, often heard instead of c'qn1q'mtqpa tVai'tazipa his bow, for t'ai'nazipa (Santee t'i'nazipe) ito'kap, ik'o'kap in front of, before; both forms are used hqpWi'ica outworn moccasins, for hqpsil'~ica (si foot) t'awj'hjkpe his arrow, for t'awq'hikpe pte'cela to be short, pce' cela pte-b.le'Aka cattle Ogalala; pte-g.le'Aka (lit, spotted buffalo) Northern Tetons 3. Metathesis nakp'q' wrist, for nap-k'q' hand ligaments hqkp'q' moccasin strings, for hqp-k'q' moccasin sinew p'cie'ska and k'qpe'ska shells, chinaware (Santee p'qpe'sRka) Aipt'o' and pAit'o' edible bulbs (pij garlic, onion) wqsma'hi for mas-wq' -hi iron arrowhead ttuc'u'hu rib; t'ac'u'tuhu ruminant's rib hehq'pi night, for hqhe'pi 'itu'Ae (Teton), for 'iiu't'e (Santee) at all costs, in spite of everything; from Aut'a' (Santee) to fail, miss ana'(wa)4optq for anti'Ojoptq (I) obey, from ntj'oe eai, 'o' ptq<'ayu' ptq to turn towards tvitko' to be irresponsible (drunk, mad, immature, etc.) from 'ikto' the mythological trickster In Assiniboine there is a frequent metathesis of Teton tk to kt and the reverse. 1ka' (T), kta (A), heavy;-yatkq' (T), yaktq' (A), to drink;-yai'tkq (T) to ignite by means of mouth, iktsq' (A) to blaze;-kta (T), tka (A), future 4. Substitution. mi'oMake blunt arrow, wi'woAtake 5. Minor dialectic differences: Terminal 1 of Teton corresponds to n of the eastern dialects. In other positions eastern d corresponds to Teton 1. The clusters bU and g.l of Teton correspond to Santee m.d and h.d, and to Yankton b.d andkld. Teton g.mncorresponds to Santee h.mnand Yanktonknc; Tetongwto Santee h.b and Yankton kb; g.m to h.m and km respectively. Santee uses tp and lkp indiscriminately; Teton has always lkp; tp does not occur. ACADSOMY OF SCIENCES] PHONETICS 2 No. 2] Western Ogalala tends to omit initial k': 'zj for k't;-'eyaii for k'e'yaA Yankton and eastern Teton substitute occasionally h for y: wak'q'heta, wak'q'yeka children, t'agnaheca, t'aAnadyeca gopher; t ak 'q'heca, t ak'q'yeca raspberry ~ 23. ACCENT Stress accent plays an important role in Dakota. We may distinguish between accented words and unaccented parts of speech, enclitics and proclitics and others so firmly united with the accented parts of speech that they may be written as suffixes or prefixes. Some of these enclitics may under special conditions become accented. Syllables bearing the main accent have a high pitch. In rapid speech discrimination between accented and unaccented syllables or those having a secondary accent may be recognized more readily by pitch than by Stress. Miss Deloria decides in all doubtful cases the question whether the syllables are accented or not, by pitch. The accent is not firmly attached to any particular syllable, but has a definite relation to the position of the syllable. In by far the greatest number of derivative forms the accent is on the second syllable; p. e.: lowq' he sings; walo'wq I sing;-yazq' he is sick; 'iya'zq he is sick on account of A large number of stems are of the form vc, cvc or ccvc the number of terminal consonantsbeing restrictedl. In finite form these stemis end in a and by far the greatest number have the accent on the, stem syllable. In contrast to the first group there are a large number of bisyllabic stems of the types cvccv or ccvccv vccv, (not as numerous as the cvo stems), most of which have the accent on the second syllable. (See pp. 26 et seq.) When an unaccented initial vowel or'syllable ending in a vowel is contracted with a following vowel, accented or unaccented, the initial syllable carries the accent. This is due to the fact that the second vowel, on account of its position would take the accent, if the syllables were not contracted. 'e't'i arriving there he camps, contracted from 'ai't'i; —wa'paha war-standard, contracted from wa-'apa'ha;-lio'puza desert, contracted from Iie'-opu'za In many cases the vowels 'i and j have originated by contraction: e. g. h'at' (ma)t'a<lt'q-o-t'a to be tired out by action; Ih'y((wa)Icpani (<h'q-o'kpani) to fail to finish. For this reason many retain the accent on the first syllable when it mnight be expected to shift to the second syllable. (See p. 77, ~ 74.) 't~ (ma) ~i (I am) pitiable;-'q' (ma)t'ti (I am) injured;-'tj'(ma) cihi~ni (I am) indolent;-'*' (ma) c'tjrica (I am) frightened "stiff";-niq/h(ma)pq (I have) ringing of ear; —'tj'(wq)c'a (I) imitate, mock;'q'(wa)kce (I) break wind;-'j'(ma)skokeca (I am) as large as;-c'~kta (<c'e'yjkta?) to fret There are however other words with,* in the first syllable which have the accent on the second syllable. 'ici' grandm-other;-'qtg.na'0a space on each side of door;-'qig.na' suddenly;-'tjhice'0ila a mythical monster;-ijktehi S water monster;-'tikce' faeces (cf. 'ti'kce to break wind);-'tima' another one;-'tqp'q' female elk;-'tqpi' tail of bird;-'tqpAi'ia mud In compound words the accent is on the second syllable and, if the first part of the compound is bisyllabic, the second part has its normal accent as a very weak secondary accent. If the first part is monosyllabic the accent is on the first or second syllable of the compound according to syntactic rules. (See pp. 67 et seq.) Cte'oa-t'q'ka large kettle, c'eh-t'q'ka a big kettleful; —maka'-'ok'a' to dig for skunks;-c'q-pa'ile to make fire with a fire drill;-h~e'-c'j.ka' horn spoon;-pte'-oya'te buffalo people Neutral and active reduplicated verbs of the type cvc differ also in accentuation, the neutral verbs having the accent on the second, the active verbs on the first syllable. (See p. 37.) ksd'pa to be wise ksaksa'pa 810810' to be soft and slimy ka'0a to make ka'hkaoia so'sRo to cut in thin strips 1622.16' —41 ----3 22 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NAI NAL 22 ~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR t ~[VOL. XXIII, Some bisyllabic words with accent on the first syllable shift their accents to the second syllable when a pronoun is infixed. ma'ni he walks, mawa'ni I walk;-na'bi he stands, nawa'ti I stand;-wi'yq woman, wjma'yq I am a woman Here belong also the derivatives of demonstratives which have the accent on the first syllable. le'c'a it is of this kind, lema'c'a I am of this kind;-le'c'eca it is like this, lema'c'eca I am like this An exception is to'k'a something happens, to'mak'a something happens to me; I die. When the accent of a compound verb is on the first syllable it remains in most cases in this position. k'o'ya to include, k'o'waya I include him;-ha'sapa Negro (black skinned), ha'masapa I am a Negro;ho't'qj voice is audible, ho'mat'qj my voice is audible;-ho'bu he has a low voice, ho'mabu I have a low voice;-n'thpq his ear rings (verb) (pq to shout), nq'limapq my ear rings It is difficult to give a generally valid rule. ha'sapa literally black skin is a noun and adjective. (See p. 72.) The closer the relation of the component elements the stronger is the tendency to throw the accent on the second syllable; si(ma')ctola I am barefooted; si'(ma)ctola I lack feet. When the first syllable contains a vowel originated by contraction the accent is always on that syllable. Monosyllabic stem of the types cv and cvc with the subordinating suffix -ya throw the accent on the second syllable. Bisyllabic stems cvccv and those cvc stems that do not lose their terminal a, in other words all verbs ending in a vowel that have the accent on the first syllable, retain it there before this ending (p. 59). In compounds of two accented verbs the second verb loses its independent accent and the new unit is accented on the second syllable, no matter whether that syllable belongs to the first or second verb. Akal-'e't'i to play camping;-skal-'o'mani to travel in order to play NOTE.-It was originally intended to indicate all monosyllabic verbal and nominal stems as accented, in distinction to unaccented particles, also to indicate the accents of verbs that may take locative or instrumental prefixes. Owing to an oversight, this has not been done consistently, and some corrections may have been overlooked. ~~ 24-171. MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX ~~ 24-29. STEMS ~ 24. INTRODUCTORY Stems may be divided in two large groups, accented stems and unaccented particles which in most cases may be considered as enclitics. In niany cases they are so intimately connected with the preceding accented word that they may be called suffixes. There is no sharp line of division between the group which is treated here as enclitics and those treated as suffixes. The intimacy of relation between the two groups may be gauged by their mutual phonetic influence. Prefixes are so closely connected with the stem that they cannot be considered as proclitics. In accented words we may distinguish between nouns, neutral verbs, active verbs and unchangeable elements, such as adverbs, conjunctions, expletives. The distinction between nouns and neutral verbs is not quite definite. Certain nouns like Lak'o'ta Dakota, wic'a'sa man, and others may be treated as verbs and take pronominal forms, such as La(ma')kcota' (I am) a Dakota. On the whole, however, such forms are avoided and we rather have forms like 'Og.la'la he(ma')c'a' an Ogalala (I am) that kind. Nevertheless nouns are verbalized when they take the terminal self-experienced declarative glottal stop: pte' buffalo cow, pte" it is a buffalo cow. A distinction is also made between noun and nominalized verb. We can say wic'a'sa ki leye" the man said this, or wicta'sa ki he' leye" that particular man said this; while waste' ki leye" the good one said this, is not admissible. It must be waste' ki he' leye" the one who is good, that one said this. A further difference between nouns and verbs is found in the rules of contraction. Nouns tend to contract two adjoining vowels while verbs keep them separate. (See pp. 6 et seq.) Reduplication is very prominent in verbs, exceedingly rare in nouns which occur in reduplicated form in a few phrases only. (See p. 38.) The differentiation between neutral and active verbs is pronounced. They are differentiated by distinct pronouns. The rules of accentuation are different. Neutral verbs when reduplicated are accented on the second syllable, even when the singular stem has the accent on the first syllable, while active verbs reduplicated retain the accent on the first syllable. Furthermore the initial k of neutral and active intransitive verbs is stable, that of active, transitive verbs changes to c after i or e. Demonstratives combine in numerous ways with verbs and must be treated as a class by themselves. By far the majority of verbal stems are neutral. The concept of a condition extends over almost all inanimate objects that may be brought into a condition. "To scratch" is not primarily an activity; the active verb is derived from the condition of a scratched surface. These stems can be made active only by adding instrumental prefixes which express the means by which the condition is brought about, or by locative elements which apply the condition to a certain object. Active verbs are almost exclusively those referring to bodily or mental activities, actions that can be performed by or on living beings only. The only verbs that do not conform to this rule are, so far as I have been able to find, (-)koza to swing, *kta-pta' to surpass ('i'yak'ap'eya surpassing it), (-)pehq' to fold, *t't' to have, to put on (c'q' ki 'iyu'ha 'ape't'4' all the trees bear leaves), *"'' to be in existence somewhere (for inanimate objects only when they are sometimes present, sometimes absent: mahe'l 't'yq k'eya' 'V" inside are some stones, as in a rattle; mahe'l m.ni' 'yq'sni' there is no water in it). 23 24 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRSNATION-L It is characteristic that only those among these verbs can take instrumental prefixes which refer to bodily activities that can be produced by pulling, pushing, striking, a sawing motion, with the mouth, the feet, like (-)p~i'ca to jump, (-)slohq' to crawl, (-)uw-c%' to dance. Active verbs $a *'9f to wear about the shoulders *g.lo'w, to wear one's own shawl *go' to hit by shooting *'qu4'a' to shoot *I~q' to be (when neutral, to use) *.sq'yq to lose *'q'pa to lay down animate things *)t(.cta to mock *.',qkce to break wind *yu'ta to eat (-) wa-c'i' to dance *howa'ya to moan, groan (-)A~ica'-howa'ya to groan with misery (*ho' to howl, only 3d person) *hu' to commit sodomy *ba' to blame *hq..b.le' to quest for a vision *pq' to shout (-)pehq' to fold *po'#q to blow (-)psi'ca to jump (-) pta' to sneeze *p'a-hta' to tie in a bundle *rna'-ni to walk *ma-nn' to steal *la' to ask for la to consider (always final after other verb) *le' to search (only in c'q-le' to get fire wood; o-le' to search;) ()ile' to burn, (neutral) (-)le'ta to urinate *lowq' to sing *t~qwq' to look, open eyes *tka' to flesh a hide *tTi to dwell cfe-tTi to build a fire *t'q' to have, put on, give birth (-) ho-t'tq' to utter cry, only 3d person for cries of animals *8'4' to braid, plait (-)c'e-sli' to defecate *sli'pa to lick (-)slohq' to creep, crawl *80'8so to cut meat in strips Ai to order (always final verb after other verb) wa-Ai' to employ (-)p'o'-Aj to wrinkle nose *Au-t'a' to miss aim (-)Akq' to be active (-) *o' to whistle; kato' to have diarrhea (-)c'e'ya to weep *5Cj to desire (-)na'-tj to stand (from tj erect) (-) ni' to be alive (-)niya' to breathe *nu'nij to lose one's way g.nt4'ni to lose one's own *nqlwq' to swim 23. For explanation of symbols see p. 16. The- within the word indicates the position of the pronoun. Where there, is no such indication the pronoun is prefixed. ACADMY OF SCINCeS] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 25 *g.mm'ka to trap *g.la' to feel, loathe (-)si-g.la' to resent *g.le' to have on hand, standing (-)g.lo to snort *g.na'yq to trick, deceive, persuade -g.nayq to miss aim, hold *g.na'ka to lay by, have on hand *hi-g.nq' to singe hair before cooking *ka'ga to make (-)ka'.a to choke on something kapi to be disinclined (always final after other verb) b.lo-ka'ska to hiccough *kagi' to respect, avoid out of respect *kahni'ga to choose *kq' to relate a myth *kiyq' to fly (-)ko'za to swing, oka'koza it is swinging, swaying due to a force *kq' to covet; c'o-ktv' to wish death of *kc'za to decree, ordain *kta' to defer, expect (S); wa-kta' (T) *kte' to kill (-)ksa'pa to be wise (Y S, neutral in T) *ksu' to pile on, do beadwork *k'a' to mean *kti' to take away from kto to doom (always final after other verb) *k'uwa' to treat, pursue *k'ute' to shoot at *k'a' to dig *k'j' to carry on back C'o-k'f' to roast *go'pa to snore *ha' to bury (-)ho-hipa' to cough *lipa'ya to lie (aninmate being, river) *hmq'ga to bewitcll, poison (-)hlo' to growl *ihta-ni' to toil; wa-hta'ni to transgress a law, taboo Also all verbs of going and coming (pp. 92 et seq.), and all verbs ending in -p'a, except locatives (p. 83). ~~ 25-28. VERBAL STEMS ~ 25. INTRODUCTORY Verbal stems may be divided in two main groups; those in -a with accent on the first syllable when appearing without prefix; and those with varying vocalic ending, monosyllabic or bisyllabic generally with accent on the second syllable. The former have the type cvc (consonant, vowel, consonant) or ccvc, rarely vc, all followed by the suffix a. Only single, medial stops (p, t, c, k), or single voiced spirants (z, i, g) appear at the close of stems of this class 23b. When reduplicated the whole stem vc, cvc or ccvc is repeated with the phonetic changes required in forms losing their terminal vowel, or in consonantic clusters originating through contact of terminal and initial consonants. For short the whole class will be designated as cvc. 2ab A few verbs ending in Va or wa do not belong to this class. 26 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATIONAL The second class has the forms v, cv, or ccv when monosyllabic. In bisyllabic stems the first syllable has the same form, the second syllable of almost all those ending in a has the type ccv, provided we interpret the aspirates p' t', c' k' and the glottalized p', t', c', k' as double consonants. (See p. 5.) The whole class will be designated as cv and cvccv. When reduplicated the monosyllabic stem is repeated. In bisyllabic stems the second syllable is repeated. The terminal a of the stems with terminal vowel is treated differently from the a of the cvc verbs. All this suggests that these bisyllabic stems must be considered as consisting of two parts, each ending in a vowel, while all the cvc stems end in a single consonant. ~ 26. STEMS WITH TERMINAL CONSONANT, CVC The verbs of the type cvc may be divided into two groups. The former contains verbs expressing states or qualities. These take the neutral pronouns ma- I, ni- thou as subjects; the latter contains active verbs which have for their subjects wa- I, ya- you. Some of these never take instrumental prefixes. These are marked with an asterisk (*). Others may take an instrumental prefix; these are marked (-). Still others require an instrumental prefix when used as verbs, these are marked -. Some may be used with or without a locative prefix. In this case the locative prefix is placed in parentheses (o), (a), (i). When the locative prefix is required it has no parentheses. Most of these have the accent on the vowel of the cvc stem. Examples of neutral verbs: (-)b.le'za to be sane;-*cte'pa to be fat;-(-)(o)k'a'ta to be warm;-(-)t'a'ga to be hard and rough;(-)t'q'ka to be large There are large numbers of these. A small number have the accent on the second syllable. (-)suta' hard, firm;-*yqka' to sit;-*yqka' to recline (-) waka' Yankton; -qka to be in horizontal position;-t'eca' to be lukewarm;-(-)smaka' deep (as a valley);-*p'ica' to be fairly good;*2ica' to be rich;-*hpeca'Ani to be full of life, action (sni not) Examples of active verbs: *#o'pa to snore;-*g.mq'ka to set traps;-*kq'za to pretend;-*ka'0a to make;-(-)psi'ca to jump ~ 27. VERBS OF THE TYPE CV A considerable number of monosyllabic verbs both static and active end in a vowel. Examples are: Neutral: *Aa' red;- -kla to be coiled; to be collapsed;-(-)Ama' deep (as snow, water);-(-)sli' to be oozing out of an opening;-(-)ksa' to be severed Active: *'u' to come;-*'i' to arrive there;-*k'u' to give;-*la' to demand ~ 28. VERBS OF THE TYPE CVCV Most bisyllabic stems the second syllable of which begins with a consonantic cluster as well as those having a single consonant beginning the second syllable have their accent on the second syllable, unless the first syllable is formed by a contraction of two syllables. Although words of more than two syllables cannot always be analyzed it seems all but certain that they are by origin compounds. Analysis is often made difficult by the tendency of Dakota to modify stems by dropping consonants and by metathesis. Considering the ease with which words for objects of European manufacture have been coined, it seems remarkable that the consciousness of their derivation should disappear so quickly. Instances are the transformation of mas- iron, into naz- in the word naz8'spe ax, or in older words nakptq' wrist for napktcq, etc. (See p. 20.) ACADEMY OFSCIENCrS] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 27 No. 2] Bisyllabic verbs with accent on first syllable (see also p. 37). Active verbs (prefixing pronoun): *hpa'ya to lie;-*nu'ni to stray;-(-)c'e'ya to cry;-(-)Ake'hq (<Ak q-hq?) to be obstreperous Neutral verbs (prefixing pronoun): wq'k'a to be fragile, delicate;-hi'ska to be long, tall;-ci'k'a to be small (see p. 37);-co'nala to be few;slo't'a to be slippery with grease;-sa'k'a to be raw (vegetables);-ya'm.ni three;-za'ptq five;sa kpe six Active verbs (infixing pronoun): ma'-ni to walk;-na'-tj to stand (animate);-'aq'-kce to break wind Neutral verbs (infixing pronouns): wif-yq she is a woman;-le'-c'a; he'-c'a, ka'-k'eca; to'-k'eca it is this; that kind; some kind;-le-c'ecait is like this;-h'rq'-t'a (</i'q-o-t'a) to be exhausted, tired out by action;-wa'-p'i (< wa-a-p'i) to be lucky List of some bisyllabic verbs accented on the -second syllable. Active verbs: *ctapta' to stab;-~*c'op'a' to wade (transitive);-( —)Aig.la' to resent, mourn (gl1a to abhor);-*Aut'a' to miss aim in shooting (no object);-*nahma' to hide;-*nap'a' to run off, flee;-~~*p'ahta' to tie into a package;-*k'ap'a' to beat in a rae-hqq to suffer in the extreme; to be dying;-~~*'ap'e' to wait for 24;-(-)Cetesl' to defecate;-*c'et'i' to build a fire;-(-) wacTi to dance;-*/itani' to labor, work, toil;-~*c'ok'i' to roast in ashes;-*hjg.nu' to singe hair, feathers off hide;-*t'okAu' to take from one place to another in loads 2s1;.*c'oktA' to plan to kill someone;-*man2q' to steal;-*k'uwa' to pursue;-*lowq' to sing;-*kiyq' to fly;-*ktute' to shoot at;-~*kaoii' to respect authority, to be in awe Neutral verbs: (-)c'qze' to be angry;-(-)ile' to burn;-(-)qaspe' to learn to do;-(-)g.leAka' to be spotted;-( —)bl1aska to bc flat, level;-(-)k',uk'a' to rot, disintegrate;-( —)wak'q' holy;-(-) waAte' good, beautiful;(-)~iihtj' imperfect;-( —) pem~ni' twisted out of its proper shape;-(-)t'qj' to show, to be manifest;(-)h'qhi' to be slow, inactive, late;-*sut'tA' ripe, to bear fruit A large number of stems of this class can be shown to be compounds and it does not seem improbable that all may have been compounds by origin. Examples of compounds are: ctokit' to plan to kill someone (cto core, flesh; kIA' to covet);-h'tA't'a to be exhausted (Ii'q-o-t'a by action in to be dead);-h'ij'hiya to be able to do something (h'q-ohi-ya to act- to be able to attain- to cause);-sut'ij' to bear fruit (su seed; tts to bring forth) In many cases only one part of the bisyllabic is known. t'oktu' to load and take loads to a distant place (t'o perhaps from ttok different, k~u to pile up);ceesli' to defecate (sli squeezed out of a small opening);-c'etA'pa to roast over or by a fire ('IA'pa to lay down);-c'ok'c' to roast in ashes (c'o flesh);-wat'a'kpa26 to go to attack ('o'kpe, adv., wel-. coming);-p'aka'hrqka to nod in assent (p'a head, ka- prefix);-c'qze' to be angry (c'qt- heart)bMaska' to be fiat, level (b.la level);-g.ledka' to be spotted (g~le contrasting colors?);-watte' good, beautiful (Ne peculiar, ma~e' sunny, bright weather);-p'ahta' to tie a bundle (pta head[?]; p'a'p 'ahtapi doll (head tied in bundle);-winu'hcaV old woman (wi- woman, lica very, real);-t'qg.lu'sasa" weak from fright (ttq body?) Others cannot be analyzed at all, e. g. t'ehi' difiicult;-witko' foolish (metathesis from 'ikto' the trickster);-htani' to toil (htaya'ni you toil; waya'htani you sin);-haki'kta to look back '9;-yazq' to feel pain A number of these must be very old bisyllabics because they appear in many remote dialects; p. e., ma'ni to walk, man4' to steal, in Dakota, Mandan, Winnebago, Ponca. 24 Probably with locative prefix. 2' kiu to pile on, apply, embroider witb beads. 28 For wa see p. 52. 27 For lica see p. 57. 28 qglu- from yu- see p. 87; sa (unknown stem, duplicated). 28 For ki see p. 55. [MEMOIRS NATIONAL 28 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, For a further discussion of this subject see p. 78 et seq. Although the distinction between cvc and cv stems is fundamental, there are a number of cases in which verbs of the type cvcv are misinterpreted as cvc verbs. (See p. 37.) There are a number of cv stems which are clearly related to cvc stems ending in a, but there is no indication of a definite meaning of the second syllable. -ka, (-ca) -g.mi ground is clear of vegetation, trees; -g.mica hair is being pulled -g.mu to be twisted; g.mu'ka to trap in a sling (-)stasta' to be slimy wet; sta'ka to be jellylike -g.na (adv.) in, on, among (with locative prefix); g.ua'ka to have something placed, laid by - ta -ga to stick out (a'ga-itpa'ya to fall sprawling (in diving); yuda'Oa sticking out in many directions);-gata to have branches, limbs extended -ski to be gathered in ruffles, ground is rough with hills and gullies; (-)skita to be ridged, skiAki'ta to be corrugated gi' brown, rust; ho'gita to have a hoarse voice (?) po' to swell, -po'ta to float, to wear out (?) -pa 'oya'he water has evaporated, is absorbed in ground; yaie'pa to exhaust water by drinking ga to stick out; -gapa to flay (?) *lo' to be fresh (meat, hide); (-)lopa to be soft (lolo'pa like meat overcooked) -ska to adhere in a wad or clump; iya'skapa to cling to 'M' (active) to be; (neutral) to use; 'q'pa (active) to lay down; (neutral) to smoke -za (ctq)ksi' to feel ill-tempered; -ksi'za to be hot-headed -g.mu to be twisted; -g.mu'za to be twisted together kalu' to fan (-lu perhaps: air is moving); kalu'za to flow as a stream or current of air (-)sni' to cool off, to die down (as a fire); sni'za to collapse -t'o to press; t'o'syela (adv.) with the sound of a sudden impact of two hard, unelastic bodies kq' to covet; kq'za to decree kpa' to be gauged out; kpa'za it is dark (?) -ga po' to swell; naka'po to get full of air; napo'6a to rise, expand (like dough) -hmnu' to buzz; imu'#a to bewitch (by sending missile through the air) -Qci po'gq to inflate by blowing ~ 29. NOMINAL STEMS A number of nominal stems are of the type cvc, analogous to verbal stems. Those with accent on the first syllable end in medial stops or voiced fricatives like the corresponding class of verbs, while among those with accent on the second syllable there are a few ending in pea. Some nouns of the type cvc with accent on the second syllable have the ending e instead of a. Examples of these groups are: c'a'pa beaver;-ma'ga field;-maka' skunk;-naca' war chief;-nape' hand; —c'aze' nlame For a further discussion of these nouns see pages 35 et seq. There are many monosyllabic nouns of the type cv. Examples are: p'a' head;-p'e' elm;-pte' buffalo;-hi' tooth;-wi' sun, Inoon;-c'o' kernel, core; ---ho' voice;-hu' leg; —q' feathers, wing;-sj' suet Bisyllabic and polysyllabic nominal stems are numerous. Although many of these can be shown to be compounds many others defy analysis. Obvious compounds are: citp'a' choke cherry (c'q tree, p'a bitter);-wip'a' tipi flaps (wi tipi, p'a head);-t'ak'q' sinews (t'a ruminant, k'q sinew, vein) ACADEMY OF Sci]ONczs] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 29 In other cases the uniformity of the second syllable in certain nouns suggests a compos~ition. Examples are nouns in ~ika. 'iAka' ankle;-.~cteka' front of chest;-c'jAka', k'jAka' spoon;-k'o~ka' young man (see ktoyadnif vigorous, 'oh'q'-k'o quick of action);-c'q~ka' woodpecker;-g.nug.nu tAa grasshopper;-wab.lu'ka beetle (see Santee wamdu'da maggots);-pa'koAka whippoorwill;-t'aku'kka ant;-matu'Aka crawfish (also matu');-g naAka' frog;-t'otka' brother's son, woman speaking;-t'tqika' sister's son, man speaking Comparatively few bisyllabic verbs have this ending. Akitka' tortuous (stem, Aki-, Aki- rough, in many small folds);-g.1eAka' spotted ('ag.le'gka lizard);bdaWka' fiat, wide and flabby (said of face or hips; b.Za level) ~~ 30-35. CHANGE OF TERMINAL a TO c or ~ 30. CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH a CHANGES To e OR Terminal a and q of verbs change to e when followed byya adverbial ending (itself changes to ye) srni not s 'a regularly (itself does not change) s 'e as though ca (doubtful meaning, itself does not change) ~56 ki,3 cj the k-'q0,0 c',* the past, the aforesaid k 3q,0 chite- then (when, future) k'~q 30 c'~ h at-~ then (when, past) lc'ehq' 3 c'ehq' Yankton and Santee k'eW 31'eW I wish that! k'e'yagi,3 c'e'ya~, 'e'ya~ but hca (itself changing to hce), hcj very kalca a kind of, rather (itself changes) la diminutive (itself does not change) lak'a evidently -, for (itself does not change) se'ca probably (itself changes to se'ce).9closing the sentence; in Y terminal a does not change before terminal so conversational interrogative Sentences may also close with ye, ye lo, ye le. (See pp. 109 et seq.) The ye contracts with changeable a to e. The same happens with ye 9q' but, nevertheless, which after changeable a becomes e sq'. The terminal q of iq does not change (see p. 145). The particles enumerated above never take anl accent except k'e'yag, k'ahq', k'ehq', gq', 8e'ca and the particles closing declarative statement and imperatives. The future lcta and the conjunction nq and, change the preceding terminal a when changeable to j. Verbs that end in unchangeable a or in other vowels retain ye before, the declarative endings lo, le, also when le is omitted; before 9q but, and lalcta evidently... for. Following stems in u, a4, o the y changes to w. hiye lo' he has arrived here (man speaking) 31ap 'e'ye le' he is waiting (woman in soliloquy) 'apte'ye~q' he waited for him, but —('apt'dAq he struck him, but —, the former from 'ap'e' to wait, the latter from 'apa'd to strike) waWt' ye lak'a he must be good, for N8. 31 Initial k sounds change to c sounds after change of a to e. 30 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEmoiRs NATrIONAL [VOL. XXIII, After u: ma~a'tuwe lo' it is raining (man speaking) ma~a' iuwe' (woman speaking) p'owelak'a it must have been foggy, for 9uwe lo' he is coming (man speaking) k'u'weiq' akta'Ani' he gave it to her but she refused it The plural pi is contracted with ye to pe'. wana' hi'pe' now they have arrived (woman speaking) ~ 31. VERBS THAT Do NOT CHANGE TERMINAL a Not all stemns change terminal a, but no generally valid rules can be given that would allow a classification of stems according to definite principles. The number of cvc verbs that do not.change is small. A generally valid rule is that reduplicated verbs of the cv or cvcv type do not change their terminal a. Reduplicated forms insert ye after a where required (see ~149, 2, p. 109). hq'skalo, hq'skaskayelo' it is long, they are long A few verbs in q also change q to e under the same conditions that govern the change in verbs in a. Where necessary for the sake of clarity verbs with variable a are designated by the letter v, those invariable by iv. Following is a list of verbs that do not change terminal a or q: Verbs of the type cvc (Arranged according to terminal consonant) Accent on first syllable. Pq'pa it is daytime;-to'pa four;-ntq'pa two;-'o'ta mnany;-pj'ta to be deliberate;-ulu'a scarlet, red used ceremonially, 'olu'luta or 'oli'lita warm (weather);-'o~o'ta to become full of smoke inside;(-t'eca new;-*Ae' ca to be weathered, blanched, as old wood, bone, grass;- -kAeca to double up, as in a spasm;-(-)t'q'ka large;-cta'#a to form ice, to congeal -'ac'a'1hc'a~a there is ice on it here and there;-6q'0a (adv.) eyes half-closed, proudly ('omq'#qt'#~a I awaken [neutral] changes; 'i~ta'4tya to be blind, does not change) Accent doubtful on account of inseparable prefixes. 'ayu'ta to look at;-(ma)c'uwi'ta (I) feel the cold;-'oya'za ('ob.la'za 1st person) to string beads, fish;t'a(wa') #o~a (I) spit (ttare' saliva), or t'a(wa') So~a which has variable a;-'owa'M~ to be near to, 'iyo'wata to have a right to (property, privileges), 'owad*aAni it is not the proper time yet, to have no relation to; —'t( (ma) c'tqnica (I am) hesitant (ni'ca to lack, neutral verb);-'qtj'ca bob tailed;(-)waAa'ka cheap, yuwa'Aaka to undervalue, minimize, waMa'kala it is cheap Accent on second syllable. *hepa' to meet in a struggle, to lock horns? (he' horn);-(-)suta' to be hard, firm, solid;-*hpeca'Ani to be full of life and action;-teca' lukewarm;-p'ica' to be fairly good;-(-) tica' rich;-Icic'ica he is with him (we'c'ica I am with him, kiciei with one, 'op with many);-(-)8maka' deep (as a hollow, valley), 'o'smaka it dips in, ta'Icuni ica'smakahni nothing penetrates him, he is thick skinned;-*b.lokda male hakca' (reduplicated lhakca'ka) to have branches, many angles, and (-)8wak-a' (reduplicated swak-a'lca) to be fringed, frayed (see swa fringed, frayed) are not cvc verbs. Verbs in YA change terminal A An exception is niya' to breathe, which does not change (wani'ya I breathe); niwa'ya I cause him to live, changes. ACADEMY OF SCIE2NCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX'3 No. 2] 3 ~ 32. VERBS OF THE TYPES CV AND CVCV So f ar as our material shows, verbs in which the consonant preceding the terminal a is voiced (except in), never change a to e,. *ba' to blame, criticise;- -b.la to be smooth, flat, level;-*g.la' to dislike, abhor (-g.la to stretch out long narrow looped object) (g.la' to go homeward, changes);-( —)hla' to rattle (as a gourd, tail of rattle snake);-*la' to ask for, demand, to consider as, regard as; -kala' to spill, pour granular material;*sla' to be greasy, oily;-( —)Ala' bare of growth;- -za to stand erect (plants, trees); paza' to push upward (used in sacred language of Sun Dance); kaza' to separate sinew fibers for sewing; yuza'za to slash into broad strips, as meat stripped from ribs; -ia to cook (porridge, etc.) -iaka to wash;-Oa to husk (corn); -wa'owa' to write, yawa' to read;-(-)hwa' to be sleepy;- -8wa fringed, frayed, as goods (kaswa' to slash fringes, to be fringed);- -kawa to open up (from at least two sides, as a folding door, the mouth, a bud);-*k'uwa' to pursue;- -g.na to take off small things in rows, like peas;-kig.na' (we' g.na 1st person) to comfort, soothe, 'aki'g.na a bird broods on its eggs, young ones;-*hna' to groan, snort (as an expression of emotional excitement);-m.na' to smell of ('o'm.rna to use the sense of smell);- -m.na to rip (varied meanings);-*'ona' fire spreads over an extensive area, prairie fire;-( —)sna' to tinkle;- -~na missed, dropped; wo~na' to miss shooting, yiuAna' to drop, to make a mistake, yahna' to miss with the mouth, etc. For other sounds no fixed rules have been found. Not changeable: yuha' to have, hold, carry, own (changes in Santee);-*'o(ma) ha it adheres, clings to (me) (as mud);)o(wa')-ha 32 (I) put into; 'oyu'ha to pull into; 'opa'ha to push into, etc.;-wi' (ma) haha 81 (I) am cheerful (contracted from wa-i'haha);-na~i'haha to be scared, as by a ghost (na~i' ghost);-*hpa' he is untidy; with instrumental prefixes a changes, *hpa' it is down, changes;-~*p'a' bitter (-p'a; yap'a' to hold in mouth; kap'a', wop'a' to pound; nap'a' to run from danger, all change);(p'a) to bark; Asqgwa'p'a the barking of dogs;-*'o'p'a to join, except p''peya including (adv.), he causes him to join, (*'op'a' to go by way of, changes except 'op'a'ya along the course of a river);* (wa) ki'g. ma (I) resemble (my parents);-wa (wa') kta (I) anticipate, expect, look for;- -s'a to hiss (like a snake), kas'a' to soar;-~a' red;-(-) p~a' he sneezes;-~'a' it is full of confused sound, din, *J'aA'a' to jeer, shout at someone;-(-)kca' to hang loose (like hair); to comb;-(na)hca' to blossom, to grow layer on layer (like proud flesh) (hca indeed, adverb, changes like verbs);-yuka' (b.luka' 1 st person) to trim a feather so as to leave only the quill;-(-) ska' white;- -ha to be curly; nahia' to be curly by nature; yuha'ha"8 to curl- (ha' to bury, changes in Teton, used in Yankton by E. D.'s father as unchangeable);-yulha', iya' yuha to stay constantly with a person to whom one is attached;- (-) iha' to smile, laugh gently, (-) iha't'a to laugh aloud;-*'i'ha to make fun of someone*(h'a) to sound like small objects falling; to be scattered cvcv stems *'apa' (always with a verb of existence or motion) attached, wqhi'kpe wq 'apa'-g.li' he returned with an arrow (in him);-wiya'Icpa to shine brightly, to sparkle (wi sun, a on, kcpa);-Akokpa' concave, hollow (as a pit);-'oh'o'kpa (eyes, cheeks) are hollow, sunken;-'iya'p'a to strike (a clock), to beat (heart), to hit against ('ap'a' to hit, changes);-'ak'ip'a to meet by chance, waa'k'ip'a or wa'k'ip'a to suffer a bereavement;-'iha' (wa) kta (I) feel loath to leave a person, place; —'i (ma') wfkta (I am) justly proud of it;-kikta' (we'kta 1st person) to sit up from reclining;-haki'kta to look back when going along;-hok~i'lwjkta to act babyish (wi'kte to act womanish);-c'j'kta to whine, be fretful, as a child;-c'atka' to be left handed;-slitka' to taper to a point;-'q' (wa)c'a (I) mock. imitate;-kVec'a' shaggy;-sa'k'a raw (as uncooked plants) (Santee);-wcl'l'a, wq'k'ala weak, fragile;- -8tqk'a to moisten;-(-) ci'k'a, ci'Icala small;-wa(ma')tulk'a (I) am tired In a number of cases simple forms change terminal a while forms with prefixes or in compounds are invariable. Variable Thvariable ap 'a' to strike 'iya'p ta to strike against ninca to lack '1ani' ca to withhold; 'ig.lo'nica; 'ak'i'nica to dispute; sc'.9nica (<'o-ec'rq-nica) to be hesitant; wahipa'nica to be poverty-stricken 32 The dash indicates that one of the instrumentals ya, pa, etc., is required. 33 Contracted from wai'haha. 54 Does not change because reduplicated. (See p. 30.) 32 DAKOTA GRAMMAR (MEMNOIRS NATION-AL [VOL. XXIII, The following also behave irregularly Variable Invariable yu'ta to eat 'ayu'a to look at 'aya'ta to bring about by -saying lop'ad to go by way of 'o' pta to take part in, to join a group ~ 33. STEMS OF THE TYPES Cf A.ND cvcq Verbs of the type cq are unchangeable, except hq to stand, its derivatives, and a few others. *g.lihq' to land on one's feet; to stand where one belongs (a cliff, rainbow);-g.Iihe' ya, reduplicated g.lihe'heya (adv.) perpendicular;-'og.li'heya 'ti' he wears it (a garment) straight and loose (without a belt) *hjhq' rain falls;-wa' hjhq' it snows;-hihq'hq it is raining, also adverb;-'ama'yuhjh~eca he rather upsets (makes fall) things for me (the only case with yu-; an idiom) *hnahq' to hang down loose;-'i' Iinahq' a lip hangs down loosely;-lnahe'ya adverb (-) pehq' to fold flexible objects; yui'yapehq he wraps it around; yupe'heya yqka' it is there folded; (-) pehq'hq to writhe as a snake; a person in pain (iv because reduplicated) yupe'hq, kape'hq, nape'hq used only as adverbs; nape' heya yiqka' folded in a looped condition from having been kicked (-)Ake'hq to be obstreperous, reduplicated Ake'hqhq (iv).'a(wa')Alcehq (I) neglect, 'aike'hedni he does not neglect it (wa)kli'nihq to be cordial to, yuo'nihq to honor, 'ini'hq to be excited by something; do not belong to this series and are unchangeable. 'ini'hqAni headlong (adv.) hq following demonstratives does not change its q to e, he' hc'Ani it was not then (see pp. 60, 117) Other verbs in ci changing to e: hIihta' to be porous (stem htq rough and absorbent) changeable in hihte'ya, (adv.); 'olca'htq to soak through, does not change. This is contracted from -hu tta to soften hide by rubbing, htqhtq' it is finely roughened; therefore by origin stem in a) yatka' to drink yuk'q' there is lowq' to sing, changes in Sisseton, not in Teton Many verbs ending in yq and wq preceded by n or a, nazalized vowel are changeable. Evidently t~he terminal nasalization is due to contamination and the stems should be classed as a stems. Here belong: *tqwq' to look, to open eyes;-*ntqwq' to swim, nqivq'wq adverb;-~~*kjyq' to fly, also adverb -ptqyq to overturn on its side, 'ilkpa'ptq to turn over in bed (iv); 'oplq'yq, 'optq'ptqyq, adverb, like a rider hiding alternately on one side of horse than on the other, dodging arrows, ptqptq's'e, ptqptq' (ye)la unsteady; wobbly, 'optq'ye-ic'i'ya he caused himself to fall sideways, 'aptq'yq to be prostrated, euphemistically, to die;-(-)g.naAkcj'yq to be frenzied, crazy, g.naAkj'yq, g.naAki;'yqyq (adv.);-*g.na'yqT to deceive, fool;-'ina' piAlcqyq to toy with, to act with the hands (stem nap hand; i; Akq to move);.'ohi'yq to sulk on account of a slight, see c'qhi yq he worries him (<etqt-hij-ya) All causatives in -yq belong to this group. wvi'yu~kjyq to make happy ('iytf'Akj to be pleased On account of);-'oq'yq, to have for a habitation tqyq' to be better (after sickness), verb and adverb reduplicated tatq'yq, adverb does not belong to this group. It is derived from the unchangeable tq and is itself unchangeable except in tqye'hIicsubordinate form, thoroughly, actually, in every detail; tqye'la to a nicety ~ 34. Noui~s CHANGING aTO e IN POSSESSIVE FORM Most nouns ending in a do not change their terminal a. Only two have been found that change and that are not verbal derivatives. hq'pa moccasin t'ahcq'pe;-Aiq'ka dog t'a~t'ke his horse;-(t'a'hca-stqka sheep) ACADEMY OF 5CSNmims] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 3 No. 2] 3 The others, not numerous, are verbal derivatives. 'owq'ka bed (Yankton), t'o'wqlce his bed (Yankton);-'owj'*a bedding, t'o'wjte his bedding —(Aaka' long things standing apart), t'ac'q'lialiale spine out of a~nimal;-c'uwi'g.naka woman's dress, t'ac'u'wig.nale:-'ip'i'yaka belt, sash ('ip'z'b.lalka I wear as a belt), t'ai'p'iyake his belt, sash, 'oi'p'iyake waist line;-w6' ha cache, t'awo'hle his cache Irregular is: 'ita'zipa bow, t'ai'lazipa (Teton), t'jtazipe ([Riggs] Santee), t'i'nazipe or t'ai'nazipe (Santee) ~ 35. NOMINALIZED VERBS Nominalized verbs ending in a change the a to e provided the verbal a is changeable. Changing: nap 'a' to run away, 'ona' p'e refuge;-c'ap'a' to stab, 'oc'a'p'e wound;-nahma' to hide, 'oi'nalime place to hide oneself;-'ona'hlme place to hide something;-'ap'a' to strike, 'oa'p'e place or time of striking (hour);-ya to go, 'oye' way, track;-kahj'ta to sweep, 'ica'hjte brush, broom;-ntqwq' to swim, 'onto we swimming hole;-watte'laka to like, wo'wattelake love, kindness;-'-aka'hpa to cover with a sheet, wa'kalipe cover;-t'aWo-'aka'llpe meat cover (used in jerking meat);-teAla'ka to cover around head like a fillet, wate'Alake kerchief worn around head;-k'a to dig, 'ic'e' an instrument for digging;-hq to stand, 'ohe' niche, proper place for a person Not changing: yu~a' to husk corn, loyu'#ia husking place;-yuia' to cook porridge, e 'qp 'a'-' oyu'*a vessel for cooking chokecherries;-lowq' to sing, 'olo'wq song;-ba to blame, wo'ba blame;-'iyu' kcq to think about, wo'wiyukcq thought;-'iha' to smile, wo'iha a joke Probable exceptions are: -b.la to spread out, bMe lake;-yu~a' to husk corn, 'o'#te outer covering A number of compound nouns derived from verbs that change a to e do not change in nominal form. wab.le'nica orphan (nica to lack; but wo'ak'rnice a dispute);-k'eg.le'za striped turtle (g.le'za striped);k'entj'nqta soft-shelled turtle (nat' a to be yielding to pressure);-'tqp~ita sticky mud that lies layer on layer ('aka'pitiia to flop down flat over something);-m.nipi'#a soda water (pi~a to be boiling);-wahp'opa a large kind of willow (?) (wa'6ac'q cotton wood; p'o'pa to be soft and fibrous like cotton); —' a~u'yap-8aka crackers ('a~u'yapi bread; sa'ka dry, stiff);-p'eAni'ia live coals, sparks (Ani'ia to wilt, fade);-p'ehna'~a whitehot coals (huhna'da or liug.na'#a to burn up, 'tqhna'da fireplace);-waya'hota oats (yaho'ta to choke on food swallowed hurriedly);-m.niwa't'ico~la green algae (''co~a to drift against);-c'qlka'#ia drift log, log (Voka~a to drift on water);-waki'c'tqza magistrate (krq'za to decree; but wo'kic'qze kingdom, state);-wo'p'ahta package (p'ahta' to tie together; but Aina' 'op'a'hte a bundle of blankets);-weyo'Ta a clot of blood (-t'a to bunch together);-p'eii'hiota (hota grey) sage;-ha'sapa Negro (ha skin, 8a'pa black);-howa'8Rapa catfish (ho fish, 'asa'pa black on surface);-hahiA'ta hemp rope, thread (ha outer surface, lis'ta rough);-hit'iq'kala mouse (hi tooth, t't to have, ka kind of, la diminutive);-p'ebu'ta medicine (p'eii' grass, hu'te, base) When used as verbs the terminal a of some of these remains changeable. waki'c'uzala a little magistrate, and waki'c'uzela he domineers in a small way We have also: m.nipi'#a sodawater, and m.ni' ki pi'#ela water boils a little;-ha'sapala little Negro ha'-sape'la the little one's skin is black According to this the two formsk'enst'nqiela little soft-shelled turtle and k'eg.le'zela little striped turtle appear formally like verbs. None of these nouns are ordinarily contracted, although the formsp'eAni'A-ka-sni' to put out embers;-p'ehna'/i(wa)ya (I) make it white hot, broil it;-p'etu'l-wic'aga physician (i. e., White physician), more commonly p'etu'ta-wic' a'4a are, occasionally used in modern speech. 34 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMoIRs NATIONAL One word has been found that does not change normally, but transforms a into e in nominalized form. Wile' waterfalls ('iyo'Iiaha to trickle down into), (note -ha variable, to tie a knot) ~ 36. NOUNS IN e CHANGING TO a A number of nouns change terminal e to a in composition with tta ruminant, c'cq wood, and in a few other compounds. 'aze' breast, t'a'za ruminant's udder;-hu'te base, bottom, wihu'ta bottom of tent, 'ohuta bank of river' shore of lake, e'cihu'ta tree stump; but natu'te nape of neck (nasu'la brain), gupu'te lower intestines (Aupe' intestines);-lee' urine, e' a, to urinate, Vat'aea 81 bladder of ruminant, wic'a'leia human urine;-8ite' tail, t'asj'ta tail of ruminant; but t'asf'te his tail, Aijk-si'te horse tail, ho-sf te fish tail, ctap-s8te beaver tail, even ptewa'niyqpi-sjte' cow's tail; without nasalization situ' psqpsq (<gjte'yupsq'psq) to wag tail;-Aake' finger or toe nail, t'aAa'ka rattle of deer hoof and foot bones, with animal names iake; i. e., gsik~a'ke hoof of horse; —upe' intestines, t'aAu' pa intestines of ruminant;c'qte' heart, t'ac'q'ta heart of ruminant, but t'ac'q'te his heart;-c'upe' marrow, t'ac'u'pa marrow of ruminant;-nite' rump, t'ani'ta hu rump bone of ruminant, but 8ijkni'te a horse's rump;-nige' paunch, stomach, t'ans&'ra paunch of ruminant;-tVe~i'kice or c'ei'ktice fat surrounding stomach, t'ac'e`2iktica same of ruminant;-wj'kte hermaphrodite, wi'kta (S) An analogous change occurs in the verbal derivative. 'op'a'hte a number of strands tied together, wo'p'ahta a bundle Nouns in e, not changing to a: 'ate' father;-'ite' face;-'oya'te tribe, people;-'oyu't'e flanks (only of man);-'olu'te (modern term for c'tute') side of body;-' ot'qA'we (Yankton ot'tg'wahe) town;-'qk1ce' dung ('si'kce verb);-'ijze' anus;wase' face paint;-wage" my (a woman's) woman chum;-wahpe' leaves, tea;-wi'p'e weapons (wa'ip'e);-wj'kte hermaphrodite;-hake' youngest born boy;-hqke' a piece of anything;-he horn;-hjye'te shoulder;-hjske' canine teeth;-hsq'p'e digging stick (p'e sharp);-bMe lake;-pte buff alo;-p'ade` waist;-p'ahte' glabella;-p'ahla'te sinus, ethmoid (?);-p'e head;-p'esle'te crown of head;-p'o'`6e nostril;;-p'ute' snout;-p'e' elm;-mat'e'te rim (as of a cup);-lote' throat, (walo'teteka gourmand);-lohe' jowl;-t'ate' wind, also verb;-t'aoje' saliva;-t'ic'e' top of tent, roof, ceiling;-siye'te heel;-si~kp'e' muskrat;-AaAte' little finger;-Aiyu'te lap;-c'ate' name;-c'qkpe,' knee;-c'e' penis;-c'uwe' woman's elder sister;-c'ute' side of body;-c'ut'u'gte floating ribs;nawa'te scalp area;-nape' hand;-nsif'e ear;-Ik'eze' barb of fishhook (5);-hqte' cedar;-he" butte, mountain ridge 36 ~ 37. LOSS OF TERMINAL a OR e Most cvc verbs when compounded or when used in subordinate form lose their terminal a and the terminal consonant undergoes the changes described on page 12. It is not necessary to give additional,examples of verbs following this rule. There are, however, a number of verbs of this type that never contract. Examples are: t'q'ka large;-o'ta many, plentiful;-kqr~za to decree Ida 'oka'"ia to have many (arrows, thorns) sticking in it, is derived from a stem Oa and does not belong here. (See yu~ja'#a s'e as though sticking out in all directions) A number of verbs in ta have this probably as a stem, although those that can form reduplications, behave as though the stem were cvc: 'ayu'ta to look at, reduplicated 'ayu'lyuta;-'aya'ta to prophecy (ya with the mouth);-c'uwi'ta to feel cold (cuuwi' body). None of these lose terminal a; c'aie'yata, to name, mention, evidently cognate of 'aya'ta, loses terminal a and forms c'a~e'yalA few verbs ending in e lose their terminal e and undergo changes of the terminal consonant. 'ayu'hete37 to hang around waiting, 'ayu'hel reduplicated 'ayu'helhe1;-'owQ'ke88 to resemble, 'owq'k; — Ic'ute' to shoot, wak'u'l U tvaWe'a dried bladder, intestines, probably from le'ga to shine. u 'a't'c bunting ruminants (followed by verb "to go", is an adverb <2t'a ruminant, t'e<kte to kill?). 36& k,&za to pretend loses terminal a. 3? First person 'ab.Lu'Ide. It wo'wqke a monstrosity. ACADEMY 0OF SCIUENCIS] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 35 Nouns derived from verbs: "owq'ka room, altar space, 'owq'kc-'oyqi'ke bed, 'oytqk Other verbs in e of which there are not many, do not lose terminal e. k'iyu'Ae to be mean to someone;-'iklu'Ae to block, obstruct;-ite peculiar and its compounds waite' good, maAte' good weather; hurte' lame; o~te'la peculiar;-'ap'e' to await;-t'ate' wind, it blows a wind;-'tqspe' to learn, be versed in;-'tq'Ice to break wind;-'ole' to seek;-'ile' to burn;-lc'use' to be leaky (Santee) All nouns of the type cvc with terminal a and accent on first syllable lose their terminal a in composition and undergo the usual change of terminal consonant. Compounds belonging to this group are: 'tqhnad~a, 'tghna'/i fireplace;-'`qp~ia, '`qpWiA mud;-~cteya'1ca, c'eyadk beaver dam;-c'ap'tq'ka, coapttik 'ohlo'k hole;-p'eAni'ia, p'eAni'A embers, sparks;-'ipTiyaka, 'ip'iy7al belt tVq'ka which as a neutral verb retains its a loses it in the noun t'~'a ta~ buffalo bull (lit. large ruminant). Pulta acorn, is rarely heard as 'ul sa'ta pole; the form 8a1 is doubtful m.na'ta wolverine; —t'j'ta open land;-wi'ta island;-p'ata wooded district; do not seem to lose their terminal a wa'#a occurs in both forms, wa'o~a-c'q cottonwood, wahi-c'j'ea poplar wag.rne'za (wakma'heza, Yankton; wam.na'heza Santee) does not lose its terminal a Among cvc nouns ending in a with accent on second syllable, only ma~a' duck, loses its terminal a, ma/i. From bMoketu we have bMok-yq'ka to remain settled in summer. A number of nouns ending in e contract in the same way..'aze' breast (in 'ascq'pi milk<'aze'-hipi' fluid);-'tqze' anus;-p'o'#e nostril;-ptute' snout89;-leke' urine;-lote' throat, food;-t'afe' saliva;-Aake' finger or toe nail (only in Aak-t'iq' &se like one with claws);-Aupe' intestines, t'aAu'p;-c'qte' heart;-c'ate' name;-c'upe' marrow bone, t'ac'u'p;nape' hand;-ni~e' stomach;-nu't/e ear;-keze' barb of fish hook (Santee, doubtful whether ic, lkt, or ic) hqke' part, piece, does not contract. As verb 'ihq'ke end, contracts, 'ihq'kt'iqwq living at ends; 'ihq'kya to cause to end; hqkya' to ruin Outside of the cvc group contraction of verbs ending in a occurs in the groups -p'a and kta. All the contracted forms are adverbial. c tap'ad to stab, 'iea' p, 'ac ta' p sticking in, on it;-ctopta' to wade, m.nic0o&p wading in water;-'o'p ta to join, 'op in company with several;-nap'a' to flee; 'ina'p hiding behind, 'ai'nap on the farther side of (hidden by); with the verbs of arrival 'i, hi, gli, lci, -napta does not contract: hinap'pta to come out from; 'ot'a'pta to follow in the tracks of someone, 'oye'ot'ap following tracks, 'at'a'p following on (the heels of someone), Tit'ap soon after, already;-Titkok'ip'a to go to meet face to face, 'itko'p going out to meet someone who is coming;-k'ap'a' to beat in a contest, to have a superabundance ('ak'a'p exceedingly) Others do not contract, P. e.: 'ak'i'p'a to happen to meet face to face;-'op'a' to go by a certain way, but wato'p'a to row a boat (wala-'opta'), forms wato'p;-'ap'a' to strike;-'it'-q'p'a to admire, be careful with;-'ik'op'a to fear lest;-lk'oki' p'a to be afraid;-'aho'p'a to honor, to observe a law In the group kta we find: 'antq'k'a(tqhq) 'antq'k 40 on both sides;-to'k'a, to'k it is some way, how is it It Often not contracted. 40 law.4'k'a sq bald-headed eagle (on both sides white). 01a [~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~MEMOI1Rs NATIONAL au ~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR (VOL. XXIII, ~ 38. REDUPLICATION Reduplication expresses distributive ideas in time and space. It is almost entirely confined to verbs and adverbs derived from verbs. cvc verbs are duplicated, the last syllable retaining the ending a. The terminal consonant of the stem undergoes in most cases those changes that are required when the terminal a drops off. (See p. 12.) Whenever phonetically inadmissible combinations occur the terminal consonant is omitted in the first syllable. For this reason the terminal consonant is always omitted in the first syllable when the stem has the form ccvQ, because otherwise three-consonantic clusters would result. Aspirate and glottal stops do not count as two consonants. Examples are: (-ha'pa to have a rustling quality, (-) hapha'pa;-(-) (0)lc''a to be warm, (-) (o) k'a'lk'ata;,-*-sa'ka to be hard, stiff and dry, *saksa'ka;-()pu'za to be dry, (-) pus pu' za;-(-) pi'2a wrinkled, (-) pi~pi'2a; -(-)t'a'#a to be rough, (-)t'a/it'da'~ Examples of ccvc verbs: (-)ksa'pa to be wise, (-) ksaksa'dpa;- -81u'ta to slide through a narrow opening, -slu'sluta;-(-)hlo'ka to have holes, (-)hlohlo'lca;-(-)ptu'za to be bent over, (-)ptuptu' za;-*Ani'2a to be wilted, Ani*~ni'ia; —m.nu'0a to be in a condition of producing crackling sounds, m.num.nu'oa cvc verbs ending in c in stems beginning with a dental or alveolar consonant (see p. 5) end the first syllable in k, perhaps an indication that the c which is always preceded by e or i, originated from a ic. (See p. 13.) *Ae'ea to be dry and dead (hay, wood), AekAe'ca;-(-)Ai'ca to be bad, (-)AikAi'ca ---(-)t'e'ca to be new, (-t'ekt'e'ca;-(-) fe'ca to sniffle, (-) ~j'kijca;-..ceka to stagger, -cekceka;-ni'ca to lack, wani'knica; —he'c'eca it is like that, he'c'ekc'eca 41 In stems beginning with other consonants the reduplicated syllable ends in 1. *Oi'ca to snort, #j'l0jca; — k'jca to scrape off top layer, -lc'ilkt jca- -Iiica to awaken someone, -hijihica; *Ijica'hq to trip and fall, /iilhi'cahq;-*p'icad to be rather good, p'tl1p'ica;-wq'ca once (adv.), wq'lwqca;-*ka'k'eca it is like that yonder, ka'k'elk'eca 4' While the reduplicated forms given up to this point may form their subordinate forms by dropping terminal a in the same way as the unreduplicated forms, there are a few that reduplicate like all others but do not lose terminal a. adtaya (adv.) entirely, wholly, 'al'ataya;-Vota many, 'o'l'ota; —t'o'keca different, t'okt o'keca;-li'1a (adv.) very, li' g.lila or li'lala Several others, although not of cvc type are treated in the same way. he'c'eca '" it is like that, he'c'elcc'eca;-he'c'el thus, he'c'ek'e; —ka'k'el thus, ka'k'eiske (Teton);-ka'kten (Yankton), ka'k'etke 4' (Yankton);-ec'a'la (adverb and verb) soon, ecta/kc'ala adverb only;4~w'a5 to feel cold, c'uwvi'lwta;-'qpj'ca bobtailed, with short skirt, katt'2jktjca (neutral verb) (-)t'q'ka large is quite irregular. It has the reduplicated forms t'qkt'q'ka and t'qkj'kjyq in Teton and Yankton; ttcqki'yqycq in Yankton. On page 26 a number of apparent ovo verbs have been enumerated which have the accent on the second syllable. Most of these reduplicate in the same way as cvc verbs with accent on the first syllable. (-)8suta' hard, firm, (-)suksu'ta 41-*yqka' to sit, *yq'kyqka (only 1st dual-plural 'mqyq'kyqkca);-*ytka' to recline, (*ysqkyiqka); -co'nala few, cokco'nala;-*p'ica' to be fairly good, *p'ilpTica;.2ica' to be rich, *2ki'a -*Ipeca'Ani to be full of life, action (Ani not), *hipehpe'ca~ni.47 41 See below ka'k'clk'c. 42See above he'cekc'ceca. 43 a is a suffix. 4' f in Yankton corresponds to terminal n; Teton i is irregular; it occurs also in to'Ic'ehke from to'k'el, to'k'eca. 485See c'uwi' part of body enclosed by ribs and sternum. 04The combination 1s wblch would result from normal reduplication does not occur. 0 'The redupicated form llpeca'Mnini is used more frequently. - - - - --- 1-1 - — - - -r A --- -. -- ACADMMY OF SCIBNCIDSJ MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 3 No. 2] 3 The last three of these are compounds, p'i good, hpa to be down, clumsy. ii alone does not occur. These are treated by analogy as though they were cvc stems, although they are actually cv stems with the suffix ica. A number of verbs ending in q are reduplicated like cvc verbs. -titq to have force exerted, -tiktitq;-*kitq' to be stubborn, waki'lkitqka4S;-*po'6,q to blow on, po'hpooq cv verbs are doubled without any change. cvcv verbs duplicate the second syllable. *c PIapta' to stab, c'apta/pta;-*mantq' to steal, mantq'ntq;-(-)ile' to burn, (-)ile'1e; —(-)tqspe' to learn to do, (-)tqspe'spe;-( —)wa~te' to be good, (-)waWt'Wt Here belong also distributive demonstrative pronouns: hena'na those, tona'na which ones, to' nana how many. The verb smaka' deep (as a valley) (cf. ~ma deep [as snow, water]) reduplicates smaka'lka, but with prefix 'o, 'o'smasmaka, like a cvc verb. A number of other verbs are treated as cvc verbs, although they are evidently compounds of cv verbs. *yu' za to take hold of, is reduplicated in Teton yu'syuza, in Yankton yu' zaza;.-*yazq' to hurt, yazq'zq and yasya' Zq 49;-*'e'pazo to point at, Vepazozo and 'e'pas pazo;-(-) p'e'sto sharp pointed, p'esp'e'stola, pftesto'sto;-c~ze" angry, 'ac'q'sc'cqze, c'qze'ze;-~*putq' to be short, fiat and ugly, pulpu'tq and put q'tq;-'ohla' dqla loose fitting, 'ohla'/hla jcla and 'ohila'6juqlqa;-na'ij to stand, na'~j2j and na'.Ana2, the latter only adverb; na'5na~j 'iya'ya ycila' he sits getting up all the time (repeatedly) This verb reduplicates the first person entirely irregularly by including the first person in the reduplication na(wa')~(wa)2iki nq (wa)hi'yu (I) just stood about and came on Here belongs also (-)ci'Ic'a small, cilcci'Ic'a Some verbs in ya are treated as cv (or cvc) verbs, others like cvcv verbs. (-)spa'ya to be wet, (-)s8paspa'ya;-(-)sku'ya to be sweet, (-)sku-sku'ya;-*hjhpa'ya to fall down, hjhpa'hpaya;-(-)optq'yq to fall over prostrate, 'optq'ptqyq;- -bMaya to open out level, -b~lab.laya;-kiksu'ya to remember, kilksu'ksuya;-tqyq' well, tqtq'yq;-g-na'yq to deceive, g.na'g.nayq;-Iilaya to peel, -hIlahlaya;-'ina'pi~kqyq to toy with, ina'pi~kq~kqyq;-ze'zeya (adv.) suspended (colloquial ze'zezeya);-de'6jeya gathered in a baglike retainer;-Azqkq'yq (adv.), ~zqkq'kqyq in a surprisingly easy manner 5" The following are treated like cvcv verbs: (-)c'edya to cry, c'e/yaya;-*c'e'kiya to pray to, c'e'kiyaya;-*'ai~pu'ya to itch on (Santee), yaApu'yaya (Teton and Yankton) or 'aya'~puyaya;-(-)g.na~Icfyq to be crazy, g.na~ki'yqyq;-(-)g.mig.ma', g. mig. ma'g. ma spherical, Y g. mi yq'yq- aAni' yqycq to tickle (like fine grass, fuzzy material); *yaya'la yielding, fuzzy [?]);-*kjycq' to fly, kiyq'yq;-(Cina'hni to hurry), *hniyq'yq to be trembling (as in palsy);-'aka'Apeyaya to lose control (~pa to be broken off) -Iilaya to be peeled;- *h'qyq' to be dying, suffering extremely; -*niya' to breathe; -(-)howa'ya to howl (lka) p'owa'ya 5' to have a nap, rough surface, do not occur reduplicated. Reduplication of neutral and active verbs Unless preceded by prefixes neutral verbs when reduplicated throw the accent upon the second syllable; active verbs retain it on the first syllable. Neutral: *sa'pa to be black, *sapsa'pa;-()pu'za to be dry, (-)puspu'za Active: *Ojo'pa to snore, -*opoa-pat to butcher, *p'a'lptata;.(.)psi'ca to jump, (-)psi'psica 09 Compare patq' to brace, to hold in place by pushing. 49 kazq' (neutral) to be hurt by striking. '0 Ah4kq'k'uwa be is handling him with perfect ease, ridiculously easily (in a wrestling match or the ltke). 81 Remains neutral with instrumental ka. 1622360-41-4 38 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATPIONAL (-)ha,'ska reduplicates like other cvcv verbs: (-)hq'slcaska although neutral has the accent on the first syllable. A number of reduplicated neutral verbs are used as active verbs without taking instrumental particles. In these the neutral forms have the accent on the second syllable, the active forms on the first syllable. Most of them are used as independent verbs for the third person only. Examples are: ho pho' pa to be good-looking, ho' phopa to pose, to consciously try to appear at one's best, ho' phopya-adv. used with first and second persons;-b.leb.le' cahq to be shattered to pieces, scattered about; bMe'b.leca to shake the body, as a horse after rolling or dog after swimming;-snisni'mz to be in a collapsed state, to be flat, as a tire; sni'snis (adv.) gradually collapsing (as air goes out);-Ani~ni'ta to be in a faded, wilted condition, mni'Ani~ 'a'yapi they are getting faded;-bMeb~e'za to be in a sane state of mind, bMe'b.leze Ani to be crazily or frantically active (i. e., the not being in a sane state of mind affects himn);-huhu'4ahq to be in the condition of being crushed or battered up, hu'huh hjg.la' to sound forth (thunder), as if banging things up;-hapha'pa to be in a condition that produces a rustling sound, ha' phap hig.la' to suddenly give out a rustling sound;-m.num.nu'Oahq to be in a condition that produces it crackling sound, m.nu' m.nuh hjg.la' such a sound coming forth;-pispi'za possessing the ability to whistle or squeal (a prairiedog), pi'spiza he makes that kind of noise;-ptuptu'za to be in the posture of sticking out the lower back of the body, ptu'ptusya ma'ni he walks sticking it out in the back, ptu'ptus mawa'ni (I walk in such) position;-k'ok'o'ka to possess the quality of producing sound on wood, Ikto'k'ok hjg.la' to give out such a sound suddenly;-Ik'ak'a'lca to have the quality of rattling, as heavy metal, dishes, etc., k'a'k'ak hjg.la' to give out the sound suddenly;psi psi' cala to have the quality of jumping (= grasshopper), psi' psica he jumnps;-bubu' to be in a solid state, bu'bu hjg.la' to suddenly sound as though a solid mass were banged on;-kAcilcic' to be crooked, kAcl'kAcL he nervously wriggles the whole body about (as an awkward boy or girl);/imuhmu' to have a humming sound, hmu'hmu hjg.la' giving off that sound (as in cutting the air with a ball; the whizzing sound);-AloAlo'la to be miry; to have a sound as stepping into mire, Alo'Alola the name of a ground bird that whistles like that;-snasna' to possess a metallic tinkling quality, sna'8na it gives off that sound;-s8nisni'J cold things, to be cold to touch, sni'sni iya'ya he turns cold, as when scared Some verbs appear only in reduplicated form: Yoa'a to be mouldy;-kata't~a, nata'ta to shake off by striking, with foot; *so'so to cut into thin strips (as skin for thongs);- -sloslo' to be soft and slimy;-(-) AtaAta' to be soaked and slimy (like chamois);(-) coco' to be sticky, like gumbo mud;-'ocq'cq to be full of mucus (as nose in a cold) to feel thick in (the head);*yaya'la to be yielding like jelly, a springy layer of twigs;- -h'tjhigza to rock, shake, tremnble;-' oh'lita, 'olu'luta5' to be warm (temnperature);-'ima'0a~a53 to be amused by;-tikti'ca"' to be viscous;- t'ot'o'pa to be soaked and slimy11 (like wet chamois skin 14);~ ~ tsfpts'pa viscous and slimy;-kat'at'tapa '5 (neutral verb) to be partially dried out Reduplication of nouns Very few true nouns can be reduplicated and then they are used mainly, perhaps only, in set phrases. In many cases it is doubtful whether the reduplicated part is really a noun. A74'kAsjika-waa'yuta to look abjectly (like a dog) for a favor;-wasi'kp'ekp'eka he is tricky (8jkp'e' muskrat);-wawi'kc'qhk'q~ika he is over-enthusiastic (1k'qoi' crow);-wai'ktomimika he is an insincere, plausible talker (ikto'mi the mythological trickster), oh'q'-'ikto'mimika he acts like the trickster;wawi'caMAaaka a woman who runs after mnen;-wawj'yqyqka a man who runs after womnen;k'et'a'oiedeka a rowdy (k'e turtle, t'aoe' saliva; this probably refers to the supposed qualities of the turtle. The turtle's heart eaten in small bits makes a child hardy);-wai't'qc'qc'qka one who is domineering (it'q'c'q chief, leader; t'qc'q' body);-walo'teteka a gourmand, fond of eating (lote' throat);sjkce'kcela cactus (sqkce' mnanure);-tjtj'ijtka wild rose fruits (lqzj'tka musk bag, from stze'-itka anus, egglike thing; with change from z to t; probably bunches of tqzj'tka);-wa(ma')lak'olk'otaka (I) indline toward Dakota ways;-wawa' maiik~icuka-toward White ways;-talku'ya he has kin, ta'lkuya he makes some use of-wata'kukuka he cares much about kinship;-wawa'niheyaya~ri you are aggressive; -wawo'kip'ap'akaa co-operative person 55a ('okip'a to join one's own);-c'asmu'smu sands;-tVate'teka a nickname (tate' wind);-pato'tola a place with many conical hills (pato'ya a rounded, tapering proAs Contracts. Bs Does not contract. 64 For other materials Atahta'. AS Does not contract. Isa Used generally contemptuously for a person who loins impulsively in whatever is suggested. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 39 tuberance);-paha'hayela in great piles, amounts (paha' hill, paha'yela in a fairly large amount);nac'j'AkaAkaya (adv.) hollowed and curved at edges (nac''Aska) is derived from the noun c'jAka' (k'iAka' Yankton);-wama'za ska'skaka one greedy for money. Here the verb ska white is duplicated;-similar in form is uwi''oA'oka to be over-enthusiastic over new things ~~ 39-70. STRUCTURE OF THE THEME The stem may be expanded by two types of prefixes, locatives and instrumentals. The general principle is that the first prefix modifies the whole content of the following complex. In the same way an enclitic or suffix holds together the whole preceding complex. (See pp. 52, 153.) The usual order is locative prefix or prefixes, instrumental prefix, stem. Compounding plays an important role and certain compounds are combined into firm units, into words that have a single accent. ~~ 39-44. LOCATIVE PREFIXES ~ 89. INTRODUCTORY There are three locative prefixes, 'a, 'o and 'i. The most general meaning of 'a is "on"; of 'o "in." That of 'i is more difficult to define. It is used to express the local relation "against, in contact with," and derived from this "by means of" and "in relation to." There is furthermore a prefix kti, meaning apart and together. It will be discussed later (pp. 79 et seq.). While according to Riggs' Santee data the use of the locatives seems to be quite free, the Teton evidence shows that many of them are idiomatically restricted in usage. In fact the feeling for their original meaning and for the compound character of the verbal stem to which they are attached has often so completely disappeared that the compounds are treated like verbal stems. ~ 40. 'a ON, ADDED, MORE When followed by certain stems or by the instrumentals wo, pa, pu, na and sometimes by ka this meaning stands out clearly. 'ali' to step on;-'ahq' to land on;-'awo'wega he broke it by shooting (and it fell) on something; —'aq' to put wood on fire;-'ag.le' set up on (adv.);-'aksu' to pile on;-makta' 'ama'ni to walk on ground (i. e., to walk on foot);-'apa'hpa he pushes it over on something;-'apu'ttaka he presses the hands on it;-'ana't'a he piled it (dust) on him with the feet;-'aka'wega to break on something With verbs expressing removal of parts, or separation and with the prefixes yu-, ya, wa- and sometimes pa- and ka- the prefix a rather expresses the idea of "off," or "more and more taken off," perhaps from the viewpoint that by removing the removed parts are added on to others removed. The forms give the idea that more and more is removed from a whole. The same forms with pa- and ka- may express that the action is done on something. The forms yu-, ya-, wa-, almost always express removal. 'aka'bipa to shave off; to shave something on something else;-'apa'ksa to break off by pushing piece by piece; to break something on something;-'aya'ksa to bite off more and more66;-'ayu'wega to break off more and more;-'ayu'ksa to cut off with shears piece by piece;-'awa'k'oga to scrape off more and more In some cases 'a before verbs with ya- and yu- means "on." 'ayu'g.na to pull off (berries, peas, etc.) (so as to fall) on;-'ayu'kiiza to clamp on 66 See also p. 40. 40 ~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MIEMOIRs NATINAL In many cases the use of 'a is purely idiomatic and it is not always certain whether it is the locative prefix or part of the stem. 'ai'ca~a to grow up on a certain diet ('ic'a~a to grow up);-'aya'ta to predict, foredoom by speaking;J'ayu'ha to keep for future use (as fine moccasins kept by women for burial), also 'ai'g.luha to keep for oneself;-'ayuta to look at;-'ayu'itq to desist (yuitq' to finish);-'awa'htani to sin against a precept;-'ab.le'za to notice;-'ap'e' to wait;-'ap'iya to mend (pti good; ya to cause);-'attf'wcl to look for something (ttjtvq' to look);-'ana'hma to keep secret, not to speak about a secret;'aslo'hci to crawl towards a goal;-'aka'hpa to cover;-'akta'Ani to reject;-'ak~i'2a to refuse to surrender something;-' ak'i'p'a to meet;-'ak'ita to search for, to scan about In a number of verbs the prefix 'a- is inseparable or, if the stem exists alone, it has with 'a a very specific meaning. Examples are: Va'laya bare over the surface; stem ~la bare; it occurs without 'a with one instrumental pa~la'ya to hull by cooking in ashes; there are also ya~ila' to graze, y u~la' to make bare by pulling;-'ab.la'ya to be level on the surface; stem bl1a; without 'a, pab.la'ya to flatten by pushing; kab~la' to jerk meat;Iat'q'j to show itself, become plain; stem t'qj' to be perceptible to the eye or ear; also yattq'i to mention, yut'q'j to show;-'aA'aka to adhere to in layers (like crusts of soot); stem P'a'ka strong;'at a' kuni~ri to vanish into thin air, to become nothing (ta'kuni nothing, Ani not);-'alo'sloza to have a sensation of hot flushes (lo' za)' Riggs gives the prefix 'a (in Santee) for "on" in verbs with yu, ya, wa. In Teton separate words must be used. le'l 'akq'l yukga' yo' cut it out on this (male speaking);-wa'g.nawotapi ki 'akq'l waksa' yo' cut it on the table For some verbs for which Riggs gives the prefix 'a, Teton does not use it. Instead of 'ag.lo'nica to hold on to one's own, g.lo'nica Instead of 'aMi'ca to become bad on, or for, `i~ica to become bad for, ('aii'ca means, it [meat, etc.] becomes spoiled being kept too long "on one's hands") Instead of 'asli'pa to lick on, sli'pa Instead of 'ac'u'wita to be cold on, le' 'it' c'uwi'ta on account of this he is cold Instead of 'ac'e'pa to grow fat for a purpose, le' 'zq' c'e'pa With adverbs a has a comparative, meaning "more." 'awa'k'qyq in a more holy manner 57;-'ahe'celya a little more in that manner;-'apa'haya a little more hill1-like, slightly hill-like;-'at'e'hqtulca rather farther;-'ak'i'yelaka rather nearer In a few cases 'a forms verbs from nouns. 'am-ni'm.ni to sprinkle (water on);-'ac'u' to be covered with dew (dew on);-'ac'a'#a to form ice on ~ 41. '0- WITHIN A RESTRICTED AREA, IN Examples: 'loa'a it is mouldy (in its container);-'om-na to smell into (active); 'om~na' it smells in a place;-' oi'le, to burn inside of something;-'ona'p'a to flee into;-'owo'Ta by blowing (wind) it packs it into;'ohq' it stands in, to cook by boiling (= to stand in kettle);-'oh'a' it is mottled in something;'oct sciyela it is small in extent, also adverb;-' ot'q' kaya it is extensive, also adverb;-' ot'e' hqyq it is far between two points (t'e'hciyq it is far), also adverb;-'ok'q' there is room;-'oc'a' At'tqka to be famous (c'aAtttq/ to name) It is also used with adverbs. 'ok'i'yela near in a given area, between two points;-'ohq'skeya lengthwise, in length In many cases the locative meaning of o is not obvious. W'o#s~a to waken from sleep (#q'oa with eyes half closed, adverb; i~ta'oijoja to be blind);-'olo'ta to borrow;'-' oc'j' to beg for a small gift (c'j to want);~-'oki'ni to acquire as a small gift (not an exchange) -'owq'~iTla quiet, yielding ('owqiila behaving as a unit, to be unanimous);-'owa'Ute it is good for (a sickness, as a remedy);-'oi'ca it is bad for (health);-'ot'e'hika it is a difficult situation, expensive (t'ehi'ka hard, difficult, generally adjective);-'ole' to hunt;-'oh'q' to act ~'See also p. 6. ACADEIMY OF SCIFINCIDS] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 4 No. 2] 4 The locative 'o is used in the formation of nouns. Verbs ending in variable a change it in nominal form to e. (See p. 33.) 'orna'p 'e place to hide;-'oc'a'p'e stabbing place;-..'owadptate slaughtering place;-'op'i'ye container;'og.na'ke holder;-'olca'Icse a cut;-'ope'he folded material Exceptions: 'ohlo'ka hole;-'owj'2a bedding;-'olk'oza a smooth, open spot of ground;-'o'kpaza darkness;-'osmaka ravine 1.Place of an action. 'otTi dwelling (ti to dwell);-'owe't'i camping place (<'o-e'ti);-'oka'te playground (4ka'ta to play); 'ona'2j shelter (standing place na'2i to stand);-'oe'c't~a gambling place ('ec'tq' to do);-'owa~cti dancing place(wac'i' to dance);-pte-'o'nase a buffalo surround(nasa' [to go on] a communal hunt);-?oye' way, track (ya to go);-'ohe' proper place for a person (hq to stand);-'ona'p'e refuge (napa'd to flee);-'oyzq'ke bed (yaqka' to lie);-'olc'q' space;-wase'-' oyu'ze place for getting red paint, (yuze' to dip out of water, mud);-'ok'j'yqke or ok'ijycike race track (k'ij'yqka to race, run against each other);-'opu'la a fragment, picce (-4pu to be chipped off);-'ohci' the loose end of a piece cut out of an edge, fringe 2. Result of an action. 'ohe'ysi bundle for travel;-'op'a' hte a skein, bundle of threads, bundle;-'okca'de the make, style of a manufactured thing;-'owa'slece a slice (wa- by cutting) 3. In a few cases 'o is prefixed to nouns. 9oc 'a'e character, species of natural objects (from c'a~e' name; compare 'oka'#e character, style of manufactured objects); zitka'la 'octa'2e 'iyu'ha all kinds of birds;-'oc'q'ku or c'qku' road; he'l 'og.na' c'qlku' or he'l 'oc'q'ku the road passes through there;-'oblo' corner (meeting of two planes) (b.lo' protuberance);-Wo'kpa head of stream ('j'kpa tip);-'oi'hqke end, conclusion (hqke' part, ihq'ke end);-.'o' huta bank of river, shore (hu'te base);-'omak'a season (mak'a' ground);-'owe'tu in the springtime, we'tu spring;-'oblo'ketu in the summer, bUoke'tu summer;-'optq'yetu in the autumn, ptqye'tu autumn;-'owa'niyetu in the winter time, wani'yetu winter;-'oq' petu in the daytime, 'qpe'tu day; 'ohq'hepi, ohq'yetu, in the night time, hcqhe'pi, haye'tu night;-'ohta' yetu in the evening, Iitaye'tu evening. In the last six terms the 'o- expresses extent of time as shown in the following examples: htaye'tu kj le' 'ab.ladkela this is a calm evening;-to'hsqwel-'ohta'yetuka wq-once during an evening;he'-'ohta'yetu kj wai" I went there during that evening A number of ver-bs form compounds in which the first. verb is transformed into a noun by the prefix 'o-. o0e'`c '-wa~ie' it is easy to do (the doing is good);-'oi'.itime-wa~te' it is easy to go to sleep (p. e., when all is quiet) (the sleeping is good);-'oz'hqb.le-~i'ca it is hard to dream, it is a bad dream;-' oe'yesi ca it is difficult to say it (the saying is bad);-'ok'q'fni c'qke' 'owa' c'i-Ai' ca there is no room, and so the dancing is bad;-'oa' ye-t'ehi'ka it is hard to take it there;-'oc 'e' ye-wqk'a'la he cries easily (the crying is weak);-'oi'cu-wcaia'kala it is simple to take it, accessible; ---.'oi'cu-'oAki'sikeya 5 it is difficult, complicated to take it;-'oe'c'tq-tte'hq it takes long to do it;-'oi'ha-8uta' to laughing he is hard (he controls desire to laugh) For words with accented 'o see page 44. ~42. '% AGAINST, IN REFERENCE TO, BY MEANS OF 1. Locative: agaiinst an object. 'ipo' 6q to blow against, po'ojq to blow;-'ipsi'ca to jump to a place, psi'ca to jump;-'ic~'dpta to wade across, c op a to wade;-'iytq'ka to go to bed, yqkla' to lie;-'ica'k'oka to clang by beating against, kakto'ka to clang by beating;-'ipa' we~a to break by pushing against something, pawe'dia to break by pushing;-'iko'yaka to be fastened to, k'oya'ka to wear as ornaments attached to dress;'ina'p'a to hide behind, to guard, napa'd to hide; ---'ig.le'g.le~a to be striped against (a background), g.leg.le'oa to be striped;-Sic'a/p'a to stab by chance against, ctap'a' to stab;-'iaq' to apply (to use against); 'i to use;-'ica' sapa to be blackened by striking against, kasadpa to blacken by striking;'ipa'tq yu' za he holds it braced against;-'iyu'ta to eat as a side dish with something else, as a _________flavoring, yu'a he eats it 18 ikihka' twisted in many ways, Akiki'ta corrugated. _DA__K0TA GRAMMAR ~~~~[Mzmoxus NATINAL 42 DA OAGA M R[Vol,. XXIII, Often 'i indicates that an action is done indirectly by an object serving as instrument. 'ipa'slohq he pushes by means of an instrument against it and pushes it along;-'iyu'1q to bring something in touch with something else with the hand;-t'ahj'Aipa wq 'ic'a'p'e' he was stuck by an awl (t'a-hu-i~pa deer elbow bone, t'ahj'Apa wq c'ap'e" would mean "the awl actively stuck him") 2. In reference to. 'lltwq'yaka to consider, to see one thing in reference to another;-'ilo'wq to sing about (love song about a woman) 3. On account of. 'ic'q'ze to be angry on account of, c'cize' to be angry;-'ic'e'pa to be fat on account of, c'e'pa to be fat;'i~ica to suffer bad effects from, Aica bad;-'ig.1e' pa to vomit on account of, g.le'pa to vomit;lic'e'8li to defecate on account of, c'edli' to def ecate;-'iwa' Ate to benefit by (be good on account of), wa~te' to be good;-'iAi'ca to be harmed by (be bad on account of), Wica to be bad 4. Expressing a condition resulting from an action or condition. 'islo'Iya to know by means of;-'iwi'tkotkoka to be made foolish by something;-'isq'Aika 59 to be made poor by something, to be poor on account of;-'iwa'tuk'a to be made tired by, to be tired on account of;-'itok'a~ni he is not affected by it In Teton the prefix 'i is used almost exclusively with the meaning on account of; by means of, only when an abstract idea is involved. In other cases "z* to use, expresses instrumentality. ta'kehe c'tA he' li'la ''ratq what you said (past) that on account of I am proud; wo'yuha 'ota 'ti' wi'tqpi property much using, they are proud of something yahi' ki 'iyu'Akj your coming on account of he is made happy; taku'ku q'( wi'yuAkjyqpi things using they make him happy 'o'mayakiyjkta 'c 'e' c'iciya that you will aid me I pray of you; le' 't( c'e' c'iciya with this (offering) I pray to you wana' ta'ku t'ehi'ka 'ota 'awa'k'ip'a ki 'ic'f'temat'ize' now things hard many I met, they harden my heart (I am now hardened by many hardships); le' 'ti' c'qte' mat'jze' with that (a gun, etc.) my heart is brave ce qP Va yuia' pi 'it'i'yole-wahi" choke-cherry porridge for seeking a house (visiting) I come; Atq'kak~'q' ki le' 'se tiyo'le 'oma'wani the horse, this with seeking a home (visiting) I travel about Riggs gives for Santee a. somewhat wider use for 'i, p. e. 'ipa'scq he whitens it with 'it. Teton would say le' 'v'pasq'. 5. With adverbs: 'ito'lkap, 'it'okap in front of it;-'ihu'k'uya below it;-'ik'iyela near it;-'iwq'kap, i'wqkap above it;'it'e'hqyq, i't'ehqyq far from it;-'ilehqyq this far from it;-'iyo'hlat'e, i'yolilat'e underneath it;'iya'lcql, i'yakql on top of it;-'iwq'kal above it 6. In a number of verbs 'i is inseparable and its meaning is obscure. 'ic'a'oa to grow;-'it'aq'p'a to beware of (active);-'ile' it burns;-'izi'ta smoke rises;-'ica'htaka to touch;-'itq to be proud of;-'imanini hiya'ya he goes by, sometimes walking sometimes running;-'i'wac 'ic 'i na' A he stands dancing from time to time 7. Many adverbs and a few verbs appear with accent either on the second or on the first syllable. The difference in meaning is that the former follows a preceding noun, while the latter are independent (see 5, above), probably contracted from 'ii. The first 'i may be an old pronominal element 'i which is contained in the independent pronoun 'iye'. In some cases the contracted i seems to have originated from two instrumentals i against, i by means of. It signifies that something is done by means of something against something. "liNka' poor thing;-,'icis he makes himself pitiable, humbles himself. ACADEIMY OFSCIDNCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 4 No. 2] 4 'j' yq wq 'ica'~ui 'ihpe'ya a stone smashed against he left it (he left it smashed against a stone); 'icaguA 'iye'ya he sent it smashing against something mak'a' ki 'ica'htak yuslo'hq 'au' the ground touching dragging it he brought it; 'icahtak ko'8 'iye'ya so that it touched against it swinging he sent it,nahta'ka to kick (touch with foot), 'ina'htaka to kick with an instrument, indirectly, as a horse, with spurs; 'inahtak 'ece'-'ihq' 'u with a kick each time stepping he comes (i. e., accompanying each step forward with a light dancing step backward) italo' kj waif' 'iya'ksaksa yu'ta biting fat with meat he eats it; 'lt'yaksaksa wo'ta biting to pieces he eats gna'ye-k'uwapi 'ima'ksape I become wise by being teased, 'iksa'pa to be wise on account of, by experience; 't'ksapa to take pains (no object) ttipi kci 'iyo'kakjycq mqke' the tipi in sight of I sat; 'iyokakiyq 'yqt'ipi we live in sight of it hjye'te kj 'ica'k'ap 'iya'ya (against) his shoulder flying by having been struck it goes; 'icak'ap 'iye'ya against it by striking flying he sent it watTi kj 'iwa'ziyata to the north of my living; 'iwaziyata to the north of it p'e~u'ta kj 'to'k'aOni the medicine does not affect him; 'itok'airi it does not affect him ttipi ki 'ica'k'ok 'iwo'to against the house with a bang he bumped; 'icak'ok-'iya'ya it went with a hollow clanging sound against it 8. Instrumental nouns are formed with the prefix 'i. Terminal a when changeable, changes to e but does not influence a following changeable k (see pp. 14, 15). 'ica*~ instrument (from ka'oa to make);-'ica'bu drumstick; (from kabu' to make low sound by striking);-'ica'psjte whip (from lkapsj'ta to whip);-'iyu'hijte rope over which skin is pulled to and fro in preparing it (from yuhit'ta to pull skins to soften them);-wahj'tkupa grainer, for working flesh side of skins);-t'ii'yutq guy ropes for steadying tipi in gale;-wahf'pahpe (wa-hf -ipa'hpe) instrument for pushing off hair from skin (from pah pa');-'ipa'Re instrument for squeezing moisture out of wet skin (from aAtata' soaked (skin));-hijka'-'iko'ze6' implement for waving over the hMika' initiate (from ko'.za to wave, 'ako' za to wave over someone) 9. In some cases 'i is prefixed to a noun. 'ihq'ke end (hake' piece);-'ihu'pa handle (hupa' pole, travois pole);-'ik'q' strings for tying, reins (k'q' ligament);-'ip'a' "head" of a ridge (p'a' head);-'it'q'cq leader, chief (t'qctq' body);-'i'hoka Badger Society (hoka' badger) ~ 43. COMBINATIONS OF LOCATIVES Combinations of two or even three locatives are common but the cases are not numerous in which the locative meaning appears clearly. 'ina' ~j to stop, to stand against, 'oi'natj stopping place;-'ok'a'ta to be warm (within a space), 'iyo'k'ata to be warm on account of;-'oki'pti to fit into (kipTi to fit), le' 'iyo'makip'i I am pleased with this (it fits into me on account of it) In the following many examples will be found in which the relation is not clear. i-a, i-o When 'i is followed by 'a or 'o a glide is introduced. 'ag.le' set on (adv.), 'iya'g. le it reaches to, 'iya'mag. le (misfortune) reaches me,' ai' yag. leya reaching on to; 'iya' ii, 'iyaliMl to climb, lit, to step on against;-'iya'nq~a to be gnarled on the surface against a body (n14'oa to be gnarled);-'iya'i4pa to blame, lit, to lay on against;-'iya'pehq to wrap around, lit, to wind on against;-'iya' yuskita to bind on to it;-'iya'hpaya to fall upon, i. e., on against; 'iya'hpeya to throw the tent cover on against the frame;-c 'qntq'pa 'iya'hpeya he offers the pipe ceremonially;-'ite' iyo'sni (wa) kiya (I) cool (my) face by its means ('osni' it is cold, within a space, but generally "it is cold");-c 'uwi' 'iyo'skuye(wa)kiya (I) make (my) body sweet inside by its means, to eat sweets ('isku'yeya he sweetens it with something) 60 But c'icoza I wave to you. (See p. 92.) 01 See above. 44 ~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MsDMORSs NATIONAL 44 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, In most cases it is difficult to determine the fundamental meaning. 'iya'ka~ka to tie a rope to something, to imprison (kaAka to tie fast so as to hold);-'iya'pehq to wrap around;-'iya' yuha to trail after someone (like a young after its mother);-'iyo'wj(wa)ya (I) am willing;-'iyo' (wa) ViAni (I) forbid him;-'iyo'ya to yawn (no 1st and 2d persons);-'iyo' (ma) yaka (I) am disturbed about it;-'iyo'tq superlative, 'iyo'tqla he. puts it in first place, 'iyo'tqwa~ie' best, 'iyo'tq-t'e(wa)hi'la (I) like it best, 'iyo'tjye' (wa)kiya (I) suffer great afflictions (contracted from 'iyo'tq, 'iye'kiya to find one's own extreme; modern form 'iyo'tiye'kiya) Only one case has come to our notice in which there is no glide between 'i and 'o,'iolele 'u he comes seeking it here and there. Gut It would seem that 'a and 'o can precede only forms with 'i that are firm units. Apparently forms that contain locative 'a in 'iya may take a second 'a with the distinctive meaning "on."~ The 'a of 'iya can hardly be explained in any other way than as a locative. 'ica'pa 62 to open mouth, 'ai'capa to open mouth towards someone;-'ik'o'yaka to be attached to the person or dress, 'ai'k'oyaka to be attached in addition to (as an extra horse to a wagon);-'ihci'b.la to dream, 'at' hqb'la to dream about;-hok~i'cekpa 'ai'cam.na twin flower, lit, twins (or child's navel) it snows on;-'ai'cazo 'icu' he bought paying but owing a small amount (kazo' to draw a line, pazo' to show);-'ihpe'ya to throw away, 'ai'hpeya to throw away on, to shift responsibility on someone;'iya'hpeya to throw tent over on to frame, 'ai'yahpeya to infect, give a contagion (sickness, vermin);-'iya'Ika~ka to tie a knot, 'ai'yaka~ka to tie on to something;-'iya'pehuq to wrap around, 'ai'yapehq to wrap around, to splice on something that is wrapped;-'iya'skapa to stick to,6s 'ai'yaskapa to stick on to In all the preceding forms 'i is probably the locative, also in the reflexives beginning with 'ig~la-, 'ig.lu-. (See p. 103.) In other cases 'a is prefixed to stems beginning with i. 'ile' to burn, 'ai'leya to put on the fire;-'i~tt'ma to sleep, 'ai'~ttma to go to sleep on something a,-o The combinations of the two locatives a and o result in contraction. 'o'k'o to adhere to many, small things loosely adhere; 'oha to be besmeared with;-'o'kadia to float with the current (in and on the water);-Vop'eya or 'ao'p'eya including;-'otkapa (mud, etc.) sticks on to (tka'pa mudlike);-'o'skapa to climb a pole (ska'pa plane clings to plane); 'a'skap 'si' to cling to a person (like a child);-'o'wtqca continuous ('o in, on) adverb, kao'wqca it is unanimous (neutral);-'o'wq~ila all together, Aina' kj he' Vowc~ila-igpi they are wearing the blanket jointly, they use the blanket together or by turns;-'o'psipsica to jump about trying to attract attention;o'a' etuya a sheet and what it contains, adverb; cover and contents;-'o'hjni always;-'o'kpe going to meet (a returning hunter or warrior; compare t'ak pa' to go to meet in fight);-'o'ka~ke to be large and rounded at one end ('oka'Ake place to tie);-'o'pta through, across,-~ 'owec'ihq in single file ('oye' track, -'ici- mutually, 'ohq' to stand in);-'o'sota, 'o' kisota they are all gone one after another (-sota to use up);-'onat'aka and 'ao'nat'aka to lock in, are both used In nouns: '1o'zq curtain in tipi, Vo'pe part of a whole In adverbs: '%o'tohqyq 64 for a while, within some time, tohq'yq some length of time; how long? 0-0 In a number of cases there appear two prefixes o, the first being nominal. (See p. 41.) Iowa' to paint, write, 'oo'wa a painting, figure;-'oya'ka to tell, relate, 'oo'yak-Ai'ca it is hard to tell 62 Compare i'kapa to scold, to move the mouth vigorously, from i mouth. 63'ay~a'skapt'4~ to place a patch on; perhaps by analogy with 'iya'skapa to stick to. 64 Compare nouns expressing time (p. 118). No. 2] OPOOYAN YTX4 ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] M RH LG N Y T X4 0-i Locative verbal forms: 'oi'yokpaza it is dark (all around), kpa'za it is dark; 'olcpa'za it is dark in an opening, 'ai'yolcpas-ya he causes it to be dark for him, i. e., he stands in the way of the Iight;-'oi'yolcip'i it is pleasant (time, place) Nouns. 31oi' cazo a mark ('i-kazo' to show by striking);-'oi'yahe a step;-'ot,'yakca~ke a knot;-'oi' yob.lula a calm;-'oi'napte place of coming out o-a Verbs. oa'~'aka it is crusted inside;-'oadye-wa~te it is easy to take there Nouns. oa'g. le fo undation, place to set on ('owadg. le place to set something on, o-wa-a-g.le);-'oa'li step; —'oap' e stroke;-'oadyattq end of a song ~ 44. LOCATIVES TRANSFORMING NEUTRAL INTO ACTIVE VERBS A number of neutral stems when used with locatives assume an active meaning, the locative expressing reference to an object. The locatives 'a, less frequently '0, are used in this manner. With 'a. (ma) b. le'za (I am) clear minded, 'a (wa')b. leza (I) notice, observe;- (ma) 8cu' (I behave) self-conscious in regard to sex,*'a (wa') scu (I am) in love with someone;- (-) s'j (neck) is craned forward (kas'j' to crane neck, p'a-ka's'j to raise head when lying down, s'j' 8'e as though craning the neck), 'a(wa')8'j (I) covet it (crane my neck for it);-(ma)Ake'hq (I am) nervously active, obstreperous, 'a(wa')Akehq (I) act upon it negligently;-(ma)t'a' (I am) dead; 'a(wa')t'at'a (I) relax so as to fall on someone, like a child wanting to be petted;-c'q (ma') ze or (ma) c'q'ze (I am) angry, 'a (wad)ctqze (I am) angry at him;- (ma) c'a,'c'q (I am) atremble (1kac'q' to sift, all other forms duplicated), a (wad)c'qc'q (I) busy myself with it;-'a(wa')kkrta (I) withhold, by locking up, holding, refuse to surrender something;(ma) hi'cahq (I) trip and fall, 'a(wa')hicahaq (I) trip and fall on something;-(ma)hini'yqyq (I am atremble, 'a (wa')hniyqyq (I am) furious against him;- - (ma) ni'ca (I) lack (German: es fehlt mir), 'a(wad)nica (I) withhold, refuse to give up, 'a(wa')k'inica (I) refuse him possession of it;-wa(ma') tqtqka (I am) particular in regard to food, etc., 'a(wa')tpni (I am)' disrespectful against it;-(ma) tCo' (I am) blue, 'a (wa') kit'o I am tattooed;- -kHj arched, 'ac'ad(wa) k~j (I) step over him; also 'a (wad)m.nim.ni (I) sprinkle on (m.ni water) With 'o: (ma) b.li'heca (I am) industrious, 'o (wad) kib. liheca (I am) energetic in regard to it;- -wf'ia to be flexible 'o(wa')wjta I spread out (matting, etc.);-(ma)m.na' it smells on (me), i. e. (my) body has an odor, 'o'(wa)m.na (I) smell it;-(ma)pe'm.ni (I am) twisted, 'o(wa')pem.ns (I) wrap it up in it;-ki very fine, almost unnoticeable,'o(wa') ~i to suggest secret schemes (wawo'~i s9'a a schemer, one who makes secret arrangements with people to attain his purposes) ~~ 45 —53. INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES ~ 45. LIST OF PREFIXES Dakota has nine instrumental prefixes: ya-with the mouth wa-by a sawing motion, with a knife wo-action from a distance yu-by pulling pa-by pushing along lea-by a sudden impact na-with the foot or leg na-by an inner force Pu- (obsolete, not free) by pressure 46 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIR. XXIII While the meanings of ya-, wa-, na- (with the foot), pu- are clear, the remaining prefixes vary so much in their specific meaning, that the fundamental significance is often obscure. The differences between pa-, ka-, wo-, yu- appear clearly in the following examples: wog.mi'g.ma 'iye'ya he sends it rolling by an indirect impact pahlo'ka to make a hole in a skin with an awl by sustained pressure kahlo'ka-by a sudden punch wohlo'ka-by throwing the awl from a distance kah'ta to sweep away with sudden strokes yuh'ta to rake, i. e., to sweep off by pulling pahj'ta to sweep away as by pushing along a mop wohi'ta to sweep away by blowing Since almost all pulling has to be done by hand, yu- is often best translated "by hand" or even as a general instrumental when no specific manner of action is prominently implied. yuza'za to wash by rubbing, handling;-yuho'm.ni to turn like a screw;-yuc'e'ya to make cry;-yuwa'ste to make good;-yusi'ca to spoil ka- which implies rapidity of action may be translated very often as "by striking," sometimes also as action "by the wind, current or other natural forces." wo- which indicates primarily impact from a distance, refers often to actions done with a point, such as arrow, lance, or also with the end of an implement with a long handle. It also expresses action of the wind or a current of water. wohta'dka to bump against from a distance;-wohpa' to bring down by shooting;-wohj'ta to sweep away by blowing;-wozd'ta to wash by a current of water, by rain The prefix pu- by pressure, corresponds to Ponca pi-. It is not free in Dakota. The following have been found: 'opu'tkq to dip into liquid (see yatkq' to drink);-put'a'ka to press down with hand, t'a'ka to parch (corn, etc.), nat'a'ka to lock, pat'a'ka to stop short;-'apu't'iza to press down on;-puspa' to glue, seal down, kao'spa to make a dent in something;-'ipu'sli to crush against;-pusta'ka to bend down, to sit with head bent down, sta'ka to be listless, kasta'ka to throw out jellylike substances;'ipu'stq to touch fire to something, to force a hot object against something;-puske'pa to strain, filter, yuske'pa to make (liquid) run out entirely, kaske'pa to ladle out entirely;-'i'puskica to push against a wall, etc., by means of an implement, paski'ca to squeeze by pushing; puskz'ca to press together loose material (hay, etc.);-yuski'ca to wring out clothes; puski' s'e as though pressed into a heap, gathered together and pressed together;-'ipu'zita to force upon one (Santee, Riggs);kpukpa' boiled up, mixed;-'opu'za to be infested with vermin, insects;-'opu'gi to stuff soft material into an opening;-'opu'iili to stuff hard material into an opening (as a cork into a bottle); -putq' flattened out, misshapen;-'iptis' i convex side of a curve The feeling for pu as a prefix has disappeared, as illustrated by the Santee form bopu'skica to ram in, literally: by indirect impact by pressure to squeeze. na- by inner force, cannot appear with active subjective pronouns, because the inner force never acts upon one. Its forms are analogous to those of the other instrumentals which appear in certain verbs in forms corresponding to our impersonal verbs. As in this case inner force is implied as subject, so are other general ideas implied as subjects in the forms to be discussed later (pp. 47 et seq.). Example of forms with na- are: nama'hom.ni I turn of my own accord (my inner force turns me); but nawa'hom.ni I turn it with the foot; —'os' nama'g.la my braid becomes unbraided (its inner force unbraids me the braid);naslo'ka to pop off, come off suddenly; -slo'ka something that fits snugly (a ring, shoe, garment is off); 'ista' nama'slokikte s'e le'c'eca as though my eye would come out (as in a severe head ache);-nab.le'b.leca blossoms burst forth all over, suddenly; -b.le'ca to be shattered, broken into particles;-nasle'ca to crack (a plate) with the foot; it breaks, cracks; c'ehu'pa (1) nama'lecj (2) kte (S) s'e (4) maya'zq' (5) the jaw (1) it cracks on me (2) will (3) as though (4) it aches me (5) (it aches me as though my jaw would crack, i. e., a toothache);-nahle'ca to tear with the foot; it tears, mahpi'ya nahlce'cehce' the sky tears veritably (i. e., a cloudburst);-nasli' a rash breaks out; -sli to squeeze out viscous matter;-nap'o'pa to burst with explosive force from within, wana'pfopyapi fireworks, things they cause to explode from within;-'ona'pioa to ferment (to boil inside from within), 'ona'mapioa it ferments in me, i. e., food does not agree with me;-nam.ni'ga to ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 47 shrink, -m.ni~a to be curled up permanently;-nat'i'pa to be or become cramped, hundamat'ipa I have a cramp in my leg;-maAte'naptapta heat waves on the horizon (maAte' hot, sunny weather, -pta to break);-'ona'Aoka to become watertight by being soaked (as a barrel, skiff), Ao'ka thick;-nazi'ca to be stretched, to expand in length, to grow quickly; to stretch of itself, nama'zica I am expanding in length;-naiko'pa to warp, become bent, p'asu' rnama'hkopa my nose has grown hooked ~ 46. IMPERSONAL VERBS WITH INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES Verbs with instrumental prefixes are often used in such a way that an indefinite actor is understood, for instance -swa to be unraveled; lcaswa' to unravel by striking, but also: (long use) made it unravelled, i. e., it is ragged. (-)suta' to be hard; (ma)ka'suta he made (me) hard (callous) by striking, but also: (circumstances) have hardened me. Some of these verbs never appear with active pronouns, for instance -k~eca to be cramped by spasms; (ma)yu'kc~eca (I) am bent by cramps (cramps bend me). The implied subject is always of a most general character and the forms correspond to our impersonal verbs. 1. Forms that never appear in active form (so far as known): )ayu'6j to be drowsy, 'a(ma')yu~j (I) fall asleep for a moment;- -bMu powdery (mak'ad-b~lu dust, lit. powdery ground); 'a(ma')pab.lu (I) belch (cf. pab.lu' to burrow; yub.lu' to plough; wob.lu' wind blows sand or dust; wob.lu'bMu hiyu' smoke, steam blows out in puffs);-pakj' to be inclined forward at an angle, like a person leaning forward, a branch of a tree bending out, (ma) pa'kj (I) stand bent forward;-(-)t'ak'ij' to be lopsided, to lean over on top (adv.), (ma)ka'Tak'ik'j (I) stagger (as I walk);-(-)t'apa half-dry (like mud, jerked beef when gradually getting dry) kat'a'tapa it is somewhat dry;-~q#q' glass; 'otq'tq daylight, transparency, warna katq'tq it is now daybreak;-c'ehu' it is too short (said of a garment), (ma)ka'ctehu (I) have on a too short garment;-kao'm.ni to swirl around a fixed point, to eddy, (ma) ka'om.ni (I) am caught in a whirlwind, in an eddy;-kap'o'tela to be of light weight, (ma) ka' p'otela (I) am of light weight, I am a quick traveler without encumberances;-kalu' za to flow along (a stream), p'a'we (ma) ka'luza (nose blood flows [me] along) (I) have a nosebleed;-katka' to choke on a piece of solid food, (ma) ka'tka (I) choke on it;-kazu'kzuka slimy material hangs down, 'im.niAtq (ma)ka'zukzuka (my) mucus hangs down from mouth;kahwo'ka to be blown away, carried by the wind, (ma) ka'hwoka (I) was blown by the wind; I am fleet footed;- -kHeca to be cramped, yukke'ca, nakkeca, (na)kki'ca 'a(ma')ya (I) get cramped;(- k~ik~a to be limp; kakWi'ka he is fatigued, k~ik~a' 'aya it is getting limp;-wog.li'cu it rebounds, wog-li'cu kj 'ape" a rebound struck him;-(-)#i brown, lote' 'o(mad)ya~i (I) am hoarse, lote' 'oya'#i a (ma') ya I am getting hoarse;- -tti'pa to be contracted, shrunk, (ma) yu'tipa or (ma) yu'Tipt'ipa (I) have cramps;-iyu'Ikpq it is all broken up 2. Most of the verbs that appear both in active and impersonal forms have the prefix ka- which expresses in these cases an indeterminate outer force. (-)'i~tj'ma to be asleep, (ma) ka'i~tf me he puts me to sleep; (I) have fallen asleep;-(-)Iiq it is a sore; (ma)ka'hq (I) have a sore (from working with a tool), 'ima')yuliq (I) have a sore (as from the rubbing of a strap); also (wa) ka'hq (I) cause it to be sore by striking;- -hita to be swept clear, wana' kahj'ta he has now swept it, (the clouds) have been swept away; -(-) hom. ni to turn on an arc, (ma) kd'hom.ni he turned (me) around; (I) have changed;-(-) c'qtet'jza to be stout hearted (ctcite' heart, t'j'za stiff), ctqte' (ma) ka'T'za he makes (me) fearless; (I am) fearless;-(-)t'a to be dead, (ma) ka't'a he killed (me) by striking; (I) was stunned;- -Apu to unfasten, ka~pu' he knocked it loose, it became loose;- (-) c'e'ya to cry. (ma) kd'c'eya he made me cry by striking, I am crying (on account of cold, etc.) Also with ka-: katq'spe 85 to be world-wise (time has taught);-kahtq' to have a gash; —kahtt'htiza to be shaken up, he swings it to and fro;-kab.la'za to be ripped;-'ica'Tq to be in touch;-kat'e'pa to be worn down;-kasu'ta to be hardened;-kaswa' to be ragged at the edge 88; -kaslu'ta (the tongue) lolls;-kasna' (leaves) drop off;-'oma'kasni I feel a cold draft;-kasku'8ku it is peeling off;-kaAa'pa to be dirtied; —'1o'kaiipa to be weighted down;-ka~i'ca it is spoiled;-ka~icahowaya to cry out in distress;-p'a'we kafu'ia his nose bleeds;-kaAle'ca it is split;-'iAtad-kaAlo'ka his eye is out;-'oka'Akq to be forced to move;-Ti-kata'ta the mouth hangs open; Ti lkazad apte" he 68 See also wat&'8pe to be learned; wao'pespe.ini clumsy. Na8wakca', redupl. Bwaka'ka it unravels 48 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [Minmons NATIONAL struck causing the mouth to open;-ptehj' katq' hair falls out;-kace'kceka to stagger;-p'ehf' kala'la hair dangles all over (kala' to spill dry materials);-kaksa' to be cut off;-kak9?i`k~iia to be collapsed, bent in all directions (-Ik~ita to be bent at a joint);-kak'u'k'a to be worn out;-kaoq', to be unkempt;-ka~q' it opens;-kahwa' to be sleepy after a long ride;-kahi'ca to be aroused out of sleep;-kahle'ca to have a cut in the scalp;-kahli' to be mired (-hui to touch slimy material);-kalici' it is torn off wo is used often in resultative forms when moving water is understood as actor: woia'ta to get clean (in a river, by rain);-'iwo'p'qyq (adv.) grass is beaten down by rain, hail ('ikca' p'qyq by wind). In other cases it is rather action from a distance: woi'tom.ni he gets dizzy by being bumped about; (kai'tom.ni he gets dizzy by being turned);-'wo'to to bump oneself; -wohta'ka to be bumped into (ica'htak-p'icaini to be touchy) pa- is used rarely expressing a resultative: pawi'ia to be bent by pushing;-'ipa'sli to be squeezed against by pushing;-pag.lo'ka it is dislocated (a joint) Yu: 'iyu'titq it fits tightly (-titq to exert force on);-yuij'frj to be wrinkled;-yugki' to be wrinkled, gathered in folds;-yug.mu'za to be shrivelled up (skin in old age), active only as adverb;-'iyu'0ipa to be caught in a viselike grip;-yuh's' it is warty, irregularly rough;-yuha'ha to be curly (kaha' 'iya'ya it gets knotted); -c'qte'-kazq' to have heart-burn; yazq' it hurts From these verbs adverbs are formed (see pp. 107, 137 et seq.): kab.la'oie s'e wide and bulging (b.la'0a to be opened out like an umbrella); —'ica'g.la alongside of;kacta'tkatka s'e like left-handed, awkward (c'atka' left-handed);-yup'iya nicely, well, beautifully (pti good);-'ayu'c'oya carefully (c'o core?);-'ayu'g.miyqyqpi s'e neatly, tidily (yug.mt'yqyq he rolls it);-yu~a'0~a s'e tall and clumsy with long limbs, awkward (yu~ja'0a to be large-branched);yuA'j'9'ipi s'e like being tickled, having a wiggling walk, overenthusiastic (yug'j'A'i to tickle);yuhni'yqyqpi s'e atremble, hurriedly (hniyq'yq to tremble);-'iyu' pseya off the trail, off the subject;'ipa' wehi awry (pawe'oja to snap by pushing) Nouns are formed by composition. hoka'6iku fish scales (ho fish, kaiku' to knock off);-t'iyu'ktq dome shaped tipi (ktq to be bent);-~hoyu'h'i tree rings (ho circle, yuh'i warty, rough);-c'qpa'kj stick set in ground obliquely to indicate direction of travel (pakj' to be pushed over forward);-'ipu'Ai'j convex side of a curve (A' convex; kat'i' it is a concave line) ~ 47. ADVERBS WITH INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES There are also a number of adverbs that cannot be associated with verbal stems and which take instrumental prefixes. yut'eYhq to delay (from t'e'hq a long time), pat'e'hqyq 'eg.naka he pushed it putting it far away;yae'cala to make it soon by talking, i. e., to say it will be soon;-yue'c'ala to make it seem recent, i. e., as though it had been recently;-yule'c'ala as though it had been yesterday;-yule'na to make it be right here, yule'na s'e as though it were right here;-pak'q'ye 'iye'ya he pushed it in front of him ~ 48. INSTRUMENTALS WITH VERBS IN tu A number of such forms are derived from locative or temporal verbs in tu, contracted to 1. (See pp. 58, 137.) hulctu/l downward (yu, wo, pa, na, lka) yuhu'k'ul 'icu' he pulls it down; pahu'k'ul 'ihpe'ya he left him after having pushed him down; kahu'k'ulya 'otkca' it hangs downward;-yuhu' kutu' pull it down lower! 1'alkq'l on top, into view (ya, yu, wo, pa, na, lea) paa'kql 'au' he pushes it to the top; yua'kql1'ahz'g.naka he pulled it up and laid it down here, yaa'kql1'icu' he brought it to light by talking; -yua'kqtu, paa'kqtu to pull, push up ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 49 wqka'l in upper regions nawq kal hiyu' it came upward 54.19 ttctka/l outside (ya, Yu, wo, pa, na, lea) pat'q'kal yu'za he held him pushed outdoors; yut'q'kal 'icu' he pulled it out, yat'q'kal 'iye'ya by talking he sent him out mahe'l inside yuma' hel 'icu' he pulls it in malcto'skqcl away from everybody, in the wilds yama' ktoskql 'iye'ya he talks as though an important matter were a mere trifle wosla'l in upright position pawo'slal 'iye'ya he put it upright, raising a standard, etc. 'a'optel less than yaa'optel 'iye'ya he lessens it, minimizes it speaking pae'l 'iye'ya he forced it there (not with demonstrative le, he, lea, tole) pae'ctel 'iye'ya push it the way it ought to be tte/hql, mani'l, Iiewo'8kql are not commonly used with instrumentals 'iye'hql is not used, but yui'yehqyq held at the same length as something else ~ 49. INSTRUMENTALS WITH VERBS IN pta, lea Some adverbs are formed from instrumental prefixes attached to locative verbs in pta (see pp. 58, 143) that do not exist independently. he' ktap back, retarded (yun, wo, pa, na, lea, ya) pahe'ktap yu'za he holds it back pushing; yuhe'ktap 'icu' he jerked it back; kahe'ktapya 'ti' it stays forced back Also compounded "lt'zihekta ("yze' buttocks) backwards, reversed paiq'zihekta 'au'pi they bring it backing it up; kasq'zihektakta g.nj' nq g.lihpa'ya he goes forced back repeatedly and falls (like a wounded warrior); see also he1 ktapatahlh at or from the rear 'ityt'kap face upward (ya, yu, wo, pa, na, lea) ('ite' face, wqka'p upward) %ttz'khap ysqka' he lay face up; 'its( hap 'e'taqwq 'oma'ni he walks looking up; pai'tsqkap 'ihpe'ya he pushed him down so that he lay face up; yusl'tsqkap yu'za he held him face upward; kai'tsqkap g.lihpe'ya he caused him to fall face up ttola'p ahead; etolea/pya 'ece' '1z' or tolea/ptata 'ece' ",q( he is always at the head (ya, yu, wo, pa, ma); the former means manner, the latter place patto'kap 'iye'ya he pushed him ahead; yutto'kap yu'za he held it forward heya'p towards the hills, out of the way 51.12, 179.14; also lieya'ta yuhe' yap 'icu' he removed it; pahe' yap 'iye'ya he pushed it aside; khae' yap 'ihpe'ya he struck it aside ctolea/p inside a bounded area pacto'kap 'iye'ya he pushed it out into the middle 'iha'leap following kai'hakapya 'iya'ya forced into an immediately following position he goes From terminal lea we find any'ktl apart yua'nsqk yu'za he held it parted 60 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 50 ~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, 50. LOCATIVES WITH INSTRUMENTAL, laA number of these adverbs can take only the prefix ka. These are: hu'tawapya towards downstream, southwaxd kahu'tawapkiyake s'e t'iyo'pya he makes the door of the tipi face approximately (ke s'e) South 'iyolctiheya next in order (from 'iyolctihc1 to stand next) kai'yok'iheya forced into second place he'lctakiya towards the rear (see pp. 58; 121, no. 27; 143 he'kitap) kahe'ktakiya g~licu" he turned and came back hepi-'ya uphill, on the road to a place c'qku' kj he'l kahe'piya 'iya'ya the road there goes uphill. Also used as noun (without ka) and as verb: hepi'ya in'a'taya c'q" the hill side is all (covered with) wood 'ai'yolipeya downhill he kaa'iyohpeya ki he'l c'etTi thele the downhill there he built a fire. Also as verb or noun: hqta', he'l lcaa'iyohpeya ye' look out! there is a downhill slope, or he'l 'ai'yolipeya ye' (woman speaking) 'a'beya in various directions (yu- and wo- rarely used) kaa'beya ktig.la'pi they have gone in different directions ~ 51. LOCATIVES WITH VARIED INSTRUMENTALS Others occur with various instrumental prefixes. 'eha'kela last (in space or time) (yu, wo, pa, na) verb and adverb; 'ema'hakela I am the last. With instrumentals always adverbial yue'hakela (ma)yu'za he held (me) in the last position; pae'hakela iye'ya he sent him by pushing into the last position 'olila'tte underneath (ya, YU, wo, pa, na, lka) pao'hlatte 'sye'ya he pushes it underneath; nao'hlatte 'ihpe'ya he left it kicked underneath 'ictiC 'uya in the wrong way, in opposite direction to each other (ya, yu, wo, na, pa, lea) NicTieuya expresses also a mistake in address; mistakenly, opposed to the normal way; '&ic i 'uya 'iye' (wa) ya (I) put it in the wrong end first; yui'c'ic'uya b.lu'za I hold them in opposite directions (this refers to a personal ceremony of a holy man, two firebrands being held with burning ends in opposite directions); yui' c'ic' uya 'iye'ye se'ce' perhaps he put it, held in the wrong position pai' cicawj 'iye'ya he sends it back by pushing it; yui' c'icawj %iwa')cu (I) take it back holding it back from the direction it was going '~ekta'gniycq (lit, not at the [right] place). The same meaning as the preceding pae'ktainiyq 'iye'ya he pushed it into a wrong position likce'yall ordinarily, commonly'('ilkce'kla it is ordinary, of the regular kind; 'ikce'-uwicta'9a Indian) (ya, yu, pa, lea) yui'kceya and yai'kceya are both verbs, to make secular, available for every day use ttahe/rna towards the speaker (Citta/hena this side, nearer than) (yu, wo, pa, na, ka) yut'a'hena 'icu' he pulled it towards himself; patt a' hena hiyu'ya he sent it pushing it this way ktqye' in front (yu, wo, pa, ka) yuktq'ye 's(wa')cu (I) brought it out, forth, forward; paktq'ye htyu'ya he pushed it out 'irni'la silent, speechless 52.8 (ya, yu, wo, pa, na, lea) ('ant'la 'se' he is speechless; also name of a snake that looks like a rattlesnake but makes no noise) yui'nila 'ihpe'ya he left him made quiet, silent; yai'nila 'ilipe'ya (the same, but effected by talking); kai'nila _________'ihpe'ya (the same, effected by striking) P likce'vae means also "unceremoniously, without reference to anything." 'lkce'ya taku'wcaa I am related to him in an ordinary way, i. e., he is one who does not require avoidance; also, he is an affinal relative. AcAD!mmy or SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 5 No. 2] 5 ktinls/k' in two, in two ways; with instrumentals: apart separated (yu, wo, pa, na, ka) pak'i'ntqk'q wic'a'yuza he held them apart;-yuk'intqktq 'stm'c'acupi they took them apart (lctintj'l'q cwi'acupi each of two took one);-kak'intqk'q 'sya'yapi they went each his own way;kak'intqktqyq 'tqk'ij'kte lo' we'll separate (a married couple);-yua'nqk yu'za he holds it apart (like two curtains) 'akto' yonder, behind you paa'k'o 'iye'ya he shoves it away;-yua'kto 'icu' he takes it away tqyq-' well tqyq' 'j'yqka it is running nicely;-yutq'yckel yu'za he holds it rather steadily;-yutq'yqlcel 'oya'ka he tells it rather well 'igina singly yui'Anala 'icu' he took it away by itself, alone Colloquially we find also the adverbial expressions yuli'la s'e with more speed (by some means, very, as though); and yua'taya, lcaa'taya, paa'taya together; p. e., yua'taya yu'za he held it together (a'taya entire). ~ 52. INSTRUMENTALS WITH NOUNS Instrumentals may also be used with nouns with the meaning "to make someone like, to treat like." yuma't'o to make someone like a bear (angry) 276.16 'ig.lu'mat'o (a name) he makes himself like a bear (angry) yuwi'ctaia to make into a man, i. e. to honor a person yuw1i'yq to make into a woman, i. e. to honor a woman; Ve' he' witko'wi-'Itt'he c'tq, todkeeAk'e wie'a'ia wq wati'Aila c'a yu'zj nq yuwi'yake hereabouts that one a foolish woman (harlot) continually was, in some manner a man regarded her compassionately and married her and made something like a woman of her! yuho'kiicala to treat like a baby; 'ehda' 'iya'kiye -s'a nq luho'kiicala ye', wana' he' Vq'kaye Aq', too much you always take his part and you treat him like a baby, although that one is big now kahu'te to cut down to a stump c fuwi'-nac'e'hkiya to buck (as a horse) (c'uwi' body; c'e'4a kettle) body makes itself by inner force a kettle yasu' to judge, decide (8u seed) Teton yac 'o' to judge, decide (c'o kernel) Yankton yuo'ko to pull apart; pao'ko to push apart (oko' space between) Nouns with the prefix ya- with the mouth, express "to call someone so and so," ascribing a certain character to him. yak'o'Akalaka he calls him a youth;-yaun'koikalaka he calls her a Young woman;-yawi'cicala s'%a lahi wana'A cica' o'taye Aq' he is always calling her girl, although now she has many children;yai'te to flatter (ite' face);-kab.lo'.lo (to make ridges by striking) to flog (b.lo prominence) We find also with indefinite pronouns: yuta'kuniini (to make by means of-nothing —not) yata'kuini to belittle by talking (by means of mouth nothing) ~ 53. INSTRUMENTALS WITH LOST MEANING In a number of verbs containing instrumental prefixes the feeling for the meaning of the prefix has so completely disappeared that they are given an additional instrumental prefix. 'ipa'weli, 'ipa'weliya off the straight line, off the subject (with prefixes ya, yu, wo, ka; see we'0a to be snapped off) yui'paweh yu'za he holds it out of the straight course, yai'pawelh 'eya' he says it so as to mislead; woi'pawe/i 'iye'ya he knocked it from a distance out of alignment 'iyu'pseya, 'iyu'psepseya off the straight line, same meaning as the preceding (with prefixes ya, wo, ka; the stem pse does not occur alone) (wa)pa'ptuza (I) bend from the hips forward yupa'ptustukel 'icu' he held him sort of bent forward 52 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MIMOris NAIoONAL ~~~52 ~DAKOTA GRAMMAR T[VOL. XXIII, The instrumental pu by pressure, is no longer recognized as a prefix and verbs containing it take readily other prefixes. kapu'Aki s'e 'ihpe'ya he left him thrown in a heap;-kapu'stak forced into a bent, stooping condition ~ 54. ORDER OF LOCATIVE AND INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES As stated before (p. 39) the first prefix modifies the whole content of the following complex. Therefore locative prefixes may either follow or precede instrumentals. The following examples will illustrate this: naa'b.laya to smooth the top of a pile with the foot; 'ana'b.laya to smooth something with the foot over something else; nao'Iimi to kick something so that it is crooked; 'ona'Iimi to kick something crooked inside a place; ksa to be severed, 'oksa' it is severed inside a whole (p. e., a tooth is out, a roof is caved in). With the instrumental prefix ka by striking, is formed kao'ksa to cause by striking something to be severed inside a hole (p. e., to knock a tooth out, to break in a roof by striking). On the other hand kaksa' means to sever by striking, 'oka'ksa to sever by striking, the action occurring within or into a certain area. pao'g.muza to cause it by pushing to be closed in (p. e., to shut a pliable tent-door), 'opa'g.muza to close by pushing within, or into an area pao'g.migma he pushes it into a rolling state, 'opa'g.migma he pushes it so that it rolls down a given way woa'A'aka to make adhere by shooting, 'awo's'aka to make stick by shooting on kaa't'qi he strikes it into a state of being visible to the eye, or mind, 'aka't'qi (rare, but possible) he makes it visible on top, by striking kao't'iza, he strikes it, making it fit tight in its place, 'oka't'jza he strikes it into a hard, firm thing, in a place, as a room; or into a hole, 'ot''za to fit tight; t'j'za, hard, firm, compact, solid nao'pisyela (adv.) appearing to be wrinkled, as the skirts of a slender woman, that whip about her legs; 'opi'ta it is in a wrinkled state, 'ona'piza by walking, she makes it wrinkled in, or about (herself) naa'takuniAni by kicking, he makes it become annihilated; vanish into nothing, 'ana'takunisni by kicking on, as a rock, he crushes the thing to pieces. yao'g.mi by eating the grass, he (horse) leaves a bare place, 'oya'g.mi all over the place he grazes it bare kao'tqyq (adv.) by striking causing a jarring effect on or in, 'oka'tq to hammer in, as a nail Sometimes the two forms mean quite different things, one figurative. yuo'si to make it get into a knot, by tying carelessly (where a bow was intended), 'oyu'si to have a hidden grudge against someone; to be at enmity with The instrumental must always precede the locative (or nominal) when the verb, finite or subordinate, requires a fixed locative or nominal prefix. Examples are: 'ile' to burn;-(-)'iyo'waza Ito echo;-'ica'pa to open mouth;-'i'coga to gather in folds, to drift to;'ic'icawi, 'ic'i'c'uya in reverse direction (adv.);-'itq'kap (<'ite'-wqkap) face up (adv.);-'ini'la silent (adv.);- -'ize(la) disorderly arranged;- (-)'a'slaya to expose, 'a'slayela plainly (from sla bare);-'i'yaslalya to show up a person (-slata?);-'ata'kunisni to vanish (a-ta'ku-ni-sni to vanish (on nothing-not);-'owo't'qla straight; —'o'po warped ~ 55. INDEFINITE OBJECT waThe prefix wa- designates an indefinite object and is used with transitive verbs, corresponding to the English intransitive forms of verbs that are ordinarily transitive. waka'kpq to pound things fine;-wak'u'te to shoot things;-wap'a'ta to butcher;-waya'wa to read;wacte't'qg.la to doubt;-wac'a'At'q to confer a name on someone When the verb begins with a vowel idiomatic use requires sometimes contracted, sometimes uncontracted forms. Verbs with initial a or i contract only when they have a special meaning. Verbs with initial o behave much more irregularly. The contracted forms are in meaning firmer units than those not contracted. They express a habitual occupation and are for this reason often more specific than the uncontracted forms. This general principle reappears in contractions of the possessive (p. 132) where contracted forms express the more intimate degrees of ACADEMMY OF SCIENCEDS] No. 21 MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 53 possession. Examples for initial a and i have been given before (pp. 6 et seq.). Characteristic forms for verbs with initial o are: wao'c'j to beg for various things, wo'c' to be a beggar wao'kastaka to throw mudlike things into; wo'kastaka he is daubing mud (in building);-(wao'hq to cook things, not idiomatic, but understood), wo'hci to cook The same contraction with the same meaning occurs when wa- stands before the instrumental Yu-. (See P. 9.) wayu'2a~a she is washing things; wo'2a~a she is washing;-wayu'~tq to finish things, wo'~tq to take a final vote (wao'Atq to fit things into, from 'o'~tq to fit in) Examples of uncontracted forms are: wao' to hit things;-wao'hola to be respectful to persons, things (la to consider);-wao'kihi to be able to achieve things;-wao'lciya to help people;-waoiteg.la to call people names (oAte'g.la he considers him odd);-wao'yuspa to catch hold of; k'e-wo'yuspa snapping turtle Others are contracted: wo yaka to recount (oya'ka he tells it);-wo'le to search for things;-wodm.na to smell something;wo'lota to borrow something;-wo'c'j to beg for something With neutral verbs wa- forms nouns: watVo something green (blue), i. e., green leaves, grass;-wasnad pemmican (sna greasy, Assiniboine); warn.ni'yom.ni whirlwind;-waoiu'oeca something scaly, i. e., dandruff;-wapa'm.na something arranged in a clump (pam.na' adv.) a clump of trees, bushes;-wale'6a something transparent, i. e., dried bladder, intestines;-wa~pq'Mni something not cooked, i. e., those entiails that were eaten raw;-waho'hpi something round drooping (ho round enclosure; hpi to droop), a nest;-wag.mtq' something curled, twisted, i e., pumpkin;-wag.me'za corn (gwe'za to have small ridges [?]);-wat'e'ca something new, i. e., food taken home from feast;-walu'ta something scarlet, i. e., a sacrifice of red material; wahpa'ye things lying about, i. e., chattels, household goods There are a few verbal terms of this type: wa~te' good;-wahte'Ani ugly;-wak'q' 68 wonderful, sacred;-wa' hwala to be gentle (hwa to be sleepy); - wao'ta things are plentiful;-wai'ca~a things grow A neutral with indirect object is 'uli'gteca to be bashful, ashanmed of things ('i~te'ca to be ashamed of -). We have found only one active verb without object which forms nouns with wa-: wakj'yq something flying, i. e., thunder; walcj'yela dove. Transitive verbs with wa- forming nouns. Most of these have a passive meaning. wa paha something held aloft, i. e., war standard;-wana'p'i something worn around neck, i. e., necklace;-waya' hota something choked on, i. e., oats (yaho'ta he chokes on it);-wae' ktzj~a f orgotten things, i. e., poor ears of corn not garnered;-wattq' (something touched (?), i. e., bait, -t'q to come in contact with);-wa'nuni things on something out of place, i. e., dark spots on face ('anu'ni to be out of place on something, nu'ni to lose one's way);-wak'j' baggage The indefinite wa- appears also with nouns. wap'a'ha something head skin, i. e., war bonnet;-wac'o'ka something Centre, i. e., opening in the woods;-wahq'pi soup (hqpi' juice);-wahu'nsqpa something two legs, i. e., man with bear spirit;wahu'pa something wings, i. e., supernatural flying being Nouns with initial vowel contract with wa-. (See pp. 6 et seq.) wo'ha cache;-wa'kahpe, sheet covering;-wi'k'q rope;-wa' hpat'qka something lying on, big, i. e., black bird (also called pteya'hpaya falling on buffalo);-wa'hpahota grey buffalo bird A number of these forms are derived from stems not otherwise known. wac'tq'da sweet grass;-wa'c' he a long soft feather standing on head (hq to stand);-wag.le'kA- wild turkey;-wahj' heya mole;-wam.nu'h'a snail shells;-wa~iq' den, lair;-wak~i'ca dish 68 According to Walker the priests of old used the term k'q for the specific sacred. Not known to E. D. 1622360o-41-~5 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~[MEMO0IRS NATIONAL 54 DA OAGA M R[VOL. XXIII, Jn a number of cases the noun requires the ending -lea. With neutral verb it expresses anl object, with active verbs an actor. Examples of neutral verbs are: wa~sku'yeca something sweet, i. e., fruit;-wat'o'keca something different, i. e., a delicacy;-waou'oeca something scaly, i. e., dandruff With active verbs words are formed which are still felt as verbs, but which function very commonly as nouns when followed by the article. wakte'ka one who kills animals easily;-wao'ka a marksman;-wao'kihika one who is efficient;wi'yeyeca one who is good at finding things;-wi'Wte~ececa one who has fits of bashfulness;wawi'haliayeca an amusing person Without -lea we find: waq'c'ala little imitator, i. e., monkey;-wae'pazo the one who points thither, i. e., index finger;waki'ctza the one who decrees his own, a leader Transitive verbs may employ a double wa, one being direct, the other indirect object: waho'kqk'iya he advises him, wawa'hoktqk'iya he advises people about things;-'ig.nu' he mentions it to him; wi' gnu he mentions (unkind) things to him, wawi'g.nu he mentions (unkind) things to people;-'iyu'.~kj 69 he is pleased with it, wi'yu~ik he is pleased with things, i. e., he is happy, wawi'yu~ki he is pleased with things towards people, i. e., he is cordial to people;-'ihq'kya to destroy ('ihq'ke end), wai'hqkya to destroy something, wawi'hqkya to destroy things for people;-'iyo'pteya he scolds him; wawi'yop'eya to scold people;-'iha'ya he makes him laugh, wawi'haya to be entertamning, wawi'Ihahayeca an amusing person;-wawi'Utelya to cause embarrassment (wi'Ateca to be bashful);-wai'c'ahya to cause things to grow, wawi'c'aliya creator It appears from these examples that the double wa is the most generalized term. It is not always possible to trace the exact meaning of the two objects. 'iyu'tq he is tempted by it, wai'yutq he is tempted by something, wawi'yutqyq to cause people to be tempted by things, i. e., to be a temptor;-'ina'wizi he is jealous of it, wai nawizi or wi'nawizi he is jealous of something; wawi'nawiswizika a person of jealous disposition;-yut 'q' he touches it; wayu't'q to touch things, wawa'yut'q one whose work it is to touch things, i. e., an attendant in a ceremony;-wayu'p'ika one who is skilled at something, wawa'yup'ip'ika one who is generally talented;-'iwahitela~ni he dislikes something about him, wawt'wahtela~ni he is disagreeable, he dislikes everything about everybody;-'iyu'ta he tries it; wai'yut'a he tries something, wi' yut'a he uses sign language, he measures, wawi'yut'a to be one who tries to expose people by tricky questions;-'t'kuwa to deal with someone, excite him, wawi'k'uwa he is a schemer who excites people about things;-wawi'nakihnilinika one who is always in a hurry ('ina'hni he is in a hurry);-wawa'p'ilaya to be obliging The prefix wo- contracted from wao- forms nouns, particularly abstract nouns. wo'waAi work (wa~i' to employ);-wo'wa~te goodness;-wo'wiAtece shame;-wo'pteca~ni infinity (ptecela short);-wo'winihq something awe-inspiring ('ini'hq to be in awe of, yuo'nihq to honor, nihq'Ani unawed);-wo'p'ahte a package (wo'p'ahta to tie things in a bundle);-wo'iyoki~ice sorrow ('iyo'kiAica to be unhappy, 'oi'yoki~ica it is a sad occasion, place; to behave unbecomingly, to be improper);-woi'nap'e a defense ('oi'nap'a to take shelter in);-wo'g.naka a container, also, to store things ~ ~ 56-64. SUFFIXES ~ 56. -ca The suffix ca changes preceding changeable a. It is not free but occurs in many verbs. It might be mistaken for -lea rather, but differs from it insofar as its own terminal a does not change. It is probably not derived from lea, although it occurs only after e and i. The suffix -ka may follow all verbs that have the ending ca. -lea itself changes to -ca only after e changed from a, not when it follows verbs ending in e or i, while ca always retains the same form. wq~i', wq~i'ca one; wani'yetu (ma)wq'~i or wani'yetu (ma) wq' ~ica (I am) one year old (wq~i' is also adjective, not wairY ca); t'owq'~ica (the sky) is one blue (cloudless);-8ani' one side, one of a pair, one half; sani'ca it is one-sided; 8ani'ca-kaAla' he wears hair cut on one side; hqp-sa'ni g.nu'ni he lost *0 ib.Wu'ki ist person. ACADESMY OF' SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 55 No. 2] one of his moccasins (sani' is also adjective);- 'ohlo'ojeca it is hollow (tree, tooth); see c'qhilo'dJu pithy weed (<c'q-hlo0-hu; hlo'oa alone is not in use);-hpeca'Ant', hpeca'ka, hipeca'kedni energetic (see hpeca' to be inactive, Santee; hpe-yrq'ka to lie inactive, refers to a dog with pups);-IcicTi with him, it (not with plural), kic'ica they two are partners, as man and wife;-Weca it is blanched (hay, wood) (see Ae'na a Yankton nickname for a certain very blonde half blood);-wahpa'niya to make poor (by desertion, death), wa(ma)hpa'nica (I am) poor;-'ohr'ceca it is bad weather Gii'ca bad);-waki'g.leca to have a feeling of something that is to happen, to presage from one's feelings (see g~la to sense, which is, however invariable), 'oi'ceca-waki'g.leca to sense by bodily feelings the approach of bad weather;-'o(wa) h'q'-Aqkeca to do something irremedial; fatal ('oh'q' to act, Atqkq'yq surprisingly, contrary to what seems probable), 'owe' -kkeca he said something irremedial;-t'o'keca reduplicated t'okt'o'keca different (to'ka alien, enemy);-'j'skokeca reduplicated 'i'skoskokeca of the same size as it;-p'ica' reduplicated p'ilp'ica fairly good (p'iya' to make better, to repair);-wa~eca to be well supplied (with food);-'owa'Nteca it is pleasant (of. waAte'ka rather good); -1 e'ceca, he'ceca, ka'k'eca, to'k'eca it is like this, that, 'oa'hec'eca to moderate, improve; -'rqj'ca reduplicated 'gii'kkjca bobtailed, with short skirt or jacket;-Vr~c'unica to be dumbfounded, unable to act on account of excitement (cf. kic'rq'ni to fail, Santee; probably from 'o-'e't* to do, -ni negative);-yu~tj'ca to underestimate difficulties (cf. ma~tf (cal rabbit); -t'eca' to be lukewarm (t'a dead?);-nawi'cakAeca they were doubled up (in an epidemic) (kWa to be coiled up);-wasku'yeca berries, fruits (s9ku'ya sweet;-wa~a'"ieca lattice work (-#a opened out);-'jzu'za fine grained whetstone; zuze'ca snake;'i~u'#a sandstone, wa~u'oieca porous bone, dandruff; #uoe'ca it is porous, rough grained Evidently there is no feeling for ca as a suffix. This is indicated by the reduplicated forms p'ica' p'ilpti' ca, '-jz'ica 'yi~j'kijca. On the other hand it is not easy to tell whether some of these stems may not be cvc, for instance ge'ca blanched; Ouoe,'ca; while t'eca' is abnormal for cvc verbs, hecause it has the accent on the second syllable. A fairly large nu~mber of nouns end in ca and it is doubtful if they belong here. nac' war chief; —wqye'ca firefly;-t'q~na'yeca or t'o~na'heca gopher (t'q body);-heca' buzzard; ptedio'p'eca hawk;-Ik'uAle'ca kingfisher(?);-ma'yaAle(ca) covote;-p'i~le'ca spleen;-c'eca' leg;Akeca' fisher;-wazi'Aikeca; waiu'k~eca strawberry;-Ic'qk'e'ca large woodpecker;-zica' squirrel;hok~i' (ca) child;-t'r'canica curlew;-'om.ni'ca beans 70; -'uhna'#icala the screech owl (mythical); tVak'q'yeca blackberry;-ptehi'ca calf;-c'ica' child ~ 57. -lea RATHER -ka, somewhat, changes changeable a to e and takes itself after such change the form ea. (See p. 29.) The terminal a of ka is changeable. cv and cvcv verbs, both active and static add -ka to the stem. he' ba'ka he rather blames that one (ba to blame);-'ole'ka he searches for it casually ('ole' to hunt, search);-c'j'keini he is rather disinclined to do it (c'j to want);-wag.la'g.laka he is rather squeamish (g.la to abhor);-'ig.ni'ka he asks for him casually ('ig.ni' to look up something);-'ap'e'ka he rather expects him ('ap'e' to wait);-bubu'ka he is clumsy, heavily built (bu deep sound);-'ob.la'yeka it is quite level (-bUaya level);-dq'ka his hair is rather untidy (dci hair is untidy);-yu~io'ka he is played out (colloquial] -do to have deep scratches);-wakte'kteka to be of the kind that kills, to be a successful hunter (kte to kill);-waki'g.mag.maka he is rather like his forebears (kig~ma' he takes after his forebears);-g.leAlca'ka it is somewhat spotted (g.ledka' spotted);-'ao'Tehqtuka it is rather far ('ao't'ehqtu it is far);-c'a~u'ka a fool (c'aoiu' lungs), and c'a~u'6iuka;-'okpq'ka bits, crumbs;-'o'smaka a depression in the ground (sma dented);-wayu'haka one rather well-to-do Not all active verbs take the ending -ka; it occurs, however, in phrases like the following with all verbs: wo' (wa)heca ke'pj' na (I) call that cooking and (it is done very badly) ('ohq' to cook in a kettle; literally (I) kind of cook I said and);-g.le'ca ke'yj' nq he calls that coming home and (he loiters) (g~la' to return home) cvc verbs, also with instrumentals, with changeable a change terminal vowel to e; others retain a. sa'peca it is blackish (sa'pa black);-Ae'caka it is somewhat blanched (Aeca blanched, as old hay, wood); lacfe'peca it is rather fat (c'e'pa to be fat);-hpeca'keAni he is rather energetic;-'ayu'take~ni he rather ignores him ('ayu'ta to look at);-also 'eye'ca he says in a way ('eya' he says), 'eye' ca yaq'ktq' by the way;-c'e' yeca he cries as it were (cteya to cry) 6"a There are only two words with an a followed by ca. 70Mandan o'minik suggests an older ending ka. 56 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MFIMoIRs NATIONAL When the verb is nominalized by the prefix 'o the Ica is not changed to ca after terminal e. le'l 'ob.la'yeka it is level land here (le'l from letu);-'oa'ake s'e WI it seems to be somewhat mouldy (le'l from le'c'eca) With the suffix la (see P. 57 ) it intensifies: wo'helaka waq( only as a cook I exist;-Aka'telaka wan' only as a player I exist;-wa' p'ilaka an incredibly lucky person, (wa'p'ika a lucky person);-c'cile'laka mayu'hapi they kept me mostly as a fuel gatherer (c'qle' to gather wood for fuel);-yuhlo'kelake that is some hole he makes!-'ohlo'lkalake' that is some hole! (ohloka a noun, does not change terminal a to e)-ye'laka he is really going along (although you think he can not move) ~ 58. -kel SOMEWHAT, RATH ER, SUBORDINATE FORM It seems likely that this is the subordinate form of a verbal suffix -keca which does not change a preceding changeable a. It may be related to the -ca previously discussed. The suffix -kel is attached to active verb stems terminating in a vowel. This includes cv and cvcv stems and those cvc stems that do not lose their terminal a. A few exceptions will be noted. Neutral verbs ending in a vowel are first transformed into subordinate form by the suffix ya. Active cvc verbs including the neutral stems made active by means of instrumental prefixes take the suffix..tukel. It may be that the tu of this form is identical with the tu discussed on page 58. Active verbs with terminal vowel taking the ending -icel: 'ap'e'kel 'it' he stays kind of waiting ('ap'e' to wait);-hjg.niq'ke1 'iye'ya she singed it slovenly, hig.mi~' to singe;-'ig.ni'kel1'ij' he kind of looks for him ('ig~ni' to look up something);-c'j'ktaktakel whining like a fretful child (c''kta to whine);-c'e'kiyakel addressing by kinship term (c'e'kiya to address by kinship term);-nahma'lcel hiding in a way (nahme'ca ke'yj' nq he called it hiding and);-c'op'a'kel hiyu' he crossed half wading, half stepping on stones (c'op'a' to wade);-slohq'kel crawling (slohq'); pehq'kel folding (pehq' to fold);-puspa'kel glueing carelessly (pus pe'ca he glued it some way) Active verbs with causative -ya and lc'iya (See p. 100): sku'yeyakel making it sweet (sku'ya sweet);-sapye k'iyakel kind of causing him to make it black When a neutral cv or cvcv verb is made transitive by means of an instrumental prefix, the suffix -kel is attached to the stem. kab.la'Icel 'iye'ya she jerks the meat slovenly, hurriedly;-kab.lu'kel making it somewhat powdery by striking;-kac'q'ke1 '%ye'ya he hurriedly sifted it (c'ci to be trembling, shaking);-yasu'kel passing judgment hastily (yasu' to judge, determine);-yu.ci'kel 'icu' he opened the door by chance (-Oq to be open);-ka~oo'kel 'iye'ya he just scratched (vaccinated) him; —yug.la'lcel 'icu' by pulling he just unravelled it (gl1a to be unwound, unravelled);-yuwa'cike1 making him dance in a way;-yug.mtf'ke1 twisting somewhat;-yug.lo'kel making it grunt by pulling;-kag.rni'kel clearing off weeds or bushes to some extent;-yub.la'slcakel making it flat (blaska' to be flat and hard) Neutral verbs, cv, cvcv and cvc types, add -ya to the stem: buya'kel lowq' he sings rather deep in the throat (bu it is a deep sound);-bMuya'kelrather powdery (bMu it is powdery);-coco'yakel in a rather muddy state (coco' muddy, consistency of dough); —c'oya'kel quite satisfactorily (colloquial) (c'o satisfactory);-c'oya'kel with a rather splashing sound (c'o it is a splashing sound);-0~qyq'ke1 rather untidy of hair (0q to have untidy hair);-bMaska'yakel fairly flat (bMaska' to be flat);-c'epya'kel 'ts' he is pretty fat (c'e'pa to be fat);-ksapya'kel 'tj' he lives rather wisely (ksa'pa to be wise) but ksa'ptu'kel oh'q' he acts wisely; (ksa'pa is sometimes used as an active verb; always in Yankton and Assiniboine);-k'alya'kel 'ec'e'ca he is a little hot, feverish (k'a'ta to be hot);-sapya'kel rather blackish;-~ilya'kel (followed by neutral verb), ~ica'yakel (followed by active verb) badly (~i'ca bad);-t'elya'kel rather new (t'e'ca new);-bMihe'lyakel rather energetic (b.lihe'ca industrious, energetic);-'ot'q'kayakel in a fairly large area Active cvc verbs, active verbs in p'a losing their terminal vowel, and neutral cvc verbs losing terminal vowel, when made active by instrumental prefixes take the ending -tukel. A4a'ltukel playing in a way;-'ic 'a' ptukel stabbing in a way;-c'qya'ktuke1 hpa'yahq he is lying there groaning somewhat;-yuhlo'ktukel 'iye'ya hurriedly he made a hole in it (hlo'ka to have a hole, to be open through);-kaha'ptukel 'iye'wic'aya he tried to drive them (wic'a) away without carrying through his attempt ((-)hapa to have a rustling sound);-kaz~t'ltuke1 'e'g.nakapi they laid (the logs) in a kind of parallel arrangement (zs4'ta straight, parallel, upright in behavior, balanced);papu'stukel being made dry by pushing to and fro (rubbing) ACA DFMY OF SCIEDNCDS] M RH LG N Y TX5 No. 2] O P OO YAN Y T X5 A number of verbs, active in form, are conceived as neutral and take accordingly the neutral form. The finite verb combined with it expresses a permanent state. (wa) pa' ptuza (I) bend over the trunk sharply forward; paptu'syakel 'ti' s'a he always is in a somewhat bent over posture; with a second instrumental yupa'ptustukel 'icu' he took him in a somewhat bent posture cto(wa/) p'a (I) wade; m.nicto'ptukel 'iya'ya some way wading in the water he went; c'opta'kel hiyu' he crossed wading now and then (action); c'opta'yakel t'a Iipa'ya like wading (condition) (i. e., feet in water) dead he lay -ce'ka to be staggering (active with instrumentals except ka); yuce'kcektukel 'e'yaya in a way he pulled him staggering along; kace'kcekyakel 'ti' he is in a staggering condition (wa)g.la' (I) abhor; g.laya'kel squeamishly (correct in form, but not idiomatic) yuttq'kayakel made into a larger size yuo'cik'ayalcel made in a way a small space -b. la'za to tear open; yub. la'stukel 'iye'ya he tore it open hastily; 'iyub. lasyakel 'ij( he wore it spread open 9~et'ij'g.la to doubt the truth of; c'et'?j'g.lakel 'ayu'pta doubting him he replied; c'et'tq'g.layakel 'ece' 'i he is a skeptic, he always doubts it, him Conversely some verbs that are in form neutral are conceived as active and take the form in Icel if ending in a vowel, tu/eel when ending in a consonant. 'a(ma')yuo-i (I) take a snooze, contracted Voi'iP half asleep; 'oifkel mqka' I am sitting half asleep (m)i~tj'ma 71 (I) am asleep; 'i~si~'makel mijka' I lie somewhat asleep 'iyiq'ka to go to bed, 'imtj'ka I go to bed; 'iytq'ktukel oma'ni he goes about lounging anywhere 'ab~le' za; 'ab~le' stukel mqka' I sat observing casually t'ezi' 'oka'coc'oyakel '?jku'p'i we come, the belly making a splashing noise (referring to the horses) ica is here neutral (see p. 47) waka'6ii I am res~trained by a taboo or shyness; wo'ka~jiyakel 'ece'-'tq he always lives in a condition of causing restraint (-ya to cause) ~ 59. -la DIMINUTIVE Changes changeable a to e; itself not changeable. ktoka'la a youth;-kta'zela shallow (la fixed);-ci'k'ala it is small ci'scila (la separable);-pte'cela short (la fixed);-oci'k'ayela it is a small place (fixed);-oci'k'ayelaka it is a rather small place;-c'e'yela 8'9a the little one, or remarkable one, always cries; wa(ma')tuk'ala (I) the poor, little one (am) tired With the plural of demonstratives la means "only," hena/la only those, to'nala only some. With Jici and la (see P. 56) emphatic: he'tulahcj wat'i" just theie I live iye'hqtulahcj g.li" exactly at that time he arrived coming back ~ 60. -hca PREDICATIVE, hLCi SUBORDINATE With indefinite pronouns it appears in adverbial form, both change preceding changeable a to e, hea itself changes to e. ~u-wac'cjhca he wanted very much to come;-'iyu'Aikjhca g.li' he was delighted with it when he came back;-iyu'~kjyehcj g.li" he returned, the return being delightful for him; -'o'p'akta c'j'hca to join (future) he really wanted; p'o'pahcjkta cf'j really to join he wanted;-t'i' ehqhca ytq'k'ci' ley e" it was a long while, then he said this; tte'h~qhcj hi'kni for a long while he did not come;-loc' j'hca wqya'k na'ij he was very hungry he stood watching (here c'a it being so, referring to the subject, is omitted after loc' jhca);-mi ye' hca (c'a) wqb.la'ke I (and no other) (it being so) saw him;-le' e'hca c'a it is this very one, being that one 'ow't'lah~ ''spapi very straightly they laid it down;-tuwe' hcj 'omakiya 'oki'hi huwo' anyone being helping me is able to? (can anyone help me?);-tuwe'nihcj 'sq'~i(ma)laAni nobody pities (me);tuwe'nihcj bUuha'Mni I have no one at all;-ta' kunihcj bUuha'Ani I have not anything at all;-ta'kuke c' eyaAi 'oya's'jhcij bUuha' indeed I have everything 71 liftj'ma does not take ya in subordinate form. 58 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, With the future -kteleij, licj is predicative and signifies "to want badly, to be strongly inclined to." The terminal j does not change; c'e'yjkte1icj he is always inclined to cry. ~ 6 1. -tU Verbs or nouns expressing spatial and temporal concepts in -TU A number of verbs expressing spatial and temporal concepts are used both as verbs and nouns and it is not certain which is the primary concept. A very few others have the same form. In adverbial forms the terminal u drops off and t changes according to the general rule to j*72 Spatial concepts. 'a/cq'tu it is on top, the place on top wq/ca'tu the upper regions, heaven 'i'hu/c'utu the place region below t'qka'tu the place out doors mahe'tu the place inside mani'tu, the uninhabited regions ma/c'o's/cqtu the wild regions liewo'skqtu the wild mountains t'e'hqtu the region far away ('i)/c'qye'tu the place in front 'owo'slatu the upright position 'a'optetu what is less than it 'a/cq'l wq/ca'l huk'u'l, /cul t'qkca'l mahe'l mani'l makc'o's/cql hewo's/cql t'e'hql kc'qye'l '$owo'81sla 'aoptel (stem ptec-) ttape'tu and tVape' the shoulder region (noun) does not seem to belong to this series A number of locative terms derived from verbs in -pta, many of which are not in use in finite form, have their subordinate forms in p. (See p. 143, no. 8.) 'ice' yaptu place at a distance from it 'ihce' yap'aya ('i)sa'/c'iptu the place beside (it) c'to/a'ptu, 'ic'okaptu the middle 'iha'kaptu the position following another one ('o'ha/captu the time later) 'i/ce'k/taptu the position behind 'ihutaptu the region to the south, downstream ho'c'o/captu the middle of the camp circle 'i/co'kaptu and i'To/captu place in front of it From verbs in kVa we have: '9antf'/ctu place on either side to'k'a, to'/ctu it is in some kind of condition 'ice' yap sa/c'i'p c'okca'p 'iha'/cap, 'o' ha/cap 'ihe'ktap 'ihutap ho'c'o/cap 'ikc'o'kap, 'it'o'kap.'anti'k to/c From finite verbs we have: howo'/cawjihtu the track around the camp circle (< ho 'okca'wjoa to go around the camp circle) Temporal terms: 'qpe'tu daytime hqye'tu night time (modern form hqhe'pi) htaye'tu evening b~lo/ce'tu summer wani'yetu winter we'tu spring ptcqye'tu fall to' htfwetu/ca wq once upon a time (a soine time) The following belong to different categories: nmjp'j'tu both together 'ihqtu it is in fun 'qpe'l hqye'l htaye'l; hta'l ehq' 222.15 yesterday bM o/c, bM o/ce' 78 warni- (wani't'i to live in winter quarters) we- (we'hq last spring) pti'hq last fall nmup'j' or nup'i 1 'i'hql-'eya' to joke I 72See also pp. 48, 137, for derived adverbial forms. 78 bdtok-yq'ka to stay in camp in summer; b.oke'-c'okaya midsummer; b.oke'hq last summer. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES]I No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 59 The same ending occurs with demonstratives 'e'tu, le'tu, he'tut, ka'tu, tukte'tu it is here, there, somewhere 'e'l, le'l, he'1, ka't, tukte'l subordinate forms Modal 'ece'tu, 'iy* cetu, le'c'etu, he'c'etu, ka'ktetu, to'ktetu it happens thus )ectte/l, le'c'el, he/c'el, ka/kel, to'k tel subordinate forms Temporal 'iye'hqtu, lehq'tu, hehcq'tu, kahq'tu, tohq'tu it is at that time 'iye'hql, lehq'l, hehq'l, lcahq'l, tohq'l subordinate forms 'ec tc'tulalicj just then (a very unwelcome interruption), 'ectq'l subordinate form. The demonstrative forms with ka that one visible, express manner rather than place or time. NOTE:-A number of these forms may be combined with nouns t'ima'hetu, t'ima'hel indoors c'qma'hetu, c'qma'hel in the woods tqma'hetu, t'qma'hel in the body, in one's thoughts ho'c'okaptu, ho'c'okap the area inside the camp circle (ho' camp circle) makto'skcqtu, mak'o'skql the wild regions (mak'a' earth) hewo'skqtu, hewo'skcql the wild mountains (he' mountain) ~ 62. -ya WITH NEUTRAL VERBS Neutral verbs when subordinated to other verbs take the suffix -ya; cvc verbs add it directly to the stem; cv and cvcv verbs add it to the terminal vowel. cvc verbs that cannot lose terminal a add -ya at the end. All those ending in changeable a change a to e. Monosyllabic stems throw the accent on the second syllable. Bisyllabic stems including cvc stems that do not lose terminal a, in other words all bisyllabic forms ending in a vowel, that have the accent on the first syllable retain it there. Neutral verbs of the cvc type with accent on the first syllable add ya to the contracted stem and throw the accent on the second syllable. *nu'oa to be gnarled nuhya';-(-) ptu' za to be bent over ptusya';-(-)~5a'pa to be soiled Aapya';-*Weca to be dry Aetya';-*cq'da to be porous cqhya';-*ye'6ja to be shiny yehya';-( —)pte'cela to be short ptelye'la or pcelye'la; 'aoptelya shorter When combined with instrumentals and used as neutrals (see p. 47) they retain the same forms; kaka'pya being blackened by striking;-yuhlo'kya being perforated;-yuo'taya multiplying. Neutral verbs of the cvc type that do not lose terminal, unchangeable a are ttcL'kaya large; -'a'taya entirely; suta'ya firmly; ~ica'ya badly (with shift of accent). Contractions are not used absolutely regularly. We have: (-)t'e'ca it is new, t'elya' and t'e'caya;-(-)Ai'ca it is bad, Wiya', Wiye'la and iica'yela 7' Neutral verbs of the type cvc with accent on the second syllable do not lose the terminal a (See p. 3 0.) (-)suta' it is firm, suta'ya;.-~*p'ica' it is fair, p'ica'ya;-( —) ica' he is rich,4 iica'ya;*aa'ihs branches, haka'ya;-(-) swaka' it is fringed, frayed swaka'ya;-*teca' it is lukewarm t'eca'ya yqkca' and y'yka' do not take the ending ya. ~,k'a'kq-yqk 'u he is coming on horseback; —iyzq'k-'ina'Ihni he is in a hurry to go to bed y~qka' with continuative he1 forms the adverb y~ka'heya prone, fallen. 78 See p. 60. 74 Sometimes in slovenly speech wi'lilya being rich in property, instead of wi'licaya. 60 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMoxas NATIONAL 60 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, Neutral cvc verbs ending in ya do not contract. They change terminal a to e whenever it is changeable. slku'ya it is sweet, 8ku'yeyelal:-spa'ya it is wet, 8pa' yeyela Neutral verbs of the type cv or cvcv add ya. skaya' white;-buya' with a deep thud;-pqyq' with a shout, shouting;-'ile'ya hq' it stands lighted;c'tqze'ya '-f' he stays in an angry mood;-pem.ni'yq slantingly;-1caoi'ya ho't'qi his voice appears respectfu1;-wa~ii'g.laya 'eceq''a in a resentful mood he stays;-hq' ska it is tall, long, hq'8keya in a tall way The following do not form adverbs in ya, but remain unchanged: t'a' to be dead; 75-'i~tj'ma to sleep;-c'uwi'ta to feel cold;-'sfspe' to know;-'tf't'q to be injured;yazq' to feel a pain;-watu'k'a to be tired out;-hica'hq 78 to trip and fall;-g.naAkj'yq to be crazy;'i~ia'la to be alone;-t'ani' it is old (inanimate objects);-sani' to be one-sided (adv. sanei'caya one-sidedly);-katka' to choke swallowing;-kq' to be old (animate beings);-skq' to melt (ice, salt, etc., not fat);-'q' to use, to wear;-hwa' to be sleepy, has an adverb hwaye'la gently, quietly Numerals form adverbs with the ending lciya: nsf'pakiya by twos, ya'm.nikiya by threes; co'nalakiya in a few ways; Wotakiya in many ways; to'nakiya in several, how many ways, hena'kiya, kana'kiya in these ways (see ena'kiya to quit). Bisyllabic stems that retain the accent on the first syllable: ma'niyq walking (in a nervous state);-hq'skeya in a tall way, at great length The suffix -ya may be expanded by the limiting suffix -la and takes the form -yela (-la requiring change of a to e). Whien both forms occur the simple form in -ya refers to a temporary, that in -yela to a permanent condition. Aapya' 'ahi' he brought it in a soiled condition;-fapye'la 'ec'e'ca it is dirty by nature;-also Aica'ya yqlca' he sits in a bad position; &ilye'la yqka' he badly (i. e., he a bad one) sits there Often the ending -yela is used instead of -ya, because the latter form is identical with the causative in -ya. (See p. 100.) *C 'e'pa fat, c'epye'la; -*sa'ka to be hard and stiff and dry, sakye'la; -*eca to be dry and dead (wood) helye'la;-*sku'ya to be sweet, sku'yeyela In other cases the difference in meaning rules out the form in -ya, p. e., speaking of a person sapya' as an adverb means that the person appears black at the time, perhaps as silhouetted against a bright sky; sapye'la that he is black by nature. In still other cases both forms are used and the general setting decides what is meant; k'alya' hotly, to cause to be hot; k'alye'la more emphatic adverb. A number of neutral verbs can be used as adverbs only in reduplicated form. -0a'ta it is branched, 0a40a'1ya;- -lo'pa it is miry, lolo'pyela tender (mieat);- -~ki'ta it has a groove, ~ki~ki'lya;- -6q to be open, with holes, 0q.qq'yela; -Alu'ta it is smooth and shiny, slippery, Alu.lu'lyela;- -ha it is unsteady, haha'yela;- -0e to be gathered in a bundle and held suspended, oje'oeya In a number of cases both verb and adverb appear only in reduplicated form. (-)sloslo it is mellow, sloslo'yela;-(->itata it is slimy wet, ~tata'yela;-(-)hoho it is loose at its base, 'oho'hoyela loosely held (a tooth, pole);-(-)t'ot'opa it is slimy like wet skin, t'ot'o'pyela; ---)tiktica it is sticky, tikti'lya; —also hj-hpa'hpaya to stumble along, used both as verb and adverb ~ 63. -hq hq' to stand (inanimate objects), is at the same time the continuative enclitic. (See p. 104.) It is used without accent and forms adverbs with demonstratives which, with 'e, le, he, to express continued time; with ka which always refers to something within sight, that can be pointed out, generally space. When used in adverbs hq does not change to he. (See p. 32.) 75 t'evia' to cause to die; t'at'a'ya in a relaxed condition; cuwi'ta-t'eyela to feel frozen stiff; watu'k'a it'e'yeta wearied to death; Al's4t'eya worn out by work. 76 ll~fi'cahq y~ka' 'U falling down now and again he came; cf. yuAi'ca to arouse from sleep. ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 61 lehq'-hsqniyq kafu'~upifrei all this time they have not paid;-tohq'-htjniyq kj he' lkicTi tqyq' wash' from some indefinite time on (always) with that one well (on good terms) I am (with finial tka" it would be past time) (ihtq'ni he arrives there; -yq adverbial after n) A number of neutral verbs form a secondary adverb with hq which expresses a temporary condition." lksapya' (always) wisely; ksapya'hq wisely in regard to a special matter;-t'ya' and t'jsya'hq firmly placed, reliably, seriously;-b.lesya' and b.lesya'hq sanely;-pusya' in a dry state; pusya'hq while still dry;-c'epya'hq while being fat (c'epya' to cause to become fat);?7-t'elya' in a new condition t'elya'hci while still new;-ztjlya' in a virtuous condition (permanent), zsqlya'hq while being virtuous;-t'elya' lukewarm; t'elya'hq while still lukewarm;-loya' fresh; loya'hq (also loya'k'e) while in a fresh state (hide, meat);-'i~to'g.musyahq wac ''pi' in an eye-closed condition they danced (compare 'i~to'g.mus wac'ihqpi 21.5) A few active verbs are used in a similar way in pleonastic phrases. na' tjhq na'tj standing he stands;-'iyotakehq 79 yqka' sitting he sits;-yq~ka'heya ytfka' tree is in a fallen position (ytnka'hq to topple over) After the negative it means "before." 1ca'te-~ni-hq heya' p 'iwa'cu not being hot (before it began to boil) away I took it;-wau'-Ani-hq he'camtj not I having come (before I came) I did that. After the article ki it signifies "while." maoia'tu kihq wau'ktedni', while it is raining I shall not come, also ma~a'tukte cjhq wau'ktAni' if it is going to rain I shall not come (when it rains I won't come);-(ma~a'tu he' cj[hq] oma'kiyaka yo'80 it rains when [if] it is so tell me!) After the article k',q it signifies "while" in the past. maoia'tu k'mqhc' to'kiyani bUe'Ani' the rain continuing in the past nowhere I go (when it was raining I did not go anywhere) 'ic~',ithq concurrently with it, past: lowq'pi c 'q' 'ic 'i' hq wacti' when they sang at the same time he danced ktohq' meanwhile: tohq'l lowq'pi c'q' Ic'ohq' wacTi whenever they sing meanwhile he dances, towq'pi ki k'ohq' wawa'cikte I'll dance while they sing, wac 'i c 'q' k'ohq' p'aka'h14khmqke s'a when he dances meanwhile he keeps his head habitually nodding Many neutral verbs are used as verbs only with instrumental prefixes or in reduplicated form. A considerable number have, a neutral meaning when used without instrumental prefixes, but with the continuative suffix hq. All of these seem to express a state which is the permanent result of some action, although not all that may be so interpreted can take the suffix hq. All those that express the effect of an action that has no permanent result cannot take the suffix hq. -cvc verbs -'mt1ka, without prefix yqika' (-wqka, wqka' Yankton) it is in a reclining position; ymfkytj'kahq (verb and adverb) ytika'hqhq (verb); (wqka'hq Yankton) to be down having fallen (maytj'kahq I ama down having fallen) -wedja; weoia'hq it is broken (a pole); wehwe'#ahq -wjta; w'taahq a supple rod or twig is bent; wj~wf'ahq it is supple, limber -wjoia; wj~ja'hq it is bent sharply and permanently -hiihiiza; hmqhmi'zahq it is unsteady, liable to tremble, or rock; htjhmq'zaheya adverb (also htph,sh'zahq) -b.laza; b.laza'hq it is rent, torn open; b.lab.la'zahq; bUaza'he 8'e adverb -bUata; bUata'hq it is pulled apart (as legs, mouth); yuka'b.ta~ya adverb 77 Compare static verbs in.Ihq, p. 62. 78 c'epye'1a! how very fat it is! 79 The change of ka to ke before Ihq is exceptional. 80 Colloquially Aq may be omitted. 62 DA O AG A M RLME~moirts NATIONAL DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, -bUada; b.la~a'hq it is spread out in all directions; no reduplication; b.la~a'he 8'e blatantly (adv.), reduplicated b.la~a'he 8e'kse (-)b.le'za to be clear-minded; b.lesya'hq and bUesya' -bUeca; b.leca'hq it is shattered (brittle material); bUeb.le'cahq; bUeca'heya adverb -pota; pota'hq it is worn out; polpo'tahq; pota'heya adverb -ptuoa; ptuoa'hq it is chipped off; ptuptu'#ahq; ptuoa'heya adverb -psaka; psaka'hq it is snapped (rope, thong); psapsa'kahq; psaka'heya adverb -m.nim.ni~a; (m.nim.ni'2ahq it is wrinkled (hide); no adverb in heya; yum.ni'm.ni~a curly, kinky [hair]) -mrnioa; m.ni'4jahq it is shrunken (more often nam-ni'ga) -rn.nuza; m.numn.nu'zahci it is of such consistency as to give the sound of being crushed (hard snow, etc.); m.nu.m.nu'zahe 8'e adverb -m.nu~a; m.num.nu'2ahq (the same for coarser material like cartilage); m.num.nu'2ahe 8'e adverb -rn.nuoa; m.num.nu'4ahq (the same for hard material); m.num.nuojahe 8'e adverb -luza, a current of water, air flows; lu'zahq 81 it is fleet; luslu'zahq; luslu'zaheya adverb (see p. 63) -suza; suza'hq it has a slight crack; susu' zahq; 8uza'he s'e adverb -zapa; zapa'hq it is torn off in strips; no adverb in -heya -sleca; sleca'hq it is torn in strips; slesle'cahq; sleca'heya adverb -~leca; ~ileca'hq it is cracked (large cracks in logs, stone, bone); Aledle'cahq; gleca'heya adverb -~u~a; gu~a'hq it is crushed (meat, flesh); ~u~u'tahq; gugu'2aheya adv. -Aloka; Aloka'hq something that fits on or into something is off; oAo'~lokahcq it is loose in all its parts; o~lo'kahq (skin) is chafed; oWlo'~Ilokaheya adverb -g.loka; (g.loka'hcq not used) it has a joint loose; og.lo'g.lokahq it is loose in all parts; og.lo'g.iokaheya adverb -k~iMa; IcAi~a'hq it is bent on a joint or fold; k~ikisi'tahq it is limp, falling into folds or bents; k~ik~i'taheya adverb -VIcca; k'ica'hq the outside is scraped off; k'jtkj'cahq; k'jca'heya, k'ilk'ijcaheya adverbs -dapa; Oapa'hq it is flayed; no reduplication; djapa'heya adverb -Ouka it is stretched out long so that it remains long (zikzi'ca if elastic); duka'hq; Ouka'heya adverb (-hica he is aroused from sleep;) hica'hq he trips and falls; hilhi'cahq (adv.); hica'hqhq (verb); no adverb in -heya -huoa; huoa'hq (a shell, skull) is broken; huhu'oahq; huoa'heya, huhu'#aheya -hieca; hleca'hq it is torn (fabric, skin); hlehle'cahq it is ragged; hleca'heya adverb cv verbs Verbs of the type cv duplicate the second syllable, hq, to express repetition of the condition, the stem syllable if the condition occurs at many places. Those ending in u introduce wa before, hq. In Santee the wa is often introduced also after other vowels. — 'ike it is out of order, disarranged; i'2ehq and zte'hq always being out of order; (idiomatically used for "ialways") -pta it is falling to pieces (meat, bide); ptahq'hq it is falling to pieces entirely; napta'ptahq; napta'ptaya adverb -p~zq; p~tqwa'hq it is broken at a joint; p~tfwa'hqhq, p~qpAq'wahq; pkiwa'heya adverb -m.na; 82 m.nahq' it is ripped; rn.nahq'Ihq (no m.nam.na'hq) -8wa; swahq' it is unravelled, unevenly fringed; 8wahq'hq; oswa'swahq; oswa'swaheya adverb -8na; 8nahq' to fall off (leaves, beads) -za; zaza'hq it is shredded (frail material); zaza'hqhq -A pa; ~pahq' to have small bits falling off (flesh); ~pahq'hc{; ApaI pa' hq; 9pa~pa'heya adverb -~pu; ~puwa'hq it is unfastened; ~pu~pu'wahq, Apuwa'hqhq; i9puwa'heya adverb -Atq; 'ogtq'hq a sore continues open; 'o~tq'hqhq; ogtq'~tqhq river ice has holes -Aka; Akahq' it is untied; Akahq'hq, no adverb in -heya; no reduplication of stem with hq -2a; 2ahe'ya confused sound; tahe' s'e as though a discordant sound were permanent -tu~u; tutu'wahq it is all apart; no duplication of hq; o~u'2uwaheya -ASA; Atqwa'hq it is uprooted (a tooth has come out of its socket, a post out of the ground); 2sqwa'hqhq (-gwa disintegrated); ogwa'hq it is spoiled (meat, egg), ogwa'gwahcq; ogwa'heya, ogwa'gwaheya adverbs -gl1a; g.lahq' it is unbraided; g.lahq'hq; g.lahe'ya iya' he speaks fluently; no reduplication of stem -g.na; g.nahq'hq small things in a row come off (peas, corn, berries that grow in rows); no adverb; no reduplication of stem -ksa; 8s ksahq' to be severed (also ksa); ksahq 'hq; k-sahe'ya ksahe'heya adverb W8 lu' iya'ya! go quickly 83 Im.na to give off an odor. '3 Rarely without prefix: 8i' makaa' my foot is severed (is off). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 63 No. 21 -ga to husk corn, to open out something that is folded together like a bud; only gahe' s'e adverb, harsh and loud (Oahe's'e p'q' he shouted wildly) -k'q; k'qhq' they are shed (leaves, berries); ok'q'k'qheya, ok'q'heya adverb -hpu; hipuwa'hq (mud or other easily removable material) has come off hpuhipu'wauq; hipuhpu'ya, hpuhpu'yela adverb -htq; htqhq' it is porous, absorbent; fitqhq'hq; htqhe'ya adverb -ilaya; hlahq' it is peeled off; ilahq'hq; no adverb In adverbial forms in ya reduplicated forms in hqhq change to heheya. ksahe'heya broken often;-zahe'heya with repeated confused sounds;-2zwa'heheya uprooted frequently The verb (-)psica takes prefixes which give it the sense "to make jump." Nevertheless it forms a static verb with the suffix hq. psica'hq to be missing; psipsi'cahq to be missing in places (to have jumped out, like grains of corn from a cob, teeth, etc.); psi'cahq he is jumping along, continuative); hi 'opsi'caheya with teeth missing, adverb The following verbs with obligatory instrumental prefix cannot form neutrals with hq, losing at the same time their prefix. In most cases the adverbial forms retain the prefix and lose terminal a. Stems which occur also without prefixes either as verbs or adverbs or both are marked with an asterisk. Those marked with a double asterisk have a distinctive meaning when occurring without prefix. The particular prefix used with the stem, unless illustrated by examples is given in parenthesis. cvc verbs -yeza he is annoyed, -yes adverb -waza it is disturbed, superficially stirred, irritated (p. e., soil by pawing of horses), -was adverb -wita it is rubbed on, stroked over, -wil adverb -hita a surface is cleared off, -hjl adverb -b.laya it is leveled out, -b.laya adverb -paza a thin skin is extended, blistered, -pas, -pasya adverbs (na) -pqza (variant of paza) -poqa it is inflated, -poh, napo'hya adverbs (na, ka) *-ptuta it is sprinkled, generally yuptu'ptuta, yuptu'l strewing on in tiny bits, adverb; piuptu'lya in small amounts -ptuza (S) it is cracked -psita it is in the condition of having been struck with a switch, kapsi'psil adverbt); kapsj'tapi s'e fast moving *-p'q'za it is soft and yieldilng (hay, cotton); po'qsya', p'q.~ye'la adverb p'asp'q'.syela adverb without instrumental -p'oza always with -la, kap'o'zela it is light in weight, kap'o'syela adverb -lepa it is scalloped at edge, -lep adverb *-lopa it is soft, miry -lop; ollo'pa it is overdone, so as to fall to pieces, without instrumental **-luza air or fluid is in motion, -lus, -lusya adverb; lu'zahq he is a fast runner (see p. 62) (ka, yu by suction) -tepa it is slanting, sloping, -tep adverb, kai'tepya adverb *(-tica), only reduplicated (-)tikti'ca it is sticky and soft -tiktil, (-)tiktilya, adverb (see zica) *-tqpa it is thick and muddy, not sticky, -t-p, adverb; also tmtptq'pyq adverb without instrumental; thptq'pa verb *(-t'apa) only reduplicated (-)t'at'apa it is partly dry (like mud drying up, partly dried meat), -tat'ap, t'at'a'pya (ka) -t'aka 8l it is blocked, held, locked, -t'ak adverb -t'ipa it is shrunk, contracted (muscles in spasm, leather by heat) -t'ip, -t'ipya adverb (yu, na) -t'ica it is packed hard (as snow), tucked in, -t'il adverb, opa't'ilya being tucked in, adverb *(-)t'opa, (-)t'ot'opa it is partly dry, no adverb -t'uza he is in stooping position, he has the head bent forward, pat'u' adverb, yupa't'uA held stooped, adverb (two instrumentals) 85 -slata it is upright,- perpendicular, -slal adverb; opa'slata a sliver goes into the flesh, nasla'ta to go about stealthily -sluta a long thing protrudes out of a hole, -slul adverb 84 t'a'ka to parch corn. 8s cf. pat'u'za to bow; paptu'za to bend over so that the back sticks out; (-) ptu'za 64 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 64 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, **-staka it is mud-like, -stak adverb (sta'ka he is listless, stakya' adverb) (ka) *skapa two broad surfaces are in sudden contact, (-) skap, (-) skapya' adverb, ska'skap hig.ta' clapping suddenly heard -skita it is bound, -skit adverb -skica it is compressed; ag~la' skil lying on something compressing it; adverb **&zica it is stretching; (-) zilczica it is elastic; -zikzi'tya; -zil, -zitya adverbs -zoka (only with ya-) it is being tasted, licked, yazo'k adverb -zuka, generally -zukzuka it hangs in mucous strings, kazu'kzukya, kazu'kzukyeta adverb -Aipa it is low above ground, -Aip; o'ka~ipyela branches hanging low towards ground; pa~ip genuflecting -Awoka it is overflowing; -Awok adverb *-~luta it is slippery (with prefixes; to slip, slide); -Atut; AluAlu'lyela adverb (-)Alu~1u'ta it is slippery *-kapa two broad, wet or yielding surfaces are in sudden contact, (-)Akap, (-)Akapya adverb; Aka'Akap hjg.ta' the noise of such contact comes *A~kepa a fluid is dried (by sweeping); see (-)skepa to be dried by leaking; -Akep *Akita it is grooved, ridged, notched, -Akit; (-)AkiAki'ta corrugated -Akica liquid is squeezed out, -Akit -2ipa thin layers are lifted or removed, -2ip; yu~i'pa to pinch and lift tiny piece of skin, ka~i'pa to shave off slivers -2,ta it reaches into a cavity, -2til -ceka it is in a staggering condition, kace'kcek adverb (neutral), pace'k adverb (active); (cekce'ka, only a nickname) -ceapa to have legs lifted in high steps, yuc'a'pa to prance, yuc 'a' p, yuc 'a' pc'ap adverb (na, yu) -gwoka it is being churned up, kagwo'k adverb -gmica it is being pulled (like hair), -g.mig.mica, yugmi'l adverbs -gmuza it is gathered in, pursed, drawn tightly, -g.mus;o Vg. muza or yug.mu' zya 'ec 'e' ca it is closed; active with a- followed by instrumental -ki~a he is suffering, in agony, kaki'A, kaki'Aya adverb (only with ka-) -kota, -kzita to be probed into, as a tubular object, pako'l, pakqI~ adverbs (-ktita it is of uneven length in patches [hair, grass] takes hq) *-ksiza he is irritable, yuksi's adverb (ksisya' adverb used colloquially); ksi'zeca heartless, brutal -kAeca he has his joints violently bent, as in spasms, no adverb; see yuk~a'kUala ma'ni he walks bending the knees high, perhaps from k~a-ka) -k'jta it is in the condition of being wiped off, -k'jt adverb -k'eza (always as ina'k'eza) it is near the edge of, 'ina'k'es adverb; Tiyak'es'yela *-k'e'Oja a surface is scratched, -k'eh adverb; k'e'h-hig.ta a scratching sound comes; k'e'Iik'etja it gives off a grating sound *-k'o~a a surface is scraped, -k'oh adverb; k'o'h-hig.ta a scraping sound comnes; no k'o'hk'o~a, but k'o'hk'oh hfg.ta' (repetitive) *jjata they are sticking out in many directions, yudja'l reaching out with the hand, arm; ka~a'1-hjg.la he is startled throwing out his arms; oaloa'ta it has many branches, arms; oalya', g.aloa'lya adverb -'ipa it is in a state of being pinched between two edges, yuoji'p adverb; ina'dip; ina'oipya hq' it remains caught **-hapa it is in a state of being driven (animal), kaha'p adverb; see *ha'pa to give off a rustling, muffled sound -hepa it is in a state of having been drained, yahe'p drinking up (adv.) **-hica he is roused from sleep, -hit adverb; hica'hq he trips, falls down (verb) -hmtta it is pliable, yuhmq't adverb; hahmA'ta hemp (bark) rope -hwoka it is floating in the air, kahwo'k being carried by the wind (adv.) -htaya it is in a peeled condition, -Iitaya, -hta'htaya adverb, see htahq' it is peeling off, is peeled; see hta to rattle, being loose -htata it is in a state of being clamped, yuhta't adverb -htata it is loosened, not taut, kahta't slowing up (adv.), ayu'htat slacking reins, o'htat relaxed, o'htata to be weakened by sickness (i. e., having the skin hanging loose) -htaka it is in forcible contact, nahta'k kicking (adv.) ica'htak in touch with, wohta'k bumping (adv.) (yahtaka to bite) -hni~a it is chosen, kahni'h adverb, oka'hnih comprehending (only with ka-) (-/iota not used as verb) kah'o't hurling ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 65 No. 2] cv verbs *-wi it is tied up (wound, broken object), yuwi' adverb, wiwi'la it is soft and yielding; pto'wiwila fontanelle, wiwi'la spring of water *-ha it is unsteady, also haha'la verb, haha'yela adverb -hq it is gashed, verb and adverb (wa, ka) -b.la meat is in a jerked condition, verb and adverb (for meat always with ka-) *-b.laya it is level, b.la'yeyela adverb **-pe it is chopped into, verb and adverb; see pehq' to fold (ka) *-psq it is in a state of oscillation, -psq, kapsq'yq adverb; psqpsq'ka vacillating *-p'q, p'qp'q'la it is pounded to a pulp (also by rain, hail), kap'q'yq yielding (like a cushion) 86 -ma it is in continuous moving contact with something, -ma adverb; ica'meya in continuous contact permitting rubbing (as verb with instrumentals to brush, sharpen, whet, file) -m.ni 87 it is turning around its own axis, -m.ni adverb; nam.ni' to turn back before reaching destination; kam.ni'm.niyela with garments whipping about wearer in wind 133.10 -la powdery substance is being spilled, kala' adverb always with ka -lu it is in fanlike motion, kalu' to fan (v., adv.) (cf. luza air, water in current) *-to it gives sound of a sharp, light impact, -toto to rap; to'to hig.la' a rapping noise comes -t'a it is compressed into a small bulk (v., adv.), aka't'a to cover (as with soil); yat'a' to chew -t'q it is in touch with something (v., adv.), kat'q't'q to pound (meat) lightly (before cooking) -tka he is choking on something (v., adv.) (ka, neutral) -tkq, only yatkq' to drink (v., adv.) -si he is ahead of someone, pasi' to follow, to trace a rumor (v., adv.); i'pasi to insist upon details, cf.-sisa always with pa- it is sewed with a running stitch; ipa'sisa it is pinned; pasi'sa to quilt, also adv. **-sj', oyu'si to bear a grudge against someone (v., adv.), wawo'yusiyq adverb; yuo'si it gets into a knot (v., adv.), yuo'siyq adverb, sjsi' it is of such consistency that it contracts in drying (fish skin, glue, white of'egg) -spa, only oyu'spa to take hold of (v., adv.); opa'spa to duck (v., adv.); kao'spa to dent by striking *-smi it is in a state of being trimmed (as leaves from a bush, hair) verb and adverb; smismi' it is irregularly deprived of trimmings (hair badly cut, a branch with few leaves left on); yusmi' to fleece; aka'smiyqyq to trim limbs off a tree *-sli it is squeezed out (v.), sli' s'e, adverb sliya', sli'sli hig.la' sound comes of beating an object that gives a distant report **-slo only reduplicated (-)sloslo' it is mushy; kaslo'slo adverb; see slohq' to crawl -snu it is set up on a stick, on a spit for roasting, always with pa-; pasnu' adverb. *-sku it is peeled, used of objects the skin of which has to be cut off, to be pared (v., adv.); skusku' it is scaly (v.), skusku'ya adverb *-zq loose material, such as hair, hay is separated, pazq'zq, always with pa-, adverb; zqzq'la it is loosely woven, open woods, so that one can look through; zqzq' translucent *-ze it is dangling (v., adv.); ze'zeya adverb, with instrumentals: to lift out of a liquid; see ap'a'2ezeya on the very edge (adv.) -zo a line is drawn on a surface, -zo, ica'zo adverb; pazo' to point out -se it is obstructed (v., adv.); k'uAe'ya in the way (adv.) (ka) -sA it is wrinkled; yusi', yus'sj, yusA'siyq adverb, (yu, na) it is wrinkled p'o'si he wrinkles up the nose -so, only woso' it is protruded, as lips; woso'ya adverb *-swu it is dripping, swuya' giving out the sound of dripping (adv.) -spi small objects are removed, yuspi' to pick berries (v., adv.) (*-smi) nmiAmi' s'e like something trimmed *-sli it is oozing; nasli' to have a rash on the face; Aliya' sounding like water dripping, sliya' hjhq' it sounds as rain dripping sligli'-'iia't'a to giggle *(-Ata not used) (-)stasta it is soggy wet, like skin (v., adv.) -stq?; yuAtq' to finish; kastq' to pour; o'stq to fit in, on; nastq'stq s'e as if making oneself wobble by steps -Ana it is dropped, missed (v., adv.); yusna' it drops out of hand (all prefixes) -ski it is gathered tightly together; it is rough (land); yuski' verb and adverb, yuski'ya adverb; kaski' to pound cherries with pits, berries with seeds (v., adv.) -sku it is taken off (scales off fish, kernels off cob, hard small objects) (v., adv.) skusku'ya it is scaly (skin, etc.) -s'i it is touchy, moving at slight touch; kas'i' curved (as a repouss6 nose, a curved spine); kaAs''yq adverb; yus'i's'T tickling (adv.) 86 Compare (-)pV'q'a it is yielding. 87 *m.ni to spread out many small objects, like berries. 66 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMoIRs NATION *-ta it is agitated, stirred; yuza' to cook porridge (v., adv.); (zahe'ya), zahe' s'e discordantly; -zaza it is stirred about in water, it is being washed; za'zaya clearly -g.mi it is weeded, cleared of vegetation (v., adv.); yag.mi' it grazes close to ground (like sheep); 'og.mi'la a bare ground, an opening in the woods -g.mq it is twisted (v., adv.) -kq it is hewed, chopped (v., adv.); only with ka-ki it is inclined, of arched form; paki' (neutral), pakj'yq adverb -ko, only as 'iya'ko to gag on account of an unpleasant taste (v., adv.) -kpi noise or condition of snapping (like burning bark, killing bugs, lice, small seeds); nakpi'kpiya hq' (fire) stands making a snapping, crackling, slight popping noise -kSa it is coiled, bent into a coil or closely knit form (v., adv.); -kAaya adverb *-kca it is unbraided, loose (as hair); kcaya' 'iya' he talks without impediment *-ga it is spread out in all directions, opened out as an ear of corn; gahe' s'e blatantly (see p. 63); gaga'ya to cause to crackle and curl up (used only for roasting blown up, dried entrails); yuga'ga s'e tall and long-limbed, so that arms and legs seem to stand out when moving *-gO it is open like a door, exposed (v., adv.) gq s'e untidy (as if uncombed), gqgq'la it is open work (like lattice, embroidery) *-ge it is gathered together (v., adv.), kage' to skim milk, soup; o'(wa)ge (I) veil, encase, kage'ge to sew; ge'geya (held) suspended in a container -go it has a line cut into it, is engraved (v., adv.); 'aka'goya blood or perspiration runs down in lines; see guhe'ya in the manner of long, narrow lines of porcupine quill embroidery 195.8. -ipa it is in a low position (i. e., made to fall so that it comes to be in a lower position); (v., adv.), see *hpa' it is untidy; hpa' s'e like one untidy -li'i' only yuhi'i it has a rough, chapped surface; yuh'i'ya, yuh'i'yela (adv.) -h'u it is peeled off, like bark that does not come off easily (v., adv.) cvcv verbs -titq 88 it is subject to a steady force, -titq adverb reduplicated -tiktitq (for kitq?) *-zamni it is exposed by removal of a cover; zam.ni' s'e said of persons whose garments fly loosely about them ~ 64. -pi The unaccented ending -pi expresses the exclusive dual, he and I, and the plural of the animate subject of a sentence. In simple stems its position is terminal. It does not ordinarily pluralize a single word, but rather a phrase and may appear attached to nouns and verbs. It may either precede or follow the diminutive -la: hoksi'pila or hoksi'lapi boys. When ka rather, is a detachable element pi precedes; if it is inseparable pi follows: wo'hitikapi they are greedy. It precedes the future kta and all declarative, interrogative and imperative particles. It follows -tu which is always firmly connected with the stem. It prepedes sni not, s'a customarily, hca very, and the compound -ktehci. The third person plural subject expressed by -pi indicates also an indefinite subject and often corresponds to our passive. wana'sapi there was a communal hunt 184.2;-ki'cak'iyag.lapi his had been taken away 185.1; kaza'zapi it is slashed 36.2;-t'ah'Aspa 'q' hqp-ka'geOepi s'a with an awl moccasins are customarily made Many nouns are verbal forms with the plural ending -pi: Some of these have lost their verbal function and are used as nouns only while others are rather felt as verbal forms. Nouns. spqka'gapi preserved sweet corn (Apq to be parboiled; ka'ga to make);-waki'c'agapi a redistribution ceremony (they make their own things); the verbal form wawe'c'aga I make my own things, does not exist);-wi'hpeyapi the ceremony of discarding goods at death ('iipe'ya to throw away);c'qka'wac'ipi a top (c'q' wood; kawa'c'i to make dance by striking);-he' c'jska'yapi mountain goat (he horn; c'ska' spoon; -ya to have for);-hoksi'c'qlkiyapi a child-beloved (hoksi' child; c'qte', c'ql- heart; -ya to have for; they have a child for their own heart);-'iya'pi words, speech ('iya' to speak);-wi'pat'api a piece of porcupine work ('ipa't'a to work in porcupine quills);-waksu'pi a piece of bead work (akiu' to pile on; waksu' to do bead work);-pta'p'ahtapi a doll (p'a head; p'ahta' to tie in a bundle);-wo'zapi chokecherry porridge (for other kinds the name of the plant is # Compare (wa)ki'tq to be stubborn; waki'lkitqka a willful man; pati'tq to hold in place by pushing, to brace; reduplicated pati'ktitq. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 67 stated t'i'psila yuza'pi mashed wild turnip porridge; yuza' to stir, mix);- -huhu'-wasmi'pi trimmings of meat, particularly from the spine, used for soup (huhu', hohu' bone; wasmi' to trim with a knife); -yahu'gapi nuts (ya- with mouth; -hiuga to crack a shell); -wo'yaptapi food left in the kettle after a meal (wat'e'ca is food left by the guests and taken home; pta to cut into something);-wo'kpqpi corn meal (wa-yu-kpq to grind fine);-p'ehj'-sqpi braided hair (sq to braid);-waka'p'qpi pemmican (kap'a' to pound to a pulp);-pasla'yapi hominy (sla bare, the hull being removed by the heat of hot ashes);-wo'sleslecapi cracked corn (-Ale'ca hard things are cracked);-c'ati'yohqpi hominy (c'ata' ashes; 'i- by; 'ohq' to boil);-wakce'yapi broiled rib piece (kceya' to broil over coals); t'i'pi dwelling, tent (t'i to dwell); -'au'yeyapi and 'aqyeyapi ground-cherries ('a- on; uya' the wind comes from a certain direction; -ya to cause; lit. they cause the wind to blow on them; it is believed that if approached with the wind they will become sour, if against the wind they will be sweet) Names of games are of this type: paj'yqkapi they make it run by pushing;-paslo'hqpi snow snake (they make it glide by pushing). To play these games is expressed by the noun followed by 'q' to use, paslo'hqpi 'q'pi they play snow snake. Terms for a great many modern objects are formed with -pi: 'agu'yapi bread (they cause it to be scorched, gu);-Aina'-kaswu'pi a fringed shawl (they make the blanket fringed);-wak'a'lyapi tea, coffee (something they make hot);-wic'a'hapi grave (they bury men);-'ozq'zqg.lepi window ('ooq'zq daylight, 2qzq' glass; g.le to set up);-wapa'zopi a show (pazo' to hold up to view, expose), etc. ~~ 65-70. COMPOUNDING ~ 65. INTRODUCTORY Compounds are formed of nouns and nouns, nouns and adjectives, nouns and verbs, verbs and verbs, adverbs and verbs, and adverbs and adverbs. Each compound has only one primary accent. When the first part is monosyllabic and the accent of the compound is on the second syllable that of the second part will be shifted; p. e, skal-'o'mani he goes about to play. The accent of the independent word would be oma'ni; he-'a'kcqtu ki the top of the mountain ('akq'tu). If the accent is on the first syllable or when the first word has more than one syllable the original accent of the second part of the compound is retained as a weak, secondary accent. Compounding always expresses that the compound is a unit concept. There are, however, two degrees of such unity. An example may illustrate this. cte'ga wq t'q'ka ki he' mak'u' a kettle a certain one that is large, that give me! c'e'ga-t'qka ki he' mak'u' the large kettle, that give me c'eh-t'q'ka wo'he' she cooked a big-kettle-full (i. e., she cooked for a feast) In the first case the words kettle and large are independent; in the second tq'ka, large is subordinate to cte'ga, kettle; in the third case they form a single concept. The same point is illustrated by the two forms c'egOa-zi a yellow kettle and cteh-zi' brass kettle. In the former zi' yellow is subordinated to cte'ga; in the latter the two form a unit. Another example is m.ni'wahca'hca water flower, any flower growing in water, and m.ni-hca'hca water lily. We have also by contrast: Aq'kak'q' ki site' 'e'l 'oyu'spe' he clung to the horse's tail, and sAksj'te wq kVoya'ke' he wore as ornament a horse tail cta'pa site' ki 'owa'kakse' I cut short the beaver's tail, and 'ehq'ni c'apsj'te 'q' g.lakca'pi' formerly with beaver tails they combed (their hair) hq'pa 'ipa't'api wq mak'u" she gave me a pair of embroidered moccasins, and hqp-'i'pat'a general term for embroidered moccasin 89 i8 These two stages of more or less intimate relationship appear also in the possessive pronoun. It will be shown that in nouns beginning with o the possessive prefix t'a is not contracted with o if possession is not permanent, while the two are contracted, if possession is permanent: t'ao'wj his earrings, those he made or happened to wear; t'o'wi his earrings that are characteristic of him and of no one else (p. 132). no DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 68D KOAGRM A [VOL. XXIII, ~66. NOUN AND NOUN When the first noun expresses the material of which the, second consists the second noun is subordinated; that is, the stem expressing material retains its accent. The stem ma'za, metal, when contracted, forms an exception. (See pp. 72, 73.) c'.q'-c'e~a drum (lit, wooden kettle);-c'q'-hqpa shoe (wooden moccasin);-c'u'-m.ni dew (dew water);he' -c'jska horn spoon but mas-c'Aka or ma za-c jAka metal spoon;-mas-wa'kAica metal bowl;-ma'za-t'ipi iron house 57.4;ma za-napo'ktq or mas-na'poktq metal bracelet Sometimes the second part of the compound retains its verbal character. In these eases the accent is on the second syllable. cVq-wog.nake wooden box; c'q-wo'g.naka coffin (see p. 33); c'q-wo'slohq sledge;-c'q-wa'k~ica wooden bowl With stems of more than one syllable: mak'a'-t'ipi earth lodge;-p 'e~i' -wok'e'ya grass house;-t'aha'-Aina' deerskin blanket;-wizi'-p'q bag made of old tent cover (wi- tent; zi yellow);-piitVo-hqpa beaded moccasins;-'j' yq-hokAi'la Stoneboy 91.16;-'j'yq-mila stone knife;-p'atka'te-hqpa turtle moccasins;-t'ahu'ka-wata bull boat (raw hide boat) When the second noun is considered as a qualifier of the first one, the second noun loses its accent. pte'-'oya'te buffalo-people 208.3;-pte'-wj'yq buffalo-woman 184.12;-wag.me'za-wj'yq corn-woman 184.12;-hit'tq'kala-oya'te mouse-people 143.12;-ho~jq'-'oaj'c'a~e fish-shape (lit, fish in way of growing);-wic'a'Aa-'it'q'c'q man-leader 145.8;-wi'yq~-wic'a'Mia~i an inhuman woman (i. e., tricky) 167.14 Many names are formed in this manner: wqb~li'-hok~ii'la Eagle-Boy;-ptesq'-wqb.li' White Buffalo Eagle;-c'etq'-waha'c'qka Hawk Shield Demonstratives are treated in the same manner: le'-wic'a'Aa kj, he' -wic'a'Aa kj this, that man;-he'-htaye'tu kj that same evening 226.2;-he'-'oya'te ki that particular people 258 tue'wca'sa which man;-tuwa'-wic'a'Aa some man;-ta'ku-wic'a'Aa some kind of man, what kind of man 234.9;-ta'ku-hosq'k~iipika c'a we are some kind of children (i. e. not children) 167.6;-le'c'a-wg yq, he'c'a-wg'yq this, that kind of woman;-le'c'i-'oya'te, he'c'i-'oYa'te people of the kind that are here, there; but to'k'i 'oya'te wq a people somewhere;le'e'iyatqhq-, he'c'iyatqhq -'oya'te people from (belonging to) this side, that side;-hetq'-'oya'te people from there (See p. 115) Partitive genitives.-Most of these are firmly united. They appear most frequently with locative terms. Iie-'a'kqtu ki the top of the mountain;-m.ni-c'oka the middle of the water;-m.ni-yo'huta bank of river;-p'j'kpa (<p'a'-j'kpa) tip;-c'j'kpa (<c'q'-jk pa') top of tree A number of terms for parts of the body are so formed: p'asu' nose (-=head seed);-nasu' brains (- scalp area, core);-8ip'a' toe (= foot head);-nap-k'q' sinews of wrist;-nakp'q' wrist part of sleeve (by metathesis);-'i~ta' -ho kAi'cala pupil of eye (-=infant of eye);- p'o'wiwila (<p'a-owi'wila, see p. 8) fontanelle;-c'qto'6e (<c'cite'-o'6e, see p. 8) penicardium;-nu'Oohloka (<nu'oe-ohlo'ka, see p. 8) meatus auditorius ('ontq'oe or 'onu'oje gnarl) -'ihko'na~i (<iAka'-o-na~i', see p. 8; for onu'#e gnarl) the spot black inside horse's hoof;-pt e-p'a' buffalo skull;-~tfk-sj'te horse tail Evidently only such body parts are included in this list that are used so specifically that the partitive idea prevails over the possessive. (See p. 69.) Here belong also terms likepaha'-'ipta' end of a hill;-'ita'zipa-'ik'q' bow string; -wa-si'te (<wa'ta site' boat tail) rudder;-c'q-ha' bark (-=wood skin) Not all the partitives show the more complete degree of assimilation; for instance c~e'amat 'e'te rim of kettle (but also ctehi-mattete). ACADEMY OF SCIENCD5] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 6 No. 2] ( The contracted form gik-ma'nitu wilderness-dog, i. e. wolf, may be understood from the, point of view either that it has come to be the formal word for wolf, or that marni'u is a locative term which, however, in this case has an attributive meaning. Possessive rdlation.-When two nouns are in possessive relation both retain their independence and their accents. Aat'ka hi' a dog's tooth;-wag.mu' su' pumpkin seed (but wag.mu' -ha rattle of pumpkin rind, but also pumpkin rind);-mat'o' c'qte' bear's heart (name);-p'atka'Aa ha' turtle shell (but ptatka'ia-hqpa turtle moccasins);-zuze'ca ha' snake skin When possessives 90 are used idiomatically as names of objects they are firmly united, p. e.: ptet'a'wote buffalo its food (a plant);-zuze'ca-t'awo'te snake food (a berry);-heha'k-t'ap'e'futa elk medicine (a plant);-t'at'a'wab.1u'Aka horse fly (ruminant's bug);-pi'Ako-t'ahq'pe lady slipper (night hawk's moccasin);-ho'he-t'ama'hpiya Assiniboine clouds (northern lights);-k'qd~i'-t'ame gumbo (k'qoi' crow; me?) ~ 67. NOUN AND ADJECTIVE The adjective follows the noun and is subordinate to it. The adjective is identical with the neutral verb. As a verb it retains its independent accent, as adjective it loses it. Amq'ka ki t'c'ka' the dog is large, Amq'ka-t'q'ka large dog;-he' N'ka-t'q'ka' that is a large dog, nazt.'spewa~te' ki he' mit'a'wa' the good ax, that is mine but alsonazmq'spe waAte' bMuha" (considered as contracted from nazti'spe wq wa~te' c'a bl1uha" a certain ax is good, it being so I have it) Examples of noun with adjective: pte'-t'q'ka a large buffalo;-ho'-t'cq'ka a loud voice;-'j'yq-k'a'ta a hot stone 174.8;-c'q'-hq'-ska a long pole;-'ape'-Sa a red leaf;-Sina'-luta red blanket;.-hq'pa-t'o blue moccasin;-k'ms'ku-winmt'hcala his old mother-in-law 240. 1;-t'o~u'-hqska Ici 'au' bring the long tent pole1-c'q'-'owa'Atecaka woods in which it is pleasant (cf. c'cq-'o'wa~tecaka a place pleasant on account of woods 172.15) When noun and adjective are thoroughly amalgamated into one concept, the first stem, if monosyllabic, loses its accent which falls on the second syllable. cte'#a-zi a yellow kettle, c'eh-zi' a, brass kettle bMe'-ska a lake that appears white at a distance, bMe-ska' a clear lake without vegetation of water plants bMe'-hiAma (v.) a furry lake, i. e., full of reeds (as an individual); bUe-hj'Ama a lake full of reeds as a type (iv. hiske' (<hi-hq'8ka) canine teeth (long teeth) hq'-wak'q a holy night, hqwa'k'q northern lights cfq'-wak'q a sacred pole, c'qwa'k'q sundance pole Numerals form an exception to the general rule. Cardinals when used as adjectives follow the noun but retain their accents. nt4'p two, and to'p four, as adjectives are always used without terminal a, accented, not in the predicative forms nit'pa and to'pa. Ordinals follow the general rule. paha'-t'okahe' the first hill;-paha'-'ici'nmqpa the second hill 244.2 Present participles of active verbs and those neutral verbs which express a temporary condition or one in which the noun presents itself under unusual conditions, which are used in English as adjectives cannot be so used in Dakota. wic'f'cala wq wacTi kj he' 'u" a dancing girl arrived;-wic'a'Aa wq 'aki'h'q kj he' 'aq'hike' a ceqrtain man that one who is starving is pitiable;-A'tj'ka uwq 'oc'o'za c'a bMuha" I have a cozy (warm) dog; but Aina'-'oc'oza wci bMuha' I have a warm blanket;-Sm4'ka wq t'e' cj he'l t'a' hpa'ye a dead dog a dog that is dead, that one lies dead;-Aij'ka wq ni' ki he' a living dog Past participles as passive terms are no longer active and are used as adjectives. t'alo'-'iyo'hpeyapi kj the boiled meat (lit, meat they throw into the);-hq'pa-k~upi kj the embroidered moccasin (moccasin they embroider the);-t'i'pi wq lec'a'la 'it'icaoapi a newly erected tipi 16.4 go See p. 131. 16260 4 - -.- ------- 70 D OAGA M R[MEMOIRS NATIONAL DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, A few terms forming fixed units omit the pi. hqp-'ipat'a kj beaded moccasin (in this combination a is unchangeable);-t'-o'wa a painted tipi 4.13; but Aiad owa'pi wci a painted blanket;-At~k-nu'ni or Atik-'iyeyapi a stray horse Proper -names translated in English as noun and qualifying adjective are in most cases nominalized noun and verb. mat'o'-naij he stands as a bear (not Standing Bear);-k'aoi' 'iyotake Crow Sits;-pte-sq'-'iyotake he sits as a White Buffalo;-'aki%'ita na' Ai warrior stands; —'aki'c'ita-na~j he stands as a warrior;matVo k'inadAj bear takes a stand (lit, returning stands) The name of Sitting Bull is ttat'q,'ka 'iyo'tqke Supreme Bull. Sitting Bull would be ttat'q'ka'i'yotalce he sits as a bull or tVat'ci'ka 'i'yotake bull sits. ~ 68. NO-UN AND VERB As shown in ~67 the subject of a neutral verb is not compounded with the verb. The noun expressing the object of a transitive verb is often compounded with the verb. cvc nouns that can be contracted (see p. 34) are used in contracted form. Special objects followed by ici, wcq, etc., remain independent. Compounding 'is used whenever object and verb are conceived as a unit action, expressing customary activities. wQ-ka'iipa to whittle arrow-shafts; —c'q-le' to gather firewood;-c'qli'-wakpq' to cut tobacco;-c 'q-pa'ile to make fire with fire drill;-c'q-ka'bu to drum; —pte-kte' to kill buff aloes;-pte-' a'tljwq to scout for buffaloes;-p'a-ka's'j he raised his head 13.9;-waha'tlca to dress flesh side of hide by scraping it clean;-wahj' (wa) pahpa (I) knock off the hair (clean off the fur side);-c'cqp'a'-ka~4i to pound fresh cherries into a mash for drying;-c'ap-'o'(wa) le (I) search for beavers; —k'q-ka'kpa to tap the vein for bleeding the sick;-t'oAu'-kalksa to cut tent-poles; ---Ar-m.ni'-k'u to water horses;-Aijkma'nitu-kte'pi they are wolf-killers;-pte-'a'wqyaka to guard cattle;-c'q-pa'slata to set up posts; asq'pi-yusli' to mllk;-maka'-'ok'a to dig skunks;-haka'-k'utepi the shooting-the-brush game;p'a-ka'hrqka to nod;-'aAke'-g.luwi to wear hair in braids (men) (literally; to bind one's braids);si-ca' psq to swing one leg from knee down 90a;-hokcAi'-1k'j to carry child on back;-hokAi'-yuha to give birth;-hokAi'-napa'tayus leading child by hand, adv.;-hokii'-g.laita'ka to whip one's child, corporal punishment of child;-heyo'k'a-ih 'bla to have heyo'k'a as guardian; —matVo-'ihq'bla-bear —;wana'#i-'ihq'bla-ghost ---'osni'-waki'g.leca to feel in the body the portents of cold weather;m.ni-c (1pta to wade (in) water;-m.ni-ya'tkq to drink;-m.ni-t'o'k~u to haul water; —m.ni-na'Taka to make a dam;-'ikto'mi-ka~a he acts (like) ikto'mi (the trickster) 184.2; —c'qpta'ksa-'icc'icada to make oneself into a stump 169.19; —hcic'o'Ikaya-ka~ja he acts midnight (i. e., goes to bed early);he'c'a-ka*~ to act in the manner of that kind 245.4;-hodq'-'icta'6a he grows (to be like) a fish 168.18;-ho-ktu'wa to fish tVa'Te (adv.) hunting deer, may be contracted from t'ahca-k'ute or kte The third person plural of active verbs, used for a passive is also employed in compounds. 'i'yq-kab.le'capi crushed stone (kable'capi they crush it);-'f'yq-kape'm.nipi sling stone;-'rfkce'laka'#api made cactus-shaped (an ornament) In some terms of this class the noun and verb remain independent: m.rti' hiyo'ya to go to get water; —m.ni' Wau' to bring water; —m-ni' t'a' to die by drowning. ~ 69. NOUNS, CLASSIFIERS A number of nouns in abbreviated form (or their primary stems?) are used in compounds as classifiers. The consciousness of their derivation is not always clear as is proved by those cases in which the noun is obscured by metathesis. Examples are: wqsma'hi for mas-wq'hi (metal arrow tooth) iron arrowhead;-nakp'q' for nap-k'q (hand-sinew) wrist Abbreviated nouns: 'qp- daylight;-'qpt'a'niya air of early morning (niya' breath);-'qpo'wa~te'caka an agreeable days best part of the day;-'q'pa-o' s0bdawn; -'q'po'wqka (two accents) very early (adv.);-'qpe'tu daytime "a kapsq' to oscillate,-koza to swing. brandish, wave. Wb Day shoots. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 7 No. 2]7 'i or j from 'j'yq stone, rock;-iou'#a whetstone;-'izu'za, 'jzu'za grindstone;-'im.ni'ia great rock, high cliff;-'iswu'la pebbles, (swu'la fine);-'ih'e' place full of small stones (Ii'eli'e' ragged);-'ihe'oi'yuwe~e Rocky Ford (place name);-'ihe'-paha'la Little Rocky Hills (place name) wi or wf from wj'yq woman;-wio'k'iya to court a woman;-wint'na first-born child, if a girl (Santee);winvjhca old woman;-wikte' to beat a wife (kte to kill);-vj'kte to act like a woman, hermaphrodite;-wii'c'uwa love medicine (means of pursuing woman);-wii'lowq to sing about woman wi tipi;-wio'wa a painted tent, ceremonial tipi;-wihu'ta base of tipi;-wihfpaspe tipi pegs holding down cover (hi' paspa< hu-i'paspa, paspa' to push into);-u'ip'a' tipi flaps;-wic'e'Aka chest of tipi, part over doorway; —wipa't'a to cut and sew a tipi cover;-wip'ipaha flap pole; —wi'yapahice rear center pole (pahi'ca to arouse by pushing) wic'ad human being;-wic'a'Aa man;-used with all parts of body when it is necessary that part of a human body is meant (wictaptaha scalp);-wic'ac'cqte human heart;-also in other cases it distinguishes humans from other beings: wicto'wa~te it is good for humans (wo'wak~e goodness);wic'a'httku mother of humans (see p. 131) wo- food;-wo'yute food;-wo' (wa)k'u I give food;-wo'aya to take food to a guest;-wo' (w.a)la (I) ask for food hq night, from hqhe'pi;-hqya'6uka to dry by night (ya~u'ka to suck out with mouth);-hqye'tu night time;-hqo'kpaza dark night ('oi'yokpaza it is dark);-hqwa'tohql some time at night;-hqu'a'c'i to dance at night;-hqwi' moon (in mythology);-hqwi'yqpa moonlight ('qpa' daylight);-(hqb.le' to quest)91;-hqo'mani to walk at night, hqma'ni to be puzzled, "in the dark" about something;hq' ttahe'na before the end of night;-hqWI'-kikta to wake up from a nightmare (~i'ca bad; kikta' to sit up from a reclining position);-o'hqzi shadow, shade (zi' yellow);-hqki'kta to watch al night, hqki'ktaka an early riser;-hqk'o'kpta to be afraid of the dark (k'oki'p'a to fear);-l hqc'o'Icaya midnight he louse, from he' ya; —hei'calk'q fine-toothed comb (kak'q to knock down small objects);-heiq'iqla nits (tqpq'.la translucent, light-colored) ho a circle;-ho'c'oka the inner area of the camp circle;-hola'zata outside (behind) the camp circle;howo'kawjhtu track around the camp circle, parade track (place of turning around camp circle);hoc'e'ta the opening of the camp circle or buffalo surround (S);-hoj'kpa or hiq'kpa the " tips" of the camp circle, next to the entrance; —hij'kpat'i the Yanktonnais who lived at the entrance to the camp circle;-hzq'kpap'aya Hunkpapa ho fish, from ho~ic';-hoa'pe fins;-hoi' yupsice fish hook;-hoi'c'uwa fishing net;-hoyu'ze to lift fish out of water (from ze- to dangle);-howa'b.lIu~ka eel;-howa' sapa catfish (wa, 'a on, sa'pa black); howa'k'q spotted pike;-hohu' fish bone;-hohu'ka old fish (Santee);-hopa't'a to use a net;hopa'ilku (hoka'Aku S) scales;-hot'e'ca dead fish;-hoii'~iia perch;-hoc'e'Apu scales;-hona' wit kala tadpole;-hoka' pike;-hok'u'wa to fish ma- one of the fundamental regions of the world? mak'a' earth; -mahpi'ya sky, clouds (hpi to dangle); 'ama'hpiya clouds (S);-maya' cliff;-mahi' flint (earth tooth);- matka' clay (tka old form for heavy);-matte'te edge of cliff;-mac'a 91a dawn;-ma'0a field;-rna'ni to walk;-makte' it is good weather (-cte good);-ma~a'iu rain;-ma'za metal;-(perhaps also m.ni<mani water, from ni to be alive?) mi knife, from mi'la; —m-i'yog.liye whetstone;-mi' yoiuha knife case;-mi' yuk~ii~a jack knife;-mi'wak'q sword;-mi'palcsa stubby knife;-mi'p'j~la knife with rounded point;-mi' p'estola butcher knife;-mig.na'ka to carry in belt (originally to carry knife in belt?) t'a ruminant (does not occur as independent noun) with all parts of body (see effect on terminal a p. 34);-t'apYi liver of ruminant;-tta'bo~loib foreleg of ruminant, including shoulder;-t'aha' dressed skin;-t'aha'lo green hide;-t'ahu'ka heavy rawhide;-t'aho'm.ni hoop for drying skin;ttat'q'ka buffalo bull;-t'awi'yela female deer;-at'ai' buffalo calf (tawny ruminant) t q body, from ttqc'q';-ittq'wokAcq around (living body), t'qc'o'la without wraps,-t'q'nicela gnat (little one without body);-t'qza'ni to have a healthy body;-t'q'tqhq with reference to tti tipi;-t'ima'hetu it is inside;-tio'le to search for a house (to beg);-t'ica'oia to put up a tipi si foot (siha' Santee);-siye'te heel;-siyo'kaza tarsals;-siyo'h'ape arch of foot;-sio'ko interstices between toes;-8ip'a' toes;-sii' yut'e moccasin pattern;-sii'takaha top part of moccasin cta fine dry material;-c'ata' cinders;-c'asmu' sand;-c'aho'ta ashes (ho'ta grey);-c'ahli' gun powder c 'o central part, kernel (does not occur as independent noun);-c'oni'c'a the living flesh;-c'oka' middle;-c'oka'ya in a middle course;-c'oka'ta in the center;-ctokVu inner flesh of body;-c'odj' pith;-c'ohwq'2ica small willows kte turtle, flom k'e'ya;-k'eha' turtle shell (Santee);-kewo'yuspa snapping turtle (oyu'spa to hold on to);-kenu'nuta soft shell turtle (instead of k'enu'Anuia);-k'eg.le'zela striped-back turtle na scalp region, from nata';-nawa'te temples;-nasu'la brains;-naiu'te nape of neck;-nalcpa' external ear 91 i(wq')hqb.1a I dream about it; Ihq(wa')b.Ie I quest for a vision. 91& Accent doubtful. 91b t'a-ab.Zo'. 72 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MBDMOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, ece occurs often initially in words expressing parts of the body, but neither cle nor the following part of the word can be analyzed except in a few cases;-c 'e' penis;-c'ehu'pa jaw; —c'eg.na'ke breech cloth (g.na'ka to lay on);-c'e(wa')sli (I) defecate (sli to slide through a narrow opening);-c'eb.lo'hu clavicle (bMo ridged; hu bone);-c'etu'te femur (uncertain whether the two t's are aspirated or not, from c'eca-hu'te leg base);-c'e6ka' chest;-c'eti' tongue;-c'eca' leg, from hip joint down;c'tek pa' navel;-c'ek pa' ag.nake afterbirth ('ag.na'ka to lay on);-c'ehpi' flesh (as opposed to spirit) cta occurs also in terms for parts of the body; c'aka' palate;-c'a~u' lungs;-c'ana' groins. In some cases eta seems to mean leg; c'ae'g.le to set down the leg, i. e., to take a step, c'a-g.le'pi a step;'ac'akAj to step ovei (k~i curved like a crescent);-in a tale is found c'e'wjA c'a'-wat'aka nac'e'cel how indeed leg-stout doubtless! I. e., how untiring his legs must be! o tq occurs also in terms for parts of the body;-c'qte' heart;-c'qkpe' knee;-c'qk'a'-hu spinal column;c'atkVu chest (c'qte'-k'u heart below) Pita- evening;-htawo'ta to eat the evening meal;-htao' mani to walk about in the evening Certain cv nouns are treated in the same way. wq arrow;-wqi'yukeze implement for grooving arrow;-wqye ya to go hunting with bow and arrows; wqhi' arrowhead (tooth);-wqhi'Ma percussion caps (ta red);-wq'to blue racer (a snake) (tto blue);-wq~sa'ka sticks for making arrows (sa'ka to be dry and stiff);-wcqema'hi iron arrow head (Metathesis for maewq'hi); —wq'tu quiver (tu full) wa- indefinite object is often used to designate the bear;-waha' bear skin;-wahu'topa the four-legged one, i. e., the bear in sacred language;-wahu'nupa the one with two legs, i. e., a man with a bear guardian he' horn;-heha'ka elk (branched horns);-heyu'Oa stag (spread out horns);-hej'Ipa tips of horns;hec'a'nicela a yearling colt, heyu'ktq a buffalo with bent in horns (horn bent in);-he'1io~eca hollowhorned buffalo;-he'Alu~luta smooth-horned buff alo;-hehu'tela dull-horned buffalo he' mountain, the country away from rivers and camp;-he-Tim.niia a hill consisting of rock;-he-'j'kpa top of mountain, brow of hill (Santee);-he-'ohlat'e base of mountain;-hewq'ka hoar frost; heWO'slcqtu deserted places;-heb.lo' upper ridge of a mountain chain;-heska' Big Horn Mountains;ho' puza dry wilderness (he'-'o-pu'za);-ho'iAki Bad Lands (-~ki gathered, curled, rough) ha' skin;-hahlf'ta rope (rough skinned);-ha'sapa Negro;-haya'ke, haya'pi clothing ho' voice, tune; to howl (only with verbs);-ho' (ma)bu (I) have a low voice;-ho' (ma)gita (I) have a strained voice, hoarse;-ho(wa')hpa (I) cough, have a cold;-ho'p'imiciya or ho'p'imic'iya I clear my throat; ho'p'iciya to clear one's throat;-ho'hlihli (adverb) in a froggy voice (hli' to have mucus, pus);-ho'ye(wa)ya (I) call out away from here (to make the voice go);-ho'uya to call out to this place (to make the voice come);-ho'yeic'iya to speak audibly, to make a vow (as, to give a sun dance);-ho' (ma) p'esto to have a squeaky, sharp voice (pte'sto pointed; p'e sharp);-ho' (ma) walk'q' to cry in mourning, to wail (howa'lc'q trout);-hotq' (waho'tqhq) to rave on (even without listeners);-ho' (ma)t'qj (my) voice is distinguishable, plain; I speak significantly;-ho(wa)t'tf' to give forth a natural cry, (used for cries of animals not otherwise designated); wakj'yq hot'lf'pi the thunders cry out;-ho' (ma)8sna (I) have a ringing voice, like the voice of a good woman speaker;ho' (ma) hapa I have a soft, husky voice, like that of a timid person who does not like to speak out;hoa'g.nag.na (wa) kiya (I) give utterances in spiritual intercourse with a guardian spirit;-ho' ci-lowq' she sings a very high soprano (ci'k'a, ci' k'ala, ci'scila small; cf.- cici', cici'la little mythical bug-a-boos; 'aci'la s'e said of a little girl with nice, small features; nacs'cila 8'e said of mincing steps of a little child);-ho'cila nickname of a woman hus' stalk, leg, trunk;-wahu'wapa corn on the ear ('apa' to be attached to);-huwo'kahmi inner side of knee joint ('oka'hmi corner);-hub.lo' front of shin bone (bl1o' ridge, protuberance);-husa'rni one of a pair of legs, socks;-hu8li' ankle (8li narrowed down) ptad head;-p'ahuhu skull;-p'ahu' round end of anything;-p'ahu'te bridge of nose between eyes (hu'te base) — p'asu' nose;-~ptahla'te inner part of nose to posterior nares;-pto/wiwila fontanelle on infants' head;-pVo' tq (S), wap'o'iNtq hat ('o'N~q to fit in);-p'o'e nose;-pVO' ohloka nostrils;p'to'Oe hlo'ka Nez Perc6s;-p'ohc'q'te septum of nose mmni' water;-m.ni'yatke cup (yatkq' to drink, 'iya'tke drinking instrument;-m.niyo'paspa to duck some one;-m.niwaT'icofja water algae (watto' green plants; 'ico'oa to drift against in a heap);-m.niwq'ca ocean ('o'wqca all over);-m.nitq' flood;-m.nit'a'oe foam (t'aoe' saliva);-m-nisku'ya salt c q' wood;-c'qha' bark (ha skin);-c'qhq'pi sugar;-c'qhu'ta tree sturnp;-c'qhlo'Oa weeds;-c'qwa'pe leaves;-c'qka'Oa log;-c'qhu'tk'q tree roots;-c'q'ce~a drum;-c'qna' kpa fungi on trees;c'ot'ila a tree spirit;-but c'q'hqpa shoes ('= moccasins made of wood) cvc nouns which can lose their terminal a or e are treated in the same way. When not contracted they retain their accent. ma'za metal, the only word of this type that expresses material (see p. 68) follows the same rule. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 7 No. 2] 7 hq'pa moccasin;-hqp-ka'r#e~e to sew the sole of the moccasin to the uppers;,-hqpi'take tongue of mocca~sin;-hqpsz'c'u uppers;-hqp-'i'pat'a embroidered moccasin;-hcqpi'Aca ankle pieee;hqpa'kig.lake rawhide sole pieces;-hqpWi'~ica old moccasin;-hqkp'Q' moccasin strings (<hqp-lc'q') hu'te base;-'o'huta shore;-hutk'q' roots (k'q' ligament, sinew?) p'e'ta fire;-p'el-m-na' smell of fire;-p'el-'ileye kindling;-p'el-'i'Akq to be active around the fire;p~eni'ta sparks (I drops out before consonantic cluster);-p'el-na'Ikpalcpa fire crackles;-p'eta'6a live coals;-p'el-'a'-'ihi'b.1a to dreami of fire (and obtain it as protector) ma za mnetal;-mas-'i' yap'e hamnmer;-mas-'i' yokatq nails;-ma8-'a'p'api telegraph ('ap'a' to strike);mas-wi'cak'upi annuities paid by government (they give them iron);-mas-wi'g.muke trap ma'#a field;-mali-yu'Ala to weed ma~a' goose;-rnah-k'u'te to hunt geese (lote) food;-locTj to be hungry (to desire food);-log~le'8ka oesophagus;-generally lol-, lol-'i'g.ni to go out for provisions;-lol-'ih'q~ to cook food; -lol-'ip'ila to begrudge food to another; -lol-'op'iye granary;-also walo'teteka one who thinks only of food t'a'pa ball;-t'ap-ka' psica to strike ball in game t'aoe' saliva, t'ah-na'kipca to swallow saliva (i. e., to swallow hard in state of excitement) ~q'ka dog;-ft'kak'q' horse (wak'q' wonderful);-Atqk-ma'nitu wolf;-Auk-ma'nsq to steal horses; Ntk-c'jca wolf cubs;-Atqk-c'j'cala colt;-Athpa'la puppy;-Asqhpsq'1a dog with puppies;-AI~' lzla donkey, mule;-9t-b~lo'ka stallion;-~tk-wi'yela mnare;-tjoji'la red fox (di brown);-Atjk-'o'Ti wolf lair;-Asqk-nu'ni mustangs (lost horses);-Arqk-o'naA'o pacer c a pa beaver;-c'ap-ktu'wva to hunt beaver;-c'ap-o'd(wa)1e (I) search for beavers c fqte' and c'ql from c'qte' heart;-c'qlwa'9ute happy (wa~te' good);-c'qlwq'k'a cowardly (of weak heart); cfqta'g.le to set one's heart on;-c'qte'hahala to be sensitive;-c'cpii'ya sadly;-c'qto'yuze thought;C'qto'Oe pericardiumn;-c'qtki'ya to love;-c'qze' angry ctaie' namne;-c 'ate'yata to call a namne;-c'aA-t'?j' to name co'a'#a ice;-c'ah-na zuzu ice breaks up (in spring); —c'ah-wa'ksa to cut ice;-ctahl-ka' zo to skate;Cfa'#a-t'ipi ice house Cfe'da kettle;-c'eli-' oc'j, c'eh-'olota to borrow a kettle;-c'eh-m.na'yq to collect kettles (for a feast);c'eh-g~la'wapi to count kettles (of food in preparation of feast) nap Yankton nam hand, from nape';-nap'a' hqka thumb (<nap-t'ahtjka?);-napo'Atq thimble (fitting on hand);-napo'ka~ke wrist ('oka'iike place for tying);-napo'ktq bracelet (ktq bent around);napwi'Niqka to have a skillful hand;-napsu'kaza fingers, metacarpals (su seed; kaza' to lie in parallel rows);- napc'o'ka palm of hand (c'oka' center);-napk'cq' wrist (k'q' ligaments, sinews) nqr(qe ear;-nu'h(ma)pq (I have) a ringing in the ear;-n?4h-c'q' to be hard of hearing kVq'a plum;-k'qtto'to green (unripe) plumns;-k'q1-ya'Aki to bite plums (so as to force out the pit for drying the meat);-k'qt'u'hu plum bushb;-k'qsu' plum pit for game; k'ql-yu'Api to pick plums;ta'ta-~a~a red (ripe) plumns;-k'qsu'-k'ute'pi card games (they shoot plum seeds) iu pa' wlng;-hupa'-hu wing bone; hupi'yij by means of the wings (adv.);-hupa'wakig.lakela bat (aks'g~lake rawhide) Nouns derived from noun and verb also form units. wase'-'oyu' ze place to get red paint (place namne);-wqsa'k-'oyu'kse place to cut saplings for arrows (place name);-wic'a'g.naika-'ofu' gooscberry patch (where full of);-~tfk-'i'C'j harness (horse means of carrying on back);-iaA~i''~ passenger train (means of hauling people) ~ 70. VERB AND VERB When two verbs are conceived as a unitary concept they are compounded. 'sfj'Atjma-ma'ni he is a sonambulist, walks in his sleep, 'tj'titma ma'ni he walks while sleeping;-mak'a' 'ama'ni-Anzk-'ole land walking (i. e., on foot) he looked for his horses, mak'a' 'ama'ni Atqk-'ole while he was walking about he looked for horses;-ntfwq'-'ihtj'nikiya he causes his swimming (contest) to reach (its end), nlfwq' 'ihtq'ni he reached there, swimming;-'sq'Atjma-'iya he talks in his sleep (habitually);-hqb.Ie'-c'eya he cries in his quest for a guardian spirit;-'f'yqk-ohi-wac'j' psi'ca trying to reach it by running he jumnped;-waya'zq-Iipaya he lies sick 'eya' to say is always compounded with the following verb: 'eya'-'ayu'pta he answered saying 77.3;-'eya'-pq he shouted saying 96.11;-'ikto' 'eya'-c'aie'yatapi they name him Ikto 100.21 74 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, When the subordinate verb expresses an action that follows in time the finite verb as a purpose or intention (like our infinitives) the verbs are compounded. cvc verbs insofar as they can be contracted are contracted. Akal-W'omani he goes about in order to play;-ha' yus-c'i'Ai I ordered you to take skin off 124.10;kos-'i'nahni he is in a hurry to wave it;-waka'ih-wohi'tika he has energy to make things 51.2;'owq'yak-waste' it is good to look at 137.10 cv and cvcv verbs; when ending in changeable a change it to e. k'e-'i'yaya he went off to dig it;-tke-'i' she went to flesh (hide);-heye'-'i he arrived there to say that;t'e-kq'za he pretends to be dead Verbs with invariable ending enter into the complex unchanged. Apq-a'p'e he waited for it to cook 174.14;-lowql'-wayu'p'ika he is skilled to sing;-mant(-wac'f he tried to steal it;-yah' ' -oya'kihi you are able to act 107.3;-'oma ni-yapi they go to wander about 87.6;-tuwe'ni he ciqsm-wasu' yqpi that nobody should do this we have a rule 10.4 Neutral verbs are rarely used in such combinations. Generally they take adverbial form with the suffix ya and remain independent. A considerable number of verbs occur only attached to other verbs. Most of these require loss of terminal a in cvc verbs and change of a to e in cv and cvcv verbs. (See p. 29.) It is rather the meaning of these verbs than any morphological trait that makes them appear as a distinct class. They are parallel to words like "to cease, to begin, to continue," all of which imply or require another verb to which they refer. The position of the pronoun is always as though they were independent verbs, the verb to which they refer being in subordinate form. A sharp line between these and other compounds cannot be drawn. Most of them might as well be considered as compounds with infinitive construction. Examples are: c'e'ye-(wa)ki'nica (I) am hardly able to restrain myself from weeping;-ye-i'na(wa)hni (I am) anxious to go The only reason why some of them are included here is that they occur as independent verbs with modified meaning. Those changing terminal a of the verb to which they are attached are marked v., those leaving a unchanged iv. v -ya to cause v -kViya 9 to cause by immediate personal intervention, -kViya differs from -ya in that it expresses causation by personal force exerted upon someone or intentional interference; while ya expresses causation directed upon an object or a less direct causation, often unintentional;-sap-ya' he blackens it;-sap-ki'ya he causes another one's to be black (sapki'ya he blackens his own);-sap-ye'-ya he is the unintentional or indirect cause of another one's blackening it;-sap-ye'-k'iya he makes him blacken it;-hihpa'ye-ya he lets it fall unintentionally;-hihpa'ye-k'iya he makes it fall intentionally Idiomatically we find: 'u-ya' he sends it here, the wind blows from; 'u-k'i'ya he makes him come;-g.licu'-ya he starts him off returning home this way (ku to return);-g.licu'-kViya to help somebody come down, he induces him to come home; —uk-'j'yqk-k'iya to race horses (to make run) p. 73. For double use of kViya see p. 100. iv -kiya it is (his) opinion that; miye' t'e'hqt'u-(wa)k'iya in (my) opinion it is far;-he'ctetu-(wa)k'iya in (my) opinion it is so; I approve of it;-c'ap'a'-(wa)k'iya in (my) opinion he has stabbed it; but c'ap'e'(wa)ktiya (I) cause him to stab it;-miye' hq'ska-(wa)ktiya in my opinion he is tall v -kapi to be reluctant to; wae'kiye-(wa)kapf' (I) am reluctant to advise him; nqwe'-(wa)kapf (I) am too lazy to swim v -la, -laka to consider, regard; si'cela, si'celaka he considers it bad v -kqza to pretend to (independent, to forbode); 'istj'me-kqza' he pretends to be asleep v -ut'a 3 to try to (independent, to shoot a gun);94 eye'-'u(wa)t'a (I) tried to say it;-kat'e'-'u(wa)t'a ( tried to kill it; tke-'u'(wa)t'a (I) weigh it (to try, heavy) iv -iyut'a to test, try (independent, to measure); sku'ya-'ib.lut'a I tried its sweetness;-ap'a'-'iyut'a he acts as though striking it " Possibly -k'iya may convey the same idea of contact, mutual relation as the prefix k'i. (See pp. 80, 92.) " This and the next have the same meaning. -utra is more formal than -iysuta. " Compare Wu(wa')ta I miss shooting. ACADEMY OF SCIBNcusI MORPHOL(OGY AIND SYNTAX 7 No. 2] 7 v -Plica it is tolerable to, advisable to, possible to; (independent, p'ica' it is rather good); ctopte'-p~ica'*ni it is not advisable, not possible to wade;-'e'l ye-p'ica'frti it is hard to approach (go to) him;9ec'ti'-p 'ica it is the proper thing to do v -wac'i 95 to intend (independent, c'i' to want; 'awa'cti to consider) ta'keye-wac'j' he intended to say something;-k'ig.te'-wac'j' he intended to get away;-waa' p'e-wac'i' na'ij trying to hit somebody he stood v -Ai to order; yu~ke'-Ai he ordered him to untie it;-t'ak-Aj' he orders him to parch it v -apte to invite someone to join in (independent, to wait); ntjwe'-'ap'e' he invites him to swim with him;-ye-'a'pte he invites him to go along v -k'o to predict, prophesy; t'ek'o' to foredoom, prophesy death of someone;-' osni'Ik'o to portend cold weather iv -yawa to judge as (perhaps ya with the mouth; wa to mark); Wica-yawa he judges him as bad (Ai'cabUawa I );-Iihe' ho'ta-b.1awa~ini as for me, I do not judge that to be grey iv -aya he competes with him (independent, to take something along 95a); waha'tka-'a(ma') ya she competes with me dressing hides;-wo' hitika-'aya" he competes with him in recklessness, greediness, with active pronouns for the challenger, with neutral pronouns for the one challenged iv -niya only with 'eya', c'e'ya; 'eya'-niya he uttered a faint cry;-c'e ye-i he cried out.-g~le"9 to sense (independent, to loathe);-'osni'-(we)g.le (I) feel too cold;-ma~te'-weg.le I feel too hot (the weather);-' ok'ael-wag.la I feel too warm;-diwa'g~la I resent, mourn (from si'ca bad);cfet'tq'-wag~la I doubt it iv -hjg.le suddenly; 'eye' -hig.le he said suddenly, he blurted out The dependent verb hjg.la suddenly, differs from others insofar as it leaves the accent on the first verb. pu's-hjg.la it became dry suddenly Verbs expressing arrival 'i', hi', kti/, g.li' may be combined in the usual way with other verbs, when a purpose is to be expressed. kte-we'hi I arrived here in order to kill him. The verbs expressing going and coming back to where one belongs (p. 92) do not express purpose but the return from an accomplished action. wane' walcte'ku we lo' now he comes home from killing enemies 9.11;-wakte'g.1a he is going home from.;-wakte'k'i he arrives home from...;-waydwag.li he came home from school When the purpose is not so definitely implied the verbs expressing arrival with the prefix a precede in subordinate form. In all these forms 'ai' is contracted to 'e'. 'ahi'wakte I came and killed him;-'e'wakte I went and killed him;-'ag.li' wakte I came back and killed him;-'ak'iwakte I went back and killed him In the same way we have: "I 'ahi'iyttjoa, 'eiytjda, 'ag.li'iyq~ra, 'ak'iiyaqja to go, come and question;-'ahi'wota, 'ewota, 'ag~li'wota, 'ak'iwota to go, come and eat (wol-hi' he came to eat);-'ahi'wolk'u he came and gave him food (wo'k'u-hi he came to give him food);-'ahi'c'eya to come and cry (c'e' ye-hi he came to cry); 'ahi'wamayazq I came and was ill;-'ahi'awap'a I came and struck him;-' ahi'mi Atjma, e'miAtjma, etc. I come, go and sleep Without prefixed a: wahi'nap 'a or wahi'nawap'a I come out;-'ina'wap'a I go out;-wag.li'nap'a I come back out;wak'inap'a I go back out;-ahi'nap'a, e'nap'a, etc. he came, went and brought it out;-'iwa' hpaya I come and am taken down with an ailment;-'eihpaya to go there and be taken down with an ailment;-wak'ihpaya I go back there and am taken down with an ailment;-g~lilpa'ya a heavy object that is held up falls back to where it lay before;-hjihpa'ya to fall down kahj'ihpeya to knock down by force, may belong to this group '5 Irregular verb, see P. 98. ssa2 Independent: a'e'a to become gradually (ha'p 'a'ya to become dark, to develop tuberculosis);-'aya', first person lama'lya to be destined to have a certain habit (as a girl who will retain the habit of industry, laziness, etc., that she has during her first menstrual period). " No example has been found of gla following a variable a. "7All these require pi for the plural; see p.95. [MEMOIRS NATIONAL 76 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [ [VL. XXIII, ~~ 71-99. THE PRONOUN ~ 71. SUBJECTIVE AND OBJECTIVE FORMS Dakota has pronouns only for I, thou, I and thou. The first person is designated by a labial sound, the second by a dental or palatal, the inclusive dual by a nasalized vowel. Subjective pronouns designate activities for both, transitive and intransitive verbs; objective pronouns express the object of an action or the subject of a condition or state. Subject of Object and active verbs subject of static verb I --- —-— __ -_____ wa ma thou ---- _________ _ ya ni I and thou — ' There is no pronoun of the third person (p. 78). The plural object for human and animate beings is expressed by wic'a'. This is not a pronoun but signifies person, as is evidenced by the terms wic'a' male, wic'a'sa man. Plurality is expressed by the suffix pi which pluralizes the whole phrase. (See p. 66.) Examples are: watTi' I dwell, yat'i' thou dwellest, tYi' he dwells, 'qt't' thou and I dwell; 'zqt'i'pi he and I or several of us (more than two) dwell, yat'i'pi ye dwell, t'i'pi they dwell magi'ca I am bad, nisi'ca thou art bad, si'ca he is bad; ',si'ca thou and I are bad, 'sji'capi he and I or several of us (more than two) are bad, nisi'capi ye are bad; sz'capi they are bad ~ 72. TRANSITIVE VERBS Transitive verbs with pronominal subject and object form combined pronominal forms in which the object always precedes the subject, except in the form we-thee. It might also be said, that in true pronominal combinations the first person always precedes the second. Since the dual 'q has other peculiarities of position the formulation of order object-subject seems better. The object wuica' them, is always in first position. The combination I-thee is expressed by c' which cannot be reduced to other pronominal elements. _ I thou we me- - --— _______ ___ — mayathee ---------— ___ c'i u-ni '-pi us 'y --- —-a —pi them --- ----— wic'a'wa wic'a'ya wictaa' (l'-pi) 1 Exclusive dual and plural. c'ikte' I kill thee, maya'kte thou killest me, 'qya'ktepi thou killest him and me (exclusive dual) or several of us, wic'a'wakte I kill them, wakte' I kill him, nikte' he kills thee As in static verbs the ending pi pluralizes the whole phrase. ~ 73. VERBS WITH INITIAL y. These verbs form the first and second person subjects with b.l I, I thou. The dual has the usual prefix 'q. b.luhf'ta, luhj'ta, yuhj'ta, 'tyu'hjta to rake b.lapta', lapta', yapta', 'qya'pta to bite off ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 77 Verbs in ya- and yu- have in the second person subject, first person singular and plural object the normal subject ya in addition to the la- and lu- forms of the respective conjugations. maya'lagig.la you hurt my feelings, yagi'g.la to hurt feelings by talking 2ama'yaluta you look at me, 'ayu'ta to look at maya'luta you eat me, yut'ta he eats it 9ama'yala you go taking me, 'aya to take along, to go with something 'tya'luAig.1api you hurt our feelings by an act This is not the case for the first person subject second person object. 'zni'yuhapi we have you c'iyu'.iig.la I hurt your feelings ~ 74. VERBS WITH INITIAL VOWEL Verbs beginning with a vowel have for the first person dual-plural the form 'uqk- instead of '& those with initial nasalized vowel have 'uqk'- provided the pronoun precedes the nasalized vowel. 'j to wear as a blanket, dual-plural zqk'j';-'iyqka to run, 'q~kj'yqka;-'iq' to be, to use, 'tqk'tq';-'tj'yq to lose, 'zqk'tq'yq; ---'tq'pa to lay down horizontally, to put up for the night 'qkI'4' pa;-c'qnqgpa to smoke a pipe, c'qnzf'zik'zpa (second it very brief, not preceded by a glottal break) In all other cases, when the pronoun follows the nasalized vowel and stands before a consonant, the usual form 4 is used. 'zj'macihi~ni I amn lazy, dual-plural 'zqaczhiAni;-'tq'macikpani I am indolent, 'zq'tcikpani;-'t%'mac'tn-ica I am paralyzed with fear, excitement, 'as'qzc'qznica;-'ri'ma~ika I am poor, 'q'tqAika;-thwaiqI act like one ploor, '1q'~i'h'q;- 'at~I am hurt, %'zqzt'zi;-'ti'wac'a I make fun of, ridicule, 'i'qtc 'a; 'riq'wakce I break wind, 'zq'tkce;-'j'maskokeca I am his size, he is my size, 'j'iskokeca you and I are his size. '4qspe' to know how to do something, has the first and second pronouns following the '%, the dual-plural precedes it, but without glottalized k. ti~ma'spe I know how, dual-plural 'zkzq'spe ~ 75. INTRANSITIVE VERBS WITH OBJECTS The eight verbs of going 'u', ya', 'i, hi', ku', g.la', Ic'i, g.li' and their derivatives, also 'i'yqka to run, are treated as transitive verbs, but require a locative adverb..Ve'l c'iya' I go to you (or 'ekta' c'iya'); —'e'tkiya wic'a'ya towards there he went to them 40.4;-'ekta& maya'g.licu or elcta' maya'g.liyaku there you come back to me;-kjyq' Yel mau' flying it came to ine;-'e'tkiya c'ij'yqka I run towards you Verbs expressing position are treated in the same way, 'n*', yqka', y'qka', na'ij and hjhpa'ya' The last of these takes the locative a-instead of the adverbs; also the active verb hpaya. 'ac 'ihjhpaya I fall on you, (ma) hj'hpaya (I) fall down;-'akq'l c'iyq'ka I sit on top of you;-%8dak'ip mayq'lka he sits next to me;-'akq'l c'iyi4'ka I lie on top of you;-' akq'l nac'i'j I stand on you;'isa'k'ip c'izi' or nisa'kip watl' I stay by you ~ 76. NEUTRAL VERBS WITH Two OBJECTS In certain neutral verbs which imply comparison two objective pronouns may be combined, but only -nima- I thee, not conversely. Examples are: 'iye' nimac'eca I resemble you, 'iye' (ma) c'eca (I) resemble him, literally: Ilam thus to you, him;-Tinimaskokeca I am as large as you;-Tinimaikola I am as small as you;-'iye'nimahqkeca I am as tall as you, i'yalk'iyehqkecapi they are mutually as tall as each otber;-'iyo'nimakip'i I find you congenial, 'iyo'kip'i he finds him congenial, 'iyo'nicip'i you find him congenial (not he-you, instead niyo'h'q), 'iyo'kip'i he finds his acts congenial, 'iyo'kip'ic'iya I please you;-'i'yonimak'ihe I am next to you;'a'onimaptetu I am less (shorter, etc.) than you;-'iya'c'j to compare, to adopt (i. e., to liken someone to someone else, is active: 'ate' 'ib~a'c' I adopt [liken] him as my father, takes the form 'ini'mnayac'j he compares me with you, but these are two objects of an active verb) 'itq to be proud of, has both forms, i'nimatq or Tic'itq I am proud of you 78 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [Mnmoins NATIONAL [VOL. XXIli, When the second person is subject, the first person object the dual with kti is used (see p. 79). Sadctiyetqc'ec'eca or Tiyaktiyetgc'eca 98 you and I are both alike, Vak'iyec'elya 'tqk'q';-'a'k'itqskokeca you and I are of the same size;-'ak'iyetqhqkeca or 'syak'i-etqhqkeca we are equally tall; also Vak'ilec'eca, 'adkilec'elya resembling each other, 'a'kileIqc'eca we two (cf. -s'e ye' ceca, s8'e Ie'ceca) wani'yetu 'a/Iciyepnakeca we are equal in years, lacks the form in rnima. ~ 77. INDEPENDENT PERSONAL PRONO0UN The independent personal pronoun is derived from the objective pronouns contracted with 'i perhaps an old third person. It appears in three different series. One simply emphatic, another adversative emphatic, are derived from the objective pronoun and the indefinite demonstrative e connected by a glide, the second series being strengthened by the adversative suffix 9 or kseg.esa1 (See p. 146.) A second adversative series presupposes an antecedent and consists of the objective pronoun with i followed by the adversative 9i. Examples are: Sim pl e m- A bsol te a ver- A dv ersativ e Simple e- Absolue adver-series followphatic series sative series1 ing antecedent I --- —------------— miye' wriye'A mi' A thou ---------------— niye' ntiye'A ni'A he, she, it_______ --- —------— 'iye' 'iye'A l~ thou and I ---------------- ki'ye 't qki' yeA Ntki'A he and I, and we (more than two) ------ 'iki'yepi Ntki' yeA 'tki'A you --- —-----------— niye' pi niye'A ni`s they ---------------— 'iye'pi 'iye'A 'i'A 1 Also unaccented: miyeh-eia I also;-'iveh tu k ua lucky for him! miye' wai' I arrived there (and no one else) miye'k'A m.ni'kt-ktafI shall go (no matter what others may do) tVib.lto' wica'lafni tlca mi'A 'iyo'wjwaya my elder brother was unwilling but I was ttib.lo' mak~'d yub.lu' nq mi'A wo'watu my elder brother ploughed and I planted The adversative element may also be attached to the conjunction and in this case the simple emphatic forms are used: tNb.lo' wica'laini tkc'aA miye' 'iyo'wjwaya (as above) ~~ 78-98. POSITION OF PERSONAL PRONOUNS ~ 78. MONOSYLLABIC STEMS It is not possible to give absolutely consistent rules for the position of personal pronouns. All pronouns, subject, object, indirect objects and possessives are placed in the same positions, excepting the possessives of neutral verbs and of active verbs without object. (See p. 88.) Monosyllabic stems of the type v, cv, cvc, or ccvc always prefix the pronoun. The two last-named groups have as terminal consonants p, t, cy k, Z, i, #, w or y. (See p. 11.) ~ 79. STEMS WITH INITIAL VOWEL All verbs beginning with a vowel, except those consisting of a single vowel, and verbs of the type vc, have the pronoun following the vowel. The, only exception is the first person dualplural which precedes the vowel when the object is second or third person singular. When the This and the following are contracted from i'yaki "a Perhaps from ki Wc. ACADEMY OF SCIDNCZ8] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 79 No. 21 object is third person plural, the single initial vowel remains in initial position. The initial vowels are probably all locative prefixes, 'a, 'i, 'o. 'ali' he steps on, climbs, 'eqka'li we - him; 'awi'catqi " we - them 'iyu'ta he tries, measures, 'tqki/yut'a we - him; 'iwi'c'asqyut'a we - them owa' he paints, 'tqko'wa we - it; 'owi'c',wa we - them 'ayu'pta he answers him, 'ab.lu'pta I - him;.'tqka'yupta we -; 'awi'c'q.yupta we - them Apparent exceptions are ",*'pa to lay down, waiq'pa I lay down, and 'o'ta many, mao'ta I am many (said by a leader) which prefix the pronoun. Both of these belong to the class of cvc verbs and are, therefore, not bisyllabic words. In bisyllabic stem complexes following the initial vowel the pronoun retains its proper position in the complex. 'ina'hni he hurries, 'ina'tqhni we -;-' ona'Ii't he hears about it, 'ona'th'tq we -, 'ona'wic's.hI'tpi we - them;-'iha' kta he is loath to leave him, 'ihd'tkta we -, 'iha'wic'zqkta we - them;-'aho'p'a he pays respect to him, 'aho'tqp'a;-'op'a'hta he ties it into a bundle, 'op'a'qhIta; —'oc'e'Ti he builds a fire in it, 'oc'e'tqt'i;-'ok'ipat'a he pieces it together, 'ok'iTqpat'a ~ 80. STEMS WITH TWO INITIAL VOWELS When the stem is preceded by a combination of two vowels (locative prefixes) these retain their initial position also when the subject is first person dual-plural, the object second or third person singular. ai' hcb.la he dreams of him, 'ai'sqhqb.la;-ai'Aikc'j he gets out of patience with him, 'ai'tqAikcc'j;'ai'capti to hold mouth open for something, 'a1'tlcapa;-' ai'c' a~a it grows on him, he grows up on it, ai'qtc'ada -ao'kaci~ he peers around at him, 'ao'qkakj;-'ao'kiyapri they confer, 'ao'tkiya'a'hom.ni he goes around him, 'ao'tqhom.ni;-iya'pehq he wraps it around him, 'iya'tpehq'iya'tqpa he blames him 'iya'tqk'tpa An exception is: oi'hqke to be ended 'tqko'ihqke, probably because it is derived from 'ihq'kie, end, and not directly from hqlce' piece. Locative prefixes are often contracted, either among themselves or with other elements. In these cases the accent is on the first syllable and the verbs are treated like those with unfcontracted prefixes. 'i'p'i to be satisfied with food, i'Tjp 'i; —i'm.na he is surfeited, oversatisfied with it, 'iTqm.na;-'i'm.naka he is confident of another's efficiency, competent, 'iTqm.naka;-'i'yokteka he scolds him, Tiyoiqkteka'o'p'a he joins, takes part in, Vo/tpta 1;-'o'm.na he smells of it, 'o'sm.na;-Vo're he covers him as with a sheet, 'o'tqje;-'o'hi he reaches, touches it as result of an effort, 'o'tqhi;-'o'kihq he is (that much) younger than he, 'o'qkIihq;-'o'kiya he assists him, 'o'tqkiya;-'o'1c'i~upi they assemble, 'o'tk'i~uPi;-'o'skca she wraps porcupine quills around strips of raw hide, Vo'skla Here belongs also: t3' c'a he imitates him 'tl'elc'a Verbs with intial 'e', always derived from ai or alci, are treated in the same way. 'e'kttpa he forgot it, 'e'tqktq~a;-'e'g.naka he lays it by, 'e'tg.naka ~ 81. STEMS WITH PREFIX lk'i The reciprocal in its widest sense expresses the mutual relations between two objects acted upon. It expresses not only the concept of actions which two or more individuals perform upon each other or one another but also those performed jointly and those in which two objects are brought into mutual relation. In this last sense it may express contact or separation. It is formed from the obsolete stem kti which appears in adverbial form as lcictica to be with. (See p. 138.) The lc% appears in unmodified form with the locatives 'a and 'o. 09 wic'at4 may be contracted in all cases to wfC'4&'. I But op'a' to go by way of' 4&ko'p'a. DAKATA GRAMM R [MFImoiRs NATIONAL 80 [VOL. XXIII, We find the following forms: The prefix kti into two parts. The position of the pronoun 'is the same as that found in locatives, except that the first person dual-plural follows the isame rule as all other persons. The kt does not change after pronominal i. (See p. 15.) k'ica'ksa he cuts it in two by striking; ilk'inicaksa he - thee; k'ia'kaksa we two - him; k 'iwi'c tqkaksa we two - them ktiwo'ksa he breaks it in two by hitting from a distance; kViwo'tiksa we two - it; k'iwo'uicqkIsa we two - them 'ok'icasleca he splits it in two; olk'iwakasleca I - it The prefix icti in contact. With this meaning lci is preceded by the pronoun, whenever the kti is not separable from the stem, or when the stem with kti has a special meaning. The, k of kti changes after pronominal i. (See p. 15.) wak'i'k~q I wrestle with him; nic'i'k~q he - with thee, (-)kAq to be bent, kAq'kUq to wriggle;-wakcti'kata I challenge playfully;-'owa'k'iya I court, address someone; 'oi'ya to talk, grumble about;-wak'j'j (for ki%) I pelt him;-wak'iza I fight somebody;-wakTi'e I scold somebody (Santee);-wak'ipaii I oppose someone and try to harm him, 'ipaij to resist an impulse, to force against;-wakei'yuke I bully someone, 'ik'u'Ae (n.) to be hindered;-ktiyu'ha (animals) copulate, yuha' to be attracted by a person, drawn by affection to a person;-k'iile' (wa) ya I commit rape (preceded by wi woman, or by nominal object);-'iye'k'iya to send to, 'iye'ya to send;- -k'ipata to fold, requires an instrumental prefix and the pronoun stands, according to the character of the prefix, but preceding k'i;'o'k'iiu to come together in assembly, '0' k'ifupi we assemble (intrans.) When the stems occur without lci and the 1ci is preceded by a locative the pronoun follows Ici. 'ok'iwapat'a I piece together several things, 'ok~i'spat'a we piece it together- I-ak'iwaka~ka I fasten together; —'ak'iyuha to carry jointly, ak'ittyuha we carry jointly, kicTi 'ak'ib.luha or kic Ti 'awa'k'iyuha I - with him;-'ak'iyuza to hold jointly;-'ak'iyutitq to pull jointly (in opposite directions), 'ak~ipatitq to push jointly, compare 'ak'iptq 'ec'tq'pi they did it together; 'ak'iptq 'ska'kat'api we acting together pile soil on it; kicTi-'auwa'ktiptq with him I cooperated on it;'ak'i'g.na (adv.) a shot passed through;-' ita' ig.na 2 piling bodies one on the other (adv.) Here belong also the reciprocal forms of verbs expressing comparisons. (See p. 78.) 'a' iyesqc'eca we two are alike;-'a'k'itiskokeca we two are of the same size; 'a'k'iyehqkecapi they two are equally tall ~ 82. STEMS WITH INITIAL CONSONANT The pronoun is prefixed in bisyllabic verbs with initial b, p, p', p'; 1, t, t'; s, s'; gq, k, kt, k'; 6, h, It'; h. Exceptions are few and in most cases it may be assumed that they are compounds. In the labial series we have infixed pronouns inbUo-ka'ska to hiccough (b.lo protuberance) bUolc-yq'ka to stay in camp in summer (b.lok- summer) both obviously compounds. p'-t'8to tie up a bundle, is treated as though it were a compound of p'a head; but is derived from the obsolete stem p'a~ia to be gathered in a bunch Au-t'a' to miss aim, is probably derived from Ait-ut'a' to hit badly, which would take the pronoun after initial u 81'T'a to be a good worker (only used for women), a colloquial term, prefixes the pronoun, although it may possibly be derived from 8la'-ot'a' to be covered with grease (like a woman working meat); this may be a chance similarity Exceptions in the k series all begin with k'o and are presumably compounds. k'o-Aka' (5) to be a young man;-hqkVo-kp'a, hqlcVo-kip'a he is afraid at night;-k'o'-ya to include;k'o-ya'lca to wear an ornament, fine clothing;-k'og.li' to be translucent, has no first and second persons, but would probably belong here;-o-i'' to fear, is a verb in p'a and has the pronoun and the obligatory dative ki preceding p'a 2 Probably for l'Wq'k'fq.,na; compare lit'a'anss4k for lit'qanuk on each side of body, lit'a'wokhq for 1it ~q'wokhq around body; also conversely a Santee proper name t'qwq'duta for t'awq'duta scarlet arrow. 3 Compare op'a'(wa)llta (I) take in a sight as a whole, Santee, Assiniboine. ACADEMY OP SCIUCNCMS I No. 21 MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 81 The prefixed position of the pronoun before kti expressing mutuality or meeting; and its position following kti expressing separation have been discussed before. k'ii'yqlca to run a race has the regular double pronoun of jyq'ka, k'iwa'jm.nqka I run a race A number of irregularities occur in verbs with initial hi and Wi. hta-ni' to toil, htawa'ni I toil wa-hta'ni to sin, waya'htani you sin; contains undoubtedly the indefinite object wa Ii'r'-t'a to be exhausted and h't('-kpani to give out, be exhausted before completing a work, the former neutral, the latter active, may be contracted from Il'q-tq-t'a lit, to die by means of action, and Ii'q-ij-kpani to be inferior to it by means of action (see 'a'olpani it iB less than it) Ii'qhi' to be slow, tardy, a compound of h'q to act, prefixes the pronoun Exceptions in verbs with initial h are also presumably compounds. haki'kta to look back hawe'kta I look back;-iha'kta to be held back by attraction hadwakga I am — hqb.le' to fast for a vision hqwa'b.l e I - (see i-hq'b.la to dream, probably contains hq night); ho-hpa' to cough (ho voice);-hj-g.nu' to singe (hi fur, feathers);-he-pa' to argue, fight against someone (he antlers, horns?) ~ 83. STEMS WITH INITIAL M Some bisyllabic verbs with initial m prefix, others infix the pronoun. There are very few verbs beginning with my. All beginning with m.n prefix the pronoun. Infixing: ma'-ni to walk, ma-nti' to steal Prefixing: mima' to be circular, disk shaped (cf. g. mig. ma' to be spherical);-mi (wa')g. naka (I) wear in belt, may be a compound of mi- knife;-m.ni' (tk)iciyapi we are having a meeting, is contracted from m.na-T''c'iyapi;-'a(ni')ma~te the weather is warm (for you), may have the pronoun prefixed on account of the preccding locative a ~ 84. STEMS WITH INITIAL tz Many verbs with initial tV infix the pronoun; but all seem to'be compounds. t'a-p'a' to follow in the path of (see p. 83, verbs in p'a);I-ta-opi to be wounded (t'q body, often heard as t'a; they shoot the body);-ta-0o'Ma, t'a-~o'Aa to spit (t'aoe' saliva; evidently formed from t'afe'-tAad roily saliva);-t'a-kpe' to meet as enemies, to fight (usually adverb) (perhaps, to puncture body?);t'o-kfu' to haul to another place (t'ok different, k~u to pile);-t'o-ki'c'r to take revenge (t'ok enemy, kic'iq to use one's own);-t'e-Ra'ka to wear about the head (usually adverb);-t'o-ka'p'a to be the elder of two; also mat'o'kap'a (this does not belong to the verbs in pta, p. 83, all of which are active); also mat'o'kahe' I stand first The following prefix the pronoun: t~qi' it is apparent to sight or hearing, mat'q'j I am in sight;-t'qni' to be old, matq~'ni I am old; -t'aki'' to be out of vertical position, to slant (as a pole, tree), does not occur with first and second person pronouns ~ 85. STEMS WITH INITIAL C, C, C' Usage in verb stems with initial c, ct, c' is very uncertain. Infixing: cte-tq'pa to roast by fire (c'e?; qpa' to lay down);-c'e'-kiya to pray to, entreat, address by kinship term;cre-tTi to build a fire;-c'o-k'j to roast in ashes (c'o kernel, corn);-c'o-ktq' to threaten the life of someone (Ikt~ to covet);-ca-p'a' to stab;-c'o-p'a' to wade Prefixing: (wa)c'e'ya (I) weep;-(ma)c'u'wita (I am) cold;-(ma)co'nala (I am) few (said by a leader on behalf of his followers);-(ma)ci'k'ala (I am) small;-(ma) Ci'8cila (I am) small DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~[MEmoiRs NATIONAL 82 DA OAG A ~R[VOL. xxII.I, Prefixing or infixing: c~tq(mad)k8i or (ma) tq'ksi (I am) cranky (contains c9ql- heart);-e'q(ma') ze or (ma)c'('ze (I am) angry (contains c~ql-);-(ma)c'a'tka or c'a(ma')tka (I am) left handed;-~~(ma)cta'ske, sometimes c'a(ma')ske to assume by mistake a position of honor (Y); (I am) an eldest son (Santee);-(ma)c'e'kpa, rarely &'e(ma')lkpa (I am) one of twins;-8icVo'(ma) k'ala or si(ma')ctok'ala (I am) barefoot ~ 86. STEMS WITH INITIAL W Very few bisyllabic stems begin with w. Most verbs beginning with wa have this syllable as a prefix which precedes the pronoun. To this group may belong wa(ya')cti (you) dance. In a few cases this prefix seems to have become firmly united with a monosyllabic stem, so that it has lost its identity. waste' good, (ma) wa' Ate I am good. The stem Ate appears in maAWe the weather is good, huAte' lame (peculiar in the legs); and in the related wahte'Ani not good wak'q' wonderful, sacred (ma) wa'k'q I am holy, may perhaps be interpreted in the same way wqii' to be one, mawq' At I am one, prefixes the pronoun Usage is variable in: (ma)wq'k'ala (I am) fragile, in delicate health, but c'cqlwq' (ma)k'a (I am) sensitive (c'ql- heart);wa(mad)Aicu (I am) a white man, cunning, a guardian spirit, 'i (ma) wa'Aicu I am garrulous, talkative ~ 87. INSTRUMENTALS Wa, wo, na, na The instrumentals wa, wo, na, na are followed by the pronouns. ~ 88. INSTRUMENTALSkia, pa, pu The instrumentals, ka, pa, pu are preceded by the pronouns. ~ 89. STEMS WITH INITIALn71 Verbs beginn with na except those of the type cvc infix the pronoun. These cannot have the instrumental na- by an inner force, because they have the active pronoun. na (wad)wizi (I am) jealous;-na (wa')pca (I) swallow it;-na (wa') p'j (I) wear it around neck;-na (wa') tc (I) charge in battle;-na(IA')sa (we) go on a communal hunt;-na(wa')sti (I am) with (my) feet in a certain direction (this contains na- with the feet);-na(wa')t'aka I lock a door, block the way;nadAj (nawa'Aj) to stand up;-na(wa')2ica (I) run away;-na(wa')m.ni I turn about and return without reaching my objective;-na(wa')h't* (I) hear it;-rna(wa')hma (I) hide it;-'ina' (wa)hni (I) hurry The verb 'ina'pidccfyc (nape' hand, 'i by means of, ~kq' to move, ya to use for) is treated in the same way, so that the word nape' hand, is split; ina'-pi~ikccyq. napj' to have an oily taste does not occur with first or second person;-na'ka a muscle twitches (cvc verb) mana'ka my muscle twitches Other verbs beginning with n prefix the pronoun. (wa)ni'ya 4(I) breathe; e'uwj'o(wa')kiniya (I) sigh deeply;-i(ma')nihq (I am) scared (monosyllabic with continuative hq, see nihij'milciya I am in a state of panic);-(ma)nf'yq (I am) inflamed;(ma) ni'ca (I) lack;-(wa)n1A'wq (niwq' Santee) I swim on or under water;-(wa)nu'ni (I) lose (my) way (see wants accidentally, g.nu'ni to lose one's own);-(ma)nit'za (I am feeling) soft (like an enlarged gland);-(ma)ntq'2a I feel soft (like cartilage);-(ma)nu'#ia I have callus of bone (nu'dia to be gnarled);-ni'8lkokeca<le-iskokeca to be this large forms nima'skokeca 4nisf(wa')ga to save, does not belong here. It contains the stem isito live;ga to cause. ACADEMY OF SCUNCDS]I MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 8 No. 2] 8 ~ 90. VERBS WITH TERMINAL pea Verbs ending in pta, all active, infix the pronoun preceding pta. This ending is presumably a verb, but no meaning that fits all cases has been found. ikVo-p'a he fears lest (see hqkVo-lkpta, hqlcVo-kipta he is afraid at night; kVoki'p'a to fear someone);kea-pta to surpass, beat in a race;-'a-p'a' to strike, ctqti'-ya'mapta my heart beats (c'qte', iya'p'a);-'o'-p'4 to j oin;-' o-p'a' to go by way of, 'ot'a'-pta to follow after (see t'a'te hunting deer), 'ot'a'map'a following (me, my thoughts);-wato'-p'a to row a boat (wa'ta-op'a');-nap'a' to flee, to go out of sight temporarily I;-c'o-p'a' to wade;-cta-pta' to stab;-' aho'-p'a to treat with respect (see 'oho'la to regard as deserving respect; Wohoka cea' said of a questionable character, lit, being sort of deserving respect; 'oho'hola a post, tooth, etc., is loose at its base);-'itts*I-pea to treat with care, to marvel at (see 'tt' (ma)tttq I am injured);-also 'a-p'e' to wait for Exceptions: 'a-ktipa to meet, it befalls one (from 'aptad), Titko-1cipta to meet face to face, ('itko'p in the direction towards one who is approaching) teo(ma')kapea I am the eldest, is static and does not belong here ~ 91. VERBS WITH TERMINAL kec Verbs ending in kea to be of a certain quality, prefix the pronoun, except those combined with demonstrative pronouns (see pp. 121 et seq.). sa'k'a it is raw, uncooked, masa'k'a;-wi'k'ala it is fragile, he is delicate, mawq'Ik'ala, but ctql-wq'-k'a to be cowardly (c'q1-wq'mak'a I am - );-pitqk'a' it is roundish, mapAtq'k'a (yupA%~'pAtq 'e'g.naka he left it bundled up roundish there);-g.lak'a' they are upright and sparse (trees, grass), nig.la'k'ela(pi) you have thin(hair) (yug.la' to unravel strings);-k'ecta' it is shaggy, malk'e'c'a;-watu'lkta he is weary, wama'tuk'a (see 'itu'ya in vain 'itu'h'q to act in vain);-k'uk'a' it disintegrates, malk'u'1c'a;-Aok'dIto protrude (lips);-'oble'c'a it is oblong, 'oma'b.lecta (see bUeh'a' it widens downward);h'ok'a' the singer who accompanies dances, mah'o'k'a (see a[wa]ki'Ii'oka I am skilfull in that, that is my specialty) An exception is: sic' o'k'ala he is barefooted (lit, his feet are without anything), sic'o'mak'ala, rarely sima'c'ok'ala;,t'cc'o'k'ala he is without a blanket, t'qc'o' mak' ala 6 ~ 92. VERBS WITh TERMINALk' Verbs ending in k'a, prefix the pronoun. wak'q' he is holy, mawq'k'cq (lc'q given by Walker as "mystery" is unknown to E. D.);-yuk'q' he has (there is to him), mayu'k'q ~ 93. VERBS WITH TERMINAL t'4' TO WEAR Verbs with t',q( to wear, bring forth, insert the pronoun before t'4. Active: 'i-Vqs' to speak the truth (i mouth?);-'i-t'tq'Ani to lie;-'o-t't(' to wear as leggings (to be inside of);wahj'ytq-t'sq to dress skin (see wahj'ysq-waAte'pi they are good for greasing skins 39.3; 'itt' to apply oil);-wac'j'-t'q~ni to have no sense; —wi'Ai-Vt't (< wa-'iAi) to offer a price to be paid for a service;ho-t'n( to send forth voice (i. e., to utter one's own characteristic cry, such as animals);-c'aA-t's*' to name;-c'eya' k-t'sq to build a bridge (c'eya'ka beaver dam);-'op'e'-t'tj to purchase Neutral: '9sq'-t'tq to be injured (it injures me) 5See wi' htina'p'a sunrise, sun comes into sight. wica'(wa)k'a to mean what one says, does not belong here (wica right, k'a to mean; see wica'Ia to consider right.) 84 ~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRnSNATPIONAL ~ 94. VERBS COMPOUNDED OF NOUN AND VERB Verbs compounded of a noun and a verb leave the pronoun in the position where it belongs in relation to the verb. pVo(wa)Aj I wrinkle my nose (pt a-' o-Aj);-p'a(wa')kahqka I nod (p'a head); ---p'o'(wa)m.nam.na I shake my head (p'a head);-'iwt' (wa)g.muza I blink with my eyes ('ikta' eye);-c'qti'ya' (ma) p'a my heart beats (c'qte' heart);-c'cq(ma') ze I get angry (also mac'ci'ze);-sie'o'(ma) k'ala I am barefooted (si foot, si[ma'Jeola bare);-hu(ma')Ate lame (hu leg);-'ai' (wa)capa I hold mouth open for ('i mouth);-nap(ma')zaniAni I am given to petty thievery (my hand is not healthy, nape' hand);ttqcVo(ma)k'aia I am without wraps, outer clothing (t'q body);-ho(wa')Iipa I cough;-ho' (ma)t'qj my voice is audible;-ho' (ma)bu I have a low voice;-c'e(wa')sli defecate (c'e a prefix for some body parts);-wi(wa') pat'a I make a tipi cover (wi a prefix for tipi);-c'qwa' (ya) ksa you saw wood (c'q wood);-ctq(wa')le I provide firewood;-ctqn1q'tk'tqpa we two smoke;-lo(wa')c'j I am hungry (lit, desire food lo);-b.1o(wa')kaska I hiccough (bl1o?);-hi(wa')g.n14 I singe off hair or down (hi hair);-t'sq(wa')ka~pa I cough up slime;-nsq'i(ma)pq my ears ring (ntq'oe ear, pq to shout);C'qksi' he is cranky, c'q (ma') ksi I- (c'qte' heart);-c'qiwQ'k'a he is a coward, c'cqima'wqk'a I- (also Ctalwq/mak'a, c'qiwq'nik'a, probably on account of the lack of the combinations 1n, 1m) To this group belong the demonstratives 'e, le', he', ka', p. e.: le(ma')hqyela this finishes m-e;-1e(ma')hqkeca I am this tall;-1e(ma')tqhq I am from this place;-'iye'(mi)cic'etu it is suitable for (me);-he(ma')c'a (I) am that kind;-l1e(ma')ct eca I am like this;-le(ma')ct ala I am of recent times, young ~ 95. SUB~ORDINATE VERBS Compounds consisting of two verbs insert the subject pronoun before the second verb, the first verb being treated like an adverb. Aka'ioma'wani I travel playing Akal-Womawani I go about to play Compositions of this type occur particularly with verbs of motion and position. heye'-i he went to say that, heye'-wai I -(not very idiomatic);-c'ok'a'-g.1i' he comes back without anything, ctoka'd-wag~li I -;-wo'g~lalc nawa'tj I stood talking, wo'g.lak-nawa'zj I stood for the purpose of talking Verbs of arriving, Yi, hi', kti/, g.1i' take also first position and are followed by the pronoun. 'ak'i'wab.ludata on arriving home there, I washed things 'agli'aniazqon arriving home here you became sick 'ahi'ipkatapi on arriving here we play 'e'niAtimapi on arriving there you fell asleep (e' >ai) The forms and meanings of compositions have been treated at another place (pp. 67 et seq.; see also p. 157). ~ 96. COMPOUND VERBS A few compound verbs use the subject pronoun with both verbs. Some derivatives of ya to go, are used with double pronouns. kaa'ya he takes it to him, waka'ya or waka'b.la I take it to him ki'caya he takes another one's without his sanction, we' caya or we' cab.la I take his without his sanction ki'cicaya he takes another one's with his sanction, we' cicaya or we' cicabl1a, I takeicae'yaya he starts taking another's, waka'eyaya and waka'eb.lab.la, I startkihi'yoya he goes after it for him, walci'hiyoya or waki'hiyob.la, I goici'cihiyoya he goes after another one's with his sanction, we' cihi yoya or we' cihiyob.la, I goOther verbs using double pronouns are: j'yqka he runs, waj'm.nqka I run, yai'nqka you run, tfk'i'yqka you and I run With the verbs 'i, hi',Y kti', g.li' expressing arrival preceding the finite verbs yylka', to lie, i'yotalka to sit, hpa'ya to lie, ha,' to stand (inanimate objects), na'ii to stand (animate beings), yqka' to fall to doing something, both verbs may take pronouns. ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 8 No. 21 8 (wea) g.li'-nakj or (wea) g.li'-na(wa) bj (I) come back to where (I) belong and stop (sea)Vki' yotaka or (wa)k'i' (b.l)otaka (I) arrive back where I belong and sit down (sea) kTi-yska or (sea) k'i'-(m)ttka (I) arrive back where I belong and lie down 'e-~~~a(I) arrive there and lie down g~li'yotaka 7he returns here to where he belongs and sits down, weag.li'yotaka or wag.li'b.lotaka I return to where I belong and sit down k'i'yotalca he arrives going back to where he belongs and sits down, wak'i'bMotaka I - tf'yq he loses it, waq'b.la 8 I -, yasq'la you -, c'iq~'yq I - you, maya tqla you - me A doubling of pronouns without the obvious presence of two verbs occurs in a few cases, the dative forms being followed by a subjective pronoun. oki'yaka he relates it to him, owa'kib.daka (Assiniboine, Teton generally owa'kiyaka), owe'ciyaka or owe' cib~daka I tell for him (Assiniboine) wqya'ka he sees it, wqwe'ciyaka or wqwe'cib.laka I see for him k'oya'ka he wears an ornament, a standard, k'owe'ciyaka or kVowe'cib.laka I wear his honor-badges ~ 97. NOUNS The following nouns insert the pronoun: 'Ihq'kt'tqwq a Yankton, 'Ima'hqkt'swq (also idiomatic: 'Ihq'kt'sqwq hema'c'a; better stirn 1Ihq'kt'tqwq-wima')c' aia,-wjma' yq); —'it'q'c'q chief, lord, leader, 'ima'Tqc'q;-'Ikto'mi, 'Ikto' the trickster, 'Ima'ktomi (also Ikto'mi-wj'mayq, etc. (woman), both forms used;-wafti'cu guardian, medicine-bundle, white man, wama 'iicu (see wa-i to order one to work for);-wakj'yq thunder, wama'kjyq (also wakj'yqwima'c'aAa);-wak'q'he~a child, wama'k'qheia (also wama'kqyeta),;wic'a'Aa man, wvima'c Ita~a;wicta'hcala old man, wima'ctahcala;-wicTiyela Dakotas not using 1, seini'ciyela 8a you are - weint*'hcala old woman, wima'nlqhcala;-wf'yq woman, wjma'yq;-wic'i'cala girl, wjma'e'jcala;ha' sapa Negro, black skin, ha' masapa (or ha'sapa-wjma'yq);-hok~i'la boy, homa'kAila;-hokAi'cala baby, homa'kAicala;-matto' bear, mani't'o (You're a shark at RIt) or (You are fiercely angry);Lak'o'ta a Dakota, lama'k'ota (also mala'k'ota);-k'oAka'1aka young man, k'oma'Akalaka; —wikVo'kalaka young woman, wima'k'o~kalaka-T'i'T'twq a Teton, does not insert the pronoun, mat'i't'sqwq The following are verbal forms:..'aki'c'ita camp police, 'ama'kic'ita (from 'a(wa')k'ita I look around for);-'oq~'papila infant in cradle (little one wrapped tightly in it), 'oma'ttpapila Children playing might also use such terms as: 'ima'gmu I am a cat The feeling for such nouns may be -understood from the following cases: 'ale'tka a twig, maa'letka I am a twig (a younger member) of a great family, 'ama'letka he is a twig on me (i. e., he is a young member of my family) heha'ka branched antlers, elk mahe'haka I am a member of the elk society (but better heha'ka Vowapla I joined the elks), hema'haka would be said by the animal elk, I am with branched antlers ~ 98. DOUBLE VERBS In transitive compound verbs, expressing either synchronous or successive actions, both verbs having the same subject, the objective pronoun stands with the subordinate, the subject with the principal verb. This occurs most frequently with suffixed verbs. (See p. 74.) wcqmayak-yahi'-na'2j you stopped (na'ij) on your way coming (hi) to see me;-wqma'yalc yahi'-nta'2i just as you arrived on your way coming you saw me;-'ama'gd1e-p'ica it is best to take me home 9;'ic'i'kte-waka'pj I am reluctant to kill myself 7 'i'voetaka he sits. With 'i "to arrive going" no compound verb Is formed; wai' sq 'ibdtotaka I arrive there and sit down. 8 Instead of the dual wiC'4'k'4yq we lose them, the expression to'k'i ille'woic'sq we left them somewhere, is preferred. sa Literally talking man's language. Compare ta'kuye-map'icaini to have for anything I am not good (I am useless). 1622360 —41- -- -7 86 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRs NATIONAL DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, When the subject is first person singular, the object second person, the combined pronoun stands with the subordinate verb and the subject is repeated with the principal verb. 'acT'ipe-wakci'nica I could hardly restrain from striking you;-wqc'iyak-wac'qmi I hope to see you;ctikte'-waka'pj I am reluctant to kill you;-c'ikte'-uwaT~a I tried to kill you;-macTintq-wahi' I have come to steal you;-'awa'mac 'inaq 'oma'wani I went about stealing things from you;c ticil pq 'oma'wani I went about shouting for you;-'ocTlhe 'oma'wani I walked searching for you With verbs of motion and position the subordinate verb may also take adverbial form. ac ~i'p e-nawa'bj I stood to await you; 'ac'i' p'e nawa'bi or 'ape e-nac'iii I stand waiting for you;-'icTiytqh-wahi' or 'iyt%9i-c'ihi' I came to ask you When the subject of the subordinate verb is the object of the finite verb both verbs have the subject and object pronouns. 'oi ye nama'yali'qklta 'tfspe' c'ic tiya I teach you to listen to my word (the word/you will listen to me/I make you know) When two objects are involved, the subject of the finite verb being the same as the object of the subordinate verb, the subject and object of the finite verb remain attached to it, the object of the subordinate verb stays with that verb. 'ama'p ce-c 'ic'iya I make thee strike me;-mak'u'-c'iAi I order you to give it to me; -wani~c' u-mayaWi you order me to give you something When three persons are involved, so that subject and first object belong to the finite, the second object to the subordinate verb, the subject and first object stand with the finite verb, the object of the subordinate verb stays with that verb. lama'p e-rniciya he makes thee strike me;-'ani'p'e-wak~iya I make him strike thee;-' ani~ceye-waya' I cause him to cry for thee;-nic'u'-wa8i'? I order him to give it to you;-nic' u'-ma~i' he orders me to give it to you;-ni'co-maAi' he orders me to invite you (k'ic'o to invite);-'ani'patitci mayu'za he held me pushing against you;-' awa'niic 'i-' ama'p'e he invited me to join him dancing (trampling) on you;-'e'l mau'-niei he told you to come to me; ---'e'1 niye'-maii' he told me to go to you;'el ye-cTiAi I told you to go to him;-'hetq' ye-cTiAi I told you to go from there The last four examples agree in form with the preceding, but require the preceding 'e'l, 'hetq' because Vu and ya' are intransitive verbs. (See p. 77.) A double object occurs in: le' 'el wic'a'cic'u I give you to this one in marriage, probably because wictak~upi she is given In marriage, is felt as a unit ~ 99. Po8ssEssioN OF OBJECT AND INDIRECT OBJECT The possession of the object by the subject, and the indirect objects to, on behalf of, instead of, in place of, are expressed by the prefixes ki and kici. The latter may be by origin a doubled ki, the second ic being transformed after i into a c. The form 1ki- (1st dative) implies action referring to an object belonging to a person different from the subject but without sanction or permission of the owner, for instance, "I take his own without his permission," in other words, an action that reflects in some way upon his interest but performed on the initiative of the subject. The form kiei- (2d dative) expresses an action done with permission of the owner of an object, an action done on his initiative or in his place. ACADEMY OF SCIEN1CES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 8 No. 2] 8 The use of these forms is very irregular. The personal forms of the three sets are as follows: First dative, on behalf of, without sanction me thee him thee and me us them --------- c 'ici' - waki'- wic'a'wakcithou -----— maya'khi- yaki'- siya'ki-pi wic'a'yalihe ------— maki'- nici- ki-' sqki'- pi' sqi'-pi wic'a'kithou and I --- -- t~i'-k — wic'a'ttkiwe, plurals2 --- - iqni'ci-pi tiki'-pi — wic'a'stki-pi Second dative, instead of, with sanction me thee him thee and me us them ---------- c'i'lci- we'di- wic' a' wecthou -----— mi ye' ci- - ye'Ci- 4we'ci-pi wic'a'yecihe ------— mi'ci- ni'ci- ki'ci- tiki'ci-pi' tjki'ci-pi wic' a'hi cithou and I --- --- iki'ci- — wic'(a')sthici-3 we, plural2______ - sni'ci-pi sqki'ci-pi — wicta'tjkici-pi 1 Always with pi. 2Plural and exclusive dual, he and I. ' Both forms. When these pronouns are in initial position the first dative has the accent on the second syllable, while in the second dative the initial syllables we', ye', 1ci', eti', rni' bear the accent. The forms for I - thee, he - thee, of the two datives differ only in accent. The second datives are obviously formed by the contraction of alci to e; ilci to i. POW8e8ive we'- I-mine 1ci- he-his ye'- you-yours i1ki - we-ours ~ 100. POSSESSION IN VERBS WITH INITIAL p, ka, y Verbs with initial p, including the prefix pa "by pushing," take for the possessive forms of the first, second, third, and inclusive persons waic-, yak-, 1c-, 'ik-. pawi'yakpa to polish, to make shine; possessive wakpa'wiyakpa, yakpa'wiyakpa, kpawi' yak pa, aqhpa'wiyahkpa; 1st dative waki'pawiyakpa; 2d dative we'cipawiyakpa; —also: pehq' to fold up flat things, like blankets, goods;-o-pe'm.ni to wrap about;-po'dq to blow on, to blow up; —puske'pa to strain a fluid Verbs with initial y have for the possessive forms first, second, third, inclusive persons wagi1-, yag.l-, g.l-, itg.1-. The first and second datives are as before. yapstq' to spill with mouth; possessive wag.la'pssq, yag.la'pssq g.lapstq' tig.la'pssq; 1st dative waki'yapsti; 2d dative we' ci yapstj yum.na' to rip as a seam; possessive wag.lu'm.na, yag.lu'm.na, g.lum.na', tjg.lu'm.na; 1st dative wahi'yum.na; 2d dative we' ci yum.na Related to these forms are g~lo'u4 to wear one's own (see p. 94) and g.rtu'rni to lose one's own (nu'ni to lose one's way). Verbs with initial instrumental prefix ka- have the possessive forms wag.la'-, yag.la'-, g~la'-, 'ttg.la'-. Verbs with initial k of stem change it after e and i in the possessive, not in the first dative. (See P. 14.) kic'u'wa he pursues his own; kiktu/wa he pursues it for him; ki'dcicuwa 2d dative kic'u'te he shoots off his own (gun); kik'u'te he shoots it (a bow, etc., for him); ki'cic'ute 2d dative kic'a' he digs his own; kik'a' he digs it for him; ki'cic'a 2d dative 88 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MMOIS NATIONA [VOL. XXIII, ~ 101. THE USE OF ki- FOR BACK AGAIN A peculiar use of ki is probably reducible to the dative ki. The possessive forms iki'kcu he takes his own, i. e., he takes it back 47.1, 48.8; kictu' he gives his own, i. e., he gives it back; op'e'kit'4 he buys his own, i. e., he buys it back; kicta' he asks for his own, i. e., he asks it back; kikta' to get up from a lying position, i. e., to be up again; all imply a return to a former state. The first person has the regular possessive form we'. The k does not change to c after e and i. A number of other forms which render the idea of return to a previous state are expressed by forms corresponding to the first dative ki, with first person waki. (wa)ki'ni (I) revive (ki'cikini his revives);-kiska' to fade (to return to an original white color);kicte'pa to become fat again (waki'c'epa-wi June, moon of things getting fat again);-kisa'pa the grounds become black again after melting of snow Nouns may be treated in the same way and thus become active verbs. (wa)ki'wic'aAa (I) become a man again (like a human who in a tale had appeared in animal shape);kit'a'hca she became a deer again (wa)ki'wiyc (I) became a (respectable) woman again;-kima'kca tilled land comes to lie fallow again kiwa'k'qheza has a different meaning: to treat like a child, like something weak and fragile, to humor ~ 102. POSITION OF POSSESSIVE AND INDIRECT OBJECTS The position of all these forms is the same as that of other pronouns. The possessive of neutral verbs and of active verbs without object is expressed by the forms mi'ci- ni'ci- ki'ci-, iki'ci. These precede the locative prefixes and the neutral prefix na- by itself. ni'cisni your light goes out 39.12;-mi'cisapa mine is black;-qki'cinazjpi ours stand;-mi'cinag.la mine unravels;-mi'ciiyali mine climbs going there;-ki'ciottehika his is expensive;-mi'ciakihi' mine is starving;-ni'ciakisni yours is getting well ('ani'cisni you are getting well) The second datives have the same forms but they follow the locatives and the neutral prefix na-. mi'ciiyqka mine goes to bed, 'iki'ciyqka she goes to bed for him;-mi'ciot'eiika mine is expensive, wao'kicit'ehika he is stingy, lit. he holds something of his as of high value;-mi'ciiyohi my supply is sufficient, 'iyo'micihi it is sufficient for my use 65.11;-mi'ciwacti mine dances, wami'cic'i he dances for me, in my honor;-(mi'ciwog.laka mine makes a speech, correct, but unidiomatic), wo'miciyaka he tells me something pertinent to me, wo'micig.laka he makes a speech for me;mi'ciia mine talks In many cases it is more idiomatic to use the possessive pronoun with the noun, instead of the possessive verbal forms. mit'a'astke ki nap~e" my horse has run away mici'ksi waya'zqke' my son is sick ~ 103. USE OF REGULAR FORMS The use of the two forms waki- and we'- and the corresponding forms for second and third persons is exceedingly irregular. Some verbs use consistently waki- for the first dative, we'- for the possessive. Others use both waki- and we'- for the possessive and waki- alone for the first dative, the usage being individually and locally variable; others use only waki- for the possessive, or lack the possessive. Still others lack the forms in waki-. The second dative is regular throughout. Many stems beginning with gw, g.l, g.m, g.n, k, k', k', most of which require instrumental prefixes use regularly we'- for the possessive; waki- for the first dative, excepting, however, those with inseparable ki. 'ana'-g.waka 10 to kick at;- -g.mi bald, bare;- -g.mica to pull hair;-(-)g.mig. ma' round;-*g. mu'ka to trap;- -g. m twisted;- -g.la unravelled;-*g.le' to have standing by, ready;- (-)g.le'pa to vomit;(-)g.le'za to mark with many fine marks;- -g.nayq to miss (aim);-*g.na'yqtodeceive;-*g.na'ka 10 - stands for the position of the infixed pronoun. Where the symbols - and (-) stand before the stem they indicate, as usual, obligatory or admissible prefixes. *shows that the stem cannot take a prefix. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES I MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 8 No. 2] 8 to have lying on hand, ready;-*hj-g.nq' to singe off;-(-)lcjza to squeak;-*1ce' to kill;-*1c~u' to do beadwork, t'o-kiu' to haul goods, akAu' to pile;-*k'uwa' to pursue, chase;-*k'ute' to shoot at;*k'a' to dig; '(- -lctq to knock off small, loose objects (berries, wheat); —o-lc'u to lend Regular are also: -bleca to be shattered;-*naPca' to swallow (but 1'al-na'wakipca I swallow my saliva);- -p'a to be pulplike;-attq'wq l0b to look around;- -t'aka to be barred, locked;- -zam-ni to remove cover;*Sq' to braid;- -sleca to be sliced;-*sli'pa to lick, active;- -sBku to pare;- -s'o to trim edges;*~ut'a' to miss;- -Apu to break off;- -4na to miss aim;- -ceka to stagger;-*ctj to desire;-c'oc'o to splash;-ina'kpq to grind into bits;-(-)k'uk'a to be worn out (clothing);-*ha' to bury;-hpa to be down on ground (*hpa' untidy);-*hmu'4a to bewitch;- -lileca to be torn;- -litaka to touch with force 'a10'-ksohq to carry on or under arm.;-'ac'a'-kij to step over;-wo'-k'u to feed (no 1st dative);-'i-h'q' to deal with, work with (not as: to cook, employs reflexive, see p. 90);-p'a-Iita' to tie a bundle;*,q'c'a to imitate Many active verbs that are not transitive take dative forms: ma(we'ci)ni I walk in his stead;-iua'k(i)c'i-wo'hqpi they have a dance feast;-we' cic'eyayalica I worry (cry) about him ~ 104-107. IRREGULAR USE OF FORMS ~ 104. IRREGULAR USE OF We'- AND walciDOUBLE FORMS 1. In many cases waki and we'- are used indiscriminately for possessive forms. Examples are: -pstf to be spilled;-*nap'j' to wear as a necklace;- -m.na to rip;-oc'e'-t'i to build a fire in something;*u..t'a to shoot off;-(-)t'qni to wear out (clothing);- -sl1i to be squeezed;- -~oq to uproot;i-g.ni' to look for;- -Icapa a roundish object moves swiftly through the air; yuk' a' pa to catch (a ball, etc.);- -k'jta to be wiped;- -k'jca to be scraped;- -hlica to be awake;-(-)hlmi to be out of shape;- -hlaya to be peeled off;-na-/i'i' to hear (no 1st dative);-na-hma' to hide (nawe'Iima, but ite'-nawa'kihma I hide my face) FORMS LACKING waki FORMS Verbs with inseparable ki lack the waki- forms: aki'To to be tattooed (active verb) awe'To;-kit'tq to wear (clothing, see p. 102);-t'o-Ici'c's% to retaliate; kic'q' to wail over someone (we'c'q);-kikcq'pta to comfort;-wa-ki'g.leca to have feelings in body that foretell coming events (wawe'g.teca);-kig.1e'6ja to overtake someone;-kissq' to braid hair;kic'o' to invite;-kic'u' to give back one's own;-kig.na' to soothe;-ha-ki'kta to look back;kikta' to get up;-kiksu'ya to remember (wawe'ksuya) The, following may be derived from inseparable ici with loss of vowel, although the k or g is retained after we'-. This is suggested by ~i-g.la to feel resentful: gi'ce-1cila he considers his own bad, >~ikila>sig.la; hiwe'g.la I feel resentful about it. The shortening of ~i'ca to 9i is not rare, p. e..gihj' very bad. c'tet'sq'-g.la to doubt, disbelieve;-iha'-kta to feel pulled back, to wish to stay with someone or somethin g-wa-kta' to expect, depend on; —i'yo-kteka to scold sharply;-*k~u' to do beadwork Also: *tka'to flesh robe;-(-)t'iza to be solid, firm;-*so'so to cut thongs in strips;-*ka'#a to make (see p. 101); *ha to bury Ice Possessive in Yankton owa'kic'a. lob awe'ktsfwO I look around for mine. 90 ~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VoL.t XXTIIIAL FORMS LACKING POSSESSIVES Verbs with the forms walci-, yaki-, ki- for both possessives and first datives. (a) Many monosyllabic verbs: *ld~ to hit by shooting;-*ba' to blame, censure, waki'ba I blame my own (deeds); —bu a deep noise;(-)b.lu to be powdery;-*m.ni' to spread out to dry (corn, berries, strips of squash; no possessive, because food is not personal property);-*ktq' to covet (k does not change);-*hi' to arrive, waki'hi I arrive at my own, i. e., I reach maturity, fledglings begin to fly; also all other verbs of motion and position (b) Verbs with terminal -pta. (See p. 83.) (C) Verbs with initial vowel not separable from the following stem complex, or with transitivizing locatives. (See p. 45.) 'atq' to lay on fire;-'ab.le'za to notice;-'ap'e' to wait, 'iya'wakip'e I wait for him; 'awe' cip'e I wait for it for him;-'ale'*a to urinate on;-'ali' to step on;-'alo'wq to sing, 'awa'kilowq I sing or arrange song for my own, I sing for his; we'cilowq I sing his praises at a dance;-'ana'-tq to charge, hurry to;-'ana'-8lata to creep up to something;-'ac'e'-8li to defecate on;-'as'a' to jeer, shout at (1st dative missing);-'ascu' to be self-conscious in relation to opposite sex (datives missing);'ac'te'ya to cry on account of;-'ani'ya to breathe on...;-'akta'Ani to reject, disregard something;-'ak~i'ia to refuse to surrender something;-'akfu' to pile on;-'alc'i'ta to look for;awa'-Iitani to sin against (htawa'ni I toil);-alhni'yqyq to be aflutter with emotion (joy or anger) 'iii' to apply (as an ointment);-'iha' to ridicule, to laugh;-'im.naka 11 to admire 'owa' to write (possessive in S. W. Teton owe' gwa);-'o(na')-ha to force in (with foot);-'ohq,' to wear on foot (==to stand in [not with meaning "to cook"]);-'oho'm.ni to circle around something;3o'&m.na to smell in;-'ole' to hunt;-'olo'ta to borrow;-'otYi to dwell in;-Voska to wind quills around strips of rawhide;-'oc'oza to heat by...; nao'wakic'oza I heat my own; nawa'kioc'oza I heat for him;-o'g.muza to shut in; nao'wakig.muza I shut in my own; nawa'kiog.muza I shut it in for him;-o'#e to cover with a sheet When the stem following the locative prefix belongs to any of the classes discussed in ~ 100, p. 87, it follows the rules of that class; for instance, 'ope' m.ni to wrap around, has as possessive owa'kpem.ni, as under verbs with initial p. (d) A considerable number of verbs that cannot be classified lack the we'- series and use walci- for both possessive and for 1st dative: -wjta to bend down smooth (grasses, etc.) (owj'ia to use as bedding);- -hom~ni to be revolving;-haqhtza to vibrate, shake (a flat, horizontal object Ila);_ -b.laya to be level, unfolded;- -b.laza to be rent, torn;-(-)b.laska' to be flat;- -b-la~ja to be opened out all around (like an. umbrella);(-)b.leza clear, sane;- -b~leca to be shattered;-(-)psi'ca to jump;-*la to ask for;-*la to esteem (dependent verb); -suza to splinter, crack into smiall pieces;-wa-~i' to employ;-(-) coco' to be soft, like mud (but ona'wecoco);-(-)kpa' to puncture;- -k~iia to puncture;- -Oapa to be flayed;- -#q to open (as a door) (*#q' to have untidy hair);- -4o to mark up;- -hpu to be crumbled;- (-)hllo' to growl iye'-ya to find;- -ya (dependent verb) to cause; iye'wakiya possessive; iye'wak'iya 1st dative;-he-ytf' to pack;-ma-nrq' to steal;-p'a'ta to butcher VERBS USING REFLEXIVES INSTEAD OF POSSESSIVE According to Dakota concepts certain objects, particularly natural objects and food, cannot be personal property. For this reason the possessive forms cannot be used and refiexives take their place. (See p. 103.) 'otu' to plant, 'omi'ceitu I plant for myself;-wabu'fu to slaughter a buffalo, wami'c'i~utu;-'ih'q' to cook, 'imi'c'ili'q (regular when used in its broader meaning "to handle");-wasle'ca to slice (bread), wamic'isleca I slice for myself;-' ---ohq' to cook, 'omi'c'ihq I cook for myself (regular when used in its literal meaning "to stand in") It With ending ka differentiating it from 'i'(ma)m.'na I am surfeited. I'smie'l'thMAza I bestir myself. No.SM OF cses]MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 91 Reflexives are also sometimes used parallel with possessive forms: p tahtal to tie a bundle, pkawe'/ita I tie mine, p'ami'c'iThta I tie it for my own 'use Possessives are also used for expressing indirect objects: we cu I give to my own (not "I give my own") ~ 105. VERBS iN lea- ANDklC- AND RELATED FORMS A number of verbs have forms analogous to possessives which express I - thine, his; thou - mie, his; he - mie, yours. mine thine his ours ----------- C 'i we'thou --- —--- miye - ye 4-e he --- —---— mi'- ni'- ki-' qki' we ---- ---- ---- --- ki' wic 'a' miyec' u you give mine away to them, also 1st dative;-wic'a'miyecic'u 2d dative. All verbs with the instrumental prefix lea- have these forms which take the place of the first dative. miye'caksa you cut mine;-c'icaksa I cut yours The second dative is regular we'ci,- etc. Verbs with inseparable prefix ki- follow the same pattern, but the forms given above do not refer to an object possessed, but to a direct object. In all these the walei- form is missing; the second dative refers to the possessed object or expresses that the action is performed in place of another one who ought to have done it. The third person differs from the series given above in having the accent on the second syllable. kic'o' he invites him, we'co I invite him, we' cic'o I invite his, I invite in his place, mi'c'o he invites me, mil'cic'o he invites mine or in my place In the same way: kic'q' to wail;-kikcq'pta to condole;-kig.le'6la to catch up with;-kig.na' to comfort Ic'j to carry on back, is treated in the same way: we'c' I carry him on back, Pi'' he carries it (inanimate) on the back. kic'j he carries his own (animate) on his back; ki'c'j he carries him on his back; waklc'j a load kte' to kill follows the same pattern as words with prefix ka-. The only difference is that there is no form ki'kte he kills his (another one's), but in its place kikte' he kills for him, he kills his own, and he kills another one's. The form waki'kte means I kill it, or I kill mine for him; mi'ktep~i they killed mine 56.10 g.le' to set asside, g.na'ka to lay away have the series we'-, etc., for the possessive and 1st dative. The forms of the pattern waki- are rarely used, but express I set, lay a-side his, etc. The third person has the accent on the second syllable like kte': kig.le', kig.na'ka he has his own set, laid away, or he has it set, laid away for him Also kic'ica to be with; instead of mi'cica he is with me mi' c'i tq' is perferred; ni'c'i waeg' I am with thee Exceptions are leiyu'ke'q which forms only walei'yule'q I make room for him (perhaps from kiyu'ole'q, cf. wapa'oletq to make room by pushing). aki'tto to be tattooed;-lkini' to come to life;- (wa)kini'hq to honor someone; —nxzwa'kiuizi' I am jealous of someone; have no datives and no possessives. 15 See wina'wizi cocklebur. no ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MnOMOIBs NATIONAL 92Q DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, In a number of cases the possessive form does not refer to an object owned by the subject, but to any object. These evidently contain the element ki as those of the preceding group: 'e'ktapa he forgets it, 'e'wektgta I forget it, 'ewakikt~tja 1st dative, 'eweciktipa I forget his, forgive him;kiksu'ya he remembers it, we'ksuya I remember it (waki'ksuya not used), we'cilksuya I remember for him;-kig.le'~a he catches up to him, as to someone going ahead, 'eweg.leda, or 'e'wakig.le~a 1st dative, I catch up with him, 'eweeig.le~a 2d dative;-also lco'za to wave, we' coza I wave to him, no 1st dative, we' cicoza 2d dative. ~ 106. IRREGULAR FORMS OF VERBS IN g.l Irregular forms in we. The possessive forms of verbs beginning with y are g.1 (see p. 87) and take the pronouns wa, ya. wqya'ka to see, takes also the possessive form in g.l but uses we instead of wa, omits however the corresponding ici in the third person: wqwe'g.laka, wqye'g.laka, wcqg.la'1ka, wqq'g-laka to see one's own. The datives are regular wqwa'kiyaka, wqwe'ciyakca;iwe-'g.lepa, third person ig.le'pa to vomit follows the same rule. A few verbs with initial g.1 follow the same pattern but retain iki in the third person. Aig.la' to resent, Aiwe'g.la I resent my own, Ailki'g.la he resents his own wawe'g.leca, tvaki'g.leca to feel signs of something evil approaching (like pains in body before bad weather, presentiment of bad news). This occurs only in possessive form By contrast compare ip'i'yalca to wear a belt, ip'iwag.laka I wear my own belt; also attq'wq to look around for something, awe' ktiqwq and awa'kttqwq I look for my own ~ 107. VERBS WITH INITIAL kti EXPRESSING CONTACT 14 When kti- is preceded by the pronoun, the verb takes no possessive and no datives. These must be expressed by possessive, pronouns accompanying the noun, or by making the verb subordinate to another verb which takes the dative forms. mic'0'lci wak'iza I fight my son mit'a'Atnke ak'iwic'awakaAkca I hitch my horses together r'Ici'-s wagilo'lcu fighting him I brought mine along. ~~ 1.08-115. VERBS OF GOING AND COMING ~ 108. SINGLE AND COMPOUND FORMS Verbs of going and coming have peculiar forms expressing going and coming to a place where one belongs permanently or temporarily, clearly related to possessive forms, although differing from the more conunon forms. These are: A B 1. to be coming u' to be coming back to where one belongs ku' 2. to be going ya' to be going back to where one belongs gla' 3. to arrive going 'i to arrive going back to where one belongs lc 4. to arrive coming hi' to arrive coming back to where one belongs g.li' and the compounds of these: (4 and 1) A to start coming hiyu'; B to start coming back to where one belongs g.licu' (<g.li-ku) (3 and 2) A to start going 'iya' ya 18; ib. la'b. la 1 st person; B to start going back to where one belongs lcig. la' (4 and 2) A to pass by going hiya'ya 15; B to pass by going back g.lig.la' ~ 109. CONNECTIVE ya IN COMPOUND FORMS In the forms g.licu' anDd lc'g.ta', ya is inserted between the component parts. Miss Deloria considers the forms with ya as recent formations. The use of these forms is, however, not regular. Some of the forms without ya seem to be going out of use. 1l'See p. 80. Is Reduplicated. A -- 0... ---- I Is WI-14',w,,kWlllrllr.-%Ivl 4-1%1 1114 IvIr A &,TV-, el A -V ACADEMY OF SCIENCESJ MORPIHOLOGiY AND SY.NTAX 9 No. 2] 9 They are used in the first and second persons; for instance, (3 and 2) B wak'i'yag.la I start returning to where I belong yak'iyag.la you start returning to where you belong '.~I'i'yag.1a we start returning to where we belong With the prefix a- to carry along, and glo to carry along one's own (see p. 94), these forms occur in all persons. From 'aya to go carrying along is formed g~loa'ya, while lats',la'a form gdlou', g~loi'. 'awa'k'iyag.la I start back taking it to where I belong '9aya' k'iyagila you start back taking it to where you belong 'ak'iyag.1a he starts back taking it to where he belongs 's~a'c'iaglayou and I start back taking it to where we belong g.lok'iyag.la he starts back to where he belongs taking his own g.log.li'yag.la he passes by going back to where he belongs carrying his own g~log.li'yalku he starts back coming to where he belongs carrying his own The connective ya is also used in all dative forms. kak'iyag.la, ki'cak'iyag.la, ki'cicak'iyag.la (see pp. 94, 95) In the forms with initial hiyo- (see p. 95) to go after, the inserted ya appears only in the first and second persons. hiyo'g.licu to start back hither after something hiyo'wag.liyaku I start back hither after something Also hiyo'lc'ig.la, hiyo'wak'iyag.la; hiyo'g.lig.la, hiyo'wag.liyag.la Instead of hiyo'g.licu and hiyo'lc'ig.la, it is customary to say he' ktakciya hiyo'iyaya (towards where he came from he went after something, and he'ktalkiya hiyo'hiyu (see p. 95) ~ 110. DATIVE FORMS 18 The simple forms as well as the possessives (expressing going or coming back) have second datives. Without the other's sanction With the other's sanction IlA. (kiu') ki'ciu he comes in his place, or: his comes (waki'u) we'ciu I came in his place maki'u mine conies 2A. (kiya') ki'ciya (waki'ya) we' ci ya, we' cibl1a maki'ya inine goes mi'ciya mine goes 3A. (kii') ki'cii (waki'i) we cii (maki'i) mi'cii 4A. kihi' chickens hatch ki'cihi his arrives; he arrives instead of another (waki'hi) we'cihi I arrive; I arrive in his stead mi'cihi mine has arrived l B. (kiku') ki'ciku (waki'ku) we' ci ku (maki'ku) mi'ciku 2B. (kig.la') ki'cig.la (waki'g.la) we'cig.la maki'g.la mi'cig.la 3B. (kilc'i) ki'cilk'i (walki'k'i) we' cikI'i 4B. (kig.li') ki'cig.li (waki'g.li) we' cig.li 16 Forms in parentheses are not In use. 194 DAKOTA GRAMAR [MEmoiRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, (4 and 1) A. k1cihi'yiu his has started coming malki'hiyu mine has started coming (4 and 1) B. kig.li'yaku, kig-li'cu (see ~109, p. 92) (waki'g.liyaku) malci'giliyaku; maki'g~licu (3 and 2) A. iki'iyaya his has gone iwa'kiyaya I being his have gone ima'kiyaya mine has gone (3 and 2) B. lkikti'g.la (waki'lcig.1a) maki'kig.la (4 and 2) A. kihi'yaya (waki'hiyaya) maki'hiyaya mine goes by (4 and 2) B. (kig.li'g~la) (waki'g.lig.la) maki'g.lig~la ki'cihiyu we' cihi yu mi' cihi yu ki'cig.liyaku, ki'cig.licu w'cig.liyaku, we' cig.lieu mi cig.liyaku, mi'cig.licu iki'ciyaya he has gone in his stead with his sanction iwe ciyaya imi ciyaya lki'cilc'ig.la we' cikc'ig.la mi'cik'ig.la kci'cihiyaya we ci hiyaya mi ci hi yaya ki'cig~lig.la we' cig.lig.la mi cig.lig.la I ~~~~~~~ 111. FORMS IN 'a The verbs of going, coming, and arriving with the prefix 'a- express to go, come, arrive carrying; also collective, to go, come, arrive in a group, evidently with the same meaning of bringing others along; with the prefix g.lo or g.loa- to go, come, arrive carrying one's own. 'au' to come bringing something 'awa'u 'aya to go taking something there 'ab~la '9ai' to arrive there carrying something 'awa'i 'ahi' to arrive here bringing something 'aku' to be coming back here bringing something '9ag.la' to go back there carrying something 'akTi to arrive back there carrying something 'ag.li' to arrive back here bringing something 'ahi'yu to start coming bringing something '9e'yaya to start from here taking something (1st p. 'e'b.lab.1a) '%ahi'yaya to be passing by taking something there 17 'ag.li'yaku to start coming back here bringing something 'ak'iyag.la to start back from here taking something '9ag.Wyagila to be passing by taking back there something Here belong also: 'ani'ca. to withhold, refuse to give up;-'ahi'yaya to sing a song(= 'j to wear about shoulders wag.lo'nica I refuse to give up my own; 3d p. g.loni'ca mig.lo6'nica I balk, refuse to move; 3d p. ig.lo'nica wag.lo'hiyaya I sing my own song wag.lowj I wear my blanket; 3d p. g.lowj' g.lou' one's own g~loa'ya, 1st p. wag.lo'aya or wag.lo'b.la g.loi' g.lohi' g.loku' g.log.la' g.lok'i' g.log.li' g.lohi'yu g.loe'yaya g.lohi'yaya g.log.1i'yalcu g.tok'i'yag.la g.log.1i'yag.la to go by carrying something) and The datives of this series are as follows: (a) something to someone; (b) his without sanction, (c) his for him with his sanction. 1. (a) kau', waka'u, maka'u, maya'kau, to bring something to some one (b) ki'cau, we' eau I bring his without his sanction (c) Ici'eicau, we' cicau I bring his foi him with his sanction lB. (a) kaku', waka'ku, maka'ku (b) ki'caku, we' cakcu _____ ____ (c) ki'cicakcu, we' eicalku ItAlso: to sing a song (to carry a melody). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 95 2A. (a) kaa'ya, wakadya, or waka'bila (b) k&'caya, we' caya, or we' cab.1a (c) ki'cicaya; we' cicaya or we,'cicab.la 2B. (a) kag.lad (like 1) 3A. (a) kai', walca'i (b) lci'cai, we cai (c) ki'cicai, we' cicai 3B. kakYi (like 1) 4A. kahi' (like 1) 4B. kag.li' (like 1) (4 and 1) A. kahi'yu (like 1) (4 and 1) B. kag.li'yaku (like 1) (3 and 2) A. kae'yaya, waka'eb.lab.la or wakdaeyaya (rest like 1, derived from these forms) (3 and 2) B. kak'iyag.la (like 1) (4 and 2) A. kahi'yaya (like 1) (4 and 2) B. kag.li'yag.la (like 1) ~ 112. COMPOUNDS OF VERBS OF ARRIVING The forms 'i', hi', kti', g.li' when combined with a following finite verb require the prefix a when expressing a contemporaneous action. The pronoun stands with the finite verb. 'ahi'-wa~kata I arrived here and played 'ahi'-Akatapi they arrived'here and played Exceptions are subordinate forms followed by yimka' to lie, 'iyotaka to sit, hpa'ya to lie, hcq' to stand (inanimate objects), na'ij to stand (animate beings), -yqlca to do something at once. These express plurality without -pi or they may take -pi and leave off 'a-. The pronoun is prefixed to 'i', hi',I lti', gl1i' and may be repeated in the finite verb. (See p. 84.) g.li-yq'ka he lay down 'ag.1i'-ytqka or g.li-ytq'kapi they lay down ~hnc mn a kt hr n eo g wagl1i' ytqka or wag.li'-mtqka I lay downwhnc igbaktweroeblns yag.li'-ylqka or yag.li-ntika you lay down) Aka'l g.li-yq'ka the moment he arrived he began to play Aia'l ag.li'-yqka the moment they arrived they began to play rqg.1i'-na'tjpi we arrived and stopped wag.li'-nazij or wag.li-nawa'tj I arrived and stopped When successive, the verbs of arriving are finite and are used without 'a except in the third person plural. Instead of the prefix 'a they may take the suffix pi. The former expresses an indefinite group arriving, the latter definite persons. The form with prefix 'a may also mean "to arrive bringing." ~kal-hi' he arrived here to play;-Ak~al-hi'pi they arrived here to play (definite persons);-Akal-'ahi they arrived here to play (indefinite persons);-Akal-'ayahi you brought him here to play; (Akal-ya'hi you arrived here to play) In a number of verbs we find hi which may be modified hi. hihq' (rain, snow, hail) falls (hq to stand);-hjihpaya to fall (lipa to lie; cf. hilipe' (wa)ya (I) cause to fall;-a~g.li'hpe(wa)ya I bring here and leave ~ 113. To Go, COME, FOR A PURPOSE The prefix hiyo' with verbs of motion expresses purpose. It is not used with the forms expressing going or coming back (the group B); instead he'ktakiya is used as adverb with the verbs of U, ya, i, hi. hiyo'u he is coming for something, to get something he'ktakiya hiyo'wai' I arrived back to get something DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~[MIDMOIRs NATIONAL 96 DA OAGA M R[VOL. XXIII, To go after one's own has the prefix g-liyo'. In all these forms the subject pronoun precedes the verb of motion, while the object pronoun may precede hiyo' or the verb of motion. hiyo'-wau I am coming to get something C'ihi'yo-wahi'yelo' I have come to get you 52.2, not so often nihi'yo-wahi or hiyo'-c'ihi kihi'yoi nci g.li' he arrived going after it for him and arrived back here hiyo'-mayahi or mahi'yo-yahi you come to get me In the forms with hiyo the form b (see p. 94), without sanction, is missing throughout. In the following a is the possessive form, c the dative with sanction. 1. (a) kihi' you, waki'hiyou to come for him or his (c) ki'cihiyou, we' cihi you 2. (a) lcihi'yoya to go after, waki'hiyoya or waki'hiyob~la I(c) ki'cihiyoya, we'cihi yoya or we' cihi yob.la 3. (a) kihi'yoi, kihi'yowai to arrive there, going after (c) ki'cihiyoi, we' cihiyoi or ki'cihiyowai 4. (a) kihi'yohi, kihi'yowahi to arrive here, coming after (c) ki'cihiyohi, ki'cihiyowahi or we' cihi yohi (4 and 1). (a) lkihi'yohiyu, kihi'yowahiyu or walki'hiyohiyu (c) ki'cihiyohiyu, ki'cihiyowahiyu or rarely we' cihi yohi yu (3 and 2). (a) kihi'yoiyaya, waki'hiyoiyaya or kihi'yoib.lab.la (c) ki'cihiyoiyaya, we'cihiyoiyaya or ki'cihiyoib.lab~la (4 and 2). (a) kihi'yohiyaya, kihi'yowahiyaya (c) ki'cihiyohiyaya, Ici'cihiyowahiyaya The verbs expressing returning (1-4) b have no datives but are combined with the corresponding verbs of motion. kihi'yOi. nq ku' he arrived going after it for him and was coming back kihi'yohi nq g~la' he arrived coming after it for him and was going back there With a these forms express the 3d person collective plural. hiyo'au they (in a group) come for it;-hiyo'aya they go for it;-hiyo'ai they arrive going for it;hiyo'ahiyu they start coming for it;-hiyo'eyaya they start going for it;-(hiyo'ahiyaya not used) ~ 114. To REACH The verbs of arriving are compounded with ihiq'ni to reach:' 'le' hsni, (1st p. 'ewahsqni) he arrived going there with it; they arrived going there ~'ahi'hqnri, (1st p. 'awa'hihsqni) he arrived coming here with it; they arrived coming here.'ak'ihtqni, (1st p. 'awa'1k'ihtqni) 19 he arrived there going back with it; they arrived there going back '9ag.li'htini 19 (1st p. 'awa'g.1ihsqni) he arrived here coming back with it; they arrived here coming back Datives of these forms are avoided as in the preceding group. ~ 115. 'e AND 'ahi' Certain verbs express with the verbs of motion 'e and 'ahi' the direction towards the speaker and away from the speaker. In all of these the actor is stationary. Examples are: $atsq'wq to look for (''ttqwq to look thither, 'ahi't1qwq to look hither);-pazo' to point ('e'pazo thither, 'ahi'pazo hither);-'awa'c' to think about ('ewac~j, 'ahi'wacT. );-ao'ka8'j to peep into ('e'yoka8'j,.'ahi'yokas'j he peeps this way);-'ao'kakj to bend the body and look in ('e'yokakj, 'ahi'yokakj; i'yokakjyq in full view);-pani' to nudge;-yuttq' to touch With the forms 'ag.li' and WYei these verbs express motion 'ag.li't~wq upon reaching home he was able to see, or: he opened his eyes. Is Without prefix Ahjru' mi mqlka' I stay put. 19 Also guhaa' k'ihs`'nf, guiha' g.1ilss'ni having It he arrived. ACADEMY OF ScIENcRSs] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 9 No. 2] 9 In adverbial forms direction is expressed by the finite verb of motion. kah'o'l 'iye'ya he throws it thither ('iye'ya he causes it to arrive going) kah'o'l hiyu'ya he throws it hither (hiyu'ya he causes it to arrive coming) ~~ 116-136. IRREGULAR VERBS ~ 116. NEUTRAL VERBS WITH INITIAL 'i Neutral verbs beginning with i elide the vowel of ma- and ni- and leave the accent on the second syllable. miist'ma, niAtj'ma, 'iUtjma, 'tiki'Atjma to sleep 20 Reflexive verbs in ic'i- and ig.l- (forms of the verbs with initial y) belong to this class. mic' iba, nic'i'ba, 'ici'ba, 'tiki'ciba to blame one's self.9ami' c'ip 'a, 'ani' c'ip 'a, 'ai' cip'a, 'tqka'ic'ip'a to strike one's self mig.lu'2a~a, nig.lu'2ata, 'ig.lu'2a~a, 'if ki' g.1u~a~a to wash one's self The independent pronouns are formed in the same way: miye', niye', 'iye'; mi'i, ni'g, 'i'i ~ 117. VERBS WITH TERMINAL U Verbs ending in u insert wa before terminal hq. (See p. 62.) pstfwa'hcq it has come to be spilled;-p~tfwa'hq it has become disjointed;-fpuwa'hq it has come off (as a button, knob, tassel);-Iipuwa'hq it has fallen off (something that adheres, like a mud nest of swallows, scabs);-2twa'hq its roots are loose in the ground;-2u~u' wahq it has come apart so that it is in pieces,- og.mu'wahaq it has come to be in a gurgling condition inside (as a germinated egg) ~ 118. VERBS WITH APPARENT IRREGULARITIES DUE To NASALIZATION ya' to go Before the future leta and the connective nq, ya takes the form yj and nasalizes its pronouns before the nasalized vowel; mrt<b.l; n<l m.ni'kta, ni'kta, 'lfyj'kta to go (future) 'j ycflca to run The 'Initial bi1 of the first person becomes m.n, the initial 1 of the second person becomes n before the nasalized vowel of yqk-a. Besides this wa- and ya are prefixed. waj'm.nqka, yaj'nqka, 'iyqka, 'tqk'j'yqka to run we' cijyaka, ye,'cijyqka, ki'cijyqka, 'iqki'cijyqka to run instead of somebody or for somebody, with his sanction yq'ka to weave (Santee; Riggs, p. 33); to be skillful in porcupine quill, bead work (Yankton) is treated like 'j'yqka; m.nq'ka, nq'ka, yq'ka, 'iqyq'ka The forms are regular, the apparent irregularities being due to phonetic laws. Initial md of the first person becomes inn, the initial d of the second person becomes n before the nasalized q of the stem. ~ 119. VERBS IN YU- (SANTEE) In Santee the instrumental prefix yu- is generally omitted in the dual plural. yustq' to finish; 'tf'ftq dual (Riggs Grammar; in Dictionary erroneously given as imperative only, p. 28) In Teton and Yankton the dual is regular: ',qyu'~ItQ. 20 4'8tima adverb, see p. 102. DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~[MamoiRts NATIONAL 98 DA O AG A M R[VOL. XXIII, ~ 120. VERBs WITH INITIAL '14 Verbs with 'initial ',* insert in possessive forms c' (<k'?) 'ti' to wear (clothing), to use: we'c't, ye'c'sq, kic't*', 'tqki'c't wi'ysq to paint (with loss of,y glide): wi'wec'iq, or wi'wakitg, 3d person wi'kiq t'qp to lay down (tq>j): we~~'pa, ye'c'ipa, kic'j'pa, 'tjki'c'pa Ceq't'pa to roast (like the preceding): c'ewe'c'pa, c'eye'c'jpa, c'eki'c'ipa ~ 12 1. 'ti To ExiST, 'ee',*( To Do, yak't(' (SANTEE) To BE 't'to exist wag' I exist mtq' it exists for me, i. e., I use it, I wear it yat*' you exist rnq' it exists for you '9ti' he exists 't' it exists for him Pq''we exist 'ijk'rq' it exists for us We'V'j ye'e'qi, kcic'iq' 'tqki'c'tq to use one's own (see above) we' ciq, ye' eit, Ici'citt, 'tqki'citq I use his with his sanction, c'icisq I use yours with your sanction waki'tq, yaki'tq, kits', 'tqki'sq I use his without his sanction, c'ici'iq I use yours without your sanction Examples: wana' he'l t'e'hq wan~" now I have been there a long time;-e'na c'icitjkte21 k'ohq' g.liyo'ya'! I'll stay for you, so meanwhile go for it!I;-maya'tqkta oya'kihi huwo' are you able to exist for me (i. e., are you able to have me work for you); —he' 'ti' literally: using that; therefore;-1e' 'ii' on account of this;-waki'qq.laka I lived after a fashion, poorly; kisq'tqpilaka they-40. 15 'ect*'( to do This is derived from 'ec 'a' it is that kind, (stem.-kta), and "i('. The third person is contracted to 'ec',i; the dual assimilated to 'ec',ltlc'lf or 'ec'iV-'k'lk'. The word is also used for "to copulate." In this case the third person remains ',ec'a,* 'ec ta mt, 'ec adnt, 'ec't( ('ec'a't), 'ec'sq'tk't* or ('ec'q-'k's*) to do All these forms may be combined with the demonstratives and have the accent on the first syllable: le'c'ami~ he'c'am%, ka'1ctam4, to'k'am,*. ec 'a'wec'qt, 'ec 'a' yec'qs, 'ec 'a'kic'qs, 'ec'sq'kic'tq to do one's own work, to do to one's own (see p. 103) lec 'a'wecti, 'ec 'a' yecf, 'ec 'a' kicsq, 'ec'a'tqkicq to do his without his sanction or to him lecta'wecicti, 'ec'a'yecictq, 'ec'a'kicictq, 'ec'a'q~kiciczq to do his with his sanction, or for him (wo'wagi) 'ec'a'weciq, 'ec a yeciti, 'ec'a'kicisq, 'ec'a'tqkicitq to work for someone (such as an employer) 9ecta'mic'itn or 'ec a mic'qt, 'ec anic'it, 'ec'a'ic'iql, 'ec'a'sqkic'irq or 'ec'a'tqkic'ti to do for one's self Also with demonstrative le', he' Instead of the older form to'k',q in recent times ta'ku to'k'it is used; to'ktq alone is "to lose". yak',*' (Santee) to be The forms suggest that this defective verb is a combination of an active verb yak'a' and the objective forms of 'it. The following forms were recorded by Riggs. dak'adnt (dakc'a-ntq) thou art (also with pi) yak'tq'pi (yak'a'-'tq-pi) they are 'tqyadIc(pi) 12 ('q~yak'a-'iqpi) we are ~ 122. 'ecj' To THINK SOMETHING '9ecl'q' mi, 'ec 'j'ni, 'ec'j', 'tqke'c'i to think something 'e c'Q'wakj,-'ec'Q'yaki, 'ec'q'kj, 'ec'q'qkIj to think it, about someone, something 'ec'q'c'ic I think it about you, 'ecc'q' mayakj you think it about me 'awa'c'Qmi, 'atca'c'qrni, 'awa'c'j, 'awa'tqc'j to think about something, someone I think about you, cannot be formed with the last series. '1 c'i'ciukta means also I shall wear it for you. n Probably more correctly twa'k'*t? * From 'cc'a' and a stem If M?. ACADE3MY OF' SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 99 Also with demonstratives lecT/, heeTj, kel cTj, ta~'kectj or ta/kctj lec'q'waki, hec'q'waki, ke'cq'wakj, ta' kectqwakj I think this, that, something, about him ec 'q' wakjini I don't think much of him Also as second verb in compound verbs: wac tj. 'ap telwactqmi I am planning to strike him ('apta' to strike);-'acTiptewactqmi I try to strike thee (see p. 75) ~ 123. 'j' To WEAR ABOUT THE SHOULDERS AS A BLANKET hjmj', hinj', 'j' 'tqk'i' to wear around shoulders (blanket, shawl) wag.lo'wj, yaghl'wj, g~lowj, 'iqg.lo'wj to wear one's own 24 waki'j, yaki'j, kij', ctici'j 1st dative we' cii, ye' cij, ki'dij, 'tqki'cij to wear somebody's in his place; c'icii I wear it in your place; no second dative. ~ 124. ",qfpa To LAY DOWN; To SMOKE 'i~'pa to lay down, active, is regular, except that the possessive is contracted and the c before i glottalized. we'c' pa, ye' c'pa, kic'j'pa, 'tqki'cjpa to lay down one's own Datives: we' citqpa, ye' citipa, ki'citipa, 'tqki'citqpa to lay down in place of another with his sanction or knowledge Pe'mic'itpa or Vemic'fpa, 'e'nic'itqpa or e'nic'jpa, 'eic'itipa or 'eic'ipa, 'e'tkic'itjpa or 'e'tqkic'ipa to lay one's self down waki'tqpa, yaki'tjpa, kie' pa, 'tqki'tqpa to lay down something, put up someone without the owner's sanction 4'ipa to smoke, neutral The pronouns are contracted in the same way as in I'4. m f' pa, niq'pa, 'tj'pa, 'tj1C'qfpa The possessive forms do not occur. In the dative the neutral pronoun may be retained in the first person. c'qnq' pa, we' citqpa, ye' citf pa, ki'citipa, 'tjki'ciqfpa to smoke another one's pipe, to smoke in place of another onc (not contracted like 'tU'pa to lay down) always with object c'qli' or c'qntj'pa waki'iqpa, yaki'tqpa, kciq' pa, 'tqki'qfpa, c'ici'tpa to smoke another one's pipe without his sanction ~ 125. yqka' To SIT, yifka' To LIE, 'iyqi0a To QUESTION ABOUT, heyq' To TIE A BUNDLE In all these may- and niy- of the first and second persons are contracted before the following vowels to m- and n-, similar to the treatment of ma- and ni- in 'it. In the dual the initial y remains, except in heyit'. The dative forms are active but may be combined with the neutral forms in the first and second persons. mqlka', nqka', yqka', 'tqyq'ka to sit we'cimqka or we'ciyqka, ye'cinqka or ye'ciyqka, ki'ciyqka, 'tqki'eiyqkca to sit in place of someone else; C'i'ciyqka I sit in your place mtqka, ntika', ytika', 'tqyq'ka to lie down (3d person wqka' in S Y) we' cimijka or we'ciytika, ye' cintqka or ye' ci ytka, ki'ciytqka, 'tjkci'ciytqka to lie down in place of someone; c'iciytqka I lie in your place 'iyi(oa to question about something, neutral. 'imit'4a, 'intq'#a, 'iyti'da, 'tqki'ytj~a (3d person 'iwq'da in Santee). S4 See also P. 94. 100 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MIEMOIRs NATIONAL 100 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, From this transitive forms are derived: 'ic'i'mida or 'ic'iYga I question thee about it 'ima'yantj~a you question me about it 'tqki'niytj~api we question thee about it Also 'imi'c'iytqJa I question myself about it 'iwe'cimtjoa or 'iwe'ciycj~a, 'iye'cinq~a or 'iye'ciytj~a, 'iki'ciysja, 'sqki'ciysqja to question about it in place of someone; 'ic'iciyqda I ask about it on your behalf heyiq' to tie a bundle hemsq', hentf', heyaj', heti'ysq (S; heq'k'ti? T) ~ 126. yu'a To EAT wa'ta, ya'ta, yu'a, 'sjyu'ta to eat c'iyu'ta I eat thee, niyu'ta he eats thee, 'tini'yuta, we eat thee, maya'luta thou eatest me (double pronoun), mayu'ta he eats me, 'tqyu'ta he eats us;-wic'a'wata, wic'a'yata, wic'a'yuta, wic'tt'yuta to eat several persons;-g.lu'ta he eats his own, 'ig.lu'ta he eats himself ~ 127. CAUSATIVE VERBS IN -ya AND ktiya CAUSATIVE VERBS IN -ya This verb occurs only as a suffix. Instead of the forms b.la and la for the first and second persons, we find waya and yaya. They aspirate the ici for the first dative. The second dative is divided into two forms. The form "instead of, in place of" inserts after kici another aspirate ci (<kti); the form "on his initiative" has the usual form. At present the 2d dative b is obsolescent. It seems likely that the 1st dative and the 2d dative (a) are derived from-kic ya, not from-ya (see below) 2d dative 1st dative Possessive a in place of b on one'sown initiative 1st person --- —-- - ~waktiya -wecic'iya -weciya -wakiya 2d person --- —- - -yak'iya -yecic'iya -yeciya -yakiya 3d person --- —- -k-'iya -kicictiya -kiciya -kiya Inclusive --- —-- s -k'iya -tikicic'iya -tikiciya -ijkiya Examples: '1ina'zjwak'iYa I cause him to stand up; 'ina'2jwecic'iya I make it stand up in his place, with his sanction; 'ina' ~jc icic'iya I - in your place, with your sanction, ((cli) -thee; -cic'iya) CAUSATIVE VERBS IN -1ktiya With neutral verbs and datives -1ciya and -ya may be used in combination, and -ktiya may appear twice in the same verb, the first part of which takes a subordinate form retaining the object: sapma'k'iya he causes mine to be black without my sanction aapma'k'iyewaya I am the unintentional cause of his causing mine to be black without my sanction sapk'iyemayak'iya you cause me to cause his to be black without his sanction sapni ecicsyewak 'iya I cause him to cause yours to be black with your sanction iki'diyukcqmayak'iya you made me think about it for him in'i'ciyu~kcqmak'iyaI he made me think about it for you ACADEMY OF SCISINCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 101 'iye'ya to fin-d 'iye waya I find it Possessive: 'iye'wakiya 1st dative: 'iye'wak'iya I find it for him 2d dative a: 'iye' wecie'iya I find it in his stead 2d dative b: 'iye'weciya I find his on my own initiative Here belong also: slolya' to know slolki'ciya, he knows his (another one's) on his own initiative slolki'cic'iya he knows on his behalf Verbs which have -yq instead of -ya (see p. 32) are treated in the same manner. ~ 128. na'ij To STAND This verb reduplicates the first person entirely irregularly by including the first person in. the reduplication. na(wa')~(wa)tik nq (wa)ht&'yu (I) just stood about and came on ~ 129. 'eya' To SAY 'ep 'a', 'eha', 'eya', 'tqke'ya to say 'ewa'kiya, 'eya'kiya, 'eci'ya, 'eike'eiya to say to another one; 'ee'i'eiya I say to you Instead of the possessive, a reflexive is used: em%'c'iya I say on behalf of myself, lit. I say myself (obj.); 3d p. ei'c'iya. lewe ciya, 'eye ciya, 'eki'ciya, 'tUkekiciya to say in place of someone (also 'eki'dec'iya, etc.) With demonstratives leya', heya', lce'ya', ta'lceya. dual plural letq'keya, hetq'keya, ke'tq'1eya, ta'ketqceya to say to-; lewa'kiya, leya'kiya, leci'ya, letj'kekiya (more correctly, but not heard so often 1eq'keciya) The other forms follow the same pattern. The dative has no demonstrative forms; instead le'c'el ewe'ciya thus I said for him. ~130. hiyu' To START To ComE, Modern forms regular: wahi'yu, yahi'yu, hiyu', 'ajhi'yu Old forms, still in use about 1880: At present the form hibu' still occurs in old songs. ~ 131. 1kq'za To DECREE, ka'0la To MAKE ka'Oia to make, lacks the series waki- and has instead we' ca~,a I make for him, c'i'aoa I make it for you (without your sanction), miye'ca~a you make it for me, etc.; and c'icicaoa I make yours or I make it for you with your sanction (etc.). The possessive forms are irregular insofar as they aspirate the c, we'c'a~a I make my own. wakq' za to decree something, also lacks the series waki- and has instead wawe'ctqza I decree something for him without his sanction and wawe'cictqza with his sanction, or in place of another one. The other forms follow the same pattern. As in ka'0a the possessive has aspirate c', we'e'mqza I decree something my own, mic'ic'mqza for myself. ~ 132. VERBS IN t'?4 AND OTHERS INSERTING ea Verbs in t"4 to acquire, to wear, introduce ca in both datives. These forms are parallel to the verbs of motion with dative ka (see ~111, p. 94). hawe't'mq I am dressed: hawe'cat'tj 1st dative, hawe'cicat'tj 2d dative wapV'0 Aqwet'mq I wear a hat: wapVotiawecat'mq 1st dative, wapVo'*qwecicat't* 2d dative 1622360-41 —8 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~[MEMOIRs NAvIONAL 102 DA O AGA M R[VOL. XXIII, In the same way: c'uwi'gnak-wet'tj I wear a dress;-ip'i' yak-wet'tj I wear a bet-og1-e~ I wear a coat In the first dative inserted ca is found in: opte~Tqt to buy: op'e'weca~t'tj I buy it for her without her sanction;-op?'e'wet'tq I buy back my own, or op'e'wakit'tq;-op'e'wecit'tq I buy back his own with his (the same person's) sanction ctet'i/ to build a fire, is treated in the same way: c'ewa'kit'i I build a fire for a ceremony;-ec'ewe' cat'i 1st dative, c'ewe'cit'i 2d dative;-'oc'e'walcit'i I build a fire in his (stove) kg' to tell a tale: we'cakq I tell it for him;-we'cicakq I tell in his place ~ 133. 'i-cu' To TAKE; 'a-t,*'wcq To LOOK AROUND FOR; o-wa' To DRAW, WRITE These insert k in the possessive: iwe'kcu I take my own (i. e. take it back);-awe'kttqwq I look around for my own;-o-we' gwa I write my own (Western Ogalala) ~ 134. ik'yq To LosE, Possessive is another verb wag.nu'ni I lose my own: 1st dative waki'tqyq or rarely waki'qb~la 2d dative we' citjyq or rarely we' ciqb~la ~ 135. DEFECTIVE VERBS yukc'c' there is, exists In T and Y only for indefinite collectives, like: he has horses, there are people; only 3d person singular. According to Riggs this is a defective verb in Santee. The only forms he gives are: yuk'q' there exists;-yuk'q'pi there exist; ---duk'q'pi you exist;-'tfk'q' (pi) we (dual and plural) exist. In Yankton this is used as continuative suffix in dual and plural, but without pi. In the first person dual and plural the pronouni precedes the verb that is made continuative (singular ycqka ujnaccented). 'tjke'ya-yuk'q we are saying (dual inclusive and plural; in Yankton the plural of the continuative has no -pi); 'eha'duk'q ye were saying; -'ep'a' mqka I am saying Regular in Teton mayu'1k'c there exists for me (I have) or maki'yuk'q niyu'k'q there exists for thee (you have) or nici'yulc'q yuk'q' there exists, kiyu'k'q'5 they exist for him yuk'q'pi there exist for them, 'qki'yuk'q there exist for us 'epca' I thought it2' No indefinite form with to-. No other persons. 'u wa' come! 'u'wa yo' (man speaking), 'u'wa (woman speaking), 'uwapo' (man speaking), 'U'wapi' (woman speaking), come! 'a too' formal ~ 136. IRREGULAR ADVERBIAL FORMS 'iht~'ma to sleep, has the irregular adverbial form 'tq'Atjma 33.15, (<'oi'Atjma; 'oi'~4tjme sleep, noun) Analogous is S 'iifhtata (doubtful meaning; stem -Iitata to be relaxed; lacking tension; wayu'htata to offer sacrifice).2 See also p.. 60 't'h.daka (Santee) migrating; Teton: 'ig.la'ka to migrate; 'oi'g~lake migration 36 Romonym kiyu'k'q he makes room for him, stem k'qj. S6 With demonstratives lepca', hepca', ke'pea'. 2MT wa4&'uq, Y wol na. ACADEcmy oF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 13 No. 2] 13 ~ 137. RECIPROCAL4 28 The reciprocal expressing action of two or several without reference to a third is expressed by Icicti which takes the position of personal pronouns. The first person is we'c'i, the second yelcti, the first person dual '1.tki'cti. 'aki'c'ip'api they struck each other;-c'aki'c'ip'ap'api they stabbed each other 175.9;-lkic'iktepi they killed each other 175.1O;-kic'izapi they fought each other 175.9 When the first verb is in adverbial form kicti may stand with the active finite verb. yu's kic'iyqkahqpi 194.1 1, or kic'i'yus yqka'pi they were sitting holding each other With other adverbial forms Icicti is always attached to the finite verb. 'ehq'-kic'i'ipi then they came upon each other 175.6;-hena'os VeI kic'iipi.8'a the two always came to (visit) each other These forms may also be subordinated: 'aki/ceipta t'a'pi they struck each other dead (striking each other they died). A second reciprocal Yi'ci has always initial position. It expresses fundamentally the idea that a third person handles objects ini reference to each other, or that several persons handle each other in reference to something else. kic'ica~iapi they tie up each other, 'ic'icaAka he ties them (inanimate) together;-wqki'c'iyakapi they see each other; 'ic'iwqyaka he sees them (comparing) the one' to the other (inanimate), Yc'iwqwic 'ayaka (animnate);-'ik'o'yakic'iyapi they hold fast to each other (lit, they cause each other to be held fast to each other), 'i'cik'oyakya he causes them to hold fast to each other (inanimate).With objective reference:.ana'kic'itcipi they rush at each other, or at one another, Yic'inatqpi they rush (competing with each other) at something;-'oki'c'ihorn.nipi they go around each other, 'i'ciohom.ni ku'pi they come going (in regard to their coming) around each other. (The former would be a circular turning, the latter a foreward motion in which the one by a turn to the side avoids the other who is in his way);-k'aki'c'ip'api they outdo each other, Yic'ik'apeya (adv.) outdoing each other in regard to; —naki'c'iwizipi they are jealous of each other (without reference to the object of jealousy); Yc'inawizipi they are jealous of each other in reference to the object of jealousy;-Tic'icakjzahq it is making them squeak against each other The forms in Yc i appear generally in adverbial forii. 'j'yq ki Yic'iyap'a 'ti' the stones strikicig themn against each other she used;-kai'c'iyo pteya 'iw~a'kazo made into a cross, I draw them 4.2;-Yic'icamneya hq' they stood making them rub against each other 21.14;-Yic'ipahaha hiyu'pi they came out, by pushing tumbling over each other 195.2 ~ 138. REFLEXIVE The, reflexive is formed by the element ic'i which follows the objective pronoun. mic 'i, nic'i, 'ytki'c'i; for instance', c'amilc ip a, c Canil ip a, c tailcip a, Cta14kic'i pea to stab oneself. In verbs with instrumental prefixes ic'i follows wa, wo and na (by cutting, by pushing from a distance, with the foot). In verbs with pa by pushing, it precedes the prefix. wai ciksa he cuts himself; woi'c'ihpa he knocks himself over;-nai c'ihtaka he kicks himself;-8ap'ic'iya he blackens himself;-zuzeca-'ic'i' c'ada he made himself into a snake 28.5;-'j'yqk-'iAc 'iiya he caused himself to run;-nii'c'iya he saved himself (caused himself to live) 30.1;-wat~vkaic'ilala he regarded himself as a little important one (wa- indefinite; 'ti' to be; ka kind, of; la to consider; la diminutive) 49.7 58 See also P. 79. 104 DAKOTA GRAMMAR (MEMOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, Verbs with finitial y (or y taking the pronouns bi, 1) and those with the prefix ica have the reflexive forms migi1, nigi1, 'ig.l, "idkig.l related to the possessive forms. (See p. 87.) mig.lu'ha I support (have) myself;-mig.lu' 8ka I clean myself;-4g.lu'Iilahlata he clawed himself repeatedly 40.3;-mig.la'waite I praise myself;-mig.la'htj (kahtq') I gash myself;-igla'itom.ni he made himself dizzy 45.2 ttig~la'a to pitch one's own tent is formed from t'i-ca'#a as though ka were an instrumental The same reflexives are used for indirect objects: wami'ciksa I cut myself or I cut for myself (for my own use). Verbs in ya-, yu-, ka- may form double reflexives. mig.la'sica I complain of bad treatment, mic'ig~laiica I speak badly of myself;-tqyq' igilu'za he dresses well, Ai'ca'ya ig.lu'za he dresses badly, ic'ig.luza he holds on to it for himself;-Mig.lu'Atq I am through, mic'ig.luAtq I finish it for myself;-kasu'ta to harden by striking, ig.la'8suta he hardens himself, ic'igilasuta he hardens it for himself On the whole these double reflexives express indirect reflexives. Reflexives in which ic'i changes to ici' after nasalized vowels: q-ic'i contracted to jci: Akq to be active, Akj'ciya to move, struggle, Akf'miciya I struggle;-m.nayq' to collect, m..nj'ciyapi they assemble;-nihj'ciya (instead of nihq'-ic'iya) to be scared 'oic'i contracted to tqci: 'q~cihi~ni to be lazy (instead of 'oi'c'ihiini he is unable to help himself);' oki'kpani to fall, q~'edkpani (instead of 'oi'cikpani) to fail one's self, i. e., to be lazy kte' regular, except one specialized form: ic'i'kte he kills himself (regular); iei'kte he kills himself by choking, hanging ~ 139. CONTINUATIVE The continuative is expressed by the unaccented suffix hq (from hq' to stand) in Teton; by yqlka to sit, in the singular, by yuktq in dual and plural in Yankton. p'e'ta kj 'ile'y#a he" the fire stands burning; p'e'ta ki 'ile'he' the fire continues to burn oma'ni-yahq Wke" it is said he was going about to travel 1. 1;-'eya'hqpi they were saying 20.3;-'iito'g.mus wac'ihqpi with closed eyes they were dancing 21.5;-'e'l wi'yukcq yqlca'hq Ake" there cogitating he was sitting it is said (lit, sitting he stood!) 23.6 Yankton: 'tqke'yayuk'q we (dual inclusive and plural) were saying; eha'duk'q you (plural) were saying; eya'yuktq they were saying Santee: e 'e'ya-yqka she was crying R 145.8 Another form of the continuatix e which rather stresses the existence of an individual or object in a certain condition is formed from the contracted verb and the verb "it to exist. psi'l 'tq'pi they exist (are) jumping about 48.1 nil 'ti' he is alive 15.8 ''to exist, is used for living beings; 'icta'oa to grow for plants, both to express permanent existence. he'l 't' there he lives, exists; or he'l 'o*' ye there he has his place of existence;-mak'a' akq'l 'q'pi k't those who existed on the earth 2.14;-tqyq' 'op 'ti' ske" nicely with them she stayed 89.7 ' is also used to express an activity that is continued persistently while one is occupied with other matters. c 'e'ya 'tj'pi ke' it is said they were crying all the time (while attending to other things) 13.4;-ma' niyq '1*' he is walking about (e. g. being distracted, roving) 'iq used for living beings may also take the continuative hqI. For inanimate objects 'a* always implies that they are in a container, like seeds in a melon, clothing in a box, bag or any other container, but not within an enclosure, as within a stockade or corral. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 106 waji' licu', 'o'ta 'q~' we take one! there are many in it; but WQzi' 'icu', '6ta ye take one! there are many (not in a container);-wi'yatke kj mahe'l m.ni' 'ti" inside the container is water NOTE.-The verb 'e' is used only for identifying a particular individual. le' Aaj'ka' this is a dog, or fuller le' 81f'ka 'eya'pi kj he'c'a' this is what they call a dog, it is of that kind; but le' Aq~'ka kIc 'e" this is the dog (we expected to see), or Is' At'ka k't 'e" this is the dog we were talking about;-he' 'ate' 'e" that is my father;-'ikto'mi he' 'e" it was Iktomi 16. 12;-wahte'Ani lj Ie' e' - the worthless one, this is the one (who - ) 90.1 0 ~ 140. FUTURE The future is expressed by kta which changes preceding changeable a to j. The a of icta is changeable. wqya'kj kta he will see him t'j kte AM he is not going to die The future expresses also the obligatory must. An urgent order is formed by adding tako'm.ni whatever may happen. A milder form is: yf'kta iye'e'eca it is likely that he will go; yj'lcta-iye'c'eca he ought to go ~ 141. NEGATIVE The negative is expressed by ini which changes terminal a of verbs that admit change to e. It is so closely connected with the verb that the adverbial suffix -ya follows the negative. ~ni expresses a special negation; when the negation is general, inclusive, the preceding indefinite pronoun, or numeral, has the suffix ni (in Yankton na). tuwe' kic wqb.ia'keirni' I did not see who it was tuwe'ni wqb.la'ke~ni' I did not see anyone.'sma' wqb.ia'ke~ni' I did not see the one (but the other one) ijma'ni wqb.la'keAni' I saw neither the one nor the other wj'yq tuwe'ni wqb.la'keini' I did not see any woman among them wqti'Ani' it is not one (but another number) wq~i'niini' it is not one (of that group) to'ki m.ni'kteini' I am not going away, to some particular place to'k'iyani m.nf'kteAni' I am not going anywhere at all ta' ku wacT'~ni' I have no wants ta'kuni wac'j'ni' I do not want anything at all ta'k to'Ik'amiqkteAni' I am not going to do anything particular ta'Icuni ec'a'mtqkte~ni' I am not going to do anything at all The negative interrogative is also expressed by hni which however is not followed by a glottal stop. kinaA 'ina'-t'oka'p'a kj kicTi le'Ani in that case, how about my eldest mother's sister going along with you? 9.1 )oma'yaniini' you are not walking about 'oma'yaniMi why don't you walk about? Also with double negation intensifying the negation: 'oma'yaniAni Ani why don't you not walk about, i. e., why don't you stay at home? 9, note 2; —kji wala'waini Ani why don't you not read? i. e., why don't you stop reading;-'iyo'k'ikni Ani why did he not forbid him?;-waya'teini Mi why do you not not eat, i. e., do eat!1;-ehq'ni 'eAa'* bMe'Ani Mni I wish (now) I had not gone;-wqca'k 'eA tg. le'Ani Ani why not simply not go home, you and I; —he'ctit~ni AMi he ought not to do that Intensification of the negative by repetition of hni occurs particularly in adverbs. 'ec 'fAnigniyq; 'ekta'Ani~niyq wrongly, adversely;-'it'tf'kni~iyq falsely ('i mouth;-t'tm to have); 'ista' lkf nat'qjjAni-niyq with eyes not showing 239. 1; —niya'Anifti all out of breath (adv.) 272.17 106 ~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MU~moRs NA1~ozUL V bswich include 9ihi ini the themie form a negation by the usual process of suffixing ini. 'iye'Ani to be dumb;-ra'dni~ni to be lame;-Ai'ceAni not to be spoiled;-hpeca'fti to be lively (lipa lying down);-Apu'kehni to be a nuisance Double negative also expresses repetition. wica'lafiinike c'e'yag 'eyayapi although he frequently demurred they took him along;-'ec'j'AniAniyq 'e'ttqwe' he looked away repeatedly (ec'j' to want, ec'j'kefni to be disinclined) Also with indefinite pronouns: taku'gnigni trifles; tuwe'.gnigni anyone whoever it may be. tase'-lca a strong negation: ta8e'm.ni'kte ca I am not going to go (an absolute refusal);-tase' he'c'etu ka that is not the way!;-tase' he'cel wac'jka I do not want it like that! Men preface tase' often by the exclamation oh or hohi, women by hiya no. In a simple answer hiya' is accented. ~ 142. Ana USUALLY Ana is used adverbially. It does not change terminal a to e. waa'p'agna oma'ni he goes about striking people. It is more idiomatic to attach 'it to adverbs, particularly those derived from demonstratives or indefinite adverbs. 'Veya'Ana waa'p'a 'oma' ni' well, he always goes about striking people;-ta'ku wacTj c'qAna wala" whenever I want anything, it being so always I ask for it;-tohq'l ku' c'q'Ana 'ut'e" when he comes home that being so always he shoots (whenever he comes home he shoots);-le'ceAna 'ec 'a'mt s'a in this manner I usually do it;-he'l~na wait" there I usually stay;-tukte'l~na waya'ta he? where as a rule do you eat? The following series are all idomatic and the Aina merely emphasizes various aspects: Wdc'iyatqha~na 'ee' t'oke'ya pusya' 'iye'waye' on this side regularly exclusively first I dry it; le'c'iyatqhq 'ece'Ana t'oke'ya pusya' 'iye'waye' on this side exclusively regularly first I dry it; le'c'iyatqhq 'ece' t'oke'ya~na pusya' 'iye'waye' on this side exclusively first regularly I dry it; le'c'iyatqhq 'ee' tVoke'ya pusya'Ana 'iye' waye' on this side exclusively first I dry it, regularly In other words A~na adds the idea of regular action to the word it immediately follows. ~ 143. 8'g, REGULARLY, HABITUALLY 8 'a changes terminal a of the verb to which it'is attached, when changeable, to e. The a of s'a is not changeable (ece' Y ece' or ce' S do not change terminal a) he'c'ti s'a he did that regularly 145.3? 277.1 he'c'i t'e'hqhq 'r(' s'a there he used to stay a long time 232.12 'o'we h~q'hqpila s'a they make jokes regularly 27.5 'oya'kapi s'a they tell it habitually 216'.17 ~ 144. QUOTATIVE 1. Statements known by hearsay are indicated by Wka', terminally Wke". (For 9k'a although, see p. 175, note 93.) Pewa' Wke" he said, it is said 1.6 'irti'lahcj hi' yotaka Wke" very quietly she came and sat down, it is said 64.7 Sometfimes ke", probably derived from ke'ya' "thus he said," is used instead of ik'e". cTj'ni ice" he would not, it is said 9.2 '9eya' ke" he said, it is said 65.13 2. When the statement or thought of a definite person is quoted, the quotation may end with lo (le), ye, c'e 'or k'P The first is used for the present or future; the second for an obligatory futu-re; the third for the past. The glottal stop is not used at the end of the quotation. ct-e AcOmimy orSCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 107 NO. 2] is also used in formal speeches when the future is determinate; it also designates something unescapable on account of supernatural sanctions: y'i'kta ete 'eye", " he shall go, " he said;-wic'a'ta kj le' zuya' yir'kta c'e, 'eye" " this man shall go to war," he said;-c'qUk, le' ntt'kta c'e, 'ate' 'eyj' nq Aina' wq wa~te' malka'g. i' " daughter, you shall wear this," father said and brought for me a beautiful blanket;-m. ni'kte~ni c'e 'ep'e' ej I say, " I am not going" (so why do you pester me, see p. 158);-hj'hqna kjhq hqk1a'yapi t'isya' hiyo'talce cjhq, t'qka'n 'ia'wap'jkta c'e, 'eya" "tomorrow when the sun (ceremonial term) when it firmly arrives sitting down, outside I shall step," he said (Santee). k'iq expresses the past. It is the past article. (See p. 133.) 'ehq'ni 'iya'ye c't%, 'eye" "long ago he started," he said;-'iya'ye e't, 'eye" "he has gone," he said;nawa'te kj he'l mi'A mawq'k'ala k'ti, 'eye' "my temples there I have (always) been weak" 26.7;'iyu'kcq waku' k'a, 'eye" " thinking of it I came, " he said;-le' e' Ic't 'eye' "this is he," she said; ka'k'i m.nj'lcte c'aq, eya" "I am or was about to go there," he said J~ectj to think, may be used with the same forms, but the sentences in c te must be determinate. 'Vehq'ni 'iya'ye c'tq, 'ec'j" "long ago he started," he thought;-yetvi'ce~wayj'kta c'e 'ec'j" "I shall make them go" he thought; but not wic'a'Aa kj zuya' yj'kta c'e, 'ee'j' " the man shall go to war," he thought, (because it might happen that he refuses). On the other hand m.ni'lkta c'e, '9ec 1/" "I'll go, " he thought, is possible In other verbs that might be used with a quotative 'eya' is always used, p. e., wvicta'gia ki lena' zuya' 'ayjlcta c'e, 'eya'-yustq" "these men shall go to war," he said finished, i. e., "he decided. " 3. When expressing one's own thoughts, in remarks not requiring an answer, or in a remark expressing thoughts in soliloquy the terminal particle ke, is used. ('t'o') ka'ki b.la' ice (ee'Q'mi) (well,) there I'll go (I think). 'it'o' wo'wakc'u ice, 'ec'j'pi well, I'll give him food, they thought When 'ee'j is not used, the e of ike is lengthened with falling tone. ~ 145. ici TAKE CARE LEST! (S kj, n~ce') he'e'tq 8'a ke c'tq niya'ye ci lo' she always does somewhat that way, take care lest you let her live (niya' to cause to live) 145.3 wani'cihtq ki lo' take care lest you cut yourself!I niya'htake ci to' take care lest he bite you! Compare: ayu'Atq yo'! wani'cihajkte stop!I you will cut yourself!I mi'la kj he' 'iya'cu hq'tqhqt wani'cihtqkte se'ce lo' if you take the knife you will cut yourself it is probable ~ 146. ke' RIDICULING 'eya' ice" that is what you say! lit, that is what he says he'c'tt ke" that is what you do! (lit. 3d person) This may be contracted from Ice' ya' he said that. ~ 147. s'e AS THOUGH s 'e is used adverbially. It changes terminal, a of the verb to which it is attached, when changeable, to e. c' qI yusna'pi s'e 'iha'kap hina'p'e' as though rustling trees were following him he ran out 276.16 mi'yog.las'j hiyu'yapi s'e like flashes being sent 209.17 c Itqg. le'Aka 8'e 'iytq'ka ice' like a hoop he lay, it is said 215.15 t'at'q'ka s'e le'ceca like a buffalo bull this was 217.6 sgite' nak'a'p yeki'ye s'e 'iya'ya the tail as though kicking her own she started off 189.5 he'l tqyq' 8s'e le'ceca there as though it was good this was 194.1 108 DAKOTA GRAMMR [MEMOIRs NATINAL [VOL. XXIII, ~ 148. ADVERSATIVE i The terminal i is primarily an adversative element, often only with emphatic meaning. It occurs with pronouns and many adverbial and conjunctival elements. With personal pronouns, it always requires a precedent, the opposite of what is to be emphasized. With pronouns: mi'A-eya' I also 2.9, 236.10 'iA-eya' he also 43.2 ho', ~i'A nitu'we huwo'? well, now you, who are you? 29.1 ho' ikto', ni'h hehq'tu we lo' well, Ikto, you are next! 34.5 mi'A miye' kj mak'ili ye lo' but I, the one who is I, am all right 40.1 miye'A I at least, synonym of miye'k'eA (mi-e'k'eA) 29.10 igila'tqhe lo'; mi ye'kha ye'A hep'e'Ani kj he is boasting; even I do not say that! With adverbs and conjunctions: wana'A now indeed 27.15;-'ak'e'A again indeed 25. 1;-le'A here indeed 27.2;-to'kl'eniA in no wise 29.13;'a'tayaA at all indeed 51.9;-nqA and indeed 186.11, 187.1;-tok' a'A perhaps (it being indeed somehow) 26.5; hqb-le'b.ete extraordinarily (from hqb.le' to seek a vision) niya'te t'a' c'a6 wana' huhu' 'oka'bilelya ysqke' ej your father is dead, so indeed now his bones being scattered he lies 16.9 (see also 27.8) 'i'e' lehq'l ni' 'se' y1q'k'q'A 'ani'lowqpi k'o'lcta tk'a,' ye' really up to now alive (if) he existed, then, indeed, they would even sing over you 15.8 (see ~ 165, p. 147) he' hq' nih mat'fjkta tk'a' k'eyat wak'q'yela lehq' wahi" at that time indeed I should have died, but miraculously up to this time I arrived (live) wana' nake'A 'iya'ya now certainly indeed he went away 22.13 le ' literally: but it is it; giving emphasis to the contrast between an expected event and an actual occurrence; therefore often "instead" (see p. 159): Wee-yt ej 'e'* taku'hcj ktoyalkipte se'ce lo' you the one who exists this way (contrary to expeetastion), you probably fear something 3.8;-'e'A to'Ic how about it? (unexpectedly what?) 26.5;-'e' wana niya'te tqyq' 'a'ya he? (although hardly to be expected) is your father now getting well?;he' 'eA wqb.la'ke' that much I saw;-he'A k'ola/waye se'ce 'ti' but he seemed to be my friend!ttqkca'l 'e'A Akcata' instead (of indoors) play ou-fdos;h'e 'e'A instead of being thus 22.16;itu'lca ye'A anyway instead 66. 19;-~mat'a/pehi'q ye'A k'o` ahi'hsini even toads also arrived 73.2;wo'.1yute ye'A to/kta-i'wa~g.niAni I cannot even get food 34.16 'e' 'e anyway: '1eIA 'e'A wO' waka~akta-i ye' hqtu eta e'na kteA makjke anyway it Is time for me to wash, it being so I'l just stay home;-tok'ij'A-et 'eA heya' eta Sectamilte according to my wish he said it and so I'll do it I Unaccented 'eg expresses a weak emphasis, like German "doch" Sect e/I ('e) Seiwiceaktqtapi so they forgot them 9.10;-hec'cel ('eA) cj'iAni g'a k'tf that way she did not want 46.5;-he'c'el ('eh) wo'tehni- this he did not eat 22. 16;-t'i ma'h~el ('eA) ktigle" he went back into the house h~e~eel 'eA is often contracted to h~e' ee 1. 1; 30. 1; 77.6;-with plural pi-'et> peA: 'awi'captapeg even when they struck them;-Ii' A-' eA-'elel-'eA by the way Various uses: c'te'A at end of a statement, though 22. 10; who knows! to'ki n4'lte ca c'e'i where you will go, who knows! t'o'wa'A is wag.lu'Atqkta tk'a' I really wanted to finish this first ~'e'A to'lc, mists` tolcta'A tukte'l niwq'1ktala ee'ce how about it, little brother, in some way indeed somewhere you may be weak 26.5 ta'Iu wahte' kc'e ihq'lkyapi kj something good but regularly they destroy it 23.8 lecta'A just a moment ago (see ~ 155, no. 29, p. 121) lec'a'laA t'e' c't having died just now 13.7 'eyaA t'a'hca pta' ki li'la kap'o'kela as is well known indeed, a deer's head is very light 28.12 hq'tqhqh if that should happen, then 12.6, 8 '9eha'A to'ktel eettiA'Aa t'qj~'ars that was too much!I how he would act was not clear 23.4 kinai ina'-tcoka'pta kj kic'i-' le'tni7 In that case, with my eldest mother's sister, will you not go along? 9.1 'tok'j'i. see optative, p. ill. ACADEMY OF SCIENCIDS] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 109 he'c'e~ a general introductory particle used in tales 30.1 tk'a'A wana' wacto'k'j rnq wapa' snq Ictj hena' iyu'ha hena'la slce" but now the roastings in ashes and those on spits were all gone 22.15 naj'A or, else (see ~ 165, p. 144) 'akca'g no wonder 2.8. For 1c'e'yag see p. 145. The meanings of the pronouns, demonstratives, adverbs and conjunctions which are emphasized by -4 will be found discussed under their proper headings. A number of modifiers which follow verbs begin with g. These are 4wn usually (p. 106), hini negation (p. 105), and ~iehq'. Notwithstanding its apparent initial position it may be identical with the adversative ~. ~na may possibly contain the unaccented ending -na (p. 120) used with demonstratives; gni may be based on the negative ni. ~ehq' by this (or that) time (Y. hehq') is evidently derived from 'ehq' (p. 117); also ~iehcq' 9itukca this time without fail 185.10; ~ehcq'l 'e" (Y. hehc,'n 'e") now (is the time to do something that previously was inappropriate) ~ 149. DECLARATIVE PARTICLES AND END OF SENTENCE 1. The end of a declarative statement of a commonly known fact, or the mere statement of a fact previously not known to the hearer and without expression of an opinion regarding it is expressed by the terminal glottal stop, both by men and women. Changeable terminal a becomes e; all other vowels take the glottal stop without any change. heha,'yela 'owi'hqke' there it ends 5. 11;-'awq' yak ktuwa" watching him she followed him 8.4;-leye" she said as follows 8.4;-hj'hqna c&qke' heye" next morning then he said that what follows 176.12;slolye'Ani' he did not know 176. 16;-wana' 'j'yqkapi' now they ran 177.2;-ma~a'fu' it is ralining;lak'o'ta' he is a Dakota 2. The particle ye is attached to stems ending in unchangeable a or q, or in e, i, j With changeable a or q it is contracted to e; after o, u, q it takes the form we. (See p. 29.) With the, plural pi it forms pe. In various types of sentences it appears accented and unaccented. Exclamatory sentences, i. e., sentences calling attention to immediately present states or actions, generally introduced by an unaccented demonstrative (see p. 1 15) close with unaccented ye, man or woman speaking. le na'~j ye here he stands!-he yqke' there he is (sits)! (accented, because contracted from yqka' ye);he'ctiyatqhq le wau' we (see here!) from there I am coming!;-he 'oma'niyape there they are going on a trip! When an intention is expressed in soliloquy or in a remark not directed at any one in particular (which can be only in the first person singular) men and women use the unaccented future lcte <lctaye. 'it'o' wag.ni'kte suppose I go home! (synonym 'iteo' wag.la'kt);-'it'o' 'oma'ni-mnjkte suppose I go walking! 109.7 Energetic statements followed by an imperative that has an inner relation to the statement also use the form in unaccented ye, man or woman speaking. '04t' me 'ini'la yqka' po' (synonym 'i~tj'ma, c'e 'ini'la yqka' po') he is asleep! be quiet!I;-'ogni'ye t'ima' g~la' yo' (synonym 'osni' c'e ttima' g~la' yo') it is cold! go in!;-taktA'l 'iwa'hotqniyqpikte 'ina'Iini yo' some message we will send by you! hurry! 236.13;-waho'Ai-wahi ye nah'tt' po' (synonym c'e for ye 4.7) I come bringing a message! listen!;-1e'c'q we wqya'ka po' (synonym c'e for we) see him doing this! (le'e' kj wqya'ka po' would mean: watch the doing of this!) The synonym forms in e te are presumably derived from e'a ye. (See p. 146.) Direct quotations of statements which, when not quoted would end with a glottal stop end in unaccented ye,'eteorkh'i. (See p. 106.) Th'ese are followed by 'eya' he said, or 'eetjihe thought. DAKOTA GRAMMAR C~~~~~~MEMOIRS NATIONAL 110 DA OAGA M R[VOL. XXIII, 'ec ta he' ktat qhq nak'ke, 'eya'pi' " then you will sit behinld, " they said 91. 10; —e'q' 'au' yewaye, 'eya'-ho'uya Ike" "I caused him to grow on a tree," she said sending out her voice, it is said, 178. 1O;-mit'q' hjg.na'kula ki li'la wag.la'hlce, 'eye"~ "my younger sister's miserable husband I abhor very much," said she 202.9;-to'k'a-'ib.lab.le~ni ye', 'eye"" I cannot go further," said she 217. 18;-' ece'A li'la Cfe ye s'a ye, 'eyadpi' "he is crying too much," they said 268.6;-'awi'c'a-wag.li ye, 'eye" "I brought them home," he said 53.12;-'it'o' we'cafjkte, 'ec'j" she thought, "I'll make it for him" 198. 11; t~q'hiniA hi'ini lcij, 'eye" "the one who never came before," said she 174.2;-he' wo'tehi-wakila k' AI'eye" "I consider that hard on me," said she 178.14;-tuwe'ni 'o' 'oki'hiWni Ic'i, 'eye" "nobody is able to hit it," she said 110.9;-'ina''-u' pikte c'tj, 'eye'" or 'ina''u' pikte, 'eye" "my parents will come," he said Sometimes the kPM would be used also, if the statement were not in quotation. In those cases it expresses an emotional attitude. (See p. 168.) sak'i'p 'tit'i'kte We'm 'iq (for k't) I supposed we would camp together (disappointment) 254.1 NOTE.-In a number of cases quotations end in ki (after changed a, ci). These refer always to emotional attitudes. (See p. 158.),niye'A 'ilk'i'yela ntike' ci you are nearby (so why don't you do it) 196.3 The quotation lalc o'ta-w~yq ki 269.9 is merely a nominal exclamation. The particles to, man speaking, te, woman speaking are employed following ye. The use of these forms by men and women is somewhat distinct, ye lo is used for any declarative statement intended to interest the hearer or as a remark not addressed to any particular person. It always implies a personal opinion of the speaker. When used to close a sentence expressing a well-known fact or one previously not known to the hearer it can be applied only by persons of authority. 'elcia' w'ic'a'b.le lo' thither to them I go 2.7;-k'ica' kse lo' he has broken it in two 10.4;-waht4' mala~ini ye lo' she does not consider me very good (she hates me) 97. 13;-mama'kinsi we lo' he steals it from me 97.17 In soliloquy or addressing no one in particular men use the same ye to as in statements including an opinion, rarely ye alone; women use ye te with accent varying according to emotional state. Man speaking: lekiWi wic'a'kte We'c 16 maybe he killed my uncles 90.11;-hqhsqh6, le' li'la mapa'bipe 16 well, well! this one is certainly stinging me 131.16;-ta'ku lu'ta iye'c'eca~ini ye to' nothing is red like it 137.12;also without lo: hj'sko-t'Qka 'ij' maka't'jke se'ce maybe she will kill me with the one so large 173.16 Woman speaking: 'iye' 'eha' makte' ye 16 that he should kill me! 173. 18;-to'k'e~k'e ta'ku 'iyo'kip'iAni se'ce le' something must not be pleasing to him 272.1;-'oi'yoki~iice 16 it is saddening 16.3 Women, in addressing particular persons are not expected to express an opinion. For this reason they do not use le, but merely the accented ye'. henda 'ec'e'l 1ec'rq'k'tpikte' those accordingly we shall do 14. 1;-'ima' ga~aic'iya ho' hotela we' c'zt wac'j' ye' amusing myself to use swinging I desire 167.7;-wic'a'yute' he eats thenm 55. 1;-'oka'lalaya he' (<hq') scattered they (inanimate) stand 14.5;-hehq'yq 'owa'kihiiri ye' I am no longer able 52.8;lena' 'au'maAi ye' he ordered me to bring these 200.13; 'awa'u we' I bring it 199.18 The ye to' used by man, and the ye' and ye te' used by women do not change to unaccented forms in quotations. In indirect discourse the particle ye is not used. 'ici' njlcte'kta ke'ye' to' grandmother says that she will kill you 188.3;-'u'kta ke'ye" he says that he will come 206.13 When shouting the glottal stop is omitted. It is not used with the imperative, interrogative, optative, and negative sentences in tase' - ica. Exclamatory statements are similar to the permissive imperative used by women, except that Lu stems ending in changeable a the ending aye is contracted to e. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX i No. 2] l Doubtful statements ending in se'ce, hijge', nac'e/ce have no glottal stop. It is also absent in the future Rce (<ktaye) that does not imply the certainty of the future action. ~ 150. OPTATIVE toki (or t'ttklj) - ni expresses probability of fulfilment of wish. In Santee na4we' is used instead of ni. tok'i he'c'etu ni' I wish it were sol-tlkij tle'hq-wani ni' would that I live long1-t'tqkj warni'yetu mao'ta~inihqni mat'a'ni' would that ere I had not too many years, I die!-tolcti mat'a' ni'-tokti mi'A 'eya' wish that I might die!-Would that I too! (imitation of the calls of certain birds to each other) a'- gni, expresses improbability of fulfilment (S. e~ta') )eAa' le'-'qpe'tu kj wa' map'i Ani! oh, if I would fare well todayl-'e~a' le'-bUoke'tu kj wawi'eta~e Ani! oh, if things would grow this summerl-'ea' hi' nq wana' nihsq' 'aki'sni ke'ye' Ani! oh, if he would come and say that your mother is well now!-'ehq'ni 'e~ia' he' ctamtj Anil oh, if I had done that first! Ve~a' alone means "teven"~ 35.2; "at least" 20.7 When the optative expresses a wish that cannot be fulifilled P'eg is used. ka 'u ki he' 'ate' 'e lo'e~ oh! if the one coming yonder had been my father; compare the hypothetical statement ica 'u kj he' 'ate' 'e ysq'k'q'A m.nj'kta tk'a" if that one coming had been my father I should have gone (see p. 112) ~ 151. INTERROGATIVE he used by both sexes in formal speech. so (Yankton se) used by both sexes in conversation; changes terminal a of verbs that admit of chatnge to e huwo' used by men;-huw6 a rhetorical question. huwe' used by women as a rhetorical question. to' k'eA~c'e c'iye' 'oho'walaAni 'iye'c'el wae'cannikta he how can I do what will disgrace my elder brother? 181.4 to'k'a he what is the matter? 8.4 ta'ku yac'j' he what do you want? herna' ta'ku c'a yak'j huwo' what are those you carry on your back? 20.4 htqh1qhe', tok'e missA'kala le' 'e'la so, oh, is it my little brother? 25.3 ta'ku to'k'ansq so what are you doing? to'k'a c'a heya' huw6' why does he say that? (soliloquy, 176.8) mic'j'lAi to' kel k'a' huwO what does my son mean? 176.13 to'k'e~k'e le' 'omra'yani huwo' how (does it happen that) you travel this way? (expecting an answer) 241.2 ~ 152. IMPERATIVE The imperative is expressed by postpositional particles which differ according to the sex of the speaker. Woman speaking Man speaking Command na (often omitted) j Permission sn.ye' we'*, plur. pe-' "sing. yo',wo'; plur. po' Mild request (please) sing. ye' plur. pi ye' (Santee mi ye') All these are accented, except na. When na is omitted the terminal syllable of the verb is accented. It seems probable that the plurals po' and pe' have originated by contraction from pi-yo' and pi-ye'. The ye' remains unchanged in the form for a mild request while the permissive ye' w. sp. and yo' m. sp. change to we' and wo' after u, 4~, e. 112 D OTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MIMHOIRs NATINAL 112 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, The form for mild request requires change of the terminal a of verbs into i. Those verbs that retain terminal stem a in the future also retain it in the imperative. Examples are: ka~ka' yo', kaAka' po' tie it (singular, plural, man ordering or permitting) kaAka' na or ka~ka' tie it! (singular and plural, woman ordering) ka~ka' ye', ka~ka' pe' tie it! (singular, plural, woman permitting) lca~ki'ye', katka'pi ye' please tie it (singular, plural, man or woman requesting) Man speaking: C'e yui'nalini po' so make haste! 4.10;-c'e nali'q( po' so listen! 4.7;-ho po' attention! 4.7; 20.10;wic'a'kte po' kill them! 10.1;-Atqhpa'la ki le' wq~i' tqye'hcic lolo'pyj nq yuha' Yematipa yo' this one (of the puppies) well cook and having it lay me out! 12.1 1. Womnan speaking: cte'oa 'olo'l-ya na go and get a kettle! 81.1;-hina'p'a na come out! 144.2;-wic'a'yuta' eat them' 172.13;-lcicta' get up! 132.8;-mayu' 2uiu' unwrap me! 228.5;-li'la kVig-la'pi' start ye for home! 55.3;-ho'we' 'iya'yape' all right! you may go! Man or woman speaking: nit'tn'skala lci'c'j 'oma'ni ye' carrying your nephew go about, w. sp. 168.lO0;-lc'oyq' lcu' ye' come along! m. sp. 129. 13;-mistq' he'c'tjpila~ni ye' younger brothers, don't do that, little ones! 21.15;'9al'o' g. la'pi ye' please, go away (p1.);-k'ig.li'ye' (from k'ig. la') go on home!1;-kila' ye' ask him for it! (a of la not changeable);-malc'u'ye' please, give it to me ho is a defective verb. It is used independently, without accent, in calling attention of someone. It may be followed by a term of address, by an imperative, or by a statement of fact. It takes all imperative endings, except that women use ho'we' for both singular and plural. ho po', waho'Ai-wahi c'e nah'tq'po' now then ye! I have arrived to bring news, so listen! m. sp. 4.7;-ho' wo'1, hqka' now then, sister-in-law m. sp. 160.15;-ho'ye now then! very well! m. Sp. 9.7;-ho'na very well! w. sp. The negative imperative is formed from the ending ~ni by use of the same endings as the positive imperative. Instead of the exhortative the accented future is used, or the exhortative is expressed by ho'ye, ho ye' or hoye m. sp.; ho'na w. sp. followed by the unaccented future 'tyi'kte Wo'm. sp. 'tfyj'kte w. sp. let us go;-(wq)'iqyj 'kte lo' (wci) or ho'ye 'tyj'kte lo' m. sp.; ho'na 'tjyj'1cte w. sp. let us go;-yj'kte' let him go! For the first person exhortative the simple future is used. NOTE.-yj'kta- 'iye 'c teca' he ought to go (lit, that he will go is proper). ~ 153. tkta' tk'a' (often, lcta' Western Ogalala, tuk'a' Santee), at end of sentence followed by glottal stop or one of the particles closing a sentence, makes the statement contrary to fact. ttepwi/ctayahikta tlc'a' Wke" he would continue to cause them to be consumed, it is said (he would be devouring them) 5.7;-'ehq'ni 'amia'kisnikta-'iye'c'etu tlk'a' ye' long ago I might have been well 226. 16;-he'cantqkta tlc'a" you should have done that;-wac' j'ka y1q'k'iq'A 'ehq'nihicj e'ae'ip'ap'akta tlk'd ye to' if I had really wished it, then long ago I might have stabbed you 71.2, 3 With the past it often expresses "almost" as something contrary to fact. lehq'yela mat'a' tk'a" I almost died;-'i.qAi'ka mic'j'lci to'hi~ni 'ogo'tamakit'apila tlc'a' ye le' my poor children, by smoke they almost died (woman speaking) 196. 16;-he'hq' wa~icu-iya'pi tqma'spedni tk'a" I should not have known English at the time (if I had not gone to school); or: I could not talk English then (but now I can) When 11cta' appears at the end of the sentence without glottal stop, the sentence- is interrupted and the tlkta' expresses annoyance. wa~i'eu- iya'p Pr rmd peAni tkda (leya'he) I cannot talk English but (he says this);-t'o'wa'A le' wag.lu'Atqkcta tk'a' first I was going to finish this, but (you interrupted me) ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 113 When not final tk'a/ means "except that, only." 't~/k't*'kta c'a 'ti'; (ho) tkVa 'o'hjni 'tj'~itjkic'ilakte' we shall live together, It being so it is; only always we shall be kind to each other 229.16-230.1;-kicTi 'tnma'~iipe'; tk'a' wo'wa-sukiye wqii'la 'aho'tqp'apikte' with him they ordered me to live; only one rule we must observe 231.12;-pte' lj wic'a' wao we lo'; tkVa wa~ie'ya wic'a'o b.lu~tq' c'q'Ana... 'ataya 'e'yaye to' buffaloes I shoot; only well shooting them I finish, then always... all he takes 1 14.20;-wana' yag.ni'kte to'; tkVa nit'tq'kaila li'kilila loo' j'pi c'aAi slot ya' ye to' now you will go home, only that your grandfathers are often very hungry, you know 183.8;-le'l 'ukta tk'a' he' mic'sq'k~i yu'zjkta c'j' here he will be coming, only (for) that my daughter he will want to marry 12.2;-mi ye' tc' a' le' 'qpe'tu tukcte' mit'a'wakta t'qi'~niyq wasq'we lo' I, except for this, which day will be mine it not being apparent I live (except that I do not know when I am going to die) 12.4;-t'i'l nj'kta tk'a' wakta' yo' you will go in (there is nothing to hinder you); only take care! 57.14;-'tq'ma~ika tk'a' 'el rnaya'hipi I am poor except that you come here to me, i. e., your coming makes my state more tolerable. (This is not what is meant. It should read k'e'ya~ instead of tk'a': although I am poor you come here to me, 195.4) Often tkVa is used with Ice'yag. le'l hi'8'a tlc'a' lk'e'ya~ wana' 'oki'hi~ni he used to come here, but now he is unable -ica mi4 tkVa lit, as it were almost but; 'to be at a loss (what to do): ta'lkeyeca ntq tk'a" what to say he was at a loss, he all but said something;-tukte'l e'ttiweca ntj tk'a" which way to look he was at a loss;-to'k'i ya'pika nij tk'a" where to go they were at a loss 211.8 ~ 154. NUMERALS All cardinal numbers are neutral verbs and like these may be used as adjectives by subordination under the noun. The count is expressed by the verbal forms. Reduplicated forms 1 wq'ci (as adjective wq~i') wqti'kWi 2 nq'pa (as noun or adjective ntip) nsq'pntqp or niq'mntqm 3 ya'm.ni ya'm.rnim-ni 4 to'pa (as noun or adjective top) to' ptop 5 za'ptq za'ptqptq 6 Aa'kpe Aa'kpekcpe 7 Aako'wj (iyu'Arna 29 Assiniboine) Aako'wiwi 8 ag.to'fjq ~ag.to'0q~q 9 napci'ytqka (napci'wqka Y 8) (as noun or adjectivc napci'yzqkytqk napci'ytqk) 1 0 wikce'm.na wikce' m.nam.na 1 1 'ake'-wq~i' 'ake'wepi'kli 1 2 'ake'-ntjpa (as adjective ake' nsqp) 20 wikce'm.na nq'pa (wikce'm.na-ntqp) 30 wikce'm.na nti'mntim 21 wikce'm.na ntq'p sa'm (or ake') wqli' (ca) 22 wikce'm.na nq'p sa'm (or wikce'm.na ntqp 'ake') nsq'pa (as adjective nsq'p) 100 'opa wjge '0opa'w toje~l 1000 k'ekto'pawjo4e or k'okto'pawj~e or k'ekta'opawide Although it is easily recognized that the higher numerals are derived from verbal stems, analysis is not easy. Clearest is nap-ci-y1.k1a finger little lies; 'opa'w'j0e one hundred, is parallel to 'oka'wjoa to go round and round, with pa by pushing, instead of ica by striking. Ordinals.-The ordinals except tolca/he the first, are formed from the cardinals by the prefix 'ior 'ici', in Y and S by 'i. 'it'aor 'ici'mispa the second, as adjective without accent 'iya'ke-wq~i' the eleventh 'iwi'kcem.na nsi'pa the twentieth The adverbial forms are formed in the same way, except t'oka' the first time. 'inq' pa the second time (always accented) 29 Taken from gambling with seven counters, the seventh is iyu'dna the one one misses. 30 Also if objects counted are understood. 114 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATIONAL Numeral adverbs are identical with the cardinals, except wcf'ca once. These are compounded with the following verb which loses its accent. ntf pa-hi' he arrived twice Vota-hi' he came often to'rnakel-hi' he came several times The numeral adverbs with "only" added take the regular diminutive, or rather limiting suffix la. wq'cala only once A few take the double suffix lala. ntib.la'la only twice; only two to' b.lala only four times; only four napci'ytfg.lala only nine times; only nine co'nala a few times ~ 155. DEMONSTRATIVES, INDEFINITE AND INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS There are three demonstrative forms: le' this near me he' that at a distance, that referred to before ka' that at a distance, but visible and pointed out Besides these there is a very general demonstrative 'e' 'The indefinite and interrogative are identical and are treated in the same way as the demonstratives: to' something; what? tuwe' someone; who? (predicative); tuwa' nominal 149.11; 150.11 tukte' which one? ta'ku what, something 148.6; 149.7 Examples: le' uwic'a'Aa c~a 'u' hq'tqhq~- if this should be a human being coming 265.10 'u nq le' nml'Oe 'olka'hol 'iye'ya' come and throw this one into your ear 268.5 he' tuwe'ni wqya'keini nobody saw that one 268.7 he' 'to' le' 'iwa'hoc'iye lo' on account of that this warning I give you 12.7 ymq'k'q' ka 'ica'fe c'mq he'c'iyatqhq ho'uyj nq and then that yonder tipi-building aforesaid, from that place called and 254.3 tukte'-p'efu'ta cta nqt' 80? what kind of medicine do you use? 139.16 he' tuwe' ki that somebody 133.13 takmq'l, tahu'h'ci any little thing, anything In many cases the demonstrative is used independently like a noun: he' wica'k'e' that one spoke the truth, 129.2;-hena' he'c'a' those were of that kind;-le' pte" this is a buff alo;-le' waka'hnioje' I chose this one;-he' t'cqke'yapikta he' ya' pi' that one they would have for their sister, they said 89.4 When referring to a noun with emphasis on both, the accented pronoun may precede or follow the noun, both being independent. The noun must be followed by one of the definite articles, ki ork'q he' wic'a'Aa kj k8a'pe' or tic'a'Aa kj he' ksa'pe' that man is wise. The first form seems to lay a little more stress on the demonstrative;-le' pte' kj 'e" 31 or pte' kj le' 'e" this is the buffalo (the particular one, or the buffalo in contrast to other animals; also pte' ki le' he' 'e; plural lena' pte' hj 'e'pi';-pte' h'e'ya wic'tj'yuhapi tkda h'1 hena' lenad 'e'pi some cattle those we had, these are the ones;-he' wi'yq kj li'la wahte" that woman is very good 89.7;-t'ac'u' pa hj hena' kahs8j' nqi-those marrow bones, she ibroke and - 242.9 31 Contracted from 'e, le"; in Yankton uncontracted. ACADEMY Op SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 115 No. 21 The demonstrative is often treated as a noun qualified by the noun to which it refers. tuktena'-stkak'c c'a nic'u' te? Which horses (out of a herd) did he give you? —he'-wic'aia ki ksa'pe' that particular man is 'wise;-le'-wic'asa kI he' 'e' c'a wqb.la'ke this particular man it is that one, he being so I see him (for c'a see p. 146);-he'-'qpe'tu ki mat'i'kte lo' on that day I shall die 12.6;he'-wani'yetu ki li'la wic'a'akihi'c or wani'yetu ki he' li'la wic'a'akih'q that winter there was starvation 198.3 (according to emphasis on "that" or "winter") These demonstratives are also used with adverbial function. In initial position, before nouns or nominalized phrases they have no accent. Since they never take the plural in -na when the following noun is plural, they must refer to the general content of the following sentence, like other initial adverbs. (See p. 155.) The noun or nominalized phrase must be followed by the article and the corresponding accented demonstrative or he' (which, however, colloquially may be omitted) followed by the predicate. ka wic'a'sa ki ka' wqb.la'ke' (there) the man that one I see;-le ta'ku ec'a'mthe cj (<-hq ki) le' li'la wakte'walake' (here) the thing I am doing this very much I like;-le t'i'pi k'eya' he' ci lena' mit'a'wa (here) the tents standing these are mine;-he' le wic'a'sa wq k'ap'e' c'?t he' t'a'wa that one in this case a certain man's who had passed by, that was his 107.15;-'ikto' le c'oka'p t'i' ki (le') 'e'l ya' yo' to Ikto' on this occasion in the center of the camp dwelling gol 112.6 In exclamatory sentences, i. e., those direct statements which express an observation to which attention is called and which do not admit the glottal stop as closure of the sentence (as simple statements of fact do, see p. 109), when referring to a definite place require the use of unaccented demonstratives. he yqke' there he is (sits)! but he'l yqke" he is sitting there (a simple statement);-le na'ziye here he stands! but le'l na'zi' he is (or was) standing here;-pte' wq c'e'pehca c'a he g.le' a fat buffalo, it being such there it goes! 199.4, also he pte' wq c'e'pehca c'a g.le'!;-'ak'e' wana' he hiya'ye' again now there he goes! 110.10 Compare he'c'iyatqhq te' wau' c'a sak'i'p 'trg.nj'kte lo' from there I come to this, it being so we will go together to where we belong 102.14; and the same with unaccented le which might be translated as "see (look) here! I came from there," etc.; also he'c'iyatqhq le wau' we (look here!) from there I come; i. e., the le refers to the present situation In indirect discourse: wic'a'sa wq ka'l na'it ke'pe" that a certain man stands yonder, that I said; and wic'a'~a wq ka (ka'l) na'zi ke'p'e' (c'e ep'e') c'q he' wana' 'iya'ye' a certain man (of whom) I said that he stands yonder, that one has gone now;-he yqka'pi k'e'p'e' ci' hena' wana' 'iya'yapi' those (of whom) I said that there they stand there have gone now;-pte' ki he' wic'a'Aa wq Ika ctqkpe'skamak'ag.le na'z I ke'p'e' Ic'ml hetq'hq... na'zj sk'e" the buffalo that one a certain man (whom) that he kneeling stands I said so the one away from that one (the man)... it stands lit is said 99.12, i. e., the buffalo stood away from that man of whom I had said that he had been kneeling In all sentences that do not close with the exclamatory ye the demonstrative is accented. to'ki le' la'pi he? or te' to'ki la'pi he? (look here!) where are ye going? but lena' to'k'i la'pi he? where are these ye going?-(le') mahpi'ya nq mak'a' ki hena' (le') miye' (le') waka'ge lo' (look herel) sky and earth those I myself made 2.2 (the le' may stand at any one of the three positions indicated) Dakota uses a superabundance of demonstrative forms which emphasize location and time. These are formed by the demonstratives alone or by combining them with verbal stems and various types of postpositions. (See pp. 116 et seq.). The derivatives of the pronouns are used with highly specialized meaning. 116 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MFcMOIas NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, First; of all a list of the principal forms will be given: (a.) means used as an adverb; (v.) used as a verb; (a., v.) used as both verb and adverb; brackets indicate rare usage. Summary of compound demonstratives I le he ka tukte' 1. -e 2. -ya 3. -yalaka 4. -Ihq' 5. -kiIwq 6. -kqyela 7. -hqht~niyq 8. -hqI 9. -lhqtq 10. -hq'tqhq 11. -hq'tvu 12. -lhqtuga (a.) 13. -hqlkcca, -1&qkca 14. -I 15. -tq 16. -tqhq 17. -4u 18. -Skfia 19. -cela 20. -c'q1 21. -c'q~tu 22. -na 23. -ma 24. -nala 26. nakeca 26. kihq 27. -kta 28. -ktakiya (-ktatqhq) 29. -k'a 30. -clala 31. -kVe 32. -kleya 33. -k'et 34. -k'etya 35. -kletu 36. -k'etuiVa (a.) 37. -k'etkiya 38. -k'cca 39. -k'ena 40. -k'i 41. -k'ipa 42. -kliyatq 43. -k'iyatqhq 44. -kliyot'4 ce eyag (a.) ehq' (a.) iye'heyq (a., v.) (a.) ehq'tq (a.) ehq'tqhxq (a., v.) iye'Ihqtuy/a (a.) e'l (a.) etq' (a.) etqihq (a., v.) c'tu (V.) e'tkiya (a.) ece'la (a., v.) ec'q'i (ic'q'I) (a.) eccq'tu(la)flci (iye'na) (a.) e'na (a.), crsa',na (a.) (ive',nala) iye'nakeca (a., v.) ekta' (a.) ------ ekta'k(a.(a. ekta'kia (a.v.) ec ' Ia' (. ec etu) (av.) ie 'c'' u(a. (a. ec 'ekiya (a.) ecc 'ca (v.), iye'c'eca (ec'c'na) ecc i atqi (a.) ec i'tatqhq (a., v.) ecc: uot'q (a., v.) tcee lega, tcyai (a.) leyalaka (a.) clehq' (a.) leIhq'yq (a., v.) lehq'yela (a., v.) Ichq'txo4niyq (a., V.) leh~q'i (a.) Ichq'tu (V.) Ilehq'keca (v.) le'I (a.) Ictq' (a.) letq'hq (a., v.) le'tu (v.) Ie'tkiya (a., v.) lece'la (a., v.) Le~na' (a.) Ic'na (a.) lecna'Ia (a., v.) lecna'keca (a., v.) le'c'a (a., v.) lec'a'Ia (a., v.) lec'ce (a.) lc'c'eva' (a.) le'c'el (a.) le'c'etya (a.) le'c'etu (v.) lc'c'etuya (a.) le'c'eca (v.) le'c'e~na (a.) lec'ci (a.) tc'cliya (a. [v.]) le'cliyatq (a.) hiee Ikae tuiktec hxehq' (a.) lhchq'yq (a., v.) &clhq'Vela (a., v.) lhehq'hsx4niyq (a. [v.]) hehq'I (a.) thchq'tq (a.) helhq'tqhiq (a., v.) hehxq'tu (v.) hehq'tuya (a.) hchq'keca (v.) he'I (a.) hetq' (a.) hsetq'Aq (a., v.) he'tu (v.) hxe'tkiya (a., v.) hece'Ia (a., v.) lhena' (a.) he'na (a.) he~na'Ia (a., v.) hcna'kcca (a., v.) he'cihq (a.) he'kta (a.) lie' ktakiya (a.) he'ktatqhq (a.) hec'c'e lhe'c'ega' (a.) hc'c'eI (a.) hec'cetua (a.) h~e'c'etua (a.) hec'cetkiya (a., v.) he'c'eca (v.) he'c'e~na (a., v.) he'c'i (a.) kahxq' (a.) kalhq'yq (a., v.) kahq'yela (a., v.) kahxq'hxniVgt (a. [v.]) kahiq'I (a.) kalhq'tg (a.) kalhq'tqh~q (a., v.) kalhq'tu (v.) kahq'tuya (a.) kahq'keca (v.) ka'I (a.) katq' (a.) ka'tu (v.) ka'tkiya (a., v.) kace'la (a., v.) kana' (a.) ka'na (a.) ka~na'la (a., v.) kana'keca (a., v.) ka'k'a (a., v.) ka'k'etl ( a.) ka'k'etkVa (a.,). ka'k'etu (v.) ka'k'enua (a.) ka'k'i (a.) ka'k'iVatq (a.) tohq' (a.) tohq'yq (a.) tohq'yela (a.) tohq'ho~niyq (a.) tohq'i (a.) tohiq'tq (a.) tohq'tqhq (a.) tohq'tu (v.), tukti'. ye'hxqtu toh q'tuya (a.) tohxq'keca (a.) tukte'l (a.) tuktetq' (a.) (totq', S.) tukte'tqhq (a)(to. tq'hxq, S.) tukie'tu (v.) touketena' (a.). tukte'na' (a.) tona'la (a.) (rare) tona'keca (a.) (tokha') tok'e (no accent) to'kec (a.) to'kcleiya(kel) to'k'etuy (a.) to'k'etkiya (a.) to'k'cca (v.) to'kelyakel to'kli (a.) tol'kiya (a.) to'k'iyatq (a.) to'k'iyatqhq (a.) tok'i'yotq (a.) It will be noticed that the forms in -1, -ta, -(t)lciya, -icta, -tuya are adverbs, while those in -tu are verbs or nouns. (See p. 58.) A number of others, particularly those in hq following an adverbial ending, -la, -ica, -keca, -1cta are both adverbs and verbs. They are primarily verbs which enter into combination with following verbs and assume adverbial character. On account of the idiomatic use of these forms it is necessary to discuss them in detail. ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX17 No. 2] 1 1. 'e' 'e' idiomatic: instead: he' 'ayu'Nst ncq'e' 'e Aka'ta yo' leave off doing that and instead play!-'e' 'e' he' ktakiya 'a' yapi instead they took it back 262.7;-he' 'e' mak'u wo' give me that instead!;-ka' 'e 'ag.la' yo' take that home instead (ka' 'ag.la' yo' take that home);-he' 'e' wo'wicake' that instead (of another statement) is the truth;-tukte' 'e 'iwa'cukta he? which one shall I take instead (of some other one);-rniye''e' wahte' malani' he dislikes me (in contrast to another one whom he likes) 32 When followed by c'a it being so, the forms with le', he' express "that is the one": he' 'e' c'a pq'-ho-uya ke' that is the one who sent out his voice aloud 263.2 (he' 'e c'a would mean: THAT is the one -);-he' 'e c'a wqka'l iya'kakka 'tq'papi' that was the one whom they had laid up there tied- up 134.14 2. leya, leya~ (adv.) contrary to expectation; lit, it being this way: ytq'k'q' leya t'ak'o'laku... then unexpectedly it was his friend 134.13; —leya~ c'q-wq'kal yqke" meanwhile (contrary to what he thought) he was sitting on a tree 'eya' often introduces speeches Peya'.~ (accented) sufficient: 'eya'9 wana' hena'keca' that is enough now;-'eya'9 hq'skeya ka'oapi' it is made long enough 'eyai (unaccented) as you know, with terminal k'sq: 'eya~ wama'loteteka c'aA slolya'ye c'tq as you know I arn fond of food 12.12; eyag he' c'etu k'tq you know it was thus 3. leya'laka more emphatic than leya; synonyms 'ehq'k'i4, 'ehq'kie c',q leya'laka he' t'oka'p'a ki k'a'pi nq in reality they meant the eldest one 203.4;-/k'o~ka'laka k'aq 'iA leya'laka hehq'h?4niyq ot'i'wota kj 'e'l 'ii' the aforesaid youth, he on his part as a matter of fact all the while up to that time in the deserted camp stayed there 227.13;-ytj'k'q' leya'laka, he' wakj'yqwic'a'ia and then actually, that was a Thunder Man 179.11 Nos. 4-13 of the preceding list (p. 1 16) are derived from hq, originally " to stand, " but used in Teton also to express the continuative (see p. 104). For this reason they designate primarily time, although in many cases the usage has come to be uncertain. A few derivatives are employed to express extent in space. As continuative we have (see p. 104): 'j'ke' ka'k'iya wivka'ta zitka'la wq 'okj'yqhq just yonder away from you above a bird is flying in there, 146. 1O;-he'cWc sak'ip ya'hqpi so together they were going 147.3 4. 'ehq': 'eya' mahpi'ya nq mak'a' kj lena' t'oka'-kaoapi k's he' 'ehq' 7nat'sf'pe lo' well, the sky and earth these were first made, that during that period I was born 1.12-2.1;-'ehq' occurs without preceding demonstratives in such forms as 'ehqc'k'iq (synonym of No. 3 leya'laka), 'ehq'k'ehq' (<ehq'-k'sf-ehq') in olden times, erstwhile The demonstratives are either independent or contracted with hq which does not change to he, (see p. 32) With 'ehq': le' 'eha,' or le'hq' at this time he' 'ehq' or he'hq' at that tuile ka' 'ehq' at that time to'hq at some time past, when? once upon a time li'la 'ehq'ni k'14 he'hq' very long ago, it was at that time 156.16;-mak'a' 'akq'l 'sq'pi k's he'hq' on the earth they existed, at that time it was 2.14;-Yiya le'cel kte'pi~ni k's he'hq' li'la 'oya'te Vota t'epwi'ctaya sk'e' Iya in this manner they had not killed at that time very many people he had swallowed (i. e., before they had killed Iya he had swallowed many people) 105.19 le'hcf apparently used for space, has been found in one phrase: wi- le'hqhcj my! how tall (you have grown)! (w. sp.) 32 See the customary greeting: toke'lhe' rnie' so? is it you? 1622360- 41 —9 118 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [ME.MOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, With hcq: lehc,' up to this time; after all this time, tohq'... hehcq' as long as - that long lehq'-g.liAni' up to this time he has not returned 134.3;-to'hrqweni mnat'j'1kte~ni, tohq,' p'e'ta 'tq'piAni '1 kj hehq' never I shall die as long as they do not use fire, so long 105.5 (at end of sentence hehq does not change);-tohq'-g.liAni kj hehq'-'awa'p'ekte' as long as he does not come back, that long I shall wait for him;-kahq'.~ expresses "no sooner" (lit, indeed at that time, pointed out), kahq'ti hta'pa wq~i' b.lugtq' k 'eA wi' yop 'eya 'iye' ye! as soon as I finish a pair of moccasins he always sells it 5. -hq~yq: lehq'yq this far (generally for space) wac'j'-lema'hqycq-my mind (patience) is only this long;-lehq'yq.'ahi'Iipemayj nq k'ig.le" this far he accompanied me and then went home;-'i~ipa' kj hehq'yq pao'hlat'e 'iye'ya his elbows that far he pushed them under it 152.3;-hehq'yq 'owa'kihi~ni ye' I am no longer able (lit, that far I am not able) 52.8;-hehq'yq bMa' 'owa'kihi~ni' I cannot go that far;-c'qi'hqke kj hehq'yq wai" as far as the edge of the wood I went;-hehq' hqyq that long in each case;kahq'yq yug.la' unwind it that far (indicating the point);-tohq'yq yac'j' kj (hehq'yq) 'icu' the indefinite distance you want (that distance) take! (hehc['yq is always understood although it may be omiitted);-tohq'yq nic'u' he? how long a piece did he give you?-tohq'yq he'l hpa'yahi nq some time there he lay and 277.1 1;-'o'tohqyq 'ini'la ya'pi' for some time silently they went 149.9 6. hqfyela only (this) far, more definitely limited than hcqya (5). lehq'yela 'iwa'cu' I am taking only this much;-hehq'yela 'owi'hqke' only that far it goes 205.2;hehq'yela 'iyakic'ijni' only then he gave up 150.6;-hema'hqyela that finished me (lit. I was only that long);-kahq'yela only that long (time or space);-tohq'yelaT'i he went part way, some distance (no interrogative because la limits the distance) 7. -hqhitniyq (from [i] hq'ni he arrives there): 'oya'te kj lehq'htqniyq ttepwi'cayahjkta tk'a' Wke" the people always up to this time he would be eating up, it is said 5.6;-hehq'htjniyq k'i' 'ahi" all that time (distance) carrying it on his back he brought it;-k'oAka'laka k'tn 'iA leya'laka hehq'hiqniycq 'ot'iwota 'el 'ii" the youth referred to, he evidently all that time at the campsite stayed 227. 13;-kahq'htqniyq psi'l g.le" all that way he went hopping on his way home;-tohq'htqniyq ki he' wahte' mailani it being from sometime (from I don't know when) that he disliked me In questions tohq'yq would be preferred to tohq'hlkniyq. 8. haq'l primarily time. The demonstrative derivatives often loosely used for space. hihiq'rnikta hq'l when he was about to arrive 5 1.1 1; —nah'tq' yqka' hci'l heya' while he sat hearing she said 65.13;-ctop'a'pikta hq'l 'ec'q'l when they were about to ford it, just then 67.14 (or c'op'a'pikte cj 'ec'q'l or c'op'a'pikte hcehqjl). hcehq'l expresses a welcome event; 'ectqul one unwelcome (see No 21) heehq'l 51.6 64.4 lehq'l during the present period 5.8, 79.4 hehq-'l during the period; after that; next 149.9; 150.7; 151.4 ya*'kq' hehq'l wj'yq k'm - g.lu~kj' nq then, after that the woman previously referred to - untied hers and 65.15;-yq'k'q' hehq'l heya' ke" and then, after that she said that, it is said 67.17 An idiomatic phrase: 'i, 'i, kahc,'l 'e tukte'eWni see! I told you so! literally 'i, 'i, after that yonder it is not anything. Colloquially, although rarely, he'l is used in place of hehq'l for time. tohq'l mit'a'k'ola kj 'ai'yapi c'q'he'l (instead of hehq'l) 'oma'hitike lo' at any time when they slander my friend, that is when (instead of at that time) I get wild;-he' 'ti' tohq'l k'o~ka'laka ki wa'g.li g.li' therefore, whenever the young man brought something home 275.9;-tohq'lina at certain times 9. -hqtq; 10. hqtqhQ from a time on: 'ehq'tq-slolwa'ye lo' already I know it 149.5 (already at that moment);-'ehq'tcQ wo'ksape yuha' already he had wisdomi;-'ehq'tqhq wic'a'Aa wc~i'kii 'i'/~eya' wo'ksape yuha'pi' ever since the beginning of time continuously some men they also had wisdomn;-'osn-i' 'ahi' kj hehq'tq 'oma'ni~ni' the cold coming since that time he did not walk about; —tohq'tq 'ima'c'a~e cj hehq'tq ftt*weni he~ca wa'teMPi since I was born (grew up) I never ate that kind;-'ehq'ni t'qma'opi ytq'k'cq' hehq'tqhq lehq'htqniyq ima'kakite long ago my body was hit and then ever since that time up to now I am "3Or ple'ta tohq'-4pi~ni. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX19 No. 2] 1 suffering by it;-kcahq'tq~ heina'c'eca' since that time (to be defined later) I am that way (not continuously);-Icahq'tqhq he'cel mit'a'wac'j' since that indefinite time thus was my mind (here must follow a statement as to the time referred to);-tohq'tq hi' lcj wo'wahi 'ec'tq' ever since he arrived he works (not continuously);-tohq'tqhq Ace' p'qwaye cj ttq'wena c'qze' slolwa'yegni' ever since she has been my sister-in-law I have never known her to be angry 11. hq'tu: wo'tahqpi hq'tu c'qke'.. heya' they were eating, it was just then, and so... he said that 64.4; li'la 'antj'k'atqhq 'i'ciyokip'ipi hq'tu Wke" very from each side they loved each other, it was just then, it is said 225.lO;-wo'tapi-'iye'hqtu it is mealtime;-wana' 'iye'hqtu now in due time 226.11; 'iye'mahqtu it is the right time or place for me; it suits me; 'iye'micihqtu mny time has come;lehq'tu kj lehq'l he' le'l 'ii' c'a wo'rniciyakapikte lo' it being at this time, at this time that one is here (and) will address you;-hqhe'pi c'q' hehq'tu cta wac'i'pi' it is night time, then it is at that time such they dance;-hema'hqtuke' that is just the right time for me (slang);-kahc6'tu it is right there (pointed out); this form is loosely used for space, although it is felt to be improper;-kahq'tu kjhq wai'kte do' at that time I will get there (Yankton); perhaps pointed out by place of sun or watch; — tohci'tu it is at some time, often used colloquially for tukte'tu at some place, 'itohqtu after some time 228.8;-tohq'tu ymq'k'q' wana' Lak'o'ta wq tTi c'a 'e'l 'ipi ke' after some time then now a Dakota lived it being so there they arrived, it is said 152.1O;-tohq'tu kj le' bUatkj'kta he? at what time shall I drink this?-colloquially: tohq'tu c'a k8u'yeniyq he? at what place is it that you are injured? 12. -hqtuya, usually with s'e as it were: lehq'tuya s'e hiyu'ye' he sent it (throwing), approximately here;-heheqtuya, kahq'tuya thereabouts, about that time; also hehq'tuya s'e or wahehqtuya, cf. le'l Wuke' h~ihpa' ye' it might be here somewhere that it fell;-hqc'o'kaya-u'ahe'hqtuya wag.li' about midnight I got home;-_wale' hqtuya about this time 13. -hcileca (i. v.) it is of that length (<hq-ka-ca); used only for space (cf. hqska' long). wana'is lehq'keca now, indeed, he is as tall as this, lema'hqkeca I am as tall as this;-1ehq'keca w~i' wak-sa' cut one that is this long;-t'o~u' kj hehq'keca wq maki'la' one that is as long as that tipi pole he asked me for;-wana' mi'cihqske'; 'i' 'eya'A kahq'kcake s'e le'l (< ka-hqkeca-ka s'e le'ceca) now he is tall to me (i. e. mine is tall); he also is about as tall as that one yonder;-tohq' keca nic'u' he? how much in length did he give you?-toma'hqkeca he how tall am I?-tohq'kecaka c'e'l who knows how long it is? (ce'lKnac'eca who knows?)-'iye'mahqkeca I am as tall as he is, 'a' k'iyehqkecapi they are of the same height, 'a' k'iyeaqhqkeca we two are of the same height, 'a' k'iyezthqkeca or 'iye'nimahqkeca I am as tall as you 14. -l at, aiways a place nearby, not requiring the covering of a distance to be reached..'eha'ke le'l 'iyo'micihii~i' still here it reaches not for me (i. e., this is insufficient) 65.11; —he'l 'ena'na 'uta li'la 'ota hiye' ye' there, here and there, very many acorns lay about 77.13;-yq'k'q' ka'l 'it'u'hu-c'q wcq tq'ka hq' and then yonder a large oak tree stood 77.12;-ka'l c'qhlo'du-o~uiu wq Yeg.na Ctqu'yapi yonder through a place full of weeds they took their way 77.16;-ka'l with the meaning yonder is accompanied by a pointing gesture of hand or lips, or at least such gesture is implied; when this is not the case it means "aside, off from the main line; at another place"; -hehq'l ta'kula wq ka'l yup~?t'p~izj 'ihpe'waye c'mq at that time some little thing aside bundled up I threw it 2.4;-ka'l 'i'? yup'i'yela t'ap-ka'psicapi at another place they on their part nicely doing made the ball jump by striking 3. 1;-tukte'l naya'tj c'a 'ataya wqc'iyakeini' at what place you stood it being so at all I did not see you;-tukte'l he' lehq'l 'mi' kj slolwa'yeAni' the place where that one at present stays I do not know;-to'k'iya tukte'l 'm' Wke" somewhere (away from here) in some place he stays, it is said (i. e., he lives somewhere else; he is still living) Also with nouns t'i'l t'ima'hel in the house 15. -tq from, out of (without emphasis on motion): mak'a' kj 'ataya 'etq' hina'p'a from the whole land appeared (knives) 67.8;-following a noun 'etq' means "some,"7 m-ni' 'eta' makVu give me some water, 'etajtq some of each group; but m.ni' kj 'etq'hcq bMatke" I drank some of the water, I drank water from it (see No. 16);-c'q' 'etcq' 'owa'kic'i' I asked him for some wood;-tetq' 'ina'p'a' go out of here!-hetq' 'iya'yapi' from there they went on 77.15 (compare 77.12 he'ceA za'ptqla hetq'hq 'iya'yapi' so five only continuing from there they went on);-c'qke' hetq' kic'i''iya' ye' and so from there he went with him 157.9;-katq' ttate' hiyu' from yonder the wind comes in;-tuktetq' he' 'iya'cu he? whence did you take it?-m.ni' hiyo'wai k'e'yaA 'o'huta kj wqkq'tuya c'qke' tuktetq' 'iwa'cukta t'qj'Ai' I went to get water but the bank being high and so whence I should take it was not apparent (the Santee use totq' instead of tuktetq') 120 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMoIias NATINAL 16. -tq1hq from out of, implying continued motion: 'etci'hq ta'ku k'eya' g.mig.ma'g.ma 'ieu' from out of it he took some round things; —wic'e'~kohloha ki 'etq'hq hjyq' i'ima'hel hiyu" from the air vent flying he came into the tipi (see 65.8 which would be better 'etq' because the boy stayed on the air vent); —'ema'tqhq I am from such and such a place or tribe 123.2;-'Og.la'la ttipi kj hetcq'hq-wjma'yq I am a woman from out of the Ogalala tribe The difference between 'etc-' and 'etq'hq appears clearly in some of the following examples: t'ipi hi 'etq' 'ahi'yokas'i' he peered out of the tent, t'ipi hi 'etq'hq u" he came out of the tent;-nq hetq'hq 'ak'e' to'h'el 'iya'yeca e'e'l and from there again which way he kind of went who knows? 5.1 1, also 17.3;-he'c'eA hetq'hq sakT'p zuya' ya'pi then from there together to war they went 71.4;hatq'hq wau" I come from over yonder (pointed out), kama'tcihq I belong there (pointed out), tuhte'tqheq yahi' he? where do you come fromn? (tot q'hq Santee);-tukte'tcihc wase' ki lena' 'aya'hi he? whence did you bring this red paint? (compare wase' ki tuktetq' 'icu'pi 8'a he where do they always get red paint?) 'etq'hq~ he' wah'a'heia kj anyway that one is a little child;-'etq'i to'h('a) what of it!,-'etq'hqhq several times from 17. -tu; 'e'tu it is at the place referred to: tukte'l niya'zeq he? le'tu' where does it hurt you? it is here (cf. ttf'wel niya'zq he? lehq'tu when did it hurt you? it is now; tsl'wel<to'haqwel);-le'tu it is here;-he'tu it is there 181.16; 261.11;-ka'tu it is over yonder;-tukte'tu it is somewhere, where is it?-to'hsfwetu kjhq yau'ktu he? when is it when you will come? to' hswetuka wq 'el mahi' some time he came to me, or to' hitwel e'l mahi'; — to' hswetuha c'e'A but when! 18. -tk-iya towards, i. e., in a direction without movement, towards that (lirection. (The relation between -tkiya and -kta'lciya is comparable to that between 1 and lcta.) t'ate' hj 'etkiya haho'm.ni' it turns to the wind;-le'thiya 'ahi'wac'i' his thoughts turned in this direction (instead of S to'thiya to'h'etkiya No. 37 is used) 19. 'ece'la ('ece always that only kind; 'e it is; la diminutive, limiting the sense): ha'kh'iya ha wqti' 'u k'sq he'c'i 'ece'la 'ewac'j' towards yonder that one comning (away from here) alone she thought of 51.9;-he'c'a 'ece'la h'owa'hip'e c'aj that kind onfly I fear 78.16;-' a' ecela hi" he came alone (without anything);-lece'la t'ewa'hila' I prize only this one highly;-hece'la nap'e'~ni' that one alone did not run away 121.18;-hace'la wana' biluha" only that yonder I have left now;(tohte'cela the end of which is evidently identical with the present means "barely") (see No. 38);toh'e'cela sah-ye'hit'tf 'iya'hq he" barely using a staff himself he came to the top, they say 172.3 (see also 67.14) 20. 'e'ctql just then:.9ec'q'l wi'h'q hj hapsa'kahq just then the rope kept breaking 66.15;-hq'l 'ec'q'l wintt'hcala wa toh'e'celama' nila c'a. hiyu' when just then an old woman barely walking, such... came 67.14;-ysj'k'q' 'ec'qWI g.linap'pa lo and behold! just then he emerged 79.2;-('ec'q'l always expresses an unexpected, unwelcome interruption);-a welcome incident is introduced by hcehci'l (see No. 8) 21. -ctqtu a verb form but not used without suffixes: ' ec'q'tulahcj just at that very moment 22. lena', hena', kana', tuktena' or tona'. Plurals of demonstratives, animate and inanimate: hena'la only those 72.8; hena'la' that is all;-tona' whichever ones, those who;-to'na as many as, how many?-tona' 'am.njhta he? which ones shall I take?-tona' 'u'pihta he? which ones (among them) are coming?-to'na yac'j' he? how many do you want?-to'na mah'u'he c'e'yaA 'iyu'ha 'iwa'cuhte' as many as he gives me, still I will take them all;-to'nahel several, 229.1;-hena'A but those, 78.13;-lena'yos, hena'yos, hana'yos those two, etc. (Western Ogala'la); hena'yoza those two are the ones; hena'yosyos those by twos;-hena'os, etc. Eastern Dakota;-older form heni'yus, heni'yo,10, etc. (from yu'za to hold?) 23. -na. 'e'na right there at the place referred to: 'el nqha' huwo'?-'ena mlhj'hte' are you home?-there I shall stay;-le'na yqha' yo' stay right here!I 4.1;-he'na yqhe'Ail po', to'hta' hiyo'm.njkte' tell him to stay there, I'll go to get him;-ha'na ina'tj,nq na'tjhe' at yonder place he stopped and continued to stand (there);-tuhte'na - Ani no place where: tuhte'na bUe'Ani' I have no place to go to; le' tuhte'na Yewag.naheini' this I have no place where to put it down (also tuhte'ni instead of tuhte'na);-'ena'na here and there: 'sqma' hj 'ena'na ACADEMY OF' SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX12 No. 2] 2 'ap'e' Iipa'yapi others here and there waiting lay about 51.5;-he'l 'ena'na 'u'ta li'la 'o'ta hi ye' ya ke" there here and there very many acorns lay about, they say 77.13;-etq'na right from there;letq'na right from here without going any farther;-'ekta'na there at the place where it is;-'ekta'na wac'e'tqpahqpi right there where they were they were roasting meat 273.8 (see also no. 39) 24. -nala: 'i~na', ini~na', ni~na he, I, you alone (generally with-la); t'qAna' unmarried (body alone) presumably with adversative A lena'la, hena'la, kana'la, co'nala only this, that many (lece'la-sing.);-Santee to' nana, Teton co'nala few, a little; —to'nala wic'a'kic'o he invited a certain few 25. -nalceca plurals: 'iye' nakeca, lena'keca, hena'keca, kana'keca, to'nakeca hena'stkecapi that many, of us;-ho hena'keca le'l 'awi'caku po' now, that number bring here 182.5;-ho, hena'keca waya'8U-'iyotakapi` now, that number judging sat 182.9 26. kjhcq if-then, always referring to future (see p. 148): watt Aiyalapi he' cihc he' slolwa'yjkta' whether you have compassion I shall know 67.18;-'u'kta he'cjhq 'iwa'homayjkte' if he will come, then he will warn me 27. 'ekta' at a place, at rest; always at a distance from the location where the speaker is. 'ekta'kiya ye' c'tq wana' 'ekta' 'ihaA'ni' the one who was going to that place has now arrived there;wana' 'ekta' 'ti he is now there where he intended to go (cf. wana' e'l 'ti' he is now there, near by);hena' 'ekta' wicta'b.le' I go (to be) at the place where those are 2.9;-he' 'ekta' Y'" he arrived at a place away from here where that was 129.9;-'ekta' kta reduplicated, 'ekta'kta Vettqwe' he looked around there;-c'qke' 'ekta'ktani 'ot'a'pi and so here and there they died in there 127.12;ekaniqadversely;-'ekta'waptaya a little more towards there 135.1O;-he'kta towards the rear: he' kta b. loke'tu k'M he'hq' wqb.la'ke last summer it was when I saw him;-hq'pa he'ktakikiya oki'hq po' put on (your) moccasins backward;-he'ktatqhq from the rear, from behind: he.'ktatqhq ho'uye' he shouted from behind; 'ig.la'ka ifyq'pi ysq'k'a' he'ktatqhq tzqwe'ya kj waho'Ai-g.lipi' we went moving and then from the rear those who were looking out came back bringing word (information) 28. -ktakiya: wak pa' kj 'ekta'kiya 'tfg.la'pi' towards the river we were going homeward;-he' ktakiya g~li' he was on his return trip 65.7; more explicitly he'ktakiya kawj'h gl1i" backwards turning sharply about (kawj'#a) he arrived back, without reaching his goal;-he'ktakiya wi'b.lukcq' I think in retrospect The forms 29-39 seem to be derived from lkta which expresses a quality. (See p. 83.) WVta it is its quality, used as a prefix Sec a-huw~te he is lame congenitally; Weca/-oteka he has a peculiar disposition. 2 9. -k'a iv.: 'ec 'a wana''e W'tt' ye' it being so do it now 148.12;-'ec'a mak'a'-nq(#eya 'tfka'ya po' it being so, Earth-asEar-flayer, take us along! 149.8;-'ec'a' b~y nature, on purpose;' ec'a (unaccented) in that case;-ta'ku.'oya'le k't he' le'ca he? sorncthing you were seeking that was it this kind? (is this the kind youj wanted?);-lec'a' to' k~a' 54-wq.~ before you are aware of it (so and so) will happen;-c'q' k'eya' ctooj' Aa.~a' k'z he' cta 'ece' 'aku' wo' wood some pith all red, that kind only bring home! 66.9;he'ca 'ece'la k'owa'kip'e c'it it is that kind only I fear 78.16 (see also 188.7);-ptec'j'cala-!i'la ki he~ca Wee' 'e'wic'ag.lepi the yellowish buffalo calves of that sort only they stood them up;hema'ca I am of that kind;-ka' k'a 'etq' mak'u gives me of that kind yonder;-~~to'k'a does not mean "what kind," and does not permit the corresponding demonstrative answer le~ca, he'c'a, ka'k'a; it means " what is the matter?"; —to'rnak'a something happens to me; 34a what is the matter with me?-to'k'a he? what is the trouble?-he'l ta'ku to' k'aktaAk'e" they say something is going to happen there;-to'k'a with negative verb; cannot; to'k'a-wo'te~ni he cannot ea-t'~a'k' kcu,~ni' he could not take his back 27.4 The interrogative and indefinite form corresponding to le/ ea etc. is ta'ku. hena' ta'ku he? hena' le'c'a' what are those? Those are of this kind;-ta'ku c'a 'ti' he'c'anaA he? le'ca c'a mmq' what kind of thing did you use to do that? It was this kind of thing 1 used 14 to'kha'<to'k'a-'eia' surely, a promise to comply with a request. '4a Euphemistic for "I am going to die." 122 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMoIRs NATIONAL Examples of to'kta: nq ta'ku to' k'a hq'tqhqA 'oya'lca yo' and if anything is in any way, tell! 65.6;-to'kta c'a le' niya'te le'ctel lipa'ya huwo'? why is it (what is of such a kind) that your father lies in this way? 133.14 Duplicated 'ectaWcta, 'ecta/eagi unquestionably, without specific purpose. 'eCaa'~fe he is unquestionably asleep;-'eca'dca 'iHtjmeAni' he is entirely of the kind that he does not sleep (i. e., he cannot sleep);-tokte' 'ec'a'ca-'oma'nihq3I he is walking about without specific purpose 19. 1;-tok'e' 'eca'ca-lowq'kta 81 for diversion he would sing 26.12;-tok'e' 'ec'a'c'a in an easy manner, nonchalantly (in some manner as it ought to be) or tok'e'cac'a (see p. 139);tolc'e unaccented introduces a rhetorical question 30. -k~ala, 'eeala adverb and verb: wana'ecta'lakte' now it will be soon; it will not be long;-male'c'ala' I am of recent timnes;-lec'a'la k'ig.le" he left just a little while ago;-lec'a'A just a minute ago 3 1. kte: ytj'k'q' le'ce lo and behold, thus! le'ce thus; often used instead of, or with ysf'k'a' lo and behold!'iA he'c'e in his own way 64. 1;-he'c'ehci in that very way 5.6;-he'cWe used in narratives with very weak meaning "and now," or "now" at the beg inning of a tale 77.6, 77.12, 151.12 32. -1ceya really: wahte' 'ec'e'ya-waAte` she is as good as she is beautiful;-le~ceya' wama'yazq' I am actually sick now (although you may not believe it);-he'c'eya' to'k'ah'q Wke" he was really lost somewhere 133.7;wj'yq k'S he'c'eya' loc'j' kj the aforesaid woman who was really hungry 171.1 1; —he'c'el yqka'he c'u he'c'eya' li'la 'iyo'kitica 'ti' t'eki'nica Wke" the one who was sitting there actually with really great sadness he was almost dead, it is said 225.17-he'c'eya'-heya he? did he really say (and mean) it? (also eca'kel-heya he?) Also with the meaning "just now": le'l yqka'hqpi nq le'ceya'-k'ig.la'p'i' they had been sitting about here and just now they left;-he'c'eya'hina'4' hq'l 'e'l wak'i" he had just arrived and stopped when I got home there 33. -k~e-'l, 'ec'e'l accordingly, properly (adv.), see 'ec'e/ca ( verb): he'c'ena 'isto' k'si he' 'ec'e'l 'o'kici~4qpi' continuing that way the aforesaid arm that properly they put into place 135.17;-nihq'hni yqka'hq 'ec'e'l t'o'ka kj kak'iyot'q 'e'yaya paying no attention he was sitting till the enemy somewhere went 71.15;-to'k'edk'e c'iye' oho'walanri 'iye'c'el wae'c'amtqkta he? how can I (as if) dishonoring my brother thus I shall do? 181.4;-tk'a' 'ak'e' wic'a'Aa 'iye'c'el 'oya' ya niyu'k'e but also a man in that way limbs are to you (you have) 214.3;-'i'-'eya' wic'a'ha 'iYe'cel c'aie'yal wo'yuha yuha'k'iyapi' it also a human being (as if) in that way in its i'ame property they caused to have 274.7 (as though it [a doll] were a man, they give property in its name);-hake'la le'c'el 'eci'yapi' thus they said to Ilakela 65.4;-to'k'a c'a le' niya'te le'c'el hipa' ya huwo'? why this your father thus lies? 133.14;-le'c'el 'eya' indeed it being SO, i. e., to be sure;he'cel 'ec'sn' thus she did 66.3; —he'c'el m.nic'o'kaya k'ina'ijpi thus in the middle of the water they stop 70.14;-nq ka'lcel c'iye'ku g~li'pi and the instant his elder brothers returned 65.14;-tok'i t'ako'ia lca'k'el n~q ka'k'el yuha' ni' would that my grandson had such and such 122.15; —'iya to' kel g.rna'yjkta he'cjhq he' 'iyu'kcq Iya how he would trap him that he thought about 3.7;-nq hetq'hq 'alc'e' to'kel 'iya'yeca c'e'l and from there again which way he went, who knows? 5.1 I; to' kel-oki'hika p'qp'q'la ke" they say it was somehow extremely breakable 66.8;-reduplicated.'ec'e'k hes 180.12 34. 'ec'e'lya implying sufficiently, suitably, in a proper way: c 'eyij'kta 'iys''eslya k8u'yeye Aci' c'e'ysini' so as to cry sufficiently he was hurt but he did not cry;'ecote'lya s'e 'tq-wa'e'j' try to live in that way, as it were;-he'c'slya 8'e in that manner, as it were; somewhat in that manner;-ka'kelya sle 'eg.le he set it in that way, as it were;-'i'p'ikta 'iye'c'elya wak'u" what would be good for him in that way (sufficiently) I gave him, i. e., I gave him what should have been enough for him; to'lcelyakel in a way, after a fashion "3Correct 'ec'a'ca in text to laea''c'Ga. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX12 No. 2] 2 35. 'ec'e'tu it is right, it is as it should be, it has come true 'vema' c~etugni I do not feel just right;-wact'f ki 'ec'e'tu c'qke' li'la uwi'b~luAic' what I want has come true, and so I very much rejoice;-tok'i t'ako' ta ka/kel nq ka~lcel yuha' ni'; 'eya' c'q' 'iye'ceteu I wish that my grandson had such and such! she said and everytime it so happened 122.15;-he'ce '%ehq'ni 'ama'kisnikta-'iye'c'etu tkVa ye' in that way long ago I might have been well it would have come true according to it 226.16;-wi'hqb.1a ytq'k'q' 'iye'c'etts ke'ye" he had a dream, and lolI it came true, he said;- 'iye' micic'etu it has come true for me (compare 'iye'mahqtu it is suitable for me, it has the same length as I have; iye'micihqtu it is timely for me, my time has come; all these are colloquial);-le'c'etu ke'ye" he said it happened in this way; wahe'mac'etu I was about in that way, i. e., this size or age;-'ob.la'ke cj le'cetu ke'ye" what I told in this way it happened, he said;tukte'ni 'ok'q' wani'ce cj he' he/cetu everywhere open space lacking that it happened that way 5.8;-he'c'etu he'cjhq if it is that way 152.13;-ho, wana' 'eya'.~ he'c'etu we lo' oh! now it is enough 227.8 ('eya'A implies satisfaction; that will do!I 'eya' in that manner; well!I indeed!1);-ka'kWetu we lo', 3eyf nq 'ec'e 1 'oma'kiyake' in that way it happened, he said and in that way he told me;-to'k'etu he? how is he? what is happening? to'k'etu he is some way;-torni'k'etu he what is your state? i. e., how are you?-contracted: to' ktuka c'eilde or to' ktuka c'te~ I don't know; who knows? (how, i. e., in what manner is expressed by tukte' oq.na') 36. -ktetuya: 'iye' c'etuya suitably;-tqyq' wama'k'u c'a mi'~-' eya' 'iye'c'etuya wawa'k'ukte' well he has given me it being so I for my part correspondingly I shall give to him;-he'c'etuya mit'a'wac'jf I am disposed in accordance with that;-Ica'ktetuya, le'cetuya; —to'ketuya 'owa'h'qkte cj nahq'hcj slol-wa'yd~ni' I do not yet know in what suitable manner I shall act;-wahe'c'etuya, wale'c'etuya, waka'k'etuya about like this, that 37. -kcetkiya. The difference between these forms and those in -tlciya (No. 18) is not very clear and it seems they are not used consistently. It has been remarked under -tkiya that instead of the form to'tkiya the Teton use to'ktetkiya. le'cetkiya 'au'pi' they are bringing it this way;-he'c'etkiya 'iya' ye' he went that way, in the direction from which you came;-he'tkiya 'iya' ye' he went to your place;-ka'k'e'tkiya ya'he' he was going along in yonder direction;-ka'tkiya 'iya' ye' he went that way yonder 38. -kVeca <kta-ca iv: 'ec 'e'ca it is thatt way;-wana' 'ema' c'eca now I am that way (i. e., sick); —'ite' kj sapye'la 'ec'e'ca his face is black as is natural for him (a favorite slam);-wana' 'ec 'e'ca now it is the way it should be;.'ecte'cahq it kept on happening 21.16;-rnaoa'~ukta ke'he' c'tq wana' 'ec'e'ca' you said it would rain and now it does;-ka'tu s'e Ie'ceca it was like this place 19.3;-'iye'mac'eca I resemble him;le'c'eca it is like this 1.3, 185.5;-lema'c'eca I am like this;-hec'ceca it was like that 72.15, 274.15; — he'cecakta it was going to be like this 172.4;-he'c'ecakte c'tq (it was clear that) it was going to be that way 149.12;-he'c'ecakta ye'~ it was certain that that would happen and yet (you did not heed);-'ehq'ni~ he'c'ecakte c'ij indeed long ago it was certain that that was going to happen (and now it has happened);-ka'k'eca it is like that yonder, kama'k'eca I am like that yonder;-to'kteca it is some way, something is the matter with it;-to'k'eca t'qij9ni' it is not clear what is the matter with him;-totna'keca something is the matter with me (also, I am menstruating);-to'k'ecafti nothing is the matter with him;-tok'e'cela barely, hardly (see No. 18) 172.3 39. -k'ena continuing: le'cena 'ijyj'kte' let us continue going this way; —he'cena it is still the same 2.15;-he'c'ena 'iya' ye' he continued going that way;-he' mac'ena I am still the same;-he'cenahcj g~li'~ini he never returned; -ya~le' ka'k'ena ya'hq Coyote was going in yonder direction 70.1;-p'atka'~a ka'k'ena zuya' ya'hq Turtle was going to war in yonder direction 77.1;-ka'k'ena means idiomatically "off in any direction".-A Yankton love song begins: ka'k'ena 'iqyjkte, -ep'e' c'tq we'll go off, I said he~ctena is often translated by "immediately after that." In this case it is a corruption of he~c'eg.na from g.na placed (on, in, with). Both forms are in use. The form with diminutive la, he~c'eg.nala is often pronounced hec'ceg.lala. Examples of he'c'ena immediately after that, are 4.6, 67.11. 124 ~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL 124 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(VOL. XXIII, 40. -kti at a certain place; i in reference to the position of the person addressed or spoken of in le'cti; in reference to the speaker in he'ci, kalkti, to'ki. The forms express the place or region where the object or person referred to belongs permanently. In contrast to the forms in -kic ya the forms in -kt-i refer to a particular place. In contrast to the forms le'l, he'l, lka'l tukte'l they refer to one point in reference to another, while the forms in 1 refer simply to a point. The form kal, is therefore used for a place nearby, in sight, lca/ki for a point at a distance the direction of which may be pointed out. le'c'i mqke" I am sitting here (and you there);-he'c'i c'qpta' yuk'q' he? are there choke-cherries over there (where I am not);-hiya'; iye'~ ka'k'i 'o'ta s'e le'c'eca ye'! no, rather over yonder are many it seems-~ka/kti ka c'tq'kaAke-'ihq'ke kj he'l over yonder, that yonder fence the corner at that referred to; —to'k'i lehq'l 'ak'e' 'ia' 'oma'ni 8e'ce le' at some place (not here) at this time again talking he goes about probably (le' woman speaking in soliloquy);-tok'i' yalt( huwo' 7 where (at what definite place) are you; ka'k'i to'k'i ever so far, far off somewhere, contracted ka'kto'k'i;le'ei to'k1ci way over here (from a distance) 41. -k'iya. While kti expresses a definite place, -kViya expresses an indefinite region. le'ciya le'l bMe' wq yqka' over here, here is a lake 152.19; 157.7;-he'cti m.rnj'kte I will go to where you are;-he' ctiya m.nj'kte I'll go in the direction of the place where you are; see 150.1;-he'c'i yqke" he sat over there;-he'ciya yqke" somewhere over there he sat 74.2;-ytq'k'q' he'ciya tVa~u'gkala wq 'ata'ya Ak'e" and then there somewhere he met a little ant 157.7;-ka'k'iya 'oya'te wq. t'ipi e'ta 'ekta' 'ate' i" somewhere over yonder a people lived, to them father arrived going 133.15;ka'k'iya 'ak'i'kAuhq at a place yonder (indefinite) he was piling it up 171.10; also 149.6, 150.3;to' k'iya la' huwo'? in what direction are you going? 77.2; also 73.13; 82.5;-to'k'iyani ye'Ani she went nowhere 133.1 42. -kViyatcf: 'ee'iyatq on that side (in reference to this side);-'tqma' ec ''yatq 8a'pe' it is black on the other side;hu'te 'ec'iyatq piqpqt" it is rotting at the butt end (of the log);-le'c'iyatq c'q' hq'skaska' on this side, (as of a stream) there are tall trees (the trees are tall);-t'q-le'c'iyatq huhte" he (horse) is lame on this side (t'q body);-he'c'iyatq kVeg 'e'ti po'; li'la m.ni-hi'yaye on that side at all events make camp; very the water goes along (the flood is too high for crossing);-t'i-ka'k'iyatci 'owa'pi, rnq le'c'iyatq 'e''e ta'kunifni' on yonder side of the tipi it is painted, and on this side it is the one referred to there is nothing;-1ka'k'iyatq 'iya'yapi nq yuwq'kal 'icu' po' step to that side, and lift it;to' k'iyatq b.lu'zjkta he? 'eya' niye'h to' k'iyatq yac'j'ka which side, which end, am I going to take hold of? Well, you rather whichever side you will '1eC'iyatqhq, le'c'iyatqha, he'e'iyatqhq, ka'k'iyatqhq, to' k'iyatqhq coming from a definite point, le'c'iyatqhq from or at a distant place where the person addressed or spoken of is assumed to be permanently located or to which he belongs, to here; in all other cases from a distant place to the place to which the speaker or the subject of the discourse belongs;-he'c'iyatqhq wic'ota 'ahi' ke'ya'pi' they say a group of people arrived from there (where you or they lbelong);-wq, tuwa' le'c'iyatqhq 'u'we lo' my! somebody from a distant place to which he belongs is coming 78.5;-ka'k'iyatqh~q does not refer to a definite place: ka'k'iyatqha, ka tuwva' 'uwe from over yon1der (pointed out) someone is comiing;yq'k'q' to' k'iyatqhq kj 'oya's'j mat'a'peh'q ye'A kto' 'ahi'htjni and then from all the somewheres (everywhere) even the toads also arrived 73.2;-to' k'iyatqhq kj 'oya's'i wana' 'awi'cahiyupi from everywhere now they came (charging) at them 105.11 Also, according to-wana' wawe'lcsuye cj 'ec'iyatqhq now according to what I remember 2.3 44. -1k'iyot'cq (compare 'owo'ttala in a straight direction): lka c'q' wq 'i"na'la he' cj hec~iyot'qlahcj wi' mahe'l 'iya'ya hq'l mic'i'kUi t'e" yonder tree one alone standing, exactly in that direction the sun set (went in), when my son died;-kak'i'yot'q in yonder direction 3.1, 71.16;-hecT'yot'q t'awa'cj~i' she did not think in that direction 65.2;-tolkTiyot'q 'iya' ye' he has gone off in some direction 121.14, 186.1,10 A number of verbs contract with demonstratives, leya-' he said this, le'c, he did this. (See pp. 98, 101.) ACADEMY OF SCIISNCNS] No. 21 MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 125 ~~ 156-158. NOUNS ~ 156. NOMINAL STEMS On pages 28 and 33 nominal stems have been described. Lie the verbs they have the types cvc, cv, and cvccv. The last-named group contains many compounds. It may be that all are compounded of two elements. Change of terminal a to e and of e, to a have been discussed on pages 32 and 34. ~ 157. NOUNS DERIVED FROM VERBS Nouns formed by the prefix wa- have been discussed on pages 52 et seq. Most of these forms are still felt as verbs and function as nouns only with the following article ki. This is particularly true of the nomina actoris. The following are felt as nouns and express permanent qualities: waya'ka captive;-wap ''ya he makes people well, medicine man;-wakcj'yq thunder;-waeq'c'a~a the little one imitates (wav~'c'ala monkey, wasq'c'api mockery) The following are verbs, nominalized by the article and express temporary occupations: wak'u'wa he hunts buffaloes (wak'u'wa kIc buffalo hunter);-wayu'tq he serves at a ceremonial, lit, he touches things; (wayu'tq ki server at a ceremonial);-wo'ha he carries things;-wao'lca he rather hits something, marksman Certain terms which are constantly applied for objects of everyday life have become nouns and function as such without the article. With active verbs these have a passive meaning. wa paha something pushed up unsteadily, i. e., a war standard;-wapVo'Aq hat ('o'stq to fit);-uwi'yukpq mill;-wapa' zopi a spectacle, something shown;-wak'e'ya tent (k'e slanting, -ya to make);wa'kahpe cover ('aka'hpa to cover up== let fall on);-waya'hota oats (yaho'ta to choke, lit, he obstructs passage by means of mouth);-wana'p'j necklace (nap'i' to wear around neck);-wat'e'hlake kerchief (t'e-Ala'ka to wear around head) With neutral verbs wa- expresses objects having a certain quality. wapa'm.na a clump of bushes;-wap 'e' p'e brambles;-walu'ta ceremonial red;-wato'd fresh green leaves in spring;-wat'o'keca delicacies;-wasna' caked pemmican;-wasni'snika cold things (food);wasku'ya fruits (sweet things);-waMi'pa dirty things, soiled cl6thes;-wagi'cu a sacred object;wa~pq'ka cold, cooked food;-wa~tz'kala preserved corn;-wag.msq' something twisted, i. e., pumpkin;-wakq'ka old woman (kq' aged);-wahca' flower;-wahpe' leaf;-wana'Oi ghost, from na~i' shadow, ghost of a person;-wap'a'ha war bonnet, from p'a head, ha' skin The prefix 'o- forms nouns which are no longer felt as verbs. It has generally a delimting sense. Locatives: 'otTi dwellirng;-'ot'q'we ('o-t'i-'o-a-hq) town 85a;-'oye' trail;-'oadli step (in stairway);-'oa'p'e place of striking, hour;-'oo' wound;-'ona'p'e refuge;-' onq'jwe swimming hole;-'oytf'ke bed;-'oc'e'ti fireplace;-Vohqzi a shady place, a shade (also neutral verb);-'obl a' ye prairie;-o'Aki hilly country, rough roads It also expresses the passive participle and the corresponding noun. 'op'a'hte a bundle;-'oiu'ha receptacle ('aiu' to pile up S.);-'ofut'Tqpi wq#I' a bag full; ---'oyu'kse pieces cut up;-oi'yut'e a measured object, quantity;-'osq' dose of medicine, etc.;-'oo'he a quantity for one cooking, or cooked;-'olo'wq song;-'oka'swu fringes The prefix 'i- is used to form instrumental nouns. (See p. 43.) 'iyu'hjte rake;-'ipa' ste instrument, for rubbing dressing on hides;-'icadpte a ladle;-1ieta'pte dagger;Ticalu fan;-'ica'Oe tool (ka'oa to make) In nouns formed with wa-, 'o_, 'i- the changeable terminal a becomes e. (See pp. 33, 41, 43.) The contracted form wo'- from wao- is used to form generalized nouns, particularly abstract nouns. (See P. 133.) wo waAte goodness;-wo'aiye gossip;-wo'ksape wisdomn;-wo'ap'e expectation;-wo'yuha property 3.t'uwq'pi (S) they lived in a town. 126 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, Other nouns are formed with the ending -pi. They are actually third person plurals and correspond to our passives. c'q-ka'wac'ipi they make wood dance by striking, i. e., a top (see p. 66);-paj'yqkapi snow snake;paso'Yhqpi sliding stick These forms, like those in wa-, are felt as nouns only when they apply to terms of everyday occurrence in the life of the people; officers, objects of daily use, abstract terms are so conceived. ~ 158. CLASSIFICATION OF NOUNS The concept of position which is ever present in some of the Siouan dialects, for instance in Winnebago, is found in traces in Dakota. In sentences expressing "to be somewhere" the correspo nding verbs yqlka' to sit is used for objects of spherical or cubical form, like rocks, hills, heavenly bodies, or for small objects including small animals; na'ij to stand, for men and animals; hq' to stand, for long, upright inanimate objects or those that stand upright in a definite way; yiqka' to lie, mostly for animate beings; hpa'ya to lie, mostly for inanimate objects; hiye'ya for scattered, roundish or short objects that lie in a pile or scattered about. Other special terms are used. Plants "grow," hanging objects "hang," etc. -Examples for the use of yqIka': Natural objects: 'i~iu'#a rock bMe' lake 'owo'fu garden paha' butte lot't~we town pispi'za-otTi prairie dog town twi' sun pte'o'wac'i buffalo wallow ttic'a')ipi star mak'o'c'e a piece of land wo'icate obstacle mahpi'ya sky hqhe'pi-wi moon c ta' oa a block of ice Iiesa'pa Black Hills C'1qnsq'p-'ok'e' pipestone quarry (digging place) Animals: p 'atka'ha turtle g.na~ka' frog zitka'la bird ig. mq' cat Parts of body of killed animal: nasu'la brain Aupe' intestines and all internal organs. Food: 'aoiu'yapi bread (lit, they cause it to be scorched) 'a~uyapU'8(bag, pile of) wheat (==bread seed) (aou'wapi S. and Y) waya'hota 86 (bag of) oats t'alo' meat (lit, fresh food of ruminant) Apq'Aniyutapi melon (lit, they eat it not cooked) Tools, implements, etc. Ti'pahte bridle 'i'alu fan Yoc'q'iyali ladder, when lying wqhi'kpe arrow uwi'k'q rope wo'p'iye medicine bundle wo'kptq parfieche hupa' travois phit'o', Aipt'o' beads p'Q' bag mi'la knife tVa'pa ball '6keya' some is required with this. t ahj'Apa awl t'ak'q' sinew thread wak'e'ya the tent cover when not put up t'o~u' tipi poles c'ahli' coal cWq fire-wood piled up, or short pieces c'q'wak'j saddle c'qka'#a log c'qk'-a' flint c-tqk'o'iuha pouch c taho'ta ashes nasqf'pakee comb ACADEIMY OF' SCUONCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 127 And numerous other objects, many of European introduction: 'i' yohqzi parasol 'iyu'Aloke key uni'yowa pencil wi'paAkiAlcite wash board wo wapi book hai'patata soap hahu'ta-'iya'pehqpi spool of thread mas-Tiyapte hammer ma zaska' money Clothing: 'vo' g.le coat wana'p'i necklace wapVo'tc hat hq'pa shoes Examples of the use of hc1': 'oyti'ke bed 'ot'i'wota abandoned campsite waAtl' smoke hole wak~ica plate wtic'a'hapi grave uwi'g.mtqke trap ma'za wak'q' gun, except when lying ma' zaska'-oku'ha purse mi'yog.lae'j mirror m-niliu'halktalcaka paper c'qi'wak~se saw c'qi pakjze violin ctqwi'pa~sise clothespin e'tq'wj~a-akd'/ipe rug n~azt~'spe ax htqya'k'?f socks nsapj'lpa gloves napsi'yolili ring m.ni' water (in container) m.ni'yatke cup t'iyo'pa door t'i'pi tent (when standing) c'tq'tree c'.qhu'ta stump of tree c 'e'#a kettle All objects that must stand upright on a natural base, like a trunk, a tumbler, a clock, etc.; but also'asq'pi milk (probably because always in a container) Examples of use of na'ii. All animals standing are used with nq'ij; also machines that can move and stand upright. 'iye'c'jka-jyqka automobile hema'ni train Examples of use of yi~ka': wa'ta boat (a skiff yqkq') wakpa' river (also hpa'ya) wakpa'la creek (also Iipa'ya) mak'a' land (as a whole) c'qku' road (also hipa' ya) Everything lying stretched out long belongs to this group. Examples of hpa'ya to lie: wak pa' river (also ytika') wakpa'la creek (also ytika') c'qku' road (also ytqka') e'eya'kt'tjpi bridge zuze'ca snake Examples of hiye'ya plural for yqlka': hke'l 'i'yq-t'qkt'q'ka Wota hiye' ye' manY large stones lie there (scattered) waya'hota single grains of oats 'oya'te if thought of as tribes, not as living individuals ~ 159-162. POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS ~ 159. GENERAL REMARKIS The possessive pronouns are prefixes and correspond to the objective personal pronouns. my thy, your his our mi~-, mani V I- 'i sc 1128 D OTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRs NATIONAL 128 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, Inseparable and separable possession are distinguished. In the former the pronoun is prefixed to the noun; in the latter to tta-. In the case of inseparable possession we have to distinguish between parts of the body and terms of relationship. Natural objects, like land, water, animals including the dog but excepting the horse 1' cannot take the possessive pronoun, because under aboriginal conditions they could not be exclusive property of anyone. Food also is not used with possessive pronoun except in the term ttawolte his food supply, with the meaning of "his means of extending hospitality." mit'adwote wqla'kikte you shall see my hospitality Is In Dakota the use of possessives is generally avoided. Instead of the possessive pronoun verbal constructions are used which indicate the relation between subject and object (p. 86). A~'kak'q' wq kit'e" a horse died to him rather than'aft~'ke wq t'e" his horse died ~ 160. INSEPARABLE POSSESSION Parts of the body are not ordinarily used with possessive pronouns expressing inseparable possession. Instead the possessive forms of the verb are used. When they are used with possessive pronouns those parts of the body which are conceived as particularly subject to willpower take in the first person the form mi-'; all others take ma-. mii' my mouth (also mai') misi'ha my foot (Santee) mii'ha my lips mic'q'te my heart mii'te my facial expression (see mai'te) mic'e'ip'i my flesh (the physical body as opmii'tog.nake my countenance posed to the spiritual) mii'8t0 my arm mina'pe my hand mii'Ata my eye mina'6i my spirit miho' my voice (also miaho')?nintq'.e my ear (as sense organ) mittq'c'q my body micte' my penis misi' my foot (also masi') Fornis in ma- are: maa'2qtka my kidney masi' my foot (also mnisi') maa'b.lo my region of shoulder blade masi'c'q my thigh mai'te my face (see mii'te)?nasu 8u my testicles mai'~ipa my elbow ma~a'Ate my little finger mai'Akahu my ankle ma~a'ke my nail mao'yut'e my flank mafu'pe my intestines mati'ze my buttocks mac ta'ou my lungs mahj'yete my shoulder mac tq'kahu my spinal column maho' my voice (also mziho') rnac'q'kpe rpy knee mawe' my blood mtac'ehupa mny jaw mahu'hu my bone mac 'e ca my leg mapta' my head from neck up mac te' kpa may navel map'a'8u my nose nmac' 'nic'a my flesh under the skin map'e' top of my head manta p'ahmqka my thumb map'e'hj my hair 7ntana pokahke my wrist mapTi my liver mani'qe my stomach map ''zi my gall (yellow liver) mzak'q' my vein, artery, sinew, ligament mat'e'zi my stomach mahq' my vulva mat'u'c'uhu my ribs 37 At present the cattle on large ranches are considered as property and not as food. Therefore they are expressed as separable property by the prefix Vas. 38 In forms like t'alo' supply of meat, the t'a is not the possessive but means ruminant. ACADEmmy 0F SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 129 i4ki. When a body part is personified or addressed, the possessive pronouns are always mi, rni, 9miti' ze, lenad atvq'miciyaka yo"' my buttocks! watch these for me! Ias mic'&'te t'j8-i'c'iya yo' my heart!I make thyself firm!I The possessive pronouns ma (mi), ni, qki are used only when the body parts are used predicatively. le' ta'ku he? he mina'pe' what it this? It is my hand When body parts appear as purely nominal forms, possession is expressed in the verb. 40 (See p. 86.) si' maka'htf' he slashed my foot (he slashed me the foot) cqte' 'ataya we'cit' with my whole heart (I use my whole heart) ~ 161. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP Terms of relationship take the possessive pronouns expressing inseparable possession, mi, ni, iqki. In addition they take the suffix -lcu; after terminal i, and j, -tku or cu for the third person. The first person possessive is omitted in many terms. On account of the numerous irregularities we give the list of terms according to their forms. 1. REGULAR ENDING IN a, e, q, o, i Address 3d person pos- 1st person possessive 2d person possessive sessive (his) elder brother --- —------ c'iye' c'iye'ku 1 c'lye' s'ic'i'ye (his) elder sister --- —------- t'ke' t'qke'ku t'gke' sait'g'ke (her) elder sister --- —------- c'uwe' c'uwe'ku c'uwe' ndic's'we (her) hrother's son ---------- t'oika' t'oka'ku tVOWk', mit'oika nitlo'Aka(la) (his) sister's son -------------- Vka' t's4Aka'ku t'sihka', (mitst'hka) ssit's&ka(la) (his) sister-in-law --- —------ hqka' hqka'ku hgka' sslih'ka (her) husband -----------— (wic'a'Alca) hiqgna'ku wic'a'Aa 2 mit'a'wa, ssihl'g.sea milhj'g.sza, (very for. mal) (his) brother-in-law --------— t'qhq', mnqie' 3 t'qlhq'ku t'qhq' szlt'q'hq (her) sister-in-law ---------— Acep'q' ice'p'qkus ice'p'q nthCe'P'q (her) elder brother --- —----- t'ib.Io' t'ib.to'ku t'ib.Io' ssit'i'!)do child-in-law --- —--------- t'ako'i t'ako'iku mit'a'koi sstla'kohkus RDj his sisters and female cross-cousins.. ---. -haka'taku ' mliha'kcata sslla'katas her brothers and male cross-cousins -- --------- I Santee c'3'cs. 2 It is customary to say wi',yq mit'a'wa my wife, not mit'a'wf because the latter points to sexual relations; also wi c'a'ia mita'wa my husband. mita'wic'a'ha is used jokingly for "my fellow." mqie' designates particular companionship. Compare waie' female friend of woman. 'Isaka'taya he (she) has for his (her) sister (brother) or female (male) cross-cousin. 2. ENDING IN ii, i, ande Ending -tiks grandfather ------------— t'skaii1a'4a t'ska'hitku t'ska'fila nitzlf'kahiia (rarely a nasalized) (his) younger sister --- —------ ttqkhi' tVqkgitku t'qkhi' (mlt'q'khita) ndt'q'kichia (her) female cross-cousin ------— cep'q#i' ce'p'q#itku ce'p'qhi jnsice'p'qii (his) male cross-cousin --- —---- t'qhqVi t'qhq'Aitku t'qhq'Ai nitq'hqol (his) female cross-cousin ------— hqka9i' Iqka'Aitku~ Ihika'Ai saihq'kahi (her) male cross-cousin --------- ic'ehi' hic'e'hitku hic'e'hi j ssI'c'eii mother's brother ------------ ekhi' IekAi'tku MMk~' ul' 4' Western Ogalala children t'gikq'Ia. A Yankton and Santee use both dekii' and mide'kUi. I5 Quoted from an Ikto'mi story. 45 The use of possessive pronouns in the translations of the Psalms by Riggs and Williamson is Impgly unidlomatic. 130 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, 2. EN4DING INkis, i, i and e-Continued Ending -cu father's sister --- —-------- titjwf' t',&wi'cu Nt'tiw nit',.'wi wife ----------------— (wfnu'flca) t'izwi'cu (mit' a'wi) wi'yq mit'a'- nit'a'wj wa kij very formal, wjnu'llca very informal (his) elder brother --- —------ clite' c'j'cu (Santee) (her) brother-in-law --- —---— ht'ee Mc'e'eu Mc'e' fidAi'c'e *Teton c'lfe'ku. IRREGULAR father -' --- —---------- ate' 'atku'ku 'late' niya'te (his, her) younger brother -----— miat& s8&ka'ku mristW(kata) ni8'i'kata father-in-law --- —-------— t'4kqhi' 7 t'stkq'ku t',&kq'Ai nit',t'q son --- —-------------- clfkh 8 cfhf'tku mic'j'kii nic'j'kii daughter --- —---------— c't-lcA' c'ttwi'tku mic',t'k4i nic',-'k4i mother --------------— lina' I h&'ku 'Ina' n grandmother --------------- ', k'tf'ii k'O'itku 't4e', k4't&i nik'tt'i mother-in-law --- —------— 'sligiV k't4'ku 'uci'Ai nik',t' her younger sister --- —----— m7lttq' t'qka'ku mit'q'(kala) nit'q'kata grandchild --- —--------- t'akota' t'ako'lakpaku t'ako'ta nit'a'kota (his) sister's daughter --- —---- t',4q' t',&tq'k'u t'44~q'(ti,4'1q) sit1'1qte(1a) her brother's daughter -------— t'otq' t'otq'k'u t'otq', mit'o'lq nit'o'iq(ta) I'Also f'~ka'Mi, t'tfka'ku, nit's4'ka. I'Western Ogalala c'fkM' and c't~kfii. Also 'Ina'cllc'ata, little mother, 'isa'-i1lq'hq make believe mother, terms for mother's sister. When the form in address occurs in course of conversation the terms are without accent; when the address is used as a call, the last syllable bears a strong accent. For the use of the article with terms of relationship, see page 134. The first person dual and plural is not expressed by means of the possessive pronoun, but by the verbal expression "zqycfpij ki the one we have for: ctiye' 'qyl/'pi lkj our (plural) elder brother For the first person dual of mitt'wkog my child-in-law, the phrase wiwo'Ita lcj the woman who is staying owing to attraction, from yuha is used: to stay with someone owing to permanent attraction (like children with their mother, friends, etc.). Plurals formed with pi express the plural as related to several individuals. t'oiq'lupi kj the daughter of the brother of several women t'qka'Aitkupi lkj their (of a group of brothers, cousins) grandfather When the relatives (here brothers, grandfathers) are also plural an adjective like "all, many, several" must be added. If the possessor is singular the forms with ya to have, are used: ottoqi-wic'a'waye cj those I have for nieces (woman speaking) The same may also be expressed by the possessive form, if a definite or indefinite numeral is added: mit~oiq 'iyu'ha all my nieces (woman speaking) or by adding pi to the verb: mit'o'kq kj g3i'pi' my nieces have come back; when known to the person addressed kj is omitted The third person plural possessive: t'alk'olakupi kj hq'ske' their friend is tall t'ak'o'lakupi lcj hq'skae~kapri' their friends are tall No.aM or Cacs]MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 131 The forms with uwicta (given by Riggs, p. 16) are not possessive but refer to the terms as belonging to human beings: uca'wcjca children of man (not of animals), uricta'atkuku (not. uricti-'atlcuku, Riggs) father of humans, wicta'hiqku mother of humans. Here belong also uricwe children of one family, wicto-icta~e generation. More distant affinal relationship terms, and a few others expressing a close relation based neither on consanguinity nor affnty take the ending ku and also the prefix tea expressing separable possession. Address 3d person pos- lst pero posie 2d personl posesieroposessive sessive parent of my child's spouse --- —— oma'wahit'i4' t'omawahit'4~ku oma'wahits& nit'o'mawahiV4t stepchild ------------------------ - t'awa'dqlcu 1 t'awa'0iqwap cj I Jnit'a'wadqku or her cowife --- —---------- (2) t'e'yaku (2) I t'awa'dqVaVe cf consanguineal relative -------— (no address) t'i'takuye 3 mit'i'takusye nsit'i'takuye eonsanguineal or affinal relative --— mita-'kcUyepi 4 ota'kuye-t'awa mita'kuye nifta'kuye (group term) male friend of a man --- —---- k'oia' f'ak'o'faku mit'a'k'ota or t'ezk'o'Ia- nidta'kola ku mayus'k'q (his friend exists for me) female friend of woman --- —--— wage' I t'awa'Aeku mitlac'waje nit'a'wasie master (of a pet animal or guardian --------- - tV'Aftlletku 3 spirit) I Santee ntika's, n~/ka'8ku, obsolete in Riggs' time. t'awa'gq-waye ci the one whom I have as a stepchild. ICowives call each other sister, cross-cousin, or mother of such and such a child; t'e'iiawaye cj the one whom I have as a cowife; t'e'iaku malrulkq (her) cowife exists for me, i. e., I have her as a cowife is also used. 3 See p. 133. ' This term is included here although it lacks the prefix t'a because the theme is identical with the preceding. The address Is always plural. & Used only for those who are very intimate; often used by cross-cousins. Compare mage' an analogous term for brothers-in~law. The term 1cic'ulwa, comrade, from lctuwa' to pursue, is going out of use. Riggs (p. 15) gives the possessive form teaki~c'uwa. ~ 162. SEPARABLE POSSESSION Separable possession is expressed by the prefix tea (mit'a, rnit'a, -qkit'a). When the noun with the possessive tta is not followed by the article the meaning is in most cases generalized and signifies a perllanent relation of the owner to the thing possessed. The terms keola-' a inan's male friend and wade' a woman's female friend are used with tea. Compounded with tea are the verbal or nominal possessives mit'a/wa, nit'a-wa, teawa, 4ki/tVawa. These express "it is mine, yours, his, ours." When used nominally they must be followed by an article (kIc, k'a% wq); by a demonstrative (le', he', ka', lena', hena', icana'); or by a numeral, definite or indefinite. The usage is illustrated by the following examples: taaqjke ki ~ke'hqhq' his horse is restless t'a~'ke ~ke'hqhcqke' he is the kind of person who has restless horses t'ami'la kj p'ep'e'Ani' her knives are not sharp t'ami'la p'ep'e'Ani' she is the kind who has no sharp knives mit'a'woyuha ki wawteit' my household goods are fine mit'a'woyuha wawteAte' I am the kind who has fine household goods tase' waka'b.lac'ic'iyjkteca ctaA! 'ece'A nit'a'mila Aiksi'sca c'a but I shall not let (lit, cause) you flatten (i. e., jerk beef)! for you are one who (always) has excessively bad knives t'ac'cq'nsf pa kj hq'8ke' his pipe is long t'ac'q'ntjpa hq'8ke' he is one who owns a long pipe This appears also in the saying t'ahq'p~i~ica ~iiye'la worn-out moccasins badly! (I. e., he or you, with your worn-out moccasins!1) 41 41 ftqpa' moccasin, si foot, assimilated by A of ii'ca bad, worn moccasins; (cf. 1hqpsi'cu a pair of pieces of skin cut out for moccasins). An exclamation directed at someone who has annoyed the speaker; also used in affectionate bantering with joking-relatives or children. It refers to the pridil the Dakota took in being well-shod. 132 ~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MimoIRs NATIONAL The forms with prefixed tea as subject, followed by a neutral verb, refer always to the owner of the inanimate object, not to the object itself. For animate beings they are referred to the object by addition of the plural 1pi. t'aftlke luslu'zahe' he is the kind of person who has fleet horses 'aft*'ke luglu'zahq7YI the horses he has are always fleet Ordinarily possession is expressed in the verb (see p. 86). mit'a'woyuha mantn" he stole something belonging to me (among other stolesi property) wo Iyuha mama' kintj' he stole property from me At(Icak'q' 'ima'kiyayapi' my horses run away mit'a'woyuha yuk'e" I am one with property, lit, my property exists; -but t'i'ta'kuye mayu'Ik'e' relatives exist for me, I have relatives, backing; or 'ota'lcuye maki'yuk'e' As predicate the forms with tVa are used: hena' mit'a'woyuha' those are my possessions he' mit'a'c'qnqfpa' that is my pipe (c'qnq'pa kj he' mit'a'wa more idiomatic) The forms in tta/wa emphasize the contrast between what is his (mine, yours, ours) and the property of others, while the forms in tta designate the contrast between the particular thing possessed by him (me, you, us) and other things belonging to the same person. tVawa (mit'awa, nit'a-wa, qit1i'tauw) when,following a noun has no independent accent. mit'a'woyuha ki waAte' ate' my household goods are fine, (but my other property not) wo'yuha-mit'a'wa kj hena' wa~te'Ate' my household goods are fine (but yours are not) mit'a'ihina hjni'kte' you shall be the kind of a person who may wear my blanket eina-mit'a'wa kj wq~i'hjnj'kte' you shall wear one of my blankets (not another person's) mic'j'ca 42 ki wahte'Atepi' my children are nice (but other members of my family are not) walctq heia "-mit 'a' wa ki hena'wa~ie'Atepi' my children are nice (as compared to those of other families) When not followed by an article, demonstrative or numeral, tVa'wa is predicative. he mit'a'wa ki he' the one that is mine that one he' mita'dwa' that is mine ta'ku mit'a/tva ki hena' c'ic'u' whatever is mine I give you ta'1cu-mit'a'wa kj he 'au' that, something mine bring here; but tukte'-mitta'waka c'a which one/mine kind of/it being so (which one of mine?) When the noun is accompanied by an adjective, the possessive tVa'wa follows the noun and precedes the adjective which also has a secondary accent. ttiiikceya-mit'a'wa wq t'e'a k'e hleca'he' my new tent is torn wi'yq-mit'a'wa-wa~te' k'aq waya'zq' my good wife is sick wj'yq-mit'a'wa wq watte' k'tq he' waya'zq' my wife a certain one, the good one that one was sick When the possessive is preceded by a noun, expressing a genitive relation it has no independent accent. P'ala'ni-t'ama~ktoc'e kj it'a'mahel wana' tqyqpi, hq'l we were travelling in the country of the Pawnee, when wati'cu-'aft~'ke white man his horse For possessives used idiomatically as names of objects see page 69 Nouns beginning in o when preceded by possessive tVa occur in uncontracted and contracted forms ttao'- and tVW. The latter expresses a permanent, the former a temporary relation. tVao'wj his earrings, i. e., those he made, or those he happens to wear;-t'owj the earrings he always wears, that are part of him;-t'owj t'ot'o'la his earrings are blue (a nickname);-tVao'iye his choice of words on a certain occasion;-t'oiye his utterances peculiar to him;-ttao'iye ~iikei'cece' his words are likely to be bad (unkind, obscence, harsh);-ttoiye kj owottqla'; yus-pTica' his utterances are (always) upright; they are worthy of acceptance;-t'ao'Tiwota an abandoned campsite alotted to him for the time being;-t'o'Tiwota his abandoned campsite where he used to live;-t'ao'rqye his place or mode of living (provided he is moving about from place to place);-t~o'aye his permanent abode "2c'jca' does not take the prefix t'a, because it expresses child as an inalienable possession, I. e., son or daughter; wak'q'heka or wak'q'yeia is used by Yankton and Teton, derived from k'qhe'ta weak (Santee). The word is generally misinterpreted by Teton as derived from wak'q' holy. Child in Santee is &ie'ca. A -. -- C4 '. ACADEIMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 133 No. 2] According to their meaning certain of these nouns can take only one or the other form: tVo'ye his tracks; tVohe his place (in society, in the tent) teo-Ii'q his deeds; tto~mauwhit',ku his or her child-in-law's parents. On the other hand we have only ttaohina j the place where he stops (just once). The same principle prevails in words with initial `ti: Va'hv/nad)e his fire place. (t'ati'hnaea Santee), t'q'1ina'te his home fireplace t't'kce his excrements Nouns beginning with wo-' (a contraction of wa-o) are treated in a similar manner. Those expressing concrete objects do' not form contractions. t'awo'yute his food;-t'awo' yaptapi the food he left over;-t'awo'k'oyake his dress;-t'awo'heyalka the pay of a shaman;-t'awo'wapi his letter;-t'awo'wa~i his worker, his guardian spirit In abstract nouns the abstract quality and the results of the quality, or acts due to it are distinguished, the abstract quality by contraction with loss of w, the result by lack of contraction. t'o'uwa~e ki 'iwic'ab.leze' his goodness is refreshing, t'awo'wa~te ki 'otalciya' the results of his goodness (his kindly acts) are varied;-t'oc'qtkiye kj 'iyo'mahi' his love (in form of a gift) reaches me; t'awo'c'qtkiye kj yawa'p'ica~ni' the results of his love (of making someone beloved) cannot be counted;-'o' wit ki wicVo'ti-a'taya wqya'kapi' his glory is perceived by the whole village; ttawo'witq kj 'ak'i'Aokya hiye' ye' the results of his glory (honor) lie thickly about;-tV'Z'*ce ki t'iwa' het'awa kj 'ataya 'oka'htq' his badness saturates his whole family (i. e., the standing of the family suffers on account of the badness of one member); ttawo'gice kj 'ti' kaika'pi-8'a' on account of ('q~) the results of his badness he is always being jailed; —also t'o'ktqze his will; t'awo'ktize rules decreed by him Nouns beginning with 'i are ordinarily not contracted. A few terms expressing close relation are found only with initial tti. Some of these are probably derived from obsolete stems inl i. ti'itakuye consanguineal relative (see 'ota'kuye a relative; or from t'' household) t'i'hjyetku his master (i. e., owner of a pet animal, of a guardian spirit) t'i'pahj his pillow, given by Riggs is not used by the Teton NOTE.-In Teton we find ttai/tazipa and t 'i'tazipa (or tti'tazipa?), Santee ei'nazipe, his bow. This is derived from ita'zipa suggesting a change froni n to t. In Assiniboine we have wio'kicizipapi they put up a tent for him (wi- tent, kici- for; zipa to be stretched). Accordingly ina'zipa wouild mean "to stretch by inner force against." A similar case of a possible change of ma to ta is tasa'ka frozen stiff (ma by inner force). ~ 163. THE ARTICLE There are three articles, kIc (cj after a changed to e),41 definite article; 1c i4 (c' m4 after a changed to e),43 among western Teton often '%, definite past, previously referred to or already known; and wq a certain one; pl. 1ceya'. The numeral waZ~i' is used as an indefinite article. kIc:.'oya'te ki 'aki'~i'api' the people shouted p'ehj' kj 'e'g.na psi'l 'tq'pi' among the hair they jumped about 48.1 wik'o'~kalaka ki 'ec 't' c '0'ni' the young woman was unwilling to do it 47.5 wo p'a/ita k'tj g.luzu'iu he undid his aforesaid package 20.10 t'a'hca-hoksi'la k'i 'icu' he took the aforesaid deer boy 26.9 lqpe'tu wq e'l ho'c'okata i" on a certain day he went to the center of the camp circle 8.2 'oya'te wq t'i'pi' a certain people dwelled 46.1 t'iyo'p-'ik'q'yela wintflhcala wq yqlce" near the doorway a certain old woman was sitting 64.1 ta'ku wq a certain thing; tuwe' weq a certain person 43 See p. 14. di For use of k'u as past tense, see also p. 107. 1622360-41 ---10 134 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, P'ew': Cq'V lceya' certain trees;-t 'ahf'Apa lc'eya' some awls 59.3;-ctq'-hqskaska lc'eya' certain tall trees Pcewa' is used oniy for separate objects. When part of a mass of separate objects is meant 'etq' from, is used: c'q' 'etq' hiyo'iyaye he is going for some wood out of a supply or out of a stack of wood. For a piece of a whole hqke': ttalo/ hqke' wacj'f I want a piece of meat. For part of material that cannot be divided hlqh (Y 'iioe') or 'etcf': m.ni' hi'h malc'u, or m-ni' eta' maic'u': with adjective m.ni'-8ni ki hq'h bMatkj'lce' I'll drink some of the cold water. c tq woii' 'atq wo' put a stick on (the fire)!I wo'tap'i wq~i' ka'ffkte' he will give (make) a feast; but wo'tapi wq ka'Oe' he gave a certain feast 'qpe'tu w~i' VI' wai'kte' some day I shall go there The examples show that wqz'i'' is used for an indefinite unidentified object, wcq for a certain object or event that exists. c'q' wq 'ag.li" he brought a stick (now existing) cVq wqUi' hiyo'iyaye he is going for a stick (the identity of which is not yet known) When the object spoken of is selected from among a group, he-' that, follows the article. waif' kj hena' m.nama'kViyapikte lo' the bits of fat, those they will collect for me 189.13 halca'kta kj he' hig.na'y~ikta the younger one that one was to have him for a husband 201.14 c'ta'pala k's he' 'iki'kcu she picked up her little beaver (and nothing else) 48.8 'antq'k- lite' Pit~ he' 'e it was (no other than) the Double-Face 48.14 The article nominalizing a verb makes it subject or object of the finite verb. A following or preceding he' may shift the emphasis and with it the syntactic structure. kte'pi kj slolye" he knows the killing kte'pi kj he' wqya'ke' he saw that one killed, or he saw the killing of him (and nothing else) he' kte'pi kj wqya'khe' that one saw the killing, or he saw that killing Terms of relationship in first and second person possessive have generally no article. lena' mita'hkoba 'au'mahi' these (things) my grandson ordered me to bring 199.18 niya'te 'a'k'iyec'el t'etq'/ilapikta he'ya' your father said he would love us impartially 195.14 niye'pi nq niya'te nihtg' kVo wana' yau'pikte lo' you and your father and your mother also will come now 231.5 wana' 'ina', 'ate' nq t'ib.lo' hto ttima' 'u'pikte' now my mother, my father, and my elder brothers also will come into the tent 231.4 All the Dakota terms embrace more than one individual. Those distantly related, particularly when personally unknown, are given the article in the first person possessive. 'late' g.li my father came home 'ate' hj g.li' one whom I call father because he married one whom I call mother (except my own father) came home For consanguineal relatives the article is not used. Therefore the last example could not be used for father's brothers. When my father is not known to the persons addressed I might say uric'a'a wci 'ate'waye cj a certain man the one whom I have for my father. The only exception is mictj'ca kj my children For affinal relatives the article is used particularly when they are not known or not well known to the persons addressed. For mihij'g.na and mit'avuicu my husband, my wife, both forms are used nit'a'wicu hicTi Vu or nitt 'dwicu hj kicTi 'u come with your wife!I The expression nSi8ce'ptq kicYi 'u' come with your sister-in-law, would mean that the sisterin-law is a well-known, long-established member of the family; ni~ce'p'q lcj ic'ie' 'u would mean that she is the youngest sister-in-law, or one quite recently married and not yet well known. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND) SYNTAX 135 The example milhj'g.nxt kj lec'ciya m-ni-'a'glag.kt yqka'he' my husband is sitting there by the water 219.18 implies that the people addressed have never seen hm In the third person possessive the article is generally used: 'atku'ku kj heya' his father said 145.10 t'i'takuye nq htqka'ke kj 'epi her near relatives and her parents they were 230.17 When the third person possessive is not followed by an article it is to be conceived as a verbal expression. htf'ku hi'pi it is a parents-coming '9atku'ku g.li'-tqspe'Ani he does not know (how to act on) father-returning ctiye'ku g~li'pi tk'ta'A wq'cak 'owi'cakiyake' but on his brothers' return at once he told them 65.14 For this reason the article is often omitted when the term of relationship is object of an active verb. hiq'ku 'oki'le or contracted hti1c-'o'kile he looks for his mother htq'ku kj okt'le his mother looks for him, or: he looks for his mother and not for anybody else o 'uwe'ku 't~'ikila she loves her elder sister However, we find also: c'iye'ku kj 'e'l 'e'touic'ak~u' his brothers he piled up there 88.16 lek~i'tku kj t'iwo'kUq wic'a'tpa he had laid his uncles around in the tipi 90.14 t'tq1a'Aitkula kj mnat'o' ttawi'cu kji'ekta' yeAi" he ordered his grandfather to go to the bear's wife 115.11 The plural hena-' is also used when the article refers to two nouns connected by "and," the two having only one article. mahpi'ya nq mak'a' kj lena' ttoka'-ka'rapi the sky and land (those) were first made 1. 12 wqhj'kpe ncq 'ita'zipa k't 45 hena' k'o' 'iki'cu the aforesaid arrow and bow those also he took up his (the other's) 26.3 Generalized terms take no article. kjhq wict'dAa nq wi'yq tohq'l kic'iyuzapi when men and women marry 231.17 't~~nahq~nawic'a'Aa 'akq'tula ('eg.na) wic'o'wic'aAaAni now and then people living above (among) (i. e., human beings) there is deception 207.14 (wic'owicaAa character of man) Another construction for general statements is as follows: ~t'kaktq'pi c'q' lu'zahqpi when they are horses they are fleet, i. e., horses are (supposed to be) fleet wic'a',s'api nq wi'yqpi c'q' kic'iyuzapi when they are men and women (they are supposed to) marry When a noun is compounded with an adjective the article follows as though it were a unit. Atj'kc-ska' ki ttoke'ya ku" the white horse is returning first ohlo' ka-ci'k'ala k'r he' 'og.na' mahe'l 'iya'ya the aforesaid small hole that he went into 28.6 (or 'ohio'kla wq ci'k'ala k't) wicta'Aa-'ohi'tike c'tq he' kte'pi they killed the brave man When the adjective is less firmly united with the noun, the attribute is given a verbal form. Atq'kakcq' wq t'c'ka k'tt he' ('e' c'a) 'owa'le a certain horse it is big being of that kind I look for it (i. e., I am looking for a certain big horse), or Atq'kaltq'-t'qka k'tn he' 'owa'le' Asg'kakctq' wq~i' t'q'ka c'a 'owa'le I am looking for an indefinite big horse Nouns followed by numeral adjectives or indefinite numerals do not take the article. c tq nq'p 'ic i' cameya hq' two trees stood rubbing against each other 21.14 co~ka'laka za'ptq zuya' 'ipi' five youths went to war 235.5 waka'p'api 'o'ta yuha'pi much dried pounded meat they had 9.9 m.ni' co'rnala mak'u wo' give me a little water 'a'taya entire, 'oya's'i all of a kind, and 'iyu'ha all individuals as one group, require the article following the noun. maketo/ete lkj 'ataya lehq'l 'oya'te 'Wi'eat'iza the entire land now-a-days tribes crowd in it 5.8 Aiyo' k's 'iyu'ha..wac'ipi all (the whole assembly of) pheasants danced 20.14 wicta'ta lkj 'oya's'j 'iya'yapi al the men are gone 48 Misprint In text kc'u instead Of k'4~. 136 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [V~OL. XIII Some combinations of noun and neutral verb have special meanings and cannot be separated by an article. wi'yq wa~te' she is beautiful; wic'a'Aa wa~te' he is handsome wj'yq wq watte' a certain woman is good, there is a good woman Sometimes the noun and adjective are treated as noun and neutral verb and must be interpreted as subordinate forms..'oya'te-t'qka wic'o'Ti a tribe being large camped 51.1, or 'oya'te-t'q'ka wq wic'o'ti a certain large tribe camped, or 'oya'te wq t'q'ka cta uic'o'ti a tribe large, being so it camped The articles are used following verbs forming relative clauses. They are used in occupational terms. tVika'#e cj a house builder (see p. 73), but express also abstract terms. heska'takiya 'aye c'ti the aforesaid who were going to the Rocky (White) Mountain 226.1 t-'j'kte cj 'og.na' 'iya'ya the future dying towards it goes 226.5 tea' wake c'tn the aforesaid one who was in a way hers 226.6 wj'yq wq hpa'ye c'tj a woman who was lying down the aforesaid 242.1 tuwa' 'u'pi k't1 he'c'iyatqhcq c'e'ya 'u" someone, the place they had come from, came crying 191.3 wica'k'e ci t'qj' that he spoke the truth was apparent 231.10 n'i' watt' k't hehq'ni he' a'Tqj I, one who was alive, even as long ago as that then it became apparent, i. e., it was apparent when I was alive 'owa'p'ate lce'c'j' ki 'q~' 'e'tkiya ya'hq with thinking that this was a butchering place she was going there 242.6 Apq'~ini hi ye' ye c'tq what lay about raw 27.12 wic'a'Aa -' oma'ni s'a wq a man who walks about all the time 'oma'n fls8'a nq 'iye's a wq one who walks and talks all the time 'om' rps anq ziya pi 8'a k'eya' or 'iya' 'oma'nipi s'a k'eya' certain ones who walk and talk all the time Compound forms of the article express temporal relations, lciha when in the future; k'(hcq' when in the past. Literally these mean "the one continuing." yahi' kihq 'oc'iciyalk4'kte when you come I shall tell you about it cta he' tohqi'l hi' kihq... mic'tq'kAi hjg.na'yjkte lo' so that when he comes here..my daughter shall have him for a husband 12.3 'iyakiAapi kjhq k'ohq'46 'tqki'yayjkte lo' when they are shouting meanwhile we shall start away 135.3 'e'l yai' kjhQ he' 'e kte' when you arrive there (at a camp) that will be it 139.6 1cini' k'tjhq'... mani'takiya 'iya' ye' when he had recovered he started for the wilderness 277.12 A peculiar use of k'4t occurs at the end of direct quotations. (See p. 109.) If not quoted these statements would end in a glottal stop. he' nahpa'hpalke c'tq, 'eye" "that one is untidy," said he 9.3;-oya'kapi k'%f 'eya'pi' "they tell it," they said 226. 10 On the whole, in the enumeration of two nouns connection by nci is avoided. If unavoidable, the first noun is transformed into a separate clause. t ipi kj 'e ni Atqk- o'na~i kj ntqptj' kahwo'ke' it was the house and the stable, both were blown over When two living beings or objects somehow connected are subject or object the second one becomes the object of kicYi to be with. tta~li" wcjtq'yeyela kicti.' ctad-~oki~yakapi Buffalo Calf and He-Sends-his-Arrow-Well told their names to him 147.14 When there are more than two nouns connected by "and," the group following the first noun has only one definite article at the end. t It pi kic 'e' nq Atqk-o'na~i nq pte21i"-ittokAu kj kto kahwo'ke' it was the house and (the) stable and the hay wagon also (that) were blown over; or ttipi kj ka/iwo'ke'; nq naktf' Atqk-'o'rna~ kj 'e' nq p'e27i'-'it'o'k~u kic-tina' kj c'q`_1optiye mahe't 't('. nq nak4' t'ahj/Apa (kj 'e') nq c'uwi'1g.naka nuq hq'pa kj kto the blanket is in the trunk. And also the awl and the dress and the (pair of) moccasins also d'6'i't'Aq would be better than k-'Ohq'. ACADEMMY OF SCIENCEDS] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX13 No. 2] 3 With wq the article is repeated with each noun: Aina' wq hq'pa wq kic'i' ahi" he brought a blanket and a moccasin;-Aina wqei hcj'pa wazj' kicYt' he1 ctel 'au waWi I ordered him to bring a blanket and a (pair of) moccasins;-Aina' wq 'e' flQ hq'pa wq ntq t~ahj/spa wq, hena'keca ahi" a blanket, it was and a (pair of) moccasins and an awl, those he brought The articles are used at the end of the sentence to express a definite attitude of the speaker,,wc of approval, ki and k',q of disapproval. (See p. 158.) Such phrases are felt as predicative, although in form they are nominal. Thus za'niyco "i(' lc'i, formerly he was always well. Followed by wvaya'za ye (lo) it would mean "the one who was formerly always well is sick. tlcta', le' wiit'ctotapi lcj (etq'~ to'kta) but here we are a crowd (out of it, indeed, what, i. e. what of it). The parenthetic statement is implied, expressing the mood of the speaker. ~ 164. ADVERBS Adverbs are derived from verbs by means of the suffixes -ya, -yela, -hq, -1, -kel. In active verbs the subordinate form is also an adverb, firmly united with the finite verb by the accent when the time relation is one of succession, as in our infinitive; less firmly when the two verbs express simultaneous actions, as in our participle. 1. Suffix -ya, -yela (see p. 59): Aa'pa to be soiled ~apya' in a soiled condition suta' to be firm suta'ya firmly ska to be white 8kaya' in a white condition c'te' pa to be fat ceepye'la in a fat condition 2. Suffix hq (see p. 60) following demonstratives. With ya it expresses a temporary condition: lehq' up to this time t'jsya' and t'jsya'hq firmly 3. The ending 1 forms adverbs from verbs in -tu (see pp. 48, 58): he'tu he'l 'akq'tu it is on top 'akq'l 'qpe'tu daytime 'qpe'l 4. -kel adverbial form of active verbs in-lca (see pp. 56, 57): lap'e'kel being as it were in a waiting condition buya'kel with a rather deep voice Aka'ltukel playing in a way 5. Compound verbs expressing infinitive relations (see pp. 73 et seq.): 'oki'le-'iya' ye' he went to search for it 9kal-'o'mani' he goes about to play,.'ayu'ta-'iyo'take' he sat down to stare at it Verbs of the type cv ending in changeable a change to e in adverbial forms when the meaning corresponds to the English infinitive (see p. 74) he-i nahni' he is in a hurry to bury it (Aa' to bury). 6. Compound verbs expressing synchronous, participial relations: leya' "j'yqke' saying this he ran 56.17 tca'l 'oma'ni' he goes about playing 'ayu'ta yqke" he sat staring at it When a continued condition, the result of an action, is to be expressed active, verbs are also considered as neutral and take the suffix -ya. ko'za to swing;-'oka'kosya 'otka' in a condition of swinging, suspended it hangs; but ko'8lkos hiya'ye' he went by swinging it nat'tf'ka to hesitate; nat'sq'kya t'awac'ci his mind was in a hesitating mood hlo'ka to be perforated; yuhlo'kya in the condition of having been perforated; yuhlo'k perforating 873a ya to be wet; yuspa'yeya e'g.rnaka he put it away it having been wetted; yuspa'ya yuthtq' he finished wetting it 138 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [ME'MOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, 8uta' firm; yusu'taya nad~j it stands having been made firm; yusu'ta yuit1' he finished making it firm many 'q( he is restless (in a walking condition) '9ona'p'eya in a manner of being a place of refuge k'ap'e'ya surpassingly Also: -kahya (from ka'#a to make) with the meaning of "representing"; wic'adAa-kahya waipadpi representing a man (i. e., in the form of a man) they cut it out The subordinate ending -ya follows the negative ~ini: ksa'pe~niyi unwisely;-hpeca'~niyq energetically The future does not form a subordinate form, but is expressed by the verb with future particle followed by iteya evidently. yj'kta-iteya leye" evidently he will go, for he said this (yi'ktelak'ad leye" means the same) The following are also adverbial forms of verbs expressing synchronous relations. 'i/by means of, on account of; this is the verb "tqf to use. 'vomadnipi 't' watu'lcapi with travelling about they get weary walite'laArni 't' 'alo' 8108 hjg.le" on account of considering him not good she suddenly shivered (for fear) 47.15 lIla 'oci'k'ayela kj 'ii' 'iwq'yak Ii'qhi'ya V'u on account of its being very narrow watchfully slowly he came 48.16 'ece'la 'ti' ni' yqka'p~i by means of that alone they lived 198.4 Another form, '' with a similar meaning, but expressing a superlative, cannot be associated with a verb. The verb to which it belongs is nominalized. c'Wt always bears an accent. 'om'npi~a)c'sq' watu'kap~i by overmuch traveling about they got weary (critical of person, or complaining) vo'tapika c'tq' wanad 'ig.Wuhaini by eating too much now he cannot handle himself (cannot move) This may be strengthened by ~ehq' following c"'4% c'e'yapi(ka) c'tq' ~ehq' wab.le'8-wayeini' by having to wail so much by this time I have no clear eyesight 'om' npi~a)c't' Aehq' watu'kapi c 'e 'eya'pi kj with traveling about by this time they got weary (c'e indirect discourse quotative), so they say (depreciating expression) c',*-' may be a contraction of kj and 'iq although this would not explain the change from Ic to c; compare 'eya'wkec'e-'hca (<eya'pilce cj 'e'lhca) it is verily a kind of saying, "that is what you say";-c'iye'lcu g~li'pi k'el ouri'c'akiyaka- (k'el<ki 'e-'l on his brother's return there he told them 66.4; -'wqya'kie c'e'l 'oki'yalke (<cj Wel) upon seeing him opportunely he told him.'o'p with several persons, from Vop'a to join, participate: wic 'a'Aa 'iyu'ha k'ti'ku 'op zuya' yewi'caiipi' all men with their mothers-in-law to go to war they are ordered 8.9 nile'kM VoP WeI wat'i" with your uncles I lived here 90.4 li'la VoP c'qte' waite" very with them his heart was good 90.17 kic'i' with one person (we'cica I am with him, derived from an obsolete verb k'i). (See p. 79.) kinat irna'-t'oka'p'a lcj kicTi le'Ani? in that case with my eldest mother's sister (why) don't you go? 9.1 wilcVo'kalaka wq k'okAdlaka wq kie'i yqke" a girl with a boy was sitting 193.16 g.na obsolete verb (see 'aki'g.na a bird broods): 'alc'ig.na in layers; kig.na' to comfort; 'tqg.na' unexpectedly 'ag.na' added on: Aina'-hihma wq hQ'pa k'eya' 'ag.na' mak'u" a fur blanket some moccasins added on he gave me uic'a'Aa kj miya'g.na ma'ni' the man went following me Yag.na' ntwq'pi 'tq8pe'Ani kj he' 'ti" moreover her not knowing to swim that on account of it was 47.8 'e'g.n~a among: c'tqwe'g.na wo'hpihe' she was picking berries among the woods t'we'g.na among the tipis ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 139 '1ak'e' 'oya'te 'e'g.na lcig~le" again among people he returned 244.12 wic' e'g.na NCe he is among them 'ogn'in, into, through 138.10: he' 'og.na' mahel 'iya' ye' he went into that inside 28.6 wak 'e' ya wq 'og.na' hokAi'-c'qlki'yapi-t'i in a certain tent he lived as a child beloved 175.13 'opta through, across; stem-pta to cut through: bMa'ye 'opta ya'hq he was going (through) across the meadow 139.9 Other adverbs, many of which are of obscure derivation, are conceived as either psychologically united with the verb, or considered as independent, In the former case the two have only one main accent. 'akfe/l~na again and again ('ak~e' again, is independent): 'ak'e'Arna-yuma'hel 'icu'hq again and again pulling it inside he was taking it 39.7;-'alk'e'Ana-g.li he did the returning-again-and-again 16. 1O0;-'ak 'e'8naAna g.lIV again-and-again he-came-home;-'alc'e'hnafna both independent and dependent 'eha'ke last ('eha'kela he is the last:) 'eha'ke wo'te' he ate last;-'eha' ke-wote' he ate for the last time;-'eha'ke g.li' he came home the last;'eha'ke-'ag.li'pi the last to be brought home 56.13;-he 'eha'ke-hi' 1c't that one, who arrived the last 56.16;-'eha'ke-'ec'%~' he did it for the last time ktiye'la near (ktiye'waya I get near it): 'kiye'la 'to nearby he-lives;-kiye'la-k'ute' he does nearby-shooting Ci. e., he shot at short range) ktita'wla frequently, often: k'it'a'la hi" frequently he comes;-k'it'a'la-hi' he does the-often-coming 'ee always; independent: exclusively, only: Aa' 'We' 'ii' red exclusively he wears; Aa' 'ece'-'sq' red he always-wears;-'ak'i'l Wee' 'tf" looking out for it he stays exclusively thus 167.2;-tohajl ece'-g.la huwo'? when does he-always-go-home? 206.1;-'j'yq 'ece' ahi' he brought nothing but stones tokte'cela barely: tok'e'cela Iipa'ye' barely-able he-lies;-tok'e'cela-mani' he-hardly-can-wralk 67.14;-tok'e'cela-ho'yek'iya he barely-called-to-her 219.14 ttqni-'la (same as 'ehq'tiq); from t'qni-' old: t'qni'la yqka'pi hq'P e'l wai" already they were (sitting) when I arrived there;-t'qni'a-yqkca'pi they were already-sitting 'eha,'ta already (see p. 118, No. 9):.'ehq'tq slol ye" already he knew; 'ehq'tq-sl~olya' he already knew 149.5;-'ehq'tq-oka'Aka he" already It was hanging 167.10;-' ehq'tq-uwic'a'yuha already they held them 56.12 he'cta of that kind (see p. 121, No. 29): he'c a 'ic'i'c ada he made for himself that kind of thing; he'ca-'ic'i'c'a~a he made himself to be of that kind 83.11;-he'ca-'otu-hjg.la suddenly it was full of that kind 108.21 tolc'e' 'ec ta/c'a without specific purpose, just (see p. 122, No. 29): tok'e' 'eca'ca lowq' ya'hqpi in a purposeless mood they went along singing;-to/c'e' 'ec'a'c'a-1owq'kta k'eA every time he would just sing 26.12 (read 'eca'ca instead of ec'a'ca- in text);-tok 'e' 'ec 'a'Vcawo'g~lakahe' he was just talking ~ectaI'el by nature, on purpose 'Vec 'akel Ai'capi' by nature they-are-bad;-'ec'akel-Ai'capi they are bad-by-nature 255.19;-'ec'a'keiuma'Aipe they sent me on purpose 66.17 lee ta'la recently lec'a'la 'iti'cadapi it was recently that they erected a tent; 1ec'a'la-'it'ica~api ki the recently erected tipi 16.4 140 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 140 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, 'ak~ia'-ka expresses the idea "admitted that something is the case, something else would be preferred." 'akta'-wati'Aiyalaka you have pity (but better still, take me home) 1 12.3;-.'akAa'-waAte'ka wo'hqhihike' admitted that he is good; but he is slow;-' akia'-p'ila' mayeca 'eha'A 'ota mak'u" he did me a favor (to be sure) but too much he gave me.'ak~ia'ka unfortunately, expressing an attitude of the speaker, is independent: 'akAa'ka he'l lcuke'ya wj'yq wq but for this one drawback, unfortunately there a woman obstructing the way 109.9 (44.17) 'i'lql ('ihcftu it is temporary, not to be taken seriously): 'ihql-'eye' he said it not meaning it 78.14;-'i'1iqhq-hi' he came not meaning to stay 'itu' (ya) (also 'otu'ya, 'utu'ya) in vain: litu'ya-hi' in vain he arrived;-'itu'h'q' he gave away ceremonially;-'itu'-mak'o'skql wae'ye' without anything to back his statement he said something (mak'oekt middle of the country; hewo'skqtu middle of the wilderness) Also independent, when separated from the verb by another adverb: 'itu'ya he'l mqka'he' in vain there I was sitting;-'itu'ya t'e'hqtqhq wahi" or t'e'hqtqhq 'itu'ya-wahi' I come from far away for nothing 'itu'ge notwithstanding, however much it may be (cf. iiu'te S): ('it'u'Aelca in spite of everything, independent);-'it'u'Ae-ksa'peca he'l g.luAna" however wise he may be, he erred there 'ihna' alone ('iina'la independent) ('ii he adversative, -na, see p. 121, no. 24): 'ifna'-k8ap-'ic'ila he considers himself alone wise;-iAna'-t'i (woman) lives alone (during taboo period);'iAna' -zuya 'i he went on the warpath alone;-'iAna'-wak'u'wa chasing (buffaloes) alone (a name) 'ilda'hela (-icta) backward, less; see he'kta in the rear, 'iha'lkta to be held back by attraction; haki'Ikta to look back): 'ikta'hela Aka'ta yo' less-vigorously play! 'ikta'hel a-A ka'ta yo' do a-less-vigorous playing!;-AehqA 'ikta'hela-waka'kiAyjktelak'a well then, evidently he will be giving less trouble, for-;-'ikta'hela'iAti' ma ytq'k'cq'A nah'mq'kta tk'a" if he had slept less (soundly) he would have heard it;-AehqA 'ikta'hela-'iAti'me cjhq nah'mq'kte' if this time (contrary to his habits, speaker's opinion) he will sleep less (soundly), he will hear it;-'ikta'hela-'iAtj'mece c'mq as though he would sleep less! (i. e., restrain from sleeping; k't as known from past experience) Independent: 'ilcta'hela ec'tA' wo' do it less vigorously!;-le'-'qpe'tu kj 'ikta'hela 'ec'q'kte' today he will do it less 4g.na' by chance 'iqg.na'hqla unexpectedly: qg..na'hqla-'uma'fi' he ordered me to come abruptly;-'tqg.na'hqla 'uma'Ai' unexpectedly on my part he asked me to come;-'tjg.na' hqla hi" he came unexpectedly (i. e., I did not foresee his coming);-.'tg.na'hqla-hi' he came making up his mind unexpectedly ttoka' first, always subordinate, except ttoca' 'ekta', teoka' k'iqha,' in the beginning: le' t'oka'-ka'#api he is this the first one made?-t'oka'-'ahi'yat'i first you made camp 249.1;-he' t'oka'p'a-yuha' she had that one in the manner of a first-born;-he' ttoka'pta yuha' that one as the first one she had nake', nake'h just a little while; flake' independent, implies that the, speaker considers the action as done, too late, or at the last moment: nake'-ma'nila he was just walking a little while;-nake'-ktoAka'laka he had just come to be a young man;-le' na'kentila- 47 wani'ye lo' I am alive only for a short time (said by a warrior spurring his courage)48 (cf. na'ka le'c'ecaAni k'IA long ago it was not like this) 47 Also nake'ntia. 48 From a song, Natalie Curtis, The Indian's Book, 1907, 1923, p. 51. ACADEMY OF SC1IENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 141 No. 2] hehq-'all that time, (listance; independent, by that time (see p. 117, no. 4): hehq'-mawa'ni all that time I walked about;-hehq'-ht~niyq ma'ri he walked all that di'stance;-hehq' 'ec'tq'wakapi' after all that time (i. e., by this time) I have no longer the energy to do it 49 lehq-'-g.li'9ni up to this time he has not returned. tohag as long as: tohq'-'tqni' kj hehQ' as long as we shall live, yet, that long 231.14;-tohq'-yezc'j'ka as long as you like 60.4;-tohq'-wani' as long as I live 100.15 hec'ceya' just at that very moment; independent, actually (see p. 122, No. 32): he'c'eya'-kiye'la just at that moment he began to fly (i. e., it was the first time he tried to fly) 81.3;he'ceya'-loc'j' just at that moment she became desirous of food;-but he'c'eya' loc'j' lc 'tf 'ayu'hel na'ljhq, actually on account of desiring food she was standing watching 171.12 le'c'el, he'c'el, to'kel, ka'k'el (see p. 122, No. 33). he'cel-yukta'pi they settled it that way (as told before) 182. 15;-hec'cel-'ami'c'ib.leze Id' that way I have observed myself 12.5;-he'c'eI-'eye'ca c'a 'tqspe'k'iyapi he just said that, it being so they made him know (since he said so they taught him) 34.4;-le'c'el yarq" being in this manner you live le'cel-yatq'ke cj (in this way you exist!) did you ever in all your life? 3.8, 153.16 to'kel-oki'hi as much as possible 58.8; 97.13;-to'k'eI-waku'kte whichever way I shall come back 54.l4;-to'k'e1-yatq'ka huwo'? how are you? 100.11;-to' k el-ki pq' pila t'uj'Ani why they called to him was not apparent 29.12;-to'k'el waku'kte ci slolwa'kiyesni' I do not know how I'll get home ka' k'el the same instant; independent, yonder in an indefinite direction: kakl'el-'iya'hq the instant he reached the top 1.2;-ka'k'e1-'intf'wjkta the instant he began to swim 68.3; but ka'k'el 'oma'ni he' he is walking about yonder;-ka'k'el-huk'u'l g~licu'pikta the moment they will get down 107.9;ka'k'el 'eya' say it in that manner hec'cekc'e being of that kind: he'c'ekc'e-h'q'pika they are of the kind to behave thus 181.10;-he'c'ekc'e-yah'q~pikca you are apt to behave thus 27.9;-he'c'ekc'e-wae' yeca he is apt to talk thus;-but he'c'ekc'e 'ec'tq'pi they acted in such ways;-'ec'e'kc'e 'ec'tq' 55.9 (58.1 should read the same way) he did as it should be done;kadk'eke (ka'k'etkte Yankton) in such manner there abouts;-to'Ice~ke, reduplicated to' k'e~1'eAk'e (to'k'etk'e Yankton) in what manner? why? ta'lole-', ta'kowe' why (<ta'ku-'ole-' what seeking): ta'kole'-lec'amif (the reason) why I do do this 200.1l6;-ta'kowe'-hai (the reason) why he came 78.8; -ta'kole' hi'ini he? what is the reason? has he not come? —ta'kole'-hec'tf he for a reason-acted; -ta'kole' he'c'tq hie did it he having a reason toha'l whenever; tohq'l hi-'kta he? whenawill he arrive? Independent: at what timne,some time (see P. 118, No. 8): tohq'1-yac'i'ka whenever you want in any way 101.16;-tohq'i yahi' c'q' whenever you come (you will be welcomie);-tohq'l-yahi'ke c'e'yaA regardless of when-you-come to'na —'iye-'na as often as-that often; to'na how often, how many, several (see p. 120, No. 22): to'na-'ec'r{' ki 'iye'na-'ap'e' as often as he did it, that often he struck him;-to'na-ipa'Tapi how many (rows) embroidered 195.12;-to' nakeI-wqb.1a' he'1I have seen him several times;-to'na lec'tq'pi several people did it;-to'nahel wqb.la'khe' I saw several of them (inanimate) 'ikce' ordinary, to -no particular purpose (opposite of wak'q-'); independent 'ilcce'ya: 'ihce'ya hadta po' in-an-ordinary-manner play1!-'ikce'(ya)-Aha'ta po' do ordinary-playing;'ihce'-'eya' to say in fun;-'ikce'-wac'ipi they dance (for pleasure);-sikcd-wicta"Aa Indians;'ikce'-ota'kuye ordinary relatives (in regard to whom no social restrictions are preserved) wak'q-' sacredly (opposite of 'ikce'): wak'q'-wowahq I cook in a sacred manner 72.10;-wak'q'-wacTipi they danced in a sacred manner;wak'q'-'ok'o'lahic'iye mystery society;-but wak'q'yq 'oh'cq' he acts in a superlative way 4' ieIhq' instead of h&ehq' would indicate that the speaker considers the task excessive. 142 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MUIMOIRs NATIONAL 142 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, tcq well; independent tqyq',: tq-slo'lwayeAni I do not know well 44.18; —tq-wadwata I eat well 21.10;-'otq'-hjg.na'yq she married him in a proper way;-tq-nai'PqAni he did not hear it accurately;-tq-wq'c'iciyakjkte I will better see them for you 26.2;-'iyo'tq-'oi' yokip'i most specially attractive 21.11 lte'hq long time, t'e'hql far: t'e'hq-'tq' he stayed a long time 143.6;-t~ehq-pi'0a it boiled a long time 66.7;-tte' hq-hkq he worked a long time 66.13;-but t'e'hql yqka' he was seated far away wan4-' unintentionally; wanq'ktagIni (-kta to expect) independent: wantf'-'eceq' he did it without intent;-want(-'eya' he said it unintentionally, it was a slip of the tonguewantq'-yahta'1ka by mistake he bit her 60.1 wq- ca rarely: wq'ca-tq-wa'watehni on rare occasions (just once) I do not eat well 21.10 wq'cala once, and other numeral adverbs, nl#'pa twice, ya'm.ni three times, etc., 'o'ta many times: wq'cala-m.nj'kte lo' I'll go only once;-'ota-'opi' they shot him many times 72.5;-wcq'1wqcala-hi' only now and then he came in,*'pa twice, as the second: intq'pa g~li" he is the second to come back;-intq'pa-g.1i' he came back the second time The following occur always connected with the following finite verb: ptiya-' again, corresponds to English re-: p'iya'-waka'tie I remade it;-p'iya'-kini' he came back to life, revived;-p'iya'-'oki'yake c'eyai nahit'in'i he repeated it to him, but he did not understand it;-p'iya'-'ayu'ta he looked at him again 202.16;p 'ip 'iya-kipq'pi they called to him again and again 20.3 ctokta- without, empty handed: crolc'a'-g.li he returns empty handed;-Ctokta1ku he comes back empty handed ktile'le-wae'ye' he spoke oddly, significantly: k'ile'le-'oma'wani nq 'ec'e'l 'iye'waye' I roamed about in such unusual ways and, as a result, I found it kahq'~-b.luAtq' kc'e as soon as I finish it;-kahq'ycq b.lu~tq' I finished it up to that point; lehq'~-oki'yak b.luAtQ' lceA I no sooner finished telling him (the demonstrative values of these forms seem to be lost and they are used indiscriminately; also more rarely heho,'). lehi/ctita too often (from lcit'a'la in close intervals, stem tta close together; independent 1ehi'c'it'a-iytq'k ya'pi stopping too often for the night they went 2.11 tok'ta'-~ini; to'lca -gni; to'1cani-,~ni to be unable to: tok'a-yqke'Ani he could not sit still (on account of his nervousness);-tok'a -iw z -g.nake~ni he cannot place himself, i. e., he is very fidgety t0`' ka-yqke' lni he could not sit still (because there was a physical obstacle);-tok'ka-mani'Ani he cannot walk 207.2;-to'kta-wo0'TuAni he could not give him food 114.16 to'kani-g.licu'Ani he could not come out 28.9;-to'ktani-~kj"'ciyel'ni he could not move 206. 10;-to'kTani)aaNCis kapedni I cannot clamp with feet around you 32.10 (correct text as indicated);-compare tok'ka-hlq it is lost 52.14; 193.1 tokta`-"iwahstni kihq when I arrive there by hook or by crook; t0`kta-'iwahqini when I arrived there for some reason ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 143 toktaI-mijke cjhq I lie some way, i. e., when I am dead tok'a'A perhaps 'ec ta'cea completely, unquestionably (see p. 122, no. 29):.ec 'ac'a-hiyu' he came out completely 21-4-e'~-aed to' it is completely broken, no doubt about it tolkti on his own affairs (to-kti somewhere; see p. 124, no. 40): tolc'i-hiya'ye he went along on his own business 22.4;-tolc'i-ya'pi they went on their own business 27.8 toktj-'. carelessly; tokc j-'~ 'es 'e'`~ luckily (idiom) 160.9: k'e'yaA to' hjni tok'0'-wo'te~ni but he never ate carelessly 120.16 7. -wap'a(ya) is used with locative adverbs to express a greater distance. 'al'o'wap'a farther beyond 1.8;-t'ahe'nawap'aya more to this side;-wrqka'(l)wap'aya farther up;ctloka'wap'aya more towards the center;-mahe' (l)wap'aya farther inward;-lieya' wap'aya farther away g0 8. A considerable number of adverbs end in p. These are derived from verbs ending in pta most of which are obsolete. Some of these adverbs form new verbal themes with the ending Wu. (See P. 58.) 'alca'p more than enough, overflowing, on top of something else as excess;-' ant(wap away from, off the right place;-c'oka' p in the middle;-haka'p after (in time), 'iha'kap following (him), space 4.14, see 'ohakaptu, 'iyo'hakap'a to be born next to;-heya'p away;-'ittq'kap being face up;-hu'tap (hu'tawap) south, see 'ihu'tawaptu;-sakT'p together, see 8ak'iptuya;-8a'm (<8qp) more; see 'i'sqp'a he exceeds it;-'o'cip by little bits, see ci small;-he' ktap back, retarded;-t'olca'p ahead, see t'oka'p'a he is first-born, oldest in a group 9.1, t'oka' first;-'a'kipap separately, severally;'9ai'nap hidden behind, see 'ina'p'a to emerge from concealment;-to'k'iyap away somewhere 19.2 9. Analogous to this group is 'ani(I on both sides ('an'4'ktu place on either side), from an obsolete theme 'anq1k'a (see p. 58). 10. The three suffixes -ta to, at; -takiya towards, directed towards; -tqhq on that side, from, may be attached to nouns, demonstratives and to certain verbal forms. The compounds are used as independent adverbs. Instead of -ta the demonstratives have -tlca, They are attached to the terminal sound of polysyllabic nouns; with monosyllabic nouns they take the prefixed syllable ya. With demonstrative8 'ekia', he' kta.'ehq'tqhq, hehq'tqhq, kahq'tqhq, tohq'tqhq 'etq'hq, letq'hQ, hetq'hq, katq'hq, tukte'tqhq he'ktatqhq ec 'i'yatqhq, le'c'iyatqhq, he'c'iyatqhq, ka'k'iyatqhq, to' k'iyatqhq 'e'tkiya, le'tkiya, he'tkiya, ka'tkiya, (to'k'etkiya) 'ekta'kiya, he'ktakiya 'ec 'e'tkiya, le'c~etkiya, he'c'etkiya, ka'ktetlciya, (to'Vketkiya) With polysyllabic nouns -ta: Ic'ohq' wic~o'tita m.niV nq - meanwhile to the camp I shall go and - 4. 1;-wict't'ita 'ihtq'ni -at the camp he arrived - 4.6;-ho'ctokata Ti - at the middle of the camp circle he arrived 8.2;Ct.atku'ta... yqka'pi' in the place of honor they sat 53. 1 0;-malcta'ta 'ilipe'ic'iyj nq - he threw himself on the ground and - 99.13 -takiya, contracted -tkiya: paha'takiya 'j'yqke' he is running towards the hill;-'iyu'wehtakiya.. noqwq' ye" towards the oppo-. site shore he went swimming 29. 15;-mani'takiya 'a'yapi' towards the wilderness they took him 112. 12;-wic'o't'itakiya 'iya' ye' he wvent towards the village 118.4 'O Bee pp. 49, 58. [MIDMORnS NATIONAL 144 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, walcpa'tqhq W0'wap'a-' I belong (am joined) on the side of the river (i. e., I belong to the river section);paha'tqhq hihti'ni' he arrived coming from the hills;-t'awti'cu lcj t'ima'hetqhq ho'uyj nq - his wife from the inside of the tipi called out and - 115.14;-paha'-'ak'o'tqhq on yonder side of the hill 118.12 With monosyllabic flouf8 -yata: IcicTi t'iya'ta k~i"-with him he arrived at his home 122.1lO;-m.niya'ta Aka'tapi' they are playing at the water;-m.niya'ta hok'u'wa-m.njkte' to the water to fish I shall go — yatakiya: t'iya'takiya kVig~le` he went towards his home -yatqhq: b.leya'tqhq 'ag.le'Aka lcj lena' 'u'pi' from the lake these lizards come;-c'qya'tqhq 'ece'-'op'iic'iye' on the side of the woods he always keeps Iieya'wap'aya farther away (p. 143, no. 7) contains also the syllable ya Exceptions are the polysyllabic nouns ctatka' left hand 185.15, and wand' i spirit 232.1 which take ya before the locative suffixes, like monosyllabic nouns. The form hohie'yatqha~ 1 11. 17 away from the camp circle is a compound of ho camp circle and 1teya'tqhq away from. The locative ending -1, and the verbal ending -(e)tu are also attached to nouns expressing location or time, not to other nouns, and to demonstratives (see p. 59); -wap'a is attached only to nouns expressing location. The following nouns take I and tu: tti'l in a tent;-mani'l in the wilderness, mani'tu;-c'ql in the woods;-mqk'a'l in the ground;-Iiewo'skcql, hewo'skqtu in the desert;-mak'o' skql, malccoskqtu in a desert place With other nouns e'l is used: tvic'a'Aa wq 'o'huta kj 'e't hpa'yahq a man on the shore lay 147.17;-t'i'pi wq VeI 'ihtj'nipi at a tipi they arrived 149. 12;-'ita'zipa 'e'l 'ikc'o'yakcyj nq-he fastened it to his bow and-151.8;-c qpa' m.na wq -lel1'sqyq'kapi at a clump of trees we are sitting 153.4;-c'iye'ku g. li'pi k'e'l 'owi'c 'akiyaka (k'e'l > k + 'Ve'l) to his elder brothers returned upon this he told 66.4;-malc'a' kj 'a'taya 'eta' hina'p'a from the whole ground they came up 67.8;-c'q' kj 'etq'hiq hiyu' out of the woods she came 67.15;-p'e'ta ki 'etq'hq hiyu' out of the fire it comes 105.7 ~ 165. CONJIJNCTIONS ncq (Y. and S. k'a) is used as a conj unction connecting nouns and clauses. In the latter case it changes preceding terminal a of a verb to j, (Y. and S. to e), if the a is changeable. The tendency in speaking is to make a short pause after nq when it is a conjunction connecting clauses. 'ec'a'A Aij'kak'q' nq tcipi nql wf ycq wqii' waste' c'a he'c'el 'sqni'c'upikte' later on we will give you a horse and a house and a beautiful woman befingof that kind thus we shall give you l60.3; —wic'a'~a wvq mani'l 'oma'ni-i nq, wana' fitaye'tu 'aya cqke — a man was walking, away from camp, and now evening it became and so-163.1;-mi'la wq 'iye'ic'iyj nq, yuha' ya'hq a knife he found for himself and having it he was going 70.1 yi'k'q,' and then, introduces a new element (',q'1k'q' Y. S.): 'iya'yapi ke'; yij'k'q' ka't 'it 'u'hu-c'q wq t'q'ka hq' they went along it is said; and then there a large oak tree stood 77.12;-t'ate'-hiyu' yq'k'q' c'aho'ta wob.lu' 'iye'ye' a wind came, and then ashes it blew away 77.16;-emphatic: ysq'k'q'A 15.8 (see p. 147) ctqlce' (Y. c'1cte') and so: c'e'yaya wo'wati 'ec% c ~qke' c'ijwi'tku kj 'akte' 'o'kiye' crying she did her work, and so her daughter again helped her (cry) 15.8;-he'c'el lowq' c'qke' 'idto'g.MUs wacTihqpi thus he sang, and so with shut eyes they were dancing 21.5 nigor: hsqhihg', missq nqi'~ c 'iye' well, well, well! younger brother or elder brother 1.5;-p'q~ji' ncti'~i maka'dtom.nica nqi'A Aiikpq'ka artichokes or earth-beans or roots (sp.?) 97.16; —wq'iu nai'mi hq'pa kto' quivers or moccasins also 89.8 ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX14 No. 2] 4 tkV9' but, implying that the verb following tk'a'~ has the approval of the speaker or that the results are according to his expectation or hope. 'iya 'iyaye-wac j tkc'a'A 'oyu'spapi' Iya wanted to go, but they caught him 105.13.-malca' wq p'ahj' wq kicTi 'upi tkdaA kat'a ' ihpeiwic'aye' a skunk accompanying a porcupine came, but striking them dead he laid them 172.14;-'ap'e'-wac'j tk'a'A kag-na'ye' he tried to strike him, but missed;yup'q'p'qla-wactq'mi tlc'a'~ (or k'e'yaA) he'cena suta" I tried to soften it, but it remained stiff (as I expected) k'e'ycai (after a changed to e, c'eya~) but, indifferent attitude: wi'yq wq VI' hind'Aj k'e'yat 'a'taya~ 'ayu'taAni ~kq' he' a woman at that place came and stood, but entirely not looking at her he continued to work 171.9;-he'cena 'iya'yjkte c'e'yaA li'la 'okadkitya at once he was going to go on but very much she insisted 109.15; also 254.12;-wic'o't'ita g.li' k'e'yaA ho'eokata ku'Ani he came back to the camp but did not go into the center of the camp circle 255.12 i1ca' in spite of, contrary to expectation or wish; apparently always followed by active verbs: wa-Ama' Akd t'qka'l Aka'tjktehcj' the snow is deep and yet he wants to play out of doors;-'iyo'wak'iAni AkVa he'cen~a 'iya' ye' in spite of my forbidding him he went anyway (also yeAq' instead of Alca);suta' Aka yalcse" in spite of its being hard he broke it by biting tldaA is used with both active and neutral verbs (see examples under tkt 'dA);-in spite of its being sumnmner it is cold, cannot be expressed by AWca.-bUokce'tuAni s'e 'osni" as though it were not summer it is cold; or bUoke'tu k'eyaA 'osni" it is summer, but it is oold (ye)gq 51 but, implying disapproval of the verb following ye~cq as contrary to the proper action. After verbs which change a to e the terminal e and ye contract to e so that the ending is 9q'. Af ter terminal o, u, * of the stem yegcq' changes to we~cq.' (See p. 1 1.) With plural pi it is contracted to form pe~q'. k'u tka'A acta'Ani' he gave it to him but he did not accept it (and that was right);-k'u' k'e'yaA '9akta'Ani' (indifferent);-k'uweAci' 'akta'Ani' (and that was wrong);-tqyq'A c'e'kiyeAq' 'ayu'pteAni' correctly he addressed her, yet she did not answer 87.5;-ta'dwaAni ye~ci' 'ak~i' As it was not his, but he did not surrender it;-zuze'capeAq' 'i'A-eya' c'e'yapelak'a but snakes they also evidently weep 238.4 -ye 's is less strong then -ye~q' It does not disapprove of the person who does not do what is expected; it rather exonerates the other person. we c'owe'A hi' Ani' even though I invited him (and so I have done my part) he did not come;-we~eoweda' hi'Ani' I summoned him but he did not come (as he ought to have done);-''wic'a kiye-wactj'yeIA wica'lapi~ni' even though he wanted to help them they refused (he did all that could be expected of himi);-'o'wic'akiye-wac~iyeAq' wica'lapi~ni' (blaming them for their refusal);-'osni' lc'e'ya~ tasa'keAni' it is cold but it is not frozen (statement of fact);-'08ni'yeAq' tasa'keAni' (surprise at an unexpected phenomenon);-'osni' ye'A tasa'keni k'tj nqke'hcaka tasa'die' that which was not frozen even though it was cold now at last it is frozen;-'osni' ye'A 'omdk'ctate c'sj nqke' mac'u'wita I who was warm even though it was cold, now feel cold;-'atku'kuwe'A 'ana'ooptq~ni cta helce even his father he does not obey, it being so, therefore;-wak'q'yekaye't hecqs' 'olki'hi even a child could do that;-wak' q'yeiaye~q' he' ttf 'oki'hi even though he is a child, yet he can do that kaye'~ is stronger than ye'9: 'atlcu'ku kj 'ekaye'A Ve' 'e'titweAni' even his father does not look after him;-'ate' 'e'lkaye't nawa'h'sfAni' not even to my father do I listen;-t'i'takuye nq hqka'ke ki 'epikaye't kVto 'i'ttehqycq wqya'k na'~jpi' the relatives and even the parents also stood afar watching 230. 17;-co'nala kaye'A b~luha'Ani' I have not even a little;-ta'kukaye'A yuha'lka cta waka'hnihnih-c'i ke,(hardly) anything even he has, such being, he wants selected things, ridiculous!-tulkte'tukaye'A 'sq'Aiye~cq' le'na kteA hpa'ye Ani' (hardly) any place even he does not live at, here instead why doesn't he stay?-'iye'kaye'A hi' -s'a' even he (although he has the right to be excepted) always comes; —'iyeA hi'8s'a' he comes (and you others do not think it worth while) 51 Compare veh (p. 29). 146 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL.s XXTIIIL kcei 52' but always: nak4i' 'iytq'kapi c'q'na hjg.na'ku kie'i hpa'ya k'eA c'oka'ya 'ece'-tqpa even whenever they went to bed she lay down with her husband, but always she laid it down between them 275.5;-hiya', 'ijci', 'ini'la k'eA 'ec'e'l 'ec't*' wo' no, grandmother, but quietly do so 199.1;-hjyq' hiya'ya c'q' k'ute'pi IceA tuwe'ni 1'o'ni' 1cqt whenever it flies going past they shoot at it but nobody hits it 111.4 ktohq' meantime, two related actions; also two actions performed by the same subject. k'ohq' paha' lcj 'olc'a'pi meantime they dug in the hill 209.4;-iwi'c'ahikcu c'qhe' k'ohq' k'q.'iitkupi ki wip'a' ki 'ec'e'hc'e 'ipa'ha 'e'g.le Ahe" she took them up, therefore meanwhile their grandmother hoisted the tent flaps, it is said 196. 17;-'eya'ya nq h'ohq' 'alc'e' 'oka't'apt'ap yqke' he said, and meanwhile again making sign of contempt he sat 38.2 'ic~'tqhq while, at the same time, synchronous but disconnected actions; preceded by kJ or q hokti'la kj 'iAna'la t'iya'ta yqke' ci 'ic'tq'hq hit'IA'hala wq ta'ku yak'o'oahq the boy alone in the tipi during the sitting a mouse something was gnawing 96.2;-'e'l m.ni' 'icu' hj 'ic'iq'hq bMe' kji'e'l 'ena'na ta'hu lceya' sap8a'pya hiye' ya c'a wqya'ha then during the water taking the lake on here and there something black here and there they were, it being so he saw them 223.15 (while he was taking water he saw some black things appearing in the lake);-wo'yute wani'ce ci 'ic'tq'hq wikce'm.nac'q 'ica'm.na during the food-lacking it snowed for ten days 198.5;-heya'hqpi Icj'ic't%'hq h'iye'la?'e hiya'ya during the saying-so it went somewhat near 29.10;-he'l nqlka'he c'tq 'ic'tq'hq le' waka'oe' during your past sitting I made this o ta, before imperatives cte, it being such, it being so: 'ita'zipa wqhf'kpe lco' li'la wahte'UAe c'a yuha' yqka'hq a bow, an arrow also very good, being such, having he was sitting 25.2;-wana' 'ah'e' he' 'ihto' 'e cta 'qg.na'yqpe to' now again that Ikto he being so he is deceiving us 30.6;-m.ni-'it'qc'q kj li'la Ame' lo', cta le'c'eya' loc'j'pi c'tq' mat' j'kte -s'e le'c'eca ye lo' the main current (water) is very deep, it being so at this time hunger by I shall die, as though it is s0 32.6, 7 When a verb is conceived as a noun ici is used rather than cta: c'e'yapi hj nawa'h'tA I heard the wails, the wailing;-c 'e'yapi c 'a nawi' awah'tf I heard them wailing (they wailed, it being so, I heard them). The use of cta offers peculiar syntactic difficulties. It is used in Teton while the Yankton always replace it by 'e to be. Its use may be further illustrated by the following examples: halce'la c'j' 'icu'hta c'a 'ina'p'e' Hakela about to get wood, it being so he went out 87.1; hahe'la c'q' 'ieu'kte cj wqya'ke' Hakela saw the one who was about to get wood; c'q' 'icu' C'a hi" having taken (up) wood(land), it being so, he arrived here; ctq' 'icu' ki hi" the one whose business it is to get wood arrived here;-c'ci' 'icu' pi kj the act of getting wood;-'i'yqkyqh g.licu' c'a wqya'he' running he came back, it being so, he saw him (he saw him running back); 'j'yqhyqh g-licu' hi wqya'ke' he saw the fact of his running back; wq~i' 'j'yqhyqh g.licu' hj he' wqya'khe' one who was running back, that one he saw;-le' nitu'we c'a wa1q'Aiyala this you being somebody, it being so, you consider men pitiful 89.1; le' nitu'we hj wat%'Aiyala this one, the somebody you are, you consider men pitiful;le' tuwe' c'a this is somebody (who may that be?);-Aina' wcq 'ataya wie'a'p'aha kiu'pi c'a g. lub. la'ya a blanket entirely (with) scalps appliqued it being so she spread out her own 87.9. If wq were substituted for c'a it would be an aside, an apposition to Aina' wq. If hi were substituted it would mean "that particular one among others" and would be followed by he';-mas-'ihifnicat'a wq 't' p 'a' -wie'a'halcealsa lk'tf he 'e' c'a 'icu" a hammer using heads she had cut them off, that was it, it being so, he took it 88. 14; —g.li'pi~ni c'a le' 'qkli'Anala 'tjyq'ke' they did not come back, it being so, this (is the situation) we alone we sit 90.5. This might also be: g~li'piAni c'a le '%hi'Anala qtyq'he cj le'etecaye' they did not come back, it being so, this our sitting alone is this way;-wizi' wq haza'zapi cta 'ot'tq' a yellow (old) tent cover slashed, it being such, he wore it 36.2;-wakpa' wq 'ot'q'haya nq Ama' c'a 'e'l 'iyo'hlohe a small river wide and deep, it being such, there it emptied 37.3 It appears from these examples that while ici nominalizes the preceding phrase, c'a is a conjunction connecting two phrases. The Yankton form 'e suggests that it may be an adverbial form uniting verbs or phrases. It seems to indicate always an antecedent action or condition. itSee k'e' p. 159. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGiY AND SYNTAX14 No. 2] 4 With transitive verbs the noun preceding the clause ending in cta is always object. hok~i'la 1ki wic'a'Aa tvq ntqwq' c'a wqya'ke' the boy saw a man swimming it being so;-uwicVaAa- t'qlca kj Atjk-sa'pa wq wqya'ke' the big man saw a black horse, or wie'a'Aa-t'qka lcj h'kak'q' wq 89a'pa c'ta wqya'ke', or wic' a'~a wq t'q'ka c'a [Atqksa'pa wq wqya'lca] ke'ye" the man being a big one said [he saw a black horse]; here the phrase in brackets is taken up by the active, but not transitive verb ke'ya' he said that; —wicata/a wq ntiwq' cta wqya'ke' can mean only: he saw a man swimming, not, a man saw him swimming: nqwq' c'a wic'a'Aa wq wqya'kIe' he was swimming, it being so, a man saw him When a subject is to be emphasized as against another one, it may be verbalized by a preceding he'. he' wic'a'Aa c'a hi" that one, being a man (not a woman) has arrived In the same way the adjective is emphasized by c'a: wictadAa wq ttq'ka eta hi'ye Io' a man being a big one has arrived;-wic'a'Aa-t'qka wq hi'ye lo' a certain big man has arrived et~a can never by followed by he', except when he' is an adverb. When cta is final a following finite verb must be assumed to be omitted or an implied action to be performed. le' ta'kulica kta cta this whatever he means it being so (I do not know); i. e., this what he says has no meaning (compare le' ta'ku k'e" this one means something);-he' tuwe' c'a that who, it being so (I should like to know); i. e., who may that be?-'~itto' wana' mi'ci~pcq se' ca cta well now mine is done probably, it being so (then she turns to look at her boiling food) 174.18;-'itto' wana' g.1i'pi 8e'ca cea well now they have come probably, it being so (then the speaker goes out to meet them) e te is used instead of eta before imperatives: ho, 'iwa'nsjwjkta ete c'qk'a'hu-'akq'l 'ima'yotaka yo' now! I shall swim across, it being so (my) back sit on me!1 47.4;-ho, c'qli' b. lab. lu'kta ece takt*'l kat'e'wac'j po' now!I tobacco I will blow out, it being so, try to kill something! 111.14;-mio'ye-c'atka'yatqhq kj m.ni' 'og.na' hi'kta c'e 'inipuza c'ci' '9atai'wq yo' in my left footprint water will stand, it being so when you are thirsty look for it!I 185.15; but 'oye'-ctatka'yatcqhq kj m.ni' 'og.na' hi'kta c'a 'imapuza c'q' b.latki'kte' it being so when I am thirsty I'll drink;-c'e 'e'l to' k'el Ii'q-wa'cj yo' it being so, try to act in some way there 186.8; but cia VeI to'klcel h'q-wac'itkte' it being so, he will try to act in some way there CV' whenever, when always; etq'na Western Ogalala: 'i'nipuza ceq' 'attq'wq yo' whenever you are thirsty look for it!I 185.15;~-tohq'tu ceq' tte'heq-wacTipi huwo'? at what time is it when always they dance a long time? 135. 1;-tohq'l lowa'c' c'q' wawa'te' whenever I am hungry I eat;-m.ni' c 'j' c tcl na yatike" whenever he wanted water he drank 186.3 (Ana see p. 106);-wq'ca-tcq-wa'wateAni c'q'Ana ka'k'el 'ectadmtA we! Whenever at a time I do not eat well, I do this!I 21.10 y14'qcc'~ colloquially y,'g if, contrary to fact; followed generally by future, always by tkta'; literally: lo and behold however-it would be, but not. TiAe' lehq'l ni' 'ii' yiq'kq'A 'ani'lowqpi tk'a' ye' if only now he were alive (he would see to it that) you would be sung over 15.8;-wac'j'ka ytj'kcqA 'ehq'nihej c'acTi'pjkta tk'a' ye lo' if I had wanted, long ago I should have stabbed you 71.2,3;-he'eehcj 'iya t'akpe'-'ipiAni ytq'k'q'g 'oya'te ki lehq'htqniyq ttepwi'eayahikta tk'a' in that very way if they had not arrived going to attack I'ya, the people even up to now he would continue to cause them to be consumed 5.6;-wat'a'ka yqI'qhlq/ lkte'pi(kte) - Ani tkcq' if he had been strong he would not have been killed hq'tqhqpi if (hq -tcqhq from, -4 adversative): nq ta'ku to' k'a hq~'tqhqA 'oya'ka yo' and if anything should happen, tell! 65.6;-mi'A-'eya' wacij' hq'tqhqh yat'a'hena 'ic'icukte lo' if I also wish, with the mouth to this side I shall take you 1.8;-he' wqti' nawa'I'tj hq'tqhqA wq'cak VeA Vena mat' j'kte lo' that one if I hear, at once then I shall die 104.4 148 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, he'cjIhq or he'i if it is that, whether: watf'Aiyala he'cjhq maka'hlaya yo' you have pity, if it is that, peel me off! 1 18.19;-he'c'eca he'cihq wana' '1 g.lu'stqpe lo' if it is so then now we have finished with it 104.5;-tuwe' c'a he' wo'nicihjkta he'cjhq who being that kind that one will cook for you, if it is that, i. e., whoever will cook for you, if there is one 81.13;-c'qti'heya he'cjhq 'owo't'qla k'e~ 'og.la'keAni- (it reaches to the heart) she covets him if that is the case directly instead why did she not tell (her own) 168.1 6;-to'k'el eha' CW~Ana nit'q'ke 'u' he' c/iq 'ec'e'l 'eya' yo' in what way you say whenever your sister comes, if it is that (or not) say now! 169.16;-tukte'-'tima' t'oke'ya hina'p'jkta he'cjhq he' 'ak'inicapi who of the two first will come out, if it is that one or not, that they disputed 194.1 0 Compare: 'Pot'sq'weta nj'kta he'cihq 'ini'yqyoe' he asks you whether you are going to town;-'ot'it'weta nj'kta hq'tahq89 wani sikte' if you should go to town he will ask you to do something for him;-'ot'If'weta le'cjhcq wani'Aikte' when you go to the city he will ask you a favor;-maoa'~u he'cjhq 8lolwa'ya wac'j' I should like to know whether it is raining;-maoa'1ukta hq'tqha# slolwa'ya wac'i' I should like to (know) be informed in case it should rain kjhq when, future: 'ec ''nt4hni kihq m.ni-ma'hel 'ihipe'ciyjkte when you not do that, I shall throw you into the water 47.6; — tohq'l t'ila'zata ho' p'imiciye cjhq hehq'l hina'p'a yo' when behind the tipi I clear my throat, then come out! 46.9;-ta'klu to'k'a kihq 'andamakitq yo' when anything happens run to me! (compare ta'lku to'k'a hq'tqhqA 'ana'makitq yo' if anything should happen run to me! 83.3) k' Ifhq' when, past, also k'If ehcl': t'e'hq'l 'i k'tnhq' when he had arrived far away 84.8; M1-wana' 'ik'q'yela 'ihq'ni k'qhq' now when he had come near 235.12;-yu~tq' k'shq' hoktii'la kj 'icu'-when she had completed them the boy took them 99.2 The preceding elements correspond to English conjunctions, but it seems more proper to consider the subordinating conjunctions as elements which nominalize the preceding phrase, or in other cases, transform them into a unitary adverbial expression. It is important to note in this connection that the English forms "in order to, because, before, after," are not expressed by conjunctions but rather by phrases. Examples of these are: inihq literally not being, doing, expresses temporal antecedence: ma~a'fu Anihcq kig.la' it not raining go home! i. e., go home bcfore it rains The same relation may be expressed by 'it o'kap: wi hina'p'ikte ci 'it'o'kap 'o~q'2ci 8'a the future appearance of the sun in regard to it first it always is light; i. e., it gets light before the sun rises;-wa'tijkte cj 'ito'kap heya'p iuw lo' what I was going to eat in regard to it first away he took it; i. e., he took it away before I ate it Also: 'iya le'c'el kte'pihni k'tj he'hq' li'la 'oya'te Vota t'epwi'c'aye' I'ya thus they had not killed, at that time many people he had caused them to be consumed, i. e., before they had thus killed Iya he had eaten many people 105.19;-maoa'zu-'aki'sni kjhq wag.nj'kte' the rain dying down when I shall go, i. e., after it stops raining I'll go; -'iya'-'ig. lu'i&q c'qke' hehq'l mi'A 'iwa'ye' to speak he finished and so then I spoke, i. e., after he had spoken I spoke;-'ag.na' nsfwq'pi 'sqspe'9ni ki he' 't' moreover to swim she did not know that using, i. e., moreover because she could not swim 47.8;-l-i'la 'oci'k'ayela ki 'ti' 'iwe1'yak h'qhi'ya u" very the narrowness using looking out with care he came, i. e., because it was narrow he came moving carefully 48.16 Compare: 'titi'bitka his' P't he' 'ti' rosebush stalks the aforesaid that using, i. e., with rosebush stalk 54.7 5'Text changed from f'e'Ahq lc'1,q'. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 149 No. 2] ~ 166. EXCLAMATIONS 'ahqc' watch out! careful! also 'ahc'-'ahq'ahq'ahqor 'ahq'-hqhca'hqhq (pronounced very quick). 'a'hghqhg (very quick) reflex to a very sudden pain. 'et an indication that one is listening, interspersed in the narrative of the speaker; like "yes" in a telephone conversation indicating that the person addressed hears and understands; only used by men. 'ei' alas! expressing regret. 'ei', c'tksA, ehq'ni wani'yazq ki oma'yakilake Ani'; alas! daughter before your being ill you told me not (alas, daughter! why did you not tell me before that you were ill) ';' an exclamation used by young men and boys for "fussing" girls. 'eit, eit, eit (diphthongs), probably recent; the same as the preceding (t not released). 'e'... 'e often used when watching a game, 'e' (very short) when a batter hits a ball and the second e' when the result is seen. 'eya' —' hesitating beginning, like: well. 'etq'sto'k, tq'fto'k (etc'hq out of, s adversative; to'k'a what) what of it! (like a shrug of the shoulders). 'eyd (said by men) well! (mild surprise). 'W'yahahe~' a shout of praise, admiration for someone who has done a great deed; always follows the name of a person (shouted). cret'-sapa-'e'yahahe' hurrah for Black-Hawk! 'eya'hjkte so he will say! implying disbelief in the claim made by the speaker. 'eya'hikte tukte'l wiwo'ha-i nq so she will say when she goes to live with her husband's people (i. e., here in our family you talk that way, but if you want to be admired you will be more careful when living with your husband's people) 'eya'ke" such impudence! (he says it, poor fool! see ke'). 'ehd-' is that so? 'eha'kal 'e'V ('eha'ke finally) finally, anyway, with a tinge of contempt or spite. 'ehq'ni k'iyu'se s'a k't 'eha'kal 'e's lehq'l t'awo'yaptapi yu'tahe formerly she was hard on him all the time (past), finally anyway at this time his leavings she is eating 'ehi- (u very high and long drawn out) uttered through cupped hands in four directions; calling the supernaturals, followed by smoking and prayer. 'ece"ece"ece' disapproval (used by women) (becoming obsolete). 'ec4d-' an expression of contempt. ec 'd' wj'yq ye lo' bah, he is a woman (a coward) 'i' 'i' ' serves you right! expression of pleasure in discomfiture of someone. 'i'wiska's, 'icte'wiu see cte'uw (p. 152) 'iho' see ho. 'ina mother! exclamation used by women when suddenly afraid of danger (perhaps the same as hina'). '}'' expression of reluctance used by shy children (low voice). 'ihi" just as I said, expected; if followed by sentence 'iha'. A woman had treated her husband badly. When she expressed herself mourning his death, an old woman said to her 'iho', 'iho' sce'p'q; le'c'ecakta tk'a 'ohi'tinic'ila k't! kahq'l 'es to'k'a ka now see the result, sister-in-law, it was going to be like this and yet you thought yourself so hard at that time 'i'o'y quick (more air than vowel) (very short) said when suddenly feeling cold water on the body. 162236~ —41 —11 ~~~~~150 ~DAKOTA GRAMMAR EMOIRS NATIONAL 150 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, 'slka-'i-'J-' (also the whole repeated) stalling when delaying an answer. Slow speakers often begin their sentences with i.-Y. nqske, nM-nq-n%, or simply nq 'ohq:' 0 yes! now I understand! 'oh*'wela, 'oh4'welaka of all things! that it should come to this! 'oze' 'oze' 'oie' (quick) exclamation expressing ridicule, disapproval of smallness in action (Yankton). 'ozela' admiration or surprise regarding small things, tricks, actions of young children or small animals (yui'ze to confuse order of things). 'yai, hoh (Santee hoho') (man speaking) denial, opposition to an expressed opinion. Sentences beginning with tase' are often preceded by 'oh or hoh. Women say hiya (unaccented)no, before tase'. Also if things are going wrong 20. 8 'ustil", husti', or 'osti" (man speaking) too bad! hard luck! 28.18. yd' long in high key. Exclamation of women expressing fear, amazement, horror. yi' calling attention of a stranger; also the same as the preceding, used by western Teton women. y, y, yy, y, y (at intervals) exclamation of pain, indicating a steady, sharp pain. ydi said by women, correcting a child. yv, tuwe'ni he'cea he'c'Wsni ye' nobody does like that. Also 172.8 wq' (man speaking), mg' or mq (woman speaking) exclamation calling people at a distance; also expressing hesitation, for instance when addressing strangers the proper term of address not being known; generally wq-i; or wq-jska; also in answers. 'eca'VA watti' ki 'ekta' ya'.-wq, 'owa'kihisni ye lo' go to my home if you can.-Ah, but I am unable (to go); -to'k'i ni'kta he?-wq le'cti mi'c'opi c'a le' 'ekta' b.le' lo' where are you going?-Why, they invited me here, so here I am going. Both these answers might also take in addition a terminal wq. wahte'sni ki the wretch! (wahiti'ka delicate, very fragile, like the wing of a moth) we' we' a call driving dogs 172.2. uwi (very high) used by women, expression of mild annoyance. wif heA mq'kte c'y oh dear! I was just going to use it wi', wi's exclamation when a blow or shot just misses the mark 141.11. wi-, wi', wi- the same as the last. ha'o yes (said by men). haho', haho' thanks! to human beings. haye'; haye' haye' haye' thanks! addressed to the supernatural. has such bad luck! 1.10 hq yes (said by both sexes). hq'ta' said to children; also hq'ta yo' or hq'tiye' (said by men) get out of the way! hq'ta hq'ta hq'ta (said quickly) get out of the way! (obsolescent, Yankton han han han) he" (high and short), also hihe" (used by young women) indicating a sneering contempt of an unsustained claim of prestige. The stronger the feeling the stronger the glottal stop. A woman praising her daughter said: tuwoa' le' Ele'ni 'e'ke Aa', (literally, someone this Ellen that sort of even though) is there anyone like Ellen! A person disputing this claim answered he" he' used by men; the same meaning as si', yi'. hehehe'; hehehi', hehi', hehehi', or heheh8: often beginning sentences, then always with short terminal e. Expressing disinclination to do something that has to be done 15.14. hiya' no (said by both sexes). hina' hina' hina' (said by women) sudden surprise and disapproval. hind' a milder expression of disapproval. hini' (strong accent) thanks! said only by the chorus in the he4ka' ceremony at the end of each verse. ACADEMY OF SC1IDNCDS]I No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 151 hina( hirn&' 1hirni' (said by women) hithi'; hqihi~hi'; /hihe,'; h'i*hihe' (said by men), sudden surprise. hi (very short, said once or several times) an exclamation expressing disappointment at lack of success in any attempt (like throwing a stone and missing) or when tripping; also used when sneezing or twitching of muscles forbodes ill, 100. 4. hj'yqkca', t'iyq/ca' (<(i)tVo-hi'yq1ka') wait a minute! 56.5 (men also say hi'ycdca yo'). h6, ihO ready now (mild), now is time to start; go ahead! ho'ye (said by men), ho'na (said by women) expresses indifferent agreement, "all right." ka'k'i lfyj'kte! ho ye We'll go there!I All right! Also introducing a suggestion: ho'na nqwe'-sqyjkte. ho'na What do you say, we'll go swimming. All right (woman sp. to woman) hokahe' or hulcahe' (short) ready! exclamation for the start of a race or a joint effort. ho'h see 'oh. hukii' see ukti". hi~h~he' 1. 5, 2.8. hi~e~e (said by men) alack! this came out wrong (only applied to matters of minor importance); also used by old women. hm: (quite high, with hand held over mouth) surprise; like: for pity's sake! (woman speaking). rnina- (woman speaking) expression of pretended (sometimes real) fear. lililililili said very rapidly with high voice, only by women. It is the cry of the screech owl as expressed in Teton, used to acclaim the brave deeds of warriors, used by female relatives or other women. Not used by Yankton and Santee. lah (said by women) from la/hea (la-/hca very). 'osni'lah how cold it is! mac u'witalah my! I am cold wic' a'Aa wa~te'lah isn't he handsome! Men say 'osni' lahcake lo' it is cold indeed! ta'kole' why should I! (ta'ku what; ole' to seek). tq'~to'1k see eta~'R~o'k. to' (mild assent) all right! to~ yes, surely; see k'e'yal tog~, k'e'ya,~ toto 166.5 to'k see cTj to'k. to'1c'a huwo -', man sp. to'kVahuwe." woman sp. to what end! why should that happen to mue? (exclamation used in mourning); also a question: what is the trouble? to/c te expresses surprise (also adverb). to'kcti'~, to'/cncq'. is that all? (see also p. 143). tuwa' 'akc'a'kc~a' impossible! ('a/kia' on purpose, /ca kind of; 'ega' even though) (see also adverbs). tua surprise, for shame! (becoming obsolete). tzifyqka-' see hij'ycfka'. teo1, 'iteo' a word accompanying imperatives or exhortatives, if nothing important is involved. 'irdo yU8w~yewayikte let me scare himl!-jttd Akc'miciyi54 nq wo'wakcam.n~ikte let me bestir myself and take food out of courtesy to him;.-'sito' wo'wapi mak's*'na, 'eca'dA tiyadta yakYi kjhq write to me (give me a writing) won't you, when you get home; —'itVo do wak'a'ke suppose I dig this (Santee, Riggs 83.13) "4Reflexive instead of the expected Aki'mic'igia. Cf. ici'kte he hung, choked himself, and ici'ikte he killed himself. 152 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VoL. XXIII, Also, like lo! behold! 'Wto' wictq'hpi wcq 'iye'#ehca 'e yqlce' ci he'hjhna'waye54& C'eA supposing a star shining verily that the one who is (sits), that one, if I could have him for husband (Santee, Riggs 83.3) c te'wj incredible! cte'u49 how very! also 'i'urj9ka'g, 'iece'wviA always at the beginning of a sentence and requiring Ice at the end. The same meaning as lahi (said by women), la/ea/ca (said by men); but not used with these. ccewjA witko'tkoke how true it is that he is a bad one!;-c'e'wiA wa~te'ke how very beautiful;-c'e'wjA (c e'wA ampiehwlck m!-t'j aI'c j''~iw'm~~ 'pk o tag thtWh'ite wmpeople aowlwakys deIr amus-cement w;-i'wiuka' ('ii'wjoka'maloc~a ace'ceke how veryng thungr Whie mustl appar sdsreaueentlbe-iwka mceee! - wotea'A (wi~al'A ko'e'ynac' how favIa! rlhog I abide not eating;-c'e'wiA t'e'hq-g.li'.Ani ke how long he does not return! o Tj to'lk, icTj to'k of course c~i' to'k what about him! let him do itl-Evidently related to 'icy',' ec"~, c'j';-c%' wo wapi malc'u' write me some time;-,c%` 'i'A tuwa' what about him somebody (i. e. what right has he to blame others) na in pipe etiquette, said by smoker who hands the pipe to the next man who replies Icu. na,'na (said by women); ni'ye (said by men), said when handing something to another person; 'icu'wo' (man); 'icu' (woman) take it! sounds too abrupt. Also used, if somebody pesters the owner about something. ni'y6`1! 'e'ktq' ta'ku bUuha' c'q' take! why bother me something I have whenever; i. e. why do you always want what I have ii 6 accompanied by threatening motion with arm or stick, "get away!" (to animals) A hush! don't! (softer in pronunciation). iAt' (short) (woman speaking) say! he' (man speaking) calling attention of one whose relationship is not known. Ai' Vuwanit'o say! come here! ('u'wa come here, na, 'ito). Ail Ai).Ai a warning when there is danger that a lot of things a person is carrying may fall, the warning person at the same time running to help. 99"A: ronouced crescendo, with a suppressed laugh, like "stop that," when two relatives of the same sex who stand in a joking relationship poke fun at each other; sometimes accompanied by a poke in the ribs or a push on the shoulder. ku in pipe etiquette, said by recipient of pipe handed to him by the preceding smoker with the word na. ku'w~iye' (said by men or women), Icu'wa na (said by women) come here! krto'ya'h'q' hurry! (lco quick; h'q to act). kto'lk, to'Ic (from to'k'a). le' tuwa' tVa'wa he? he' mit'a'wa kto'k whose is this? It is mine and what of it! (In a more quiet mood the answer would be he' mit'a'wa' that is mine;-to'k'iya la' he? wag.le' kto'k where are you going? I am going home, and what of it! htj' very good! (used nowadays by boys, not old Dakota). em. (rough breathing). Women clear their throats this way to indicate that a remark refers to a certain person present who pretends not to have grasped the meaning as referring to him or her (same use as in English). hopci'g, hom.nu's two exclamations occurring in tales, setting unknown. 'hm'- very deep faucal, expresses disgust at presumption. 'Ihm'-, 'ehQ'niA he1c'eeakte c'tj ha! long ago it was to have been thus (i. e., what else could you expect). Clearing the throat also a signal for a girl to meet youth who wants to elope with her. Also a warning 46.8; 246.12. rough short vibration of vocal cords with i resonance, like two short sighs. Exclamation used by men to control angry passion or temporary weakness. '"sCorrected. ACADEMY OF SCIENCZS] No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 153 ~ 167. WORD ORDER Word order in Dakota requires that all nouns or nomlinalized clauses are followed by their qualifiers while all verbs are preceded by their qualifiers, excepting however all modal particles: the negative gni (p. 105), the future kta (p. 105), the intensifying hca (p. 57), the diminutive la (p. 57), the qualifying Ica (p. 55), the quotatives ~kVa', lke" and c'e (p. 106); the articles ki, k'iwcq, lk'eya' (p. 133), the contradictory tkc'a (p. 112); cte (p. 106), and the declarative (p. 109), imperative (p. 111), optative (p. 111) and interrogative (p. 111) particles, the particle ici (p. 107), also the particles s'e, n4 s'e (p. 107), 9na (p. 106), hqde (p. 111), k'e, yq'k'cq'~ which follow subordinate verbs. In the texts many sentences occur that close with other suffixes or particles, but these must be conceived as incomplete or as such phrases which in loose speech are introduced as an after thought. For instance: (1) ta'ku wq~i' 'iwa'hoc'iyjkte lo' (2) he'cel 'tj' wakta'kel yal4'kta c'a 11.4 would be in formal speech inverted: (2) that way on account of expecting it you will live, that being so (1) one thing I shall warn you against (1) 'ina' wana' ni'c'ourna~i ye to' (2) t'qlce' kicYi yatq'kta c'a 15.11 also should be inverted: (2) my elder sister with you will live that being so (1) my mother now asks me to invite you;-he'c'el kicYi g.luAtq' c'a-toh'q'l t'ila'zata ho'-p'irniciye cjhq hehq'l hina'p'a yo'; 'tki'yayjkte-'eya' ke". 46.9 Thus with her he settled-" When behind the tent I clear my throat then come out; we shall go I"-he said it is said. Here the whole quotation interrupts the sentence. The main part after cta continues with 'eya' In the idiom ta'kuhca k'a' cta 16.9 a following leya'he is omitted: what indeed he means it being that kind this is what he is saying, i. e., what does he mean talking this way!-le' ta'ku k'a'pi c'aI the same, plural 20.6;-'ekta' wic'a'b.le lo', hena' wicta'wag.lutjkta c'a 2.7 there I shall go. Those I shall eat them my own that being so-implies that the first part "there I shall go" which belongs to the preceding sentence has not been repeated;-le' 'ina'wahni c'ed 'ep'e'~q' 20.8 this "I am in a hurry indeed" I said but; i. e., but I said I am in a hurry, implies a following: yet they persist!;-'o'we hq'hcqpila s'a k'a wana' 'ak'e' they are always joking, now again, implies a following "they are at it");-nakii' Apq'Ani hi ye' ye c'tf 'iyu'hala 27.12 also what not cooked lay about, all of that, implies a repetition of the preceding t'epya'pi' they ate it up;-tok'e naya'h'tqiiyelak'a how is it, evidently you have not heard about it, implies a following "for else you would not ask me";-'cqpe'tu-le'c'ecaka cta 'e'l mat' j'kta hape this kind of a day it being so, in it I shall die evidently 1.3, implies a following " for I met this monster"; compare t'e'Ani hqz4e p'eta'oa 'ona'b. leb. lel kikta' hiya'ya evidently he was not dead for, scattering the embers with his feet jumping up he went 23.1l0;-wqya'kapi ye't'o 29.8 just look ye! t'o is probably abbreviated from S. 'zto'k'ehq (<'it'o'k'a4 ehq') at the time previous to it, and might be translated by " just" or " will you": 'eya' na t'o just say it; repeat it, will you? Initially also 'it'o' eya' na ttonow then, just repeat it; this might perhaps be included among the particles following the finite verb; —'ina'-'iyokihe kIc he' Yi' to'k 9.2 my mother's next younger sister that one, what about her. Here to'k is abbreviated from the verbal to'k'a it is some way; which way is it?-'e'~ to'k 26.5 how about it, lit, indeed it being some way; to'k for to' kta A number of abbreviated verbs are found in. terminal position: 'iya'ya nac'e'ca ke'ye" he says that probably he has gone; lit, he went it is evident, that he says;-tuwve'ni c'tjwf'tku-g.1u'zedni nac'e'ce' nobody marries his own daughter it is likely 17.2;Abbreviated: to'Vkel 'iya'ya nac'e'l somewhere he went, who knows? also to'kel 'iya'yeca c'e'l 17.4 the same meaning;-to'k c'e'l who knows? (answer to a question<to'k'a c'e'l) The noun is followed by the article: wic'a'Aa kj the man, wicta'Aa wq a certain man, wvic'a'~ia k'tf the aforesaid man Nominalized verbs are treated in the same way. kto~ka'laka wa~te'Nte hena'la kj iyu'ha youths those all who are fine ones 53.3;-p'e'ta hiyo'ilalapi k'i slolye" he knew your past going to get fire 40.10 The noun is followed by the adjective which loses its accent: taku'Iku-cikci'k'ala little things 239.15;-'j'yq-b.la-ska'ska fiat stones 241.1l0;-Atjk-s9a'pa-g.1e'~ka wci a black-spotted horse 258.5;-'eha'ke-'ag.li'pi k'r he' the one brought last 55.7 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMoiRS NATIONAL 154 [VOL. XXIII, The temporal forms kihq when (future) and k'idtq' or k'i he'hq' when (past) are derived from the article and the verb hq' to stand, continue. They also follow the phrase to which they belong and are analogous in their function to the articles following phrases. ttiya'ta yakYi kjhq maki'yuinalini' the time when you arrive there home, hurry for my sake 243.17 -244.1;-tohq'l 'ekta' utic'ayaipi kjhq le'cehcj hiyz'kapikta the time when you arrive there to them, in this very way they will come to lie 237. 16;-wana' 'ik'q'yela 'ihM'ni k'hhd ma' zawak'q' 'apa'ha yu'za at the time when now near he arrived there, the gun aiming (brandishing) at him he held 235.12 Other "conjunctions" belong to the same category, such as yi 'k~', hq'tcahq~, if etc. These will be found treated on pages 144 et seq. It has also been pointed out (p. 144) that the coordinating nq belongs sometimes to the preceding clause, while yq'k~tq/ then (unexpectedly), and c'qke' and so, are independent and stand at the beginning of the phrase. In quite a number of cases some of the postpositional conjunctions open a sentence. In all1 these cases the flow of speech is interrupted, but the relation is still to the preceding. he'cel 'ec'tfI'kqp'i hq'tqhqA (wo'tqspe wq 'oya'te ki wic'a'iqkica~apikta c'a heya'pe'.) kihq~ wic'a'~a nq wi'yq kic'iyuzapi thus we do if (a lesson the people we shall have made for them it being so they say; woman speaking.) When man and woman take each other in marriage 231.16. In this example both hq'tqhqgi if, and kjhq when, refer to the preceding he'c'el 'ec'n'ti''pi In the same way we have: ta'ku k'eya' sapsa'pya hiye'ya c'a wqya'ka Ake". k'eya5 hena' 'j'ya-tqa'ka ke'c'j' some things black lay there, being that kind he saw them, it is said. However these were large stones, he thought 223. 15 This might as well be wqya'ke c'eya4 the two sentences being drawn together. The finite verb has always terminal position. It is preceded by all adverbs including subordinate verbal forms, each verbal form modifying the following one. The finite verb includes the modal particles mentioned before. t'itap ka'/i yuhtq" promptly making it he finished it 48.12;-c'qku' 'iwq'yakyak 'oka' uwjhwjh-'iya'ya V'u the road watching here and there, in many turns going, he came 67.4;-'tj'siya yut'q't'q 'iyo'tiye'kiya 'oma' nihq pitifully feeling about, suffering agonies he was walking about 34.11 Position of subject and object The object is closely connected with the verb. This appears particularly in terms expressing habitual actions in which the accent unites object and verb. The regular order in senltences containing nouns is subject, object, verb. The finite verb has always final position. The order of pronouns in transitive verbs is the reverse: the object precedes the subject except for the dualplural *ni we-thee and the third plural animate object which always precedes. (See p. 76.) hake'la c'q' 'icu'kta the youngest one was going to get wood 87.1;-htq'ku k'st stqka'ku wqwi'c'ag.1aka his mother saw her younger brothers 91.1;-'i'yq-hokhi'la hokhi'-c'qlkiyapi to'p wic'a'kte StoneBoy killed four children-beloved 91.16 Nominalized phrases are in the same order. w4'yq 1c't he' ftma' wq 'ataya wic'a'p'aha kAu'pi cta g~lub.la'ya the woman that one a blanket entirely with scalps appliqu6d being of that kind she spread out her own 87.9 t'ahi'ipa k'eya'.11'ihu'pa yuk'q'jc'aA 'ii' hqp-ka'0e~epi 8'a k'qlljhe'c'a wq li'la wade' napsi'l iu some awlsjf handles are to them ~being indeed that kind (c'a~) using moccasins they sew always those in the past t1one being of that kind very good jumping on its own accord started to come. Here k' eya' some, and the clause beginning with 'ihu'pa and ending with k'iq are attributive to t'ahj'~pa awl: Some awls having handles, of the kind with which they used to m-ake moccasins; he'ca it is that kind, summarizes the complex subject; with wq a certain one of that kind, li'la wahte' must be conceived as adverbial, na-psi'ca adverbial na-p-si'l jumping of its own accord; hiyu' started. Freely translated: certain awls having handles, such as were used for sewing moccasins, a very fine one of that kind jumped out 59.3 8jt 9 kjohlo'ka wq kah-wic'aAi k'1flhetq'hq pa't'q'kal hy'e.Ajte' kj i hiyu' ye' is the simple form of this sentence: the tail he caused to start coming; 'ohlo'ka... k'mq belongs to the verb; 'ohlo'ka wq ka'#a he made a hole; 'ohlo'ka uyq kah-u'i'c'a~i he ordered them to make a liole; with k'mj the hole which he had ordered them to make; he' summarizes the preceding phrase, he'tqhc[ from that one; ACADEMY OF ScIE NCES]I No. 2] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 155 pat'q'kal by pushing outside, adverbial. Freely translated: He pushed out his tail from the hole he had ordered them to make 39.6 he'c'el 'ec'iq'Ic'tpi hq'tcqhqA I wo'tqspe wq 'oya'te kIc vic'a't,1kica~apikte'. The first three words are the subject: thus we do if; wo'tqspe a lesson, object; 'oya'te kj second object, indirect object indicated by ki in verb; wictattkica~apikte, verb: we shall make (or have made) for them; wic'a refers to people if we do thus we shall have made a lesson for the people 231.16 The nominal subject is often in initial position when the subject of the subordinate verb and of the finite verb are the same; when they are different the subject follows the subordinate clause. matVo ki 'iAikc'j 'ina'ptek'iye-wac'j t'ima'hel hiyu' tk'a'A, we'-hokicela t'iyo'p-'ik'iyela na'kj the bear, in a bad-minded way trying to make him go out into the tent came (contrary to expectation) BloodClot-Boy near the door stood. Up to tk'a'A contrary to fact) the bear is subject. Then it changes and Blood-Clot-Boy becomes subject 115.9 On account of the lack of a third person personal pronoun distinguishing subject and object sentences with a single nominal element, subject or object, as well as those without nominal elements are ambiguous. mattolwwq ie" may mean "he killed a bear" or "a bear killed him." The difficulty is generally overcome by a quasi-passive construction matto' kte'pi; they bear-killed. The noun and verb are not compounded as in wqb.liktuwa he eagle-hunted, and ctaplctuwa he beaver-hunfted, both occupations requiring special skill and training. When subject and object are nouns the meaning is clear because the subject stands first, the object second, the verb at the end. In subordinate clauses the same difficulties arise: g.lihq-&ni kihcq w'iyu~kjicte' when he gets back he will be glad, is ambiguous as to who will be glad. ttako'wlalu kic g.li-' kjhcf ui'yu.kjicte' the one who is his friend when he comes back he will be glad, is also ambiguous, but ttalctolaku g.li', kiha, wkiyugkikte' expresses that the person who expects his friend will be glad. The opposite would be expressed adverbially ttak'o'laku lj uwi'yu~kjyq g.li'lcte' the one who is his friend being happy he will come back. With the conjunctions ct cke', tk'a'~, k'eyag, yegcq', ye'~, kaye'~, ktohq-' the expression is ambiguous. nq implies the same subject in subordinate and principal clauses. tto/la kj ana'tcf nq Ree" the enemy charged him and killed him; wqya'kIc na, nap te- he saw him and ran away.There are many devices by means of which ambiguity may be avoided. For instance, mat'o-' kj wqya'ka hq'tqhqg 'iya'hipayilce when the bear sees him it will attack him, is clear because 'iya'hpaya to fall upon someone, is used for an attack by animals; t'alcpe-'yikte he will attack him, because used for an attack by man, would indicate that the bear is object. Adverbs and adverbial phrases are placed preceding the verb. If a single adverb is to be strongly emphasized it takes initial position. wak'q'-wa~te'ya Lak'o'ta ki wic'a'k'izapi' supremely well the Dakota fought with them This occurs frequently with adverbs of time and space. 'ec 'q'l 'Mqkce'k'iha wq 'iyo'pteya 'iya'ya just at that moment a magpie went past 88.11;-m.ni-ma'hel 'e'ttjwq ymq'kcq' he'ciya 'mqkce'ktiha k'mi he' yqka' into the water he looked, and then there (of all places) the magpie was 74.1;-lehq'l... Lakto'ta kj wo'eye wq eya'pi now-a-days the Dakota say a saying 79.4; -hetq'hq nake'~ wicto'ic'afe kj 'a'wicakteya hiyu' from there on at last the growth (increase) of people really came 5.9 In the last case the connection with the preceding is equally important in determining the position of the demonstrative adverb. The demonstrative he' is constantly used to summarize preceding clauses. In an analogous way the adverbial demonstratives refer back to the preceding sentences or clauses and in such cases stand always at the beginning of the sentence. hetq'hq ya'hq ymq'ktq' hehq'l ptehj'cicila wq ka'l yqka'hq from there he was going, and then (a small bird) yonder was 82.8;-he'c'enahcj~ zica' ki s,' pta ya' 'oki'hiAni instantly the squirrel farther going could not 77.14;-he'c'el 'iyu'ha 'ig.lu'sol-wic'ayela in that manner all she caused the little ones to eliminate themselves 81.11;-'ot'mq'we wq t'q'ka ka'l hq' Ake". yiq'k'q' he'l wicVaAa-'ittq'c'q kj i a large town stood there. And then there the chief... lived 145.8 156 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[Mamoins NATIONAL 156 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, In the usual adverbial position we find: hake'la he'cena Aiki'bibila-'ic'ic'adla the youngest one at once made himself into (a little bird). If connected with the preceding sentence this would be 'iya'yapi c'qke' he'c'ena hake'la, etc., they went and so at once, etc. 87.7 In many cases the subordinate clause functions as an adverb and opens the sentence. This happens always when the subject of the subordinate clause differs from that of the finite verb. titi~le Iicehq'I mat'o 'el T'" when the house was burning Mat'o' (Bear) arrived there;-mat'o' tYj 'ile hcehoq'l 'el T'" when Bear was house-burning he (another one) arrived;-matto' tYi kj 'ile' licehq'l 'e'l 'i" when Bear's house was burning he (another one) arrived. In both these cases the substitution of k'i to arrive going back (to one's own) for 'i'to arrive going would indicate that the subject of the finite verb and of the subordinate clause is the same. With k'i the locative 'e'l may be omitted When several verbs connected by nq (and) occur in the same clause and refer to the same subject, the various modal particles of the imperative, interrogative, future, the declarative a~nd its derivatives are added only to the last verb. The plural pi and the negative kni are repeated with coordinate verbs: 'u'pi nq wqya'kapiAni why don't they come and see it!l;-he'c'ena ya'hqpi nq. el 'ihij'nipi then they were going and... they arrived there 153.6 he'c'mq nq yuha' 'j'yqkj nq c'qo't'ehika kIc elcta' e'ihpemayq yo' take that and holding it run and in thick woods there leave them 16 1. 1;-t'iyo'Tipi kj 'el yj' nq leya' yo' go to the council tent and say 162.5 lena' to'k'eAl'e luha'pi nq le'c'anajhq he? how did you get these and are doing this? 200.14; also 218.12 wo'tapi nq waya'tkqpi kte they will eat and drink wo'tapi~ni neq nakmq' waya'tkqpikteAni or wo'tapi ncti'~ waya'tkapikteni they will neither eat nor drink ~ 168. TENSES Future.-The future (present and past) is expressed by kta following the verb. ietq' nmq'pac'q kjhq ttiyo'le-wau'kte 'oya'te kj 'owi'c'akiyaka', 'ehi'kte lo' from here (now) two days when (it is), house-seeking (seeking food) I shall come; the people tell them, you will say 143.11; niya'te 'e'yapahawic'asikte lo. c'cqntqmifpjkta c'a your father will order them to announce it. I shall smoke because-;-zuze'ca wq wo'kihqpikta-ic'ila k'q tqye'la g.na'yqpi a snake considering for himself that they would cook for him, the aforesaid thoroughly they deceived him 81.14;-'owo'T'la k'eW 'og.la'kefini, wak'u'kta tk'a' straightway instead why doesn',t she tell it, I should have given her 168.17 Present and past.-Jn simple, declarative sentences present and past are not distinguished. If it is required to indicate time more accurately adverbs like he'hq-' at that time, 'ehq'/ni long ago, ttoka-' 'ekta-' in former times, htal-'ehq-' yesterday, le', lehq'l, now, the present situation, wana-' lehq-'l right now, etc., must be added. In subordinate clauses the time relation of subordinate and principal clause is expressed. Relative clauses: wac'ipi k'm hena' watu'k'api' those who danced are weary, or, those who had danced were weary;wac'ipi kj hena' watu'k'api' those who are dancing are weary, or in narrative: those who were dancing were weary; —kto~ka'1aka wq wj'yq kj wo'kiyakahe c'tt he' heya'p 'iya'ya, c'qke' le 'u k'mq he' wik'o'Skalaka hi 'ao'hom.ni 'iya'ya a youth who had been talking to the woman, that one away went, and so this one who had come, that one went past and around the young woman 51.12;p'te'ta hiyo'ilalapi k'tf slolya' he knew that you had gone for fire 40.10 (see also 73.16);-t'e'hcq k'afhq' wana''. ak'e'...'au' when after a long time, now again..he brought him 84.8;-yu~tq' k'qhc1' hok~i'la kj ieu' when he had finished it the boy took it 99.2;- og.mi'g.ma nihi'yupi kjhq maya' pat' apikte cj~ 55 when you come rolling down you will crush me dead 91.9;-lehq'l ni' 'It' ytq'k'i's 'ani'lowqpi k'o'kta tkca' ye' at present if he had been alive you would even have been sung over 15.8 In all these and similar cases the absolute time is not implied, only the time relation of the clauses. It is only incidental that y?4'k'q-'~-tkc'a' which express a conditional contrary to fact, always refers to the past. "3Teton uses often in this position kit notwithstanding the change of a to e. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX 157 No. 2] ~ 169. THE PLURAL 1. When the subject is an animate being the verb takes the suffix -pi. wic'a'sa ki hi'pi the men have come;-hihq' ki hot'q'pi the owls are hooting When the plural of the animate subject is strongly emphasized it may be verbalized by taking the suffix -pi: wicta'sapi they are men. Then it may assume the function of a relative clause. wicta'sapi ki hena' kicTi'zapi the ones who were men, those fought;-wic'f'capila ki 'iyu'ha ska'tapi the ones who were little girls all played;-hoksi'pila ki lena' sqk-'a'kq yqka'pi the ones who are little boys these ride horseback As indicated before, the suffix -pi is used when animate nouns are used in the plural predicatively: hena' 9s'kaktq'pi those are horses. 2. When the subject is an inanimate noun the plural is expressed by reduplication of the verb. c'q'ki hq'skaska the trees are tall;-c'qwa'pe ki snisni'za the leaves are withered;-mi'la ki ptepte'Mni the knives are not sharp When the inanimate subject is accompanied by an adjective expressing plurality the verb is not usually reduplicated: c'q' ki 'iyu'ha hq'ska all the trees are tall 3. The plural of the animate object is expressed by the prefix wic'a- them. hoksi'la kic sM'kak'q' ki wicta'kahape' the boy drives the horses;-yaAle' ki zizi'c'a ki wic'a'k'uwa the coyote chased the turkeys Since wic'a is the third person plural object, phrases without nominal subject and with animate object are ambiguous in regard to the plurality of subject or object. si'kak'q ki wic'a'k'uwa the horse chased them, or he chased the horses 4. The plural of the inanimate object must be expressed by means of adjectives expressing plurality. ~ 170. COMPOUNDING The methods of compounding have been discussed on pages 67 et seq. It remains to summarize the syntactic values of compounding which have been touched upon incidentally with the formal side of the process. 1. Nouns are compounded when the first expresses the material of which the object is made (p. 68); and when the second noun is a qualifier of the first (p. 68). 2. Neutral verbs performing the function of adjectives are compounded with the noun which they follow (p. 69). 3. The object is compounded with the verb when habitual activities are expressed (p. 70). 4. A number of nouns appear only as dependent stems and are compounded in initial position with verbs and with other nouns (p. 70). A number of monosyllabic nominal stems are treated in the same manner (p. 72). 5. Verbs are compounded when they form a unit concept. This happens regularly when a subordinate verb follows in time the finite verb (as a purpose or intention, like our infinitives) (p. 74.) 6. Many adverbs that are felt to form a firm unit with the verb are compounded with it (pp. 73 et seq., 137 et seq.). It has been pointed out before (p. 74) that subordinate verbs that express synchronous actions, corresponding to our present participle, take adverbial form but are not compounded with the finite verb. They retain their accent. When the adverbial form has an instrumental prefix it has often an intransitive or passive meaning. yuq'k ihpe'ya to pull down into a lying position; literally being pulled down, or after pulling it down he left it;-paq'k ihpe'ya to push down into a lying position;-yui'yotak ihpe'ya to pull down into a sitting position;-pai'yotak ihpe'ya to push down into a sitting position;-yuo'g.mus66 b.lu'za I hold it drawn tightly together;-kaw'hi k'ina'ijpi after turning in their course they went and = gmuza always neutral. 168 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VEOL. XXTIONI, stood 130.6 (kawj'#a);-kauwe') g.lilipa'ya in a broken state it fell to the ground 179.13 (kawe'6a);-'ipa'weh yu'za he holds it being pushed out of the straight course;-yai'paweh eya' he says it misleading (the hearers) (double prefix);-kao'b.lel iye'ya she sent it hanging down loosely 51.11, 177.3 (kao'b.leca);-kai'yok'iheya 'ece' -'opT 'i''ciya yo' always keep yourself in second place! ('iyolc'ihe to stand next to someone, 'ak'i'hq to become joined on to; Vok'ihe joint) (only with lca);-'ai'yopteya direct, facing straight towards (ya, yu, wo, ka) (see -pta to cut through, break through a flat thing; Vopta across (a room, field), 'iyo'pteya going across); yaa'iyopteya 'iye'ya he straightened it out by straight forward talk; kaa'iyopteya ku" he comes returning directly;yupta'ya yu'ze' he holds them taken as a whole (pta'ya several together; yu, no other prefixes);(see kapta' to cut through; 'opta'ye a group of living beings) The accompanying verbs may be quite varied, but in many cases they are verbs of position or motion. These may express a static condition, a sudden action (perhaps momentary), or duration. According to their meaning we find: yu by pulling, pa by pushing, na by inner force, generally followed by verbs expressing a staic ondtin o duatinsuch as yu'za to hold, na' j to stand, 'iya'ya to go by, Vaya gradually; but those expressing sudden action, like 'iye'ya to send, 'ilhpe'ya to abandon, may also occur. ya with the mouth, wo from a distance, na with the foot, Ica by striking are generally followed by verbs expressing a sudden action or the result of a movement such as 'iye,'ya to send, 'ihpe'ya to abandon; also with hi' to arrive coming, g.li' to arrive coming back here, Vic' to arrive going back there. Since a number of verbal stenis have lost their finite forms they occur only in subordinate forms with accompanying verbs, for instance: kah'o'l iye'ya he tossed it away (from an unused verb kah'o'ta, stem h'ot-);-iya'yup'ali icu' he takes it up, held in a heap (from an unused verb iya'yup'a~a, stem p'a'0-; see however p'ahta' to tie into a bundle);-ic'icawj ku' he is returning coming home (from an unused stem wj; with prefixes ya, Yu, wo, na, pa, ka) ~ 171. PARTICLES EXPRESSING MOOD OF SPEAKER The article (see p. 133) is used in conversation to express the emotional attitude of the speaker towards remarks or questions addressed to him. wcq expresses agreement, lcj and k'* disagreement. The feeling may be intensified by adding the adversative ~ (see p. 108) to wq, and ki. wana''1tiyj' kte'!-t'o'wa'.~ le' wag.lu'Atq kte cj Jet us go now!-But first I will finish this; apparently there is a suppressed thought following this: leya' he' she keeps on saying this (and annoying me);-'i' e' lena' ' olo'wqla c'a wak'j' kj (ta'kuhca k'a'pi c'a) just these little songs such I carry (what do they mean asking me all the time!) 20.5;-le' 'ina'hni-oma'wani kj, le' ta'ku k'a'pi c'a this my hurriedlytravelling, this what do they mean! 20.6;-wic'a'Ma 'iyu'ha le' tukte'l wq'k'apila kj all men have somewhere they have some weakness 26.6 If th'e disapproval is stronger 1kj~ is used instead of ki. k'e'yaA 'oma'k'qAni ki.~ but I have no time! 67 (literally%: there is no space for me);-'ina', nj'kta he?-hiya', m.nj'ktedni kjA Is Mother, are you going? No, I am not going!I;-'ina', nj'kta he?-to, m.nj' kta wqA 5a Mother, are you going? Yes, of course, I am going;-nj'kte'Ani he? toA mnj'kte~ni wq~ are you not going to go?-Yes (English: no) I am not going to go;-wana' 74yj'60-hiya'le'na ma kj'kte' let us go now!-No here I shall stay. This is a simple statement of fact, with ci~ instead of glottal stop at end it indicates opposition to the proposal. cj and kV* always imply hiya' no, wq implies to yes Vqas a terminal implies that the person addressed is familiar with the contents of the statement.", he'c'iq c'q'Ana tte/hqhq g~li'Ani k't whenever he does so, he (always) stays away a long time, as you know 239.12;-ttq'weniA le'c'ecalni k'aj,. tohq'l ku' c'q'A wvo'g.lag.lak wi'hahaya g.liyq'kIe 8'a k'tq he was never like this, as you know. Whenever he came home he arrived talking pleasantly;-hokli'pina, miye'c'jka~ni c'e 'ec'i'ci yap-i 1c'i boys, I am not alone, I said to you, as you remember, (Santee) wq~ also implies that a question is unnecessary, that the questioner ought to -know the answer. It is also used to express a sudden surprise, a shock or bad news. 57 Also: taes' oma'k~qka. SI Also tes' mnsz'kteca. 1* Also m.,njkteisika. 60 Short instead Of s~4'kte. 61 Compare the use of terminal k'4 in quotation (P. 109). ACADEMY OF SCIENCES]I MORPHOLOGY AND SYNTAX15 No. 2],5 'ina' to'k'iya lad he?-niya'te 'ekta' bMla wqh mother!I where are you going? I am going to your father (as you might know);-to, wanad 'iya'ya wqA yes, now he has gone (as you might know, or, as a surprise);-wanad 'iya' ya wq why! he is gone!;-mi'la wq WeI yqke' '%' to'k'ah'q so? 'icu'ao?-tod, t'a'wa wqA A knife that was here, where is it? Did he take it-Yes, of course, it is his. mit'o'iq 'isto' pawe'6a wqA my niece broke her arm;-mq k'e'ya 'oma'k'qhni wq you might know that I am too busy (woman speaking; man would begin with wq) A man thought not to be very ill died. His female cross-cousin, when her husband came back from a visit to him asked: Aic'e'Ai' to'k'etuka he? how is my cousin? The answer, expressing the shock was, t'a' wqA he is dead;-Regarding a man who had deserted his helpless stepmother it was said: ta'ku yuha' ki 'iyu'hahcij g.lok'i'yag.le' whatever he owned he took away with him to his own place;-A listener asked: 'etq'hq~ wo'yute kam.na' k't hend k'o ka. Certainly not the food he had provided too! Reply: to, hena' kVo wqA, yes, shocking! even that! Other examples are: wq, k'u'la ye', wq, nici'lala ye Oh give it to him, the little one asks for it (said by a man regarding a child that kept on asking its mother for something she had);-wq ascu'la se'ce lo' wq, Iehadhe say! hold on! maybe she is really "smitten" by him, and you are saying this! The form kjg is also extended to kigto, kjigto, or kc~to, and k',q with loss of k' (see p. 21) to '49to. The ending may be shortened from to'k1ca what of it! The form 'toto is a reminder of something that happened in the past 249.8. nit'i'ka~ia wi' hina'p'enihq kikta'pi 'a~to' your forebears used to get up before sunrise (a reproach to a lazy person);-hehe' 'q~,to (you promised that, now keep your promise) The use of kj~to seems to give to a statement a friendly tone, chummy, confidential. ki'tqhcj' mig.lu'Atq c'a wahi'kAto at last I have findished so I have come The mood of the, speaker is also expressed in the adversative conjunctions tkc'a'g, k'e'yai4 and (ye)gcq' which express in order approval, disinterestedness, and disapproval. (See p. 145; also p. 120, no. 20). Instead: 'e 'e, k'eg, 'iye'g~, 'e'9 after vowels, 'eha'. 'e e' if indifferent whether one or the other is preferable. wj'yq wq wqb.li'-hjg.na'ye c'mq hece'la nap 'e'~ni, V'e'e' c'mqhlo'ka wq 'ekta' 'ina'hma-iyo'taka a woman the one referred to who had the eagle husband that one alone did not flee, instead in a hollow tree there hiding she sat 121.18;-nq Ve 'e' li'la waAi'g.lapi and instead they mourned much 218.4;tok'e'hci t'ako'ta gica'ya nic'u'wa 'e'yaA ta'keyegini nq Ve Ve k'ohq' hq'pa 'nqwe'ya lkto' kd'od however much my grandson badly treats you, anything say not and instead meanwhile moccasins, lunch also make 239.4;-le' Ve 'te' use this instead! k'eg instead of something wanted, as a substitute. hena' Ve k'eh waya'ka wic'ayuzapi those instead they took as prisoners 276.5;-wq'eak ta'ku 'eye'Ani k'eA mic'mWk~i kVu wo' at once instead of saying anything give him my daughter 12.9;-niye'e'ka k'eg kic'j' yo' by yourself instead (of me) carry it on your back 190.3;-'ini'la lceA heya'p 'iya'ya yo' keep still (instead of talking) and go away 126.13; ---'e'ka k'eA instead of the right thing;ta'kuka k'eg instead of anything, i. e., whatever it may be; tukte'tuka lce& anywhere; 'tuwe'ka k'es whoever; tohq'tuka k'ed any time;-tuwe'ka k'e~ oki'yaka yo' tell any and everybody;-tuwe'ka k'e~keg wic'a'kco' he invited everyone whoever he might be;-c'qlce' he'cetu kteA 1iyu'dq and so anyway she opened 191.11 'iye '~, 'e' after vowels 9I, instead of something inferior something better. hina' kj 'e'na 'eg. naki nq 'iye'A8'2 wakAi'ca kic he' 'a'ya yo! the blanket there leave and the dish (as a better present) take! or wakhi'ca kj he' 'eA (or heA) 'aya yo';-'iye'A c'oq-ka'keaks8aAni he had better chop wood (instead of doing something else;-c'q'A kaksa'ksaAni he had better chop wood (rather than use other material) Veha (K'e' 'eha') instead of what is wanted something that cannot be used. niye' 'e'ha' yahi' he? did you comne instead? (you cannot help me);-(niye' k'e* yahi' he? as an acceptable though not quite adequate substitute);-le 'eha' mak'u" he gave me this instead (and it is useless);-hq'pa-wahte'Ate k'mi hena' 'e'ha' 'owi'cawak'u" the good moccasins instead of others I lent to them;-mi ye' e'ha' iyo'p'emaye" he scolded me instead (of somebody else who deserved it) *3 Or he' 'e'i. 100 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VMoL aII TEXTS THE STINGY HUNTER (Ella Deloria, Dakota Texts, New York 1932, pp. 171 et seq.) wic a'1a wq 3 wana'se-i 64 nq 6 wapa'tahq 66 yql'kq' 67 wu yq wq 'e'l hi-na'z 69 Man a hunting went and butchering was and then woman a there arriving stood k'e'yap 70 'a'tayas 71 'ayu'ta 72 ini 73 skq'hcq74 sk'e". 76 ka'k'iya76 'aki'ksuh 77 nq 56 but entirely looking not he was it is said. Thereabouts piling it up back and at her active there he continued wana' 78 'ig.lu'tq 79 yIkqI '67 'iyu'ha so 'iki'kcu81 nq 6 wana' 78 k'ig.n'lkta 82 ct'ke' 83 now he finished and then all he took back and now he was about to therefore his own his own go home wj'yq k' u 84 he'cteyal 85 lock'' 86 ki 87,'q 88 'ayu'hel 89 na'jhchq' B6 69 huse 'ok'u'sni 90 woman the in that manner wishing food the with waiting around was standing evidently he did not share aforesaid (on account of) yq'k'q'67 leya'-ho'yeya 9 ke" 2 - to'ki 93 le'94 c'e'yas96 t'as e'ke 'o'tawj96 'aya'k'ip'akte'97 and then saying voice it is Wherever you however Her-Pets- Many-Woman you will meet with this she sent said, go nq c'ap','ka9 tt'q'ka99 'aya'klip'akte'.97 nq wihu'powi1 'aya'k1iptakte'97 nq 6 'ispa'-t'ahi'spa2 and Mosquito- Large you will meet with and Woman-Legs- you will meet with, and Elbow-Awl Swollen-Woman 'aya'k'ip'akte' - eya' 91 ke".92 he'c'enas 3 wic'a'sa k'q 84 g.la'hi 4 nq paha' wq you meet will - she said it is said. Nevertheless man the aforesaid was going and hill a home 'ak'o'tqhq 6 tuwa' 6 to'kkiya7 - we', we' - 'eya'hcq s ccqke' '-. le' t'as'ke 'o'tawu 96 on the far someone somewhere wey wey - was therefore, ah, this Her-Pets- Many-Woman side of saying 'eye' c'i 9 'e' e' 10 se'ce 1 lo', 12 - 'ecT' 1 nq 'ina'ihni 14 wic a'cala-6ic'i'cagi 15 she said the aforesaid it is evidently - he thought and hurriedly old man he made himself nq tok'e'cela 6 sakye'kit' '7 'iya'hq 18 ke". he'c'ecakte 9 c' t20 wi'yq wq ta'ku-wama'k'akq' 21 and barely cane his own he gained it is It was going to the aforesaid woman a something thing using top said. be like that certain ground (on) active (animals) eoc a'ie22 ki 'iyu'hala23 ny'pn*p24 ma'nik'tiya25 'awi'ctau26 cqke' 83 mat o' wq tVat'qka27 wq kinds the absolutely all by twos making walk she brought therefore bear a buffalo bull a them kici' 28 t'oka'heya 29 Vu ke". wic'a'hcala ki wqya'kapi30 na 'e'tkiya31 naslo'k32 with ahead was coming it is said. Old man the they saw and towards rushing hiyu'pi 3 yu'k'qv' wu'yq wq wic'a'yuha 34 k'q he' heya' 3 ke" - ye ta'ku21 "s'ika36 they started and then woman a had them the afore- that that said it is said - "Yu. something deserving coming said (reprimand) pity c'q'sna37 "'" sika' " 38 'ec'q'kip 39 kqk'q 40 -'eya' c'qace' kau4'h 41 hnina'ina4 k'ig.la'pi 43 whenever "poor thing" they think that would she said therefore turning growling they started going in reference be the right way" back back there to it ke". c'qke' wj'yq ki 'e'l 'u' na 'it'iyehcj 4 sakye yekit '17 ki wqya'ka 30 ke". it is said. Therefore woman the to him was coming and very pitifully he used a cane the she saw it is said. wj'yq ki wama'k'askq' 'o'p 45 wana' 46 q'p 47 'iya'yikta 48 hq'l49 'i''eya' 0 wic a'a Woman the animals with now past she was going to at the he also man pass time of ki 'iyo'pteya 5 'iya'yikta 48 hq'l 4 wj'yq ki leya' 2 ke" - ho, laza'ta 3 'eha'kehc 54 the on his way past he was going at the time of woman the said this it is said - "Ho, in the rear very last to go n 6qp s5 ''pe';; 66 hena' 67 wic'a'kat'i 68 nq tukte'l 69 'iny'ke 60 chq 1 wic'a' yuta'62 two are coming; these kill them and where you lie down when eat theml" - (at night) See footnotes on pages 163-166. AcAPmem or SeImczs] TEXTS16 'eya' c eqle' peiki'la6 nq 'iya'ya ke"P. he'C'ee 11 wama/Icaicq1 2 kj 'e'yayahj n 0 she therefore he considered and he went it is said. So aimals the continued to pass and said his good on him 'eha'kehcij" maka' wq p~ahi' wcq kic eil 66 'upi tk'a'h 67 kat'a' 8 Si~tpe'urctayio 61 nq very last skunk a porcupine a with came but striking them he left them and dead Cf q- '0waitecaka 70 wo 'e'l 'iy*'ki 60 nq he't 71 c'eewi/ ai*pj 72 nq hetq'hq 13 'akcte' wood place rather nice a there he lay down and there he roasted them and from there again (stopped for night) ya'h yit'k'q' ctj~co~a 1s wcq 'e' ta'ku wcq ti'ta teQ'ka 'iye'la7 Itpa'ya 77 coqce' he continued and then drift log a there something a very large brown It lay, therefore to go 'e'l 'ina'ii 78 ke" ktiye/ta P ana'81sla 80 'aya 81 yi*'kc'c' he' ctapta.,/a c'a 82 'i~~ti'mahq 88 there he stopped it is said near creeping on he pro- and that was mosquito It being so it was asleep ceeded then ctqlce/ lectj' 814 Ice"I - C cap~'ka tec(ka 'eye' c'i.* 88 le' 'e' leye 86 87 to' ~ eej1i 84 therefore he thought It is said "O0h, Mosquito- Great she said the past this it is M. sp.P he thought this one ncQ li'la 'i~ti'ma 83 C lIce' pta ki yupe'm.ni I'l yuksa' 881 'iczu' ne hetcq'hq 89 ya'hq and very it was asleep therefore nose the by twisting it breaking It off he took It and from there he was going yi4'1c'c,' ho/ca' wui 'aki'ja 'I ke". y,*'ktc( heya' Ice"- wcq tVakcoia 91 ta'ku and then badger a he met It is said. -And then he said it is said- "Well grandchild anything that wo/wamac'jye~ni 92 k'e'yai rnayu' ha 95 ya' yo'I 9 4-')eya' Ce cqkce 'icu' nq yuha' to have faith in I am not but having me go m. sp.!-he said therefore he took and holding him him ya'ha, y4'k'cq' c'qku'-og.na' ji 'jyc wq ycqka' cta 'e't 'ina'k Ice". he' 'i','eya'98 he was going and then road in stone a sat it being so there he stopped It is said. That one it also 'ecte'hci 91 'eya' ctcqke' Yalcte he' 'icu' nq yuha' ycq'hq Ice". wi' kcu/ciyela~ in the same way said therefore also that he took and holding it he was going it is said. Sun low yqkca' hca'l unizi'ta wcq 'e't 'ih ni9 y4'k'Icc' he' win,'hcala wcq ti Ice". sat when tipi yellow small a there he reached and then that old woman a lilved it Is said. ttima' I Icic o' 2 -q hinl4' 3 mita'dkoia to'hjnig 4 hi'.gni Ic'z* wq'cahej' -1 hi' ye tO 6 Into the tipi she invited him and- "Well, my grandson who never before arrived not past even once arrived w. sp."1 - eyj' nq yupei'ya7 makt'dtom.nica I 'ohj' 9 rnq wo'Ic'u'0 - c'qkce' wo'tahq 11 Y'kt - she said and well earth-beans she cooked and gave him to eat therefore he was eating and then heya' Ice" - ho, tVako'&a, wana' 'Pitfjma'.1 ti'ta wani/tukcta 13 nac'e'ce', - eyi' she said that it is said- "0O grandson now sleep. Very you are tired perhaps," - she said ncq 'ewa' Ice". wana' I'u't151 hpa'yahcq y,*1ctc( ',*g.na-' wilni'hcata kic - q and she put him it is Now down he was lo and unexpected- old woman the I- u to bed said. lying, behold ly - 'eya'hc, ec'Ice' ~ ina' 'el 'ohlo'Ica 17 wc 'etq' 18 'eyokas'j 19 yq,*/ktq' urin4hcala yvp - she was saying therefore blanket there hole a from he peeped there, and then old woman Ic'i he' 'e' eta hu' kic g.1ukc'e'#ahj 203 n wana' nj'8kottqka 21 g.tUpo' 22 Ice". 'i'! the that it was it being leg the was scratching and now this large she made her it is said. "Ehi aforesaid so her own own swell wihu'pou4 'eye' c't te' 'e' ye 16. hij/skottqa 21 maka't'jke 23 8e'ce - ecTj nQ Swollen-Legs- she said the past this is M. Sp. That large using she will kill me probably"- he thought and Woman CrP,'at k wq Ptasu' yuks3a' yuha' k'q he' '' kahle't124 'ap'da c 'qke' mosquito-great a its nose broken he had the one that using puncturing he struck her, then - off past See footnotes ou pages 163-166. 162 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MFMOIRs NATIONAL 162 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, una/te'kini 4 k 'iye' 'eha' 2 makte' ye 191 - eyj' ~nq t'a' ke". heta'hq w~ic ~'dia "No good the, he Instead he kills me W. sp.!" she and died it is said. From there man said k',q ya'hj nq wizi'la wq hq' cta 'el 'i yi'k~'kq' uinq'hcala wq 'e'l yqlca' ice". aforesaid was going and little yellow a stood such there he went then old woman a there sat it is said. tent it was - hiivC, mit'ako~ia wq'calicj' hi' ye 19 to' hjni.~2 hi'~ni Pc'4 - eyj' n q 'ina'ltni - "HI n', my grandson for once arrived he w. sp., who never arrived not past" - she said and quickly before c te'0a wcq 1calya'1 281 'eg.le 29 nq ta'ku to'k'qhq 30 c'qlke' 'ao'lkalk 3' yiq'k'a,' p'esle'te kettle a heating she set it and something she was doing and so he peeped in io and behold! crown of head ki 'el ptoduiwila 32 kij he'ctena 'ohlo'kya 1 hq' ceqlce' 'etq'hq 18 nasu'la hqke' 'iici'kcu the there fontanelle the still perforated stood and so from there brains part she took her own nqgna c'e'* lkj 'elcta' 'iyo'hpeya 3 ice". he'c'eg.la 31 'i'yq wq yuha' hi' k'q he' and always kettle the into she caused it is Immediately stone a holding he arrived the past that them to fall said. ktalkici/is nq yqka'hq yi*'k'q' wana' wo'hqhe36 c',4 he' ~pq' c'qkce' wak~i'ca 'og.na' he heated and he continued then now cooking the past that was done and so dish in to sit; 'e'kig.le tk'd~j 38 hoica' kPitihe' t'epye'ktiyi 3' ncq he'c'ena~I 14 'yq-ic'a'ta icqi she set It but badger the that one he caused him to make and immediately stone hot the before him aforesaid it to be consumed aforesaid he' p'esle'te-ohlo'ica kic 'e'l 'oi'hpeya 40 &'qke' - wahte',~ni ici, 'iye' 'eha' maicte-' that crown of head-hole the there he made it fall in, and - "No good the he instead kills me so one, ye 1a', - eyj' nq natj'tj 41 hpa'yj nq t'a' ~iice". ho he' w~ip'e'hlokcewj 'eye' c'it w. sp."P she and kicking she lay and she died it is Oh that Hole-in-Head- she the said writhing said. Woman said past he' 'e We" hetcq' ' aicte/ ya'hq y4'k'q,' wizi' wq 'el utinqj'hcala-i.4ta'0,Wa 42 nql 43 that she was it is From there again he continued then yellow a there old women blind two said. to go, tent ttipi c'a 'e'l 'i ice". tNanitik 44 yqica'hqpi ice". wq"Wicayak 41 na'ijhe c'Ye' ya~ lived It being so there he arrived it is said. On both sides they were it is said. Watching them he was standling but of tent sitting 'a'tayai 46 slol ye' kIihj 47 yqka'hcqpi ke". c'eh-nq'p 48 wo'hqpi 36 c'qice' wqya'ica yM'kic(' entirely knowing not verily they continued it is said. Kettles two they were and so watched then to sit cooking maicta'tom.nica c'a k'iniq'k'q 49 'ohq' g.le'pi nq.~pq-'ap'pe 50 yqka'hqpi ice". li'la earth beans It being so each cooking they had and to be waiting they were it is Very standing cooked sitting said. wa"te'm.na 61 hiyu' 52 ic ',4' 13 c'jjlahcaka "4 c'qice' c'e'oya 'qtma' 51 'icu' nq ttepyj/ 39 good smelling It came the with he much desired it, and so kettle other one he took and caused it to he consumed nq 'ak'e' 'ijma' t'epyj' nq c'e'Oa kic ha' 'ece'kce 56 p'e'ta kj 'el 'e'w'ic'ak-icig.1e 5 and also other one he caused to and kettles the containers only fire the on he set them hack be consumed for them ice". k'e'ya.i 58 ta'icu 'oslo'lye~nijiCj 59 yqica'hqpi'. 'ohakceta 60 %Yqmal -5 'it 'o' 61 wana' it Is But anything not knowing really they were sitting. At the end one - "Indeed now said. Mi'ci.~pq 612 se'/ca c ta 63 'eyj' nq heya'ta 64 c'e'oa P4 'iici'kcu na hehq'l- mq', 65 mine is cooked probably (it being so)"1- she and away kettle the past she took and then - "Oh said it See footnotes on pages 163-166. ACADEMY OF SCIENCECS] No. 2] TEXTS 163 t epmadyak-'iye se'ce' le'-'eya', yq1'k'q' 'i.*ma' kj 'i' - yu', mi'Pieya' le' 'eta' 66 you caused mine probably w. sp,"-she said. Then other the she - YU, I myself also this from to be consumed 'iyo'hpemic'iye 67 ci" he' ta'kole'11 'ito/ 61 heyeca 70 -kea" 71 wana' uwg.lu'tjkte7I2 - eyj' I throw in for the that whyl oh, she kind of but now I will eat mine - she said myself said that nq 'i'~eya' ce'e~a-tVa'wa 73 kj 'ilci'kcukta tk'a/g 14 ta'kuni 75 'i4'k~i c'qke' - a and she also kettle her the she was going to hut nothing was not and so Ily take hers there t'epma/1c'iyi nq heye' le', - 'eya' ke". he~cena 'iqma' k'tq heya' ke" - she caused it to he and she said w. sp. - she said it is At once the other aforesaid said that it Is said - S"oh, consumed for me that said. T ~ 'ea' 75a1 tuwa' 'hi' We'c c'e 76 he'c'iyatqhq 77 salcye' "i(' pateq~tq 78 'au""~ mi'~eya' he perhaps someone arrived perhaps, from there cane using feeling along bring it! I also however le'ciyatcqhq 77 'am.nik-te50 'eya' c'qke' wana' nqppcf 'ina'iipi nq salcye' ko'skos81 from here shall go carrying it" - she said, and so now both stood up and cane swinging t'iwo'sq 82 hiya'yapi 83 yqic~q 'ehq'-kic liipi 84 nq ima - 'ehtqc'k'45 le" niye' c a around the tipi they went along, then just they reached and one - "After all this you it being so there each other wat'e'pyaye 86 8e'ce' 'eya'-hjgdla c'q-ko's, 81 -'iye'yi nq 'i' 'eya' 'u.ma' ki yga, you caused it probably" - saying quickly stick swinging she sent and she also other the Ila to he consumed one 'iye' ~ iye'ye~q' 87 - 'eya'-hjg.la 'itkio' p 'ap Ca' ctqke' he'c tena kic~izapi 88 ~$ke`. 'ohqk eta she how- it was - saying quickly head on she struck and so at once they fought it is said. Finally ever, she but" her mi-'la 'iki'kcupi, nq ceaki'ctip'api, 1 nq kic'i'ktepi 90 Wke". ctqlce' uricta'& Pia k he' knives they took and stabbed each and killed each it is And so man the that other other said. aforesaid one hetq~'hq 'iya'ya Wke". hehq'yela 9 'ouri'hqlce'.2 from there went it is said. Only that far. It ends. 88 wq a certain, p. 133. 84 Stem nasa'; wa indefinite object, p. 52; i to arrive going, p. 92, for composition see p. 95. 85 nq and, p. 144. 88 Stem pla'ta, wa indefinite object, p. 52; -hq continuative= to stand, Inanimate, pp. 00, 104. 87 i04'k'q' conjunction introducing a new idea, p. 144. 68 'e't adverbial form of 'e'tu, p. 119, no. 14. au hi' to arrive coming; na'~i, to stand (animate), stem ii erect. 70 k'e'ysag conjunction, indifferent attitude. p. 145. 71 'ataya entire, -A adversative emphatic, p. 108, see note 80, p. 163. 72 Stem ta; a on; 1/u ordinarily instrumental: by causing motion towards speaker, here of doubtful meaning. Compare 'aya'ta to prophesy- to bring about by mouth; 'ag.Ia'ta women accompanying song of praise; 1st p. ab.Iu'ta, p. 76; terminal a not changeable, p. 32; elafe' gata to call name, a changeable; wic'a'Aa yaltapi chief= men acclaim him. 73 9ni negative, p. 105. 7' 9kq to he active, hq continuative, p. 104. 75 Wkal quotative, p. 106;'I end of sentence, p. 109. 78 ka' primarily visible place pointed out, often used in a somewhat indefinite sense, -k~i, p. 124; ya adverbial with demonstrative, a somewhat indefinite location, p. 124. 77 k'i to arrive going back there (as though the place where be was working were his more permanent location); a- with verb of motion, to go with something or someone; 1. e., to carry, bring, p. 94, kin to pile up; -hq continuative, p. 104, changed to hi before nq, p. 29. 78 wana' at that time, both for present and past. 78 Stem itq with doubtful fundamental meaning; yu~tq' to finish, p. 87. 80 'igu'ha all as one group, when following a noun It requires preceding article, loga'si all of a kind, 'a'taya entire, see note 71 p. 163. 81 liki'kcu, ki his own, p. 86; 'ieu' to take, 'ikW'cu he takes it for him. 82 k'i to arrive going back there; gta to go back there, p. 92; a changed to i before future kta; pp. 29, 105; tIto a before nasalized vowel. 85 c'qke' and so, therefore, c'qkYe Y. 84 k's4 aforesaid, or past, p. 133. 82 he'c'eya', he that, k'a to be of a kind, changed after demonstrative he to c'a, p. 16; a changed to e before ya, p. 29; ya adverbial; see also, pp. 59, 122; in a that way manner; two accents. 88 WIc'' from lo'ta food, losing terminal a, p. 34; i changes to I, p. 12; c'j to desire; locli' to be hungry. 87 ki here nominalizing the preceding. (Continued on p. 164) DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~[MEMOIRS NATIONAL 164 DAOAGAMR[VOL. XXIII, (Footnotes continued from p. 163) as oc'f' kj 's4' food desiring the on account of; 's4 literally; using, i. e., on account of her hunger; this qualifies the following adverb layu'heI; with hMoe' preceding he' 's4' cannot be used, because hs~Ae' makes it Indefinite, and it was not known previously that she was hungry. 8B 'aiu'hete to wait around, loses terminal e as adverb; 1st p. lab.Iu'Ihete. 90 lo- locative p. 40;Ik'u' to give; ini not, p. 105. t' 'eva' to say, with demonstrative leya' p. 101; ho' voice, 'ige'ya to send; for composition see p. 73. 92 Ak'a is quotative for "it Is said"; ke seems to refer to the last speaker who told the narrative; perhaps from ke'ga' he said that. 9"to'k'i, compare note 76, p. 163, ka'k'iya; to indefinite pronoun, k'i in reference to the place of the speaker, somewhere not here at a particular place. '4 le', second person singular of go to go, p. 76; terminal a changed to e before Ik'e'Vai which itself changes to c'e'ygah, p. 29. '5 c'e'yai but, however, with indifferent attitude, p. 145; refers to the preceding to'k'i le' wherever you go, nevertheless. 95 A name. Names may have two accents, like the present and following, or one accent; p. e., t'at'q'ka na'ij buffalo bull standing, and another Dame t'at'q'a-,nati standing In the manner of a buffalo bull; As4'a dog, domesticated animal; t'a possessive for separable possession, for animals 1appicable only to dog and horse, p. 128; terminal a Of Asika changes to e in possessive, p. 32; 'o'ta many, a cvc verb; wi ending of names of women, see wi'vq woman. '7 'a-p'a' to strike, changeable a; ga second person active verb; for position of pronoun see p. 83; k'i contact, p. 79; 'a-k'ip'a to meet, a not changeable; 'iya'p'a to strike against, not changeable. "ofrom c'ap'a' to stab. "9With accent as part of name. 1 wi- woman, p. 71; hAu leg; po to swell; wj ending for names of women. t'ahj'pa<t'a-hu-ilpa deer bone elbow, the awl made of a deer's uina. 'Ihe'clesn, P. 123. A g.Ia' to go back home, hq continuative, hi before ssq and. I 'ak'o' the far side from a given point; t'ahe',na the near side from a given point; -tqliq on a certain side, from. Oftuwa' someone, who? nominal; tuwe' verbal, p. 114. 7 to'k'iya somewhere abouts, not here, see note 76, p. 163; p. 124. * hq continuative. " eye' c'wK'leya' k'4 what the aforesaid said. 10 'e' 'e' here: it is she; often: instead, see p. 117. 11 see p. 111. 12Declarative particle, used by men p. 110. "Irrhegular verb, p. 98. 14 Stem Anil. 1H 'ic'i reflexive, p. 103, kaga to make, irregular verb, p. 101. 10 to'k'a some way, 'ece'Ia only. 17 t'si to bear, to have, pp. 83, 101; 8aka cane (does not occur independently), g~a to have as -,ki possessive. 13 'i-a-hq literally: against on he stands. 19he'c'eca it is that kind, p. 123, no. 38; kta future, changed to kte before k's4, p. 29. '0c's4<k'si pp. 14, 29. 21 ta'ku something; wa-makta'.ahkq' things ground active on; quadrupeds. Is'oc'a'ie from c~are' name; for manufactured objects 'oka'#e style of things. *8 See note 80, p. 163; la here intensifying, p. 57. Hn s~pa two, here distributive adverbial with loss of terminal a. 2"ma'szi to walk, k'iya to cause. '6'a-u' to bring, from 'u' to come, p. 94; wic'a them, living beings. 2' t'a ruminant, t'q'ka large, specifically: buffalo bull. '4 kicli' with (only with singular); evidently bear and bull made a pair, p. 138. "9t'oka'-hq-va first-standing-adverb; for change of hq to he, see pp. 29, 32. 30 wqya'ka to see, wqb.la'ka I see;-pi plural refers here to the subject. 81 'e'tkiya, 'le indefinite demonstrative; -tkiya towards. Is na-AIo'ka to take off shoes, garments; naalo'k adverbial, rushing, participle, pp. 34, 137. " hivu'<Joi-u' arriving here he comes; -pi refers to subject. "4vuha' to hold, to have, wic'a animate object third person plural. II e'+'ega' to say that, precedes quotation, p. 101. 96's'di poor, deserving pity; ka rather, kind of, p. 55. 37 c'q whenever, p. 147; strengthened by ina, p. 106. 3' 'slika' here an energetic quotation, with accent on last syllable; 'si'ika it is pitiable. "'ccWI' to think, irregular verb, P. 98; id dative; p in rapid speech for pi plural. '0 an idiomatic expression correcting an objectionable action or saying. Al wiga to turn at a sharp angle; ka instrumental, here neutral "by outer force," p. 47. 4' lana'iAna adverbial. "3k'ig.Ia' to start going back there, p. 92; kawi'li modifies Ana'Ana, both conjointly modify k'igdla'pi. "' WU pitiful, Ve adverb becomes ye before llc very, p. 57. di'o'p adverb of 'o'p'a to join; "with several," see note 66, p. 16.5; kic'T with one, p. 138. di wana' at that time, now; not always present time. 61 8q'p adverbial, see '&I'pta exceeding It (p. 143). 4' 'iya'ya to go on, p. 92; a changes to i before future kta. "hq'V, see P. 118. 9 'it emphatic independent pronoun, p. 78; 'eya' also, with personal pronouns. "' iyo'pta to progress, ga adverbial. 12<Ie+eve' she said this, p. 101. (Continued on p. 16.5) ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] TEXTS16 No. 2] 6 (Footnotes continued from p. 164) N5 laza does not occur alone, ta at, p. 143. 64 haka' last-born; 'e-ha'ke the last; -Acic adverbial, p. 57. As ns4'P two, ta'p four, napci'VsO nine nominal and adjective forms; verbal forms, szst'pa, to'pa, saapci'psqka. 66 u'U'pe'<'u'pi-ye' woman speaking, p. 110. 57 he' that one, nse plural of demonstratives. 69 ka-t'e' by striking dead, wic'a' third person plural animate object, a becomes i before nq. 56 See p. 119, no. 14. 60 'iys4'ka to lie down, irregular verb, p. 99; e becomes e before kihq. 61 cihq for kihq after e changed from e, p. 14; cfhq refers to preceding, refers to future. 62 yu'te to eat, irregular verb, p 100. Woman speaking, expresses imperative here by final accent. NOTES TO PAGE 161 63 p'i good, ki dative, le to consider, a unchangeable. 64 See p. 122, no. 31. 66 From 'e-iyaya-hq, pp. 94, 96; hi~hci before ssq. 66 kic'i' adverb, derived from an obsolete verb k'i with one person, see note 46, p. 164; 'op with several, p. 138. 67 P. 145. 68 ke-t' a' by striking dead; t'e irregular adverb, p. 60. 69 'illpe'ya to leave lying. 70 C'q wood, connected with following adjective a- in a circumscribed area, waste' good, ea, p..54; ka rather, p. 55. 71 See p. 119, no. 14. 72 c'e-1'sipa to lay on fire, 1. e., to roast. 75 he' that, tghq from, in that region. 7' hq continuative. 73 Contracted from c'q-'i'code wood drifts against something. 76 di brown, yela<ya-la, ye adverb, la diminutive or emphatic. 77 (-)llpa' to be down as far as possible; Apa'ya to lie prone, inert. 78 i against, na'-ij to stand (animate being), see ii erect. 79 Adverb; the element k'i nearness does not occur alone; probably identical with the prefix k'i in contact, p. 79. 85 a on, ne with feet, -slate to be straight; adverbial slat, p. 12; i. e. on tiptoe. 81 'e'ya gradually, to proceed. 82 c'a being of that kind, being that way; always refers to the preceding. c'a differs from ki in following verbs only: c'ap'ts'ka is verbalized by preceding he', p. 146. 83 'ishta' eye, -fosse?. hq continuative. 84 P?. 99. 86 'eye' c'lu the one referred to said. 86 le' 'e' it is this; le' this, 'e to be. 87 ye before to' after verb not ending in changeable a. 88 yu by pulling, pem.ni' to be twisted, adverbial; ksa to be severed, yukse' to pull off, adverbial; kse without prefix only In at' kse' one tooted, also with other parts of body, c'riksa' a club. 89-tqhq, p. 120, no. 16. 90 P. 79. 81 Weak accent in simple address; when shouted t'akota', p. 130. 62 wac'j'ya to have faith in someone, wac'i' to think, -ye to cause; wo'wac'jye something to have faith in.' 95 yuha' to have, hold. 64 Imperative, man speaking, p. 111. 95 cla~ku'-'e.na' adverbial, p. 139. go -'eye' also, only with personal pronouns. Th' p. 78; 'e it is; ye adverbial. 67 'ec'e'-rSc'i it being that verily p. 121, no. 29, p). 57. 68 k'u'civele (k'u'ta down below) verb; ii~'kek'u'ciyela wolf with short legs, i. e., low (name). 66 lf'nih'si, p. 96. 1For t'-ma'hcl house inside, pp. 49, 71. 2 First person we'c'e I invite him. 8 hins4' exclamation, woman speaking, hsthi' isan speaking, sudden surprise. ' to'hinil... ~ni k'sl, the one who never before, p. 105. 5 wq'ca once, p. 114, Ilci adverbial, verily, p. 57. a P. 110. 7yup'i' to make good, ye adverbial, done to a nicety; wayu'p'ika to be skillful in. $ mak'a'ta in the earth em.ni'ca bean. 9 'ehq' (lit, to stand in) to cook, to wear moccasins. 10 wo'k'sc to give to eat; we, f ood, p. 71; k'u to give. 11 wo'ta to eat; yu'ta to eat something. 12 T~erminal accent for imperative, woman speaking p. 111. 12 wa-tlssk'a to be tired, stem tu (?. 1t 'e's4peK'ei'Upa laid down in that direction, pp. 96, 99. 16 k'u'l down, adverbial, see note 98, above; p. 58. 16 ytl cry of distress. 17 -Illo'ka to have a hole; 'e0le'ka a hole; 'oello'kya having a hole; 'opehAloke place where punctured. The retention of a in olilo'k-a is irregular. 16 'etq' from: also some; 'etcq'hq from there; helci' from there, p. 119, no. 15. 16 'e'yokas' j<'ai'-o-ka-s'i in that direction-in-by outer force-craning neck, p. 96. 20 yuk'e'~ja to scratch, g.luk'e'da to scratch one's own, p. 87. I1 ni'skot'qka<le'-jsko-t'q'ka this as large as large, I changes to n before nasalized vowel, p. 11; hj'8kot'qka<h~e that as large as large. (Continued on p. 166) 1 622,360-41 ----2 166 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MOmmOIs NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, (Footnotes continued from p. 165) 52 yupo to make swell, gdupo' she made swell her own, p. 87. Ismia me, ka by striking, t'j<t'a before future, dead, lcte<kta before Wemc, p. 29. 24 ka-Aile'ca to tear by striking, adverbial kWWIe'. NOTES TO PAGE 162 25 wahte' good; wate'-Ani lit, not very good; the wretch! 26 liye' 'eha' he instead of the right one, p. 159. '7 See note 4, p. 165; both to'hinit and Wh'tnig (S.) occur; tsi'wenih~to'ts~we-nf4-. 26 k'elya' causing it to be hot, k~a'ta hot, p. 59. 29 'e'gle<'ai'g.le In that direction she set it up, p. 7. a0 lec'z4' to do, stem k's4; to'k't4 to do something, p. 98. $I 'ao'kaki inclining body so as to see; -ki not vertical; 'ao'wakalcj I strike so as to he out of vertical over It. 22 P~o'wiwila<p~a-o-wiwi'1a head-in-soft place. 2u 'iyo'lipeya<'i-o-Ape-ya against Into lie she caused it, compare note 77, p. 165. Idiom: to boil. 24 Often he'clena is used instead of te'ceg.1a; or he'c'eg.lala; compare he'c'ekna Y. 25 k~alki'ya<k'a'ta-kiYa he caused it to be hot, p. 73. 86 wo'hqhe<wa-ohqtq, see note 9, p. 165; hog continuative, becomes he before k's which changes to c'4~. 27 'e'kiq.le, see note 29; ki for him. 38 tkla'i Implies approval of speaker, p. 145. 35 tle'pa to be consumed, t'epya' to make consumed; tVepye'klya he caused him to make it consumed, p. 74. 49 'o-i -Ape-ya into-against-to lie-he caused it; compare note 33, p. 166. 41 t; to be stretched out; na with the foot; natj'tj to kick; adverbial. 42 'jgta' eye; ds4'de to have the eyes almost closed. 42 ns4'p adjective, p. 113. '4 t'i tent In composition; lans4'k on each side, pp. 49,71,143; 'ena&k'a-sq bald eagle; see note 44, p. 166. 45 woq-ya'ka to see, wicla them, adverbial. 48 'a'tayat... Ani not at all. 47 s1lotye' to know; Ani not; Sef verily. 48 c'e'da kettle; contracted: two kettles-full; c'e'ga ns&'P two kettles. "9k'in4~'k'q each of them separately; p. 49; apart each equally (doing, getting, etc.). 25 'ap'e' to walt for. 11 watte' good, m.na to have an odor. U hiyu'<hi' 'u', p. 92. 82 Literally: to use. " c'j' to desire, la diminutive; here intensifying, p. 56; flca very, verbal; ka rather, here inteusifying Aiceka' ye to' it is the real thing (colloquial). 85 '4oma' one of two. 56 'ece'kce reduplicated form of lece'. 57 'e'wic'akicigqde<'ei'-wic'a-kici-g.le for them-in their place-he set it up, p. 91. 58 k' e'yal refers to the preceding. 26 81liya' to know, a- within a certain space; (8doca' S.) Ani not; Acic verily. 66 o'a'qketa<'a-i'hqke-ta. 61 P. 151. 4' mi'cilpq mine is done, p. 87. 62 cle, p. 146. 64 Ae mountain, used in a general way as "away'; yale see, p. 143, No. 10. 62 P. 150. NOTES TO PAGE 163 66'etq' some, see note 18, p. 165. 67 'iyo'Speya see note 33, above; mic'i reflexive, p. 103. 66 ki, p. 133. 69 Also ta'lcawe'; from ta'ku-'ate' what seeking. 70 heye'ca<heya'-ka, p. 55. 71 P. 112, heye'ca tkla' by the way! 72 walea 1 eat it. 72 Separable possession, p. 132. 74 P. 145. 75 ta'kuni...AMn nothing, p. 105. 76t, Pacenthetical. 76 Cle for cla before imperative, p. 146. 77 he'ciyatqhq from that side from me; 1e'c'iyatqhq from this side from you, p. 124, no. 43. 78tVq to be touching; pa by pushing. 76 P. 94, imperative, woman speaking. 80 'a'ya to go carrying, p. 94; b.la I go, becomes m.nj after change of a to i which makes the preceding bdl nasalized, p. 11. 81 Adverb of active verb, p. 37. 86 t'iwo'kUq<t'i-o-kAq around the tent, -khq curved, also t'iyo'khq. 88ti-ye'ya to pass, p. 92. 84 'etq' at the right place, p. 117, no. 4; kic'i' reciprocal each got to the place where the other was, p. 103. 85 'etq'lk'4, 'etq'ke cj k's, or 'ehq'ke c'4~ its end the past 'etq'k'etq' in the long ago Y. 'ehq'k's4 'ehq' see 'etq'ni also 'etq'na. " See note 39, p. 166; we indefinite object, p. 52. 87 -yehq' adversative, p. 145. Is k'i'za to fight, kic~izapi they fought each other; kicTi kic~iza he fights with him. " cla-pla' to stab, kic'i each other. "0kte' to kill. *' P. 118, no. 6. 82 'a-i -qke, see note 60, p. 166. .. 'e. NW ACADEMY OF SCIENCES]TE S17 No. 2] E T 6 THE FRIENDSHIP SONG (Ella Deloria, Dakota Texts, New York 1932, pp. 223 et seq.) u~ic Cala n,*'p 91 /Voldkicj'iyapiS& ytp/c'q' le/eell v wilw hokiceiyapil W ke". 'oto'wq 981 wq Men two had each other then this way they made a promise it is said. Song a as friends to each other 'iye' "I ca'oapiI nq he' k'ola/1kic'iyapi-'olo'wq c'a 2 'iye'pi 11 /cj ' nuptj'la'4 'ahi'yayapikta 6 hy them- they made and that friendship song It being so they the ones only the two were going to sing it selves they said that it is said. At any time at all the one anything difficult a there stood if 'olo'wq kci he' 'ahi'yayikta -1 ke'ya'pi 6 W/ce". he~c el 10 '14'ma /cj nah'q/ kjha, 11 wo' ca/c 12 song the that he will sing they say it is said. Thus one of two the heard It when at once ttakco'laku 13 ki 'ana'kik~jkta 14 wq15 he/cel slollci'yapi 15 ej/c.9 yi,k'k q' to' hwel 17 his friend the future running a thus they know It is said. Then at a certain time to the rescue their own ozu /ye 11wq 'el nup'i/ 'o1 p'api g/ce/s. 'o'hjrni to'kiya ya'pi c q O npi'p ' ece'- op'q aj 2 war party a there both joined it is said. Always where they went whenever both always joined ctqke' wana ' a/'e' htaye' tU22 hq'l Wet lipi 2l c'a 'el )4'pi 24 y4'ktq' '4ma' b~leya'ta 26 and so now again evening when they went it heing there they were then the one lake to to camp so m~ni' hiyo'ye~ipi 261 cC ke' c'ee/a yuha' nq li'la 'oi'yokpaza 27 6c q/e' nat'qIt~q/eJ 28 water they ordered to and so kettle he held and very it was dark and so feeling with his feet go for 'iwa'~eg~la 29 ya'hq Wke". wana' b~le' /cj 'e'l 'ihiVfni3O nq c'e/6a kj m. ni' /cj gently he was it is said. Now lake the there he reached and kettle the water the going 'ekta' 'iPa'g.miqk 31 'oiu'la 32 'icu'-wac'j.1 kVeg 14 /dazela 3 c'q/ce' sq'p 38 etokcatakiya 37 towards dipping full to take he tried hut it was shallow and so farther towards the middle cCop'a/-siyu~ta 38 ya'hj nq hqke'ya 31 wana' 'ame'laka 40 c'a 'el m. ni' 'icu' ki wading testing he was going and at last now it was some- It heing so there water taking the what deeper w'q~h q 41 le' /cj 'el 'ena'na 12 ta'ku lceya '4 sapsa'pya 44 hi ye' ya 4 ec'a wqya'/ca while lake the there here and something some hlack were there it being so he saw them there g/ce". kc'eya. hena ' i/yq-t'qka 46 ke/c If41 hcehq'l1 48 wic'a/ho 41 wq nah'i4/ c'qke' it is said. But those stones large he thought when human voice a ho heard and so that p'iya'-'afladoptq.60 y4//c'q/ wic'a~a wq tol'ici c'qya/ka 61 W/e". 'ina'hni 'ekta'/ciya again he listened. Then man a somewhere moaned It is said. Hurriedly towards there yj' nq 'el 'ihqi'ni nq yut'q/t'q 52 yi1(/cq/ uxe' wq nata' lkj 'ataya 'ona'ilo/ca5 he and there he reached and felt ahout, then man a scalp the entire peeled off went by Itself c( a 'i~ta' kj 'a/ca' hpeya 54 hiyu'51 /c'e'yai ni' hpa'ya g/ce/s. c'q/ce' g.liya'hpeic'iyi 581 it being eyes the falling upon it came hut alive he lay it is said. And so he caused him to so fall back on himself nq 'olo'wq kc', he' 'a/hi yaya 5a mmi'-cdop "I k'j' na'ij Wke/. y,*/c'q/ tViyata 5s nah'4'pi and song the that singing it water wading carrying he stood it is said. Then at the camp they heard it aforesaid on shoulder cCkq/e' t'a/ccohlaku /c'4 heya' W/ce/ /colaI ta'/cu Ve/hil/a slolye' 59 lo. tohq'l and so his friend the aforesaid said it is said - "My friend something difficult knows M. Sp. At what time See footnotes on pages 168-169. [MEIMOIRS NATIONAL 168 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [VOL. XXIII, he'c'etuO c'c( 'olo'wq ici he' '-itka'hiyayapiktall 1kelya'-~iwahoidcicCiyapie2 k'-i1 - eyj', nq it is that way whenever song the that we are going to sing saying that we mutually promised" he said and he'c Cena urilp'e g~luha' 13 'ekta'kiya 'j'yqlca Wke/". yy/k'q' t'ak'o'lalcu k'y he' ta'k-u at once weapons having his towards there he ran it is said. Then his friend the aforesaid that something k'i' nq lku'hq c'a 'el 'iht'ni nq - klcola"'6 to1 ic'a huwo'? - 'eya-' ~k'e` carried and was it heing so there he reached and - Friend what is it m. sp.?"l - he said it is said on back coming hack cC qke' 'oli-'yaka 65 ik~e/s. he/cena uric'al~a wcq nata'.&lkahe '4 6 he' tiya'ta and so he told him it is said. At once man a scalp peeled off the aforesaid that to camp 'ak Cjpj yq'ikCq' hena'kehcj6 lak otapi c Ca wicCaVkte pi6 nq 'i~na'la 'oka'ptapi 70 k-e'ya' they carried then those verily were Dakotas it helng so they killed and him alone they left over he said that him hack them,W " 'ihi'htqna c'qlce 'e1 wqwic'ayakapi;71 yv1,lk'q/ hena' hg'kpap'ayapi 12 eca naka'poyela 7 it is said. Next morning and so they wvent to see them; then those were H-te'paplaya It heing so swollen hy themsel ves 'ec Celcap i 7 c'qlke' 'oi'yekiye-Wicap i 75 ik'e". hena' tVoka kj na/ijwic'ayap i 76, nq 'iyu'ha they were and so to recognize they it is Those enemies the had made them and all thus were had (hard) said. stand wticeadktepi ke/cj/pi nq bUe' ki 'elkta' Soilhpewuic'ayapi 77 ~ k'e`. wqii' ni' k'e'ya,~ they had killed they thought and lake the into they had thrown them it is said. One was alive but them that slolya'pi~ni'. hetq' to'h'tpweni bUe' kIj he' 'el tuwe'ni mnri-ya'tke ~ni 'WelS. they did not know From that never lake the that there nobody water drinks not it is it. said. NOTES TO PAGE 167 "1ns~p adjective (p. 113). '5 k'ola' friend; kie'l reciprocal (p. 103); ga to have for- (p. 130); pi disal exclusive (p). 66.). 98 Ie'cet in this manner (p. 122, no. 33). '7 wahao'ya; wa indefinite object (P. 52); Iho voice (p. 72); ya to cause; iwa/hoya to promise, kic'i reciprocal (P. 103). "I owq' to sing; lo- nominalizing (p. 41). I9ndependent pronoun. Ika'da to make. ' he'... c'a the hie' makes the following noun verbal. 8 Emphatic pronouns may be strengthened by the article: miye' ki le sifma'hike' the one who is I, I am poor. la with numerals: only. ' ahsi'yaya to take along going there (p. 04); pi exclusive dual; kta future. 6 ke/ya' double accent<ka"eya' to say that. 7tohq'tu it is at some time; ka rather (p. 55); toha'tuke c'e'yag idiomatic: at any time at all. 8Better ta'ku wqti' t'efli'ka cla a something difficult being of that kind; ta'ku t'ehli'ka vq#i' a difficult thing. ' If (P. 147). 10 he'c'el in that manner, see note 96. 11 kfhq when, relating to future (p. 148). Is wq'cak adverbial from obsolete wq'cak'a it is once, p. 114. 1s Possessive third person (p. 131). 14 a on, sia with feet, ki his own, 4c~j to curl around, idiomatically: he runs to the rescue. Is wq makes the preceding a noun; cla might be used in its place here: it being so. 16 -sdoca S. to know, stoIya' T., ya to cause; ki his own. 17 to'ha4wel also ts4'weK~to'Ihq wq le'I at a certain indefinite time. 1s zuya~' to gro to war. 16 to'k'iya at some indefinite place, away from speaker and covering some extent (p. 124, no. 41). '0lc'q' (p. 147). 21 lece'- always, an invariably repeated act; s'a often (u~ihina'p'a ece' Y. the sun rises regularly; snada'iu s'a it raines often.) 2"P. 58. U8 e'<ai' (p. 75). iContinued on p. 169) No. 21 TEXTS 169 ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] (Footnotes continued from p. 168) 2Vat to be at a place, to exist somewhere. 25 b~le' lake, ta after monosyllables Vata (P. 143). 28 hiyo'-y/a to go after something (p. 93); hi to order (P. 75). IT o- within limits; 'iiso'kpaza it Is dark on account of; compare 'iyo'kip'i he is happy on account of, 'oi'lookip'l' a pleasant place or time. 28 na- with feet; t'c to feel; duplicated: to fcel about; kel in a way (p. 56). 29 'iwa'Tela; 'iwa'htena Y.; 'iwa'stedq S.; compare he'c'ena, he'c'eg.na, he'c'eg.1 ala. ~O i- reaching there; tssni to reach (p. 96). a' -g.m'gka to trap pa by pushing, i against. 22 a- in, tu full, la diminutive. -2 wac'i (p. 98); the preceding verbs are adverbial. 34 k'e~ but regularly (p. 146). 35 k'a'za shallow, la diminutive. 28 sqp exceeding, from sqp's (p. 143). 37 c'eka' middle; see c'o kernel; -takiya/ towards (p. 143, no. 10). 38 'iy/u'' (p. 74). 22 hqke' end, adverbial. 40 'a- on (P. 39); Ama deep; Ia diminutive; ka rather. 41 'ic'4~'hq while (p. 146); k'ehq'. 42 'ens' reduplicated; na plural of demonstratives. '3 k.'eya' indefinite plural article (p. 133). 44 Plural of Inanimate object formed by reduplication (p. 117); i/a adverb of neutral verb. 42 Plural for scattered objects lying (p. 127). 46 t'qka adjective without accent. 47 WY'i irregular verb (p. 98); with demonstrative ka ke'c'i'. 48 Conjunction (p. 118, no. 8). 49 svic'a' human; ho voice. 50 p'i good, proper; p'iya' adverbial; repetitive; lana'doepla, or 'ang'doptq, first person szs'gowaPtrq or lana'wadoptq, from mi'de ear, -ptq to turn about; a change presumably due to an erroneous folk etymology, na being conceived as a prefix. 21 Probably contracted from c'e'ia-'0yalka to tell crying? c'at'i/a to talk, bemoan hard hick, complain as crying (over object) c'qva'ka. to moan in pain (lot p. not used) lic'q', to wail (transitive). 62 Compare note 28 above; iyu- with the hands (p. 45). 53 a- in (p. 40); isa by itself (p. 46); -Alska something fitting in or on something is removed. 58 a on (p. 39); ka by force (p. 46); flp.ya adverbial to be down; to fall upon, to cover. 52 hi-u (P. 92). 56 g.liy/a'-llpe-ic'i-i/a to start returning-falling down-self-he caused; i. e., he threw him on his own shoulders. 58 a See note 5, p. 168. 67 m.ci' water, c'op'a' to wade. 58 Monosyllabic stem takes ya before ta at (p. 143). 59 seloi/a' changes to s1lelie' before Io' (p. 29). NOTES TO PAGE 168 80 Page 123 No. 35. 81 4k-pi we two exclusive; s4k before vowel (p. 77); kta future. (See note 5, p. 168.) 82 'e/a' compounded with other verbs (p.73); compare 'eya'-Iowq he sang saying, i. e., with words; hei/a'-pqhe shouted saying. (Sceealso note 97, P.168.) 83 Possessive of i/uha'. 84 k'ela' address, if not a call. 02 eki'V/aka, first person, owa'kii/aka, dative of egs'ka. (6 he<hq before k'4. 67 '4~ for kg4. In western Teton the k' is often suppressed. cs hena'-ka-llci those rather verily, every one of those. 85 kte' to kill. 70 'a-ks-pta to leave over. 71 'a-i-uwg[wic'sai/aka-pi (plural) arriving there [them] they saw (uqi/a'ka). 7,2 <ho-jkpa-p's-i/a camp circle end on. 73 na-ks-po-ye/a swelling by itself, stem pa' to sw-ell. 74 'ec'e'ca it is the right way, the natural way. 35 'ii/e'kii/s to recognize. 76 isa' A4-wic'a-i/s-pi stand-them-caused (plural) i. a., kept them at bay. 77 Compare note 54 above, ws/lpa'i/ I lie; 'ilpe'wsi/s I cause to lie, i. e., I throw down. 170 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEIMOIRS NATIONAL 170 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, THE TWIN SPIRITS751 (Ella Deloria, Dakota Texts, New York 1932, pp 193 et seq.) CtekPa' ni.(p "I hoadg.lag.la 80 tuke'l ya'pikta-akli'l 8' 'oma'nih qpi 82 gikte". wanda tuce'l lqyq' Twins two along the camp somewhere to go PI. fut.- they were going it is said. Now somewhere well circle looking for about se'ca 1cteg 'ec lq'l 83 'qma-' 'e'1 tafti'l 84 'iyo/kipti,~nis c q' 'iyo'pteya86" 'iya'yahqpi ~kte`~. probably but at the time one of the there some little was not pleased when- passing through they were it is said. whenever two thing with it ever (between tents) passing y10kt ka'l187 ctoka/p ttipi wq t'c'ka slkaye'la 818 hqj, yi'i.k'' tte/ca-iteyakel1 89 'ec'e'ca 90 Then yonder in middle tent a large white stood, then new evidently it was that way C'qke' to/c e' 'ec tac tall 'e'l 'e'yokas'ji9i'2 yiijk'q' t'ima' 93 ui/c o/'kalakca wcq ktoikadlaka and so aimlessly there they peeped in and then in the tent young woman a young man wq lcicTi 11 ycqka'pi k'e'yai n-qp'i' I'l li'la 'owq'yak-wa~te'pi 96 k'e`. he'c'eyad u4'yq ki a with they sat but both very to see were good it is Only woman the said, recently he' yu'zapi 91 nq 'ag.li'pi 98 c'a he'l yqka'pi.9kte/. he'l ltqyq' s'e le' cteca ll ctqlce' that they took and they brought it there they sat it i's There well as it was and so her back being said, though this way so ttiyo'pa kj 'e'l c'ekpa' kj ndiajpi nq wa'ktiyapil1 k'e'yag ttima'. yqlka'pi ki Vatayag doorway the at twins the stood and conferred but in the tent they sat the entirely wqui/cayakapi~ni 2 nq vaui/cah'y~pigni 3 g1k'e". ctekpa' ki nmiptj/ iata 'e"wviakiyap i4 did not see them and did not hear them it is Twins the both Forked they called them said. It is the one Forked-Great they called him and the him Forked-Little they called it is Then said; other him said. id'ta-cikc'ala 'e'6 c ta leya" ~/k e` - 'iho'l 8 ata' to/c e'tuke c'e/ya99 le'l ',qi~y'kte to'- 'eya' Forked-Little it was it being this said it is said, "90 Forked! it is rather but here we two will m. sp. - he said that some way go" ctq/ce' 'ttmad /cj 'i''eyad he'c'etula 10 /cj 'i#' tti'ma 'iya'yapi nq hq'q/upikte cj and so other the he also considered it right the with into the they went and their future the tent mother tt.qma'hel 11 'i'yota/capi g/ce/s. ttelhq ye'gI 12 tqyq' waa/.pte 13 yq/ca'hqpi k',4 wanad hinadptain body they sat down it is Though a long well waiting they had been the now to come out said, time sitti ng lpast pi/cta-iye'hqtu 14 Iicehq'l uwa'/cinicapi 1 nq ta'k I qj piknil 16 k'ce". tukte'-tqma' 17 to/ce'ya future it was right just at that they disputed and what they did not it is said. Which one of first time moment appear the two hina' -pt kta he'ctihq 18 he' 'aktinicapi Ak'ce"; n'qptj' ttoka'p tapiktehci 19 /c '(2 Will come out if that they argued it is said; both wanted very much to the on account be first-born of. he' cte 'ekta'ni 22 u's kictiyq'kahqpi2 na te'hq-hiyu'pi~ni2 ctq/ce' 'it'nih'25h 'kp And so right holding each other they were and long they did not come and so being panicky their mother continuing there sitting time during that thus time Oti. t'j'Ita 26 c ta gic~a'wac tj 27 pteiu'ta 28 'i/ci'g.nip i 291 k'e'yag 'owo'..hi's/co 30 he1 c'jqhqpi 31 afore-said was going it being frantically medicine they hustled for but in so long a they were to die that time doing it See footnotes on pages 173-175. ACADEMY OF SCIENCZS] TEXTS 171 No. 2] l1cke". yq/ktq/ wana' ka'kte1-pteiu'ta 32 ki yatkq' y,*Iktq/ he'ec'ena zuaze'ea wq &a'ta it is Then now as soon as medicine the she drank then immediately snake a Forked said. yqlca'pi k'q he' eiya 11 hiyu' ncq tiyo'1kak ~ 14 hiyq'ika 3" etqke' ia'ta-ttqka ttoke'ya they were the there entered and in the tent came and lay, and so Forked-Great first sitting aforesaid ooiled wqya'lcj nq ia'ta-cik'ala pani' etqke' 'i''eya' wcqya'ki nq ttqsa/k t'a'pi 38 9k saw it and Forked-Little he nudged and so he also saw It and body-stiff they it is said. died nu*ptj1 zuze'ca kj 'ayu'tapi 31 lcehq'l cetei~yqpyqp 38 hiyu'ya ctcqke' UWa1kinicapi-wadte'kaS Both snake thc they looked just then putting out tongue he sent it and so the disputers rather at repeatedly good nake' 40 - hq'ta yo'- 'eya'-hjg.la 41 Yc/eipahaha 42 hiyu'pi nq 'eha'1~ 43 tukte'-'l*ina' at last - "Watch outi" - saying suddenly piling uip on they came and too much which one one of each other two ttoka'heya ki slolya'pigni dee". wana' 'ouri'ctaqpapi 44 nq hpa'yapi'; y4'ktq' 'ate'yap i 4 first the they did not It is said. Now they laid them and they lay: then they had for know down in their father ici t tima' hiyu' nq wqu~i'ctag.laki 46 nq leya' W1ce"s ho, 'eya' 14 ctjki 'i1'ma~ike"4 the into the came and saw them his own and said this it is said- "Well being sons I am poor tent e te/yag 'e'1 maya'hip i 41 e'a ',4g.na' 50 maya'luc tqte~~iiapi 51 kj 'I0 lo'. 'owcq' ia 52 ",qf~ikic tilaya 1s although there you have come it being (see to it) you do (not) make bad (last) mi. sp. In one way loving each other to me so my heart 'ii' po'.54 ntqpt/ 5a1k'iyectel I'l tectihilape 56 lo', - 'eya' Wke"s. pVto/tc 't( 'ou'unc aiqpap i"4 he (imp.). Both alike I consider m. BP.," - he said It is Cradle with they put them you valuable said. into k'e'yag ntqp tj 'ak'k iyec tecassl gk e". nq 'ehc'ni. 'ipa'hi lceya' ojuhe'ya57 'ipa't'ap'i but hoth were alike it is said. And long ago pillow ones in fine parallel they embroidered lines eta he/eta ktiniq/ktc 56 'ipa'hjuictaktiyapi W ke". y14/ktq/ tohq'l tuwe'ni 'I t tima' it heing that kind each they made them to it Is said. Then at some nobody in the so be pillowed time tent yqke'~ni ctq'gina 61 hj'ikopila 62 k'e'ya,~ wo'g.lakahqpi 13 ~1ce". 'alkte' h4'kupi kj ttka'l was not whenever they were although they conversed it is said. Again their mother the outside that small 'iya'ya ctuile' 'ikdala hpa'yapi y4,'ktf, paptq'yq5 'ihpe'ic'iyapi 64 nq ktin4'ktcq 5 went and so alone they were lying and then turning by they threw them- and each pushing selves 'ipa'hj ki to'na-'ipa'ttapi he'ejhq hena' 'ina'hni-g.lawa'pi6 '1i1cte". k'e'yag naqpj'i pillow the how many they if those hurriedly they counted it Is But both embroidered their own said. 'a kiyenakeeahej l o'hiye 67 ki yika' Wke/s. yq'ktcq/ - ta%, 'ehq'k'it niYa'te8 mutually verily rows the lay it is said. Then, "Forked, Indeed your father equal amounts 'a' ktiyeeel tteq'h~ilapikta 58 Weye' '1 0 he'cteya/-heye~lakta 71 'ipa'hj ki 'e'l ptahji alike he will consider us he said past really he said that pillows the there porcupine valuable that evidently for 'a'Vkiyenaknakeea 72 yuha/tktiyape l o' - ia'ta-eilc'ala 'eei'yapi kj 'e'8 eta 'eya' of equal amounts he made us have M. sP." Forked-Little they named the it was it being hC so said See footnotes on pages 173-175. 172 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOI~ ATIONA ekte". 'ale e' 'i,8nda't hpa'yapi hcehq'l Il -ida Wq t~i'll74 hiyu' nq wo'lcap e 71 w q it is Again alone they lay when dog a into tent came and pounding a said. dish yub.le'l1"I uwka'ptap i77 'oiu'la 78 yqlca' yl*'k'q' 'iya'hpaya Wkee/. yik'ktcq' iata-ttqlea opening out pemmican full of was then he fell upon it it is said. Then F orked-Great t 'ole'ya wqya'lcj nq - wq, iata' nihj 1 7 'alci'cip ta 80 yo'. w~at 'e'pk- iyjkte ~ lo'. first saw It and - '"0 Forked your mother strike it for her I it is going to M. Sp.," consume it 'eya' Wke/. y,*kcc( ia'ta-cik'aka ho/h, niye'.~ 'ee'a'n148 sni; 83 niye s 'ic ~iyela he said It Is said. Then Forked-Little - "Ha, you however you do it not? you near however nagke' 84 cji - 'eya' ctqke' iata-tcq/ca 'ina'ij nq c'q' wq 'g' ~,'/ca /'t lcabdlo'b.1o8 you lie" - he said and so Forked-Great stood up and stick a using dog the aforesaid he struck nq ka-ii'cahowayall /cig.le'ya 81 W/e". c'qke' hq'klupi /c' tima' gdlicu"'8 ke'ya,~ wana' and causing it to howl by he made It go It Is said. And so their mother the afore- into came hack but now striking back said the tent 'ehq-'ni 'oyiq'keta 1' k 'iyi&'/a91. cca/ce' 'ia', tuwe'ni~ni 92,~jc a/ he'c'ecic howa'ye -- long ago to the bed arrived and And so - "Mother nobody being in spite of v-erily that it howls"lay. here way 'eya' c'qkce' c'ekpa' /cj ktq/'ikupi 4 ki hiyu' nq - zuze'ca se' ce le', mit'alkoia she said, and so twins the their grandmother th~e came and - "Snake perhaps this, my grandchildren le'l hpa'yapi /c'i - 'eyj' nq Vataya 'ole'pi /ce'ya~ ta'/uni~ni" 96 Wce". 'a/cte' hif/cupi here lie the known - she said and all over they although there was it is Again their mother ones," searched nothing said. lcj to'k'i 'iya'ya yi4'lc'' pte'ta lcj 'oi'zitaheq' " he'c eena 98 'iya'ya c'aqke' tVate'-k1aho'm.ni 99 the somewhere went, then fire the was smoking inside still the she went. And so wind turned however same way nq tNyo'pa kj Vatayela I 'uya'1 2 c'qkce' teiyo/,~ota 3 na c'ekpa' /c'i 'oo'ta-t'aPikte and door the entirely it blew and so tent was smoky and twins the in smoky-die will as this way it is said. Very to breathe it was and so fireplace-screen the behind tent-base though it was hard for them, /cj 'etq'hq pa'd pat'q/ka19 'iye'ya hpa'yapi na wo'gla/cahqpi ha/I h4'kupi ki the from head pushing sending it they lay and were talking when their the outside mother tVima' -g.licu' /ce'ya6 nalit'g'.ni he'c'el 10 lpa'yahqpi Wke". yq,'/ct' - hin4t' 11 "iph/ca into tent came but not hearing still they were lying it is Then - "Oh, w. sp. poor back said. rnic~j'Mci to'hjni 12 'o~o'ta-ma/cit'apila 13 talca 14 ye le'- 'eyi' na 'iwi'cak-ik/ccu 15 c'qke,' my sons never in smoke little ones almost W. Sp". she said and she took themn and so died me back lk'ohq' 16 kt'i#q itkvpi 17 /ci wip'a' /cj 'ec'elkcce 18 'iipa'ha 19 'egkl W/ce"; c'a/ce' 'ec'I.'ahicj, meanwhile their grand - the tent the properly hoistiing she set it it is and so very soon mother head said; &ota ki keaska'/ 20 'iya'yj nq 'a/c'e' tima'hel 'oni'ya-wa~te ' 21 Wke". hec'cel 'i'eha 22 smoke the clearing went and again in tent to breathe in it it is In that way continually was good said. -aha' 'eya'pi s'e 'ece'-uic'a'yuhapi,2 e/ce ''qk i ~'ai~ aa' I~~alkp "Careful"P they say as though invariably they had and so both grew up and] now they wvere young them, men See footnotes on pages 173-175. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] TEXTS17 No. 2] k'e'ya~ li'la 'owq'yak-waWtetep i 24 Wke". 'akg~a'ka 261 li'la waii'cu 8'e pahj'-m.napi~ but very they were good it is Unfortunately very White-men like they porcupine-smelled to look at said. WIee1. y1.'k1cq1 makc o' ce wcq 'ecti'yatqhcq hi'pi k',t, he'ci pteiu'ta wcq he' ta'lcu kj it is Then land a from the one they the known there medicine a that something the said. came one )owa' te-slolya' pj,27 c 'qke~' wana'sap i 28 nq ttalo' 'ota hq'l h'i#'kupi kj 'e' 'ipi nq for good they knew, and so there was a and meat much when their the there they came and buffalo-hunting mother leya-'pi gIk e1" 'ina' t agu'pa-wa,~j 29 n4'p 'i.tk'u'pi ye'- 'eya' pi, c 'qke' - ctk said this it is said - "Mother, intestines fat two give us, please" - they said, and so - "Sons, hena' to~k anipikta 30 he'? - 'eya', yit'k'q' ia'ta-cik'ala Vayu'ptj nq - ''ge' these what will you W. Sp.?" - she said, then Forked-Little replied and - "Just do with it 'ap 'i?4kic'iyapikte 1' lo' - 'eya' gk e". c ccLke' wana' he'c a-wahj Iceya' wauvi'caki~layj8 we will cure ourselves m. sp." - he said it is said. and so now that kind fat some she peeled off for them nq u~ic'a'k'u cccqke' yuha' mani'l 'ipi ~kee/. tuwe'n i 31 'i*'gni wq 'ekta' c'et'i/pvi and gave it to and so having it in the they arrived it is Nobody was there not a there they built them wilderness said. a fire and many there they laid on and now it died down but there fat the aforesaid those there 'a'it'pi, caqke/ li'la 'izi'ta 36 WIke". ccqkce' p'e'ta kj 'anq'1c yqlka'pi no, 'azi'1-ic'ithey laid on and so very it smoked it is said. And so fire the on both sides they sat and smoking against it on themselves yahqpi'; 36 yq.'k'q' pcahi/-m.napi k'it he' 'aki'snipi,' gIke". hehq'yela "I 'owi'hqke'.89 they were then porcupine-smell the aforesaid that died down on it is said. At that point it ends. making them NOTES TO PAGE 170 79 Adjective, accented (p. 69). ao he' campeirele, 'ag.Ia'g.Ia along. 81 ya' to go, pi dual exclusive, kta future, 'aklci'ta to look for. The whole is adverbial. 82 o- in a circumscribed area, ma'ni to go; hn continuative pi plural. 83 WWIq' implies an unwelcome incident (p. 120, no. 20). st tak4~'1 some little thing, see ta'k-u something. 85 i against; a in, ki dative, p'i good, Ani not. 88 'iyo'pteya to go through or past. 87 ka'i at some place yonder, more definite than tukte'l. 88 ska white, -yela<ya-la adverb (p. 60). so 'iteyakel adverb (p. 56). go 'ec'e'ca T. invariable a; S. variable. 91 tok'e' 'ec'a'c'a an idiom: without particular purpose, aimlessly, just *2 e'e<ai', o into, ka by force, s'i craned neck. 23 For t'ima'helKt'i'-mahe'l tent inside. 04 kicTi with one person (p. 138). '1 sn~p'i or nifpi'U both. 98 e. nominal, we~a'ka to see, waite' to be good, loniya-weafte, note 21, p. 175. 97 yu'za to take, especially to marry. 98 P. 94. 99 le'ceca after s'e it seems to be; 'a sle Ie'ceca be seems to be coming, lit, as though coming it is this way; also abbreviated: he' inaa' le' 8'e lte~ (<te'c'eca) that seems to be Bear; he' le' s'e le'l he seems like to him (he resembles him). I 'aki'iya to discuss, wa'k'iva<wa-ak'iya to confer, wa indefinite object. ' wqya'ka to see, swic'a theuti, pi plural, Ani not. I -naAl's' to hear, wic'a them. ''leya' to say, wicla them, 'eki'ya to say to, or about someone; to'k'eI 'eni'ciyapi he? how are you called? ta'kesaleiiapi he? what are you called? I t'q'ka, ci'k' ala as adjectives lose their accents. o$'e' general verb "to be." 7 'eya' to say, leya', heya', ke'Va' to say this, that (p. 101). * 'iho' oh, come on!I Itok'e'tuke c'e'yai an idiom: any way<tok'e'tit-ka k'e'Va,4' (pp. 123, 145). 10 Ise'c'etu it is right, literally it is that way, la to consider. IContinued on page 174) 174 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MiMcmms NATION~AL (Footnotes continued from p. 178) 11 t'q body (p. 71), mahe'L Inside. Is t'e'hq a long time, ye'A but (p. 145). 13 'ap'e' to wait, wa indefinite object. 14 hina'p'a to come out, hi to arrive coming; 'iye'hqtu It is timely. 15 wa'kinica to dispute. 16 t~q'i It is apparent; ta'k t'qi'~ni lit, what Is not apparent, idiom: it is of no value, "no good." 1? tUkt' which one, 'itma' one of two. "8P. 148. 19 t'cka'p'a to be firs.t; kte~lic lit, future very: to desire strongly. 20 An incomplete sentence. 31 <he'c'eL eA (p. 122, no. 31). 32 'ekta'ni or 'ekta',aa both forms used. 23 Ikic'i reciprocal (p. 103); also kic'i'iyus iiqla'pi holding each other they were sitting, but the form given in the text is considered as more correct. Compare 'el kic'H'pi they visited each other (from 'i' to arrive going); henagyo8 kic'i' kic'i'yuzapi the two took each other, iL e., the two are married; kic'i' kic'i'za they are fighting each other; kic'i' kic'izapi they fought him (kic's'with him, p. 138);'e'p kic'i'za he fought them ('o'p with them p. 138). 24 t'e'hq a long time; hiyu' to start coming. (p. 92). 25 <'o-ini'hq in - to be upset, panicky about something; idiom for: all too soon. 2 t'a' to die, kda future. 27 Mi'ca bad, wac'f' to intend; adverb: frantically. "8p'eti' herb, hu'ta base. ' 'iqnid' to hustle for. 30 'j'ko as large as, hj'sko~he-j'8ko as large as that. 31 he'e'4 to do that, irregular verb (p. 98), hq continuative. NOTES TO PAGE 171 32 ka'k'eL from lca'k'eca (p. 123, no. 38). = P. 124, no. 41 34 t'' tent, 'oka'kha to coil in; to be inside in a coiled state. 83' hi' to arrive coming, in~ka' to lie. 36 t'qaa'k t'a' they were frightened stiff. 37 'ayu'ta to look at; first person 'ab.lu'ta. 3' ce'ei' tongue; compare 'iyo'yqpa it becomes light, from qpa' daylight. 39 Ironically: the rather good disputers; ka often used ironically (p. 55). '0 nake' at last, too late. 41 P. 75. 42 i'c'i together (p. 103), pa by pushing (p. 45), ha to be unsteady. 43 Compare 'ehat 810tya'pihni lit, too much they did not know, they were too ignorant; 'eha's 's~i' 10WqJ' s'e Le' too much grandmother as though she sings (see note 99, p. 173), grandmother is wailing too much. 4''lo4'pa to lay down in the cradle. 41 'ate' father, ya to have for. 48 wqva'ka he sees it, wqgdIa'ka he sees Iiis own (p. 87). '7 Adverb of 'e' to be. "'si'4Aika he is poor. 49 ma me, iya you, hi to arrive coming (p. 77). 150'49.na'... ki see that you don't, see lest (see p. 140). Atma me, va you, Lu second person of i'u (p. 77), c'qfe' heart, Ai'ca bad. 12 Wqzi' one, la only (p. 57); owq'Liia without trouble; in an even, constant manner. '3 'q'Aita to consider poor, worthy of sympathy, to love; Icic'i reciprocal (p. 103). 14 P. 'lii. "' a'k'iyec'eca they resemble each other (p. 80). H t'ehila to consider valuable, to love c'i I-thee, pe~pi ye (p. 109). '7 duhevya lengthwise, parallel. "sCompare k'in4'k'q wo'wapi yuha'pi each had a book; k'insf'k'qkiya tLip each had his separate abode; yuk'i'ns~k'a held apart. "' ipa'hi pillow, k'iya to cause (p. 100). Ghtuwe'ni... Ant nobody. *1 c'q' whenever, strengthened by Ansa every time (pp. 106, 147.) 02';'sko as large as, see note 30, p, 174; 'jtkola as small as. '3 wo' yaka to discuss, wo'g/aka to discuss one's own (p. 87). 64pa by pushing; yuptq'ptq to turn something from side to side; 'ig.Lu,'ptqptq to walk proudly, i. e., twisting body from side to side; -ptqyq to overturn; 'i~ipe'ya to throw down, ici reflexive (p. 103). 65 'ina'S1ni to hurry; yawa' to count, gdawa' to count one's own (p. 87). "6'iye'nakeca the right amount, Lena' keca there are as many as these. tena'keca how many?, 'ak'iiyenakeca an equal amount for each (p. 121, no. 25). 67 WM'h to reach to. 68 'ehq'k'4~<'ehq' k'4~ idiom: now we know. *9 niya'te your father; one of twins speaking to the other says "your father" instead of "our father." 70 N here instead of k'4~; the k' is often dropped by western Teton. 71 he'c'eya' when combined with following verb "really"; when alone, recently, he just finished; heya' he said that, lak'a evidently, for (p. 74). 72 'a'k'iyenaknakeca, more frequently 'ak'i'yenaketlkeca; see note 66 above. 78 iiuha' to have, o4.. us; k'iya to cause, pe<pi ye. (Continued on page 175) ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] TEXTS No. 2]17 (Footnotes continued from P. 174) NOTES TO PAGE 172 Is we indefinite object, o nominalizing (p. 41), ka by striking, p'a to act? (p. 83), see 'ep'a' to strike, kap's' to pound. 78 yub.le'ce to open out. 77 we indefinite object, kep'e' to pound, pi (p. 66). 78 o in, tu full, la diminutive. 79 ho4'ku mother, possessive form second person, (p. 130); see note 69, p. 174. 80 'ap'e' to strike, kici second dative (p. 86). 81 we indefinite object, f'e'pa to be consumed, k'ipe to cause. 82 'eC's4' irregular verb (p. 98). 83 Negative interrogative (p. 105). 84 iyska' irregular verb (p. 99). 85 P. 110. 88 kabdo' to make ridged by striking. b7, ka by force, Wica bad, he' voice, howe'ya to moan. 88 k'ig.f a' to start going back home, ye to cause. 89 g.1icu'<g.Wiku to start coming back home. 90 loy4'ke bed, from yuka' to lie (p. 41); te at (p. 143). 91 k'i' to arrive coming, ygke' to lie. 92 See note 60, p. 174. ' Makle generally quotative, is used here with the meaning "although," with the implication of wonder that something happened; compare hi' Ak'a' uwqya'k-'uAni' although he came here he did not come to see him (I wonder why); hu~te' RhVs 'ahi'pi in spite of his being lame they brought him, hugfe'-yegq 'ehi'pi blames them for bringing him although he was lame (see p. 145.) 84 P. 130. 5 We'c it is probable (p. 29). 98 te'kunigni or with verb te'kuni... AMi; see p. 105. 97 'izi'fta to smoke out of (as from embers), a in, he<hq continuative, yeiq although, however; zitye' to cause to smoke (as incense). 88 he'cene<he'c'efna still the same way. 09 keho',m.ni to turn by outer force, intransitive. 1 lete'ye or 'etaye to meet head on; a'e'Iyete directly. 2 'uya' wind blows, intransitive <'u' to come, ye to cause (?), to have 8 t'i tent, a in, ho'te it is smoky. 's'le as though (P. 107). 5 a in, ni'ye to breathe (p. 30), ca'e bad; see notes 96, p. 173; 21 below. 8 '44ne'dae fireplace, ke by striking. ~ke to tie. 7 'ite'ze does not occur alone, te at (p. 143). 8 wi- tent (P. 71), hos'te base. tpe by pushing, t'qke'l outside (p. 58). 95 he'cel~he'cece. 11 hins4' woman speaking, hsthi' man speaking. 12 fe'hiszi never, idiomatic for "did you ever!" 13 a in, ho'te it is smoky, meki mine for me, t'e to die, pi dual exclusive. 14 P. 112. 11 iki'kca to take back. 18 Pp. 61, 146. 17 Third person possessive (p. 130). Is lec'e'kce plural to ec'e'I each as it should be, properly 19 i against, pe by pushing, ha unsteady. 20 ke by outer force, ske' white. 21 See note 5 above. 22 yui'~e to confuse, bring out of order. 23 'ece' invariably (p. 139), yuhe' to have. NOTES TO PAGE 173 24 a- nominal, wqye'ke to see, weaife' to be good, reduplicated. 29 P. 140. 28 p'ahj' porcupine, m.na to have an odor. 27 lowe'gte remedy, a nominalizing (p. 41), wehte' good. 28 Stem ne'8e communal bunt. 29 t'e ruminant, hu'pe intestines, e changes to e after f'e (p. 34), we something, ij fat. 30 te'k' to do what, irregular verb (p. 98). 91 iep'i'ya to cure, o4k we before vowel (p. 77), ici reflexive (p. 103). 22 yuhla'ya to peel off, we/cl'laye to peel off for. 33 See note 60. p. 174. 34 'o?1' to lay on lo 'te 'et '~pIa, they piled wood on fire. 35 s8si cold. 28 'ezi'te to smoke on, see note 97, above; WIc' reflexive (p. 103), ye to cause, h'q continuative, pi exclusive dual. 27 'esni' it died down on, ki first dative. 38 That is as far as it goes, here adverb. 39 The point at which it ends, here verbal. 176 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[MFuMoiRs NATIONAL 176 DAKOTA GRAMMAR ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~[VOL. XXIII, SANTEE TEXT THE SKEPTIC From a manuscript written by Samuel Pond in 1839 and kept in the library of the Minnesota Historical Society 'iteo' tuwe'1 40 ta'ku wa/ce q'da~ni 41 w~ac j1_iqi 42 'oki'hi-wac lil 43 'oya'kapi'. Now somebody something holy considered by his mind only to succeed tried they tell it. not ktodcka 4 wcq heya", 41 'iteO/ wo'tihni-mde ' 46 c'a 41 ta'ku make a' 'ama'ni 48 kj Youth a said that, "Now to find food I go and things earth walking on t~he to'nahj 41 wac'i' kihq 50 mak'a/htqwaye k-te 51'52 'eya".53 1it Iq/ 54 ' atklcu'k1cu5 kji heya",)53 just as many as I want when to ground fall I cause shall" he said. Then his father the said that, ho, clj~,5s wake c' tulcea' heha' 1 c'e 58 'eya"; 'yu/keq/ heya", to1 keehj wak-'q/kta,"~6 "40 son, it is holy but you say quot.,"1 he said; then he said that, "How indeed holy it (will bee)," that 'eya`. 'tq11ceq 'akcee/ heya", hiya' walceqi c'e,60 'eya". 1,q'keq' 'ak Ce' heya", ta' ki he said. Then again he said that, "'No it is holy he said. Then samai he said that, "What 'ici'wakq, 61 ' eya". '4k~'( 'ale te heya", hena' niteadwani tuicCa' he ha",62 'eya". ~1tktq/ it is holy on he said. Then again he said that, "Those yours not but you say that," he said. Then account of?" WaVe heya", ticeal6 tuwe' t'a1 wa,64 'eya". - 'iha' 65 tuwe' 40 t'a1 wa sdonwa'ye~ni again he said "But who they are his?" he said. - Well who they are I know not that, his tuk-'al 6 ta'lcu wa/c Ccf he' tea/wa,67 'eya". ','k-'q/ heya", he' tuwe' t'a/wa ki wada'/ca,68 but something holy that they are hie said. Then he said "That who they are the you see? his,"9 that, one his 'eya".- hiya', wqmda'kek~i, c'qte' 'ece'dq '4/ 'imdu'kcq,'9 'eya". h'ite' 6 to/k'e,~ 70 he said. - No. I see not heart only with I think it," he said. - "There it is! how sdonya'ye cik'ijq 7 heha". ta'ku~ni c f' 72 wa/c CqI yuzi'n 73 Wen 'adapi, niye'/c'e 74 know you that for you say that. A nothing whenever holy stretching there ye take along you indeed! 75 'ci'a'. a h I'75a 'ey"; 'io, -ed tk wkq ta'kcu wak/ca,' yqka' wqda'kapi,75 'c'a. ka y to ca, t'u w/'~ something holy sits ye see it," he said to him. And, "Yes" he said; "Come in that some- holy on, case thing wani'ca c Ce, nisina'na7 wama'nica wo'teca 78 eo 'Wa's teawa wo',7 'eci'ya'. '4q'lcq' there is none, you alone small animals food animals also all his bel" hie said to him. Then k-totka/ 44 k-i heya", 'ec CjSO0 hena' 'itu/ya-Sicea\0api 81 tuwe' tea/wa teai/ka,s '2eya"; youth the said that, "Of course, those in vain they grow, who it is his it is hardly he said; apparent," k-'a he/censa3 wi'hni-ya'. Saq/kc'q/ he ha'- k84 wq, wqya'k/a eca keutel tukead 6 nap 'e'9ni'. and so to hunt he went. Then elk a he saw it being he shot hut it r an away so it not. sak'e/, keute' tk'a 18 nap'ee/ ni (iyaotan). wana' k-'ute'-kapj\ heha'n 'owa'hqk-eta 86 But again he shot it hut it ran away not? No 0w of shooting he was tired then at last 'ahde' -yu\'.q /eu te' tulcea/' nap Ce'.ni k'a. (onai?).871 'fyq wa 'icu' k'a 'ig, set against holdings he, shot bili, it ran away an- id Stone a hie took aind using it not 5ap'ee/kta, S?'k-eq/ wahj'yaiice 88 'i(' ta'ku 5ap ealpi 'iye/c ten 5ap Ca/. S'i/ce keoka/ 1 4 he was going to then bird's (town with something they strike like he struck. Then youth strike it, kji heya" 'e 'ehq'k'4q wo'teca 78 'itu/ya-ini/ca~etini do'.89 S4/lkC I tUWe' heya", wama'ni the said that, "Ahl it must he food ainimal in vain you grow not." Then someone said that, "Animals ma/cCa' Sak'q/n 'it' lc'gq wuic'a/ta 9 t'awa'-ihdawaPi-p'ica.~niS 91 wvi'a't~ta wlq to'kci 'eya". earth on live thle, men to try to own- good it is not," man ai somewhere said. hetq'hq /cC,- j/ia 1 4 kj leu' k-'a hdi' heya", 'ate\, to'/c Ciya ma/hpi'ya k-i ma/c al kj, From there youth the came and arriving said that, "Father, somewhere sky the earth the home c q' pe ez' /co', 'ate 'iq/ci'api 'iye'c ten 'ia' /ce'ya'pi naya'h'i~ni 11 eci ya'. i"cqk'. woods grass also, father we talk like they talk it is said you heard not?" he said to him. Then heya', ha'o ta'k-u sdonwa'yegni tukc'a / 66 'iyu'kcq 93 wic Cal tta wqgi'kcii ta'/cu wak/ceC( he said that, "Yes anything I know no0t but by thinking men certain ones something holy See footnotes on page 177. ACADE MY OF SCIENCMS] TEXTS17 No. 2] 7 yuk-'' c'e, 'eya'pi nawa'Ih',q do",94 'eyai'. 4`qktq`, tuwe'dcq 96 'l4k-i'api 'iye'c'en 96" la exists, they say I hear," he said. Then, "Nobody we speak like speaking yukte'~ni ke'y'p'i nce',9' 'eya". 'ate' ta'ku 'iilki'api 'iye' c "en 96 yukte' do', 'eya", exists not, they say no doubt" he said. - "Father something we speak like exists", he said, tuk'a/ 66 to'Ic iya he' ta'ku 'owa'kahnioe~Ini do',,89 ' eya". 'iVkt 'ate', he/ha'ka wc, "hut where that something I understand not," he said. Then "Father, elk a he' "qi 'eta' hc isdo'nwaya c'e,60 eya".ak'u k heya", hiya' c'j9,66' ta'lcu that using from I learned it," he said. Then his father the said that, "'No so n, something waktqd wani'ce do'; lca k-oWka' wah'q'ic'ida 1ti 'iya'yapi 99 he' 'e' niwa'1ktqpi do', holy there is none; and youth conceited you talk instead of that you are holy," 'eci'ya'. k'a waya'takunigniI 'ece'dan 2 'oya'kihipi he' he'c tetu do' 94 'eya". hie saidl to "And you deny only you are able that it is the way", he said. him; of nothing NOTES TO PAGE 176 40 T. tuwa' wq, T. always tuwa'. 41 da to consider. 42 T. wac'i'-ys, yuj, see p. 138. '3 T. inserts c'a it being so. 44T. k'aka'laka. '5 The quotative regularly omitted (p. 106). 48 T. Iol-'i'g.ni-m.-nj snq; S. waota food; 'ihsni to hunt for, mda I go, before c'a and, changes to e, not to I as In T. 47 c'a from k'a and; after e changed from a. 48 mak'a' 'anza'ni quadrupeds. 48 T. to'nallci; to'na indefinlite plural. 50 kjhq refers to the preceding. 11 meak'a' earth; llta or titan (illegible), an unknown stem. A light pencil mark in the ins. gives the translation "to fall." Riggs gives makalltqya to (lestroy very mucih (he does not distinguish between k and k'), as though lltq were frosn ftt; compare mak'a'Aeya to succeed after great efforts 52 T. way j'kte. 53 T. 'eye", terminal a is not changed to e in S. 55 See p. 130. 56 T. 'ohl, c'iki, terms of relationship in address unaccented (p. 130). 57 'eya' irregular verb (p. 101). 58 T. tk'a' hehe' to', c'e, see p. 106. 69 T. to'kellci sak'q'ka c'a how verily kind of holy it being so. 60 T. wak'qye lo' the terminal c'e is not used in statements in T. 81 T. 'iwa'k'q he, he interrogative particle. 62 T. tk'a' hehe' to'. 83 T. 'ec'a. 64 T. tuwa' t'a'wa he. 85 T. helo() 66 T. prefers k'e'yag. 67 T. hessa' f'a'wa ye lo". 68 T. wqla'ka he. 69 T. 'ib.Iu'kcq ye lo', third person 'lyu'kcq. 70 T. to'kil. 71 Tr. ca c'si'I. 72 T. taklnilka c'q'. 73 T. wo'wak'q-yu.~i'ca 74 T. 'a'tape, niye'Atuk'a, from 'aya to take along. 75 T. yqke' ci k'o' wqla'kape lo'. 751 This may be ha'n < heha'n then. 75 T. nigna'Ia. 77 Kind of things walking. 78 T. wama'k'alkq' those moving on earth, wa'teca only herbivorous animals. 79 T. 'oya'8'i t'a'waya ye'; was for 'awa'8'j. 80 T. c'j'. 81 T. insert ki. 82 T. t'q'pika. a3 T. he'c'e6. 84 he-lla'ka horns branched. 85 T. tk'a'g. 886T. c'qke' heha~'1 'e'hqketa. 87 Not legible. 88 hi fur, ii fuzz. ~8 T. ye to'. 80 T. wic'a'Aa. 85 T. t~a'wa-ig.lawapikta 'iye'c'etuhni'; 'ihda'wa possessive of yawa' to count. In T p'ica' is used only with active verbs 92 T. 's4ki'yapi 'iye'el'i 'ya'pi ke'ya'pi ki naya'Wi'lhni he? '3 'T. 'iyu'kcqyq, see wo'kcaka to be a kind of soothsayer. NOTES TO PAGE 177 9' T. we to'. 88 T. wall'cq'Wicaya ll'e to act, 'ic'i-la to consider oneself. 88 T. tuwe'ni. 88 T. insert ki. 98 T. u~ki'yapi 'ec'e'1. I wa something, Va- with mouth, ta'kunilsni nothing. 61 T. nac'e'ce. T. 'ece'Ia. 178 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEMOIRS NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, FREE TRANSLATION Now! they tell about somebody who considered nothing holy and only tried to succeed by means of his will power. A young man said, "I shall go to find food; and when I want some great number of those that walk the ground, I'll fell them to the ground," he said. Then his father said, "0 son, it is holy and you say that!" said he. Then (the son) said, "Just in which way will it be holy?" he said. Then again (the father) said, "No, it is holy," he said. Then (the son) said again, "Why is it holy?" Then (the father) said again, "Those are not yours and you say that!" said he. Then (the son) said again, "But whose are they?" he said.-"Well, to whom they belong I do not know, but they belong to something holy," said he. Then (the son) said, "The one to whom they belong, did you see him?" said he.-"No, I did not see him, only with my heart do I think it," said he.-"There it is! How do you know it that you (can) say it. Even if it is a nothing, stretching (your imagination) you take it to be holy; ye indeed see something holy sitting (there)!" he said to him. And, "Yes," said (the father), "Come on! so there is nothing holy; own yourself all those that just walk and also the game animals!" said he to him. Then the youth said, "Of course, those just grow up, who owns them is hardly evident," said he; and so he went hunting. Then an elk he saw; it being so he shot it, but it did not run away. He shot it again, but it did not run away. Now he was tired of shooting, then at last setting (his arrow) against it he shot, but it did not run away and? He took a stone and was about to strike it with it, then as though he had struck something with bird's down, like that he struck it. Then the youth said, "Ah, it must be that game animals do not just grow up." Then someone said, "It is not good that man tries to own those walking on earth who live," said a man somewhere. The youth came (away) from there and on arriving said, "Father, somewhere the sky, the earth, trees and also grass talk, father, just like we talk. Do you not hear them say so?" said he to him. Then he said, "Yes, I do not know anything, but it is in the thought of certain men that something holy exists, I hear them say so," said he. Then, "Nothing exists that talks as we do, they say undoubtedly," said (the father).-"Father, something exists speaking as we do," said he, "but where that something is I do not understand," said he. Then, "Father, from an elk I learned it," said he. Then his father said, "No son! there is nothing holy; and ye youths who conceitedly talk; instead of that you are extraordinary," said he to him, "and ye are only able to treat things as nothing. That is the way," said he. -1 Pro%. -. -- el --- - --- 'I ACADEMMY OF SCIENCESJ TEXTS19 No. 2] SANTEE TEXT' (From Stephen Return Riggs, Dakota Grammar, Texts and Ethnography, Washington, 1893, P. 83 wicea//tpi hjihpa'ya 2 Star falls 'oya'te wcq kea'lken 1tji` 1,qktq/ 'winu'hjca nu'm ttalka'n wqka'pi'; '4~ktqI People a thus lived; and then women two outdoors lay; then wticea'hpi lkj 'iye'#a wciya'lcapi'. ',q'kc' 'jy 'itma' heya" - 'ice'ptahi 'itto' uwica'Ilpi star the shining they saw. Then behold! one said that - "Cousin, so now star wcq 'iye'oehca 'e yqke' cj he' hihna'waye c'e, - 'eya". 1iq/kt' 'i4ma' kj Yi a verily shining it being sitting the that one for husband' oh ifl" - she said. Then other the she — so I have mi'g 'itVo lka uric eahpi wq ki'tqna-'iyehya yqlke' cj he' hih.na'waye c'e - ea. "9I so now that star a little shining sitting the that one for husband oh i If" - she said. yonder I have "q/k'c' 'ih.nu'hqna nuptin 'ekta' 'aun c alcipi, kce' ya' pi'. Then suddenly both there they took them, they say. make o'c 'e wcq waite'hIjca ho~~ka-oui namda'ya waite' wqka' 'e Country a very good twin flowers growing thick blooming beautiful it lay it being so 'ekta' 'i4'pi'. Y'ktq/ uric ea/pi wcq ni'na 'iye'oe cike'iq he' vricea/~ta-ttq'ka; lca '?4ma' then they were. Then star a very shining the aforesaid that man large; and other one (full-grown) k',* he' k'o&~1a/ kce' ya' pi'. he/cen lctinu'ktq hih.na'wic'ayapi'. ',q(ktcq '-i4ma' uana' the that youth they say. So each respectively as husbands they had them. Then one now aforesaid -'ih.du'P'aka'. malc'o/c'e kj ttipsjna 'o'ta hu' waWt'gte'. he/cern wj'yq k'i waqi'` was pregnant. Country the pomme blanche many stalks were beautiful. So woman the aforesaid one bopte'kta keeW hjh.na'ku kej tehi'da. - u'gtq wo' tuwe'dci de'ci he'c4 ~ni c'e was going but her husband the oonsidered it - "Stop imp., nobody here does not (quota. to dig it every time hard. that tive)'eya' 'ece"~. YI/ktQ/' 'ih.da'kla 'aye C'a 9e/ttipiy. 14./kecq u4'yq-'ih.du'h' a/ce Ci he said regularly. Then moving they progressed and arriving there Then woman pregnant the they camped. wakte'ya 'it tIcafe c 'a ttima/ en ptiye'kta 'e ttima/ en hiyu' 2 '41Cq/ ttpipjna wcq tent built tent and in tent was going it being in tent started to then pomme blanche a to arrange so come, hu' Vq/ka wa.ste' 'e 'ai/tticaoa'; q'k'q' - itco/ de' uwal'a' kg. - ecTj/ 'etcq'hq.,4 stalk large good it being over it she built then - "Lol this I dig (soliloquy)" - she thought. "From it so a tent; Indeed tuwe' wcima'yakeca - 'ec Cj/, Pea hq/p'ee 'icu' k'a bopte' c'a 'iyu'pta 'icu' 'ice1L/hc who sees me rather" - she thought, and digging she took and dug and breaking took it, meanwhile stick the sod makcto'c'e yuo'hdog 'iye'ya, k'a 'oh.na' hiyu', lca makcta' lc 'elkta' ttezi/-kamdas hjhpa'ya country opening sent, and in through she started and earth the there belly bursting she fell coming ice' ya' pi'. he/ceer wIinq'hjca k'4 'e' t'a' tukca' hok~i'yokc'opa 14 'e' t'e'.hni they say. So woman the aforesaid it was died but child the it was did not die naoa'noata wcqka". wicea/hjca wci 'en hi" holcii'yopa ki 'icu' lca 'itpi'h.nalce c'a kicking lay. Old man a there arrived child the he took and placed it in front and coming; ttiyalta lcti lca heya"- wakq'kla ta'ku wci wqmda'kla, ',q'klet' c'qte/ mahi' ce do'at tent he arrived and said that - "Old woman, something a I saw, and than heart was bad m. sp." - going back to me eya"y. ',*'k'' ttawi'cu kj he' ta'lcu he?- 'eya". 'iq'k'q' - uinmu' hca wq ttezi/'lcamda8 he said. Then his wife the - "That what?" - she said. Then - "Woman a belly bursting t'a' wqla". ',le'q' hoke~i'yopa wq naoa'noata wqlea"; 'ah.na' uwicta/na tulkta/ c'e - dead lay. Then child a kicking lay; moreover boy but quotative" - 1 The grammar of the original Is not always consistent; corrected according to what appears to be present usage. I Here translated literally; general meaning "to enter, to come out of a container." 180 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~MENoIJIs NATIONAL 180 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [ME~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ [VOL. XXIII, 'Veya". U) cta' hica to1 iceca 'aya'lku ~ni he? - '4'k'q' de' 'e do' - eye' c'a he said. "Old man why you bring not? - Then this is it M. SP." - he said and him 'itpi'tcqhq 'icu". 'i*'ktq' tVawi'cu ki heya"- wic~ahica 'ito' de' 'iccah-,qye1 cW - belly from he took it. And then his wife the said that- "Old man, lo t his, to grow we cause oh if!" 'eya". VkdC wuic'a'hijca k"t heya" - wakq,'ka tVi-'a'hrihbeitye kta c'e - eye' she said. Then old man the said that - "Old woman, tent we cause it to will quotative" - he said aforesaid roll on c'a ti-c'el.h1a lkj 'oh.na' lcah'o'n 'iye'ya'. 4'ik'1c' 'ahni'hmq hi ya' ye c'a hihpa'ya'. and tent chest the through tossed he sent him. Then rolling on it went and fell down. 1,(ktq' sdohcq'hq t%'n hiyu". tukc'a' 'alc'e' 'icu' lc'a tic'ee 'oh.na' k-aho'ya3 Then creeping into the he started But again he took him and tent top through tossed tent coming. he sent. Then then walking into the he started But again he took and thus sent him. house coming. him 'i*"kkq' helha'n hokc~i'na wcq ceqsa'kana lceya' yuha' tejn hiyu' Ica - tuka\~ina Then then boy a sticks fresh little some having into the started and - "Grandfather tent coming dena' wQhj'lkpe mi' caoa ' ye' - 'eya". tukc'a' 'alk'e' 'icu' k'a 'ec Ce'v 'ye'ya'; 'y/'k'q' these arrows make for me imp." - he said. But again he took and thus sent him; then him heha'n to1 lei 'iya'ya Vqi'kni'. 'ig'c'ql k~ok1a' wcq c'qsa'1ca lceya' yuha' tein hiyut' next where he went was not Then youth a sticks fresh some having into the started apparent. tent coming k'a derna' ttuk-a>Iina mi'ca~ja wo' 'eya". he'c'en wcqhi'kpe Vota ki'caoa'. he~cen and - "These grandfather make for me imp." - he said. So arrows many he snade So for him. pte' 'otct wica'o c'a' walk'e'ya wq tec'ka 'Wic'cagapi k'a c'atkn/ k~i 'en wtqka',n huffaloes many he shot whenever tent a large they made for and rear seat the there high them themselves sohe —h.dekctiyapi ni'nra wage' capi'. caused him to place very they were well his bed provided. "t*'k q' wic'a' hjca ki heya" - wakq'lka tqyq' 'itya'lc 'e 'im.du'~ki ece, jteOl, Then old man the said - "Old woman well we are it being I am gladl, so now so 'e'yawapaha kte do'; - 'eye' c 'a hqh'q'nahji tic'e/'ijkpata 'i'yotqlce c'a heya" I proclaim fuit. M. sp."p; - he said and early morning tent top-top at lie sat and said that miye' t'a'u-wat',C tVa.hiyaka~~i m~dado'pa - 'eya". "z'k'q/ he' t'a6i'yakap'op'opa "I1 my pile I have big gut fat I chew soft sub — he said. Then that meadowlark stance" he' 'e k'e'ya'pi'. zitka'na wq t'asi'yakap'op'opa 'eci'yapi kj he' 'e"; makVu zi' lca that is they say. Bird a meadowlark they call it the that is; breast yellow and c'tola-'ya sa'pe cj he' cL'pa-o'-zi lkj he' tVatcqlka he' -4duhdvuta 'e 'ina'p'j Ike' ya'pi'. middle black the that dawn yellow the that buffalo bull horn smooth it being so hie wears around they say. neck heha'n 1cohlka' k'i heya" - tuka\hina, 'ito' 'oma'wanini icta c'e - eya". Then young man aforesaid said that - "Grandfather so now I wander future quota- - he said. tive" 'i4'kf' wicea/hica lkj heya" - ho tVako'ia k~o~ka' WeVa 'oya'te 'ec Ce/n wUawq'yag Then old man the said that - "Yes, grandchild, young man whenever people along the way to se loma' ni ce'- 'eya' ke'ya'pi'. wanders always" - he said, they say. Then so young man aforesaid went and people a lived there arrived Then behold, going. IAccording to preceding line kallo'sa, T kall'o' ' Timleno ye' ACADEMY or' SCIINcisS] TEXTS 181 No. 2] cqqh.de'ika Ickute'pi 'e'n 'i'. 'l&*1keq- kto~ika'na wq 'e'n 'zvwq'yaka ke'ya'pi'. kme' nr wood hoop they shot there he arrived Then youth a there was looking on they say. so going. 'e'n 'ina'j k'a - Wto' kici u/wa kicYi wawq'm.dake kia - 'eya". he1 c'en kjcYj then he stood and - "So now friend with him I look on future" - he said. So with him,a'fj..) kt~ heya" - kic'u'wa yatYi 'ekta' 'tthde' kta - 'eya".. he~cern kicYi he stood. Then he said - "Friend you live there we two go - he said. So with him that future hde' c'a kicYi kei1". VIkV he' 1c'i~itku 'ic ta'hya hecta he'c'en k'iVkPitku lcicTi he went and with him arrived hack Then that his grandmother made him grow such so his grandmother with him home home. lived there he arrived they say. 't V -'qi kic tu'wa kicYi wah.di' c'e, ta'lcu yu'te ida 'iki'h.ni ye' - eya". Then-"Grandmother my friend with him I came home, something to eat future provide imp." - he said. ~it'ktc' Iceu'1igitkcu kIc heya" - takco\a to'Vieen wah'cq'kta he?- 'eya". s1,q1ceq' 1keodka'24ma Then his grandmother the said that- "Grandchild how I act shall?" she said. Then youth other k'i heya' - tokeetu hwo'? 'qci'na, - 'eya". '4 -q' 'oya'te kj de' wana' the said - "How is it? little - he said. Then - people the this now aforesaid that grandmother?" 'iYpuza-wic'a'-t'e Icta c'ee 'eya".- tuwe' m~ni' huwe'-i k'eeg hdi'kni 'ece" - eya". of thirst die will quota.- she said. - "Who water goes to get but comes home ever"- she said. tive" whenever not ~~~ ~~ kiceu'wa c'ee'a 'icu' wo', m~ni' huwe'-'iqye Icta cee - eya"-. "q/'k'q', - talco/ia Then - "Friend kettle take imp., water to get we go, fut. quot." - he said. Then, - "Grandchild ki'tc, 'ica'hwaye ciki'if- 'eya".- taku'gniini 'ilceo'yapea - 'eye' c'a he~cen lcicei hardly I made grow the past" - she - "Trifles you fear" - he said and so with him said. ye' c'a mde-lca'hda 'ina' iipi'. 'i0'V~~ m~ni' kj lcah.da' wakeihkokpa m~ni' oiu'giudcq he went and lake-alongside they stood. Then water the alongsidc huckets water each full hiye'ya'. -%( - tuwe' m~ni' huwe'-hi eea' ta'ku 'e yalcte' 'ee' lce'ya'pi k't were shout. Then - "Who water to get arrives whenever some- it being you kill always they say the thing so aforesaid to'lcei 'ida'da hwo'? de' m~ni' huwe'-wahi do' - 'eya". where you go? This water to get I arrive m. sp.," - be said. 'iq'k'cq' 'ihnu'h qna to'lcei 'iya'yapi Vq'n' he~cen 'jyt tei-hq'slka wq kak~iyoteqna Then suddenly where they went was apparent not. So behold! tent long a in that direction 'iye'ya, cea 'ohna' k'okla' lca urikeo'~1a 'oiu'na hiye'ya'; wana' 'apa' t'a'pi It extended in youths and maidens full were; now some were dead lca 'apa' t'e-'icakigya (yqlca'pi) hi ye' ya 'e'n 'opteeya 'ipi'. 'i4'kcq'- dena' to' ken andi some dying suffering they were there Joining they Then - "These how came. dukceq'pi he? 'eya". ', -q' ta'lcu yalc'a' he? dena' m.ni' huwe'-'thipi kWe~ ta'ku you are here?" - be said~. Then, "What you mean? These water to get we came but each sometime thing wq nalq'pcapi 'ece'e c'ee 'eya'pi ike' ya' pi'. a swallowed us always quotative"l - they said they say. ',q'k'q' ktok1a' k'iq pea ici 'e'n ta'ku 'iya'p'apea-yqlka'. 1'k~'kq' de, ta'ku he Then youth the afore- head the there something was striking continually Then - "This what?"1 said - eya". 'i4'kVq hq'ta (wo') he' ceqte' 'e 'e c'ee 'eya'pi'. ',*'k'q-' he' he/cen - he said. Then - Keep away m. sp., that heart it is quot." - they said. Then that so 'isq' 'e'h.daku lc'a baipu'~pu-yqka'. '1q/keq/ 'ihnu'hqna ta'ku ni'na ha'm-hihda'. ~itlkeq' knife he took his and was cutting it up continually. Then suddenly something very made loud noise. Then he' teqma/ hen teqlka 'e hena' naw~ic'apca tulcea/ ceqtel kj bagIpu'pi flakea/i (ohna' that body inside large it being those swallowed them but heart the cut off from consequently in so its cord 1622360-41 --- —13 182 DAKOTA GRAMMAR [MEmonts NATIONAL t'e' ci 'elkta' hi') t'a', ke'ya'pi'. he'c en c'uuwi/ kj pahdokle c'a ktogka' urildolka dead the there arrived) it died, they say. So side the he pushed a hole and youths maidens kto 'om hdicu". also with went home. them '1,tqkl, 'oya'te kj ni'na ptidalwictaya 'e he1 cten wiketo'dca nu'm lcu'pi'. tuicta Then people the very he made them glad it heing so maidens two they gave him. But so - 'o'hjni 'oma'niyq uwai* 'e, he1 cten kic tu/wa 'iye' wi c'a' yuze icta cte - 'eye' c 'a - "Always traveling I am it being so friend he marries them will quot." - he said and so ktWkamna Pit nup tin lc'u". ',*<ktc( he' c'en ho'c tolam wakte/ya wq 'ittica~api lca little youth the aforesaid both gave. Then so camp circle middle tent a they built a and tent ho I i'na e'iq ktq'gitku lcicYi 'aletiyuha 'e'n 'ann caktipi'. u~ilto'~ila nt'pa leit boy the afore- his grand- with carrying them there they brought Maidens were two the said mother together them, aforesaid those with there they arrived them and lived. ASSINIBOIN THE RED FOX (Assinihoin above and Teton below recorded by Ella Deloria) 'itVo lca'l ttiurictota ttipi'. ttiwi/ctota k'e'yagi w-i~i'la hijka' etelke' ttittq/la 'ot'Ti sicte". Well yonder families lived. They were hut one only - -- it being so tent large he lived it is said. now many many families in ct'zpuj'tku nu'm wiko'deebi hkpia. ie'ca kq'ga-~ana hqya'1e'ena hiya'ya ct'itw'tku nt'p wikt'd~kalakapi dee". he'cte ji 'la wq hj'hqnihcj ~na hiya'ya His daughters two were young girls, it is said. That way fox red a early regularly passed hip~ta. ie' tuwa' yu'za ~ ten cit~iu4'tku np'qti/n le'u'leta geya' hi~ta. ie'cten hcqya'lctena We" he' tuwa' 'oyu'spe cjhq ctqwr4tku nitptj' Ie'u'kta lee' ya' Wke". he'ctei hi'hcqnahcj it is said. That whoever caught it when his (laughters both give will hie said it is said. Thus early morning that keo~ka' lej 'iyu'hana kileta'bi. lcuwa'bi hv'~ta. ktuwa'bi Ikte tuwe'ni yu'ze~!. kktwla/laka kj 'iyu'hala kikta'pi nq ktuwa/pi Wlee" letuwa/pi Ikte tuwe'ni 'oyu'spesni'. youth the all arose, and they chased it it is said. They chased it hut never nobody caught it. ie'cti 'ih~q'ge 'ekta' wq~gq'gqna wqii' ttaleo'ziapagu hokIc~ina kicti t%'. ie' he'cti ttii'hqlee 'ekta' 'winu'Iicala wq ttako' akpaku hok~Ii'la wq kicti' tti". he' There end of camp at old woman a her grandchild boy a with lived. That one c alenil yahpe-k tuwa. hole~i'n'a ze''ee te n ecti,'. ie' k tuwal bi hole~ina ie' kie'. (ctqgli'yahpe?) letuwa". hoke~i'la ki he' ecte'l 'ectl&'. he' lctuwa'pi le'iq he' hok.i'la lj Icte-". with a trap pursued it. Boy the that according did. That they chased boy that killed one it one it. t'anu/ ie'n 'e'lnaga 'hqga-giana 'akna' 'ilipa'ya t'a. hqyalkten~a kileta' hjle wana' ttalo/ he'l 'e'g.nalea ctqcile suo'i'la lej 'ag.na' 'iltpa'yi nq t'e". hj'hq'nahci lilcta' -- wana' Meat there he placed it fox red the on it fell and died. Early he arose and then now kq'ga-gana t'a uNkla'. ie'cted ttita 'aeYi hitgta. ie'ct'ed let`gitleu yuoa'ba c'ed hqga' ki~)i'la le'4 t'a' yqlee". he'cte~i ttya'ta 'al Wi iee". he'c'eg lek',qIitleu lej yuoa'pe c',qhc' hidea' fox red afore - dead lay. And so to his tent he took it is said. And so his grand- the skinned it then said it mother ie' tti 'eleta' ta'leu 'ope'm.ni 'ai". ie/c ed yum.na'ya; wana' wa~te'leina ie/cted wana', wcq tt i e 'eleta' ta'leu 'ope'm.ni 'ai". he'cte yubla'ye'; wana'i wadte'klea'. he'c te wana' that lived the to something wrapped she took And so he unfolded it; now he liked his own. And so now in it. ACADEMY OF SCIENCNDS] No. 2] TEXTrS c twprj'ku n?*p Tv' e 4,uwj'tku nvqpj'~ his daughters both h olkSI'In a hoks'i'la kj boy the hjlcna'yqpikta hjg.na'yqpikta they were to have him for husband ga'ya h'iita. ice' ya' Wce" he said it is said. that, tUio TI 183 ~'kicizipam ie'ced 'ou4'ia iki'ca~)api c'qke' u~ikco'fikalaka 'hey erected a and so (A) bedding tipi for him (T) girl 'ou4'ia lciyd'ra ya' hq'tcq kj 'ou4'ia-lctiyela ya' c'ia the bed near he went If, then kj'tma' the one of the two 'iyo'1c'ik 'iyo'k%7"'n she forbade hi 'eleta' 'e'Iilnaka. Iqma' wahte'na~j. hoksIi'rm bedding to she took and The other despised him. Boy left it. one ~j. hqkta' ya'!1 hqtkta' ya'! ne'n yau'ktegct' 'eya' hqi Ii'. akVo gOa' akVo gla' le'l yau'1kteni ye' 'eya' Wce' im. "Go away, go away! Here you will not she said, it is sa come" ta. aid. ie'c'ed hokc~i'rta ni'rta And so boy aforesaid very ott' 6 croqte' heart ie'c'ed he'c'eg And so W~ca Wzca bad hiqita. it is said. 'iwma hi' The one came aforesaid he'd that one c ti'ge~j. o "Tkegni''. he did not want. 'a.qma' wahte'nagi ie' 'ec' ni' na cltj '~qma-' wa-hte'1an'i k'i.* he-' 'ece' li'la c'j"). IThe other despised him aforesaid that only Very he wanted. man j'l 'oma'ni'. ',q'4ika WkeI". in the he wandered. He was it is said. wilds pitiable wik%'i'neye unik'i'~leye having intercourse w io'lcicizipam 'e'n ye'~j.ini tiki'caoapi k'q 'e'l ye',ini not they erected a there not going tip! for him ('inu'm-yahi ieha'n 'aic e' 'oc Ticim.nalcjkta.) ('in~q'pa-yahi lcjhq hehq'l 'akte' 'ocTiciyakjkte'.) (A second time when then again I shall tell you.) you come 0 Mueums MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACI OF SCIENC kDEMY JES VOLUME XXIII THIRD MEMOIR WASHINGTON, D. C. 1940 _ ~ __~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-I- -- MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII THIRD MEMOIR UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1940 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.- ------- - Price 80 cents MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES VOLUME XXIII Third Memoir OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ON THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES BY ALES HRDLICKA PRESENTED TO THE ACADEMY AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1937 mI i I OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ON THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES BY ALES HRDLI(KA v V /-! A CONTENTS Page Introductory remarks -_ --- —-----------------— _ --- — 1 Age ---------------------------------- 2 Descriptive features -------------------------— __ --- —----------------- 8 Visual observations_ --- —------— _ 4 Observational data --------------------------------------— __ _____. 4 —4 Skin ---------------------------—.-.-. --- —. 4 Hair-_ 5__ --- —----------- Color of the eyes _ --- —------ -— __- -_- 7 Forehead - ------------------------ 8 Deformation of the head --------------------------- 9 Supraorbital ridges -------------— _ --- —--- 9 Eyeslits. ------------------------------------ — 10 Eyelids_ - --------------------— 10 Eyes ----------- ----- ------------------------- - 10 Ears- --- ------------— _ 11 Malar regions ------------------------ —.. 11 Depression at the nasal root ----—._............._........._..._ -...........__.........._ 11 Nose: Shape --------—... -. --- —---------------. ---.... —.. ----.___ _-__- 12 Nasal septum -------------------------------- ----—.-.............. 13 Subnasal prognathy ----------------- --— 13 Lips -. --- —-------------------------------—. ---... _. 14 Chin... ---. --- —---------—,-.. ---------------------—... 14 Angles of the lower jaw __ --- —--------—. -------- ------—. --- —. --- —---- 15 Body and limbs ------------------------------—.... _...- 15 Anomalies ----------------------------------------— _ _..- -...-................... 16 Deductions from observations ---------—.. -------- - -16 Measurements ------------------------------------- --—.....-.. — 17 Height of body_ -------------------— 19 Weight of body -----------------------------— 21 Weight versus stature ------------------- 22 Height sitting ----------— 24 Arm span -- ---------------------------—,__ _ — - -27 Head ------------------------------- ----...............-.. — 29 Length -... -- ---------- _30 Breadth --- —---------------------------------— 30 Height --- —----------— _ 32 Size- --------------------------------- -- - ---- -. --- —....- ---- -- 35 Shape-_ _ 39 Height indices -------------------—. --- -------........... --- —- - 41 Face --------------------------— 44 Breadth of forehead -----------------------------— _ 44 The face as a whole ---------- --- ---- -------------------------- 45 Total facial height ---------------------—... — ____ __________ __47 Total facial height versus stature --------—... --- —----- ---.. ---. --- —47 Facial breadth ---------------------------------,47 Physiognomic facial index — _ --- —--— __-___, --- --- ---- 50 Lower facial height __ --- —----------------------—.-......._...................... 51 Lower or anatomical facial index ---------—.-_ ---------—.- -.. —.-. —~. ---- ------- 53 Lower facial breadth ---------—. --- —---------.- ---.-.__... --- —---- 55 Nose ------- ---------— 58 Length ----------------— 58 Breadth --------------------------------------------- 61 Index-__:63 Index -----------------------------------—.-.. —...........3.......................... 65 Mouth _ --- --- -----------— _ ------ ---------- ---------- ------------------- 65 Ear -— _ --- —-------------------- --------------—. ----- - 68 Chest ----------—.. --- —---------------------------- 73 Hand_ ----------— 82 Foot ----------------------------— 89 Physiological tests --------------------------— 97 Concluding discussion --------------- --------------- ---—..._ - ----- ----— _ 98 General comparison (tables) ---------------------------------- 99 Final remarks -------------- --------------------------------------------— 104 vn INDEX OF TABLES AND CHARTS Table No. Page 1 Members of the Academy: Ages - _ ---------------- ---- ------- - ------- 2 2 Age distribution of examined members --- —-------------- -------------- 3 3 Skin color ------------------------------------------------------------------------ 5 4 Hair color -— _ 6 5 Nature of the hair -------------------------------------------------------- 7 6 Color of iris (condensed results) --- —---------------------------------------------- 7 7 Color of the iris (more detailed and comparative data) --- —- ------------------- 8 8 The apparent height of the forehead_ --- —--------------------- 8 9 Slope of the forehead --- —------------- 9 10 The supraorbital ridges ---------------— 10 11 Eyeslits -----------------------------— 10 12 Development of the malar regions -----------------------— 11 13 Nasal root depression -------------— 12 14 Nose: Shape- -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 12 15 Inclination of nasal septum --- —--------— __ -13 16 Alveolar prognathy ---------------------------- — __ _ --- —-------- 13 17 Thickness of the lips - ---------------------- 14 18 The chin -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 15 19 Angles of the lower jaw ------------------- --- ----- ---— 15 20 Stature -----------------------------------— 20 21 Weight --- —-------------------------------------------------------- 21 22 Weight-height ratio - ---------------------------------------- 23 23 Sitting height in percentage of stature -_ ----------------------- 25 24 Arm spread --------------------------------- 27 25 Arm spread in percentage of stature ---- ----------— _ 27 26 Head length --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 30 27 Head breadth_ -------------------— 32 28 Head height --- —------------------------------------------------------- 32 29 Cephalic module ------ -------------------------------- _ -— 35 30 Cephalic module versus statute ---------- _ ---------------— _ 36 31 Size of head in relation to stature ----------- --- ----— 38 32 Cephalic index _ _ --- —---- 40 33 Head height indices -- -- ----------------------- __ — 42 34 Height of forehead ------------------— 44 35 Diameter frontal minimum_ - ---------------- 35 36 Physiognomic height of the face ----------------- ------- 47 37 Facial breadth ----------------------------------- ------------ 48 38 Facial breadth versus head breadth -_ - ------------------------------- 50 39 Physiognomic facial index -------------------— 50 40 Height of face to nasion - -----------------— 51 41 Menton-nasion height versus statute -_ ---------------------— 52 42 Lower facial index - ----------------------— 53 43 Summary of the main facial measurements, indices, and relations ----------------------------- 55 44 Bigonial diameter ----------------------— _ ----- -----— 56 45 Lower facial (bigonial) breadth in members of the Academy, old Americans at large, and German and French immigrants ------------------— ___ __ --- —-------— _____- _ ----— 58 46 Nose length (subnasion-nasion) -----------— _ __ --- __59 47 Nasal length and age ------------— _ ------- 61 48 Nasal length versus statute and anotomical height of face ------------------------------- 61 49 Nose breadth ---------------------------— 62 50 Nasal index ------------ --------— _ --- —— 64 51 Old Americans: Nasal dimensions and index versus age (laboratory series) --- —--------------- 64 52 Width of the mouth ------- ----- ------— 66 53 Ear length —. ----------------------— 68 54 Ear breadth ---------------------------— 70 55 Ear index -------------------- --- ------- -- 72 Ix x INDEX OF TABLES AND CHARTS Table No. Page 56 Chest breadth -----— ____ — __ —74 57 Chest depth -----— __-_________ ______ _____76 58 Chest index_ - --------------------- ------------ --— 78 59 Chest module ------------------------------------------------------—.... --- — _80 60 Chest module versus stature ----------------------------— __82 61 Hand length ---------------— 83 62 Hand breadth ------------------------— 85 63 Hand index.- -------------------------------------— _.- ------— _ -— _-__ - 87 64 Hand module ------------------------------------------------- 89 65 Foot length ----------------— 90 66 Foot breadth ------------------------------------------— 92 67 Foot index --------------------------------- ---—. --- —--------—._ _94 68 Foot module --------- ----— 96 69 Foot and stature ---------------------------—. ----- -97 70 Tests of strength -- ---- ------------------------— _ _98 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ON THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES ALEA HRDLI6KA INTRODUCTORY REMARKS In 1925 the writer completed and published a study on the old elements of the American population.1 The object of that study from its beginning was to establish reliable standards on the most characteristic and genetically uniform part of the American population, and with this aim constantly present in mind all the observations and measurements were made personally, under due regulations, with the same instruments and with scrupulous care. The results of the study showed some remarkable differences between the cultured contingent of the "old Americans" and the belated mountaineers of equally old extraction, to the advantage of the former. This made it very desirable to study in the same ways and by the same observer the mentally most active and advanced in the old American population, to find whether or not and how they differed from the cultured old Americans at large. A group of such persons in somewhere near sufficient numbers and availability was best to be found, it was recognized, in the membership of the National Academy of Sciences. The matter was therefore brought before the Academy, the consent of the members was given. The examinations began in the building of the Academy in 1926, and were continued until 1933. In 1928 the undertaking became associated with the Committee on Biographical Memoirs, thus securing the aid of Doctor Charles B. Davenport, Chairman of the Committee, which is hereby gratefully acknowledged. At the annual meeting in 1932 the first brief general report on the results of the work was given to the Academy and in 1933 another portion, observations on the forehead, was discussed before the American Philosophical Society.2 In 1933-34 Dr. Davenport's laboratory aided the work with such simpler mathematical determinations as seemed to offer some hope of usefulness. In 1935 a second report on the results of the study was given to the National Academy, and since then the present final treatise on the work has been in preparation for publication. Among the members of the Academy the study met in general with the kindest cooperation; but there were also some difficulties. It being impracticable to visit the members in their homes or institutions, or to secure elsewhere the proper accommodations, the examinations could only be carried on during the annual meetings at Washington; these meetings are generally attended by less than a half of the members, those present are busy with the proceedings, and not a few can come only to present their own or hear some special communication; the result of all of which was that on the average not more than about 20 members could be secured for the measurements each year. An even greater difficulty was encountered with those who were too old or too feeble to attend the meetings in Washington, and a considerable number of such members passed away before they could be examined. Under these conditions it became impossible to get the whole membership of the Academy; but eventually data were obtained on 100 otherwise unselected members of old American derivation,3 and on 50 of European or of recent American parentage. The series, especially the latter, are numerically less than desirable. It is known to anthropologists that a satisfactory series among the living should contain at least 200 individuals; I The Old Americans, 1925, 8~, I-XIII and 438 pp., Williams and Wilkins Co., Baltimore, Md. s The Forehead. Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 1933, LXXII, 315-324; reprinted in the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1934. s At least three generations on each side, inclusive of the subject, born Americans. 1 2 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MEORoLN.XIIOAL nevertheless, groups of 100 and even 50 may safely be expected to show definite trends both physically or physiologically. But another serious factor intrudes into both of the groups and that is the advanced age of most of the individuals composing the membership. Except mentally, normal adult life culminates around 50, after which inexorable senility begins to set in; and senility affects progressively nearly all the features and functions of the body. The results of the study of the members of the Academy are thus necessarily more or less biased by the factor of age.4 This must be borne in mind throughout their comparison with the data on the old Americans at large, a series that comprised numerous young to middle-aged adults and from which all subjects showing senile changes were excluded. Notwithstanding this serious obstacle, however, a certain amount of useful comparison will be possible. The measurements and observations were taken by the methods and with instruments described in my Anthropometry 5 and in The Old Americans.6 To obviate any possible misunderstanding an explanation of the measurement and procedure will be given under each determination. AGE The mean age of the 150 members of the Academy who were examined was 59.67 years. The mean age of the total membership of the Academy from 1920 to 1927 7 ranged from 58.94 to 61.10, with the general average of 59.96. It is evident that the group measured showed no bias in age. A more detailed picture of the age distribution in those examined is given in table 1. On the whole there is but a small difference between the two series, i. e., between the members of old and those of more recent American status. On closer inspection the old Americans in the series are seen to include a larger proportion of individuals of 60 or less, the not old Americans a larger proportion of those above 60. The ranges of ages in both series are very extensive. They amount to 81.5 percent of the average in the 100 old Americans, and to 65.3 percent in the other 50 members. TABLE 1.-Members of the Academy: Ages ALL MEMBERS Subjects Total of ages Years Yce The whole series- -------- - 150 8, 951 56 MEMBERS ACCORDING TO DERIVATION Old Americans --- —----- 100 5, 890 58.90 35 83 Not old Americans -------------- 50 3, 061 61.22 42 82 MEMBERS UP TO 60 YEARS, INCLUSIVE; AND OVER 60 Members up to 60 years: Percent Old Americans (60) -60 3, 132 52. 20 35 60 Not old Americans (22) ---------- 44 1, 137 51. 68 42 60 Members over 60 years: Old Americans (40)- 40 2, 758 68. 95 61 83 Not old Americans (28) ---------- 56 1, 924 68. 71 61 82 ' The effects of this factor on measurements were discussed by me recently before the American Philosophical Society: V. Growth During Adult Life, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 1936, LXXVI, 847-897. ' Wistar Institute, Philadelphia. 1920, new ed.: Practical Anthropometry, ibid, 1939. 6 Baltimore, 1925. 7 Data furnished by Paul Brockett, Executive Secretary. ACADEMY or SCIENCBS No. 31 AGE 3 The conditions shown above are not favorable from the anthropological point of view. Old age is a potent modifier of the features and even dimensions, and thereby a very disturbing factor. The studies on the old Americans at large were limited, barring a few justified exceptions, to subjects up to 60; should the Academy series be limited in the same manner there would remain but 60 of the old American and 22 of the not old American members; numbers that could not be expected to give thoroughly satisfactory results. Moreover, even in the series up to 60 there is a considerable predominance of the older subjects, as may be seen from the following table of age distribution: TABLE 2.-Age distribution of examined members Years ------------— 35-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 71-80 81-83 Old Americans (100): Number ---------— 3 20 37 26 13 1 Percent ---------— 3 20 37 26 13 I Not old Americans (50): Number --- —-------------- 1 8 13 17 10 1 Percent --- —----------------- 2 16 26 34 20 9 These frequencies are so unexpectedly interesting in themselves that they deserve to be shown graphically. Their regularity is probably largely due to demographic causes; that is, gradually increasing death rate with age; but there is more in the showing than just that. This however is a side issue. What concerns us here is the evidence that the observations on the academicians are essentially observations on elderly and old men. In a large majority of them development in most of the parts of the body has been completed, while in a good many of them, notwithstanding their above-average preservation shown later, there have set in already more or less involutionary (senile) changes. This unfavorable nature of the material can in no way be overcome, it will affect all the results, and these facts, as already mentioned, must be constantly remembered in the perusal of the data, more especially in the comparisons with less weighted outside series. The consciousness of these defects would not however justify a too pessimistic attitude toward the study. Many of the determinations will have a value, and the records should be found highly useful in comparison with data on similar groups in other parts of the world, and when like observations are repeated on the American academicians in the future. DESCRIPTIVE FEATURES A general inspection of the members of the Academy revealed an unexpectedly wholesome status. Such a status could probably not be equaled in any random group of individuals of similar ages taken at large. Extremes in any respect were absent. The mass of the members could only be characterized as physically normal to above the general average. There were found but a very few noteworthy anomalies and none of these was of a degenerative nature. It may be stated, therefore, that barring rare exceptions, those who have become members of the Academy within the last 30 years were in general characterized, aside from their mentalities, also by physical normality to superiority. The old maxim of mens sana in corpore sano is certainly sustained by this group. Even the few subnormals were in no instance such in the essentials or to any marked degree. The detailed scrutiny resulted in a number of outstanding determinations. There was no truly red-haired person, or highly blond, or markedly curly-haired in those examined. The measurements of the old American 8 section of the membership, and the membership, and those of members of European birth, while differing in some details, more particularly in the descriptive features, in the 8 Members both of whose parents as well as all four grandparents, at least, were born in the United States. 4 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MEMo OL XXIIIL main agreed closely. The eyes, hair, and other features in the old American group of the academicians, and in the not old American group as well, indicated in a large majority of the cases racial mixture (within the bounds of the white race), those that could be regarded as pure types being in decided minorities. There were found no marked developmental asymmetries of the head, face, or body. The heads, though of different shapes, gave as a rule the impression of large, the faces of medium proportions, with the malar region (cheekbones) more or less subdued, prognathy absent, the lower jaws never heavy or with bulky angles, the necks medium, the chests average to ample, the trunks and limbs in no case disproportionate, arms, legs, hands, and feet mostly not delicate but well-developed and fairly muscular. VISUAL OBSERVATIONS These observations, similarly as with measurements, while interesting, would be of only limited value if they could not be contrasted with similar and fully comparable determinations on like groups of the general population. Such comparisons fortunately, as already mentioned, are possible, though the differing age factor is troublesome. One advantage is that the observations to be drawn upon for this purpose are by the same observer and were carried out with the same methods. They were made between 1910 and 1925 on substantial numbers of descendants of the old American families. The fact that the studies on the members of the Academy followed within but a short interval those on the old Americans at large enhances further the comparability of the series. A word may be useful here about the reliability of the visual observations. Such observations naturally cannot aspire to the accuracy of precise measurements; their value would necessarily be uncertain if made by the under-instructed and inexperienced; there may develop some bias in the recording of the less definite characters even among trained men and perhaps in the same observer; but where there is a clear understanding of the subject, ample experience and due care, and no considerable lapse of time between the observations on the series to be compared, such determinations are quite trustworthy, of value, and indispensable for a fuller knowledge of the group studied. A word further is due as to the use of color plaques or blocks and other "standards" for gaging the color of the skin, hair, and eyes. Such standards have so far been the products of individuals and have had various faults; as a rule they are merely numbered and such numbers convey no intelligible information to the reader; there is no assurance that their repeated editions or makes, or even all the samples of the same turn-out, are strictly uniform; and they are not available or even known to many workers, not to mention the readers. For these reasons the writer has preferred the expert rational method of appraisal, recording, and presentation, the results of which may be given with fair lucidity and be understood. OBSERVATIONAL DATA THE SKIN Though we term ourselves the "white" race our skin is not white, as anyone may see if he lays his arm on a sheet of white paper. We have, in fact, no really appropriate generic name for the color of our skin and thus will keep on calling it "white." An examination of the skin on parts unaffected by exposure in a large number of individuals soon shows that the "white" is not the same in all cases. Among European and American whites the skin of the body in a large majority of individuals is what may be called medium white, or near medium; but in some subjects there are aberrations from this medium in the direction of lighter to florid, and especially in that of darker shades to marked tan. There is no line of demarkation in all of this, but an experienced observer with good eyesight finds but little difficulty in recording the conditions. The safe way is to class as medium all the nuances about the distinctness of which from the medium there is uncertainty. When this is done there remain only the cases in which the skin of the body is decidedly lighter (less pigmented) than the medium, ACADEMY Or SCIENCES] No. 3] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 5 and those in which it is certainly naturally slightly darker to distinctly tan-and these are our subdivisions. Results.-Detailed records on the color of the skin are available for 250 adult male old Americans at large, 100 subjects of the same class of the Academy, and for 50 academicians of European birth or parentage. The three series give the following picture: TABLE 3.-Skin color Mean Distinctly Slightly, but Mean Dishtirnthln Medium distinctly, to lighter than age medium (or near) somewhat darker than medium Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) _,- _____58. 90 1.0 93. 0 6. 0 Not old Americans (50) ------ 61. 22 -__ _ 88. 0 12.0 Old Americans at large (250) ------ - 37. 00.8 84. 8 14. 4 The data agree fairly closely. There are apparent differences and these may have some slight significance; but when the two series of old Americans are united, the discrepancies practically disappear. In nearly nine-tenths of each of the groups the skin is medium white or near, in but approximately 1 case in 100 it is distinctly lighter, in approximately 1 in 10 slightly to somewhat darker. The differences in the exact percentages may possibly be simply accidental, or connected with the unequalities of the number of subjects in the three series. Whether age enters into the subject as a factor is uncertain; the mean age of the 36 darker subjects in the old Americans at large was 35.7, of that whole series 37.2 years; that of the 6 darker old American academicians was 60, of all 58.7 years; that of the 6 darker academicians not old Americans 64.5, of this entire group 61 years. There is no special indication in this one way or the other. The fact is there is known as yet nothing definite as to the effects of age on the color of the skin, and our data do not help in that direction. In the study of the old Americans at large, the darker skin correlated in general with darker hair and brown or mixed eyes, and the same was noticed in the members of the Academy; but the correlation is not reciprocal, for very dark to black hair and brown eyes, though never associated with real light or florid skin, may and not seldom do occur without appreciable skin darkening. The meaning of distinctly lighter skin is clear: it is always a part of advanced general depigmentation. That of the distinctly darker shades, under normal conditions, is less evident, but ancestral conditions play, according to all indications, the chief role in the manifestation. The whole subject of skin color within the white race is much in need of a thorough investigation on large series of subjects and with the most efficient means for color determination. THE HAIR The hair was noted in reference to color, character, grayness, and loss. Considerable difficulty was encountered in the members of the Academy as to the color. In a majority of those examined there was so much grayness that a direct estimate of the preceding color of the hair was more or less difficult. In all these cases whatever evidence remained had to be supplemented by information from the subject; such information, however, in subjects of this class was generally free from ambiguity. The same rational and readily understood classification of hair colors was used as with the old Americans at large; and while there is no line of demarkation between the various shades and those near the thresholds may be classed by even an expert observer at one time with one and at another time with a neighboring category, in the long run such incidents are equalized and the main results are unaffected. The academicians compare in this respect with the old Americans outside of the Academy as seen below: 9 9 The data in this connection extends to 1,009 adult male old Americans at large. 6 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [ME'^oL.s'~, TABLE 4.-Hair color LiFhts (tre Light brown Medium Dk oDecidedly blonds) (near but not (medium nblk Black reddish to true blonds) brown) true red Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) ---- - ----- 6 45 46 2. 0 1. 0 Not old Americans (50) --- —------------ 6 34 56 2. 1 2.0 Old Americans at large (1,009) --- 5. 3 16 50 25 1. 1 2. 6 1 Reddish, not true red. The above figures are as interesting as they were unexpected. The members of the Academy, both old Americans and not old Americans, though the latter more especially, show decidedly more of hair pigmentation than do the old Americans in general. The members of the Academy give no pronounced blonds and no true reds (though two or three were expected by chance), decidedly smaller proportions of light browns, and decidedly larger percentages of darks to blacks. Taking the dark-to-black hair, the old Americans at large have a little more than onefourth of such, the old American members of the Academy practically one-half, and the members of the Academy not old Americans close to three-fifths. Even the true black seems to be more represented in the Academy than it is in the old Americans outside of it. This is a noteworthy showing. It cannot be attributed to error, for no such major error with the same observer in all this work would be possible. There must be another cause or other causes. A very potent factor in hair pigmentation is age. While pigmentation of the skin under normal conditions probably remains unaffected or suffers but slight changes with age alone, the pigmentation of the hair, it is well known, with all the originally lighter shades is as a rule progressive. Hair that in infancy was flaxen to light brown, in the fifth decade will generally have reached to medium (medium brown) or even dark shade. Thus through this factor alone the members of the Academy, who with few exceptions present a group in which the whole range of hair darkening has been gone through, must give a record of deeper pigmentation than the old Americans at large who include many individuals in the earlier stages of adult life.10 Except in the members of the Academy not old Americans (who show throughout somewhat more pigmentation), and with the pronounced blonds and reds, the differences shown by the data, I am inclined to believe, are due to the age factor alone. Should there be any other influence it could only be, it would seem, a correlation between high mental ability and work with darker hair pigmentation, which is not readily preceptable. Nature of hair.-In the report on the old Americans at large there are the following statements on this point:11 In thickness the hair in healthy old American adults may usually be classified as about medium, with an occasional tendency to moderate fineness * * *. As to shape the hair of the head in the old Americans is generally straight or nearly so. Pronounced natural wave is very exceptional, and naturally curly hair was met with in only one instance, a male. Much the same is true of the members of the Academy, especially the old Americans. In none of these could the hair be characterized as coarse or thick, nor again as decidedly fine. As to straightness, matters differ appreciably in the two groups of the Academy. The conditions will best be presented in a small table: 10 The section on hair color in The Old Americans (p. 25 et seq.) should be consulted in this connection. II C. c., p. 55. ACADEMY Or SCIENCES] No. 3] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 7 TABLE 5.-Nature of hair Straight (or Moderately Wavy Somewhat nearly so) wavy curly (always) Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent 100 old Americans ---- - 96 2 1 1 50 not old Americans-.. --- —-- 80 8 8 4 Among the not old American members, it is seen, there is a very perceptibly larger number of wavy to curly hair. The causes doubtless are racial. Grayness, loss of hair.-Nearly all the members of the Academy showed some gray hair, ranging from a few hairs to all or nearly all; and a large percentage showed also more or less of loss, ranging from slight to almost complete. Accurate data in these respects, under the ordinary methods of examination and gaging, are impossible; but a study of the records, such as they are, showed no significant difference in these respects between the two groups of the members of the Academy, nor between the old American group within the Academy and the old Americans at large studied previously.'2 Moustache, beard, hair of the body.-A proper study of the moustache and especially that of the beard was impossible, for more than one-half of the members of the Academy wore no moustache and but a few wore a full beard. It is well known that both in color and character the moustache and the beard differ in most cases appreciably from the hair of the head, the moustache tending toward a lighter and more sandy, grizzly, or reddish tinge, while the beard is frequently darker and tending to wavy or even slightly curly. Nothing exceptional was seen or learned in any of these respects in the members of the Academy. Also there was no information about or suggestion of any subnormal or excessive hairiness of the body. COLOR OF THE EYES The facts that a cursory examination of the eye color is not reliable, that a more intensive and regulated scrutiny in good light is necessary, and that on such close examination many eyes that offhand appeared pure are really found to be "mixed," together with the rational classification of eye-colors, were discussed and shown in the report on the old Americans at large (pp. 35-47). The subject received due attention with both subdivisions of the members of the Academy and the general results of this are seen in the next table: TABLE 6.-Color of the iris, condensed results Apparently Apparently Mixed pure lights pure browns Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —---- 29 11.0 60. 0 Not old Americans (50) --- —--- 30 14. 0 56. 0 Old Americans at large (1,009) --------------- 31 16. 5 52. 5 The above conditions are remarkably harmonious, particularly as to the pure lights, in all the three groups. In approximately three-fifths of the individuals in each series the iris showed plain signs of admixture of brown-eyed with light-eyed ancestors. There is some predominance of the browns in the old Americans at large. This may be due to the presence in this series of a larger proportion of southerners. Within the Academy the not old Americans show a moderately larger proportion of the brown-eyed, as could have been expected from the racial composition of this group. 12 C. c., data on pp. 55-59. 167689-40 —2 8 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS MPOOLN XXN The detailed records disclose various additional items of interest and the data appear definite enough for a valid comparison with those secured on the outsiders: TABLE 7.-Color of the iris: More detailed and comparative data Pure lights Pure browns Mixed Blues Other lights Blue, gray, or Grayish Green- Light Medium Dark greenish, Light Medium Dark blue ish blue with traces and and of brown gray greenish Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Pct Percent All 29 All 11 Old Americans (100) -— 1 | 1 18 4 | 6 | — 1 | 7 | 3 60 All 30 All 14 Not old Americans (50)- 4 2 20 2 | 4 | --- ---- 10 4 56 All 31 All 16.5 Old Americans at large (1,009) - 7.9 14.8 1.1 2.2 5. 0 4. 5 9.3 2. 7 52.5 of~~~~~~~~~ I Includes 2 (2 percent) slate blue. I Includes 1 (2 percent) slate blue. a Includes a few slate blue. There are, it is seen, but minor differences between the two classes of members of the Academy. There is more of appreciable difference between the academicians and the old Americans at large; however, the latter have shown more light blues, greenish, and light browns. These differences are connected in all probability with age. The pigmentation of the iris is certainly affected by age, and that both during the adult stage proper and during senility. The main facts brought out are that the two groups of the members of the Academy show no important differences in eye color; and that, though there are some apparent dissimilarities, both present a close fundamental agreement with the old American population outside of the Academy. Of the "mixed" eyes the predominant color was, in the order of frequency, medium grayish blue, gray, medium blue, slate blue, brownish, and greenish. The brown in the blue, gray, or greenish eyes occurred as traces, specks, spots, splotches, and in one case as a marked segment; the bluish or grayish in brown eyes was in splotches, or occurred diffusedly in the outer third of the iris. All this is as in the mixed eyes of the old Americans at large. THE FOREHEAD The subject of the height of the forehead has been dealt with already in a special article 13 and thus needs to receive here but a brief consideration. The notes here are limited to the descriptive characteristics of the forehead. These relate to the apparent height of the forehead and to its slope. The apparent height of the forehead does not necessarily mean also a superior height in measurement. It is the visual impression of the region understood under this term in relation to the head and especially the face. The records show the following: TABLE 8.-The apparent height of the forehead Slightly to Medium (or H somewhat low near) High Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) ---- - 3. 0 94 3. 0 Not old Americans (50) ---- 4 0 92 4. 0 Old Americans at large (250) ------- 8. 7 88 3. 3 Is The Forehead. Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 1933, LXXII, 315-324. N Mo. 3 SCENC] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 9 The two groups of the academicians show practically the same conditions; in the outsiders there are a few more "lows." It is quite possible that the lesser loss of hair above the forehead in the latter class, due to lower ages, has influenced judgment to the above extent. In the proportion of "high" foreheads the academicians and the old Americans at large are identical, which demonstrates once more the fallacy of associating high foreheads with superior brains. The equally generalized view that a sloping forehead means mental inferiority is also fallacious. The sloping forehead, if we except pathological brains, is frequently due to a greater than usual development of the frontal sinuses and the supraorbital region. Frequently the upper part of the forehead is not depressed, but the lower part has been carried forward more than usual. Such a condition gives more or less of an external slope to a forehead which inwardly, together with the fore part of the brain, may be quite free from the slant. But even if the slope is due to other causes it does not necessarily mean any inferiority of the brain. Such a forehead may naturally and does in known instances coexist with a brain of high qualities.'4 It may be added that a sloping forehead occurs with both dolicho- and brachycephaly, and that it is in the main a male character. The conditions shown in this respect by the members of the Academy and in the outside old Americans were as follows: TABLE 9.-Slope of the forehead Medium, well- Slight to mod- Marked slope arched erate slope Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- — - 93. 0 7. 0 Not old Americans (50) --- —---- 94. 0 4. 0 2 Old Americans at large (250) 97. 3 2. 7 In this condition, it is observed, the academicians make a slightly worse showing than the old Americans at large, which shows the valuelessness of the character. In one of the academicians, and in another now dead and not included in the series, the slope was about as pronounced as ever met with among normal whites, yet one of these men is one of the very foremost technicians of this country, while the other was one of its outstanding naturalists and theoreticians. The data present strong evidence for the conclusion that only when a low or sloping forehead is associated with and caused by a subnormal brain, can either of those features be regarded as a mark of inferiority; otherwise it is just a morphological variation, perhaps physiognomic but of no other significance. In the case of one prominent member the skull, though spacious, showed a typical earlier Aurignacian form. Such heads, too, occur in cases among the oblong-headed groups of the white race, particularly in Scandinavia, as they did and do among the dolichoid American Indians. Such interesting occurrences are cases of survival or perhaps a reversion to the earlier type of our common ancestry and they too have, if everything else is normal, no other significance. DEFORMATION OF THE HEAD In only one subject among all the 150 academicians examined was there a mild head deformation, due to a premature occlusion in probably the coronal suture. Such occlusions are generally connected with some nutritional disturbance during childhood and have no further significance. SUPRAORBITAL RIDGES These ridges are the more or less attentuated remnants of the heavy protective supraorbital arch of the diluvial man. They are largely a male character and in civilized modern human groups 14 Comp. The Old Americans, p. 228. 10 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M VOLt' NATIONAL" tend to further diminution, both as to mass and in lateral extension; but in rare cases they may, even in an otherwise high-class but muscularly powerful individual, show a development that approaches more or less the old neandertaloid condition. In the old Americans at large these ridges in general are more or less subdued, but here and there in individuals they may show a strong development and even an approach to an arch. In the members of the Academy the ridges were found predominantly of submedium to but feeble development; but there were a few exceptions. The detailed records showed the following conditions: TABLE 10.-The supraorbital ridges Near none to About Above Markedly submedium medium medium developed Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) —__- _ 39. 0 49. 0 8 4. 0 Not old Americans (50) ---- _ 36. 0 56. 0 4 4. 0 Old Americans at large (250) ___- _ 23. 4 65. 4 8 3. 3 There are, evidently, some differences of significance in the three groups. The members of the Academy show a considerably larger proportion of subdeveloped ridges than do the old Americans at large, while the proportion of the more pronounced ridges remains much the same in the three series. The two groups within the Academy differ but slightly. It appears from the above that in persons of lifelong intense intellectual activities the supraorbital ridges on the whole tend to develop less than they do in the old Americans at large. If, in a small proportion of intellectual workers the ridges nevertheless reach a rather marked degree of development, such occurrences may be attributed, it would seem, either to strong general muscular and skeletal development due to work or exercise, or perhaps to a special hereditary transmission in this character. EYESLITS There is but little to say in this connection. The members of the Academy gave practically the identical records with the outside old Americans; viz: TABLE 11.-Eyeslits Horizontal (or | S l y Horizontal (or Slightly to modernearly so) upard nearly so) ately inclined upward Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —-- 97 1 3 Not old Americans (50) -- — _ 98 2 2 Old Americans at large (250)__ 98 2 1 In 1 on right only. 2 On right only. In no one in any of the series was there any trace of epicanthus. EYELIDS Nothing uncommon in this respect was presented by the members. In the older ones the eye aperture in occasional subjects showed diminution and the upper lids showed more or less of folding and overhang, but all this was as is usual at such ages. EYES In some of the old members the eyes as a whole were deep set; but this is a well-known oldage characteristic, especially perhaps in intellectual workers. It is due partly to diminution in NCA. 31 CNCe OBSERVATIONAL DATA 11 the fat within the orbits, but partly also, it would seem, to some further supraorbital or frontal development during the latter half or more of the adult period. It is interesting to add that while the use of glasses, for reading at least, was general among the academicians, there was no case in those examined of a serious eye abnormality or defect; and that no blindness exists either now or has existed within the memory of those consulted in any member. Yet all have used their eyes intensively and doubtless in many instances to excess. The explanation is probably good, strong eyes to start with and their further strengthening through exertion. EARS With the ears the conditions in the examined were almost equally favorable; a large majority had no defect of hearing at all, and only 1 of the 150 was deaf enough to be obliged to use a mechanical aid. Nor is there any information of any deaf member, though some in old age became hard of hearing. MALAR REGIONS The "cheekbones" in the members of the Academy were found in no case bulky or prominent, but were often perceptibly to decidedly reduced. The generalized reduction of these parts constitutes one of the most obvious changes in modern man under the agencies of civilization. More directly it is the result of the diminished facial stresses due to lesser use of the masticatory organs, brought about under higher civilization by changes in the quality of food and in the needed quantities of the same. The records show as follows: TABLE 12.-Development of the malar regions Almost none Slightly to (externally) to Subme- About me- lightly to decidedly dium dium amoderately s of t A subdued Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) ------— 31 53 14 2 Not old Americans (50) -----— 28 46 24 2 Old Americans at large (250) ------ - 11 36 51 2 Here for the first time, the members of the Academy, especially the old American members, present really noteworthy difference from the outsiders. In the old American academicians and to but a moderately lesser extent in the members of European birth or more recent American, derivation, the malar regions showed on the whole considerably more reduction than they did in the old American population at large. The explanation of this can only lie in less work of the masticatory apparatus during the growth period. DEPRESSION AT THE NASAL ROOT This is a relatively simple morphological and physiognomic feature. Detailed records on its status show some differences in our three groups, but these are hardly large enough to be beyond the possible errors or chance aggregations; yet there may be some racial significance, for the main exceptional items occur in the not old American group of the academicians. 12 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MVEMOLSNATIONAL TABLE 13.-Nasal root depression Near none Subme- Medium D to slight dium (or near) ee Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —-- 5 8 85 2 Not old Americans (50) --- —- - 8 14 78 ----- Old Americans at large (250) ------ - 2 16 81 1 NOSE: SHAPE By "nose shape" we understand the form of the dorsal ridge of the nose. This form is interestingly variable in man, and in the white races in particular. It is due in the main to the different developments of the bony and cartilaginous nose, but also to that of the soft parts of the organ. The differences may be merely ontogenetic. The shape of the nose changes more or less, particularly in the males, from birth to the oldest age; they may be of a generalized racial character; they may be hereditary family peculiarities; and they may be individual differentiations for which no cause is discernible. In a group of prevalently elderly males, such as the members of the Academy, the findings may be regarded as those of the fully matured plus some old-age modifications. There are four main shapes of the nose. They are the concave, the straight, the aquiline or convex, and the wavy or concavo-convex; and the concave as well as the convex may thus be moderate, medium, or pronounced. The concave form is the infantile, the pronouncedly convex the prevalent most advanced adult. All these forms are encountered in the old American adult population at large. The members of the Academy showed these conditions: TABLE 14.-Nose: Shape Nose: Convex ConcavoConcave Straight convex Males (slightly to or near (slightly to moderately) Slightly Medium Markedly medium) Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Total 41 Old Americans (100) -------- ----- -- 29. 0 21. 0 18. 0 2 30. 0 Total 36 Not old Americans (50) --- —-- 40. 0 14. 0 20. 0 2 24. 0 Total 42 Old Americans at large (250) -- - 8. 7 22. 0 18. 0 24. 0 ---- 27. 3 In comparing the above three series it should be borne in mind that the old Americans at large included numerous younger adults with but a very few individuals over 60, while the conditions in the two Academy series are the reverse. In consequence of this, the old Americans at large show a fair number of noses that are still slightly to moderately concave, forms which in the academicians have already completely disappeared, having changed mainly into straight noses. Aside from this, the old Americans in and outside of the Academy present a close agreement. The academicians of more recent European extraction differ in these respects somewhat from the old Americans in general, both in and outside of the Academy, by showing a decidedly higher proportion of straight noses, with somewhat less of both the mildly convex and the concavo-convex forms. In all probability the men of this series when younger had also a larger proportion of concave noses, which later in life have straightened. NoDY. OSNC] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 13 The old Americans in general as well as those in the Academy do not conforn, or conform but rarely, it may be observed, to "Uncle Sam," who is represented always with a decidedly convex nose. NASAL SEPTUM The free border of the septum that connects the tip of the nose with the subnasal region and divides the nasal cavity into two, differs much with age and also individually in its inclination. In childhood and youth the angle formed by the septum and the subnasal region is often more or less obtuse, in midadult life it is mostly horizontal, in old age it is frequently more or less acute. These conditions, which are connected with the progressive growth of the fleshy nose with age, if viewed as if the subject stood or sat before the examiner, are recorded most conveniently as "septum inclined upward," "septum horizontal," or "septum inclined downward." The nature of the inclination influences considerably the aspect of the nose and face. Considering the advanced age of many of the members of the Academy we should expect a fairly high proportion of septa inclined downward, and the records bear out this expectation, viz: TABLE 15.-Inclination of nasal septum Inclined upward Inclined downward |Meage ___n | - _ ___ _____ ]Horizon-__ age tal or Markedly Moderately Slightly near Slightly Moderately Markedly Members of the Academy: Years Percent Percent Percent Percent Percen Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —---- 58. 9 -------- 6. 0 12 59. 0 9. 0 10. 0 4. 0 Not old Americans (50)-,.. 61.2 8 70. 0 14. 6. 0 2. 0 Old Americans at large (250) ------ 37. 0 2. 3 9. 7 20 56. 3 8. 9 2. 4. 4 The above showing reflects remarkably accurately the influence of age. The younger series-the old Americans at large-present most of septa inclined upward, least of those inclined downward, and this applies especially to the more pronounced cases of either condition. In the academicians there is none with a marked slope of the septum upward, but in nearly onefourth the septum inclines downward in various degrees; and in the members of the Academy not old Americans, who are the older, the inclined-upward septa have become reduced to a few slight cases only. Aside from the potent factor of age there comes into bearing in these connections also, to some extent, that of race. In some racial groups, such as the Semites, both the frequency and grade of the descending septum in old age are appreciably greater. SUBNASAL PROGNATHY Facial protrusion was wholly absent in the members of the Academy, as it was also in the "laboratory group" of the old Americans at large. As to alveolar (subnasal) slant, the conditions were found to be as follows: TABLE 16.-Alveolar prognathy None (or Moderately feeble) noticeable Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Old Americans (100) ----- ----- - 90 10 Not old Americans (50) ---- -— __ _ 94 6 Old Americans at large (250)_ --- —-— _ 92 8 14 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [tMYo. NAT'NIII. The above results are practically identical in the three series and show a general advanced reduction in alveolar protrusion. This is due to a generally subdued development, in these contingents of the population, of the teeth and of the dental arches. LIPS The lips, as all the other soft parts of the face, change with age. No infant is born with thin lips, but these begin to suggest themselves during childhood, increase in definition and frequency during the adult stage, and become common in the old. A potent influence in bringing about the change is the loss of front teeth and absorption of the alveolar processes. Such a loss, it is true, is nowadays generally neutralized by artificial dentures which, if not expertly made, may even accentuate slightly the original alveolar protrusion. In the majority of cases in the aged, however, the alveolar processes have been more or less absorbed and the "plates" tend slightly to underdo rather than overdo the original fullness of the frontal portions of the jaws. This reduces the original protrusion which permits the lips to be drawn more inward and thus to lose in their original external volume. But this agency is secondary to that of the direct effects of age itself on lip diminution. These effects consist evidently of an absorption of some of the tissue of the lips plus, probably, a lessened supply of blood. The records on the lips of the members of the Academy show thus: TABLE 17.-Thickness of the lips Somewhat above medium oth Submedium Mean - about Both age mthin Upper Lower Both mdium Upper Lower Both Members of the Academy: Years Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent All 7 All 23 Old Americans (100) ---. --- — 58.9 2 | 3 2 60. 0 6 1 16 10 All 10 All 38 Not old Americans (50) ---- 61. 2 -- 2 | 8 50. 0 8 | --- —----- 30 2 All 8.6 All 0.7 Old Americans at large (250).. 37. ------------ 90.7 ------- ---- ------ ~______________________ ~___8.6 ____0. 7___ There are, it is seen, rather marked differences in the three series. The available outsiders present a group influenced but very slightly as yet by age, while the members of the Academy and particularly the not old Americans, are affected markedly by their years. Lips above medium in thickness were seemingly once somewhat more common in the members of European birth or parentage than they were in the old Americans both within and outside the Academy; this is doubtless connected with their racial derivation, a very potent factor in this connection. THE CHIN The strength, form, and protrusion of the chin are important physiognomic features. It seems superfluous to insist here on the fact that the differences in the development of the chin and the lower jaw reflect merely the muscular and bony development of the individual and only thus indirectly can have any relation to the "character" of the individual, but this is often forgotten. The two groups of the members of the Academy contrast thus with each other and with the outside old Americans: ACADEMY or SCINCES] No. 3] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 15 TABLE 18.-The chin. Form Prominence Rounded quare Sub- Somewhat Rounded (or near) Point edium Mi protru ing Members of the Academy: Percent Percet Pnt Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) 94. 0 5.0 1 98 1 Not old Americans (50) — __ 92. 0 8. 0 ----— 94 6 Old Americans at large (250) --- —---- 80. 7 19. 3 ---------------- 80 20 There is a remarkable normality of chin conditions in the members of the Academy. They have notably less of the square and less of the prominent or protruding chins than were found among the old Americans at large. In many of the members the whole lower jaw was seen to be of but moderate strength, and in a few it even inclined to be relatively delicate, though as a rule normally conformed. ANGLES OF THE LOWER JAW The angles of the mandible in many members of the Academy, both old Americans and more recent, were found to be more or less subdued. They were found submedium also in a good proportion of the old Americans at large, but this series shows at the same time a decidedly higher number of cases in which the angles were above the medium. A prominence of the angles means of course, in general, a more than medium development of the muscles of mastication, particularly the masseters. The detailed data follow: TABLE 19.-Angles of the lower jaw Decidedly Sub- About Moderately Pi,,t subdued medium medium prominentromen Members of the Academy: Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —------------ 9. 0 30 56. 0 5. 0 Not old Americans (50) -----— 2. 0 34 58. 0 6. 0 Old Americans at large (250) --- — - 3. 3 26 57. 3 12. 7 0. 7 The factor of age does not enter materially into the above showing. The status of the academicians is plain. They agree fairly well among themselves, but differ from the outsiders in presenting more of the markedly submedium, much less of the above-medium, and none of the prominent mandibular angle regions. The whole showing, taken together with what has been seen with the chin, means merely a prevailing lesser development of the lower jaw in the members of the Academy than in the old Americans at large (laboratory series), in whom it was in turn less than in the general male population of the country. BODY AND LIMBS Aside from a few cases due to injury, the members of the Academy presented, so far as the development of the body and limbs was concerned, a remarkably normal lot. In but one individual were seen some traces of early rickets (thorax), and there were no noteworthy deformities, asymmetries, or pathological conditions. This is a showing of significance. The minds that find their way into the Academy are minds usually accompanied with and sustained by normal bodies. There have been and doubtless now are geniuses who physically were or are seriously wanting, but such evidently do not come to be selected for the Academy. 16 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M'VOL. IN,. ANOMALIES Major congenital anomalies were rare in the academicians. Only 7 of the 150 examined members presented something noteworthy in this line, and in none of these could the abnormality be regarded as of a degenerative nature. The 7 cases are as follows: (1) In one member-a large patch of brown on a leg, below the knee. (2) In one member-markedly webbed toes (second and third) on each foot. (3) In one member-second right toe turning congenitally downward. (4) In one member-the great toes, both sides, showing considerably more than the usual separation from the rest. (5) In one member-outstanding ears. (6) One member never had any eyebrows, or but very little. (7) One member had four accessory nipples on the body. Some of these anomalies (2, 4, 7) are simple atavisms, others (1, 5) are probably of more recent hereditary nature, and some (3, 6) may be incidental or semipathological. DEDUCTIONS FROM OBSERVATIONS A survey of the results of visual observations on the members of the Academy and their comparison with those on a large series of old Americans at large, leads in the main to the deductions given below. A direct comparison of the members with outsiders was somewhat difficult, due to the much more advanced age of many of the members. A contrast of the two groups within the Academy, namely those of old American ancestry and those of more recent derivation, is imperfect due to uneven and not sufficiently adequate numbers. Notwithstanding these drawbacks certain facts come out fairly definitely and are not without value. They may be enumerated thus: Pigmentation of the skin.-The members of the Academy of old American extraction showed smaller proportion of tan shades of the skin than the members of more recent European derivation, and both groups showed less than the old American outsiders. The higher age and higher general culture of the members have probably not influenced this showing. Pigmentation of the hair.-The members of the Academy failed to present any pronounced blonds or any true reds; and they showed decidedly fewer "lights" and more "darks" than did the old Americans at large. An influential factor in this, however, was the advanced age of the academicians; they gave the record of the ultimate pigmentation of the hair which in many of the younger outsiders had not yet been reached; but that this may be the whole explanation of the differences is doubtful. Pigmentation of the iris.-In color of the eyes the two groups of the members of the Academy, and the old Americans outside, differ scarcely at all so far as the "pure" lights are concerned; but of the darks the members of more recent European derivation show a slight excess over the old Americans in the Academy, and are in turn exceeded by the old Americans at large. Age has had some, but not all, of the influence in these connections. Pigmentation in general.-In full-fledged adults and before senility sets in, there are certain correlations between the pigmentation of the skin, hair and the iris, but there are also exceptions. A darker skin goes as a rule with dark hair and eyes; but dark and even black hair may exist in the same individual with white skin, and even with blue, especially a dark blue, iris. Old age disturbs all this. It is accompanied by a slowly progressive diminution of pigment production. But the consequent "fading" or depigmentation affects the different parts concerned unevenly. The hair of the head suffers earliest and most, the face and the iris next, the hair of the body, and the skin still later. These processes have doubtless modified more or less the showings, in these respects, of the many older members of the Academy. A direct comparison of the academicians with the outsiders as to pigmentation would only be fully possible therefore if the two groups either corresponded closely in age with each other or if only those who did so correspond were compared. ACADEMY or SCIBNCES] No. 3] OBSERVATIONAL DATA 17 Viewed in this light the results of the observations on pigmentation in the members of the Academy lose much of what may have seemed exceptional. What remains unexplained is the absence among the 150 members of the Academy of true reds in hair and beard with the concomitant "rosed" skin and peculiar constitution; and of high blonds. Both of these types, though scarce, occur in the old American population at large. Their absence in the Academy may be accidental, though the odds are against this; or they may be associated with temperaments or other qualities which lead their possessors into lines of activities that are not represented in the Academy. Forehead.-In the development of the forehead the academicians show in no important respect anything exceptional. Somewhat sloping foreheads, if anything, appear rather more frequent among them than among the old Americans at large. Supraorbital ridges; the malars and the jaws; angles of the lower jaw.-In all these features the members of the Academy show, on the average, a somewhat weaker development than that presented by the old Americans outside, who in turn have shown somewhat weaker average development of these parts than is found in the more recent and laboring contingents of the population. These are differences of merely ontogenetic nature, due to social conditions that involved in these different groups different amounts of work, particularly that of the organs of mastication, whence their stronger or weaker development. In those members of the Academy who had been brought up on the farm or had otherwise in youth worked or exercised hard, the parts under consideration were found as well developed as in the outsiders of corresponding occupations. The supraorbital ridges may show strength or weakness also phylogenetically, yet their development in general is also subject to ontogenetic conditions. The palpebral fissurses (or eyeslits).-Members of the Academy, both groups, give identical in 2 to 3 percent slightly to somewhat oblique (external canthi higher). Nasal root.-The members of the Academy of more recent European extraction have shown a greater tendency to a shallow or no depression at the nasal root than have the old Americans either within or outside the Academy. The point is of no great importance and the showing may possibly be accidental; if not then it must be connected with the derivation of the subjects. The nose.-The shape of the nasal ridge presents some difference in the two series of the academicians, those of more recent immigration showing markedly more straights with correspondingly less of convex and concavo-convex forms; and both series differ from the old Americans outside who show still less of straights, and a certain proportion of concaves which are absent in the Academy. These latter differences are due to the materially lower age of the nonmembers; those between the two groups of members can only be of hereditary and possibly racial causation. Nasal septum.-Differences in the inclination of the septum are in the main due to age, the slant upward being the infantile, the slant downward the old-age character. In almost onefourth of the members of the Academy, both series, the septum showed more or less of a downward inclination, which is twice as much and in the more pronounced cases more than three times as much as found in the old American nonmembers; while with septa-inclined-upwards conditions were even more markedly reversed. But the nonmembers averaged by over 20 years the junior and included numerous young adults. Alveolar prognathism.-Members of the Academy of both groups and the old Americans at large gave similar records in this respect. In about 1 in 12 subjects in each group there was a slightly to moderately above average slant of the upper alveolar process, but there was nothing in either group, especially in the members, that would deserve the term prognathy. Lips.-Among the old made Americans at large, in 90.7 percent one or both lips were about medium, in 0.7 percent submedium to thin, in 8.6 percent above medium; in the old American members of the Academy 60 percent were about medium, 33 percent submedium to thin, and 7 percent above medium; in the members of more recent extraction there were but 50 percent medium, 40 percent submedium to thin, and 10 percent above medium. The academicians of both groups, it is plain, show a marked prevalence of lips of subaverage thickness. This doubt 18 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS 'Meso,"XXIo less is due largely to the advanced age of many of the members, but to some extent is also connected with the frequently only moderate development of their alveolar processes and their protrusion. The chin.-The chin in the members of the Academy, both groups, was found to be much less frequently square than in the old Americans at large. This is another expression of the more moderate development of the jaws in the members. Body and limbs.-With very rare exceptions the body and limbs of the academicians were found to be normal. None could be described as very rugged, but none either as feeble, except in some instances through age. In many of the members the preservation and relative vigor of the body, notwithstanding their age, were remarkable and showed both a good endowment as well as exercise and care. Anomalies.-The proportion of more noteworthy anomalies in the members was small, and what there was reflected no weakness. General conclusions.-The general conclusions from the visual observations on the members of the Academy and their comparison with old Americans at large are: The academicians represent a remarkably normal lot, indicating that a certain physical superiority accompanies the mental selection. The two groupings within the Academy, i. e., the old Americans and those of later European derivation, differ somewhat in particulars of racial origin, but correspond closely in all the more important characteristics, including those that distinguish the members from the old American people outside the Academy. The principal differences of the members from the outside population consist of the absence in the former of highly blond and truly red hair, with the characteristic partly depigmented and "rosed" skin that accompanies genuine red hair; and of a generally somewhat feebler development of the facial parts of the skull, including the supraorbital ridges. In all probability the academicians present also a somewhat greater average thinness of the skull, as may be judged from the smooth contours of the same and the somewhat less developed masticatory and other musculature attached to the cranium. MEASUREMENTS Measurements of the body and its parts are generally given little if any reflection; yet they have moree significance than do the measurements of inert objects. For what is measured on the body is the result, at the age-period of the measurement, of the functions of growth and development, modified by normal inherent variability and by sex, race, family inheritances, occupation, environmental and even pathological factors. In the measurements of man therefore we are dealing with determinations of very considerable complexity which, if satisfactory results are to be obtained, calls for dealing with large numbers of subjects, as far as possible normal, of one sex and of a definite and restricted age category. To comply with such stipulations in such a body as the members of the National Academy is difficult. There are two serious obstacles-the number of available subjects, and the wide range of the ages of the members, with many more or less already involved in senile changes in the body. Thus what can be presented in the following pages must be taken only as what was feasible under the difficult conditions. But this does not mean that the data are incapable of showing much of value, for notwithstanding their limitations, they do bring forth many points of substantial interest. A serious question that came up in connection with the treatment of the data was that of the usefulness in such series of data as these of any except the simplest mathematical determinations. In my view of the matter it would be fallacious to believe that a "biometric" treatment of the data could either add anything to the facts brought out by simpler treatment, or show anything the latter was not able to show. In reality, with data of such a complex nature such a treatment would tend more to cover and conceal than to extract and clarify matters. Biometrics used indiscriminately, as it often is today, is not only a great waster of time ACADEMY O SCIENCE]1 No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 19 and energy but to anthropology, which constantly is obliged to deal with inadequate and complex determinations, it is liable to do harm instead of good. Besides, it involves the danger following the easy route of the replacing of brains by figures. So much, I feel, is needed in introduction to the records which follow. HEIGHT OF THE BODY 16 The mean stature of the academicians is high, even though in many of the members it it certainly has already suffered some lowering through age.'6 Its average still exceeds by approximately three-fifths of an inch that of American males in general, and practically equals that of the old Americans at large, though the data on these relate only to adults not yet affected by decline. It is certain that if the statures of the academicians had been taken at their optimum physical stage they would have exceeded on the average those of the old Americans at large. This speaks either for an above-average somatic endowment of the academicians, or for especially favorable conditions during the growth period of many members of this group. TABLE 20.-Stature Members of the Academy Old Americans --------- --- - _ — -- -- at large (laboraAll Old Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —------------------- 150 100 50 727 Mean age, years --- —-------- 59.67 58.90 61.22 28.5 Average ---- ------------- 173. 97 173. 80~0. 44 174. 30~0. 53 174. 30 Minimum ------------------------— 156. 7 156. 7 165. 1 153. 7 Maximum --- —--------------------------- 189. 8 189. 8 186. 9 193. 0 Range of variation in percentage of the average 19. 03 19. 04 12. 61 22. 55 a_ _ -------------------------------- ---- 6. 14 6. 45~0. 31 5. 55~0. 37 5. 80 CV --- —-------------- 3. 53 3. 71 ~0. 18 3. 18~0. 21 8. SS FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION-STATURE: MEMBERS OF THE ACADEMY 152.5-157.4 157.5-162.4 162.5-167.4 167.5-172.4 172.5-177.4 177.5-182.4 182.5-187.4 187.5-189.8 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans --- —-------- 1 2 11 32 24 21 8 1 Not old Americans ------------ - 8 34 28 22 8 ---- STATURE OF MEMBERS BY AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------------ 60 22 Mean age, years --- —------------------------------------------- 52. 2 51. 7 Average stature --- —----------------------------------------- 175. 09~t0.57 175. 23~0.77 --------------------------------------------------- 6.56~ 0. 40 5. 32 ~0. 54 CV- 3. 75:~0. 23 3. 04~0. 31 Over 60 years of age --- —------------------------------------------- 40 28 Mean age, years ------------------------------------------------ 69. 0 68. 9 Average stature --- —------------------------------------------ 171. 75~0. 60 173. 75~0. 69 r --- —-------------------------------------------------- - 5. 65~0. 43 5. 45 ~0. 49 CV --- —----------------------------------------------------- 3. 29~0. 25 3. 14~0. 28 15 Method: Subject without shoes and coat; standing upright against wall; heels together; heels, buttocks, and shoulders but not the head (unless it does so without effort) touching the wall; eyes looking straight forward. Measurement taken on anthropometric board, broad tape or the marked wall itself, by a light wooden square which is brought, properly leveled, to top of head until resistance is felt; the procedure being repeated two or three times until assuredly correct reading is had. 6 In the writer's own case, between the ages of 55 and 63, though everything was normal and there had been plenty of exercise and no illness, the stature declined from 170.2 to 168.8 centimeters, and between 63 and 68 years from 168.8 to 166.9 centimeters. (See also The Old Americans, p. 80.) 20 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS.[MLm^oP^IOnA1 The two series of members within the Academy, namely, the old Americans and those of European or recent American derivation, are astonishingly alike as regards stature, which may be seen especially in the distribution table and in the chart. What small differences there are favor unexpectedly the more recent group, but the slight superiority of this latter, in view of their much smaller number, may be incidental, as is also evidently their smaller variation. The above data and comparisons are of course vitiated by old age which affects many of the members. After approximately the fifty-fifth year the body height generally begins slowly to lower, due to absorption in the intervertebral disks in the spine, and due especially to more or less of increase in the normal spinal curvatures; and these processes, though often very gradual, are continuous. What difference they produce may be seen in table 20. The stature of the members of the Academy of both series up to and including 60 years of age exceeds that of old Americans at large by nearly 1 centimeter or one-third of an inch, even though the latter represent already the highest statured large group of the white race; and it exceeds that of the older by no less than 3.34 centimeters (1.3 inches) in the old American members and by 1.33 centimeters (0.5 inch) in those of European or more recent American extraction. $5^t,1,^:it:,Stature I I-, II4 I r I., m a I I I t.I I1,R'.. A i r -. Y I I 1l- I. I I*T I-I I.. E 10 I IS' to S ir lw 100 OUL u ~ M~ - ~ omm~5 0 'not a The average high stature of the members of more recent derivation is of even somewhat greater interest than that of the old American group in the Academy, for they are derived from peoples shorter in general than are the old Americans at large. The favorable showing of this ACADEMY Or SCIxNCEs] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 21 Academy group among those over 60 suggests that either the original stature of these subjects was even higher than that of their present contingent up to 60, or that incidentally they happen to be somewhat better preserved than the present group of aged old American academicians. WEIGHT OF THE BODY The weight to be dealt with here is the weight stripped; where such a record could not be had directly a due allowance (6 to 8 pounds) was made for the shoes and clothes. This determination lacks in accuracy, for many different scales had to be used. Furthermore, as the mass of the body in most subjects is seriously affected by age, the results can have but a moderate value. The data on 135 subjects, in fair health, follow: TABLE 21.-Weight (in kilograms) Members of the Academy Old Americans - -_ --- —---- - -------— _- --— at large (labAll Old Americans Notold Americans oratory series) Subjects ------—................ ----...- 135 88 47 232 Mean age, years --- —------ 59. 67 58. 90 61. 22 37. 2 Average ----------------- 73. 82 74. 164~0. 73 73. 19~0. 77 68. 63 Minimum --------------- 55. 79 55. 79 56. 70 50. 35 Maximum --- —--------------------------- 98. 43 98. 43 94. 35 98. 56 Range of variation in percentage of the average 57. 76 57. 50 51. 30 70. 25 _ -------— _ --- —--------— _ --- —---— _- 9. 34~ 0. 38 10. 05~+0. 52 7. 73~ 0. 54 CV ------------------- 12.60 13. 66~0. 69 10. 63~0. 74 --- — FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION-WEIGHT: MEMBERS OF THE ACADEMY Kilograms. ---.-... ---. —5............. 5. 8-59 60-64 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94 95-98. 4 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (88) ---- - 9. 09 10. 2 13. 6 22. 7 22. 7 6. 8 8.0 -4. 5 Not old Americans (47) --- —-- 6. 40 6. 4 21.3 34. 0 17. 0 6. 4 6. 4 2. 1 WEIGHT IN MEMBERS BY AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------------- 55 21 Average weight -------------------------—. --- —---— __. —__-.,5 75.68 73. 70 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------- 33 26 Average weight --- —----------------------------------------— |- I 71. 63 72. 78!? '1. 6 Comments.-The academicians of the two series differ but slightly in average weight-what difference there is, is in favor of the old Americans. The table of dispersion indicates that the difference is of some moment, the old American group tending to mass somewhat higher as well as lower than the more recent, and presenting nearly 5 percent of rather obese individuals to none in the other series. The variability is thus significantly greater in the old American group. Compared with the old Americans at large, of materially lower mean age (37.2 years) the academicians average by over 5 kilograms (11% pounds) the heavier. This in all probability is a result of more than one factor, including ample nourishment, predo antly sedentary habits and lack of exercise, with consequent subactive metabolism. 22 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS t[VOL. XXIII.4 S b.( I Weight 'S.I- q'a co t l I * *ata. A no-7u to * -L T * 1l n -Q, If. -. -H —HH 20 I I I I I I I I I I AI 10 - a OL QC~v%&p,,L wovJC -w -m A~ m do mm%4 hoC %, WEIGHT VERSUS STATURE Under normal conditions the weight of the body correlates directly with stature, though this correlation has a large range of variation. The most sensible way of showing the weight-stature relation is by the weight-height gram: centimeter index.'7 This index in 232 old Americans at large, of the laboratory series 18 (mean age 37.2 years), averaged 390.8; in American males of all derivations (calculated from lifeinsurance data), it approximates 401, in Europeans in general 391; 19 in 135 academicians (mean age near 60 years) it is roughly 422.5. The academicians relatively to stature average 9.25 percent heavier. This excess is especially marked in the old American group in the Academy, which gives the average ratio of 426.6 grams per centimeter, to 420.5 in those of more recent lineage-a difference connected probably with the more advanced mean age of the latter group (members, old Americans-mean age 59; members, not old Americans-61 years). The probable causes of the excess of the ratio in both groups of the academicians as compared to that in the old Americans at large, have already been mentioned. 7 See following equation: W (in gm.) -- * For discussion of subject and other methods, see the Old Americans, p. 102 et seq. S (in cm.) rs The "laboratory series" consisted, as to males, of 250 individuals from among the general population and may thus be regarded as especially representative. IS The Old Americans, p. 109. ACADEMY or SCIENCZSJ No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 23 TABLE 22.-Weight-height ratio (grams per centimeter) Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laborae tory series) Old Americans Not old Americans y ies) Subjects -------------------------— 88 47 232 Average --- —------------------------------------- 426. 65~ 3. 83 420. 50~ 4. 74 390. 8 Minimum --------------— 324 338 Maximum --- —------------------------------------ 562 558 Range of variation in percentage of the average... 55. 78 52. 32 (a___ _______,_, —__-__ ___________ 53. 00~t2. 71 48. 13 +3. 35 CV_ --- —---- ----------------------------- 12. 42~0. 64 11. 45~0. 80 ---- DISTRIBUTION Grams per centimeter 324-350 351-375 376-400 401-425 426-450 451-475 476-500 501-525 526-550 551-562 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (88) --- — - 10. 2 4. 5 11.4 27. 3 17. 0 13. 6 5. 7 4. 5 4. 5 1. 1 Not old Americans (47) - 8. 5 6. 4 14. 9 36. 2 17. 0 4.3 4. 3 4. 3 2. 1 2. 1 WEIGHT-HEIGHT RATIO BY AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —--------------------------- 55 21 Average --------------— 432 4. 10 421. 5~ 5. 50 a ___________________ --- —---— ________ --- —--- _ 45. 08~ 2. 90 37. 38 + 3. 89 CV - ------------------------------------------------------ 10. 440. 67 8. 870. 92 Over 60 years of age --- —----------------------------------------- 33 26 Average --- —------------------------------------------------ 417. 57. 56 419. 77. 33 a __-_ --- —------------------------------------------------- 63. 38 5. 34 55. 40 5. 18 CV --- —-------------------------------------------------- 15. 18~ 1. 28 13. 20~1. 23 Distribution.-The variation and distribution of the weight-height index in the members of the Academy are of interest (table 22). Considering the restricted numbers in the two and especially in the second series, these figures show perhaps more agreement than could have been anticipated. In both groups there are evidently a few subjects in whom the weight-to-stature ratio is subnormal, and some more in whom it is somewhat abnormal; but in about one-half of the total membership the ratio ranges from 401 to 450 grams per centimeter, which may be taken as the most usual condition, at the ages involved, of the academicians. This showing (as well as that of the general means) is however somewhat biased by the senile diminution in stature of the more aged; but the main point, the excess in weight of the members of the Academy over the old Americans at large, remains. The matter may be tested more closely. Taking only the 76 members of the Academy who at the time of the examination were not over 60 years old, we get as their average weight 75.13 kilograms, while that in the old Americans at large was 68.63 kilograms; and the average weight-height (gram-centimeter) ratio in these academicians, 423.6; in the old Americans at large, 390.8. The members are still absolutely as well as relatively-to-stature significantly the heavier. The details are shown in table 22. The data accentuate, first of all, the fact that the members on the average are heavier in relation to stature at all ages and especially up to 60. After 60, in both series, the weight ratio diminishes and this even with lowering stature. 167689 -40 ---3 24 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MMOIR.S NTIOAL [O.XXIII, f tt.,~*, Weight-Height Ratio (Grams per cm.) 4ML 1-3ro 'tO 3.5 f -.4-o0o uo01 _ 1f -.)-0I o cI-rl qL qb7(- TOO S I - f r Sl 6 - s aOJ, I ~ S- ix u I: s _ 8 8 a(Po Ct a iCAM The academicians of old American families, curiously, show up to 60 a slight preponderance over those born abroad or of more recent European extraction. In explanation of this difference the only suggestion that seems of value is that those of old American derivation have had some differences as to food and habits. In a few individuals in each of the two series of the Academy the weight-stature ratio, in its turn, is subnormally low, in a few others somewhat abnormally high. Such instances are probably connected with some disturbances of normal metabolism. HEIGHT SITTING20 This measurement gives on one hand the height of the trunk together with the neck and the head, and on the other hand, the length of the lower limbs, below the level of the ischia. The absolute measurements here being of but little concern, we may take up at once their values relative to stature. In the 247 "laboratory series" old American males at large, the sitting height averaged 52.94 percent of the stature, with the remarkably small range of variation of 13.6 of the average. In the total series of 727 old Americans at large, measured by me before and including many young adults in whom as an age effect the sitting height-stature ratio is known to be slightly lower,21 the average was 52.6. The general mean in man approximates 53.5, but shows many differences in the various human groups. In the old American group of the Academy the average comes out practically identical with that of the general (laboratory) group of the old Americans at large, namely 52.84, and it is 52.96, X Subject sitting upright on a bench 46 centimeters high; looking straight forward; with knees bent at right angle; buttocks, shoulders, and oociput touching the wall; procedure of taking and recording the measurement as with stature. sl The Old Americans, pp. 116, 117. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 25 or nearly the same, in the not old Americans the variation being 15.5 in the former and 10.6 in the latter, or 13.9 for the combined group. More concordant data could hardly be expected. The main data follow: TABLE 23.-Sitting height in percentage of stature Members of the Academy Ol Americans at All --- - large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects-_______________ 150 100 50 247 Average ratio — 52. 92 52. 84~0. 096 52. 96~0. 128 52. 94 Minimum ---_ _-__ ______ 48. 9 48. 9 50. 2 50. 2 Maximum --- __ _________ _ 57. 1 57. 1 55. 8 57. 4 Range of variation in percentage of the average- 15. 50 15. 50 10. 57 13. 60 a ----------------- _ --- __ — __-__ -__ --- - -- 1.42~0.068 1.34~ 0.091 CV -----— _ ---— __ —_ ---------- 2. 69~ 0. 13 2. 53~0. 17 --- — FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTION 48.90- 49- 61- 63- 55- 57 -48.99 50.99 52.99 54.99 56.99 57.12 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --— __- ----- _ 1 6 49 41 2 1 Not old Americans (50) -------------------— 1 __ - 6 44 46 4 SITTING HEIGHT IN PERCENTAGE OF STATURE, AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive_ --------- — 60 22 Average ratio ---------— _ -------—. 52. 904~0. 129 53. 09~:0. 170 T --------------------------------------------------------- 1. 48+ 0. 091 1. 16 0. 120 CV --- —-------------- 2. 80~0. 17 2. 18~0. 22 Over 60 years of age ---------------— __40 28 Average ratio --------------------- - 52. 75 0. 141 52. 86~0. 190 ----------------------— 1.32~0.099 1.46 +0. 130 CV --- —------ 2. 50 0. 19 2. 76 0. 25 A striking fact about this seemingly complex determination is its general small variability. Both in the old Americans at large and in the academicians this variability stands at or near the lowest limit of all those shown by the measurements or ratios that were dealt with. The reason for this for the present is difficult to fathom. The next point of interest to approach will be the influence of age in this connection. Table 23 gives the data on the only two age divisions that with this limited series of subjects are legitimate. Advanced age has evidently had a slight effect on the reduction of the ratio. This conforms to the expectation, for it is known that senile involutionary changes affect the spine more than they do the long bones. The noteworthy fact is that the effects are so small in this group. Regrettably there are as yet no suitable data for comparison with outsiders. It is evident from all the above that in the trunk-neck-head height, and also in the sitting height-stature ratio and hence the length of the lower limbs, the members of the Academy agree closely among themselves, and that they present nothing exceptional as compared to the general old American population. 26 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS 1[M~"1oL. ~NA~S. PA -f Sitting Height in Percentage of Stature 'Ep. rtU O4 30 q^40-1 t.t-1 —............ _ _ _ _ _ _l _ I _ _ _ __ _ __ __ -- -~ - l-l 1-~~lIII __ ___ _ _ _ 1 1S _ _ _ _ __ __ __ _ _ _ _ I I I I J1 - 1o 10 I too OI CLm$a CAV4M Wm - - so 3 i o-t I t o ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 27 ARM SPAN The arm span, or arm spread, is the distance from tip to tip of the longest fingers in maximum extension of the arms.2 It gives the length of the arms, which would be difficult to measure separately, plus the breadth of the thorax at the shoulders. The average excess of the arm spread over stature in 142 of the academicians was 4.2 centimeters, with considerable individual differences. The crude data, contrasted with those on the old Americans at large (laboratory series) are as follows: TABLE 24.-Arm spread Members of the Academy Old Americans at large Not old (laboratory Old Americans Americans series) Subjects - _______________96 46 245 Average excess in centimeters over stature --- —----------- 4 30 4. 01 4. 42 Minimum --------------------------- -6. 6 -7. 1 -12. 6 Maximum --- —---------------------- +14. 8 +10. 0 +19. 7 The main value of tile measurement lies, however, in its relation to stature. In modern white mall this relation averages near 104 (101-108).3 In highly civilized groups it tends to be less, in primitive peoples more than the general average. It presents interesting racial, sex, and individual variations. In some of the more aged academicians this measurement was impracticable due to changes in the muscles and joints, but in a large majority conditions were fairly normal. The results were as follows: TABLE 25.-Arm spread in percentage of stature Members of the Academy Old Americans at large Old Americans Not old Americans (laboratory series) Subjects --- —--------- ------------ 96 46 245 Mean age, years - -------------------- 58. 8 61 37. 2 Average --- —------ - ---- - - - - ------- 102. 19~0. 18 101. 78t 0. 23 102. 6 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 96. 1 98. 3 93 Maximum --- —--------------- 108. 2 106. 5 110.9 Range of variation in percentage of the average -- - 11. 84 8. 05 17. 4 __ --- —------------------ ------------------- 2. 64+0. 13 2. 28+0. 16 CV --- —--------------- 2. 58+ 0. 12 2. 24~0. 16 DISTRIBUTION 96.1-96.9 97-98.9 99-100.9 101-102.9 103-104.9 105-106.9 107-108.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (97) --- —------- --- 1. 0 6. 2 23. 7 32. 0 21. 6 11. 3 3.1 Not old Americans (46) 2. 2 8. 7 26. 1 30. 4 26. 1 6. 5 ARM SPREAD VERSUS STATURE AND AGE IN MEMBERS OF THE ACADEMY Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ---- -------------- 58 21 Average - --------------------------- - 102. 170. 25 102. 570. 33 a_ --- —-------------- 2. 78+0. 17 2. 24+0. 23 CV --- —----------------------------------------------- 2. 72~0. 17 2. 18+0. 23 Over 60 years of age --- —------------------------------ 38 25 Average --------------------— 102. 21:t0. 26 101. 12+0. 29 a _ --- —------------------------------- 2. 39~0. 18 2. 12 0. 20 CV ----------------------------------- 2. 34 0. 18 2. 104-0. 20 2s The subject stands facing the observer, one finger touching a raised upright, arms held horizontal (at right angles to the body), and subject directed to stretch to the maximum, while the thumbnail of the right hand of the observer is applied to the medius of the left or free hand of the subject, is pushed by this as the subject stretches and remains when the farthest point is reached to mark the measurement. Two trials. " See the Old Americans. p. 126 et seq. 28 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [ME"OoL. AI"OL, f#1s~ AnArmspread in Percentage of Stature qI., - ql(.q q.q q49-00.q I ob*,Oqlq q,o10 io (.qI e lot''70 8l 2bM'U I so is, '30 all 1*0 a ri 10 $ Ad, ----------, ___CL Clt/y C.A4co The old Americans and the not old Americans in the Academy show much the same conditions, and the old Americans at large stand close by. The slight differences that do occur in the ratio are not however, I think, accidental. Mathematical insignificance does not necessarily mean also biological insignificance; but the differences are probably due to age. The influence in this connection of the factor of age will be seen from table 25. There appears no difference in the relation of the arm spread to stature in the old American series, and but a small one in the not old American. This should not be taken for evidence that there are no changes. As has been shown there are material changes with age in stature and thus the above showing can only signify that parallel changes take place in the parts that enter into the arm-spread dimension. Resume on the Body.-So far as the main proportions of their bodies are concerned, the data show the following characteristics and differences from the old American stock at large: The two groups within the Academy, those of old American and those of more recent European derivation, show remarkable similarities with only secondary differences. Both differ from the old Americans at large in (1) even a higher stature, (2) greater absolute as well as relative weight, and (3) slightly shorter arms relatively to stature. ACADEMY Or SCIENCa] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 29 THE HEAD In the scrutiny of any human group, the foremost interest, aside from the face, attaches to the study of the head, respectively the skull, as the outward expression of the form and size of the brain, the most important and distinctive organ of man. The numerous forms the head or skull assumes, however, have also been found of value in group and race classification, which became an added incentive for giving this part intensive attention. Regrettably, as so often happens, some workers in their studies on the head or skull have gone to unnecessary and even impeding minutiae which not only cannot tell more about the substantial problems the part presents but tend to obscure these problems. The skull, particularly the head, as Arthur Tompson has long ago demonstrated, may be regarded as comparable to a plastic bag filled with something that can only behave as a nearliquid and that, were other factors absent, would necessarily give the skull the shape of a simple globe or near-globe, as can actually be observed in a large measure at certain embryonic and fetal stages. If the skull, or that part of it which contains the brain, assumes any different shape, the cause of this must lie essentially in factors outside of the brain. The skull may in fact be defined, in its ultimate shape, as the result of a series of mechanical agencies connected partly with the hereditary endowments of the different cranial constituents, and partly with the action of all such muscular, pressural, and other outside factors that have acted on it from its beginning. How any derangements in the hereditary conditions, or any additions to the mechanical factors, can affect the skull, may be seen in the large number of deformations to which it is subject. A few weeks of incidental or artificial pressure will deform the skull of the newborn infant in directly compensatory way and proportion, and the brain during all the rest of the life of the individual will be incapable of any material restitution or alteration in these changes. And a premature occlusion or other disturbance in any of the cranial suures will lead o other permanent misshapements. If these facts were clearly borne in mind in every study of the head or the cranium they would obviate much unnecessary detail and confusion. Another fact of prime import but one often lost sight of, is that every feature of the head, and every group of its correlated features, presents, under a universal biological law, a substantial range of normal, that is, nonpathological or incidental, individual variation. This variation reaches invariably over, and in some dimensions and indices considerably over, 10 percent of the average; in other words, over 5 percent on each side of the mean, so that with individual heads or skulls no deviation within this range can without other proof be regarded as significant. Another point that may profitably be touched upon in this connection is the choice and methods of head measurements. Two of the main measurements of the vault, namely, those of the greatest length and greatest breadth, are regulated by international anthropometric agreements and involve no difficulty. The value of the third essential dimension, that of the height of the head, has not been sufficiently appreciated in the earlier times of the development of anthropometric techniques and, offering difficulties, has been largely neglected until recent years, when independently several somewhat different methods for taking the measurement on the living came into use. The method followed in these studies was that of the writer, developed by him 40 years ago and used by him and those instructed by him ever since, in extensive studies on both the American white and colored populations. It is the method used in the studies on the old Americans at large and on a series of groups of immigrants to this country, which furnished the indispensable and nowhere else obtainable material for comparison. The method itself will be detailed later. It seemed necessary to state these facts so as to prevent possible unwarranted expectations or misunderstandings. 30 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MEOIRL XNAXIOL, THE THREE MAIN DIAMETERS OF THE HEAD HEAD LENGTH 24 The length, breadth, and height of the cranial vault correlate directly and compensate with each other, and the full values of the individual measurements could only be found in racially pure groups. We have no such group in the Academy, but that of the members of old American descent presents a limitedly mixed group which is fairly comparable with that of the subjects of similar derivation outside. The conditions, so far as head length is concerned, are as follows: TABLE 26.-Head length Members of the Academy Old Americans _______________ at large (total series, except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- — ----------- 100 50 594 Average -------------------- 19. 94~0. 043 19. 82~0. 055 1 19. 76 Minimum --- —---------------------------------- 18. 3 18. 7 18. 0 Maximum ---------- -------- - 21. 5 21. 0 21. 6 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —- 16. 05 11. 60 18. 22 a --- —_-_-_ --- —_ ----— __-___ -— _______ -_ ---- -— _ 0. 635 ~ 0. 030 0. 580~ 0. 039 CV — 3. 18~:0. 15 2. 92~0. 20. _ DISTRIBUTION Centimeters. --- —---------------—.. ---. ----. ---- 18.3-18.7 18.8-19.2 19.3-19.7 19.8-20.2 20.3-20.7 20.8-21.2 21.3-21.5 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —-- - 2 8 29 30 19 9 3 Not old Americans (50) --- —- - 2 16 24 32 22 4 In the laboratory series of 247-19. 79. Not much needs to be said in this place as to the above figures. They are not far apart in the three groups, yet the outsiders give a smaller value and that especially as compared with the academicians of similar derivation. The true value of these differences can only be appraised in conjunction with those of the two other main head measurements. The range of individual variation follows naturally the size of the groups. The distribution of the measurement is fairly regular. HEAD BREADTH The essentials concerning this measurement are given in the next table. The value of the dimension, taken separately, is as already mentioned quite limited. n2 The greatest obtainable length between the glabella and the most distal normal point on the occiput, whatever its location. For directions of technique see the writer's Anthropometry. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 31 ^ V. Head Length 18.-1f.' 1.8-1l91 iq.-|1q.,7 iq.g.2.o. 6.3-to.7 39~SLi 41,3 -L1.S ___ I., A — AL 'Asar U rr 1 r 1 1 T T TIIT- 1I IT rt - T- 1 1 I Ir 1 r Ii r-I I I II I I Ir16l'" I0 10 f p~.-. id....ESE;4SHSHEI I I IlI I I - I —~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ LI... _~ \ _ _ '_.. - I' ~~~~~~I 4 E W 0 rx40Lh2#,4rWBEI EMS~~~~~~I N _ __ - -— I I — I I -i --- i X,, s <1-1 1r % vH, idXS....rk {l W~~! '~....0000 too OI.Qa 0o t 4Am4I m a — m - mm- s ot k i The breadth of the head, as head length, is appreciably larger in the academicians than in the old Americans at large; this connects, as will be seen later, with the larger size of their heads as a whole. The breadth is further seen to be somewhat larger in the academicians of more recent European derivation than in those who come from older American families; this is connected, as will be shown later, with head shape rather than size, and compensates with the smaller head length in this group. The individual variability is higher, within the Academy, in the not old Americans than it is in the old Americans, which agrees with expectations based on the descent of the two groups. The still higher range in the old Americans at large is due to the much larger number of individuals involved. 32 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS o[MEMOI NATIONL TABLE 27.-Head breadth l Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (total series, except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- —------------------------------------- 100 50 594 Average --- —--- ------------------------ 15. 67+0. 035 15. 84+0. 056 2 15. 45 Minimum -------------------------------------- 14. 7 14. 7 13. 8 Maximum --- —---------------------- 17. 0 17. 4 17. 0 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 14. 68 17. 05 20. 71 a__ --- —----------------------------------— _ 0. 520 + 0. 025 0. 585 + 0. 040 CV --- —--------------------------------- 3. 320. 16 3. 69 0. 25 ---------- DISTRIBUTION 14. 7 14.8-15. 2 15. 3-15. 7 15.8-16. 2 16. 3-16. 7 16. 8-17. 2 17. 3-17. 4 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —----------- 2 20 36 27 14 1 Not old Americans (50) --- —---------- 2 12 30 34 16 4 2 1 The greatest transverse diameter of the head above the mastoids. Technique in writer's Anthropometry. J In the 247 laboratory subjects 15.48. HEAD HEIGHT The height of the head here dealt with is that from the middle of the line of the floors of the two auditory meatus to bregma.26 It is the same measurement that has been taken on the large series of the old Americans at large and on numerous groups of immigrants to this country, not counting large numbers of Indians, etc. When properly known it is, I am satisfied, the most satisfactory measurement of head height on the living. Its results, which have more value taken separately than those of head length and breadth, follow: TABLE 28.-Head height Members of the Academy Old Americans ___.___________________ _at large (total series, except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- —------------- 100 50 594 Average — ---- 13. 93~0. 038 14. 05~ 0. 048 1 13. 95 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 12. 8 13. 1 12. 4 Maximum --- —----------------------------------- 15. 5 14. 9 15. 5 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 19. 38 12. 81 22. 22 _ --- —----- --------------------------------- 0. 565 - 0. 027 0. 500 0. 034 CV --- —----------------------------- 4. 05~0. 19 3. 56~0. 21 ---------- DISTRIBUTION Centimeters - ---------------------------- 12. 8-13.2 13.3-13.7 13.8-14.2 14.3-14.7 14.8-15.2 15.3-15.5 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —- - 12 27 30 24 6 1 Not old Americans (50) --- - 8 16 40 30 6 1 In the 247 laboratory subjects 13.93. u For technique see my Anthropometry. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] en^. 't0' MEASUREMENTS Head Breadth 33 1q.9- fr.% I r. 3 - IS-7 Ir. 8 - 16-2. I 6.3-14. 1.S - 17 I1 -'b - 1.i rI 3o I,I- -- I _ _ __________,f,, -.- -..All p 10 I t-I I I I I a -I I - I I I I I I I I I I~ ~ ~ A I I IIII1 ~k~ at IU' - i _______l- l ~....o _ __ _ ^ __ _ I I I, r T -7 _ _ ___ _ +v i _ - I l,dT r I _! _ _ -IIL UT-rtr _ _ _ ___ _ _ _k _ I s - - -- 100 ood OL WAtOW4 _ _~I~ _ SO'O 'Ket s The height of the head is seen to be practically identical in the old Americans within and those outside of the Academy, and it is very nearly the same in the academicians who are not old Americans. An exceptional development of the brain has evidently no appreciable promotive effect upon the height of the head. The head of the academicians has not progressed as much in height as it has in length and breadth. An interesting point appears relative to individual variability of the three head measurements, as shown by the simple coefficient of variation (Range-average)-the length varies least, the breadth more and the height most, though all this within moderate boundaries. The figures further indicate once more that series of even 100 subjects are not sufficient to show the full range of normal individual variation. The members of the Academy and especially the not old American group, vary less than the old Americans outside, in all probability simply because there are not enough of them in these series to show their whole extent of variation. It has long been my conviction, based on repeated experience, that at least 200 individuals of the same sex and stage of life are needed to give a fairly complete view of the variability of any morphological human character. 34 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS M'[VOL. XXsII n Head Height 11.9 - 11.2 I B.1 - 13.1 13.9 ti-2 i 1., - I 4. l.-l' Ir.2 ItS.- I.:r Un 1)4,%Lar 'Pw A - _: J _I I _ 1 [I 1 l I K - I T i -I F l' K -:f i l 1 F -I F I F - F 3 F -I - 1 F - F 1 F -I i 4I 4 I F F I t I F F 1 F - F F T I ] 7 I t I I~tttW - i A _ IS~~~~ i I rto~! lw~.. I O O e OL QAva cr- &,W doga Aow WME AM t Ot SO n t, t ACADEMY OF SCIENCE] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS. 35 HEAD SIZE The size of the head as a whole is most conveniently expressed by the mean of its three principal diameters, or "head module" (L+- +H) The same object could be achieved by 3 calculating, by the formula of Pearson or others, the cranial capacity, but the procedure in such a case is very much more laborious and the results offer no compensatory value. The size of the head of the old Americans at large, excepting the belated mountaineers, was found to be larger than that of any of 12 nationalistic groups of immigrants measured at their entrance to New York, and that absolutely, as well as relatively to stature, when taken with statures of similar value.26 The heads of the academicians of both groups, as will be seen below, are even larger: TABLE 29.-Cephalic module Members of the Academy Old Americans Not old at large Old Americans n Americans Subjects --- —-------------- 100 50 594 Average --- —----------------------- 16. 51 16. 57 1 16. 37 Minimum --- —-------------------- 15. 50 15. 82 15. 03 Maximum --- —------------------- 17. 60 17. 48 17. 70 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —----------- 13. 08 10. 02 16. 31 DISTRIBUTION 15.50-15.75 15.76-16 6.0116.2516.26-16.5016.51-16.75 16.76-17 17.01-17.2517.26-17.50 17.51-17.60 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- - 2 13 18 16 19 20 7 3 2 Not old Americans (50) --- —- ----- 4 14 24 24 28 4 2 --- 1 In the 247 laboratory subjects 16.39. The essential point shown by the above results, and by the charts, is that the head in the members of the Academy, regardless of provenience, is larger than that of the old Americans at large, even of those of the "laboratory series" which included a good many men of higher education. The excess is limited to the dimensions of length and breadth. The difference would in all probability be even more pronounced if the brains could be compared direct, for everything points to the fact that the skulls of the academicians are not merely larger outside, but in general also more delicate, thinner, and hence additionally more spacious. All this tends to show that high mental activity either goes on hereditary basis with a large brain and head, or, which is more likely, that such activity favors the development of the brain. As intensive mental work means greater than ordinary blood supply to the brain, the enlargement of the organ may be conceived to be due to that agency, though just what grows or increases, whether the supporting and nourishing parts alone, or also the higher cellular constituents, is as yet uncertain. The above facts may further be demonstrated through comparison of the mean diameter of the head (cephalic module) with stature. The data and charts are as follows: 26 See the Old Americans, pp. 152, 193-5. 36 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS ["VOL. TxIII, TABLE 30.-Cephalic module versus stature Members of the Academy Old Americans at large Not old (laboratory Old Americans Americans series) Subjects --- —------------------------------------------- 100 50 247 Average ----- -------------------- ------- 9. 51 9. 50 1 9. 40 Minimum ----------- - 8. 77 8. 88 8. 40 Maximum ------------ -----------------— 10. 37 10. 20 10. 28 Range of variation in percentage of the average 16. 82 13. 89 19. 95 DISTRIBUTION 8.77-8.90 8.91-9.10 9.11-9.30 9.31-9.50 9.51-9.70 9.71-9.90 9.91-10.10 10.11-10.30 10.31-10.37 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —-.. 5 7 15 30 14 13 10 4 2 Not old Americans (50) --- — 2 10 16 20 20 26 4 2 --- 1 The exact figure is 9.396; in 594 laboratory and Virginia subjects, 9.395. py^>~~n~~.Head Module 5.r~f.71s.7b-( 06ol-lsriL6t'(.rof.sr-r7s 1,7o-,7 17[fll7.ll r 7.T.i i - 1 - ~..... -I.. I —L. -I —L........ 1.. -1................. I XSH + i ii %3a5iei11 L =:=::=; =:^ __-I II 1TII II1 _ _= = - = == = =: _: l _ I III IIII 1 =111 111::==5:=m =^:====:=::::=:4 |l ll l1.EEE EEEEEEE _:EEEEEEIEEEEIIIEE I11 111 11 LITI r.=- ___ -_ l:II II -1411 111 =1: L~==: I-I — - - -- - - - - _ - - _ _ - _ - -_ s I -_ _ _ _ _ I lIII1111111 _ _ __1 __I__-ITs1 lT Ij-1 111 [|~ --- -- - - - -` 100 OtA Qwt. ic*-u A~ Mmmm 50'k.S Wst so k -,e:.is Is i6-i S I I I IFT6 I Head Module in Members of National Academy and in Old Americans at Large I 5.5' -Sr.15 i5.IJ16-. 16 1(.01-..1 16-6. 16s.5 1-l.'5.7&- iLj- 11.0116.7 i 17.5 7 51-,.Sl I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I - I- I I- I I- I I I I I-I- I I-I I I- I I I I -I I I I I I I I- I-I I 11 I I I I.1 I 30 r ffl4 H X l l l l l | FFW FF ---—, --- —----- -F -—:-: ---3:O _ L ~~0 T_____ __ _~ ~~~~~~~~~1000~~f ' X0000;C0 _se - I'/ I H HZLNLH43HA HH HHHHHHH1::===m:=======rT===^==r=====m =r========== 10::r^:^^^^ ^:r^^^rr^^^^^^ 1S 0 44&VwtrtA4 OLCO4 eAVV4 - - 2u4W O a&41AJ4LAm44 *SC4 nWT i AA 38 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS IMEMo1oN^AIL |L,-~ ~~Head Module vs. Stature 8.71 —.q Itql-. I q o:. q. b- 3 p.31. q.r- q. q.l1-9.q q.q- o. ro. 11- 10.3 1O.bl- o 1.? T.LtItI -L it o - - - - - -- - - - - — 1 X.- - - _-,,_- __ _- __ ___' -_ - I-I ___ _: _ _: _ _ " _ _ _ _ _:::.T t^^Z^::::^^;:^:::::::::::^^:., ~'~ t.. 00 Go d al*,tALa. ------ 50 aSor, The figures corroborate what has been shown by the module alone. The picture is not perfect, due to the fact that in many of the academicians the stature, which by itself influences the size of the head, has been somewhat reduced through advancing age while the head remained without appreciable change. Nevertheless, when the data are analyzed in the light of what is known about the correlation of the head size with stature, as the latter rises a certain plus remains throughout in favor of the members of the Academy, just as it remained for the more cultured old Americans at large when compared with the mountaineers of like ancestry. 27 There is a means of testing the above important deduction. Of the 150 members of the Academy included in our series, 82 at the time of the examination were 60 or under, hence presumably materially unaffected as yet in their stature by senility. Of these, 80 furnish suitable data on both the stature and the three head diameters. Compared with a group of similar statures from among the "laboratory" and Virginia series of old Americans at large, the academicians show the conditions given underneath. The advantage remains with the members. TABLE 31.-Size of head in relation to stature 82 members of 366 Americans at Academy up to large, up to 60 60 years, inclu- years, inclusive sive (average) (group) Centimeters Centimeters Stature -------------— _ --- 175. 01 170. 1-180 Cephalic module (mean diameter) ----— _ - 16. 54 16. 37 Cephalic module-stature ratio ---- ---- - 9. 45 9. 35 n The Old Americans, p. 189. ACADEMY or SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS Brief resume as to head size.-Both the absolute size of the bead, and the head size in relation to stature, are appreciably larger in the academicians than they are even in the educated and cultured old Americans at large; and this excess holds good even in those of 60 years of age and less. In addition, the general regularity and smoothness of the vault in the members of the Academy, with on the average but moderately developed muscles of mastication, suggest strongly that the skull is thinner and hence more spacious, for all sizes, than it is in even the old American population at large. The excess in the size of the head appears to be limited to its length and breadth, the height remaining unaffected. The increase thus observed can only be attributed to interstitial augmentation in the brain, which in turn is doubtless caused by long-continued greater than ordinary supply of blood to the brain. The excess of blood supply may, it would seem, be either primary, due to favorable endowment as to the circulatory system of the brain; or secondary, induced by long-continued greater demands. In all probability the two agencies in most cases cooperate. HEAD SHAPE The shape of the head, especially the skull, is also always of interest, though its value has often been ill-understood and still suffers frequently from unwarranted exaggeration. As already partly stated the shape of the skull or head, under normal conditions, has but little to do with the development and nothing whatsoever with the quality of the brain; it is of hereditary osteogenetic nature; that is, inherent in the bones themselves and their trophic nervous centers, modifiable more or less by ontogenetic mechanical conditions. It is of value in determining group or racial affinities, but by itself can tell but little in addition. Under the influence of progressive civilization with its accompanying weakening of the muscles and structures that serve mastication, there has been noticed what appears to be a general tendency toward broadening and shortening of the skull. There are individual and familial exceptions to this, but the general trend has been as stated. In no known case of a human group has there been found a tendency in the opposite direction. So much in the way of an introduction to this item and its allure. The most used, though by no means sufficient, representation of head shape is that by the cephalic index, which is the expression of the percentage of the breadth of the head as compared with its length. The data on this index in the academicians follow: 167689~-40 —4 40 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M1sOHS. NATIONAL TABLE 32.-Cephalic index Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (entire Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects --- — ---------- 100 50 727 Average --- —------------------------------------- 78.56 i0.20 79.96 ~0.35 177.95 Minimum --------- ---- --------------- 73. 0 71. 9 69. 7 Maximum --- —------------------- 85. 4 86. 2 90. 9 Range of variation in percentage of the average ------- 15. 78 17. 89 27. 20 a ----------------------------------------------- 3. 00 +0. 14 3. 62 ~0. 25 CV --- —---------------------------------------- 3. 82 ~0. 18 4. 53 ~0. 13 --- —----- DISTRIBUTION 71.9-72.50 72.51-75 75.01-77.50 77.51-80 80.10-82.50 82.51-85 85.10-86.20 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —- ------ - 13 24 30 24 7 2 Not old Americans (50) --- —---------- 2 6 18 18 32 12 12 CURRENT CLASSIFICATION Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (entire Old Americans Not old Ameri- series) cans Subjects --- - ------------- 100 50 727 Percent Percent Percent Dolichocephalic (C. I. up to 75) --- —---------- 13 8 16. 6 Mesocephalic (C. I. 75.1-80) --- —------------------ 53 36 61. 7 Brachycephalic (C. I. 80.1 and over) --- —------------------— 4 6 1. 7 1 In the 247 laboratory subjects 78.28. The above data give much food for reflection. The members of the Academy, of both groups, though especially the not old Americans, differ significantly in cephalic index from the old Americans at large, both the Academy groups showing smaller proportions of the dolichocephalic and mesocephalic, and decidedly larger percentages of the brachycephalic. Among the European-born members and those of recent American parentage over one-half, and among the old American members one-third, are brachycephalic, while among the old Americans at large the proportion is only a little over one-fifth. There are plainly some factors in the membership that favor broadheadedness. In the not old Americans the main of these factors is doubtless racial heredity, but this cannot be applied to the members of old American parentage who are of the same extraction as the old Americans at large. It is necessary to conclude that in this group the excess of broader heads is connected with a greater weakening, in this on the whole socially favored class, of those mechanical influences that ordinarily keep the skull from relative broadening; and such influences could only be those, it would seem, of the muscles of mastication, particularly the temporal muscles. We have seen, under visual observations, that in the members of the Academy the whole masticatory apparatus is on the average of submedium development, which harmonizes with the above deduction. The temporal muscles, aside from the masseters, are the principal muscles of mastication. They are attached to the sides of the skull and cover an extensive surface of the frontoparietal region on each side. Their presence, but especially their action, exerts a certain amount of bilateral pressure on the skull and thus constitutes ACADEMY r SCIENCES] No. 38 MEASUREMENTS 41 eOl fCephalic Index too I 0 DO t d & o 4- -m-om m- - - SO Sor aed It *.6 r Uv o*.a.*&oa a a:L5 Oc9d& ~a~. CSAt44 0 so much hindrance to the expansion of the vault in the lateral direction. This is probably of but small account in the ordinary adult skull; but the studies on the old Americans have shown that, in the mentally active at least, the skull keeps on enlarging slightly to a much later age than the mere setting in of the adult period;28 and there is thus a chance that the development and use of the temporal muscles may more or less influence the breadth of the skull through a considerable part of the life of an individual. What influence the pressure of the muscles in question has on the breadth of the skull during the growing period has long since been strikingly demonstrated by Anthony.29 HEAD HEIGHT INDICES These indices attempt to show the relative value of the height of the head to the other two principal head diameters. The older indices are those of height-length and height-breadth, and *8 The Old Americans, p. 186 et seq.; and especially Growth During Adult Life, Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 1936, LXXVI, 875 et seq. 2a Anthony (R.). —Etudes experimentales sur la morphogenie des os: modifications craniennes cons6cutives a l'ablation du crotaphyte chez le chien. J. physiol. & path. gen., Paris, 1903, V, 245-258. 42 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS M^x~'o NATIONAL [VOL. XXIII, the principal data on these will be given for the benefit of those who may wish to use them. More satisfactory determination, however, in the conviction of the writer, is the mean height index (Mean of Heightand breadth for the three dimensions, but particularly the length with the breadth, stand in a compensatory relation to each other (table 33, chart 13). Comparing the height with either the length or breadth separately leaves a void that necessitates also the other index and needlessly complicates matters; besides which the classification of the two separate indices (H-L and H-B) is such as to tend to confuse the student rather than clear matters. The next table gives the three indices: TABLE 33.-M-ean height index of the head 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans — '_.____ --- —--- _ - ----------— _____ at large (entire Old Americans Not old Americans series,) Subjects -- ------- -----— 100 50 727 Average -------- -------------- 78. 44~ 0. 20 78. 86~r0. 23 2 79. 02 Minimum _- ___ — -________ - 71. 5 72. 8 71. 9 Maximum ---__- -------- 86. 2 83. 6 88. 1 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —_- 18. 73 13. 70 20. 50 a___ --- —---------------------------------- - 2. 90~0. 14 2. 46~0. 17 CV -- __ --- — -- ----- 3. 70~ 0. 18 3. 12~0. 21 DISTRIBUTION 71.5- 73- 75- 77- 79- 81- 83- 85 -72.99 74.99 76.99 78.99 80.99 82.99 84.99 86.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- - 4 10 16 27 25 13 4 1 Not old Americans (50).__ 2 6 10 32 32 16 2 HEIGHT-LENGTH INDEX OF THE HEAD Members of the Academy Old Americans...__-.. -______.._______ at large (except the mounOld Americans Not old Americans taineers) Subjects -------------------— 100 50 594 Average --------— _ 69. 91 0. 20 70. 89 0. 25 70. 60 a-_ --- —,_ ------------------------ - 2. 94~0. 14 2. 64 0. 18 CV ------------------- 4. 20 0. 20 3. 72 0. 25 HEIGHT-BREADTH INDEX Members of the Academy Old Amerans at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects -----------— 100 50 594 Average ------— _- __ 89. 02+ 0. 24 88. 690. 34 90. 29 a, --- —------------------ ------- - 3. 61~0. 17 3. 52~0. 24 CV --------------- 4. 05 0. 19 3. 97~ 0. 27 I See following equation: Height X 100 Mean of length +Breadth 2 In the 247 laboratory subjects 79. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS Mean Height Index of the Head 43 #A 71.s12.g 173 -7'Uq 7r-vw4 qq 71is.q q.8o.oqq el sI.qq lsa1J 9qq tsI-S 4 - ~ ~~ ~ -I r -- - A —..,,. ".- -, --., 0-. i i a I i? i I I IT I I I I I 1 r - I I - uXLUt I I 10 IS (0 ~ ~ I ___ _.....__t || —=EE-EEE= ' - _ - - - — _ _ T _ _ _'l*1 — T____ v. rrrrmmrrm^E-^^rrmr~~~~~~~~~~~mrm. EEEEEEEEEEEEE~~~=EEEEE,_rEEEEEEE 100 (DIG(L C. AoLv. omm - ~ A~ ~ 5 OkoC is S. The figures show, first of all, a close agreement in the relative values of the height in the members of both series in the Academy, and a fairly close one between these and the outside old Americans. The slight differences that there are between the academicians and the old Americans at large express what has already been seen under the individual measurements. The relative value of the head height is slightly larger in the outsiders than in the members, especially the members of old American derivation. This means simply that in the members, where the length and breadth of the head had augmented beyond the norms of these dimensions in the outsiders, the height of the head lagged slightly behind. The height-length and heightbreadth indices show only that the breadth of the head in the academicians increased slightly more even than the length. The scrutiny of the main relative proportions or indices of the head in the academicians may briefly be summarized thus: In both the cephalic and the head-height indices the two series of the members of the Academy show some differences, the not old Americans being more broad-headed and also slightly more high-vaulted in relation to head length and even to the mean of length and breadth. In their turn the old Americans o th the Academy are relatively somewhat more broad-headed but slightly less high-vaulted relatively to head length, as well as the mean of head length and breadth. Thus it is seen once more that the greater size of the head in the academicians was 44 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M~MOLs xINATINA not uniform in all the three main directions, but was realized most in the breadth, less in the length, and least-in fact not at all, as seen under the measurement itself-in the height of their skull. This must not be taken, however, for any selectivity in the head growth but only as a result of the differences in the mechanical resistances in the several directions. THE FACE In anthropometry on the living we recognize two "faces"; namely, the conventional or physiognomic, and the anatomical. The physiognomic face includes the forehead, the anatomical extends from the nasal root (nasion) downward. The first feature of the physiognomic face that calls for attention is the forehead, which, though belonging to the vault, forms an important constituent of the "visage" or face, in the ordinary understanding of the word. This part has already been dealt with in part under visual observations, but there remain to be considered its actual measurements. There are two important measurements of the forehead in the living-the height from nasion to hair line or arc and the smaller frontal breadth (diameter frontal minimum). The first regrettably was possible on only a rather small number of the members of the Academy, a large majority having suffered more or less loss of hair above the forehead; nevertheless there were interesting results. These results have already been partly utilized and published,30 in view of which the table of facts with a few remarks here will be sufficient. TABLE 34.-Height of forehead [Nasion-Crinion] 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large Old Americans ee Laboratory and Tennessee Aderivatione rVirginians highlanders Subjects --- —----— number__ 25 32 510 118 Average --- —--- centimeters-_. 6. 57 6. 58 6. 59 6. 57 1 Point in the middle of the normal arc of the hair; where the hair in the middle descends in more or less of an angle, this is disregarded, the hair arc is visually reconstructed and the measurement is taken to its midpoint as usual. The members of the Academy are seen to be identical in the height of the forehead with the old Americans at large and even with the Tennessee highlanders, who stand on the lowest cultural scale of the old American whites in general. The valuelessness of the height of the forehead as a criterion of intellectuality is further shown by the fact that the forehead is actually slightly higher in the male American Indian than in the academicians; more so in the Negro, and even more so in the Eskimo.31 The height of the forehead, under normal conditions, depends essentially on the higher or lower extension of the hair over the front of the head. BREADTH OF THE FOREHEAD The most practicable breadth measurement on the forehead in the living is what is known as the smallest frontal diameter, which is the distance between the points of the closest approach on the temporal ridges above the bases of the two zygomatic processes of the frontal bone. This dimension depends in a measure on the breadth of the skull, but this correlation falls considerably short of parallelism.32 The results of the measurement will be seen in the next tables. a0 HrdliEka (A.): The Forehead. Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., 1933, LXXII, 315 et seq.; reprinted in Smithsonian Rep. for 1934. '1 Ibid., p. 319. 2 Ibid., p. 239. NMo. 3] MEASUREMENTS 45 TABLE 35.-Diameter frontal minimum Members of the Academy Old Americans...._________-___________ at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects ---------------— 100 50 247 Average_ -------- ----- ------- 10. 59~0. 030 10. 67=0. 045 10. 59 Minimum ------------------- - 9. 1 9. 8 9. 3 Maximum _ - ------------------ - 11. 7 12. 0 11. 9 Range of variation in percentage of the average ---- 24. 55 S. 49 24. 55 a_- -------------------------— _ -------------- 0. 446~0. 021 0. 476~0. 032 CV ------------------ ------- ----- - 4. 21 ~0.20 4. 46 ~0.30 DISTRIBUTION 9. 1-9.2 9.3-9. 7 9.8-10.2 10.3-10.7 10.8-11.2 11.3-11.7 11.8-12 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) -------— 2 -- - 16 46 32 4 Not old Americans (50) --- —---------- -------------- 22 32 38 6 2 1~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 1 The above data are very interesting. The dimension shows in both groups of the members a remarkable aggregation about the mean. The average diameter shows slightly higher in the academicians of European birth or more recent derivation, and both the average values of the measurement as well as its variability are practically identical in the old Americans within and those outside of the Academy. The slightly larger lower frontal breadth in the academicians of more recent derivation as compared to those of old American descent is in all probability wholly due to the somewhat broader head of the former; the percental relation of the mean diameter frontal minimum to head breadth in the not old Americans is 67.36, in the old American members 67.56, which shows there is no real difference. The height and breadth of the forehead give the forehead index (H> 100B), nd also an approximation of the forehead area (H X B), either or both of which may be useful in various group comparisons. In the present case, with no appreciable difference in either of the measurements between the academicians and the old Americans outside, these two determinations would be superflous. THE FACE AS A WHOLE There are possible three main measurements of the face as a whole, namely the total or physiognomic height (menton-crinion), the lower or anatomical height (menton-nasion), and the greatest breadth (diameter bizygomatic maximum). These measurements in turn give us two mean diameters or modules Total height + Breadth Lower height + Breadth,hi two mean diameters or modules t ----- —.-2 ', which are useful for comparison with the mean diameter or module of the head; and two indices, the physiognoc Facial breadth X 100\ d the anLower facial height X 100\,w physiognomic Total facial height and the anatomical breadth whch are useful for group and racial comparisons. In addition, there are a number of possible secondary measurements of the face, the more important of which are the height and the smallest breadth of the forehead, which have already been dealt with; and the bigonial diameter, which gives the maximum external breadth of the lower jaw. In dealing here with the different determinations on the face all possible effort will be made to keep matters, which in this line could readily become involved, as clear as possible. 46 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [lMMOI NATIONAL qgo.t. 9.1- 1). Diameter Frontal Minimum q,? - o.. 10.3- o.1 JO1-. 11. I 1 -l.7? IIrg- 11 l:Mn.Lti I I I I I [ I I a I I AI I I I I I- rl1 7 1 I a '4S' Il ~f JVit~~. -- - III I - -I I I I I I - I I i. --— I —iI I —II 1 - I I-. I T.. I __ 7 10 loo Otd 50 I oC I, a4i % A i MAA -m M I I DNo.Y OF SCIENCESJ MEASUREMENTS 47 TOTAL FACIAL HEIGHT This measurement is possible only where the true hair line is preserved. In the members of the Academy in a large majority of cases, it was seen, there has been more or less loss of hair over the forehead, and in consequence the measurement was impracticable. There are but 32 records of the dimension, 25 on the old Americans in the Academy and 7 on the others, numbers too small to give an adequate picture of conditions. The data, whatever they may be worth, are as follows: TABLE 36.-Physiognomic height of the face Members of the Academy Old Americans _ at large (except mountainOld Americans Not old Americans eers) Subjects --- —--------------- 25 7 443 Average ------ ---- --- - 18. 90 ~ 0. 14 19 ~0. 23 1 18. 81 Minimum --- —------------ 16. 8 17. 4 16. 1 Maximum --- —---------------------------------- 21. 6 20. 6 21. 2 Range of variation in percent of the average --- —------ 25. 40 16. 84 27. 11 a__-___________ __ --- —--------------------- 1. 07~0. 10 0. 91~0. 16 CV __._____ --- —---------— 5..... --- —-----— 8_ 5. 66~ 0. 54 4. 81~ 0. 87 -- 1 In 296 drafted "engineers," Southern States, old American, 18.96. There are but very slight differences, and those probably are associated with differences in stature. TOTAL FACIAL HEIGHT VERSUS STATURE Taking 443 old Americans at large (laboratory and Southeastern States series), we obtain the total-face-height: stature ratio of 10.76 (Southeastern States alone 10.87), while in the 32 academicians it is 10.70. Relatively to stature therefore the total facial height is slightly smaller in the members than in the outside old Americans. This difference would be even more marked if the dimension could be compared in the members of the Academy with their stature before it was affected by age. The indications are therefore that in the academicians the face is slightly less developed than it is in the old Americans at large. The conditions will come out with more clearness when the lower facial height is considered. FACIAL BREADTH The maximum bizygomatic diameter was measurable on all the members of the Academy and yielded the results shown in the next tables. 48 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS MVOL. XXIIION TABLE 37.-Facial breadth (diameter bizygomatic maximum) Members of the Academy Old Americans at.... ---.... --- —---— __. -large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- —---------------- 100 50 594 Average --- —------------------------------------ 13. 96~0. 033 14. 09~0. 059 213. 92 Minimum --------------------- 12. 8 13. 0 12. 8 Maximum --- —---------------------------------- 15. 2 16.3 15. 8 Range of variation in percentage of the average -------- 17. 19 23. 42 21. 55, ----------------------------------- ------ 0. 495 ~0. 023 0. 615 0. 042 CV ----------------------- ------- --- 3. 54~0. 17 4. 35~0. 29 ---DISTRIBUTION 12. 8-13. 2 13. 3-13. 7 13. 8-14. 2 14. 3-14.7 14. 8-15. 2 15. 3-15.7 15. 8-16. 2 16. 3 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100)- - 8 22 41 24 5 Not old Americans (50).. 6 16 42 26 6 2 -------- 2 FACIAL BREADTH AND STATURE VERSUS AGE 4 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ------— 60 22 594 Average -- -------------------- ---- 7. 95~ 0. 030 8. 04~0. 057 6 7. 99 a, --- —-____ --- —-------------------------— _ _ 0. 344 0. 021 0. 397 ~0. 040 CV ----------------------------------— _ - 4. 32~0. 27 4. 94~0. 50 Over 60 years of age --------------- 40 28 Average ----------------------------------- - 8. 19~ 0. 039 8. 16~0. 051 a______ ____ --- —----------------------------- 0. 368~:0. 039 0. 400~0. 036 CV ---- -------------- 4. 50 ~0. 34 4. 90 0. 44 I In 1 of these members the facial breadth reached 16.3 centimeters, an exceptional figure, but as there was no abnormality it had to be included in the series. Without it the average would be 14.09, the simple coefficient of variation 17.19. 2 In 347 subjects from the Southeastern States 13.97. 8 1 very exceptional case of racial origin. See the following equation: Diameter bizygomatic maximum X 100 Stature 5 In 256 drafted engineers, old Americans, from Virginia and the Southeastern States 8.04. ACADEMY or SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 49 Cm..8. F.3 3. ~1.8-13. 13.3 - 3.7 acial Breadth (diam. bizygom. max.) 11b.8 -.1 -1.3 -14( 1'r. I - 1'r-17 cr. I - 16 4 I,. _-, rll [ WO%&F ii I I I I 1I '1 - 1 - t, 1r -I I I -I I i I i~f 1 I I. - 1 - 1I - -X *1 r i i I - iv - ] _ _ _ _ r —T. l li 1 F _ i- I 9 - - - _ __ ] F I - P-mp II - 1 F 30 ~- _ 1 111_ _ _ - -— i - -- ---- f~~~~ f ~. i11111 E I I _ _ S l %t 11__I__ _ _ _ /~~r I %T _L_ _ _ _ -~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~... I -- _ _ _' I I: I..1 1._I-._. _~!i %~_ | f + +I id ~e 1.11...WW i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ i i j idi1111IHW _ L~1~ 1 _ -— ~ — ___ - %1 1.... / I %,111. I ___ _ __ 0 E EEEEI II _~~~~ _ _ _[ _< I _vI__ itS tiht......I I l,1111111.E3 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- I~ 7 - I I) -%'j - 10 s 3 _mm m mm m - 100o 0 CIvtwu, i s0 otr,. *' 50 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS tMEM[VOL. XNIII TABLE 38.-Facial breadth versus head breadth 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mounta'neers) Subjects --- —---------------- 100 50 594 Average - - - - - - - - - - - - ----------------- - 89. 17~0. 160 88. 95 0. 190 90. 10..._, --- —----------------------- 2. 31~0. 110 1. 96+-0. 130 CV --- —-------------------- 2. 59~0. 12 2. 20~0. 15 --- —----- 1 See the following equation: Diameter bizygomatic maximum X 100 Maximum breadth of head The above data show that absolutely the bizygomatic breadth in the members of the Academy is close to that of the more cultured old Americans in general. In relation to stature, considering the academicians up to 60 years of age only, it is slightly less in the old American members, slightly more (due probably to racial influences) in the not old Americans than in the old Americans at large. Contrasted with head breadth, with which facial breadth correlates closely, its relative value is appreciably less (due to relatively greater value of head breadth) in both groups of the members than in the old Americans at large. Thus the whole face in the academicians is relatively slightly smaller than in the old Americans at large. The cause of this is doubtless functional-less use in general of the apparatus of mastication. PHYSIOGNOMIC FACIAL INDEX This index is available in only the 32 cases in which the measurement of total facial height was feasible. It compares thus with that of the old Americans in the general population: TABLE 39.-Physiognomic facial index 1 Members of the Academy — __________~_ _ 0 Old Americans at large (except Old Americans Not old Ameri- mountaineers) cans cans Subjects --------------— 25 7 443 Average --- —--------------------------------------- - 74. 37 73. 91 74. 18 Minimum --- —---------------------------------- 64. 7 (69. 9) 63. 7 Maximum --- —------------------------------------------- 85. 1 (79. 3) 85. 7 Range of variation in percentage of the average - --— _ _ 27. 52 (12. 73) 29. 66 1 See the following equation: Diameter bizygomatic maximum X 100 Menton-crinion height The physiognomic or total facial index in the old American members of the Academy and the old Americans at large is quite similar; with the not old American members the comparisons suffer through the inadequate numbers of the academicians, but there is no indication of any material difference in the group. In 11 out of the 12 series of white immigrants to the United States that were available for comparison when the volume on The Old American was in preparation, this index was higher than any of the above, ranging from 74.70 to 79.20, due to a relatively greater facial breadth in these groups;33 and so it was in 13 out of 14 European groups reported upon by other observers, ranging in these from 74.70 to 78.90. All this shows that in both the cultured old Americans at large and in the academicians of whatever derivation, the relative value of the bizygomatic breadth is reduced. " See volume in question, pp. 224-225. ACADEMY or SCIXNCEs No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 51 LOWER FACIAL HEIGHT This is the height from the lowest median point on the chin to the nasion, a point in the living over that at which the nasal suture joins the frontonasal in the skull.34 It is the height of the facial parts proper, i. e., of the face less the forehead. The measurement was practicable on all the members of the Academy, for though some have lost their teeth these were replaced by artificial dentures that restored the parts close to normal. It is essentially the measurement of the combined height of the jaws. It gave the results shown in tables 40 and 41: TABLE 40.-Height of face to nasion (menton-nasion) Members of the Academy Old Americans _ — _- at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- —---------------- 100 50 594 Average -------------------------------- 12. 074~0. 050 12. 06~0. 058 12. 19 Minimum -- ------------------- 10. 4 10. 8 10. 3 Maximum --- —--------------- 14. 2 13. 6 14. 1 Range of variation in percentage of the average — - 31. 48 23. 22 30. 69 _ — _ --- —------------------------------------- 0. 735~ 0. 035 0. 605 0. 041 CV --- --------------------- 6. 07~0. 29 4. 99+ 0. 34 -- DISTRIBUTION 10.4-10. 7 10.8-11.2 11.3-11.7 11.8-12. 2 12.3-12. 7 12.8-13.2 13.3-13.7 13.8-14.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) ---- 3 8 20 30 18 15 4 2 Not old Americans (50).| ---... 8 16 38 22 12 4 ---- MENTON-NASION HEIGHT AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans.- - ------- ~ at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive_ --- —--- 60 22 594 Average --- — - ------------- 12. 13~0. 065 12. 30~0. 078 12. 19.... --- —------------------------------------ 0. 751~ 0. 046 0. 543 ~0. 055 CV --- —------------------------- 6. 18~t0. 38 4. 38~ 0. 45 Over 60 years of age -------------- - 40 28 Average --- —--- ----------- 12. 02~0. 075 11. 93~0. 074 ---------------------- 0. 707 0. 053 0. 578~ 0. 052 CV ------------------ 5. 88~0. 44 4. 85~ 0. 44 The lower or anatomical facial height is seen to be quite variable. In the more aged academnicians, notwithstanding artificial dentures, it has evidently suffered some reduction. Even in those up to 60 years of age only, in the old American members, it is a trace lower than in the old Americans at large. In the members of more recent derivation, up to 60, the face is slightly higher, but this may be accidental, for when all the members of each group are taken together the lower facial height in the two classes of members is nearly equal. 3a The nasion in the living in all the writer's work is located at the point of the closest possible correspondence to the nasion In the skull, the procedure being based on a thorough acquaintance with the latter. 52 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS M'"[VOL. XWNI 10. -4 - 10 - I i I Height of Face to Nasion 10.1- 11.1 11.. 11.? 1i.1 -iX.2. 113- 12 1 1 b.2.. 13.3 -13.1 13.8 -IY.1 I I 1- II i, "~- __ _- I + SZ- A-$0I I I 1 1 I I I X v- 7r _ s~v ELHI I 1 — tl ^^^^^^^ -EEEEEEEE!/,\.EEEEEEEEE EEEEEEEEE-EEEE^ EEEEEEEEEEE ^rrrmrr^^ rrIt- L \::: ^^^^^-^^^^^^^^==^,r,= m IfO u t.C eALM U^WLA & am om ow o mo fOIA 4 TABLE 41.-Menton-nasion height versus stature Members of the Academy Old Americans ------------ ------------- - at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects --- —------------------------------------- 100 50 594 Average ---------------------------------------- 6. 96~0. 028 6. 92~0. 033 1 6. 99 -.. —. ------------------------------------------- I0. 409 ~0. 020 0. 351~ 0. 024 CV --- —---------------------------------------- 5. 88 ~0. 28 5. 07 ~0. 34 MENTON-NASION HEIGHT VERSUS STATURE IN SUBJECTS UP TO 60 YEARS OF AGE, INCLUSIVE Members of the Academy |______________ |Old Am ericans at large (except Old Americans Not old Amer- mountaineers) icans Subjects --- —------------ 62 22 594 Average ratio --- —---------------------------------- - 6. 93 7. 03 1 6. 99 Mean age, years --- —----------------- 52. 7 40. 4 30. 0 1 In 347 Virginia and Southeastern States 7.12. ACADEMY Or SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 53 The last figures in table 41 show the lower facial height in relation to stature in subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive. The old Americans of the Academy show a slightly lower relative value. The slightly opposite showing of the not old American members, if not fortuitous, could be ascribed to either somewhat differing racial or ontogenetic conditions. When compared with the same measurements in 12 of the immigrant groups to the United States, the lower facial height of the academicians is seen to differ less from the European newcomers than does the facial breadth. The mean percental relation of the menton-nasion height to stature ranged in the immigrants from 6.76 to 7.18; 5 of the 12 groups, including the English, exceeding, 7 not quite equaling, those of the Academy. Matters in these respects are rather complex and incapable as yet of a full elucidation. THE LOWER OR ANATOMICAL FACIAL INDEX This index expresses the percental relation of the lower or anatomical facial height to facial / menton-nasion diameterX 100 \ breadth( diameter bizygomatic maximum Its value is marred somewhat by the effect on facial length of stature and on facial breadth of the breadth of the head, nevertheless it is a fairly useful determination. The academicians in this line show as follows: TABLE 42.-Lower or anatomical facial index 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans ------- ___ — ---- at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects -----—. --- —------------ 100 50 594 Average --- —----------------------------------- 86. 45 0. 36 85. 31~0. 53 87. 73 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 72. 73 75. 52 73. 3 Maximum --- —------------ 100. 0 99. 26 100. 0 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —-- 1. 54 27. 83 30. 43 ___ --- —------------------------------- 5. 31~0. 25 5. 52~0. 37 CV --- —---------------------------------------- 6. 13~0. 29 6. 46~ 0. 44 DISTRIBUTION 72.73- 73.5- 76.5- 79.5- 82.5- 85.5- 88.5- 91.5- 94.5- 97.6 -73. 49 76. 49 79. 49 82.49 85. 49 88.49 91.49 94. 49 97. 49 100 Percent Percent Percent Percent Peent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —------- 1 2 2 17 23 19 16 14 3 3 Not old Americans (50) ------------- 4 6 26 16 18 18 6 2 4 LOWER FACIAL INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (except Old Americans Not old Americans mountaineers) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------ 60 22 594 Average --- —-------------------------------- 87. 24~0. 44 87. 38~0. 79 87. 73 a — _ --- —------------ -------------- 5. 10~0. 31 5. 49~0. 56 CV --- —---------------------------- 5. 83~0. 36 6. 26~f0. 64 Over 60 years of age --- -- --------- 40 28 Average --- —-------------------------------- 85. 500. 57 83. 790. 62, --- —---------------------------------------- 5. 37~0. 40 4. 88~0. 44 CV --- —------------------------- 6. 28~0. 47 5. 82~0. 52 -------- 1 See the following equation: Menton-nasion heightX 100 Diameter bizygomatic maximum 54 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MEM""OrRNATIONAL.1-11.4-3- 64,7 Facial Index (Lower or Anatomical).q I'q..r-sq sl8.8S.q _C.r-.q Lr.q.aq qif.r-qu.voq q..r.7l.wq q.r. toO 30 i 10 3oo 00tc Qou*a e ato l f l ioC The anatomical facial index is appreciably lower in the members of the Academy, and especially in those of European birth or more recent derivation, than it is in the old Americans at large; but if the effects of old age are discounted the indices in the three groups are very similar. This, it should be borne in mind, expresses only the relation of the two diameters that are involved and they should be considered also by themselves. On the whole the principal facial dimensions here considered and also their relations, in the members of the Academy, have shown but slight to very moderate differences from those of the more cultured old Americans at large. To facilitate a clearer view of the conditions the main facial findings will be repeated in the next table. ACADEMY or SCIXNCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 66 00 - TABLE 43.-Summary of the main facial measurements, indices, and relations Physiognomic facial height (mentoncrinion) Anatomic facial height (mentonnasion) Greatest facial breadth (diameter bizygomatic maximum) Facial index, physiognomic Facial index, anatomic Facial height, anatomic versus stature Facial breadth versus stature Facial height, anatomic versus head length Facial breadth versus head breadth Members of the Academy: Old Americans (100) ---Not old Americans (50) --- —---- Subjects to 60 years of age: Old Americans (62) --- Not old Americans (22) --- — Old Americans at large (except the mountaineers) (594) --- —-- 118. 90 219. 0 12. 07 12. 06 13. 96 14. 09 13. 91 14. 08 13. 92 '74. 37 273. 91 86. 45 85. 31 6. 96 6. 92 6. 93 7. 03 6. 99 8. 05 8. 10 7. 95 8. 04 7. 99 --------- 12. 13 -------- - 87. 24 60. 54 60. 84 60. 65 61. 72 61. 69 89. 17 88 95 --------- 12. 30 ---— ___1 87. 38 3 18. 81 12. 19 '74. 18 487. 73 90. 10 1 25 subjects. 3 7 subjects. 3 443 subjects. In the 247 laboratory subjects 86.08. The Academy members not old Americans have a slightly larger face, the members of old American extraction a slightly smaller face, both absolutely and relatively to stature, than the old Americans at large (exclusive of the mountaineers); and in both groups of the Academy, though especially in the foreign-born or recent American, the head breadth relatively to face breadth is larger than in the old Americans outside. In the academicians above 60 years of age both heights of the face and hence both facial indices are affected somewhat through changes of old age, while the face height-stature relations are marred by the reduction in the facial height and the even more marked one in stature. LOWER FACIAL BREADTH This is the "bigonial" diameter, or the breadth between the points farthest apart on the external aspect of two angles of the lower jaw. The development and prominence of these angles is directly connected with and due to the development of the masseter muscles, the chief muscles of mastication, assisted more or less by the internal pterygoid muscles; but the bigonial breadth varies somewhat also in correlation with the breadth of the skull. By visual examination, the angles of the lower jaw in the members of the Academy were found generally subdued and in no single case protruding. The measurements show as follows: 56 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M'OL"NT^XN, TABLE 44.-Bigonial diameter Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboOld Americans Not old Americans ratory series) Subjects --- —----- -------------------- - 100 50 247 Average --- —------- --------------------------- 10. 61+0. 036 10. 77+0. 047 10. 63 Minimum --- —---------------- -------- 9. 2 9. 9 9. 0 Maximum ------------ --------------------- 11.7 12.2 12. 6 Range of variation in precentage of the average ----- 23. 56 21. 36 33. 87 <r —_ --- —------------------------ 0.535 + 0.025 0. 492 + 0. 033 CV --------------------------------------------- 5.050.24 4. 57 0. 31 DISTRIBUTION 9.2. 9.3-9.7 9.8-10.2 10.3-10.7 10.8-11.2 11.3-11.7 11.8-12.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —---------- 1 3 25 30 31 10 ----- Not old Americans (50) --- —-------------------------- 14 38 30 16 2 BIGONIAL BREADTH VERSUS STATURE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboOld Americans ANot old ratory series) Americans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive-__ — ___ — 60 22 247 Average --- —----------------------------------------- 6. 04 6. 19 6.09 Over 60 years of age -----------— _ ---- - 40 28 Average ----- - ----------------------------- 6. 22 6. 18 ------ BIGONIAL BREADTH VERSUS HEAD BREADTH Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboOld Americans Not old ratory series) Americans Subjects ------------— _ 100 50 247 Average --- —------------------------------ 67. 77 68. 01 68. 67 The bigonial breadth in absolute figures is slightly larger in the members of more recent than in those of old American ancestry, and identical in the latter with that of the cultured old Americans at large. In relation to stature, taking only the academicians up to 60, the not old American members exceed somewhat, the old American are slightly inferior to, the outsiders. In relation to head-breadth both groups of members, especially the old Americans, show slightly inferior to the nonmembers, due not to a lesser bigonial breadth but to the relatively greater head breadth of the former. It should be borne in mind that the above comparisons are made with a group of old Amercans (laboratory series) that was above the general average culturally, the measurement not having been taken on the other contingents. There are available, however, nice series of data secured under my direction by Dr. Mary T. Mernin on 100 German and 100 French adult male immigrants up to 60 years of age, passing through Ellis Island before the present restrictions on immigration. ACADEMY or ScZ]NCZ4 No. 3] e.1 q.2 MEASUREMENTS Lower Facial Breadth (diam. bigonial) 9. q. q.:-7 o. 10.3.1-.1 10.8-1. 11.3.1.7 57 11l.8 -x. r sm i 1! I! I I I L I I I I I I I i I!..! 3S or - I —I —.. ------ - ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~, %m-, _ 1- _ -I' ---1_ I I I I I- I r ~ ---- r - _-_l__,__ ___~' _ __~ 1, w_____ tESTTEF~~ I 11 t;TEE -_-___-I-.... — _~ _ I 1__- L. iH~t t<K1/ I A L ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i L _ __ _; T 1 r X~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,. _ __ _T ~~r - x_____ _ 1 T- f~ki tffii ~ ' I T 'tli i ____I1112______ __ _]_v J111 10. —.. ---- 5 100ot i IMitl4Wa w 58 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M'=O".N.X~nI, TABLE 45.-Lower facial (bigonial) breadth in members of the Academy, old Americans at large, and German and French immigrants Members of the Academy French (mainly rural) up to 60 years, inclusive Old Ameri-.- |_ ~cans at large German (laboratory (urban) Old Ameri- Not old series) Series a Series b cans Americans Subjects --- —-------------------- 60 22 247 100 50 50 Stature ------------------------- 175. 0 175. 08 174. 44 170. 41 170. 01 167. 67 Bigonial breadth --- —--------- 10. 58 10. 77 10. 63 10. 61 10. 74 10. 81 Bigonial breadth, stature index ---- 6. 04 6. 19 6. 09 6. 23 6. 32 6. 45 Head breadth --- -- ---- 2 15. 66 8 15. 84 15.48 15. 89 15. 75 15. 67 Bigonial breadth, head breadth index_ 67. 77 68. 01 68. 67 66. 77 68. 19 69. 01 I Contrast with the bizygomatic breadth would be of little if any use, the 2 dimensions being largely independent of each other. X 100 subjects. 50 subjects. Both absolutely-though in this respect the difference is very slight-and in relation to stature, the lower facial breadth is smallest in the old American members of the Academy. In the not old American members the lower facial breadth appears rather large absolutely, but relatively to their high stature it is moderate. The comparisons with head breadth present more uniform ratios, due to the correlation of the two measurements, nevertheless the old American academicians even here show a reduction in this dimension. 3 The gist of all the above is that the two classes of the members of the Academy differ more in respect to lower facial breadth than they do in any of the other dimensions of the face or those of the head; and that the old American members both show absolutely, as well as relatively to stature and to head breadth, the greatest reduction of the bigonial diameter of any of the groups available for comparison. THE NOSE The nasal measurements are always of interest anthropologically; in addition the height (length) of the nose subtracted from the anatomical height of the face separates the dental arches and the lower jaw from the rest of the face, and thus affords a gage of their relative development. NOSE LENGTH The length of the nose in the living is measured from a point corresponding to the nasion in the skull to the base of the nasal septum.36 The measuremnet is close to and hence fairly comparable with the nasal height on the skull. The data obtained on the members of the Academy are of interest. " The marked differences between the German and French groups and the subdued showing of the former are due to the fact that the Germans of the series belonged mainly to city, the French to country people. 3 More exactly, to the point at which the straight line of the septum meets, or would meet if there were no skin swell in the angle, the median line from the upper lip. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 59 TABLE 46.-Nose length (subnasion-nasion) Members of the Academy Old Americans..... -------- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —--------- - 100 50 247 Average ----------- 5. 50~0. 024 5. 51~0. 028 5. 35 Minimum --------— _ --- —- --- 4.5 4.9 4. 3 Maximum _ ------------ 6. 4 6. 2 6. 3 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 34. 55 S3. 59 37. 38 -r__ --- —-------------------------— _ 0. 357~0. 017 0.298 0. 020 CV_ --- —------- 6. 50~0. 31 5. 42~0. 37 - DISTRIBUTION 4.5 4.6-4.8 4.9-5.1 5.2-5.4 5.5-5.7 5.8-6. 0 6.1-6. 3 6.4 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) 1 4 6 36 33 14 5 1 Not old Americans (50) --- —---------- 10 38 32 16 4 ---- NASAL AND SUBNASAL PORTIONS OF THE FACE Members of the Academy ~_________-_____ ~Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Ameri- tory series) cans Subjects --- —------------------- 100 50 247 Nasal heightX 100 45. 52 45. 74 44. 84 (Anatomical facial height) (Subnasal heightX 100) 54. 48 54. 26 55. 16 (Anatomical facial height) 1 In the 347 subjects from Virginia and Southeastern States 5.41. The nasal height is seen to be quite variable, more so than any of the hitherto dealt with facial measurements. The difference in the range of variation in the three groups used, as in the case of all other measurements, is probably due only to the unequal numbers of subjects. The distribution of the measurements is remarkably alike in the two series of the academicians. In absolute values, the height of the nose is slightly greater in both groups of the Academy than in the outside old Americans. This is connected with the higher stature of the academicians and also with their considerably higher mean age. In the study of the old Americans at large it was shown that age had an influence on the outside dimensions of the nose; the relevant data from that study are reported in table 47.37 The four series of the members stand fairly close together. The effects of age are not as apparent as they were within the old Americans at large series. Still another way for testing the effects of age on nasal height is to compare the academicians of ages up to and including 60 with the two main series of the old Americans at large. 37 The Old Americans, p. 253. 60 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS ['M^"~oS N'TINAL [VLXXUII, 4u.S -- LA Nose Length.I1 '.l-r.q.', bLi trb. r.91 trS. I e &.1-4b. bs I - fIrVwU / I 4. -.- - f I [ F..' F -,I. - i i -I- f f -F-r I_ F -I, -— i F -T --- i i i I I - - -r - i I. i: - -- i i -r" I I I. r I I 1 1. _ _ _ _ _, ---- ___T_ - I I a _ _ — _ _ _ _ r I- T ~~~~~~~~~ — _ _.2 _ n a T_ _ I I _ ~ _ __ _ m _ m, _,I! t _ _ ' sr _ __ T 17 _ __ i ____ ^ _ I I %C _~~~~' _ __ i___ T l - -__-_ —i7 __-_-j |8T _~~i _ __ T ll4 _ _ -7 - _/_r Tk __ I _ ~~~~~f _ __ - TI|7 _ ~ ~ 1 __ __ 7_ __F IIT _~~~~' _ ___ __1 _ _ _ _ NT- _ Tt I _ T __ ~ ~~~ I r_, ______E__|ZI __ - tr --- -_ lI ~ _ _ 7_ _ NkI X -.. ~ _ 'SIII ~~~_1r __ ___XZa1 ~ _T ]L1 — _ ---_Io-____T- 1 - ----— l FFFT4 --- 4z TTT +- ________T 1A IS 10 6 _____ ___ I 00 0 t CL a40k1& ~ LC"4,,,Sb 'ot a The nasal height is slightly higher in all the older groups regardless of other conditions, so that a very moderate increase in the dimension with age appears certain. The subnasal portion in the aged has suffered a more marked change in the opposite direction, through absorption of the alveolar processes. The senile reduction of stature and of the subnasal portion of the face, with consequent diminution in the height of the face, are very noticeable, particularly in the old American group of the academicians, and has had its effect on the relative values. ACADEMY OF SCIENCEs] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 61 TABLE 47.-Nasal length and age Members of the Academy OldAmeri Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ------ — 60 22 247 Average__ -------— ___ —__ _ 5. 46 0. 032 5. 50 t0. 036 5. 35 - - -------------------—. 0. 362~ 0. 022 0. 250 ~0. 025 CV ---------— __ __ ____6. 64~0. 41 4.56:0. 46 Over 60 years of age ---- _____ ________ 40 28 Average --------- -- 5. 55~0. 037 5. 53~0. 042 a- -----------------------------— _____ -- 0. 344 0. 026 0. 329 +0. 030 CV --- —-------— _____- 6. 21 ~0. 47 5. 97~0. 54 TABLE 48.-Nasal length versus stature and anatomical height of face Members of the Academy Old Americans at large inT0 yrs of a, Over 60 years of age Engineers, Old Not old Old Not old drafts, VirAmericans Americans Americans Americans Laboratory ginia and Southeastern States Subjects --- —---------------------------- 60 22 40 28 247 347 Mean age, years --- —--------- 52. 70 40. 40 68. 95 68. 89 37. 20 25. 00 Stature --- —------------------------------- 175.00 175.08 171.75 173. 97 174.44 174.26 Anatomic height of face --- —---------------- 12. 13 12.30 11.98 11. 93 11.93 12. 38 Length of nose --- —------------------------ 5.46 5. 50 5. 55 5.53 5. 35 5. 41 Height of subnasal portion of face -6. 67 6. 80 6. 43 6. 40 6. 58 6. 97 Length of nose versus stature --------------- 31.20 31. 41 32. 30 31. 76 30. 67 31. 00 Length of nose versus face height-_ 45. 01 44. 70 46. 31 46. 35 44. 84 43. 66 Height of subnasal part of face versus stature- 38. 12 38. 87 37. 45 36. 79 37. 72 40. 00 Height of subnasal part of face versus face height -------------------------------- 54.99 55.30 53.69 53. 65 55.16 56.30 It may be recalled in this connection that, as indicated under "Observations," the length of the nose from its root to its tip shows in general a much more decided augmentation than the basal length or "height" of the organ that has just been considered. The gist of the matter is that growth of the nose with age is essentially growth in the soft parts of the organ. NOSE BREADTH This is the maximum external breadth of the nasal alae. It too is a measurement of considerable racial interest; and within the same group it shows, at least up to a certain period of life, rather marked increase with age, more so than the basal length of the nose. It gave the following values in the academicians: 62 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M^~VO.I'J", TABLE 49.-Nose breadth (breadth maximum of the alae) ~,, Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --------------------- ---- 100 50 247 Average ------ -------- 3. 69~0. 019 3. 71~0. 028 3. 61 Minimum ---------------------------------- 3. 1 3. 2 3. 0 Maximum ------------------------------- 4. 5 4 35 4. 3 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —-- 37. 0 36.. 01 a ---------------- ------------- 0. 289 ~0. 013 0. 291+ 0. 020 CV ---- ----------------------- --- 7. 83 ~0. 37 7. 81 0. 53 ---- DISTRIBUTION 3.1-3.3 3.4-3.6 3.7-3.9 4-4. 2 4.3-4.4 4. 5 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100) --- —------ 11 36 33 18 1 1 Not old Americans (50) ---------- 6 38 36 14 6 ---- NOSE BREADTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans -— _ ---- ------------- _at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --------------— 60 22 247 Average -------------------- 3. 68~0. 024 3. 70 0. 047 3. 61 ------------- ---------------- 0. 280 ~0. 017 0. 326 ~0. 033 CV --------— 7. 61 0. 47 8. 74~ 0. 89 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------------------- 40 28 Average -- --------------- --- 3. 71~0. 032 3. 73~0. 033 a, ----------------------------------------- 0. 302~0. 023 0. 261~0. 024 CV ---- --------------------------- 8. 14~0. 61 7. 0140. 63 ---------- Members of the Academy Old Americans at large Up to 60 Virginia and years, inclu- Over 60 years Southeastern Laboratory sive States series series Subjects --- —-- ----------- -- ----- 82 66 247 347 Mean age ------------------------- ---- 52. 1 68. 9 37. 2 25. 0 Mean nasal breadth -------------------------- - 3. 69 3. 71 3. 61 3. 48 The breadth of the nose in our series is seen to be even more variable than its length. In the two groups of the academicians it is nearly the same. It is perceptibly higher in the academicians of both groups than in the old Americans at large, which may be attributed in part to the higher presenile stature of the members, in part to their older age. The effects of age on the measurement are discernible even among the academicians themselves, but are more marked in the Americans at large, who include a series of young adults. The distribution of the measurement is much alike in the two groups of the Academy, but in the not old Americans there is perceptible a tendency, probably based on racial differences, toward fewer of the narrower and more of the broader noses. ACADEMY or SCIENCES No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 63 Nose Breadth 3.4 -?. 3.1 3-.9 3.1 -3.3 14.O - q I-. *.i t l TI-_ Il 3S-1 lbo - 10 4 - 0 -0 - I I I -I F l- -- - F -I F - F -I-! F.. I -l — I - F l1 F -. F I: F r [ I I f - f I l l l l - i -I - ili l I i i i I l I i F -iT -I IIIl. W r - _ _ _ _ __ ___ Jr _~, _ L- TT IIL — ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ I —& --- ______ _ _pil _ I 11 _ _ _T _ _% _ _ TLT_ _ _ _ lr _. _ _TT l _ __ _ _ _ _ _II I II1 _ _______B____ ____I I IIII1 _~~I _! _ _IdT ~_ -r _ - T - ~ 1 1 - 1 - -. _ _~~~~~~ _t __ ~ _ ~ ~; _X N_,:T III _~~~d~ __ r'k.r lI W T EXEWH EXEEXM ~~~~~~IE _~~~~~~~ _ 7 ______ __ _- — t 10 100 OD d~inHia~ so Rfot I _m - m_ atom NASAL INDEX This index Nasal breadhX 1 ranks with the most important in racial studies. It necessarily is of less value in such groups as those under consideration, yet is not without interest. It shows the following conditions in the members of the Academy: 64 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [ME^OLsNaTNL~ TABLE 50.-Nasal index I Members of the Academy Old Americans '.~ _____________________ _ _ - at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects --- —------------------------------------- 100 50 247 Average --- —---------------------------------- 67. 17~0. 49 67. 41~0. 62 67. 45 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 55. 2 56. 5 53. 2 Maximum ----------- ------------------- -- 89. 4 82. 4 90. 9 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 50. 92 38. 42 55. 74 a, --- —------------------------------------------ 7. 25~ 0. 35 6. 50~0. 44 CV - ------------------------------ 10. 76~0. 51 9. 66:~0. 65 ---------- DISTRIBUTION 55.2-55.49 55. 5-60.49 60. 5-65.49 65. 5-70.49 70.5-75.49 75. 5-80. 49 80. 5-85.49 85.5-89.4 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (100).- -. 1 17 25 27 18 6 4 2 Not old Americans (50)-__ — 1 --- —-- 14 28 32 16 4 6 NASAL INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans -___ ________ ___at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----- -- - 60 22 247 Average --- —-------------------------------- 67. 20 0. 71 67. 30 1. 02 67. 45 ------------------------------------------ 8. 11 0. 50 7. 07~:0. 72 CV --- —---------------- 12. 03 ~ 0. 74 10. 40~ 1. 06 Over 60 years of age --------------- - 40 28 Average --- —-------------------------------- 66. 85+0. 61 67. 30~ 0. 75 a ----________ --- —-------------------------- - 5. 72~0. 43 5. 92+0. 53 CV --------------------- 8. 49~0. 64 8. 87~0. 80 See the following equation: Nasal breadth X 100 Nasal length The nasal index is very similar in the two groups of the Academy, and it is practically identical in these and the more aged and cultured old Americans at large. In all the series it shows high variability, ranging with the most variable determinations on the human body. And while it showed unmistakable increase with age in the series of the old Americans at large when young adults were contrasted with older,38 in the members of the Academy it is very near the same in those up to and over 60, those indicating that while both the length and the breadth of the nose have augmented slightly during advanced years their relative values remained very similar. TABLE 51.-Old Americans: Nasal dimensions and index versus age (laboratory series) Males Females Sub- Mean Nose Nose Nasal Sub- Mean Nose Nose Nasal jects age height breadth index jects age height breadth index Youngest ---- - 25 24. 2 5.23 3. 50 67.1 20 23. 0 4.90 3. 15 64. 5 General average ---- 247 42. 5 5. 35 3. 61 67. 45 210 41. 0 4. 95 3. 25 65. 7 Oldest --- —- - 25 59. 5 5.52 3.78 68. 6 20 57.2 5.07 3.38 66.9 # The Old Americans, p. 263. ACADEMY or SCIENCEsj No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 65 fS.X.'flr49 Jq s '-640.4q 0o.r-6r.q Nasal Index 6s.r-l.q 70.S-7., S.Y97.s.o.q. o.S-ts.rq t.fcr.2q. 30000 I /+t~it~t; -E-EM~t~a fli. 0IIr I I -~ ~,, \ --- r T1111L- - JL oi! LAIIIIII11 1l0 F t i7Tf l l l l l l l l l 4W0T9D0044T00, I00o t k 4.CA 4VLI 3 m m - r n ~ i m ~0 14 0C Is 0 All in all, it may be said that the nose in the members of the Academy is in every respect closely similar in the old and the not old American groups; that it is also closely similar to the nose in the more cultured and aged old Americans at large; and that while evidently affected somewhat by senile changes, these changes have been but very moderate during the ages represented by the members examined. THE MOUTH The mouth yields itself to the measurement of its width, which differs racially, in the two sexes, and by age. The dimension is measured with the lips in easy apposition, between the two points in the corners of the mouth where the mucous membrane joins the skin. In the older members of the Academy this measurement has doubtless suffered some loss through the absorption of the alveolar processes, on the state of which the mouth width depends to a material degree. In a few individuals the disturbance has been such as to necessitate elimination of the measurement. The results in the rest will be seen beneath: 66 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M[VOL. XXIII, TABLE 52.-Width of the mouth Members of the Academy Old Americans at......_ --- —---------- ~large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —---------------- 92 48 247 Average ---------------------------------------- 5. 66 0. 029 5. 85 0. 035 5. 37 Minimum ----------------------------------------- 4. 7 5. 1 4. 5 Maximum --- —--------------------- 6. 7 6. 8 6. 6 Range of variation in percentage of the average 5 --- — 5. 34 28. 91 39. 10 r_ ----------------------------------------------- 0. 414~0. 021 0. 357~ 0. 025 CV --- —---------------------------- 7. 31~0. 36 6. 06~0. 42 DISTRIBUTION 4.7-4.8 4.9-5.1 5.2-5.4 5.5-5.7 5.8-6 6.1-6.3 6.4-6.6 6.7-6.8 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) ---- - 2. 2 7. 6 21.7 27. 2 27. 2 8. 7 4. 4 1. 1 Not old Americans (48) ----- -------- 2. 1 6. 3 25.0 39. 6 18.7 4. 2 4. 2 WIDTH OF THE MOUTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------------ 55 22 247 Mean age, years - ---------------------— 52. 0 51. 7 37. 2 Average --- —-------------------------------- 5. 60~0. 034 5. 83~ 0. 044 5. 37 q_ --- —---------------- ------------------- 0. 372 0. 024 0. 308 0. 031 CV ---------------------- 6. 66~0. 43 5. 27 0. 54 Over 60 years of age --- —------------------------ 37 26 Mean age, years --- —-------------------------- 69. 1 68. 7 Average --- —-------------------------------- 5. 76~0. 049 5. 92~0. 052 _ ----- ----------------------------------- 0. 444 ~0. 035 0. 390 0. 036 CV --- —----------------- 7. 68~0. 60 6. 58~0. 62 -- The mouth width is seen to be about as variable as were the two nasal measurements. In the members of the Academy of more recent derivation it exceeds that of the old Americans, and in both Academy groups it is distinctly superior to that in the old Americans at large. The differences between the members and the outsiders are connected partly with stature, but more so with age; 3 those between the two groups of the members may possibly be accidental, but more likely are connected with the different racial heritage in the two groups. Among the academicians, age influence manifests itself as shown in table 52. In both groups in those above 60 the mouth is slightly larger than in those up to 60. The increase in mouth width is observable from birth on throughout life and is an actual growth, though in the aged this may be aided by the flattening of the oral arch due to the absorption of the alveolar processes. 3' See The Old Americans, pp. 270-271. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 67 44-j-qs#4-j-,f.l_ C-2-INr Mouth Width f.r.? s.. - b. 6.1(4 6.144 1. 6.t - -I I I -I I I II-. I - 'Ptiat"I r jwb s wwb I I 1 I i i i i I I Ir "1 i. t I( -. —. I - f - I I I f - F "-"I f - f -,J F 16" I itt- I i. i 1i i -1 I -I 7o mS 10 5 — a —T — - - — I t,. O F L — IF--- _ / -- _ _ I_ I r! - 1 - L_ — 1 ____ T___ _-_ —_ --- —1_ _ ===I==I11 = — =::I:::::=_:I===-, I I I 1- 1 IA I E _ 1 E1 1 1 TX- w__ T I I __ Yl-TzzzlzE zzzzz^EE zElzE z ^:I 4 - - ~ 4S't~o~e ql aect aHit,&p-4p-vt 4 9 74t 0 68 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [VOL. B XM',A THE EAR The dimensions of the ear vary considerably with race, sex, stature, age, and individuals. In general the left ear alone is measured, as the more convenient. The usual measurements are the greatest length with the greatest transverse breadth, and the percental relation of the latter to the former gives the ear index. The three determinations may well be dealt with together. TABLE 53.-Ear length Members of the Academy Old Americans ------------- --— __ __ -- -. at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —----------------- ------- ---- 92 49 250 Average ----------------------------------------- 7. 02 0. 031 7. 07 0. 043 6. 70 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 6. 1 6. 1 5. 5 Maximum ------------------------------------- 8. 4 8. 3 8. 1 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- - 32. 76 31. 1 38. 81 __ --- —------------------------------------------ 0. 447 4 0. 022 0. 444- 0. 030 CV --- —----------------------------------------- 6. 36 + 0. 32 6. 29 + 0. 43 DISTRIBUTION 6.1-6.3 6.4-6.6 6.7-6.9 7-7.2 7.3-7.5 7.6-7.8 7.9-8.1 8.2-8.4 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) -- __ 9. 8 9. 8 19. 6 31. 5 20. 7 5. 4 2. 2 1. 1 Not old Americans (49) --- —-- 4. 1 12. 3 26. 5 26. 5 16. 3 10. 2 2. 0 2. 0 EAR LENGTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Ameicans!_ - - - ------- __ _- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --— _ _ - - 55 22 250 Average --- —-------------------------------- 6. 90+0. 041 6. 89+0. 056 6. 70 a --- —--------------------------------------- 0. 447 -0. 029 0. 386 0. 040 CV --- —-------------------------------------- 6. 480. 42 5. 61 0. 57 Over 60 years of age --- —------------ 37 27 Average --- —-------------------------------- 7. 21 +0. 041 7. 21 0. 056 -__ --- — -------------------------------- 0. 371 + 0. 029 0. 433 i 0. 040 CV --- —------------------------------------- 5. 14+ 0. 40 6. 00 0. 55 ----- I ACADEMY Or SCIENCES] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 69 ewt C9.1 D. 3 &.&. 6 6.9- &.q Ear Length n *1 '17.3-7 1T '.-8?.q- g8. 81 - t.r. r I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 120 10 lo~ u 5 - - -- - mm W -w Am =m* Li q *kor it ft# 70 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [ME'M~oLNA.INxI TABLE 54.-Ear breadth Members of the Academy Old Americans - --------- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects -------------- 92 49 250 Average --- —---------- 3. 94~0. 017 4. ~0. 027 3. 79 Minimum ------------------------------------- 3. 4 3. 3 3. 05 Maximum --- —---------------------------------- 4. 6 4. 7 4. 6 Range of variation in percentage of the average 30.. 46 35. 0 40. 90 --------------------------------------- ----- 0. 244~0. 012 0. 280~0. 019 CV --- —-------— __ --- —-- 6. 29~0. 31 7. 0~0. 48 DISTRIBUTION 3.3 3.4-3.55 3.6-3.75 3.8-3.95 4-4.15 4.2-4.35 4.4-4.55 4.6-4.7 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) -- __ - 4. 4 15. 2 31. 5 31. 5 13. 0 3. 3 1. 1 Not old Americans (49) --- — 2. 0 4. 1 12. 2 24. 5 30. 6 18. 4 4. 1 4. 1 EAR BREADTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans - - ------------ at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive _ -55 22 250 Average --- —------------------------------- 3. 93~0. 022 3. 98~0. 031 3. 79 ------------------------------------------ 0. 240~ 0. 015 0. 216~0. 022 CV ------— 6.... --- —------—... --- —---- 6. 11 0. 39 5. 45~0. 55 Over 60 years of age ------------------------------ 37 27 Average --- —-------------------------------- 3. 96 ~0. 027 4. 024- 0. 042 a --- —------------------------------------ 0. 247~0. 019 0. 320~0. 029 CV -1 --- —--------------------- ----- 6. 27~0. 49 7. 93~0. 73 ACADEMY Or SCIINCBg] No. 8] MEASUREMENTS 71 3.3 Ear Bread 3.8.3.q Ith 3,94.34S 3.(;.37 44 -4-o - 6.1 Y 4,&fA#4 qj u.4.-7 (P* kLJlf 1 10 l lo" 5~~~~~~~~~~~M I I qq rtoot..r4 167689 ~-40 ---6 72 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADENY MEMBERS [MEM'OI. NATIOSNA TABLE 55.-Ear index1 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —------------------------------------- 92 49 250 Average --- —------------------------------- - 56. 19 ~0.29 56.66 ~0. 39 56. 57 Minimum --- —---------- --------- -------- 47. 3 47. 2 44.9 Maximum --- —------- ------- - - 63. 9 63. 0 71. 5 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- — 29. 54 27. 86 45. 96 __ --------------------------------------------- 4. 14 ~0. 21 4. 00 ~0. 28 CV --------------------------------------------- 7. 37 ~0.37 7. 01 ~0.48 ---------- DISTRIBUTION 47.2- 50.1- 52.6- 55.1- 57.6- 60.1- 62.6 -50 52.5 55 57 5 60 62.5 63.9 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92)_ --- —__-_ — __-_ — 6. 5 6. 5 28. 3 23. 9 16. 3 13. 0 5. 4 Not old Americans (49) ----------- 4. 1 4. 1 22. 5 34. 7 14. 3 16. 3 4. 1 EAR INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy ~____ ~____ _ ~Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Ameri - tory series) cans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----------------------- 55 22 250 Average --- —--------------------------------------- 56. 96 57. 76 56. 57 Over 60 years of age --- — ------------------- 37 27 Average -------------------------------- ----------- 54. 79 55. 76 ----- I See the following ecuation: Breadth X 100 Length The ear in the academicians averages large. It distinctly exceeds in both length and breadth that of the old Americans in general, though its relative proportions, expressed by the ear index, remain the same. The excess in ear size in the members of the Academy can only be attributed to the higher presenile stature of the members and particularly to age. Anthropological researches have by now definitely determined that stature correlates directly with all body dimensions and that age influences all the dermic structures of the head and face. Even among the academicians themselves, it is seen, this latter factor makes itself felt. The variability of the ear measurements is of the same order as that of those of the mouth and the nose. It appears that certain groups of dimensions, such as the several diameters of the head, those of the soft parts of the face with the ears, and others to be seen later, have a similar basic variability, which suggests a basic unity of trophic nervous control, a very interesting and hitherto unheeded phenomenon. A point which calls for some comment in this place is not merely the frequent similarity but the practical identity of the anthropometric results, such as the above ear indices. Outcomes of this nature are gratifying proofs of the value of anthropometric procedures when carried on with due care and by experienced observers. They have a weighty significance. They are evidence of basic organic conservatism. They show that notwithstanding individual variation and the great variety of conditions that have acted on different units of a racial group, the set or hereditary organic processes in that racial group proceed without material disturbance. ACADEMY OF SCLUNCB No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 73 417-2. morO S~.1 -SJ.. Ear Index sl.-6rf S SS.I.7J 1001 41 S &.6- (..q -P. t.iTr F' 30 - - --- 1 ----i _-____-__ ___1...r ___ _ \ -1___ __ --- I T__ - ==o _: ==~iI_ -— ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ — II ~I-.-.___.____""_ SII __. - -- -q. -. --- Still another matter that forces itself on one's attention in this connection is the necessity in all anthropometric determinations of constant attention to stature and age, the two great modifiers of all dimensions. THE CHEST The measurements of the chest are not merely of somatological but also of considerable medical importance. The best determinations on the chest, as shown by experience, are the two diameters, the lateral and the anteroposterior, taken at the level of the nipples in man-and at a corresponding plane in the females-and at right angles to the axis of the thorax.40 Here once more stature and age have their influence, but in addition the thorax alters also through different prolonged muscular effects or occupation, through the effects of habitual posture, and through pathological conditions, particularly rachitis and early tuberculosis. 40 Both diameters taken with broad-branched calipers (see writer's Anthropometry), at right angles to the axis of the thorax and recorded at mid-value between inspiration and expiration, with subject in a posture that removes all muscular tension. 74 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS MEM~OIRS NATIONA In the members of the Academy the chest, with one exception in which there were traces of some rachitis in childhood, was remarkably normal, and frequently well developed by either earlier muscular work or, more commonly, through sports during youth. Only a few cases had to be excluded due to marked senile changes. The mean of the two measurements of the chest gives the mean diameter of the chest, or chest module, which is very useful for comparison with stature or with the length of the trunk; and the percental relation of the two ( Breadth ) gives the chest index, which is of especial value in the study of age changes. All these items are given in the following tables, together with comparisons with the more cultured class of the old Americans outside of the Academy. TABLE 56.-Chest breadth 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans.....______________ __ at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects ---— 92 49 246 Average_ ------------------- 30. 29~0. 14 30. 33~0. 18 29. 76 Minimum --- —------- 26. 0 25. 4 25. 1 Maximum --- —--------------- 35. 0 34. 2 38.9 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 29. 71 29. 01 46. 40 a_ --- —--------------------------- 1. 92~0. 10 1. 85~0. 13 CV --- —------------------ 6. 31~0. 31 6. 09~0. 41 -------- DISTRIBUTION 25.4-26.4 26.5-27.9 28-29.4 29.5-30.4 30.5-31.9 32-33.4 33.5-34.9 35 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) --— 2. 2 8. 7 21.7 19. 6 31.5 13. 0 2. 2 1. 1 Not old Americans (49). --- — 2. 0 8. 2 20. 4 12.2 38. 8 16. 3 2. 0 CHEST BREADTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans ---------- __ _____________ __ at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive -------— 55 22 246 Average -----------------— 30. 49~0. 16 30. 48~0. 23 29. 76 r --- —------------------------— _ --- —---— ___ 1. 75~0. 11 1. 59~0. 16 CV -----------------— 5. 71~0. 37 5. 21~0. 53 Over 60 years of age ---- --------— _ -_ 37 27 Average --- —-------------- 30. 00~0. 23 30. 22~0. 26 a --------------------------------------- 2. 09~0. 16 2. 03~0. 19 CV ------------------— 6. 96~0. 55 6. 71~0. 62 t Transverse diameter, at level of nipples; mean between inspiration and expiration. ACADEMY OF SCIENCBI] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 75 I j;.q - 14.q 1&l.r. ll~q # -2qV Chest Breadth * 19.r-BOw b6.$s!1-31- 53-ti 33.:-311.q 3t -B.0. 'I lI rn wv&% I l l ir I i 1 I I-I-+-F-t-f- I lI I 1 1 1 1 1 1 I I I I I _LLLL_^-_ — __-___-. _r_.... If T:I IC _ -r^rflb — _ _ ___ _ _ _:..r T 1 T-T_____,EEk I T rr EEtEEEEIEEEEEEEEEEl- E J' " 'iA wq LETT1- _ LUI 1 1____ ___.__..__..1.1..11..__ skS~~~~~.If' I ~., ft~ N t - I-m ~ q )t at s. a 76 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [lMzyo^xNtIII,' TABLE 57.-Chest depth 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects --- —------ 92 49 246 Average ------------------------------------- 23. 16~0. 14 23. 14~0. 18 21. 70 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 18. 9 20. 0 2 16. 3 Maximum ---------- ------------------ -- 28. 3 28. 0 30. 3 Range of variation in percentage of the average ---- 40. 60 34. 57 3 64. 5 ------------------------------------- 1. 96~ 0. 10 1. 85~ 0. 13 CV --- —------------------------ 8. 44~0. 42 7. 97 +0. 54 ------- DISTRIBUTION 18.9 19-20.4 20. 5-21.9 22-23.4 23. 5-24.9 25-26. 4 26. 5-27.9 28-28.3 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) --- - 1. 1 5. 4 21. 7 29. 4 23. 8 13. 0 4. 4 1. 1 Not old Americans (49) ------------- 2. 0 24. 5 34. 7 26. 5 4. 1 6. 1 2.0 CHEST DEPTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboratory Old Americans Not old Americans series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive -------- 55 22 246 Average --- —--------------------------------- 23. 18~0. 16 22. 84~0. 24 21. 70 ar --- —--------------------------------------- 1. 79~0. 12 1. 70~0. 17 CV --- —------------------------------------- 7. 720. 50 7. 41~0. 75 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------------------- 37 27 Average -------------------------------------- 23. 12 ~0. 25 23. 39 0. 29 ------------------------------------------ 2. 29~0. 18 2. 20~0. 20 CV --- —----------------------- 9. 87~0. 77 9. 38~0. 86 I Diameter anteroposterior, at same level as breadth; mean between inspiration and expiration. s Next 17.8. 8 If exceptional minimum of 16.3 is discarded, 57.6. ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 77 e,,,,~.^~ ~Chest Depth -.q iq - xo.v Xo.r.l.q u. 23. Lz3.J'- q S-, Z'7Z t t.. ----- X I __ — _ _- _ --- T- -, i- -.q..oC" o_.!_ __ _ -____1__T T T ______ ___ o -T _ Li, rT 78 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS ['MVOLN. XAIII, TABLE 58.-Chest index ' Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —------------------------------------- 92 49 246 Average --- ----------------- 76. 28+0. 36 76. 46t0. 55 72. 93 Minimum ------------------------------------ -- 66. 7 65. 3 52. 82 Maximum --- —-------------------- 90. 2 89. 5 88. 60 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- S0. 81 31. 66 44. 90 - - - -- - - - -- - - - - -- - - - -- - - - - ~5. 10+ 0. 25 5.69 0. 39 CV ----------------------- 6. 67 +0. 33 7. 43+0. 51 DISTRIBUTION 65.3-67.99 68-71.99 72-75.99 76-79.99 80-83.99 84-87.99 88-90.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) -------— 3. 26 21. 74 21. 74 26. 08 21. 74 4. 35 1. 09 Not old Americans (49) ------ - 2. 04 20. 40 30. 61 20. 40 16. 32 6. 12 4. 08 CHEST INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (labora. Old Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----------------- 55 22 246 Average --- —-------------------------------- 76. 04+0. 42 74. 94~0. 72 72. 93 a, ----------------------------- -------- 4. 57~0. 29 5. 02~0. 51 CV --- —---------------- 6. 01 0. 39 6. 67 0. 68 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------------------- 37 27 Average --- —--------------------------------- 77. 09 +0. 64 77. 39 0. 77 a _ --- —--— __ --- —-__ --- —---------------- 5. 74+0. 45 5.96~0. 55 CV --- —--------------- 7. 45+ 0. 58 7. 67 0. 70 ---------- I See the following equation: DepthX00 Breadth ACADEMY O0 S8CNCzS] No. 3].- * 67.q MEASUREMENTS Chest Index 79 6* -71.q?t 7S., Pr 1 1 1 9 7-6.-.q 0. 83.q sg- 17. T 7 - - 88 - qo.L -I T 7 I * 7 t 7 7 _4% y. -1 1 11-1 1 - 1 1 - 1 + 1 -1 1 1 — 1-,, 1-.1 1 la 10 I io 4 L I A -t I I I I I I I I I I I ~ --- ----- _ 11__ 1___ __ __- ~ I __-_- 1 1 ---- -1 - -__ -- - - _1 1, -. -1 - 1- - -- - ' - ~. _._ I EEEEEEEEE^^ ^ W t"tWS. EEESlEEEEEtEEEEEEEE i-EEEE _:_ * ___:_ 11_1 1 I I_ IL:ll I q- IqA Lt Q44U4t14iM mm~ 4 q'~to' Ao im- 80 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MI'oL sNAT.iO TABLE 59.-Chest module 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans -- " --------- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------ - 92 49 246 Average --- —----------------- 26. 72 + 0. 12 26. 74 + 0. 15 25. 73 Minimum --------------- ---— 23. 15 23. 30 22. 2 Maximum --- —----------------------------------- 31. 65 30. 25 34. 6 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —-- 31. 81 25. 99 48.19 a,_ --- —----------------------------------- - 1. 74 +0. 09 1. 55 0. 11 CV --- —------------------ 6. 52 0. 32 5. 79 + 0. 39 DISTRIBUTION 23.15-23.99 24-24.99 25-25. 99 26-26. 99 27-27.99 28-28.99 29-29. 99 30-30. 99 31-31.65 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) ----- 7. 61 10. 87 14. 13 20. 65 25. 00 10. 87 9. 78 ------ 1. 09 Not old Americans (49) --- —-- 4. 08 12. 24 10. 20 26. 53 30. 61 8. 16 6. 12 2.04 - CHEST MODULE AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans _ --- —------ - - ------- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ------— 55 22 246 Average -------------------------------------- 26. 83 t 0. 15 26. 66 0. 19 25. 73 _ _ --- —-------------------— _ --- —---— _ -- 1. 62t 0. 10 1. 35 = 0. 14 CV --- —---------------- 6. 04 0. 39 5. 05+t0. 51 Over 60 years of age --- —---------- 37 27 Average --- —---------------------------------- 26. 56 + 0.21 26. 80 +0. 22 a _ --- —-------------------- -— __________ - 1. 91 t:0. 15 1. 70+0. 16 CV --------------------- 7. 19+0. 56 6. 34+0. 58 ------------ 1 See the following equation: Breadth + Depth. 2 ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 31 e'.-i A. MEASUREMENTS Chest Module wIN ' ts 2.ql,S-c.Iq 1*21 '72.7 Artq 21 9 — 30q30'.lq I -I I I I I I I I I I I 1 -1 I r 1 1 1 81 31 -3/l.& I I I l I to~~~~~~~~~~~o 10 -- q s. Gt4 ftWL, A4.-.. — aqk oC" A The two chest measurements are exceedingly close in the two series of the academicians. Both, as well as the index, have a large distribution. The data disclose a number of interesting conditions. The variability in all the series is most marked in chest depth. A certain amount of compensation exists evidently between the less usual chest depths and the breadth. A condition that calls for attention is the fact that the chest of the academicians in both its diameters, but especially in depth, is significantly larger than it is in the cultured old Americans at large; and the distinction persists when the chest measurements are taken in relation to stature. One of the consequences of this is that the chest index in the members is nearly four points higher than that in the outsiders. A roomier and especially deeper, chest, both absolutely and relatively to body height, cannot but be regarded as an advantageous condition. At the level at which the chest measurements are taken and with the close application of the branches of the instrument to the bony parts of the thorax, the slightly greater adiposity of the members as compared with the outsiders does not influence the measurements to any material extent. The causes of the larger chest in the academicians must be looked for in those agencies that, during their earlier life especially, demanded a greater lung and heart capacity; and these could only have been prolonged physical exertions and exercises. The members of the Academy show in general, therefore, evidences not only of a greater than average mental, but also advantageous physical, activity in their lives. 82 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS 'Mvosn. m, TABLE 60.-Chest module versus stature Members of the Academy Old Americans - ----------- -------- at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects- -------------------- 92 49 246 Average --- —------------------------------------- 15. 38~0. 072 15. 32+0. 101 14. 78 Minimum ------------------------------------— 12. 88 13. 59 12. 02 Maximum --- —---------------------------------- 17. 85 17. 53 19. 41 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —- 32. 1 25. 72 60. 0 ----------------------------------------------- 1.03+0. 051 1.05+0. 072 CV --- —---------------------------------------- 6. 70+0. 33 6. 85+0. 47 ------------ DISTRIBUTION 12.88- 13- 13.5- 14- 14.5- 15- 15.5- 16- 16.5- 17- 17.5 -12.99 13.49 13.99 14.49 14.99 15.49 15.99 16.49 16.99 17.49 17.85 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) ------ 1. 09 1. 09 5. 43 10. 87 17. 39 23. 91 16. 30 7. 61 8. 70 4. 35 3. 26 Not old Americans (49) -------------- 14. 29 8. 16 10. 20 22. 45 20.41 8. 16 10.20 2. 044.08 CHEST MODULE VERSUS STATURE AND AGE Members of the Academy ~~~____~______ _ Old Americans at large (laboraNot old tory series) Old Americans Am ericans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----------— 55 22 246 Average --- —----------------- 15. 33 15. 23 14. 78 Over 60 years of age --- —------------- 37 27 --- Average ------- ----------------------------- 15. 45 15. 39 1 See the following equation: Chest module X 100 Stature That the larger chest and higher chest index of the academicians is not the effect of age is shown plainly in the last parts of the above tables; such small differences as these present are almost surely accidental. THE HAND The measurements apply to the left hand only, both for convenience and because this hand in general is less affected by work and injuries, presenting therefore more faithfully the natural morphological conditions. The two dimensions taken are the length, measured from the midpoint of the proximal wrist line to the end of the medius, and the transverse breadth of the palm across its middle, both taken with the hand in full but not overforced extension. The percental relation of the breadth to length (HbX100, gives the hand index, and the mean of the two measurements gives the hand module, a good unit for various comparisons. The relative proportions of the hands, and also those of the feet, are of more than ordinary interest. They correlate directly and markedly with body and head type, where these are well differentiated. There are two main general morphological types of the human body, the dolichomorphous and brachymorphous. The first, when well defined, is characterized by relatively long and narrow head (dolichocephaly), tendency toward slenderness of body and taller stature, with relatively long and narrow hands and feet; while in the second the body tends to be stockier, there is a short and broad head (brachycephaly), and relatively short and broad hands as well ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3) MEASUREMENTS 83 as feet. In a mixed population there are many intermediate, exceptional, or ill-defined forms, yet one or the other of the above types tends to predominate; even without mixture, however, some individuals of a group will show one or the other of these types better or more frequently than the other. In addition the hands, particularly, but in cases also the feet, show plainly the effects of muscular work or of want of work. In the former case they are broader and especially thicker, in the latter narrower and more delicate than the average. The hands of the academicians show the following conditions: TABLE 61.-Hand length Members of the Academy Old Americans - at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects ------- -------— 90 48 247 Average --- —- --------------- 19. 26~0. 060 19. 49~0. 082 19. 28 Minimum ------ ------- ----- — 17. 1 18. 0 17. 2 Maximum ------—. --- ------------ -- 21. 0 20. 9 22. 3 Range of variation in percentage of the average ---- 20. 25 14. 88 26. 40 a ------------------------------------------------- 0. 850 0. 042 0. 840 ~0. 058 CV --- —-------------------------------- - 4. 420. 22 4. 31~0. 30 DISTRIBUTION 17.1-17.2 17.3-17.7 17.8-18.2 18.3-18.7 18.8-19.2 19.3-19.7 19.8-20.2 20.3-20.7 20.8-21 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percen t Old Americans (90) ---- - 1. 1 4.4 3. 3 17. 8 26. 7 18. 9 13. 3 11. 1 3. 3 Not old Americans (48) ------- 1 --- —--- 6. 2 20. 8 12. 5 16. 7 18. 8 22. 9 2.1 HAND LENGTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ------— 54 21 247 Average --------------— 19. 39~0. 078 19. 53~0. 132 19. 28 a -------------------------------------------- 0. 854~:0. 055 0. 898~0. 093 CV --- —------------------------------------ 4. 400. 29 4. 59~ 0. 48 Over 60 years of age --- —----------- 36 27 Average --- —--------------------------------- 19. 04~0. 090 19. 45~0. 102 a0 --- —-----------------------------. 802~0. 064 0. 786~0. 072 CV -------------------------------------- 4. 21~0. 33 4. 04~0. 37 ------------ 84 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MMOIRs. NATION, Hand Length 11-. 11.3-I.7 i. -..- qI 1 I.-I.i I. ' l. I " lo.3. 2. I. -0. - i aIA rM l I I I - I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I i I I I I I 1 I 30~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~II $O~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ rl~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ la~~~~~~~~~~~9 co 016. QA44AQ,4i MM* A~ t AM l ' I OKO 4 Is ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 85 TABLE 62.-Hand breadth Members of the Academy Old Americans ----------—....___ - ---- at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects ---------------- 90 48 247 Average ------ -- --- -- 9. 19~0. 031 9. 26~ 0. 042 9. 18 Minimum 8. 2 8. 6 7. 7 Maximum -- _.. --- —- 10. 2 10. 2 11. 0 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —--- 21. 76 17. 28 35. 9 0.. --- —------------- ----------------- 0. 432~ +0. 022 0. 433 4~0. 030 CV --- —------------------- 4. 70+0. 24 4. 69~0. 32 - DISTRIBUTION 8.2 8.3-8.5 8.6-8.8 8.9-9.1 9.2-9.4 9.5-9.7 9.8-10 10.1-10.2 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (90) ---- - 2. 2 4. 4 13. 3 21. 1 33. 3 17. 8 4. 4 3. 3 Not old Americans (48) ------ - ------- 22. 9 18. 7 20. 8 27. 1 6. 3 4.2 HAND BREADTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans - at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —--------- 54 21 247 Average --- —-------------------------------- 9. 26 + 0. 037 9. 33 ~0. 071 9. 18 -------------------------------------------- 0. 404 ~0. 026 0. 480~ 0. 050 CV ---- ----------------------------- 4. 36~:0. 28 5. 15+0. 54 Over 60 years of age- ----------------- 36 27 - Average --- —-------------------------------- 9. 12~0. 049 9. 21~ 0. 047 a ----------------------------------- 0. 438 0. 035 0. 364 +0. 033 CV- ---------------------------------------- 4. 800. 38 3. 950. 36 ----------............... 86 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [MZ"OVoLNAX'ONI 1.. ~.i Hand Breadth 8.q-q. t q.z.q. q.r.9q. *. s u *It i.e q.. go I0.1- 10.l Is — -Y Pe~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I 10 to - 7-_____________- TI woo' —F ^ -m ^^^^ q oIa Oo. DJ -CiAAA f -~ - 4 f WIC to 40 ACADEMY O0r SciBNca] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 87 TABLE 63.-Hand index I Members of the Academy Old American.... --- —------- at large (lai-" Old Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subje s — I ---- - Subjects - 90 48 247 Average --- 47. 7440. 110 47.52~0. 190 47. 64 Minimum --- --- 44. 7 42. 2 37. 7 Maximum__ ------------ 51. 6 53. 5 64. 2 Range of variation in percentage of the average ----19. 71 3. 78 54. 6 ------ ____~ --- —-------------- 1. 550~0. 078 1. 980~0. 130 - CV ----------------- -. 3. 24~0. 16 4.160.29 ------- DISTRIBUTION 42.2-44.49 44.5-45.49 45.5-46.49 46.5-47.49 47.5-48.49 48.5-49.49 49.5-50.49 50.5-51.49 51.5-53.5 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percet Percet Pcet Percent Old Americans (90) --- —- - 5. 6 16. 7 23. 3 23. 3 17. 8 6. 7 5.6 1. 1 Not old Americans (48) ------ 4. 1 8. 3 14.6 22. 9 18. 8 18.8 8. 3 2. 1 2. 1 HAND INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans _:_ ---- at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive --- —------------ 54 21 247 Average --- — -------------- 47. 76~0. 130 47. 770. 34 47. 64 a -------------------------------------- - 1. 412~0. 092 2. 32~0. 24 CV- -- ------------------------------ 2. 960. 19 4. 85~0. 50 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------------------- 36 27 - Average --- —----------- ---------------- 47. 890. 194 47. 36~0. 21 ------ ------------------------------------------ 1. 729~0. 137 1. 64~0. 15 ----- CV --- —---- --------------------------- 3. 61~0. 29 3. 460. 32 ---- I See the following equation: Breadth X 100 Length 167689~-40 ---7 88 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M o.o,.'~' A, Hand Index - <liwv.w4&..f~41sPw _.rfwC w94.5f_7 q Iq.S^ 4 4.rq-p Jgr-fo.wq A.r-P.<e pl.r-r3.rf 25,tti --- Xt,_i: I.: large showed that the hands grow moderately well into adult life. The hands of the old meers of both groups appear slightly smaller. This I believe is partly due to disuse, partly to less ability to stretch the hand as effectively as is possible in younger persons. In relation to _should be so is for the p ent dilicul to conjecture.__ - -- _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _____________,fI' _ —1 The whole showing of the hand in the members of the Academy means that in general there 1 1X1X — 100Q AX ---II1 — I-L --- —--- has been in the life of these men a fair amount of manual work or exercise; that only rare Ir The Old Americans, 323 et seq. _ _ _ _ - i --- — -- r their index are identical with those of the more highly cultured old Americans at large. The dimensions. The variability of the hand dimensions and also the index is lower than that of the chest, eat, or face measurements, but higher than that of the dimensions of the head. The head breadth and consequently also the index are seen to vary distinctly more than the hand length. The influence of age is difficult to gage properly in such small series; the old Americans at large 41 showed that the hands grow moderately well into adult life. The hands of the old members of both groups appear slightly smaller. This I believe is partly due to disuse, partly to less ability to stretch the hand as effectively as is possible in younger persons. In relation to stature the hands of the old Americans within and outside the Academy give practically the same values, the hands of the not old American members showing somewhat larger. Why this should be so is for the present difficult to conjecture. The whole showing of the hand in the members of the Academy means that in general there has been in the life of these men a fair amount of manual work or exercise; that only rare individuals have had lives of leisure; and that old age has had some effect on the hand dimensions. The exceedingly close relation of both the dimensions and the index of the hand, together with the marked similarity to identity of other parts in the old Americans within and outside of the Academy, goes far to sustain the deduction arrived at in connection with the studies on the old Americans at large, that this part of the population in this country constitutes a rather well defined national strain, which already is more or less distinct from other white groups and approaches something distinctly "American." 4' The Old Americans, 323 et seq. ACADEMY Or SCUNCs] No. 31 MEASUREMENTS 89 TABLE 64.-Hand module I Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects- ---------- 90 48 247 Average ------------------------------ 14. 23~0. 42 14. 3840.056 14. 23.f.. ------—.-.. --- —---------- --—.. O-. 0. 595 0. 030 0. 573 0. 039 CV --- —---------------- -- 4. 18+ 0. 21 3. 98~0. 27 ---- HAND LENGTH, BREADTH, AND MODULE VERSUS STATURE Members of the Academy..... __ Old Americans at large (labOld AmericansNot old Ameri- oratory series) cans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ---------------------- 54 21 247 Hand length --- —----------------------------------- 11. 09 11. 15 11. 10 Hand breadth ----- -----------— 5. 28 5. 33 5. 26 Hand module (mean diameter) --- —------------------- 8. 19 8. 24 8. 16 HAND MODULE AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive -----— 54 21 247 Average --- —-------------------------------- 14. 36+0. 055 14. 43+0. 094 14. 23 a _ --- —--------- ----------- 0. 597~0. 039 0. 639 0. 067 CV ------------------ 4. 16=0. 27 4. 42~0. 46 Over 60 years of age --- —-------------------------- 36 27 -Average --- —-------------------------------- 14. 09~0. 062 14. 33~0. 066 a_ --- —---------------------------- 0. 553~0. 044 0. 510+0. 047 CV -------------------------------------- 3. 930. 31 3. 55+0. 33 --------- 1 See the following equation: Length + Breadth 2 THE FOOT As with the hand and for the same reasons, the measurements were restricted to the left foot. The foot yields itself to two main diameters, the greatest length parallel to its long axis, and the greatest breadth at right angles to the latter; both measurements taken on undeformed feet only and while the weight of the body is placed on the foot that is not measured. There was not noticed in the members of the Academy any really flat foot, such as abounds in the Negro, nor again any foot with especially high arches; and there was no case of pathological or other deformity. The data obtained on the part follow: 90 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS I[VOL. Xj's, TABLE 65.-Foot length Members of the Academy Old Americans - __ _ --- —-- _ ~at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects ------------------- 92 49 245 Average --- —------------------------------------- 26. 12+0. 084 26. 2740. 102 26. 12 Minimum --- —------------------------------------ 22. 5 24. 7 22. 6 Maximum --- —---------------------------------- 29. 9 28. 9 29. 6 Range of variation in percentage of the average --- —-- 24. 89 16. 0 26. 80 ------------------------------------------------ 1. 196~0. 059 1. 058 0. 072 CV --- —---------------------------------------- 4. 56 0. 23 4. 03~ 0. 27 DISTRIBUTION 22.5-22.9 23-23.9 24-24.9 25-25.9 26-26.9 27-27.9 28-28.9 29-29.9 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) --- —----- 1. 1 12. 9 32. 6 26. 1 21.7 4. 4 1. 1 Not old Americans (49) ----- - ------- 10. 2 32. 7 36. 7 12.3 8. 2 FOOT LENGTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----------------- 55 22 245 Average --- —-------------------------------- 26. 30~0. 115 26. 45~0. 166 26. 12 r_ --- ------------------------------------ 1. 266~0. 081 1. 153~0. 117 CV ---------------------- 4. 81~0. 31 4. 38~0. 45 Over 60 years of age ---------------------------- 37 27 Average — ------------------- - 25. 85~0. 117 26. 12~0. 127 -- — _ --- —-------------------------------------- 1. 056 i 0. 083 0. 975 0. 089 CV --- —----------------------------------- 4. 060. 32 3. 72~0. 34 ---- ACADEMY OF SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 91 e. Foot Length IM 11 - 23.q 2aq - 1.r.q it.ir.q qq-iq. I I IJ h I T - m- - - - mm -- r T4Xa~~~~td~~_.i _ __ ___ q~sX~ 92 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS MBM[VOL. NAXSXI TABLE 66.-Foot breadth Members of the Academy Old Americans ---------------- st__ _ - at large (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects_ -92 49 245 Average --- —----------------------------------- 9. 43 0. 034 9. 47~ 0. 044 9. 49 Minimum --------- - ---------------------- 8. 4 8. 6 8. 2 Maximum --------------------------------------- 10. 6 10. 5 11. 1 Range of variation in percentage of the average ----- 23. 33 20. 06 30. 56 a__ __ --- —---------------------------------- - 0. 488 0. 024 0. 460-~0. 031 ---- CV --- —-------------------------------- - 5. 17~0. 26 4. 87~0. 33 ---- DISTRIBUTION 8.4 8.5-8.7 8.8-9 9.1-9.3 9.4-9.6 9.7-9.9 10-10.2 10.3-10.5 10.6 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) --- --- 1. 1 4. 3 14. 1 23. 9 23. 9 18. 5 8. 7 4. 4 1. 1 Not old Americans (49) --- —-------- 4. 1 10.2 22. 5 30. 6 18.4 12.2 2.0 FOOT BREADTH AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans atlarge (labOld Americans Not old Americans oratory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----— __ 55 22 245 Average --- —----------------------------- - 9. 4740. 041 9. 57~0.053 9. 49 --------------------- 0. 452 ~ 0. 029 0. 366 ~0. 037 CV -------------------- ------------ - 4. 77i:0. 31 3. 81~0. 39 Over 60 years of age --- ---------- 37 27 Average --- —--------------------------------- 9. 37 0. 054 9. 39 0. 056 ----------------------------- 0. 487 0. 038 0. 434 0. 040 ---- CV --- —---------------------------- 5. 17~0. 41 4. 63~-0. 42 ---------- ACADEMr 01 BCIENCBI No. 3] 0_. q_ S31 MEASUREMENTS 93 Foot Breadth.8s'-.. q.*. q - q -q.3q q.q-.7 q, to -.. l a- *.$ IS 10 '5 IA El qx wDIO O&KWAM-44 mm 1 am A Q mm 4qkor a 94 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [M[VOL. T"fNL TABLE 67.-Foot index 1 Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects --- —----------- 92 49 245 Average ----—. --- —------------- ------------- 36. 12~0. 18 36. 06~0. 15 36. 33 Minimum --- —------------------------------- 31. 1 32. 8 30. 7 Maximum --- —----------------------------------- 40. 1 41. 8 41. 1 Range of variation in percentage of the average ---- 24. 92 25. 0 28. 63 a _ -- _ ----------- ----------------------------- 2. 72~0. 13 1. 580. 11 CV --- —------------------ 7. 43+0. 37 4. 38 +0. 30 ----- DISTRIBUTION 31.1-32.49 32.5-33.49 33.5-34.49 34.5-35.49 35.5-36.49 36.5-37.49 37.5-38.49 38.5-39.49 39.5-40.49 40.5-41.8 Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Percent Old Americans (92) 1. 1 4. 3 12. 0 15. 2 25. 0 23. 9 12. 0 3. 3 3. 3 Not old Americans (49) ------- 2. 0 12.3 22.5 26.5 28. 6 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 2. 0 FOOT INDEX AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans -_ — _- ~ - ~~~at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----- ___-55 22 245 Average --- —------------ 36. 0~0. 15 36. 18 40. 20 36. 33 r _____________ --- —---------— _______ --- —___ 1. 65~0. 11 1.37~0. 14 CV ------------------ 4. 58~0. 29 3. 79~0. 39 Over 60 years of age -------------- _ 37 27 Average ------------------ 36. 25~0. 18 35. 95+t0. 22 ---------- ---------- 1. 69~0. 13 1. 73~0. 16 CV _ ------------------ 4. 65+0. 36 4. 81 0. 44 ---------- i See the following equation: Breadth X 100 Length ACADEMY or SCIENCES] No. 3] MEASUREMENTS 95 AM UM9g I31$..uaq 3 i1 Y.5. 4r j 43fr. Foot Index I -34.qq )'r.S Yj.,j 3 sj1r.f45j' -38.-4Sq;q.f.'o.4 4o.r. s 5 I V I. G Qwat&ic&% - 4m - 1413 )toXaC is 96 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS ["MOIs NATON TABLE 68.-Foot module Members of the Academy Old Americans Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects_ --------------- 92 49 245 Average _ ----------------------------------------- 17. 78~0. 052 17. 87~0. 066 17. 81 a --- —-------------------------------------- 0. 740 ~0. 037 0. 683 0. 047 CV ------------------------------------------- 4. 160. 21 3. 820. 26 --- —---- FOOT LENGTH, BREADTH AND MODULE VERSUS STATURE Members of the Academy.____~______~ Old Americans at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Ameri- tory series) cans Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ----------— 55 22 245 Foot length --- —------------------------ 15. 01 15. 10 14. 97 Foot breadth ------------ ----- 5. 40 5.46 5. 44 Foot module (mean diameter) -------------- 10. 21 10. 28 10. 21 FOOT MODULE AND AGE Members of the Academy Old Americans....... --- —----- -at large (laboraOld Americans Not old Americans tory series) Subjects to 60 years of age, inclusive ------- 55 22 245 Average --- —--------------- 17. 89~0. 071 18. 0540. 099 17. 81 — a_ --- —----------------------------------- 0. 784~0. 050 0. 686~0. 070 CV --- —-------------- 4. 38+0. 28 3. 80~0. 39 Over 60 years of age --- —------------ 37 27 Average --- —-------------- 17. 63~0. 071 17. 75+0. 085 ---- a ------------------------------------- --- 0. 642 0. 050 0. 653 0. 060 CV --- —-------------- 3. 64+0. 29 3. 68+0. 34 ---------- I See the following equation. Mean diameter =L+B. 2 With the foot as with the hand, the old American group of the Academy is very close to the more cultured old Americans in general, the only difference being that in the latter the foot is slightly broader and the index consequently higher. The Academy group of European birth or more recent American derivation shows a slightly larger and particularly longer foot, as it showed a slightly larger hand than either of the two groups of the old Americans. In both series of the academicians the foot is smaller and especially narrower than it is in most of the recent European immigrants to this country,42 and these differences come out especially clearly when the foot dimensions are compared with stature, as may be seen in table 69. All this relates, I believe, to the more sedentary habits of the academicians and the consequently fewer total stresses their feet had to endure. ds Compare data in The Old Americans, p. 341. ACADEMY or SCUNCzs] No. 33 PHYSIOLOGICAL TESTS 97 TABLE 69.-Foot and stature Members of the Old Americans Academy up to 60 at large erages groups years, inclusive (laboratory) of immigrants Subjects --- —- - 77 245 Foot: Length - ------ 26. 32 26. 12 25. 70-26. 60 Breadth --- —----------- - 9. 50 9. 49 9. 90-10. 60 Module (mean diameter) --- - 17. 91 17. 81 17. 85-18 63 Index -------------- 6. 10 6. 33 37. 90-40. 10 ModuleX 100 _Statue10. 83 10. b1 10. 60-11. O0 Stature...............~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The foot, it is quite evident, is larger and especially broader in the immigrants. This is even more striking when the size of the foot is regarded in its relation to stature. The causes are doubtless on one hand the prevalence of going bare-footed among the children of the poorer people, and on the other hand the greater stresses the feet in the immigrants were called upon to endure due to their habits and occupations. In the life of the members of the Academy as well as in that of the subjects of the "laboratory" series of the old Americans at large, there has been from the time of their school age to that of their examination such a large proportion of sitting, and hence resting the feet, during their waking hours, that the feet have not developed as much as they have in the immigrants. If it were practicable to measure the total mass of the feet and the stoutness of their bones the differences would doubtless be found to be even greater. What will become of the old American foot under modern conditions when its use has been further greatly diminished by the automobile and other conveniences may be surmised and apprehended. PHYSIOLOGICAL TESTS An effort was made with the members of the Academy to secure data on the pulse, respiration, and temperature, but as the measurements had to be made during the meetings and it was seldom possible to delay the subject, it was soon found that the records could not represent strictly normal conditions and so these tests were abandoned. There were no such obstacles, however, to the tests of strength and these were carried out on all those examined whose hands, arms, and shoulders were in healthy condition. As with the old Americans at large, these tests were taken by the well known Collins (French) dynamometer. They consisted of the optimum obtainable records of the pressure by each hand, and of bimanual traction,43 taken with the subject standing and with both shoes and clothing on, barring the vest and coat. In tests of this nature age is naturally an important factor, and the test proved very disturbing in the many aged members of the Academy. With many of the members above 70, and occasionally even earlier, normal results plainly could not be obtained and the records su The medius of each hand hooked into the small ends of the arch of the dynamometer, the instrument held free from any contact with the body, and the utmost pull exerted. The records obtained are, it is well known, not mechanically accurate, but the errors of the instrument are constant, the instrument is easy to handle, and the results are quite comparable with others secured by the same make of dynamometer. The same instrument was used in all the studies dealt with here. 98 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS I""[VOLXIII had to be omitted; yet now and then, up to the age of 78 even in one case, a fair record resulted. The data follow: TABLE 70.-Tests of strength Members of Academy, both series, Members over 60 years up to 60 years, inclusive Pressure in kilograms Pressure in kilograms - Traction. Traction Right hand Left hand Right hand Left hand Subjects --- —---------------------- 41 42 42 33 33 29 Average --- —---------------------- 142. 20 36. 29 23. 43 34. 24 29. 56 18. 89 Minimum --- —-------- 22. 00 16. 00 13. 00 20. 00 16. 50 12. 00 Maximum --- —--------------------- 60. 00 49. 00 34. 00 48. 50 41. 50 29. 00 Range of variation in percentage of average --- —--------------------- 90.10 90. 90 89. 60 83. 20 84. 60 90. 00 COMPARISON Pressure Left hand Traction verversus Traction sus mean Right hand Left hand right pressure 3 41 members of Academy up to 60 years, inclusive (mean age 51.3 years) --- —-- - 42.2 36.3 86. 2 23. 4 59. 7 215 old Americans at large (laboratory series, mean age 37 years) --- —----------------- 41. 8 36. 1 86. 4 22.3 57. 2 Right-handed only. 2 r=100. See the following equation: Pressure + pl. Traction Notwithstanding their materially greater mean age, the members of the Academy up to and including 60 years of age are very close to the more cultured old Americans at large in hand pressure and even exceed them slightly in traction. Age for age it is reasonable to assume the members would be throughout, though especially in traction (muscles of arms and shoulders), slightly superior to the outsiders. This is in accord with the somewhat higher stature and greater chest depth in the academicians and suggests once more favorable vitality. A remarkably harmonious result is shown by the relation of the pressure-strength in the right and the left hands-it is practically identical with that in the old Americans at large. Results of this nature are convincing proofs of the general value of the determinations. All three measurements of strength vary greatly individually. They showed similar, and with the traction even wider, ranges of variation in the old Americans at large.44 They exceed in variability all the rest of the measured characters. The variability in pressure in the left hand tends to exceed somewhat that in the right, and that in traction probably exceeds that in pressure, though one of our groups makes an exception. In all these tests it is impossible, of course, in such a series as ours to draw any fine line between the normal and the not quite normal. CONCLUDING DISCUSSION The studies on the members of the National Academy which are reported here, if surveyed in toto and compared with the more cultured old American population at large, impress the observer with three outstanding features. The first of these is that the old American contin" The Old Americans, p. 394: Pressure, right hand-88.5; pressure left hand-90; traction 143.5. ACADEMY oF SCLBNCBS No. 3] CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 99 gent within the Academy in general is identical with the more cultured old American stock at large. The second is that the old American members and those of European birth or more recent derivation in this country, are remarkably similar in most of their characteristics, which can only mean that both represent similar endowments and were developed on the whole in closely related conditions. The third and perhaps the most important realization is that where the academicians differ somewhat from the outsiders the significant differences are all in favor of the academicians. The latter show appreciably taller stature, both absolutely and relatively larger and particularly broader head, deeper chest, good strength of arms and shoulders. They obviously present, in general, an above-the-average selection of men both as to nature and nurture. They are furthermore a remarkably normal group, of evidently good heredity and good ontogenetic history. There were found no physically abnormal geniuses in the lot, just a selection of gifted brains supported by above-medium health and physique. It will be useful to give here the total of the comparative data on the members of the Academy and on the old Americans at large. General comparison-Observations Members of the Academy ~______________ ___Old Americans at large, laboratory Old Americans Not old Amer- series (250) (100) icans (50) I _. -I Skin color: Light (distinctly lighter than medium) ---- ---------- Medium --- —------ ---------------- Dark (perceptibly darker than medium) --- —-------------- Hair color: True light ------------------ Light brown — _ --- —----------- Medium --- --------- Dark brown to near black --- —------------ Black --- —--- Red --- —------------ Eye color: Pure blue: Light --- —------- ------ Medium ----------------------------------------- Dark --- —------------ Grayish --- —---------------- Greenish_ --- —---------- Pure brown: Light --- —------------------------- Medium --------------------------------------- Dark --- —---------------- Mixed (blue, grayish or greenish with more or less brown) -- Forehead: Apparent height: Slightly to somewhat low ---- - ---------- Medium ------------ ------------------------- High --- --------------- Slope: Medium well arched --- —----------------------------- Slight to moderate ----------------------------------- Marked --- —----------------------------------------- Supraorbital ridges: Near none to submedium -- ---------------------- About medium -------------------------------------- Above medium --- —--- --------------- Pronounced ----------------------------------------- See footnotes at end of table. 1.0 93. 0 6.0 6.0 45. 0 46. 0 2.0 2 1.0 1.0 8 18.0 4.0 6.0 1.0 7.0 3.0 60. 0 3.0 94.0 3.0 93. 0 7.0 39. 0 49. 0 8.0 4.0 88. 0 12. 0 6.0 34. 0 56. 0 2.0 O2.0 4.0 4 20. 0 2.0 4.0 10. 0 4.0 56. 0 4.0 92. 0 4.0 94.0 4.0 2.0 36. 0 56. 0 4.0 4.0 0.8 84. 8 14.4 15. 3 116.0 1 50.0 125. 0 11. 1 12.6 1 7. 9 1 6 14. 8 1 1. 1 1 2.2 15.0 1 4.5 19.3 12.7 1 52. 5 8.7 88. 0 3.3 97. 3 2.7 23. 4 65.4 8.0 & 3 100 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS tM'OL. X't. General comparison-Observations-Continued Members of the Academy Old Americans at large, laboratory Old Americans Not old Amer- series (250) (100) icans (50) Eye slits: Horizontal -------------- Slightly to moderately slanting upward --- —------- Slightly to moderately slanting downward --- —--- --- Malar regions (cheekbones): Almost none (externally) to decidedly subdued _ ---- -- - Submedium --- —------------------- Medium --- —-------------- ---- - Slightly to moderately above medium ----------- Depression at nasal root: Near none to slight ------— _________ --- Submedium --- —--------------- --- Medium ---- --------------------- Deep --- —------- Nose shape: Concave --- —------------ Straight or near-_ --- —_ — ------ _ — Convex: Slightly --- —---- ------ Medium ---------------- ----------------------- Pronouncedly -------------- Concavo-convex --- —---- ------------- ------------- Nasal septum: Inclined upward: Slightly --- —-------------------------- Moderately Markedly ----------- ------------------- Horizontal - ------------ ---------------------— _ — Inclined downward: Slightly --- —--------- ------------------- Moderately ------— _ ---_ --- —---------------- Markedly ------------------------ Alveolar prognathy: None (or feeble) --- —-- ------ -------- Slight to moderate -----------------— _ Marked — ---------—. ------------------------------ Lips (thickness): Somewhat above medium ------------------- Medium --- —---------------------- Submedium --- —----------------------------------- Thin ------------------------------------- Chin: Form: Rounded --- —------------ ----------- -- Square -_ --- —--- ----- Pointed --- —----------------------------------------- Prominence: Submedium ----------------- Medium --- —--------- ------------------------- Above medium ------ - ------------- Angles of lower jaw: Decidedly subdued --- —------------- Submedium --------------------------------------- Medium --- —-------------------------------- Moderately prominent --- —-- --------------------- Prominent 97. 0 3.0 31. 0 53. 0 14.0 2.0 5.0 8.0 85. 0 2.0 98. 0 2.0 28. 0 46. 0 24. 0 2.0 8.0 14.0 78. 0 29. 0 40. 0 21. 0 18.0 2.0 30. 0 12. 0 6.0 59. 0 9.0 10.0 4.0 90. 0 10. 0 7.0 60. 0 6 23. 0 6 10. 0 94. 0 5.0 1.0 1.0 98. 0 1.0 9.0 30. 0 56. 0 5.0 14.0 20. 0 2.0 24. 0 8.0 70. 0 14.0 6.0 2.0 94.0 6.0 10.0 50. 0 6 38. 0 2.0 92. 0 8.0 98. 0 2.0 11.0 36. 0 51.0 2.0 2.0 16.0 81.0 1.0 8.7 22. 0 18.0 24. 0 27.3 20. 0 9.7 2.3 56. 3 8.9 2.4.4 92. 0 8.0 8.6 90. 7.7 80. 7 19. 3 94. 0 6.0 2.0 34.0 58. 0 6.0 80. 0 20. 0 3.3 26. 0 57. 3 12. 7.7 1,U9 suoDects. I Reddish, not true red. a Includes 2 (2 percent) slate blue. Includes 1 (2 percent) slate blue. a Includes a few slate blue. 6 Effects of age. ACADoMY or 8cis ccm No. a] C(ONCLUDING DISCUSSION 101 General comparison-Measurements I Members of the Academy __________________ ~~~~~Old Americans at large (laboratory series) Old Americans Not old Americans Subjects Subjects Subjects~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Subjects Subjects Subjects Stature_ -------- -- --- 175. 09 60 175. 23 22 174.30 727 Weight in kilograms ---------—, --- 75. 68 55 73. 70 21 68. 63 232 Gram per centimeter ratio --- —---- ---- 432.0 55 421. 5 21 390. 8 232 Height, sitting-stature ratio --- —- 52. 90 60 53. 09 22 52. 94 247 Armspread-stature ratio ----- ------- 102. 17 58 102. 57 21 102. 6 245 Head: LengthLeng --- —-----— _ - ----— _ — 19.94 100 19. 82 ' 50 19.79 247 Breadth --- —------------ 15. 67 100 15. 84 50 15. 48 247 Height ----------- ---- _- 13.93 100 14. 05 50 13.93 247 Cephalic module (mean diameter) -- ----- - 16. 51 100 16. 57 50 16. 39 247 Cephalic module-stature ratio ---------- 9. 51 100 9. 50 50 9. 40 247 Cephalic index --- —------------ 78.56 100 79. 96 50 78. 28 247 Dolichocephalic (to 75), percent ------------ 13. 100. 0 50 16. 6 727 Mesocephalic (75 to 80), percent 53. 0 100 36. 0 50 61. 7 727 Brachycephalic (81 and over), percent -- --—. 34. 0 100 56. 0 50 21. 7 727 Height length index of head ---- ------ 69. 91 100 70. 89 50 70. 60 594 Height breadth index of head --- —------- 89. 02 100 88. 69 50 90. 29 '594 Mean height index --- —- ------— _ 78. 44 100 78. 86 50 79.00 247 Forehead: Height --- —-- ------------- 6. 58 32 6. 9 510 Breadth ---------------------- 10. 59 100 10. 67 50 10. 59 247 Face: Physiognomic height (to hair line) ------ - 18. 90 7 25 19. 00 7 18. 81 443 Anatomic height ------ ------ 12. 13 62 12. 30 22 12. 19 594 Diameter bizygomatic maximum --- —--------- 13. 96 100 14 09 9 50 13. 92 8 594 Facial index: Physiognomic ------------------------------- 74. 37 7 25 73. 91 7 7 74. 18 8 443 Anatomic 87.24 62 87. 38 22 87. 73 s 594 Facial breadth-head breadth ratio — 89. 17 9 100 88. 95 9 50 90. 10 594 Anatomic face height-stature ratio 6. 93 62 7. 03 22 6. 99 8 594 Lower facial breadth (bigonial diameter) — 10. 58 60 10. 77 22 10. 63 247 Nose: Height — 5. 46 62 5. 50 22 5. 35 247 Breadth —3. 68 62 3. 70 22 3. 61 247 Index —67.20 62 67.30 22 67.45 247 Mouth, width —5. 60 55 5. 83 22 5. 37 247 Ear: Length — 6. 90 55 6. 89 22 6. 70 250 Breadth —3. 93 55 3. 98 22 3. 79 250 Index — 56. 96 55 57. 76 22 56. 57 250 Chest: Breadth- 30. 49 55 30. 48 22 29. 76 246 Depth —23. 18 55 22. 84 22 21. 70 246 Index — 76.04 55 74. 94 22 72. 93 246 Chest module-stature ratio --- —------------------ 15. 33 55 15. 23 22 14. 78 246 Hand: Length --- —------------------------------- 19.39 54 19. 53 21 19.28 247 Breadth —9. 26 54 9. 33 21 9. 18 247 Index --- —----- -- --------------- 47.76 54 47.77 21 47.64 247 Hand module-stature ratio ---------------------- 819 54 8. 24 21 8. 16 247 For footnotes, see end of table. 102 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS 'M"YeO Nm"tni, General comparison-Measurements-Continued Members of the Academy Old Americans at large (laboratory series) Old Americans Not old Americans Foot: Subjects ubjects Subjects Length --- — -------- ------ - 26. 30 55 26. 45 22 26. 12 245 Breadth --- —-------------- 9.47 55 9.57 22 9.49 245 Index --- —------------------------------- 36.0 55 36.18 22 36.33 245 Foot module-stature ratio --- —-------- 10. 21 55 10. 28 22 10. 21 245 1 Figures used throughout this table are for subjects 60 and under, unless otherwise indicated. a Entire series. 3 Entire series, no age limit. 4 Entire series, except the mountaineers. s No age limit; measurement taken only on those with normal hair line. 6 Laboratory and Virginian series; 118 Tennessee highlanders give 6.57. 7 No age limit: measurement taken only on those with normal hair line. 5 Entire series, except mountaineers. I Entire series, no age limit. Old Americans within and outside of the Academy Same or nearly so Old American academicians exceed in- Old Americans at large exceed inSkin ----------------------------— Medium pigmentation —___ Darker pigmentation. Hair color --- —------ In medium shades___ Darks ---- ----- - Lights and reds. Eye color --------— In dark browns Medium and dark blues, Light blues, greenish, grays, mixed. light browns. Forehead height (visually) In high --- ______ Medium forms ----- - Submedium forms. Forehead slope ---------------- Sloping ---- — ___ _ Medium. Supraorbital ridges --- — - In above medium.. — Slight and submedium ------ Do. Eyeslits (inclination) ----- In all respects --- —-- Cheekbones --- —---- In above medium -- Slight to submedium -------- Do. Nasal root depression_ Medium to deep - ---- __Submedium. Nose: Shape -------- In convex ---- - Straight and concavoconvex__ Concave. Septum -------- In horizontal Moderately to markedly in- Inclined upward. dined downward. Alveolar prognathy ______ In all respects ------ Lips, thickness --- —----------- In above medium --- Submedium and thin-________ Medium. Chin: Form -------------- ------------ _ Rounded -------— Square. Prominence ------- --- --- _ Medium --------— Above medium. Angles of lower jaw ---- - Medium -------— __ Decidedly subdued to sub- Do. medium. MEASUREMENTS Stature --- —------ Weight --- —-------- _-_-___Weight-stature ------------ -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- Higher by nearly Y3 inch l____ Larger by nearly 14 pounds 2__ Larger by 40 grams per centimeter. 1 Height sitting-stature ratio --- ---- _______ Slightly higher --- —-- Arm spread-stature ratio ------ About equal 1 ---— _ Head: Length -- __- ____ _ -- ___ _ Larger 2______. ____________ Breadth ----------- ---—. _ ---— do.2 Height --------- Equal' - --- Module__ --— _-_......I --- —— _ ---___-I _-do____ --- For footnotes, see end of table. ACADXTMY or Bcmcm] No. 3] CONCLUDING DISCUSSION 103 Old Americans within and outside of the Academy —Continued MEASUREMENTS-Continued Same or nearly so Old American academicians exceed in- Old Aeraed Inat exceed in Cephalic module-stature ratio - Cephalic index --- —---------- Head forms -------- Head height indices ----- Forehead: Height ------- Breadth --- —--- Face: Total height --- —-- Lower height --- —-- Breadth ------- Physiognomic index --- Anatomic index _ ---Face breadth-head breadth ratio. Lower face height-stature ratioLower face breadth —... --- —-_ Nose: HeightBreadth --- —------------ Index ---- ------ Mouth --- —------------- Ear: Length --- —------- Breadth --- —---- Index. --- —------------ Chest: Breadth --- —--- Depth --- —--------- Index --- —--------------- Chest module-stature ratio --- Hand: Length ------------- Breadth --- —------------ Index._ --- —---------- Foot: Length --- —---- Breadth --- —--------- Index --- —------------ Manual and arm strength: Pressure right hand ----- Pressure left hand ---Traction ------------ -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- Larger --- —-------------- Higher --- —--------------- More sub-brachy- and brachycephalic. Equal --- —------- — do- --- Nearly equal --- —-- --— do --- —--- do— do ---------- --— do --- —---- do ---------- Equal More dolicho- and mesocephalic. All slightly higher. Higher. Slightly higher. Do. Do. -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- Greater --- —----------- Slightly greater ------ Wider ---------- Greater-— do --- —------------- -------------- — ~ --- —-— I --- —-------------- -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- -------------------- Somewhat greater --- —--- Greater --- —--------------- Higher --- —----------- -- do --- —-- -------- Equal --- —-- -— do ------— do - --- -— do — --. --- —--------------- - - Slightly larger.. --- —--------------------- - Slightly higher. ---------— Slightly greater Slightly greater s Do. I II. A_ 1 Up to 60 years inclusive. All. ' Up to 60 years inclusive. 16769 ~-40 ---- 8 104 OBSERVATIONS AND MEASUREMENTS ACADEMY MEMBERS [ME~OIRS NATIOAL [O.XXIHI, ' FINAL REMARKS The study of the members of the National Academy, herein reported, has furnished both gratifying and interesting results. Gratifying, in that the data second fully the results obtained in previous research on old American stock, and thus give valued support to the conclusion that there already exists in these old families an approach to a distinct American type of white man. Interesting, in the fact that the academicians of both old American and more recent European derivation are closely alike, and that in important characters both surpass the populations they come from, representing not only mentally but also physically what can only be called, it would seem, an aristogenic selection. The studies throughout were seriously complicated by the factor of old age and the connected senile changes; fortunately, however, there were enough younger members, particularly in the old American group, to fairly clear up matters. The principal results of the study show that the academicians physically and, as far as tested, also physiologically are a remarkably normal group, marked from the same strains of population outside by somewhat greater pigmentation of hair, higher stature, larger and especially broader head, and deeper chest-all of which speaks for greater vitality. The only justified diagnosis from all this is that the members of the Academy represent essentially sound, large and high quality brains, with sound, and, in the essentials, above the average body. No effort was made to contrast the men of different sciences. It is probably true that the individual, as well as the academic, selection in some of the branches is not what it is in others and that some unevenness in physical as well as mental standards results, but the available numbers of subjects would have been wholly inadequate for the detection of such differences. Actually nothing that would have suggested any marked inequalities was observed. Relevant studies.-To avoid bias, no search was made in literature for any related studies; which moreover were not believed to exist. As the present manuscript neared its conclusion such a search was begun and while but a single strictly relevant record was found this record brought an astonishing corroboration to our results. It is published in the International Bulletin of the Polish Academy of Sciences and Letters, by the former dean of Polish anthropologists, J. Talko-Hryncewitz.46 This author took measurement of stature and the head on 331 Polish males at large, and on 121 representatives of the cultured classes, in a large part university professors and members of the Krakow Academy of Sciences. The results46 showed thatLes classes cultivees se distinguent par une taille beaucoup plus elevee et par des dimensions craniennes sup6rieures, en longeur comme en largeur, et surtout en circonference horizontale; seule l'hauteur auriculo-bregmatique rest A peu pros la meme. Additional studies by the same and other Polish authors, on the common people and the cultured nobility, showed that47 malgr6 la communaut6 de race, des dissemblances anthropologiques existent entre le peuple et les classes cultiv6es repr6sent6es par la noblesse. Celle-ci pr6sente un type plus accompli, pour ainsi dire perfectionne qui se distingue du type paysan par une taille plus 6levee, une conformation plus robuste, un type plus fonc6, enfin par des dimensions due crAne relativement plus grandes et une brachycephalie plus accentuee. That generally a large normal brain and head correspond to above-average mentality, has been known since the studies of Galton, Broca, Bischoff, Welcker, Manouvrier, Matiegka, Donald45 Les principaux caracteres anthropologiques du peuple et des classes cultivtes en Pologne; Ann6e 1919 (publ. 1920), 322-326. 46 Ibid., p. 326. "7 Ibid., p. 323. o.CDY SCIENCES FINAL REMARKS 105 son, and others. 48 The exceptions to the rule dwindle when the effects of senility, stature, and preservatives are discounted, and when only truly superior mentalities are considered. The latest to deal more comprehensively with the subject are, especially, Spitzka and Donaldson,49 but the whole field is in need of further reconsideration in view of modern recognitions, and of further studies on the living similar to those dealt with in this report. So far as the writer's perception and experience are concerned everything points to the conclusion that, while there may be individual exceptions, if the important factors of age and stature are discounted, the brains and hence heads of lifelong workers of superior mentality are age for age of a larger size than the average of the population from which such workers have emerged. A superior intelligence, especially in some one direction, could conceivably exist in a nonpathological brain of any size; but a lifelong intensive exercise of such an endowment means a lifelong increased blood supply to the brain, which both by its quantity and in its effects on the brain tissues, would tend toward increase in the size of the organ and also to the enlargement of the bony capsule that contains it. 48 von Huschke: SchAdel, Hirn und Seele des Menschen. Jena, 1854. Welcker (H.): Gehirngrbsse und Intelligenz. Infden Aghandl. d. naturforsch. Ges. Halle, 1863, VII, 156. Thurnam (J.): Weight of the brain and the circumstances affecting it. London, 1866. Cited by Topinard: Elements d'Anthrop., 1885, p. 545. Broca (P.): Sur la topographie cranio-cerebrale. Bull. Soc. Anthrop., Paris, 1876, V, 193 et seq. Bischoff (Th. L. W.): Das Hirngewicht des Menschen. 1880. Topinard (P.): Elements d'anthropologie gen6rale. 1885. Marshall (J.): On the relations between the weight of the brain and its parts, and the stature and mass of the body in man. J. Anat. and Phys., 1892, XXVI, 445. Donaldson (H. H.): The growth of the brain, 1897, 12 mo., London. Manouvrier (L.): Rapports du poids et de la forme du cerveau avec l'intelligence. In Diet. de Physiologie de Oh. Richet, 1898, p. 670. Galton (F.): On head growth in students at the University of Cambridge. J. Anthr. Inst., 1899, XVIII, 155 et seq. Pearson (K.): On the correlation of intellectual ability with the size and shape of the head. Proc. Roy. Soc. Anthr., 1901, 2, 333-342. Matiegka (J.): Uber das Hirngewicht des Menschen. Sitzungsber. konigl. bohm. Ges. Wissensch. Prag, 1902. - Uber d. Bedeutung des Hirngewichte beim Menschen. Anat. Hefte, Wiesbaden, 1904, XXIII, 657-664. Berry (R. J. A.) and L. W. G. Biichner: The correlation of size of head and intelligence, etc. Proc. Roy. Soc. Victoria, 1913, XXV, 229-263. Lee, Lewenz, and Pearson: On the correlation of the mental and physical characters in man. Proc. Roy. Soc., 1903, LXXI, 106-114. 4' Pearl (R.): Variation and correlation in brain weight. Biometrika, 1905, V, 13-104. Spitzka (E. A.): A study of the brain of six eminent scientists, etc. Trans. Am. Philos. Soc., 1907, I, XXI, 175-308. Donaldson (H. H.): A study of the brains of three scholars, etc. J. Comp. Neur., 1928, XLVI, 1-95. I INDEX Page 2, 3,18 Age ------ ----— _ __- --- Arm span --- —-__- - 27 Breadth of face --- —------- 48 Chest-. --- —-------------------------- 74-82 Ear ---------------- 68-72 Facial index — - --------- 53 Foot breadth ------------- 92 Foot index ---------— _ -94 Footlength _ --- —---- 90 Foot module --- —-------- 96 Hand breadth --- —-------- 85 Hand index --- —--------- 87 Hand length -------- --- 83 Hand module --- —-------- 89 Height of face --- —-------- 51 Height sitting. -----------— 25 Nasal dimensions --------— 61,62,64 Mouth ----------------------------- 66 Stature --- —-------------------------- 20 Weight --- —--------------------------- 21,23 Americans, The Old --- —---------------- 1 Age --- —------------------------------ 2 Comparisons --- —--- ------------ 99 Anatomic (or lower) facial index --- —- - 53, 101 Anomalies --- —--------------------------- 16, 18 Anthropometry --- —-------- 2 Arm span -- ------------- 27, 101,102 Beard --- —--------------------------- 7 Berry (R. J. A.) --- —-------- ------------ 105 Bigonial diameter- -- -------- 55, 101, 102 Bischoff (Th. L. W.). --- —---------------- 105 Body, characteristics of --- —------------- 15, 18 Height --- —------------------------- 19 Weight --- —------------------------- 21 Height sitting ---------------------- 24 Arm span --- —---- --------------- 27 R6sum6 of data --- —----------------- 28, 99 Breadth of: Face --- —--------------------------- 47 Head- ------------------------------ 30 Lower face ------------------------- 55, 101 Broca (P.) --- —--------------------------- 105 Brockett (P.) --- —----- ------------- 2 Biichner (L. W. G.) --- —---------------- 105 Cephalic index --- —---------------- 39, 101, 103 Cephalic module --- —---------------- 35, 101, 103 Chest, dimensions of --- —------------------ 73 Index --- —-------------------------- 78 Module --- —------------------------- 80 Stature --- —--------------------- 82, 101, 103 Chin --- —--------------------- 15, 18, 100 Color of: Eyes --- —------------------------ 7,99, 102 Hair --- —------------- 3,5,6, 16,99, 102 Skin ------------------------ 4,99, 102 Page Comparisons, general — --------- - 99-102 Conclusions, general: Final --- —-------------------- 98,104 From visual observations- --- -- 18 Davenport (Chas. B.). --- —------ ---- Deformation, of head --- —-------------- Descriptive features --- —------------------ Discussion, concluding ---------- Donaldson (H. H.) --- —-- ----- 1 9 3,99 98 105 Ears --- —--------------------------------- 11 Index --- —----------------------- 72,101, 103 Measurements --- —--- 68 Eyelids_ --------- 10 Eyes: Character --- —------ 10, 99, 102 Color of --- —---------- 7 Eyeslits ------- 10, 17, 100, 102 Face, features of --- —--- 9, 13, 17, 100, 102 Breadth ------ -------— 47 Versus head breadth ------- - 50 Height of, vs. stature ---- ----- - 47 Indices --- —------ 45, 50, 101, 102 Lower breadth --- —----- - -- 55 Measurements- _ --------- 44, 101 Face breadth and age ---------— 48 Face height and age --- —-- ------ -- 51 Face measurements, summary --- —--- 55, 101 Features, descriptive --- —------------------- 3, 99 Foot, measurements ----- -------- 89, 102 Age --- —------------------------------ 89-96 Index --- —---------------------------- 94 Module ---------------------------- 96 Stature ------------- -96-97, 103 Forehead --- —--------------- 1, 8, 17, 44, 45, 99, 102 Foreign-born (and recent Americans): Age — ---------------------- - 2 Comparisons ----------------- --- 99 General remarks --- —----------------- 1 French, immigrant, measurements of ---- - 56 Functional observations -------------------- 97 Galton (F.) --- —----- ------------- 105 Germans, immigrant, measurements of --- —--- 56 Grayness ---------------- 5, 7 Hair: Age - -------------- ----- ---- 6 Blond --- ------------------------- 3 Color --- —----------------- 3,5,6, 16, 99, 102 Curly --- —----------- 3 Gray - ------------------------— 5, 7 Loss of ----------- ----- 5,7 Nature of --- —-------- 6,99,102 Red --- —-------------------- 3 107 108 INDEX Page Hand, measurements --- —------------------- 82 Age_ --- —--------— _ 83-87 Index - ------- ---------- 87 Module --------—. --—. 89 Stature --- —---------- 89, 101, 103 Head, deformation___ --- ------- 9 Breadth -------------- - 30 General -------------- 29 Height ------------------------------- 32 Height index ---------------- 41, 101, 102-3 Length --- —------------ 30 Shape --- —-- ------ -------- 39 Size --- —-----------------—. ---- - 35, 39 Hearing _..__________ --— __ — -- 11 Height sitting -- ---- --------- 24 Index ------ --------- 25, 101 Height of head --- —------- 32, 41, 101 Huschke, von (E.) ---- -- ----- - 105 Index: Anatomic ------------— 51 Cephalic - -----------— 39 Chest --- —------------ 78 Ear ---------------- 72 Facial, physiognomic ---------- - 50 Height sitting stature --- — --- - 25 Mean height of head --- —------------- 41 Nasal ---- ------------ 63 Lee (Alice) --- — ---------------------- 105 Length of head ----- -------- 30, 101 Lewenz (Marie A.)___ -- ------ - 105 Limbs, characteristics of --- -------- 15, 18 Lips --- —------------------------ 14,17, 100, 102 Lower jaw, angles --- —----------------- 15, 100, 102 Malar regions --- —---------- 11, 100, 102 Manouvrier (L.) ----— _ -- ---- - 105 Marshall (J.) --- ---- ------ - 105 Matiegka (J.) -------------- - 105 Measurements --- —----------- 4, 18, 101 Mernin (Mary T.) - ----- ---- - 56 Module, cephalic ------------- - 35 Chest ------------------------------ 82 Stature --------------- - 36 Mouth, width__ —_ ----------- 65 Age --- —---------------— 6, 101,103 Nose: Age --- —---------------------------- 61-64 Page Nose-Continued. Depression at root --- —---- 11, 17, 102 Index --- —------------ 63 Measurements --- —------ 58, 101, 103 Shape --- —---------------------------- 12, 17 Septum --- —--------- __ — 13, 17 Numbers of subjects --- _ _________ 1 Observations, visual -- ------- _ 4, 99, 102 Deductions from --- —----— ___ 16, 99 Pearl (R.) ------------ 105 Pearson (K.) --- —---------- 105 Physiognomic facial index-___ __ —_ _ 50, 101 Physiological observations _ 97 Physique, general, of members --- —--- 3 Pigmentation: Eyes --- —----------------------------- 7 In general --- —---------- 16, 99 Hair --- —------------- 6 Skin ---- --------- 4 Prognathy --- —------- 13, 17, 100, 102 Remarks, final --- —------------ 104 Ridges, supraorbital --- —-------------- 9, 17, 99, 102 Senility ---- ---- -------- 2 Skin - __ ----------- 4, 16, 99, 102 Spitzka (E. A.) ----- ------- - 105 Stature --- —--- --------- 19 Chest - ---- --------- 82 Face height ______ —___- 47 Foot --- —------------- 96, 102 Hand ------- --------- 89 Head size --- —------------ 38, 102 Height sitting --- —------ 24, 101, 102 Weight --- —------------- 22, 102 Strength --- —----------- 98, 103 Talko-Hryncewitz (J.) ----- ----- - 104 Thorax: Index --- —------------- 78, 101 Measurements -------- ---- - 63 Thurnam (J.) - ------ ----- 105 Topinard (P.) ------------ - 105 Value of records --------------------------- 3 Weight --- —-- -------- -- 21 Versus stature -------- - __ 22, 101, 102 Welcker (H.) ----- ------ - 105 0 ( I N Fgl"ov MCVjGk Iw Il MUSEUMS Q 11.N2 Vol. 23 1931-41 National Academy of Sciences Memo ir MTT5S FTRqC aft Date BINDERYJ - ~.__________________ X-...- (1 MUSbV'U DO NOT REMOVE OR MUTILATE CARD _ — - ~ —'r —II'' / l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l ll ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ - ~ z. ~ _ _ ~__.' —"-_ ___J,~ Z ~-~ -b -~- -- -..... -~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~ KM M ~l