B'UCHANAN A-ND BRECKINRIDGE. THE DE OCRAT CIrC AND-B~OO, COMPILED BY I1C'M -. QCLUSKEY, OF WASEINGTON CITY, D. C. RECOMMENDED BY THE DEIfOCRATIC NATIONAL CO1MMITTEE. The success of the Democracy essential for the preservation of the Union and the protection of the integrity of the Constitution. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY R. A. WATERS. 1856, PR EF CE TO THE DEI OCRATIC ELFCTORAL HAND-BOOK, The demand for authentic documents disproving the unprecedented charges against the Democratic candidate, and refuting the unblushing pretensions of the'Black Republican Know-Nothing nominees for the Presidency, has rendered it important in the opinion of leading members of the Democratic party, that some compilation of argument and fact derived from indisputable authorities should be prepared and published. In the execution of this work, selections have been made from the works of the Democratic leaders-Leaders who represent the uniform and united opinions of the Democracy, North and South, whilst the motives of those patriotic citizens who have forgotten the prejudices of party, to bestow their support upon the only National candidate, are illustrated in the speeches and letters of the old line Whigs, vindicating their course of action in that respect. The Electoral I-and Book, will be found to contain, also, the most important enactments and reports bearing upon the great issues of the day, with a mass of other matter sufficient to furnish any enquirer with the means of making up an impartial opinion upon the questions involved in the canvass, and to furnish speakers and writers with the material for defence or assault. The author can only add, that having access to the whole magazine of political missiles, proper for employment in the present campaign, and enabled by his position and pursuits, to furnish any specific informnation from the published political records of the country, it will afford him pleasure to communicate any answer to any inquiry which may be mnade of him, and which is not satisfactorily responded to in the'" Hand-Book." Appealing to the magnanimity of his fellow-democrats to attribute any omission, to the hurried manner in which he is necessitated to prepare his work, he submits it for their judgment and use. THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. The excitement created by the repeal of a geographical line, the existence of which Mir. Jefferson said "C would be recurring on every occasion, and re.newing irritations, until it would enkindle such mutual and moral hatred as would render seperation preferable to eternal discord," has induced us to republish the unfortunate act of Congress which first gave existence to what was called the Missouri Compromise line. Missouri having applied for admission into the Union as a State, the H-oouse of Representatives, on the 16th of February, 1819, passed a bill providing for her admission, and affixing as a condition thereof, the prohibition of slavery within her limits. On the 27th of February, 1819, the Senate struck out of the bill the clause prohibiting slavery, and -thus amzended, sent it back to the House.'On the 2d of March, 1819, the House refused to concur in the amendment of the Senate. On the same day the Senate insisted upon its amendment, and the House adhered, so that bill was lost. On the 6th of January, 1820, the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate reported a bill from the House admitting Maine into the Union, which contained no prohibition whatever, with an amendment admitting Missouri with. out any clause concerning slavery. It was then that Mr. Thomas introduced as an amendment what is called the Missouri Compromise which was adopted, and the bill as amended, passed the Senate on the 18th of February, 1820. The bill came to the House. After numerous messages between the two Houses, informing each other of their disagreements, and after motions had passed both Houses te insist on their respective positions, a joint committee of conference was appointed. Whilst this committee was in session, an independent bill to admit Missouri was taken up in the House and passed, containing a clause prohibiting slavery in said State, which was sent to the Senate, amended by it, and returned. Upon its return, the managers of the conference reported, that the Senate recede from its amendment to the bill admitting Maine, and that the HIouse bill, admitting Missouri, should be amended by striking out the clause prohibiting slavery, and inserting in lieu thereof, what is now known as the Missouri Comprromise. The bill thus framed, was, after one disagreement on the part of the two Houses, passed, and is as follows: An ACT to authorize the People of the Missouri Territory te form a Constitution and State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with tlie original States, and to prohibit Slavery in certain Territories. S c. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and Rouse of Representatives of th7e United States of America in Congress assemblee d, That the inhabitants of that portion of the BMissouri Territory included within the boundaries hereinafter designated, be, anid they are hereby authorized to form for themselves a Constitution and State Government; and to assume such name as they shall deem proper; and the sanid State, when f'ormed, shall be admitted into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatsoever. The 3d' 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th sections of the law, embrace mere matters of detail, having no connection with the great question which is now agitating the country. The 8th section, which is what is generally known as the Missouri Compromise, is as follows; Sec. 8. And be itfeurther enacted, That in all that territory ceded by Fr1ance to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-sis degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the State contemplatedl by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishllent of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby forever prohibited; Provided always, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid. [AppFroved 6 Jlrarch, 1820.] The action of Congress after the passage of the foregoing act rejects the idea that it was a compact, or that the Missouri Cnmpromise embraced in the 8th section thereof was at all a condition to the subsequent admission of Missouri. After the enactment of that law, Missouri applied for admission as a state, and her application wits rejected. Congresss disregarded the act establishing the geographical line and shut the door on Missouri. The following act was afterwards passed and she was admitted::ESOLUTIONS. [No. 1.] RESOLUTION providing for the Admission. of the State of Missouri into the Union, on a certain Condition. Resolved by the Senate and tfozuse of Representatives of the Unzted States of America in Congress assembled, That Missouri shall be admitted into this Union on an equal footinog with the original States, in all respects whatever, upon the fundamental condition, that the fourth clause of the 26th section of the third article of the constitution submitted on the part of said state to Congress, shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen, of either of the states in this Union, shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the priviieges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled under the constitution of the United States: Provided, That the legislature of the said state, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said state to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act; upon the receipt whereof, the President, by proclamation, shall anno unce the fact; whereupon, and without any furt her proceedings on the part of Congress, the admission of the said state into this Union shall be considered as complete. [Approved. 2 flar~'ch, 1821.] From this it will be seen that the only condition under which Missouri was admitted, is contained in the proviso of the last act, which Missouri in her acceptance of the terms of admission denied the right of the United States to make whilst she nevertheless yielded and became a part of the Union. The effect of this condition was to fbrce Missouri to agree to admit within her limits to the same privileges which white citizens of other states might have, the negro where he is recognised as a citizen by any state. Mr. JefTerson's opinion of the enactment of a geographical line in the country' referring to that instuted by the Missouri act of 1820. THOMAS JEFFERSON to WM. SHORT. MONsTICELLO, April 13, 1820. DEAR SIR: -* * * * Although I had laid down as a law to myself, not to write, talk, or even think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had ceased to read newspapers, yet the Missouri question aroused and filled me with alarm. The old schism of Federal and Republican, threatened nothing, because it extended in every State, and united them together by the fraternalization of party. iBut the coincidence of a marked principle, moral and political, with a geographical line, once colnceived, I feared would never more be obliterated from the mind; that it would be recurring on every occasion, and renewing irritations, until it would enkindle such iutunal and moral hatred as would render separation preferable to eternal discord. I have been the most sanguine in believing that our Union would be of long duration. I now doubt it much, and see the event at no great distance, and the direct consequences of this question, not by the line which has been so confidently counted on-the laws of nature control this-but by the Potomac, Ohio and Missouri, or more probably the 3Mississippi, upwards to our northern boundary. My ontly cofor0t atnd cofidcence is thnat It shrll nrot live to see this; and I envy not the present generation the glory of throwing away the fruits of their father's sacrifices of life and fortune and of senedering desp2erate the experiment ewhich was to decide ultimately, whether man is capable of se'T-gove~'rnment. This treasocs aaCamZst husnae7, hope will signalize their epoch in fJiture history as the counztespart of their predecessors. THOM AS JEFF.ERSON to JOHN HOLMES. MONTECE.LLO, April 20, 1820. I tnank you, dear sir, jfor the copy you have been so kind as to send me of the letter to your constituents, on the ~Missouri question. It is a perfet justification to them. I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers, or pay any attention to public aff-irs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not far distant. But this momentuous question, like a fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the ICzelt of the Union. It is hushed indeed for the moment, but this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, meral and' political, once conceived acild held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. An abstinence, too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy excited by the undertakingf of Congress to regulate the condcitions of the di[ferent descriptionss q/ mene corlposing a ltcate..This certai.cly zs toe exclUesive right of every State, wohich nothizng ic the Constitutios I has taken fromn thenz andgiven to the General Government. Could Congre.s, for izstance, say that the non-freemnen of Connecticut should be freemsen, or that theY shall not escmigrate into' any other State. EXTENSION OF THE MISSOURI LINE TO THE PACIFIC. On the 10th of August 1848, in the Senate of the United States, the Oregon bill being under consideration, the question was taken on the amnendment extending the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, and it was decided in the affirmative as follows: YEAs-Messrs. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Benton, Berrien, Borland, Bright, Butler, Calhoun, Carzeron, Davis of Miss., Dickinson,.Douglas, Downs,.Fitzgerald. Foote, Hanneygan, Houston, Hunter, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Johnson of Georgia, King, Lewis, Mangum, Mason, Metcalf, Pearce, Sebastian, Spruance, Sturgeon, Turney, and Underwoodi —33. NAYs.-Messrs. Allen, Atherton, Baldwin, Bradbury, Breese, Clarke, Corwin, Davis of Miass., Dail/ton,.Dix, JDodge, Felch, Greene, Hale, 1ctrmlin, MlPiller, NTiles, Phelps, Up/hhane, Walker, Webli.ter and Wescott —22. ~ The Bill with this amendment came before the House on the next day, and the amendment of the Senate extending the Missouri line to the Pacific was non-concurred in by the following vote: YEAs-Messrs Adams, Atkinson, Barringer, Barrow, Bayly, Beale, Bedinger, Birdsall, Bocock, Botts, Bowdon, Bowlin, Boyd, Boydon, Brodhead, Chas. Brown, A. G-. Brown, Buckner, Burt, Cabell, Chapman, Chase, Beverly L. Clarke, Clingman, Howell Cobb, Williamsen R. W. Cobb, Cocke, Crozier, Daniel, Donnell, Garnett Duncan, Alexander Evans, Featherston, Flournoy, French, Fulton, Gayle, Goggin, Greene, Willard P. Hall, lHaralson, Harmanson, Hairiss, Haskell, Hill, Hilliard, Isaac E. Holmes, Geo. S. Houston, Chas. J. Inglersoll, Iverson, Andrew Johnson, Robert W. Johnson, Geo. W. Jones, John W. Jones, Kaufman, Thomas Butler King, Ligon, Lumpkin, McDowell, McKay, MIcLane, Meade, Morehead, Outlaw, Pendleton, Phelps, Pillsbury, Preston, Rhett, Roman, Sheppard, Stanton, Stephens, Thomas, Jacob Thompson, J. B. Thompson, Rtobert A. Thompson, Tompkins, Toombs, Venable, Wallace and Woodward-82. NAYs'-Messrs. Abbott, Ashmucn, Bingham, Blanchard, Brady, BButler, Canby, Cathcart, F. Clark, Collaseer, Collins, Conger, CGranston, Crowell, Crumncins, Darling, Dickey, I Dickinson, Dixon, Dueer, Daniel.Duncan, Dzclzn, Eckert, Efdsall, Edwards,.Embree, NVathanl Evans, Faran, Farelly, Ficklin, Fisher, Freedly,.Fries, Gott, Gregory, Grinnell, HEale, Nathan K. Hall, ammnons, Jas. G. ilampton, Moses Hampton, Henly, HIenry, Elias B. Ilolmes, John W. Houston, IHubbard, udclson, lHunt, Jose2h R. Ingersoll, Irvin, Jenkins, Kellogg, Kennen,.D. P. -ing, W,... Lawreence, Sydney Lawrence, LJincoGn, Lord, Lynde, Ala clay, u/cOClelland, licClelrnanzd, JIclvaine, Job 2J/fanna, _T-','ric.i iC: 2i' Jc-~s, Mbarvin, Afil.er, Mio'rris, M71iullen, Ihlu',;phy, JA[eseon0, 2 iVehs7i7, _ i eusi/e.12r 2;'.,,' \-,,.l, lPe e, lPetzi'e, Pettitt, Pollock, Putnaqz, Reynold., 5Rich'Uy, ]obinson, laockShil, 1 ino. A. Rocki'vel!e, R;ose, /oot, Rumnsey, St. TJo/in, Sawyter Sck,, Sherrill, Sylvesler, S'lingerlanlzd, ASmzlart, Cealeb R, Smtith, Robert SImith, Truman Smith, Starkweather, Anrclew Stewart, Chias. E. "Stuart, S1aohnm, Stron, ToL7,'llmalde, TCaylor, James /Thom, pson, giccard W. o,'muson, W:iliaC? Tihoc oeon, urstoz ack, cTurner, Van Dy/ke, Vinton, /ar'ce,.?~;c:?ivo>'t/,e, Wi]/ite, Wick, WYilliams and Winlmot -121.'I'he House having thus non-concurred with the Seinate, the question was decided in the Senate, on the 12th of August, 1848, in favor of receding fiorn its amendment, runningthe MIissouri line to the Pacific by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS.-Ifessr's. Allen, Ba/ldovie, Benton, B3rad6bu'y, Breese, BPright, Cai?,meron, Clarke, Cor'win, D)avis, of Ji/lass., Daytonz, D)ckcinsoz, Dix, Dodge, Doucglass, sielch, Fitzgerald, Greenze, 11lde, _lcula, i, 11annze ya%, Houston, Silpler, lIlres, rPelps, Spruance, Uphara, Walker aczd Webster. —29. NAI'S-Mc srss. Atchison, Badger, Bell, Berrion, Borland, Butler, Calhoun, Davi.s of Miss., Downas, Foote, Hunrter, Johnson of Maryland, Johnson of Louisiana, Johnson, of Georgia, Lewis, Mangnum, 5Mason, MIetcalfe, Pearce, Rusk, Sebastiain, Tl'raey, tln, derwood, Westcott and Yulee-25. So the Senate receded, and the Compromise line was not extended. By analyzing this voteit will be seen that upon its being first proposed in the Senate to extend the Missouri line to'the Pacific, the entire North in that body with seven exceptions voted against it, whilst the entire South with one exception voted for it. In the fHouse the entire North with four exceptions voted against it, whilst the entire South with one exception voted for it. Upon receding in the Senate the entire North voted to recede whilst the en. tire South with two exceptions voted against it, NoTE —Those in Italics are from the North. Those not in Italics are from the South. LEGISLAT~ION OF 1850, SUPERSEDING TIE M ISSOURi COMlPROMISE. We do not deem it necessary to burden this book with a publication of the whole of the Territorial laws of the memorable year 1850. The extracts bearing directly on the subject are all that is necessary. T'he Act approved September 9, 1850, for the organization of the Territory of New Mexico, being a part of the act fixing the boundaries of Texas, contains the following proviso in its second section. "'Provided Jfrther, That when admitted as a State, the said Territory or any portion of the same shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." The Act appreved the same day for the organization of the Territory of Utah, contains an identical provision with that cited from the New Mexico Act. A portion of New Mexico lies north of 36.30. The whole of Utahlies north of that line, THE WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC PLATFORMS OF 1852 ENDORSE TIlE LEGISLATION OF 1850, SUPERSEDING THE MISSOURI COMPROLMISE. We here subjoin the Whig platform of 1852. It will be seen that it fully endorsed the legislation of 1850, and afforded the South ample guarantees for the protection of its institutions. NATIONAL WHIG PLATFORM OF 1852. The Whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, firmly adhering to the great conservative republican principles by which they are controlled and governed, and now, as ever, relying upon the intelligence of the American people, with an abiding confidence in their capacity for self-government, and their continued devotion to the Constitution and the Union, do proclaim the following as the political sentiments and determinations, for the establishment and maintaillance of which their national organization as a party is effected. 1. The Government of the United States is of a limited character, and it is confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted by the Constitution, and such as may be necessary and proper for carrying the granted powers into full execution, and that all powers not thus granted or necessarily implied are expressly reserved to the States respectively and to the people. The State Governments should be held secure in their reserved rights, and the Gencral Goverement sustained in its constitutional powers, and the Union should be revert ed and watched over as "the palladium of our liberties." 3. That while struggling freedom, everywhere, enlists the warmest sympathy of the Whig party, we still adhere to the doctrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell Address, of keeping ourselves free from all entangling alliances with foreign countries, and of never quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground. That our mission as a Republic is not to propagate our opinions, or impose on other countries our form of government, by artifice or force, but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation, and justice, the blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. 4. That where the people make and control the Government, they should obey its Constitution, laws, and treaties, as they would retain their self-respect, and the respect which they claim, and will enforce, from foreign powers. 5. Government should be conducted upon principles of the strictest economy, and revenue sufficient for the expenses thereof, in time of peace, ought to be mainly derived from a duty on imports, and not from direct taxes; and in levying such duties, sound policy requires a just discrimination and protection from fraud by specific duties, when. practicable, whereby suitable encouragement may be assured to Americaanindustry, equally to all classes and to all portions of the country. 6. The Constitution vests in Congress the power to open and repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigabte rivers; and. it is expedient that Congress shall exercise that power whenever such improvements are-necessary for the common defence or for the prolection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the States; such improvements being, in every instance, national and general in their character. 7. The Federal and State Governments are parts of one system, alike necessary for the common prosperity, peace, and security, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment. Respect for the authority of each, and acquiescenee in the constitutional measures of each, are duties required by the plainest consideration of national, of State, and individual welfare. 8. The series of acts of the 31st Congress, commonly known as the Compromise or Adjustment, (the act for the recovery of fugitives from labor included,) are received and acquiesced in by the Whigs of the United Stateq as a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the subjects to which they relate, and so far as these acts are concerned, we will maintain them, and insist on their strict enforcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand. and the abuse of their powers on the other, not impairing their present efficiency to carry out the requirements of the Constitution, and we deprecate all further agitation of the question thus settled, as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, 2 10 or however made&; and we will maintain this settlement as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the ittegrity of the Union. The Democratic platform of 1856 embraces the whole of the platform of the same party in 1852, with the exception of the two following sections. D See platform ol 1856 in proceedings of National Convention, contained in this volume. IX. "Resolved, That the war with Mexico, upon all the principles of patriotism and the laws of nations, was a just and necessary war on onr part, in which every American citizen should have shown himself on the side of his country, and neither morally nor physically, by word or deed, have given'aid and comfort to the enemy.' X. "Resolved, That we rejoice at the restoration of friendly relations with our sister republic of Mexioo, and earnestly desire for her all the blessings and prosperity which we enjoy under republican instituons' and we congratulate the American people upon the results of that war, which have so manifestly justified the policy and conduct of the Democratictparty, andinsured to the United States "indemnity for the past and security for the future.'" Upon these platforms the two parties went into that contest —their candidates standing uneqvivocally upon their distinctive features. The candidate of no other party carried a single State. Every State in the Union endorsed one or the other of those platforms. Both platforms endorsed the Legislation of 1850. Therefore, every State endorsed the legislation of 1850. THE NEBRASKA AND KANSAS ACT OF 1854. This act contains the following section, repealing in direct terms the 8th section of the Act approved March 6th, 1820, commonly known as the Missouri Compromise. 1"SEc. 14. * * * * * * That the Constitution and all the laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable shall have the same force and effect within the said Territory of Nebraska (or Kansas, the language being the same in reference to both,) as elsewhere within the United States, except the 8th section of the act, preparatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognised by the legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Provided, That noth. ing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of 6th March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery." This act passed the House by a vote of 113 to 100-44 northern men, all Democrats, and 69 southern men voted for it in the House. —91 northern men and 9 southern men voted against it. The final vote on its passage in the Senate, was 35 to 13. In that body, 11 Southern men and 14 Northern men-the latter all Democrats, voted for it. —11 Northern men and 2 Southern men voted against it. READ THE PLATFORMS OF THE OPPONENTS OF THE DEMOCRACY. KNOW-NOTHING PLATFORM OF 1855. 1. The acknowledgment of that Almighty Being who rules over the Universe-who presides over the Councils of Nations-who conducts the affairs of men, and who, in every step by which we have advanced to the character of an independent nation, has distinguished us by some token of Providential agency. 2. The cultivation and develooment of a sentiment of profoundly intense American feeling; of passionate attachment to our country, its history and its institutions; of admiration for the purer days of our National existence; of veneration for the heroism that precipitated our Revolution, and of emulation of the virtue, wisdom and patriotism that framed our Constitution, and first successfully applied its provisions. 3. The maintainance of the union of these United States, as the parzamount political good; or, to use the language of Washington, "the primary object of patriotic desire." And henceFirst. Opposition to all attempts to weaken or subvert it. Second. Uncompromising antagonism to every principle of policy that endangers it. Third. The advocacy of an equitable adjustment of all political differences which threaten its integrity or perpetuity. Fourth. The suppression of all tendencies to political division, founded on "geographical discriminations, or on the belief that there is a real difference of interests and views" between the various sections of the Union. Fifth. The full recognition of the rights of the several States, as expressed and reserved in the Constitution; and a careful avoidance, by the General Government, of all interference-with their rights by legislative or executive action. 4. Obedience to the Constitution of these United States as the supreme law of the land, sacredly obligatory upon all its parts and members; and steadfast resistance to the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. Avowing that in all doubtful or disputed points it may only be legally ascertained and expounded by the Judicial power of the United States. First. A habit of reverential obedience to the laws, whether National, State, or Municipal, until they are repealed or declared unconstitutional by the proper authority. Second. A tender and sacred regard for those acts of statesmanship, which are to be contra-distinguished from acts of ordinary legislation, by the fact of their being of the nature of compacts and agreements; and so, to be considered a fixed and settled national policy. 5. A radical revision and modification of the laws regulating immigration, and the settlement of immigrants-offering the honest immigrant, who, from love of liberty or hatred of oppression, seeks an asylum in ths United States, a friendly reception and protection, but unqualifiedly condemning the transmission to our shores of felons and paupers. 6. The essential modification of the Naturalization Laws. The repeal by the Legislatures of the respective States, of all State laws allowing foreigners not naturalized to vote. The repeal, without retrospective operation, of all acts of Congress making grants of land to unnaturalized foreigners, and allowing them to vote in the Territories. 7. Hostility to the corrupt means by which the leaders of party have hitherto fo reed upon us our rulers and our political creeds. Implacable enmity against the present demoralizing system of rewards for political subserviency, and of punishments for political independence.:Disgust for the wild hunt after office which characterizes the age. These on the one hand. On the otherImitation of the practice of the purer days of the Republic; and admiration of' the maxim that "' office should seek the man, and not man the office," and of the rule that the just mode of ascertaining fitness for office is the capability, the faithfulness, and the honesty of the incumbent candidate. 8. Resistance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic Chnrch in our country by the advancement to all political stations-executive, legislative, judicial, or- diplomatic-of those only who do not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and who are Americans by birth, education, and training —thus fulfilling the maxim,'"AiBERIANS ONLY SEALL GOVERN AMERIcA." The protection of all citizens in the legal and proper exercise of their civil and religions rights and privileges; the maintainance of the right of every man to the full, un. restrained, and peaceful enjoyment of his own religious opinions and worship, and a jealous resistance of all attempts by any sect, denomination, or church, to obtain an ascendency over any other in the State, by means of any special privilege or exemption, ~ by any political combination of its members, or by a division of their civil allegiance with any foreign power, potentate, or ecclesiastic. 9. The reformation of the character ef our National Legislature, by elevating to that 12 dignified and responsible position men of higher qualifications, purer morals, and more unselfish patriotism. 10. The restriction of executive patronage-especially in the matter of appointments to office-so far as it may be permitted by the Constitution, and consistent with the public good. 11. The edueation of the youth of our country in schools provided by the State; which schools shall be commlon to all, without distinction of creed or party, and free from any influence or direction of a denominational or partisan character. And, inasmuch as Christianity, by the Constttutions of nearly all the States: by the decisions of the most eminent judicial authorities, and by the consent of the people of America, is considered an element of our political system, and as the Holy Bible is at once the source of Christianity, and the depository and fountain of all civil and religious freedom, we oppose every attempt to exclude it from the schools thus established in the States. 12. The American party, having arisen upon the ruins, and in spite of the opposition of the Whig and Democratic parties, cannot be held in any manner responsible for the obnoxious acts or violated pledges of either. And the systematic agitation of the Slavery question by those parties having elevated sectional hostility into a positive element of political poweik, and brought our institutions into peril, it has, therefore, become the imperative duty of the American party to interpose, for the purpose of giving peace to the country and perpetuity to the Union. And as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so extreme as those which separate the disputants, and as there can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the National Council has deemed it the best guarantee of common justice and of future peace, to abide by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject of Slavery, as a final and conclusive settlement of that subject, in fact and in substance. And regarding it the highest duty to avow their opinions upon a subject so important in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is hereby declared as the sense of this National Council, that Congress possesses no power, under the Constitution, to legislate upon the subject of Slavery in the States, where it does or may exist, or to exclude any State from admission into the Union because its Constitution does or does not recognize the institution of Slavery as a part of its social system: and expressly pretermitting aly expression of opinion upon the power of Congress to establish or prohibit Slavery in any Territory, it is the sense of the National Council that Congress ought not to legislate upon the subject of Slavery within the Territory of the United States, and that any interference by Congress with Slavery as it exists in the District of Columbia, would be a violation of the spirit and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the District to the United States, and a breach of the National faith. 13. The policy of the Government of the United States, in its relations with foreign governments, is to exact justice from the strongest, and do justice to the weakest; restraining, by all the power of the government, all its citizens from interference with the internal concerns of nations with whom we are at peace. 14. This National Council declares that all the principles of the Order shall behenceforth everywhere openly avowed; and that each member shall be at liberty to make known the existence of the Order,. and the fact that he himself is a member; and it recommends that there be no concealment of the places of meeting of subordinate coun_ cils. E. B. BARTLETT, of Kentucky, President of National Council. C. I). DESHmER, of New Jersey, Corresponding Secretary. JAxIEs M. STEPIENS, of Maryland, Recording Secretary. PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN PARTY, ADOPTED AT THE SESSION OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL, FEBtRUARY 21st, 1856, 1st. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being, for His protecting care vouch. safed to our fathers in their successful Revolutionary struggle, and hitherto manifested to us, their decendants in the preservation of the liberties, the independence, and the union of these States. 2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of American Independence. 3d. Americans must rule America, and to this end, native-born citizens should be selected for all State, Federal, and municipal offices, or government employment, in prefer. ence to all others: nevertheless. 13 4th. Persons born of American paren+s residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens; but 5th. No person should be selected for political station, (whetSher of native or foreign birth,) who recognises any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate or power; or who refuses to recognise the Federal and State constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws as issues of political action. 6th. The unqualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good will, between the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and non-intervention by each State with the affairs of any other State. 7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citizenss of the United —States, permanently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution. with the privilege of admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one Representative in Congress. Provmded always, that none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the constitution, or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or States. 8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory ought to admit others than citizens of the United States to the right of suffrage, or of holding political office. 9th. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a dontinued residence of twentyone years, of all not hereinbefore provided for, and indispensable requisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers, and persons convicted of crime, from landing upon'our shores; but no interference with the vested rights of foreigners. 10th. Opposition to any union between Church and State; no interference with religious faith, or worship, and and no test oaths for office. I Ith. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expenditures. 12. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws constitutionally enacted, until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority. 13. Opposition to the'reckless and unwise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" by designation and conservatives in principie, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker powers; as shown in re-opening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; as showv in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right of suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question; as shown ill the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the government; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice; and as shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. 14th. Therefore to remedy existing evils, and prevent the disastrous consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the " American party" upon the principles hereinbefore stated. 15th That each State Council shall have authority to amend their several constitutions, so as to abolish the several degrees, and institute a pledge of honor, instead of other obligations for fellowship and admission into the party. 16th. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in our platform. REPUBLICAN PLATFORMl (Adopted ilarch 12, 1856.) Resolved, That we regard the Republican movement and organization as having been forced upon the country by the unconstitutional and despotic measures and aggressions of the national administration, and the want of any other party occupying a position suitable for combining public sentiment, and rendering it effective for resisting such aggressions, for defending the rights of the people, and vindicating the principles of freedom. Resolved, That the recent convention at Pittsburg, which first inaugurated the Republican movement as a national organization, was demanded by the circumstances of the 14 country; that its proceedings were patriotic and judicious, and meet our hearty approval, believing that they have already exerted a powerful influence in inspiring confidence and awakoning exertions in the cause which the convention so'ably represented. Resolved, That this convention, representing a portion of the people of the State, and believing that a majority of our citizens approve our principles and sympathise in our objects, deem the present an auspicious occasion to inaugurate the Republican party in this State, with anticipations that it will form a new political era, productive of results highly beneficial to the interests and honor of the State, and in its relations to the Union, conducive to the peace, the welfare, and freedom of the country. Resolved, That we regard it a leading object of the Republican movement to vindicate and defend the Constitution against the perversions, interpolations, excisions, and assaults of a sectional monoply interest; to restore the government to its original opinions, and to insure its administration, not in the interests of slavery, but in the interests of freedom, and in the same spirit in which it was founded, and its powers exercised by the fathers of the republic. Resolved, That the aggressive acts originating in sectional monoply interests which have agitated and alarmed the country, having been consummated in disregard of the plainest provisions of the Constitution, admonish us of the necessity and wisdom of an adherence to those republican doctrines that prevailed in the early days of the republic, which regarded our political system, not as a national or centralized government, but as a compact between sovereign states, each containing all its sovereignty except so far as it had voluntarily surrendered a part of its powers to the confederacy, and which regarded the federal system as having originated from the States, and as possessing only special and limited powers which had been granted to it by the States, and that this grant was the extent and measure of its authority, which cannot be enlarged by construction or implication, or by the exercise of assumed or doubtful powers, without an invasion of the reserved rights and sovereignty of the States. And in accordance with these sound doctrines, there being no grant of power to the federal government in respect to slavery, it cannot uphold or defend it in the Territories, or anywhere else under th'e flag and authority of the Union, without the exercise of unconstitutional powers. Resolved, That recent events and disclosures respecting the passage of the KansasNebraska act, and the subsequent action of the administration on the subject, have stamped upon that measure a darker shade of corruption, fraud, injustice, despotism, and violation of public faith unparalleled in the records of modern legislation. Resolved, That the conduct of the administration in relation to Kansas, both in what it has done and in what it has neglected to do, affords conclusive evidence that it has been its settled purpose to make Kansas a slave State, regardless of the wishas \of the people, and in violation of the principles of " popular sovereignty," the establishment of which was alleged to be the object of the Kansas and Nebraska act. Resolved, That as the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction over the Territories, it is the duty of the President to enforce the laws of Congress, and to protect the people of Kansas; and in the refusal of the President to do so, and in removing Gov. Reeder, who was upholding the authority of the law, the administration is justly responsible for the disorders, lawless acts, and crimes which have been perpetrated there, and all the calamities inflicted on the unoffending people of the Territory. Resolved, That the recent proclamation of the President, and the instructions of the Secretary of War to the officer in command in Kansas, have placed the administration in the position of co-operating with the border ruffians to subjugate the people of. Kansas, and to compel them, by military force, to submit to the usurpation and despotic laws which the Missourians have established over them. This illustrates his doctrine of popular sovereignty. Resolved, That in view of the present distracted and alarming condition of the country, we see no safety, no way of deliverance, except in the-success of the Republican movement; and that we earnestly appeal to the people to complete their organizations in every town in the States, and to sustain the Republican cause with an earnestness and zeal commensurate with its importance, and with the momentous issues depending upon it. Resolved' That we sympathise with the people of Kansas, exposed to the outrages of the border ruffians, on the one hand, and the unjust acts of the administration on the other; and should the President attempt to execute his threats of compelling, by military force, their submission to usurpation and despotism for the evident purpose of forcing slavery upon them against their will, and against thelprinciple of the'organic law of the Territory, we trust that the friends of justice and freedom in the West and North will not quietly witness such wrong to the free people of the Territory, and to their own interests, but will promptly afford them such succor as circumstances may demand, let the consequences be what they may. 15 THE OBJECTS OF THE ANTI-WAR DISUNIONISTS IN 1812, IDENTICAL WITH THOSE OF THE BLACK REPULBLICAN LEADERS NOW. More than forty years ago the patriotic Mathew Carey, of Philadelphia, startled the American people by publishing and proving in his invaluable book "' The Olive Branch," "That there existed a conspiracy in New England to effect a dissolution of the Union at every hazard, and to form a separate Confederacy." The object of that warning was to abjure the American people to forget their party names of Democrat and Federalist which separated them, and come up to save the country from a secret and malevolent enemy. His proof consisted in the demonstration that this conspiracy was governed but by one principle, and that was the creation of a sectional hostility by which they could overthrow this Union. Read his description of the Anti-War and Disunion party of that day." "They are possessed of inordinate wealth-of considerable talents-great energy and overgrown influence. A Northern Confederacy has been their grand object for a number of years. They have repeatedly advocated in the public prints a separation of the States." *, * * * * * * X * - * " To sow discord, jealousy and hostility between the different sections of the Union, was the first and grand step in their eareer, in order to accomplish their favorite object of a separation of the States." "'In fact, without this efficient instrument, all their efforts would have been utterly unavailing. It would have been impossible had the honest yeomanry of the Eastern States continued to regard their Southern fellow citizens as friends and brethren, having one common interest in the promotion of the general welfare to make them instruments in the hands of those who intended to employ them to operate the unholy work of destroying the noble, the august, the splendid fabric of our' Union." " For eighteen years therefore the most unceasing endeavors have been made to poison the minds of the people of the Eastern States towards and to alienate them from their fellow citizens of the Southern. The people of the later section have been por. trayed as demons incarnate, and destitute of all the good qualities that dignify or adorn human nature." One of their writers says: " The. Northern States can subsist as a Nation or Republic without any connection with the Southern. * * * I shall endeavor to prove the impossibility of a Unioin for any long period in future, both from the moral and political habits of the citizens of the Southern States." " It thus happens, that a people proverbially orderly, quiet, sober, and rational, were actually so highly excited as to be ripe for revolution, and ready to overturn the whole system of social order. A conspiracy was formed, which, as I have stated, and as cannot be too often repeated, promised fair to produce a convulsion-a dissolution of the Union-and a civil war." In order to embarrass the government of Mr. Madison these disunionists opposed the war of 1812. Belonging-chiefly to the commercial interests, they opposed a war made to protect those interests. They sympathized with the slave in bondage, and were as ready at that day as this to sever the Union rather than sit in council with the masters, whilst at the same time they traitorously opposed a war as the means of releasing their own sea-faring fellow citizens from worse than servile bondage, their being " eight hundred and seventy-three persons sailing under the American flag which ought to have insured their protection, imprisoned with every circumstance of outrage, oppression, injury injustice. The patriotic Carey goes on to depict the slavery to which the American seamen were reduced, from which the disunionists opposed the means of their release.," We were ordered off the quarter deck, and the captain called for the master at arms, and ordered us to be put in irons. We were then kept in irons about twenty-four hours, when we wer taken out. brought to the gangway,, STRIPPED OF OUR CLOTHES, TIED AND: WHIJPPED, EACH ONE DOZEN AND A HALF LASHES, AND PUT TO DUTY."-Deposition of Richard Thompson, of New York, page 211, Olive Branch. He goes on to recite innumerable affidavits of the sarre character. One Hiram Thayer, a native of Greenwich, Mass., was told by Captain Stack pole a British officer, that " if they fell in with an American man of war, he did not do his duty, 3 HE SHOULD BE TIED TO THE MAST AND SHOT LIKE A DOG..: But they wanted to dissolve the Union, and they resisted the efforts of a Southern President to set their own fellow citizens free from bondage. They did not hate slavery. They hated the Union. It is the same case now. HOW THEY OPPOSED THE WAR. Sorne of the clergy at that day, as at this, denounced the government for passing an act (The Declaration of War,) of which they did not approve. Let us compare them with their successors. The Rev. Mr. Gardiner, Rector of Trinity Church, Boston, on the 23d July 1812, said: "' The alternative then is, that if you do not wish to become the slaves of those who own slaves, and who are themselves the slaves of French slaves, you must either in the language of the day, g;- CUT THE CONNEXION, or so far altar the national compact, as to insure yourselves a due share in the government." " THE UNION HAS BEEN LONG SINCE VIRTUALLY DISSOLVED; AND IT IS FULL TIME THAT THIS PART OF THE DISUNITED STATES SHOULD TAKE CARE OF ITSELF." Idem, page 19. Rev. David Osgood pastor of the Church at Medford, said: " If at the command of weak or wicked rulers, they undertake an unjust war, each man who volunteers his services in such a cause, or loans his money for ite support, or by his conversation, his writings, or any other mode of influence, encourage its prosecution that man is an accomplice in the wickedness,,:1 loads his conscience with the blackest crimes,.b brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and &:4 IN THE SIGHT OF GOD AND HIS LAW IS A MURDERER." Discosurse delivered June 27,1812, page 9. Rev. Elijah Parish, D. D., said: " Iere we must trample on the mandates of despotism! 1! or here we must remain slaves forever." Idem, page 13. "You may envy the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land of Canaan has been promised to your ancestors. You cannot separate from that mass of corruption, which would poison the atmosphere of paradise. You must in obstinate despair bow down your necks to the yoke, and with your African brethren drag the chains of Virginia despotism, usnless you discover some other snode of escape." Idem, page 15. "The legislators who yielded to this when assailed by the manifesto of their angry chief, established iniquity and snurder by law." Idem, page 9. Compare the Disunion preached of that day with the Disunion preached at the present day. Look at the treasonable sentiments of the Beecher of 1855. contained in the pamphlet entitled "'Fearful Issue, &c.," in this volume, and compare them with those of the Gardiners, Osgoods and Parishes of Mr. Madison's time. They assailed him and the Union then, as they assail the Kansas Act and the Union now. But it happens that we can firom the public records identify at least one indi' vidual who was the active advocate of dissolution then, and has avowed the same sentiments now. He was then indifferent to the far worse than plantation bondage in which we have shown his own fellow-citizens were held by the British then, yet he affects to make his horror of slavery now, his excuse for avowing the same doctrines: "Mr. Quincey repeated and justified a remark he had made: which, to save all mis' appiehensions, he committed to writing in the following words: "If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion, that it is virtually A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION; that it will free the States from their moral obligation; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, TO PREPARE FOR A SEPARATION, amicably if they can-VIOLENTLY IF THEY MUST." NOW HEAR THE SAME JOSIAH QUINCEY! Josiah Quincey is the venerable head of a large class of men in Boston, who are constantly at work against the Union. During the late war with England he began his crusade against the Union, and surpassed its worst adverseries. He assailed Mr. Jefferson for his purchase of Louisiana, in 1803, because this was intended, in his opinion, to extend the area of Slavety. Though past eighty-five, he is still the enemy of the Democracy. He is now in the field for Fremont. What his views now are, may be seen from the following extract from his speech, at Boston, on the 18th of Nugust, 1854. " The Nebraska fraud is not that burden on which I intend now to speak. There is one nearer home, more immediately present and more insupportable. Of what that burden is, I shall speak plainly. The obligation incumbent upon the free States to de. liver up fugitive slaves is that burden-and it must be obliterated from that Constitution, at every hazard." "And such an obliteration can be demonstrated to be as much the interest of the South as it is of the North." This man knows that we should have no Union or Constitution, but for this very provision! Josiah Quincy is still in the land of the living; and though approaching his ninetieth year, is still as hostile to the Union as he was fifty-three years ago, while Jefferson was President, or at a later period, when Jackson was chief magistrate.-Fearful Issue. For the sentiments in detail of the noted Black Republican disunionists of the present day. which aff)rd the striking resemblance between them and those in Mr. Madison's time, we must refer our readers to the admirable document in this volume before referred to, from which the preceding pointed observations upon Mr. 4QOuincey are taken. PLANS OF THE DISUNIONISTS THEN-PLANS OF THE BLACK REPUBLICANS NOW. They attempted to "' stop the wheels of Government " by preventing the loan of money to carry on the war. "' Let no man who wishes to 6ontinue the war by active means, by vote or lending money, DARE TO PRnOSTRATE HIMSELF AT THE ALTAR ON THE FAST DAY; for they are ac-'tually as much partakers in the war, as the soldier who thrusts the bayonet; and THE JUDGMENT OF GOD WILL AWAIT THEM." "By the magnanimous course pointed out by governor Strong, that is, by withholding all voluntary aid in prosecuting the war, and manfully expressing our opinion as to its injustice and ruinous tendency, we have arrested its progress; and driven back its authors to abandon their nefarious schemes, and to look anxiously for peace. What then if we now lend them money? They will not make peace; they will still hanker for Canada; they will still assemble forces, and shed blood on our western frontier. Mere pride, if nothing else, would make them do it. The motives which first brought on the war, will still continue it, if money can be had. But some say-will you let the country 3 18 become bankrupt? no, the country will never become bankrupt. BUT PRAY DO NOT PREVENT THE ABUSERS OP THEIR TRUST BECOMING BANKRUPT." "It is very grateful to find that the universal sentiment is, that j-y ANY MAN WHO LENDS HIS MONEY TO THE GOVERNMENT, AT THE PRESENT TIME, WILL FORFEIT ALL CLAM TO COMMON HONESTY AND COMMON COURTESY AMONG ALL TRUE FRIENDS TO THE COUNTRY!!!!!!" ".< My brother farmers, if you have money to let, let it lay.,1 If the war continues, you will purchase your stock at four years old, cheaper than you can raise it; so unjust is this offensive war, in which our rulers have plunged us, in the sober consideration of millions, that:i& they cannot conscientiously approach the God of armies for his blessing upon it."-[Boston. Centinel, 13th January, 1813. The Disunionists attempted to exhaust the means of the Middle and Southern States which supported the war, by draining their banks of specie. " It may not be uninstructive to the reader to explain this process a little more in detail. New York purchased goods largely in Boston, partly for bank notes and partly on credit. For the latter portion promissory notes were given, which were transmitted from Boston to the New York banks for collection. Very large purchases were likewise made in Boston by citizens of Philadelphia, Baltimore, Richmond, Petersburg, &c. Payments were made in bank notes, of the middle and southern States, and in promissory notes. Both were sent on to New York, the first for transmission to the banks whence they were issued-and the second for collection. "This state of things suggested the stupendous idea, at which the reader will stand aghast, of wielding the financial advantages then enjoyed by Boston, to produce the effect which the press and the pulpit had failed to accomplishthat is, to stop the wheels of government by draining the banks in the- middle and southern States of their specie, and thus producing an uttesr disability to fill the loans!!! This scheme was projected in the winter of 1813-14-and immediate arrangements were made to carry it into execution." "'A fearful alarm spread through the community. The issue was looked for with terror. Wagons were loading with specie at the doors of our banks almost every week. There have been three at one time loading in Philadelphia. The banks throughout the middle and southern States were obliged to curtail their discounts. Bankruptcies took place to a considerable extent." The result was that the Banks in Massachusetts soon had $4,945,444 specie in their vaults to $2,000,601 circulation. "'To render the stroke at public credit more unerring —and to place the result wholly out of the reach of contingency, there was an arrangement made by some persons at present unknown, with agents of the Lower Canada, whereby an immense amount of British government bills, drawn in Quebec, were transmitted for sale to New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and disposed of to monied men, on such advantageous terms as induced them to make large purchases. And thus was absorbed a very large portion of the capital of these three cities." By such means they were determined then to repeal the declaration of war as their successors are now to repeal the Legislation of Kansas. The further effect in the Middle and Southern States is shown by Mr. Carey.'"These drafts were carried to such a great extent, that on the 26th of August the banksin Baltimore-on the 29th those in Philadelphia-and on the 31st those in New York, were reduced to the painful necessity of suspending the payment of specie." 19 THE DISUNIONISTS DICTATED THE HIGHER LAW AS THE MEANS OF DEFEATING THE GOVERNMENT. "Administration' hirelings may revile the Northern states, and the merchants generally, for, this monstrous depravation of morals,:: this execrable course of smuggling and fraud But there is a just God who knows how to trace the causes of human events: and: he will assuredly visit upon the authors of this war, all the iniqeuties of which it has been the occasion. X If the guilly deserve our scorn or our pity, 4 the tempters and seducers deserve our execration." Thus we have the Higher Law recommended by the Disunionists as justifying resistance to an' odious and unjust war," as it has been since in resisting what is called by them, an "' unjust and odious" Fugitive Slave Law. Can there be any further doubt that the objects and plans of these two parties are the same? We have only to recapitulate, to bring to the eyes and mind of the reader the identity of the two, Both resorted to Anti-Slavery agitation, to divide the two sections. The Disunionists of 1812 said that the South governed the North by its slave representation. The Disunionists of 1856 say that the South commits an act of aggression upon the North, by leaving to the people of Kansas to choose whether they will own slaves or not. Both employed a minority to effect their purposes. The Disunionists of 1812, having no department of the Government, employed the wealth and corporate combination of an outside minority. The Disunionists of 1856 employ the Legislative majority of two or three in one branch of the National Congress to compel the passage of an act which they want, and which the other Branch and Executive Departments of the Government do not want, as a condition to their consent to the passage of an act alike indispensable to the interests of all. Both attempted to embarrass the Government into compliance with their purposes, by stopping the supplies necessary to national defence. The Disunonists of 1812, by defeating the War loan. The Disunionists of 1856, by withholding the pay of the officers, soldiers and artificers, and thus disbanding the army. The object of the one was the repeal of the act declaring war against Great Britain, The object of the other was the repeal of the act authorizing the admission of Kansas with a free or slave constitution. Are not their purposes identical, and should you not fellow citizens sacrifice your party differences now, as your fathers did then, to the peace of the country and the duration of the Union. HYPOCRISY OF ABOLITION ORATORS. IHo[USE OF REPRESENTA'TIVES August 11, 1856.'SIR: —In compliance with your request, I forward to you a copy of the bill of sale from Dr. Joseph E. Sunodgrass, the travelling Abolition orator, conveying to Daniel Burkhart two slaves. I cannot comply with your farther request to have it certified under the seal of the Clerk of the County Court. It has never been recorded, as it is not usual in Virginia to record such instruments, nor does the law require it where the sale of a slave, or other personal cheatel is accompanied by the transfer of possession rom grantor to grantee, as was the case in the transfer of the slaves by Dr. Snodgrass 20 to Mr. Burkhart. The copy I send to you is in the handwriting of Mr. Burkhart, with which I am well acquainted, and who in person handed it to-me. Mr. Burkhart is a gentleman of great intelligence and worth. He was for many years a magistrate of the county of Berkley, and is at this time the cashier of the Bank of Berkeley, Virginia. Dr. Snodgrass will not dare to deny the genuineness of this paper, nor will he dare to deny that he first made sale of all the slaves which he inherited from his father, and put the price of flesh and blood into his pocket, before he assumed the vocation of teaching his fellow men what an atrocious crime it is to hold a human being in bondage. Such hypocrites and impostors shottir be scouted from every stand from which they attempt to address the people. Know all men by these presents, That I, Joseph E. Snodgrass, of the city of Baltimore, in the State of Maryland, for and in consideration of the sum of eight hundred dollars to me in hand, paid by Daniel Buckhart. the receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, have bargained and sold, and by these presents do bargain and sell into the said D. Buckhart, a negro man, named Charles, of about the age thirty-six years; also, a negro woman, wife of the said Charles, named Emily, aged about nineteen years, together with the natural increase of the said Emily. And I, the said Joseph E. Snodgrass, for myself and my heirs, executors, and administraters, do hereby warrant the said negroes and their increase to be slaves for life. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 1st day of December, 1838. (A copy,) JOSEPH E. SNODGRASS. ISEAL.] A STUPENDOUS IMPOSTURE EXPOSED. The Black Republicans are circulating for the purpose of poisoning the minds of our Irish fellow-citizens thousands of a fraudulent pamphlet purporting to be an address from their countrymen in Washington, imposing the acquittal of Mr. Herbert for killing Thomas Keating upon the Democratic party of the country. The following card from the alleged signers of the address exposes the fraud. A CARD. WASHINGTON CITY, August 28, 1856. Finding our names appended to a printed document, published in this city for the benefit of the Republican party in the pre ent political canvass, headed', TurE ITILLING OF THOMAS KEATING.-AN ADDRESS FROM IRISHMEN OF WASHINGTON CITY TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES," we desire to make known the fact that some of us have not signed it, and that all of us disapprove, disavow, and deny its political statements. Those of us who did sign it were induced so to do by misrepresentation of its purport and contents on the part of an individual who, in asking our signatures to it, assured us that it was only to be a history of the killing of Thomas Keating, and of the circumstances of the imprisonment, trials and final acquittal of Philemon T. Herbert, the perpetrator of that act, designed as a precursor of the publication of the speech of Mr. Preston delivered on the last trial of Herbert, printed in advance of the publication of that speech, so that the distant public might have a reliable key to his argument. We pronounce false the statement of the aforesaid document intimating that the Secretary of State-Mr. Marcy-sought to screen the accused, by lending his influence to prevent Mr. Dubois, the Netherlands Minister from testifying in the case; that gentleman's Govornment having expressly forbid him from testifying under circumstances wherein he would be compelled to submit himself to the usual cross-examination, the only system of giving testimony known to our laws, and Mr. Dubios having asked permission of his Government to testify in that way at the suggestion and solicitation of Secretary Marcy. We are humble men, but we respect ourselves and our rights which have been outraged by those unknown to us, who have undertaken for political effect to use our 62 I names as we have explained above. We have to ask those conducting journals of all parties who respect the truth, to spread before their readers this brief card. Patrick M. Keating, Charles Quinn, Rd. B. Gardiner, James Quinn, Daniel Shea, Jere H. Riordan, Peter Mansville, John Green, John Enright, John Roach, Win. Roach, John Keating. Edmund Roach, Edward Gorman, Patrick Branagan, David Roach, Wm. Scherager. FREMONT THE DIELLIST. The Black Republicans have been poisoning the northern mind with the idea that the Southern men are all bullies and fighting men, disposed rather to resort to the persuasion of the bludgeon than to the arguments of reason. The case of the Hon. Preston S. Brooks, and other incidents resulting from an extraordinary existence of excitement, have been cited to sustain this assertion. We do not blame Co!. Fremont for what he has done in that line, but we publish the following as antidotes to the poison which has been infected into the public mind by his friends. These incidents show him to. be the cool calculating, revenge-seeking duellist. His first challenge was sent to Col. Mason, in 184:7. It was as follows:' CUIDAD DE LOS ANGELES, April 14, 1847. "SIn:-An apology having been declined, Major Reading will arrange theepreliminaries for a meeting requiring personal satisfaction. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "'J. C. FREMONT, "Lieut. Col. Mounted Riflemen. " Col. R. B. MAsoN, " First dragoons, Cuidad de los Angeles." Col. Mason requested time to go to Monterey to arrange his private afiairs previous to their meeting. Col. Fremont thus replied: " CUIDAD DE LOS ANGELES, April 15, 1847. "SIR:-I am in receipt of your letter of this date, and in reply have the honor to state that I will hold myself in readiness for a meeting at Monterey, at such time as you may designate. I' am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "J. C. FREMONT, "Lieut. Col. Mounted Riflemen. "Col. R. B. MASON, " First Dragoons, Cuidad de los Angeles." Col. Fremont repaired to Monterey, and presented himself at Col. Mason's headquarters, to let Mason see he was in Monterey, but would not sit down. G(en. Kearney and Comrn. Biddle, hearing of the proposed meeting, wrote the parties, forbidding the meeting. Col. Fremont thus replied to Col. Mason's letter. "MONTEREY, May 22, 1847. "SIR:-I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on yesterday, of your note of the 19th inst., accompanied by a copy of a letter from Comn. Biddle to yourself. 1" The object of your note appears to be to induce me to consent to a further, and indefinite postponement of a meeting. If such be your desire I am willing to comply with it, trusting thait you will apprise me of the earliest momnent at which the ineeting can take place consistently with your convenience and sense of pr'opriety. " I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant, "JOHN C. FREMONT. "Col. H. 13B. ASON, Monterey." THE FOOTE AND F REMONT DIFFICULTY. The difficulty between Senators Foote and Fremont grew out of the circumstance that Foote charged Fremont, in the Senate, with seeking legislation in reference to the gold mines for the sake of his own private advantage, which Fremont pronounced false. Afterwards they met in the ante-chamber, when Fremont struck Foote and brought blood. They were immediately separated by Senator Clarke. Subsequently, Fremont addressed a note to Foote, demanding a retraction of the language used by him in debate, to be signed in the presence of witnesses, and a challenge note was left if he refused. Mr. Foote declined to sign the paper, but addressed a note in reply to Fremont, disclaiming any intention of giving any personal offence in the language used by him in debate. The friends of both parties considered this satisfactory to Fremont. but, at his instance, the note of' Mr. Foote was submitted to Col. Benton, who consented to an arrangement. The following card was the result: WASHINGTON, September 28, 1850. A. CAmD.-The unnersigned are authorized to state that the difficulty between the Hon. H. S. Foote and the Hon. J. C. Fremont, growing out of certain expressions used by the former in relation to the California bill in the Senate last evening, has been adjusted satisfactorily and honorably to both those gentlemen. Signed, A. C. DonDGE, W. M. GwIN, HEuNRY W. SIBLEY, RODMAN M. PRICE. CHARGE OF BARGAIN AND INTRIGUE. Referring to the document entitled "' Short Answers, &c.," embraced in this volume, relative to the connection of Mr. Buchanan with the charge of bargain and intrigue against Mr. Clay, we cite some additional facts bearing thereon. See what Gov. Letcher, in a recent speech at Mayslick, Kentucky, said, " that Mr. Buchanan was his personal friend —that he was a gentleman and a patriot, for whom he entertained a high regard-and he could not say a word against his character as a man. He did not like his political sentiments, and opposed him on that account.'" Gov. Letcher, be it remembered, is the witness upon whom the opposition editors have relied to prove Mr. Buchanan the calumniator of Mr. Clay! GEORGE E. BADGER A PROMINENT SUPPORTER OF MR. FILL IIORE IN NORTH CAROLINA CONNECTION WITH THE CHARGE. IMR. BADGER IS ONE OF THOSE OLD LINE WHIGS WHO CAN'T SUPPORT MR. BUCHANAN. Mr. Badger, in his address to his constituents in 1828, said: ",Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, was one of the four candidates for President; but having the lowest number of electoral votes, was excluded from the House. The State from -which he came had instructed her members, in the event which had then happened, to support General Jackson; but, under the influence of Mr. Clay, a man of intrigue, and of eloquence, of unbounded ambition, and of talents above mediocrity, these members, with those of other western States, voted for Mr. Adams, and his election was the result. Immediately after his elevation, Mr. Adams appointed Mr. Clay Secretary of State, in 23 power and influence the second station of our government, and generally thought to be an introduction to the first. "Between theseo two gentlemen there had been previously neither confidence nor affection; and Mr. Clay had public expressed, in language not to be misunderstood, a disbelief of Mr. Adams's politcal integrity and patriotism. How, then, are you to account for Mr. Clay's support of Mr. Adams, in opposition to the declared wishes of Kentucky. * * * * * - * * * * "Take the facts, and answer for yourselves whether it be harsh or uncharitable to conclude that he voted for Mr. Adams in the expectation of being Secretary of State, and that this expectation decided his vote. Let the friends of Mr. Clay protest against the conclusion with whatever of earnestness they can press into the service, and thecommon sense of mankind will still find in his conduct the grounds of serious suspicion. They may contend that there is not proof to convict him in a court of justice, and subject him to an ignominious punishment. If this were allowed, it will avail them nothing, for the inquiry is not about inflicting punishment on Messrs. Adams and Clay; it is about the propriety of continuing them in public stations of power and influence; and, with due submission, the difference is vastly.important. We pity the miserablhb wretch dragged to the bar, for whom the scaffold or whipping-post is in waiting; and the humanity of the law coincides with our own compassion in pronouncing that doubt shall be followed by acquittal; but to him who claims our confidence, probable suspicion is just ground for refusal; and many are the men dismissed by an acquittal from a court of justice, who, upon grounds which the law cannot notice, stand condemned before the tribunal of public opinion. Aaron Burr was acquitted —and rightfully acquitted, toofor want of evidence; but think you he is a fit object to attract confidence?-is he enti. tied to support? Andrew Jackson Donelson, the Know-Nothing candidate for the VicePresidency, connection with the Bargain and Intrigue slander. Now, A. J. Donelson, in August, 1844, as chairman of a Democratic Mass Meeting, in announcing the circumstances which prevented the arrival of Hon. Lynn Boyd, of Kentucky-' Called the attention of the meeting to the fact that Mr. Boyd was the distinguished Kentuckian who had charged and proved upon Mr. Clay, in his place in Congress, the charge of'Bargain, Intrigue and Corruption' in the Presidential election of 1825, and who had been sustained by his constituents in his course, he therefore proposed nine cheers for Lynn Boyd and the Democracy of his clistrict." There is consistency. MR. BUCHANAN AND THE BANKRUPT BILL. The enemies of Mr. Buchanan are charging him with having voted for the Bankrupt Bill. The Hon. David S. Reid, a Senator from North Carolina, has written a letter entirely disproving the charge. We extract from it the following record evidence: " At the time this act was passed, Mr. Buchanan was in the United States Senate, and on July 24, 1841, he is recorded as voting against the passage of the bankrupt bill. See Senate Journal for that session, page 115. On the same day Mr. Buchanan made a speech against the bill. (See appendix to Congressional Globe for that session, p. 205.) "On February 25, 1843, Mr. Buchanan is'recorded as voting for the repeal of the bankrupt law. (See Senate Journal for that session, p. 229.) "When: the act passed Mr. Fillmore was a member of the House of Representatives, and on August 18, 1841, he is recorded as voting for the bankrupt bill. (See House Journal for that session, p, 879.) Mr. Fillmore made a speech in favor of the passage of the bill August 16, 1841. (See appendix to Congressional Globe for that session, p. 480.) -' On January 17, 1843, Millard Fillmore is recorded as voting against the repeal of the bankrupt act. (See House Journal for that session, page 215.) "' It will, therefore, be seen that Mr. Buchanan did not vote for the bankrupt law, But that Mr. Fillmore did; and moreover that Mr. Buchanan voted for the repeal of the law, while Mr. Fillmore voted against the repeol." 24 MR. BUCHANAN VINDICATED FROM THE CHARGE OF HAVING VIOLATED THE SUB-TREASURY LAW BY DEPOSITING MONEY IN SIMON CAMERON'S BANK. We wish to fix attention on the specific charge that " Mr. Buchanan, while Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Polk recommending $50,000 to be deposited in Simon Cameron's bank," &c. This letter, the Post is informed, contains sufficient evidence to send Mr. Buchanan to the state prison for a violation of the sub-treasury law. If this charge is true, Mr. Buchanan ought not to be elected president; and if true, the proof ought to be obtained from the proper department to establish it. To show how basely false the charge is, we ask attention to the following facts, which appear by the official records: " Mr. Buchanan entered upon his duties as secretary of State, under Mr. Polk, on the 4th of March, 1845. The sub-treasury law was passed on the 6th of August, 1846. " On the 4th of November, 1844, the books of the treasury department show that the deposits of $50,000 was made in Mr. Cameron's bank at Middletown, Pennsylvania. "The deposite, therefore, which the Post says was recommended by Mr. Buchanan's letter addressed to Mr. Polk, was made by Mr. Tyler, just four months before Mr. Buchanan was appointed secretary of State by Mr. Polk, and just twenty-one months before the sub-treasury law was passed." TRIUMPHANT VINDICATION OF MR. BUCHANAN BY THE MECHANICS OF HARPER'S FERRY, VA. MEETING OF THE MECHANICS OF HARPER'S FERRY, VIRGINIA. A very large and enthusiastic meeting of the mechanics of Harper's Ferry was held in that place on the 12th of August, 1856, at which, on motion, JOHN PRICE, Esq., was called to the chair, and THOMAS W. SnRIVER, Esq., appointed secretary. On motion, a committee, consisting of Captain William H. More, T. S. Duke, and Michael E. Price, Esqs., was appointed to draught resolutions expressive of the sense of the meeting in regard to the base calumnies which have been circulated, charging Mr. Buchanan with being unfriendly to the interests of the working men of the country. The committee, retiring for a short time, came into the meeting and made their REPORT. The mechanics of Harper's Ferry having seen, with much regret, the unprincipled effort of the enemies of the Hon. James Buchanan-to revive and fasten upon him the charge of having advocated a reduction of the wages of mechanical labor to the rate of' ten cents a day," have deemed it a duty to one who has so long and so consistently represented the interests of the industrial classes, to examine and refute this infamous charge, as contrary to history and reason, and contradictory to the whole tenor of his private life and public record. In proceeding with this refutation, we cannot suppress our honest indignation at the impudent imputation upon the intelligence of the American mechanics which the circulation of this calumny implies. Who are the mechanical classes of our country? Are they like the menial millions of Europe, oppressed by class combinations, kept in the most profound ignorance of everything except the manual skill necessary to execute some special article of social consumption, and living upon an allotted pittance of their own labor? Are they so far debarred the privilege to read and reason as that they may be misled by the charge that one who has been through life their benefactor and advocate has deliberately tried to deprive them of a just compensation for their labor and the honest support of their families? Is it supposed that they cannot discriminate between truth and falsehood? or distinguish an honest friend from a concealed enemy? Enjoying, then, the same advantages of acquiring information with other citizens of the republic, accustomed to discuss and investigate for themselves public questions in which their rights are involved, they have appealed to the records of the country to testify upon the truth or falsity of the charge referred to. Before, however, proceeding with the investigation of the subject, the mechanics of Harper's Ferry may be pardoned in taking a peculiar interest, when it is known that they stand under especial obligations to the statesman whose character they intend to vindicate. It will be remembered that, in the year 1841, an effort was made to commit the direc tion of the mechanical labor employed in the nmanufacture of fire arms to offlcers of the army of the United States. The injustice of this measure accasioned an appeal to Congress, and amongst the most earnest and efficient advocates of continuing the mechanical construction of military weapons in the hands of a practical and mechanical civilian was the Hen. James Buchanan, as will be seen by reference to his whole congressional history, and the following letter addressed by him to a member of the committee sent from the Armory at this place to advocate the desired relief: (Here the Mechanics publish Mr. Buchanan's letter of July 24, 1842, con, tained on page 25 of the document called Short Answers, in this volume.) We proceed with a narrative of historical facts, necessary to the intelligent comprehension of this infamous charge. During the currency war, which followed the delivery of the country from the monster monopoly of the United States Bank, Mr. Buchanan advocated the establishment of the independent treasury. One argument used by the enemies of this indpendent measure was that it was'designed to prostrate the whole banking system, and introduce a metallic currency. Assuming that this was the purpose of its advocates, it was a natural inference that such a financial revolution must paralyze the monetary and industrial interests of the country. The wages of the mechanic and laborer must sympathize with this universal embarrassment, and great suffering would result to all who depended upon the sweat of their brows for an honest maintenance. Such were the consequences attributed by its enemies to the establishment of the independent treasnry. The consequences then were denied and controverted by its friends. They disavowed any intention to overthrow the institution of credit. They demonstrated that such an effect treasury would reduce the wages of labor. would not follow the measure. They denied that the establishment of the independent It was a bold step on the part of the panic-makers that they should have ascribed to Mr. Buchanan an admission of the very imputation which himself and others so vehemently denied. Yet it seems that a senator of that day, whose soubriquet of honest John Davis was not certainly conferred upon him for the merit of fairness towards his political antagonists, charged Mr. Buchanan with having advocated the independent treasury for the express purpose of bringing down the wages of labor. Having assumed that this consequence was intended and desired by Mr. Buchanan, this honest John Davis added in the appendix of his speech the rates of daily labor allowed as the rule of mechanical compensation under the despotisms of Europe, as that to be established by the independent treasury in this country; another and an inferior set of calumniators reduced this fallacy to a simpler formula of falsehood, and asserted that Mr. Buchanan had declared himself in favor of fixing the wages of American laborers and mechanics "at ten cents a day i" Thus did this calumny originate. Time has vindicated the wisdom of Mr. Buchanan and of those who aided him in separating the federal government from the monetary concerns of the country. It has shown that the predictions of the panic-makers have been falsified by the whole fiscal history of the country. The Bank of the United States has been discontinued; yet the currency is uniform and readily convertible. Domestic exchanges rule below the average rate during the bank regime. Commerce is prosperous. Manufactures flourish, and the wages of labor are steady and liberal. If the object of those who introduced the independent treasury had been to reduce the wages of labor, they should long since have set about its repeal. The preposterous consequences predicted by the panic-makers have not followed its establishment. The friends of the independent-treasury system point to the prosperity which prevails as a vindication of the wisdom that designed it. Mr. Buchanan was never the representative of corporate or associated wealth. The Bank of the United States, with its whole affiliated influence, located in the metropolis of his own State, appealed to him in vain. He steadily represented the great agricultural, mechanical, and mineral interests. He still represents their interests, and it would be ridiculous to say that he had deserted them, and that they have nevertheless continued their unabated confidence in him for more than twenty years, If any specific evidence of the interest taken by Mr. Buchanan in the misfortunes of the mechanic was wanting, it will be found in the following letter to the Secretary of the Navy, imploring him to afford temporary employment to five hundred mechanics thrown suddenly out of work at the Philadelphia navy-yard in 1837: (Here the mechanics publish Mr. Buchanan's letter of December 26, 1837, contained on page 26, of the document called Short Answers, in this volume. It will be seen from this report that we have examined this charge against Mr. Buch anan historically, logically, and by the test of those motives which usually influence the relation between representative and constituent. From this investigation we are satisfied that the charge is absurd, groundless, and malicious, and that it ought to be withdrawn by every antagonist who makes the least pretension to fairness or to justice. Resolved, therefore, that the mechanics of Harper's Ferry have seen with regret that the malignant spirit of party has endeavored to impair the confidence of the laboring men of the country in the integrity of Hon. James Buchanan, by charging him with a wish to reduce the rates of compensation for their labor to a degrading scale of wages, established by the class-combinations of Europe. Resolved, That the whole public history of Mr. Buchanan proves him to have been the representative of the laborious and intelligent class of American citizens upon whbich the power and prosperity of the republic must depend, of which he is a native, to which he owes every representative position which he has ever held, and to which he has dedicated the patriotic labors of a long and virtuous life. Resolved, That with an impartial determination to examine every'charge brought against the candidate of their choice, the mechanics of Harper's Ferry are satisfied that the charge that the Hon. James Buchanan has ever advocated a low rate of wages for the laboring man is contrary to the whole tenor of his private acts, to the charity and justice of his nature, and to the democratic theory by which his whole public actions have been regulated, and we pronounce these charges false, absurd, and malicious. On motion, the above preamble and resolutions were adopted unanimously. The meeting then adjourned. JOHN PRICE, Chairman, TI{oMAS W. SHRivERS, Secretary. OLD LINE WHIGS OF THE COUNTRY IN FAVOR OF MR. BUCHANAN. OLD LINE WHIGS IN MARYLAND FOR BUCHANAN. Hon. Thomas G. Pratt, Hon James Alfred Pearce, present United States Senators. Hon. William D. Merrick, former United States Senator. Capt. Richard T. Merrick, son of the above. Hon. Thomas F. Bowie, of Prince Georges, now in Congress. Hon. Revedy Johnson, former United States Senator and Attorney General under General Taylor. William it. Gaither, President of the State Senate. HIon. John B. Eccleston, of Kent, one of the Judges of the Court of Appeals. lion. Ezekiel F. Chambers, former United States Senator and Judge of this Judicial District. Hon. Isaac D. Jones, of Somerset. Hon. John W. Crisfield, of Somerset. Samuel Hambleton, Esq., of Talbot, former State Senator. Henry H. Goldsborough, Esq., lawyer of Talbot. Daniel F. Henry, Esq., of Dorchester, former Whig candidate for Congress. George W. P. Smith, Esq., editor of the Snow Hill Shield. Hon. William T. Goldsborough, formeor State Senator and Whig candidate for Governor. R. W. Dirickson, of Worcester, former member of the Legislature. Col. Joseph Wickes, of Charlestown, former Deputy Attorney General for Cecil and Kent. Hon. Alexander Evans, of Cecil, former Representative in Congress. George Earl, Esq., of Cecil. John A. Croswell, of,Cecil. John C. Morgan, of St. MIary's. John T. Dorsey, of Howard county, former member of the Legislature and member of the Reform Convention. William iH. Dorsey, of Baltimore, brother of the above. S. Teakle Wallace, of Baltimore, a prominent lawyer and former Whig speaker. Thomas Yoates Walsh, of Baltimore, former member of Congress. William H. Gatchell, Esq., lawyer of Baltimore. Robert M. Magraw, Esq., of Baltimore, President of Susquehannah Railroad. Thomas Donaldson, Esq., of Howard county, former member of the Legislature and member of the Convention which formed the present constitution of the State. John K. Longwell, of St. Mary's county, former member of the Legislature. Benedict I. Heard, of St. Mary's county, a prominent Whig. OLD LINE WHIG LAWYERS IN CINCINNATI FOR MR. BUCHANAN. Judge James, Judge T. M. Key, Judge M. R. Tilden, Judge W. Johnson, Judge Saffin, Hon. E. H. Spencer, C. Anderson, Esq., Alex. Johnson, Esq., Joshua Bates, Esq., A. S. Sullivan, Esq., N Longworth, Esq., L. Anderson, Esq., T. Nesmith, Esq., Patrick Mallon, Esq., D. Worthington, Esq., T. Jones, Esq., J. Worthington, Esq., We add the fqllowing: Hon. George Evans, Maine, Hon. J. P. Benjamin, La., Ion. E. W. Farley, Maine, Hon. Josiah Randall, Penn., Hon. Rufus Choate, Mass., Hon. William B. PReed, Penn., Hon. James C. Jones, Tenn. I-Ion. I. E. Hiester, Penn., Hon. A. O. Talbott, Ky., Hon. T. J. Michie, Va., lion. William Preston, Ky., And a host of others, TO THE OLD LINE WHIGS, The following address taken from the National Intelligencer of the 27th of October, 1840, was issued by the State Whig Central Committee to the Whig Party in Maryland, and shows the doctrine of the Whig party, both as to the naturalization and the Catholic question. Many sincere Whigs, who in the present contest are heart and hand with the Democratic party, will rejoice to know that the Whig doctrine, years ago, was that a discussion of religious creeds should not be brought into political contests. They stand now where they stood in 1840, and extend the hand of fellowship to all who fight the same great battle: TO THE WHIGS OF MARYLAND. The undersigned, as members of the Whig Central Committee of the State, have deemed it their duty to present this statement of their views. The Whigs of Maryland will, we have no doubt, sustain this proceeding, and acquiesce in its propriety. Gen. Duff Green, as editor of the Pilot, has discussed in his paper subjects which, in the opinion of the undersigned, have no proper connection with the Presidential election. Within a few days this gentleman has published a prospectus for a newspaper, in which he expresses his determination to continue, after the election, discussions on questions with which the Whig party has not been, and will not be identified. As an individual, Gen. Green has an undoubted right to take such a course as his own judgment may ap. prove. As an editor of a party paper, he has thought proper to persevere in conduct which he knew was disapproved of by the Whig party of Maryland. He has repeatedly been requested to avoid all discussions in reference to religious sects, but such requests have always been disregarded. He has ever assumed the position that he alone is responsible for what may appear in his editorial columns. This is undoubtedly true; and our object now is to make this manifest beyond all dispute to the people of Maryland. We now emphatically declare that the Whig party is not in any way, or to any extent, responsible for what has heretofore been published in the Pilot on the subject of Catholicism and naturalized voters, and will not be responsible for what Gen. Green may be pleased hereafter to do. It is our decided conviction that the election contests in this country are already sufficiently exciting and absorbing in their character. If the differences of opinion between the religious denominations are to be appealed to, and to be used as incentives to party action, no man can forsee how terrible may be the result. Heretofore, after the elections have been settled by the ballot box, a calm has succeeded the political storm. With the close of the contest have subsided the'excited and often angry feelings which prevailed during its continuance. Those who were alienated one from the other by political dis .22 cussions have generally returned to their friendly relations after the settlement of the questions which divided them. But if, in addition to the causes of discussion which ordinarily exist, a religious controversy is to take place, who can allay the excitement which these combined causes may produce, and when will such a contest be finally settled. In this country every man is permitted to worship his Maker in snch way as his conscience may approve. Our laws and constitutions were framed to secure to all this glorious privilege. The native and naturalized citizens are equally entitled to the blessings of our government. All are equal; and when a stranger takes up his abode here, and has remained among us during the time prescribed by the naturalization laws, he has a right to become a citizen, and will be entitled to the privileges of citizenship. Such being the views of the Committee, and, as they believe, of their constituents, the great Whig party of the State of Maryland, they hereby declare their disavowal of any concurrence in the present or prospective editorial course of General Green, and devolve upon him alone the entire responsibility of his course. N. F. WILLIAMS, Chairman. GEO. R. RICHARDSON, WILLIAM CHESNUT, WM. Hf-. GATCBELL, JOHN P. KENNEDY, JAMES GRIEVES, SAM'L MCLELLAN, SAMUEL HARDEN, A. G. COLE, GEO. W. KREBS, HUGH BIRECKHEAD, ASA NEEDHAM, JAS. L. RIDGELY, CIHAS. H. PITTs, -GUSTAV W. LuRMAN, NEILSON POR, JAS. FRAZIER, GEO. M. GILL, WMl. R. JONES, JAMES HARWOOD, T. YATES WALSH. THE NORTHERN SUPPORTERS OF MR. FILLMORE. The first suggestion of the Revolutionary Ineans of redressing what the Abolitionists call the wrongs of Kansas came from the Hon. George Grundy Dunn, of Indiana, a candidate for Elector on the Fillmore ticket in that State. In a speech in the House of Representatives on the 21st of July last he said:,' I would cut off the supplies and stop the wheels of government, rather than let it move an inch further in its present most ill-directed and perilous course. If those who control that course are refractory-if they will not heed the clear and distinct utterances of an overwhelming public sentiment, justly aroused to indignation against a great wrong-if the dangers that threaten us will not warn or check them, I would cut qo the sinews of power and thus compel submission to an overwhelming public necessity. [Cries of' Good!''That is it!''That is the doctrine!'" He was speaking in favor of a restoration of the Missouri Compromise at the time. The public sentiment to which he alluded was that which he supposed to be in favor of such restoration. In the same speech he said: " I shall most cheerfully give my vote to that candidate who both hails from, and lives in, New York, and not to him who hails from, and lives in Pennsylvania, or to him who, living in New York, for the purpose of this canvass, hails from California-or to any,other, who is amphibious, either in his home or his principles." [Laughter.] The following is from Mr. Bayard Clarke, a member of Congress from New-York, a prominent Know-Nothing and an ardent supporter of Mr. Fillmore:', Some have wondered that a certain class of our naturalized citizens should be found sustaining the Cincinnati platform, and the Presidential candidate who has merged his individuality in that platform, while another class sustain the platform of freedom in opposition to the aggressions of slavery. But to me there is no mystery in all this. It only illustrates the natural affinity of Jesuitism with slavery. That part of our foreign born population who support Mr. Buchanan are, with rare exceptions, the subjects of the Roman hierachy, and consequently friendly to the despotic principle, of which slavery is a logical necessity. On the contrary, the foreign born voters who oppose the extension of slavery, with the platform and candidate of the Cincinnati convention, are 29 generally a more intelligent class of citizens, owing no allegiance to Rome, and disdaining all alliance with the slave power, which degrades labor, and despises the laborer. The former are Catholics, the latter Protestants. Of course there are exceptions in both cases, but this classification will be found generally correct, and the explanation of the fact will also be found in the natural affinity of one despotic system with another. Said I not rightly that Protestantism is significant of all that contributes to the elevation, the progress, and freedom of our race? As a Protestant I can do no less, then, than oppose the aggressions of the slave-power; and when I find Jesuitism allying itself with that power, and striving to secure the success of its platform and its candidate, I cannot fail to remark, that consistency demands from all who love the Protestant principle, opposition to the usurpations of slavery, no less than relentless hostility to the aggressions of popery. They are TWIN DEMONS; and, God helping me, I am resolved, within the limits of constitutional action, to give no quarter to either." The New Albany Tribune, the leading Fillmore paper in Indiana, has the following ticket at the head of its columns: FoR PRESIDENT,'MILLARD FILLMORE. FoR VICE PRaSIDENT, A. J. DONELSON. Electors for the State at large. George G. Dunn, of Lawrence county, Andrew L. Osborne, of Laporte. District Elcctors. ]. James G. Jones, of Vanderburf. 7. William K. Edwards, of Vigo. 2. David T. Laird, of Ferry. 8. James Prather, of Montgomery. 3. John Baker, of Lawrence. 9. Thomas S. Stanfield, of St. Joseph. 4. William E. White, of Dearborne. 10. John B. Howe, of Langrange. 5. Fred. Johnsonbough, of Wayne. 11. William R. Hale, of Wabash. 6. Henry H. Bradley, of Johnson. The same paper contains the following: COALITION BETWEEN FILLMORE AND FREMONT. The Fillmore State Convention of Indiana have just united with the Fremont or Black Republican party, by nominating the same Electoral ticket for the State. If any of our Demo cratic friends have been feeding themselves up with the hope of a division among the American and Republican parties, upon the State ticket, they would do well to give that hope up as utterly futile. The fusion of the parties for the Presidency is now complete, which seals the fate of Buchanan Democracy in Indiana. The friends of Mr. Fillmore should now go to work to secure a majority of the popu. lar vote of the State of Indiana for him; if they succeed, of which we have no doubt, the Electoral vote will be cast for him.:Let there be no crashing between the friends of Fillmore and Fremont, because their cause is one cause. Let the energies of the friends of each be directed against Buchanan, and we will have no more slave soil to curse our government. The lHuntington (Indiana) Gazette, a Fremont paper, has the same Electoral ticket in its columns, headed as follows: For PRESIDENT, JOHN C. FREMONT, of New York. Forx VICE: P.ESIDENTr, W. L. DAYTON, of New Jersey. MORE FUSION. The Gazette published at Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania, has the following ticket at its head: WHIG, AMERICAN AND REPUBLICAN UNION TICKET. FoR CANAL COMMISSIONER, THOMAS E. COCHRAN, of York County. FoR AUDITOR GENERAL, DARWIN PHELPS, of Armstrong county. FoR SURVEYOR GENERAL, BARTHOLOMEW LAPORTE, of Bradford county. IS NOT THE FUSION COMPLETE? The Eagle, a Fillmore paper published at Newark, New Jersey, has the following caption to the American platform adopted at Philadelphia, Februrary 21, 1856: THE PLATFORM MR. FILLMORE ENDORSES AND STANDS ON! AMERICA FOR AMERICANS, AND OPPOSITION TO TIHE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. AMERICANISM AT THE NORTH. THE KNOW-NOTHIING PLATFORM OF THE STATE OF MAINE. BANGOR, iebruary 1st, 1855. " Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence, the tone and tenor of the constitution, the ordinance of 1787, the words and deeds of the founders of this republic, all indicate that our forefathers intended that slavery be sectional, not national-temporary, not permanent. "Resolved, That native.AAmzericanism, anti-slavery, and temperance are the foundation stones of our order, equally deserving our consideration; and that before giving our political support to any man, for any office, we will imperatively demand his entire committal in favor of these great and cardinal principles. "' Resolved, That we solemnly protest against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the passage of the Nebraska-'Kansas bill, and the fugitive slave law, as violations of the rights of the free States, and tending to the destruction of the free institutions of our country." KNOW-NOTHING PARTY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE ON SLAVERY. " Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence, the tones and deeds of the founders of this republic, all indicate that our forefathers intended that slavery should be sectional, not national-temporary, not permanent. "R Resolved, That as a political party pledged to regard and watch over the best interests of the whole Union, and to labor for its integrity and perpetuity we solemnly protest against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the Kansas and Nebraska bill, and the fugitive slave law, as violating the spirit of the Constitution, and tending to the destruction of the free institutions of the country. " Resolved, That we never will, under any circumstances, consent to the admission of slavery into any portion of the territory embraced in the compact of 1820, and from which it was then excluded by the mutual agreement of both the northern and southern States." MR. FILLMORE IN FAVOR OF ALIEN SUFFRAGE. Mr. Filmore signed the Washington Territorial bill in 1853. That bill gives aliens the right of suffrage. WASHINGTON TERRITORY. " Every white male inhabitant above the age of twenty-one years, who shall have been a resident of said Territory at the time of the passage af this act, and shall possess the qualifications hereinafter prescribed, shall be entitled to vote at the first election, and shall be eligible to any office within the said Territory; but the qualifications of voters, and of holding office at all subsequent elections, shall be such as shall be pre scribed by the Legislative Assembly: Pr'ovided, That the right of suffrage, and of holding office, shall be exercised only by citizens of the United States above the age of twentyone years, anb those above that age who shall have declared on oath their intention to become such, and shall have token an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this act. THE STATES, AND NOT CONGRESS, HAVE ALONE THE RIGHT TO REGULATE SUFFRAGE WITHIN THEIR RESPECTIVE LIMITS. The Know-Nothing orators clamor about aliens voting in some of the states. They promised the people if they were elevated to power that they would stop it, Have any of them attempted to do it in Congress? No! Why? Because they know Congress has no power over the subject. Congress can make a man a citizen of the United States, but not a voter in the states, nor can. it take from him the right of voting therein. The states have the controlling power in that respect. Thus Virginia years since prescribed in her constitution that a man without a property qualification could not vote. The man thus prescribed was a citizen of the United States. Such citizenship it will thusbe seen did not give him the right to vote. Virginia controlled that matter and decided that he should not vote. This fact is merely cited as an illustration. FOREIGN PAUPERS AND CONVICTS. Alabama, Calif)rnia, Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, Vermodt and Virginia, the only states, through the seaports of which foreign paupers and convicts can find access to our shores, have already on their statute books, ample law to prevent the immigration of convicts, and to reimburse those States the damages arising from the support of paupers. PROrTESTANT EPISCOPAL ENGLAND SATISFIED THAT NO TEMPORAL ALLEGIANCE IS DUE, BY CATHOLICS, TO THE POPE. The odious Catholic disabilities which existed in Protestant Episcopal England for so many years, were, no doubt, established on account of the idea that Catholics owed a Temporal Allegiance to the Pope. Mr. Pitt, on the part of the British Government, instituted the following inquiries, and received the subjoined answers. The result was that nearly, if not all, of the disabilities were removed by England: "1. Has the Pope, or cardinals, or any body of men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, any civil authority, power, jurisdiction, or pre-eminence whatsoever, within the realm of England? 1" 2. Can the Pope, or cardinals, or any body of men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, absolve or dispense with his Majesty's subjects, from their oath of allegiance, upon any pretext whatsoever? " 3. Is there any principle in the tenets of the Catholic faith by which Catholics are justified in not keeping faith with heretics, or other persons differing from them in religious opinions, in any transaction, either of a public or a private nature?" These questions were sent for answer to the Catholic universities of Paris, of Douay, of Alcala, of Valladolid, and of Salamanca. These several universities are conducted by the most learned men of Europe, and they all responded with frankness and promptness to the questions. We have space only 32 for the answer of one, though we have them all before us, and state that the answers of all are strictly the same. To show what they all answered, we select the response of the University of Paris, as follows: Abstractfr~om the answers of the Sacred _Faculty of Divinity of Paris to the above queries. After an introduction, according to the usual form of the university, they answer the first query by declaringNeither the Pope, nor the cardinals, nor any body of men, nor any other person of the Church of Rome, hath any civil authority, civil power, civil jurisdiction, or civil preeminence whatsoever, in any kingdom, and, consequently, none in the kingdom of England, by reason or virtue of any authority, power, jurisdiction, or pre-eminence by divine institution inherent in, or granted, or by any other means belonging to the Pope, or the Church of Rome. This doctrine the sacred faculty of divinity of Paris has always held, and upon every occasion maintained, and upon every occasion has rigidly proscribed the contrary doctrines from her schools. Answer to second query. Neither the Pope, nor the cardinals, nor any body of men, or any person of the Church of Rome, can, by virtue of the keys, absolve or release the subjects of the King of England from their oath of allegiance. This and the first query are so intimately connected, that the answer of the first immediately and naturally applies to the second, &c. Answer to the third query. There is no tenet in the Catholic church by which Cath. olics are justified in not keeping faith with heretics, or those who differ from them in matters of religion. The tenet that it is lawful to break faith with heretics is so repugnant to common honesty and the opinions of Catholics, that there is nothing of which those who have defended the Catholic faith against Protestants have complained more heavily than the malice and calumny of their adversaries in imputing this tenet to them; &c., &c., &c. Given at Paris, in the general assembly of the Sorborne, held on Thursday, the 11th day before the calends of March, 1789. [Signed in due form.] IDENTIY OF PRINCIPLE BETWEEN HARTFORD CONVENTIONISM AND KNOW NOTHINGISM. Every one recollects the odious Hartford Convention, held during the War of 1812 —a Convention, representing constituencies in the New England States, who opposed their country in that war and hung blue lights out on the coast to enable the ships of the enemy to know the movements of our own gallant navy and conspire the more easily to defeat it. It had its secrecy, like the Know Nothings. The first resolution read: Resolved, That the most inviolate secrecy shall be observed by each member of this Convention, including the Secretary, as to all propositions, debate, and proceedings thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or altered. A part of its platform, like that of the Know Nothings, proscribed naturalized citizens, ONE OF THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE THIRD ARTICLE OF THE KNOW HARTFORD CONVENTION. NOTHING PLATFORMI OF 1856. Resolved, That no person who shall here. 3. Americans must rule America; and, after be naturalized shall be eligible as a to this end, native-born citizens should be member of the Senate or House of Repre- selected for all State, Federal, and municisentatives of the United States, nor capa- pal offices, or government employment, in ble of holding any civil office under authori- preference to naturalized citizens. ty of the United States. THE BIBLE VS. KNOW NOTHINGISM. "' If a stranger sojourn with thee in your land, ye shall not vex him; but the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself, for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. I am the Lord your God.-Boole of Leviticus, 19th chapter, 33d and 34th verses. GEORGE III, A KNOW-NOTHING. Amongst the counts in that grand indictment framed by our Revolutionary fathers - the Declaration of Independence, is one charging his Royal highness with the infliction upon the American Colonies of one of the very abuses now sought to be engrafted upon the policy of the conuntry by the Know-Nothing party. Read from that Declaration of Independence with what emphasis they rebuked the Know-Nothingism of that Royal tyrant. "He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of land." PRINCIPLE OF THE NATURALIZATION LAWS VINDICATED BY THE WAR OF 1812. In a paragraph preceding this we show the identity of principle between Know-Nothingism and Hartford Conventionism, The Hartford Conventionists opposed the war of 1812. The war of 1812 was fought by this country for the reason that England denied the right of a man born under her flag to swear away his allegiance to her Governm:ent and become a citizen of the United States. Denying this right she attempted to search our vessels, take from them those in the service of the United States who were born under English dominion. War was the result. Victory for our arms ended the contest. The basis principle of the naturalization laws was vindicated. The Know-Nothings are endeavoring to destroy these laws, with the halo of the glory of the revolution and the war of 1812thrown around them. Think of this and read the following paragraph: FOREIGN INFLUENCE. It was against this kind of foreign influence that Washington advised his countrymen when he said: "' Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake." Washington was not thinking of the poor emigrant, but of influence like the following, which appeared in the London Chronicle, one of Victoria's organs, in reference to our Presidential contest:'" We should be sorry to see Mr. Buchanan elected, because he is in favor of preserving the obnoxious institutions, as they exist, AND THIE UNITY OF THE STATES. There is no safety for European monarchial governments, if the progressive spirit of the Democracy of the United States is allowed to succeed. ELECT FREMONT AND THE FIRST BLOW TO THE SEPARATION OF THE UNITED STATES IS EFFECTED " ANTAGONISM BETWEEN THE OATH OF THE KNOW NOTHINGS AND THE CONSTITUTIoN OF THE UNITED STATES. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED KNOW NOTHING CONSTITUTION. STATES. Art. VI. —" No religious test shall ever be Art. III. —" The object of this organizarequired as a qualification to any office of tion shall be to resist the insidious policy public trust under this government." of the Church of Rome, and other foreign influence against the institutions of the country, by placing in all offices in the gift of the people, or by appointment, none but native born PROTESTANT citizens,"' '4 Compare it also with the act of religious toleration in the Constitution of Virginia, penned by'lhomas.Jefferson, the authorship of which is his epitaph on his tombstone: 16. That religion, or the duty which KNOW NOTHING OATH. we owe to our Creator, and -the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by rea-' thermore promise and declare son and conviction-not by force or vio- that you will not vote nor give your infiulence; and therefore, all men asre equally ence for any man for any office in the gift entitled to the free exercise ofreligon, ac ofthe people, unless he be an American cording to the dictates of conscience; and born citizen, in favor of Americans ruling that it is the mutual duty of all to practise America, nor if he be a Romanc Cctholic." christian forbeara.nce, love, and charity Again: "You solemnly and sincerely towards each other. swear that, if it may be done legally, you will, when elected to any office, remove all foreigners and Roman Catholics fromn office, and that you will in no case appoint such to o0iCce." PROSCRIPTION OF ONE RELIGIOUS, SECT WILL LEAD EVENTUALLY r;' S..1a and dhee creationr uon their ruins:of a General consolidated G'overnmenit wAillt.. 16'e ine table conse.quence HAT ATH: ~ITIP2I] AND coNTR;ICTIoUN N CONTENDED ORt. BY SUNY'OF TE_ Qq tiSAa L YUs,'HAT FE GENERAL GOVERNMENT IS THE EXCLU KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF 1798 AND 1799. 287 SIVE JUDGE OF THE EXTENT OF THE POWERS DELEGATED TO IT, STOP NOTHING SHORT OF DESPOTISM -SINCE THE DISCRETION OF THOSE WHO ADMINISTER TIIE GOVERNMENT, AND NOT THE CONSTITUTION, WOULD BE THE MEASURE OF TIIEIR POWERS: That the several States who formed that instrument being sovereign and independent have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction; and, THAT A NULLIFICATION BY THOSE SOVEREIGNTIES, OF ALL UNAUTHORIZED ACTS DONE UNDER COLOR OF THAT INSTRUMENT IS THE RIGHTFUL REMEDY: That this Commonwealth does, under the most deliberate reconsideration, declare, that the said Alien and Sedition Laws are, in their opinion, palpable violations of the said Constitution; and, however cheerful it may be disposed to surrender its opinion to a majority of its sister States, in matters of' ordinary or doubtful policy, yet, in no momentous regulations like the present, which so vitally wound the best rights of the citizen, it would consider a silent acquiescence as highly criminal: That although this Commonwealth, as a party to the Federal. compact, will bow to the laws of the Union, yet, it does at the same time declare, that it will not now, or ever hereafter, cease to oppose in a constitutional manner every attempt, at what quarter' soever offered, to violate that compact. And, finally, in order that no pretext or arguments may be drawn from a supposed acquiescence, on the part of this Commonwealth, in the constitutionality of those laws, and be thereby used as precedents for similar future violations of the Federal compact-this Commonwealth does now enter against them its SOLEMN PROTEST. Extract, &c. Attest, THOS. TODD, C. H. R. In SENATE, Nov. 22, 1799-Read and concurred in. Attest, B. THURSTON, C. S. AT P E N D I X. ORDINA'N CE O F 1 7'8 7. CESSION FROM THE STATE OF VIRGINIA. Whereas the General Assembly of Virginia, at their session, commencing on the 20th day of October, 1783, passed an act to authorize, their delegates in Congress to convey to the United States: in Congress assembled, all the'right of that Commonw'ealth to the territory northwestward of the river Ohio: and whereas the delegates of the said Commonwealth have presented to Congress the form of a deed proposed to be executed pursuant to the said act, in the words following: To'all who shall see, these presents, we, Thomas Jefferson, $amuel'.Hardy2, Arthur Lee,'and James Moniroe, the underwritten delegates for the. Commonwealth of Virginia, in the. Congress' of the United States of America, send greeting:, Whereas the:General Assembly of the, Commonwealth o f Viriginia, at their sessions, begun on the 20th day of October, 1783. passed an act, entitled, "An act to, authorize the delegates of this State in Congress to convey to the United States in Congress assembled all the right of this Commonwealth to the territory northwestw ard of the river Ohio," in these; words following, to wit: Wh ",whereas the Congress of'the United States did, by their act of the sixth day of September, in the year one thousand; seven hundred and eighty, recommend to the' several States in the Union. having claims to waste and unappropriated lands in.'the, western country, a liberal cession "to the.Uni~ted States, of a portion of their -respective claims, for the common benefit of the Union: and whereas this Commonwealth did, on the secon. day, of January, in the year one-thousand seven hundred and eighty-one, yield to the Congress of the' United'States, for: the- benefit of' the said tates, all rightt title, and claim, which 37'289 290 APPENDIX. the said Commonwealth had to the territory northwest of the river Ohio, subject to the conditions annexed to the said act of cession. And whereas the United States in Congress'assembled have, by their act of the thirteenth of September last, stipulated the terms on which they agree to accept the cession of this State, shouldi the Leg.islatule 4p!iove thereof, which terms, although they do not come -filly up to the propositions of this Commonwealth, are conceived, on the.whole, to approach so nearly to them-, as-to induce this State to accept thereof, in full confidence, that Congress will, in justice to this State, for the.-liberal eession she hath made, earnestly press upon the othlei States claiming large tifa6ts of twaste and uncultivated territory,, thepropriety of making cessions equally liberal, for the coffiiinon belefit an-d support'of th-e Union., Be, it enacte(l by the General Assembly, That it shall and may be lawful: for the dis" St ate to tle oi gres i of the Uninted.-,S-taltes, or su1 h of them:n as s'hall be asseiled iiib l (ngro'ss, ~and t.he saiid "deiegates,:or such'; of t'ilea So ass'etbled, aPelt'teby fully authorized atid emipowered, for and' on behalf of this BState, by rIoper;edls -or inistrinmnt' -in writiug, inde thieiit - h as ad"sels, t6c onn"c ey, trarisier, assign',;g ni m:inak, over," ufi to'the 8nit'.t atesi i'n Corireoss] ass'en'bihdd, fo-r th bene-fi t..of the s;-i:tes, ai'l'ight; title and claim, as wellot sol; as jiifisdictiohi,:whiehtohios tConioni;eaWth hath' to-;the territoty r ttac't of.countfy witn - th'e lim;itS - of th' e:virginia chartet,:itiael, i yinhg anr;d "bii4', to t norithivest of:the river Ohio, subjec't t; he terims and cond itonscontaind'in thebefie recit. act o:f:'O figress of the -thirteenth Aay:of Septe ber last; tht'i's to say, upon ccidition thattite tertitory so'ceded shall: be liai~dc[out a'and'tbrmed into Stat;es, contain"ing a siuitable e:d"t of 6tdori~tor rhot"i less than'"ne, lihndred, nor hore th-anhue fi'nd ~:.aidh Y ifeitfe - a fear; threto a. c irchrintanies- i ie'-ll adilit:-:aid that the' Statesb o rmed shall be distinct republican Stites, and admitted members 6f th6e.ede ral:'nion;'hlavin- t~he;'.samine righits of sover-eignty, freedoiri, and ihlependeince, a s the.'dt6 e b tafes'.:..that th:eii ecessaii arid i'ea6tPabe-expeses incu'rr'e by this state,'iii stt- fiir. atiy B'itish tposts, of in maitimntig forts adi''ri ni s Wiithih, aid for the dtefence, ot'aqiz uiritgii" ahiy p1art of;th t'to, h ef.it'oty o6 cdeod 0o' telinqmuished, s!hali-hlB b fully' rei' iirs4 by1 hO:'Uiitd States::and that 0ine,, coitnmissiofierA shail be 4ipoia taaie _ 0r O6ri2gs;,, oney thty'h'iia Co mioi'we alth,: and an6th'er:'by:-itosb.' vo 6: icomsssio4ers, who, or'a,ajoriti ofa'ii';'ia ~h',athize d -'a3.d'ipeo owere d'Itoi ados't' anid ORDTNANO-H, OF 1787. 291.liqtiddate. the accoint of the necessary and reasonable expenses incuirred b~y — this St-atej,which they sh~all judge 4to be comprisecd withihei nn and nig othe ainten meingt o f:he Con gress, of the tenthe.of' October,'one,:thousand -seven htlndr.ed-. and'eightyr, respecting such expenses.'That the:'French: and Ca-na. dian inhabita;nts, and other; settlers of the IKaskaiskies, St.' Vincents, and the neighboring.villages, who have professed themselves citizens; of Virginia,:shall lhave their: possessionsi and titles confirmed to.them, and be protected in: the enjoyment of their ri-ghts-and.liberties.:.'That a quiantity not ~exceeding one -hundred: and fifty thbusand acres, f laned promised by this S.tate, shall be'.all.owe'd and granted t -the.then-c-;olo'nel,'no0w general George Rogers' Clarke, and'.to the officers, and soldiers. of his reg iment, wh1Eoma-r'ched vwith:him when the post of Kalskaskies ande t. -nVirctsnis were reduced,- anda to- the officers and soldi6rs that have been'n since incorpoporateda into thei sai dc regiYment; to be la.id off in one tract,: thed'le-gath: of: iwhdich ino:t t'o ~xcee -double the:breadth,;inTsuIch ptlace, on the -north\vest side f'the f h 0hio, ias as majority of the.officers shall c.'~hoose, and'to'bef aft. erwards divided among. the sMaicd officers and. soldie'.rs in dfre proportion, accor d oin g:.to te:laws. of Viirginida&... That in cas'e the' quantity of-good-landon the southeast. sid.e o.f the Ohio;,: pon' the waters of,C-mumberland, river, and betw.eein the-'Green river -and — Tennessee river, which have been reserved by law for the. Virgilnia trofops:upon continental establishment, shoulfd,frm the North Carolina;li:ne bearing in further.upon the:Cum. berlanc lands than was expected, prove ilisnfficient for their leg.al;,bouniities, the)de&fiieneyj- shoulidc be made up. to the' said troops, in good lands, to be: laid off between- the rivers Scioto and Little Miarmi, on the northwest side of the river Ohio, in such'proportions as have. been, engaged to6 them by the laws of; Virginia.' That!'all the lands within the territory so ceded to the,United; States, a-ad n-ot rese-rved bfor,;or:appropriated to, any of thee beroe mentioned.purp.oses,:or disposed of in bounties'to the officers and soldiers of the American army, shall be considered as a common fund for the use.and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or shall become, members of the confedyeratio.n or federal alliance of the said VStates, Virginia incluSive,,!according, to thei~r usual respective propdrtions.'in i. the geAeral;harge:and expenditure, and. shall be faitihfully and bona;Jficde,:ddisposed of::for that purpose, and for' no; other use: or p-urpose.;.-wi'hatso.ever., -Provided, that the'.trust.hereby. reposed in Ithe. delegates.o f. this State shall net: be executed unless three of:thtem at least: are present in Congr'ess.. 292 APPENDIX.o And whereas the said General Assembly, by their resolution of June sixth, one thousand- seven hundred and eighty-three, had constituted and appointed us, the said Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Hardy, Arthur. Lee, and James; Monroe, delegates to -represent the said Commonwealth in Congress ifor one- year, from, the first Monday in November then next following, which resolution remains in full force: Now, therefore, know ye, that we, the said Thomas Jefferson, Samuel Hardy, Arthur Lee, and James Monroe, by virtue of the power and authority committed to us by the act of the said General Assemblv6of Virginia, before recited, and in the name, and for and on behalf, of the said Commonwealth, do, by these presents, conveyj transfer, assign, and make over, unto the United States, in Congress assembled, for the benefit of the said States, Virginia inclusive, all right,-title and claim, as well of- soil as of jurisdiction, which the said Commonwealth hath to the territory or tract of country within the limits of the Virginia charter, situate' lying, and being, to the northwest of. the river Ohio, to and for the uses and purposes and on the:: conditions of the- said recited act.:In testimony whereof; we have hereunto subscribed our names and affixed our seals, in Congress, the; first day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and, eighty-four, and of the Independence of the United States the eighth. Resolved, That the United States in Congress assembled are ready to receive this deed, whenever' the delegates of the State of Virginia are ready to execute the same. The delegates of Virginia then proceeded and signed, sealed, and delivered the said deed; whereupon Congress came- to the following resolution: The delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia having executed the deed, Resolved, That the same be recorded and enrolled among the acts of the United States, in Congress assembled. Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the Legislature of Virginia, to take into consideration their act of cession:- and: revise the same, so far as to empower the United States in Congress assembled, to make such a division of; the territory of the United States, lying northerly and- westerly of the river Ohioj,into distinct republican States, not more than five nor less than three, as the situation of that country and future ORDINANCE oF 1T787. 293 circumstances may require; which States shall hereafter become members of the Federal Union, and.have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence, as the original States: in conformity with the resolution of Congress of the tenth October, 1780.* According to order, the ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, was read a third time, and passed, as follows: An ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio. Be- it ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, That- the said: territory, for the purposes of temporary government, be one district;, subject, however, to be divided into two districts, as: future circumstances may, in the opinion of Congress, make' it expedient. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the estates both of resident and non-resident proprietors in the said territory, dying,intestate; shall: descend to,: and be distributed among their children, and.the descendants of a deceased child, in' equal parts; the descendants of a. deceased child or grandchild to takle the share of their deceased parent in equal parts among themn tand where there shall be no children or descendants, then in equal parts to the next of kin, in equal degree; and among collaterals, the children of a deceased brother or sister of theA intestate shall have, in equal parts among them, their deceased parents' share;; and there shall, in no case, be a distinction between kindred of the whole and half-blood; saving in all cases to the widow of the intestate her third part of: the.* Resolved, That the unappropriated lands that may be ceded or relinquished to the United States, by any particular State, pursuant to the recommendation of Congress, of the sixth' daylof September last, shall be disposed of for the common benefit of the'United States, and be settled and formed into distinct republican States, which shall become, m.embers of the Federal Union, and have the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence, as the other States: that each State hich shall be so formed shall contain a suitable extent of territory, not less than one hundred, nor more than one hundred andfifty miles square,. or. as near thereto as circumstances will admit:: that the necessary and reasonable expenses which any particular State shall have incurred, since the commencement of the present war, in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts or garrisons within,' and for the defence, or in acquiring any part of, the territory that may be ceded or relinquished to the United States, shall be reimbursed: That the'said lands shall be granted or settled at such times and under such regulati0ns as shallfhereafter be agreed: on by the United States in Congress assembled, or any nine or. more of,them. - Journals of Conress, October 10,11780. 294 APPENDIX. real estate for life,? and one-third part of:the Ipersonal estate; and, this law relative toi'descents; an:d dower' shall remain -,in fill force until altered b-y the Legislature of the district. And until the-governor and jlldges hal I:ad:opt lavirs as hereinsafter mentioned, estates in the said territory may be devised:'l -o. be queathed by wills in writing, signed and sealecl by him or her in whom the estate may be, (being of full age,) and attested by three witnesses; andl real estatea imay -be conveyeod by: lease.. and release, or bargain,andq s.-sig i seat.end, see.and deiverc,; by the person, being of full,ge, in'who:m the estaite may -beI janl attested by two witnesses, provided such wills be duly proved, and such conveyances- be acknowled ed:, or the execution-there:of duly proved, and be recorded w'ithin one year after proper magistrates, courts, and.-.registers,' shall be appoi:tedt for that purpose; and personal property may be transi:rr;e by de.iy"ery:; saving, however, to the French;:nd. Canadian i.nlhabitants and other isettlers: of -the: Kaskaskties,:: St.' Vincents, anad.ithe neighboring villages, who have heretofore professed,themselveq citizens of Virginia, their lawsi and customiis now in force among them, relative to the descent and iovnseyance of prop:erty.,: f:.Be it ordained by the; authority aforesaid, That there s'hall be appointed, from' time to Dtime, by Cbongr-ess, a: governor,:who.$a commission shall continue.,;ir. force for the term of three years, unless sooner revoked by,Congress:. he shall, reside, in the distrit, and have a freehold estate, therein., in, one. thousan: acres of; land, while: in the exercise, of his offlice. There shall be appointed, from time to time, by Conagress, a. secretary, whose commission shall continue. in foice bor fbiur. years, unless sooner revoked,; he shall reside in the district, and have a. freehold estate therein, in five' huadredlacr.es of land,:wh:ile, in the eXercise. of his.' office;, it: shall be his duty:to leep and preserve the acts and laws passed by the Legislature, and the public: records of the district, and -the proceedings: of the governor m in his exe:utfive department an;: tlransmit authentic copies of suich acts and, proceedings, every six months,:to the secretary of Congress: There, shall aiso: be appointed a:court to.conlt of three judges, any two of whom to' form a co6urt, who shall have a common law jurisdiction, and reside in the district and. have each therein a freehold: estate, in five huidred acres of land, while in the exercise of their offices; a.4 their commissions shall continue,- in:force during good behavior,. The governor and judges, or a majority of the, shall adopt and piblishi i:' the district such laws: of; the original States, criminal and Oivil, as may' be necessary, and.best suited too th ORDINANGC OF 1787 295 circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress, from time to time; which laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless disapproved of by Congress; but afterwards the Legislature shall have authority to alter them as they shall think fit. The Governor for the time being, shall be commander-inchief of the militia, appoint and commission all officers in the same, below the rank of general officers; all general officers shall be appointed and commissioned by Congress. Previous to the organization of the G-eneral Assernbly, the Governor shall appoint such magistrates and other civil officers, in each county or township, as he shall find necessary for the preservation of the peace and good order in the same. After the General Assembly shall be organized, the powers and duties of magistrates and other civil officers shall be regulated and defined by the said Assembly; but all magistrates and other civil officers, not herein ttherwise directed, shall, during the continuance of this temporary Government, be appointed by the Governor. For the prevention of crimes and injuries, the laws to be adopted or made shall have force in all parts of the district; and for the execution of process, criminal and civil, the Governor shall'make proper divisions thereof; and he shall proceed from time to time, as circumstances may require, to lay out the parts of the district in which the Indian titles shall have been extinguished, into counties and townships, subject, however, to such alterations as may thereafter'be made by the Legislature. So soon as there shall be five thousand free male inhabitants, of full age, in the district, upon giving proof thereof to the Governor, they shall receive authority, with time and place, to elect representatives from their counties or townships, to represent them in the General Assembly; provided that, for every five hundred free male inhabitants, there shall be one representative, and so on, progressively, with the number of free male inhabitants, shall the right of representation increase, until the number of representatives shall amount to twentyfive; after which the number and proportion of representatives sha;ll be regulated by the Legislature; provided, that no person be eligible or qualified to act as a representative unless he shall have been a citizen of one of the United States three years, and be a resident in the district, or unless he shall have resided in the district three years; and in either case, shall likewise hold in his own right, in fee simple, two hundred acres 296 APPENDIX. of land within the same; provided also, that a freehold in fifty.acres of land in the district, having been a citizen of one of the States, and being resident in the district, or the like freehold and two years' residence in the district, shall be necessary to qualify a man as an elector of a representative. The representatives thus elected shall serve for the term of two years; and in case of the death of a representative, or removal from office, the Governor shall issue a writ to the county or township, for which he was a member, to elect another in his stead, to serve for the residue of the term. The General Assembly, or Legislature, shall consist of the Governor, Legislative Council, and a'House of Representatives. The Legislative Council shall consist of five members, to continue in office five years, unless sooner removed by Congress; any three of whom to be a quorum: and the members of the Council shall be nominated and appointed in the following manner, to wit: As soon as representatives shall be elected, the Governor shall appoint a time and place for them to meet together, and when met, they shall nominate ten persons, residents in the district, and each possessed of a freehold in five hundred acres of land, and return their names to Congress; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as aforesaid: and whenever a vacancy shall happen in the Council, by death or removal from office, the House of Representatives shall nominate two persons, qualified as aforesaid, for each vacancy, and return their names to Congress; one of whom Congress shall appoint and conmmission for the residue of the term: And every five years, four months at least before the. expiration of the time of service of the members of the Council, the said House shall nominate ten persons, qualified as aforesaid, and return their names to Congress; five of whom Congress shall appoint and commission to serve as members of the Council: five years, unless sooner removed. And the Governor, Legislative Council, and House of Representatives, shall have authority to make laws, in all cases, for the good government of the district, not repugnant to the principles and, articles in this ordinance established and declared. And all bills, having passed by a majority: in the House, and by a majority in the Council, shall be referred to the Governor for his asseat; but no bill or legislative act whatever shall be of any force without his assent. The Governor shall have power to convene, prorogue, and dissolve the General Assembly, when iti his opinion it shall be expedient, The GOvernor, Judges, Legislative Council, Secretary, and ORDINANCE OF 1787. 297 such other officers as Congress shall appoint in the district, shall take an oath or affirmation of fidelity, and of office; the Governor before the President of Congress, and all other officers before the Governor. As soon as a Legislature shall be formed in the district, the Council and House assembled, in one room, shall have authority, by joint ballot, to elect a delegate to Congress, who shall have a seat in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting during this temporary Government. And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their laws and constitutions, are erected; to fix and establish those principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments, which fo'rever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory; to provide, also, for the establishment of States, and permanent government therein, and for their admission to a share in the Federal Councils on an equal footing with the original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general interest: It is hereby ordained and declared, by the authority aforesaidl, That the following articles shall be considered as articles of compact, between the original States and the people and States in -the said territory, and for ever remain unalterable, unless by common consent, to wit: ART. 1. o person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner, shall ever be mnolested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentimenits, in the said territory. ART. 2. The inhabitants of the said territory shall always be entitled to the benefits of the writ of habeas corpus, and of the trial by jury; -of a propoirtionate representation of the people in the legislature, and of judicial proceedings according to the course of the common law. All persons shall be bailable, unless for capital offenccs, where the proof shall be evident, or the presumption great..All fines shall be moderate: and no cruel or unusual punishments shall be inflicted. No man shall be deprived of his liberty or property, but by the judgment of his peers,'or the law' of the land.;.and should the public exigencies make it necessary, for the common preservation, to take any person's property, or to demand his particular services, full compensation shall be made for the same. And, in the just preservation of rights and property, it is understood and declared, that no'law ought ever:to be made, or have force in the said!territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, interfere with, or affect, private contracts or engagements, bona fide, and without fraud, previously formed. 38 298 APPENDIX. ART. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged. The utmost good faith shall always be observed towards the Indians; their lands and property shall never be taken from them without their consent; and in their property, rights, and liberty, they never shall be invaded or disturbed, unless in just and lawful wars authorized by Congress; but laws founded in justice and humanity shall, from time to time, be made, for preventing wrongs being done to them, and for preserving peace and friendship with them. ART. 4. The said territory, and the States which may be formed therein, shall forever remain a part of this confederacy of the United States of America, subject to the articles of confederation, and to such alterations therein as shall be constitutionally made; and to all the acts and ordinances of the United States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto. The inhabitants and settlers in the said territory shall be subject to pay a part of the federal debts, contracted or to be contracted, and a proportional part of the expenses of government, to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same common rule and measure by which apportionments thereof shall be made on the other States; and the taxes for paying their proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the district or districts, or new States, as in the original States, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. The Legislatures of those districts, or new States, shall never interfere with the primary disposal of the soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with any regulations Congress may find necessary, for securing the title in such soil to the bona fide purchasers. No tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States; and in no case shall non-resident proprietors be taxed higher than residents. The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory, as to the citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty therefor. ART. 5. There shall be formed in the said territory, not less than three, nor more than five States; and the boundaries of the States, as soon as Virginia shall alter her act of cession, and consent to the same, shall become fixed and established as, ORDINANCE OF 1787. 299 follows, to wit: the western State in the said territory, shall be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and Wabash rivers; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post Vincents, due north, to the territorial line between the United States and Canada; and by the said territorial line to, the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi. The middle State shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash, from Post Vincents to the Ohio, by the Ohio, by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami to the said territorial line, and: by the said territorial line. The eastern State shall be bounded by the last mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania, and the said territorial line: provided however, and it is further understood and declared, that the boundaries of these three States shall be subject so far to be altered, that, if Congress shall hereafter find it expedient, they shall have authority to form one or two States in that part of the said territory which lies north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake Michigan. And whenever any of the said States shall have sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, such State shall be admitted, by its delegates, into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever; and shall be at liberty to form a permanent constitution and State government: provided the constitution and government, so to be formed, shall be republican, and in conformity to the principles contained in these articles; and, so far as it can be consistent with the general interest of the confederacy, such admission shall be allowed at an earlier period, and when there may be a less number of free inhabitants in the State than sixty thousand. ART. 6. There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: provided always, that any person escaping- into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid. Be it ordained by the authority aforesaid, That the resolutions of the 23d of April, 1784,* relative to the subject of this * Resolved, That so much of the territory ceded or to be ceded by individual States to the United States, as is already purchased or shall be purchased of the Indian inhabitants, and offered for sale by Congress, shall be divided into distinct States in the following manner, as nearly as such cessions will admit; that is to say, by parallels of latitude, so that each State shall comprehend from north to south two degrees 300 APPENDIX. ordinance, be, and the same are hereby repealed and declared null and void. Done, &c. Whereas the United States in Congress assembled did, on the seventh day of July, in the year of' our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, state certain reasons, showing that a division of the territory which hath been ceded to the said United States, by this commonwealth, into States, in conformity to the terms of cession, should the same be adhered to, would be attended with many inconveniences) and did recommend a revision of the act of cession, so far as to empower Congress to make such a division of the said territory into distinct and republican States, not more than five nor less than three in number, as the situation of that country and future circumstances might require: and the said United States in Congress assembled have, in an ordinance for the government of the territory northwest of the river Ohio, passed on the thirteenth of of latitude, beginning *to count from the completion of forty-five degrees north of the equator: and by meridians of longitude, one of which shall pass through the lowest point:of the rapids of Ohio, and the other through the western cape of the mouth of the great Kanhaway; but the territory eastward of this last meridian, between the Ohio, lake Erie, and Pennsylvania, shall be one State, whatsoever may be its comprehension of latitude. That which may.lie beyond the completion of the 45th degree, between the said meridians. shall make part of the State adjoining it on the south; and that part of the Ohio, which is between the same meridians, coinciding nearly with the parallel of 39 degrees, shall be substituted so far in lieu of that parallel as a boundary line. That the settlers on any territory so purchased and offered for sale, shall, either on their own petition or on the order of Congress, receive authority from then,. with appointments of time and place, for their free males of full age, within the limits of their State, to meet together, for the purpose of establishing a temporary government, to adopt the constitution and laws of any one of the original States, so that such laws, nevertheless, shall be subject to alteration by their ordinary legislature; and to erect, subject to a like alteration, counties, townships, or other divisions, for the election of members for their legislature. That when any such State shall have acquired twenty thousand free inhabitants on giving due proof thereof to Congress, they shall receive fiom them authority, with appointments of time and place, to call a convention of representatives to establish a permanent constitution and government for themselves. Provided, that both the temporary and permanent governments be established on these principles as their basis: 1. That they shall for ever remain a part of this confederacy of the United States of America. 2. That they shall be subject to the articles of confederation in all those cases in which the original States shall be so subject, and to all the acts and ordinances of the United:States in Congress assembled, conformable thereto.:3. That they, in no case, shall interfete with the primary disposal of the. soil by the United States in Congress assembled, nor with the' ordinances and regulations which Congress may find necessary for securing the title in such soil to the bona fide purchasers. 4. That they shall be subject to pay a part of the federal debts contracted, or to be contracted, to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same common rule and measure by which apportionments thereof shall be made on the -other States. ORDINANCE OF 1787. 301 July, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, declared the following as one of the articles of compact between the original States and the people and States in the said territory, viz: [Here the 5th article of compact, of the ordinance of Congress of 13th July, 178 7, is recited verbatim. See ante, page 297.] And it is expedient that this Commoniwealth do assent to the proposed alteration, so as to ratify and confirm the said article of compact between the original States and the people and States in the said territory. 2. Be it, therefore, enacted, by the General Assembly, That the, aforerecited article of compact, between the original States and the people and States in the territory northwest of Ohio river, be, and the same is hereby ratified and confirmed, any thing to the contrary, in the deed of cession of the said territory by this Commonwealth to the United States, notwithstanding. 5. That no tax shall be imposed on lands the property of the United States. 6. That their respective governments shall be republican, 7. That the lands of non-resident proprietors shall, in no case, be taxed' higher than, those of residents within any new State, before the -admission thereof to a vote by its delegates in Congress. That whensoever any of the said States shall have, of free inhabitants, pas many as shall then be in any one the least numerous of the thirteen original States, sugh State shall be admitted by its delegates:into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with the said original States; provided the consent of so many States in Congress is first obtained as may, at the time, be competent to such admission. And in order to adapt the said articles of confederation to the state of'Congress when its numbers shall be thus increased, it shall be proposed to the legislatures of the States, originally parties thereto,. to require the assent of two-thirds of the United States'in Congress assembled, in all those, cases wherein, by the said articles, the assent of nine States is now required, which, being agreed to by them, shall be binding on the new States. Until such admission by their delegates into Congress, any of the said States, after the establishment of their temporary government, shall have authority to keep a member in Congress, with a right of debating, but not of voting. That measuresj not inconsistent with the principles of the confederation, and necessary for the preservation of peace and good order among the settlers in any of the said new States, until they sha1ll assume a temporary government as aforesaid, nmaiy, from time t.o time, be tahen by the United States in Congress assembled. That the preceding articles shall be formed into a charter of compact; shall be duly executed by the President of the United States in Conaress assembled, under his hand, and the seal of the United States; shall be promulgated; and shall stand as fundamental constitutions between the thirteen original States, and each of the.several States now. newly described, unalterable from and after the sale of any part of the territory of such "'State, pursuant to this resolve, but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration is proposed to be nmade.-JournalEl of Cogressa. 302 APPENDIX. Abstract of the Laws of Prussia of December 31, 1842, on the subject of Emigration and of Military Service. PARAGRAPH 15.-The quality of a Prussian subject is lost: 1st. By discharge upon the subject's request: 2nd. By sentence of the competent authority: 3rd. By living ten years in a foreign country: 4th. By marriage of a female Prussian with a foreigner. PARAGRAPH 16. The discharge has to be asked from the police authority of the province in which the subject's domicil is situated, and is effected by a document made out by the same authority. PARAGRAPH 17. —The discharge cannot be granted: 1st. To male subjects who are between seventeen and twentyfive years of age, until they have got a certificate of the military commission of recruitment of their district, proving that their application for discharge is not made merely to avoid the fulfilling of their military duty in the standing army: 2nd. To actual soldiers belonging either to the standing army or to the reserve, to officers of the militia, and to public functionaries, before their being discharged from service. 3rd. To subjects having formerly served as officers in the standing army or the militia, or having been appointed military employes with the rank of officers of civil functionaries, before they have got the consent of their former chief. 4th. To the persons belonging to the militia, not being officers, after their having been convoked for actual service. PARAGRAPH 18. To subjects wishing to emigrate into a State of the German confederacy, the discharge may be refused if they cannot prove that the said State is willing to receive them.-(See Act of the German Confederation, Art. 18, No. 2, letter A.) PARAGRAPH 19. For other reasons than those specified in Paragraphs 17 and 18, the discharge cannot be refused in time of peace. For: the time of war special regulations will be made. PARAGRAPH 20. The document of discharge effects, at the moment of its delivery, the loss of the quality as Prussian subjects. APPENDIX. 303 PARAGRAPH 21. If there:is no -special exception, the:discharge comprehends also the wife and -the minor. children that are still -under the father's authority. PARAGRAPH. 22.:Subjects living in Foreign.Countries may lose their quality as Prussians by' a declaration of the police authority of Prussia, if they do-no.t obey, within the time fixed to them, the express summons for returning to their country. PARAGRAPH.23. Subjects who either, 1:st., Leave' our States without permission, and do not return within ten years, or 2ncd. ILeave our -States: with permission, but do.not return:within ten years after the expiration of the term grant ed by the said:permission, lose their quality as-Prussian subjects.,PARAGRAPH 24. —Jnt.ering into public service in a Foreign State. The entering of a subject into public service in;a foreign State~is allowed only after his discharge (see paragraph 20,) has: been.granted to himl Any body who has obtained it, is permitted to do so without restriction. PARAGRAPH 25.'A subject who, lst. Eithier talkes public service in a foreign State with our immediate' permission: 2nd. i Or is appointed in our State by a' foreign Power- in an office establihed' with our permission, as, for instance, that of Consul, Commercial Agent, &c., remains in his. quality as a Prassian. PAkRAGRAPH 26.-'Generat Disposition. Snbjects who emigrate without having obtained their discharge, or violate, by their entering into public service in a foreigni State, the disposition of Paragraph 24, are to be punished according to the laws existing in that respect.'Extract from the' Constituion'of Priussia of 1850, Tit: II. Rights of the Prussians. Art: 11. The right to emigrate cannot be restricted by the State, except with respect to the duty of military service. "304 APPEDIX. Extractfrom Circulxr to, Consuls and:Commerckal Azgents of t{lhe United, States, from Department of State, dated September 18, 1854. Consuls and Commercial Agents &c., are prohibited, under a heavy fine, by the 2d section of tie Act of 28th of February, 1803, from granting a passport or other paper, certifying that an alien, knowing him or her to be such, is a citizen of the United States, and they should be careful not to be led into a violation of this Act by granting a- passport as an American citizen to an alien who may have become domiciled in the United States, or to a foreigner who- has merely declared his intention to become an American citizen. Both of these classes of persons, however; may be entitled to some recognition by this Government, and this cani be afforded by merely certifying to the genuineness of their papers when presented for attestation, provided the Consul or Commercial Agent should have no reasonable doubts of their authenticity. Consuls and Commercial Agents are instructed, in no case to grant or vise passports to foreigners coming to the United States, as no such papers are required in this country, and to supply or vise them would only subject the applicants to an unnecessary expense. The attention of Consuls and Commercial Agents located at ports where there is more or less emigration to the United States, is particularly called to the General Regulations, No. 34, issued on the 26th of August last by the Treasury Department.;. nd they will not -omit. to report any violation, which may.come to their knowledge, of the laws of. the United States regu.lating passenger ships and vessels... They will, also, not omit, in cases of the intended shipment of paupers and pardoned convicts to this country, to give timely notice of the'act, both to, this Department and to the Collector of the Customs at the port to which the vessel having them on board may be bound, furnishing the names of the parties, a description of their persons, the -name of the vessel, the date of sailing, &c., inorder that proper steps may be taken for the enforcement of such police regulations as may have been adopted by the several States upoin the subject. FREMONT-HIS SUPPORTERS A\ND THEIR RliECOi{D. THE OPINIONS OF OUR GREAT STATESMEN UPON THE MISSOURI RESTRICTION. BY AN INDIANIAN. The Black Republican candidate for the Presidency, though a senator of the United States for several months, was in his seat and participated in the proceedings of that body but twenty-one days; yet, during that time, he showed himself to be a most ultra pro-slavery man. He is now the candidate of, and supported by, that class of abolitionists who demand that wherever Congress has the power, slavery shall be abolished. When bill No. 226, "To suppress the slave trade in the District of Columbia," was under consideration, Mr. Seward moved an amendment, " To abolish slavery in the District of Columbia." Chase, Hale and Seward voted for the amendment, and FREMONT and DAYTON against it. (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 627.) Subsequently, when bill No. 347 was under consideration, the same amendment was proposed by Mr. Hale, and supported by Messrs. Hale, Chase and Seward, and opposed by Messrs. FREMONT and DAYTON. (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 647.) Under the responsibility of official duty, and the obligations of his senatorial oath, Mr. Fremont resisted the proposition to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, although he conceded the power. Yet, he is now the candidate of the party with which that measure is first in importance. What brought about this change in his views of right and duty in relation to so important a measure? Has he abandoned a high principle to attain a high position? Has his gaze been so intent upon the White IHouse, that he would send his principles to the auction block, that he might reach the Presidency? Let the unprejudiced mind answer. The Senate on the 14th of September, 1S50, resumed the consideration of bill No. 226, " To suppress the slave trade in the District of Columbia," the third section of' which provided, that any person who should induce or entice a slave to run away from his master should be imprisoned in the penitentiary for ten years. Senator Badger, of North Carolina, moved to strike out the clause denouncing a penalty of ten years' imprisonment, and insert, "For any time not exceeding five years." Mr. FPREMONT voted against this amendment. (Senate Journal, 1st session 31st Congress, p. 632.) He was the only senator representing a free State who voted against that wise and liumane proposition, originating in tlhe h)enevmoent;'eelings of a southern senator. In his -dgment, to persue a sla ve to leave his master was a crime of such magnitude, that nothingr less than ten ea.r.' impri son'e nt in a Olsothern pelniteniar y ould be an adfequate puni sshrlent; l-trd so stern -nd h arsl -must t- la v be, that' -he court should be deiet all d scre t.o i n il mnposing tlle pen,'y, nor allowied to take into consideration the character, age, or inteil:li —nce of' the accased, nor any init-igating circumstance. Ihe.le nel-,e.nt was pro posed by a southern senator, an eonlightened anul ble dclfender of southern righlits and institutions, but it was too 1iber.al, too indulgent t to secure the vote of Mr. Frem-aotnt, t in-ougtui 1he represntIed a. fee State. To satisfy his conv cltons of nrignt, tle man iWO I'ht en.coutrage a faithflt slave to escape from. a cruel mnas1tcr, mut be cru-.od iLth a penalty mrte severe thaln is u.avlly jinRicte,- upoon i-he t ~,,- oetr'to-rs of high crimes and inflI.n.,ls felonies in th}e Staot.o Fort crilncs against the prioperty:nt Peise(ni;_ oi tlie peopleu, the conirts and l:rie's may, i' most cases, r'dlute t.he imprisonmelt nt to a tol to C two -ca;a s but the misguided ep. 1+s',?t or b0 4 ina' - 11: asl nonatic wo h.; encr:' e. a slave to flee for liberty, is den-1ied thi s M-ry ortoe court, amndc niL]v c-lS or a fixed and certain peail ) t,.v y' io; 1ii.,rso: i- th1 e 0 T-i.- n. ary. S0o vote d F remao n -a r,ivID' hat \Cote llle stooi co,?e a0in' the s cnaaOrs far a tlhe Aoe(thr'1_ihatV recort d sta.,nds uncehaln-l but wh,Li sLa...nds the man Vvrlwho R- de lmax WO'S Nv0 Sr L a in'S < eS thSlt') southern measure was not sufi6cientl v stringes nt -he rh wa.s so quick and valiant to draw his sword itbr the SoutKhL? Six yaars Vave passed. since that record, but in that short peri.od the Ia'"v0posin apnd strength of the sections, North tando South, ha.e greatly changed4,'he North has beoamne oweri-ul and defiant.. —.w\hi'ls' the t:3o,1 by caim11g into action every energy, is scarcely able to. maintain het i constiitutionai rigbht s, and her equality in the Uniono A sectiolnE:i party inj the North seeks to seize and control the government', and this late clearmriron of the Southl Jolhn C F-'remont, is t1-eir t e:ndidarte _,i ie Pr esi.;1cy He s supportd- by Stewvarc, l umner, Giddi-ngs, Chase,'ad..e aind their cot-rpeelrs - tie aclknowl eciged- leaders acnd rnouthl'pees of' to Aboliti1onr parlty of thel Utnited "-r.l...o Jtohn C. Fremont h) s mrode no 0)olitic,- ~ rel ordl sincie hoiis brl1ian senit i.i. ca.ree t thereLOrLe to,sce:in t ild oti o:,l's101; adr se'io-vertMC that will govern him inl his ad miL isritraton of' puPi; c at-,:..;, tlle At neriican people shall bh thela sat-uragt:e, pl ace him is the ligaeost ofclce i.n he gift of a free peo0i;e, ie mcnst r-ecur'r, 1,e awI -..'i;i; i e a: u!vi i.o..iii..U and purposes orf his politicnal associates. The leaders of.tis Il'rtcy }:i.:.e a reco. —-re eVCoi:d Of' vi5-;'0Il0 0tiout't.o againoft thle F o ni p1.r r a'n. -t Ia e re. ic eorat con ttitula,~n and agaiunst the'ederal Uni;on tsii recOr(' v-' siubmit 1t the AmeniC n people, and as1k them to decide, inl fAovember next, whether tshe diver-'sified irnterests of' this great couniry tire to'e su' serveed by comaitting them to the management of s'uch men. On the Lpetition of John J. Woodlward ard ot-ders, irayig' ta.t a. plan m:;ight be devised for a,"disoha..iton' of io/,e h,,io?,,'the yeas were, SALMON P. CHIASE, SJoHN, P1 ft HALE. arito( WL GilM.. S':-)-EW~-ARD, (Se:nate Journal, 1st sessi.on 31st Congress, p. 1-9.) T"hese men are now the acknowvledg ed leade of' Black Re",ubicanism.; they are of those who pro Iis love for te constitution and the Union, whilst black and horrid treason has possessioa of their hearts; but when they nominaated John C. F'emont, they declared to the world that " the constituti.on na ur and shall be pres srved" This i_ 1_, -HI~ -r,erl- tie u n wary,,hney oniJ, only o decve,th condhinu antd n''r fo uny Their votes speas.s 1t,onder than ti..lr words. I hey use tbh langonge of patriotism and of iove r the Unioon to secure the su pporit at Unionloving men, whilst their votes, thei" a'sts and their'r.,an" i ono0, lead only to a dissolution, ant a tho kvfis that murs"iLi To oy h icIe_ in the: hiher-vtnts th'i Ao ad, a t mun t ~ a ii P]mev< seoieve (then called a Liberty) convention, heldn in the city oyf;-l'idao n i -.:: 1, at which iithe foilowe'tg rtesolution W-as unanimo usiy adoptel, dwith \: mon P. Chase as chaSro-an of b othe Coummin-ee o -wn::esC,!ut. 0000 "Resolved, That we hereby give it ato be cis-tivetny'nderstood, bya tt'bi na —tion med tLhe worfld that, AS ABOLITIONmISTS, COridIC eri7ii thoot the stengrpthr o our case lie- t int; t-ri'teousrmss, and our hopes for it in oar confbl'-mity t1o the la's f Go, on ur spr'-ort- of tIe ri-h o' man, we owe to the sovereign Nuier of toe Univer e, CaS a proof c o'',r /., i-c:~:, cilu,, it::all our civil relations and of/ces whrether as fiendC! s citizens, or as publc iicfix'ia-oaie8, sior 0o s1e6ioors'the constitution of tie United Stales, to reg'ard and treat. the third (:s of th1 instrumenti whenever applied in the case of' a fnLttiv, slavoe, as.itte"r/y utg1 ce-dl oir. an d consequently as forming' sto part of t/e constittztione q/' the t/ti:cud Sletas wtize revr'ee -are- c"cd tzZoi;-t, or stwords to support it." This doctrine vwas reiterated in June, 1853 at {VI'V..i. ), a mass moeetiao of' ree- solors, which wvas ao. re.ssed] byhe CiHS Go I' DINCGS, tSAINUEL - [.:w', anid jUDGE SP uLrD IT O (.o' [j1 1 iiet ow the chtamnpions of die?iretnont cause,) by te ad topt, i oe fi.o:ing resolution~' Resolveed That we cannot respeet, nor can we confide in those Iower-/ate doct'o.S of divintty wh.o hold hunanu laws abosve the L-ws of God:c carn rea cLCUo o.n n icthirr t"a chi.ngs ta i the divine law is subject to C',ctgressioetot ot.:p'?'aitest-." And again announrced by the lon. Charles Sumner, - n III'i- ina the Senate of the United tt'e: Mr. Butler, of sIttis Caroliona, asked, tt.f we rC I tfu.. slave law, will Ma,' snehus ettu e-ecute th-e'ros on':,' th}-e c to:st't l tion without any law of Congress"c?' W i iis hoe -`a" Pe duaro-er], trll ine tilant lie will -do it?" To whith'!o:':3l"}e ro[fc. ie. ~5~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- ikl 9,-w-I1 1. 1 -i 1,....L, tlh-zv aservant, d'og, t:-it. he should do his t:.iu 9"' h c s....~~~~~~~~~d...-, dt.' ],]_c; onn-LukJo te'ueda c Then u oo woui ([ oat cr t.yhe cons-ts Ltii U - nere W~~lf~fr~ LI 1. 1: 0 here before this t"iLoun-i, I vihero you swore ~t) suppor it, yeu pn tell me tihat you regard it the ofirce o'f a do?' to io Jt' o scm;or,, di t in rny presence a"s a co-equaal senator, andl tedl me tai it -:.',-t.' of-ce to execute the consriti. l ion of t"he o Uied cr1 tt s 1 "' Mr. iI;:fon -er sairl e r ra,,dgtir se no sie" 1 obliha'ton.' Welcom e is,'O. Pttit 1r 5 t si e,'i ta a: ~%'iF o Oo-L~mner to t to'ial hono:1 II's ~,_ acu_'e.:. chlarging that only a idoo" coIC'd reco':ll's to exClcute o eX)rn ts clause of the consuti-:Oti tr:. Io['- Un ) i' n1:ates- xiin. tcS i':iot, B "vere ps t - strict accordance with. t"r BoiZiio aonjd 1coverla teo' aso"-", ai itt coin" ports w-ith the''highmi'-lawice notio'-as of' thie p t'r who rc..-.thy -ma:le -it "Ji-i Jerfl'i I e-nd':, fle' Colonel Fremont ti hir prtesite::i; candriater This docltrine, whi'c lms e the pe t' i ino y t ocf itc'h indiviruaL the } arardtinoUt law oi' hs p'iiti! a cItPi o, is'.c a practical development of the hig'her-law"t notions as a oplie n to rei o- -- 0'L _.........~~~~~~~~:..........,v tics by iWilliam -, Seward, who, in a, speech delivered in the United States Senate in 1850, said' L'The constitution regulates our ste-wardship; the constitution devotes the domain to Union, to justice, to defence, to -welfare,,and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes." It is scarcely necessary to say that, with such ideas in the ascendant ai: any country, no government is practical, and anarchy and confusion, and brute force, must inevitably rule the hour. Bodies of men or individuals, maddened by sectional or party prejudices, will never wCtnt an excuse for the violaltion of unpalatable laws, so long as they are permitted to substitute the vagaries of their own distempered intellects as having a stronger claim to their obedience than the constitution of their country. As a further development of' this idea of individual sovereignty, Wendell Phillips, of Mlassachusetts, at a Free-soil meeting in Boston, in -May, 1849, said: II We confess that we intend to trample under foot the constitution of this country. Daniel Webster says:' You are a law-abidin, people;' that the glory of New England is,' that it is a law-abiding community.' Sh-iarn on it, if.this be true; if even the religion of New England sinks as low as its statute-book. But I say we are stot a law-abiding cormontnity. God be thanked for it." But the Black Republican platform says:'" The federal constitution,,the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shalh be preserved."' In preservation of the " rights of the States," JosI:UA R. GIDDINGS, icn the House of Representatives, in May, 1854, said: "G I look forward to the (day when there shall be a servile insurrection in the South; when the black man, armed with British bayonets, and commanded by British officers, shall wage a war of extermination agairisi the white man; when the master shall see his dwelling in flames, and his hearth-stonle polluted; and, though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometh, yet sh)all I haill it as the dawn of a political millernium.r" The man who uttered this chaste sentiment contributed more to the nomination of Fremont than perhaps any other man in the convention; he was the maste-r-spirit of that convention, and was no doubt the authof of that clause in the platform xvhich declares " the rights of the States must and shalt be preserved." Yes, such preservation'6 as the wolf gives to the lamb!" But certainly that Black Republican party which professes so much love for the federal constitution and the union of the States must have a. record in strict contorm ity to such pro-fessions. Let us, then, look to that record. tMr. Mann, of' Massachusetts, in 1850, expressed his love for the constitution and the Union as follows: " I have only to add, that, under a full sense of my responsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, betear disunion, better a civil or a servile war, better anything that.God, in his Providence, shall send, than an extension of the bounds of slavery." At a celebration of the 4th day of July, 1854, by citizens of Massachusetts, in which the Rev. (?) Theodore Parker, Wendell Phillips, and others, took the lead, the constitution of the United States was thrown into a fire, built for that purpose, and burnt in derision of the American Union. Senator Wade, of Ohio, in a speech to a mass meeting of the Black Republicans, held in the State of Maine in 18-55, according to the Boston Atlas, said: "There was no freedomn at the South for either white or black, and he would strive to protect the free soil of the North from the soame blighting curse. There was really no Unllon neot' between the JVorth and the South, and he believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other than these two sections of the republic. The only salvation of the Union, therefore, was to be foenld in divestis.g it entirel/y from, all taint ofJ slavery. There was slo Unionl with the South. Let us have a Union, said he, or let uls sweep away this remnant wOhich we cail a Union. I go for a Union where all men are eqlual, or for no Union at all, and I go for right." This speech was vociferously appla. uded by the constitution-unionloving people of Maine. These disunion sentiments, and the man. who uttered them, v-were endorsed by the Black Republican legislature of Ohio in 18356,,by- reelecting him to the Senate of the United States. The Black Republicans of the great State of Ohio, therlefee, respond faithfiully to tihe sentiment: "'Let us sweep aiea/y t]is remrna7nt which tee call, a, Uoio'n." This same party, at a convention held in Boston in 1855, adopted, by a unanimous vote, the following resolutions: " 15. Resolved, That a constitution which provides for a slave representation and a s'a ve oligarchy in Congress, which legal;zes slave hunting and save c.atching on3 every inch of American soil, and which pledges the military and naval power of' the country to keep fiar millions of chattel slaves in their chains, is to be trdden under frot and p: onounrcd accursed., however unexceptionable or valuable may be its other provisions. "' 16. Resolved, That the one great issue before the country is, the dissolution of the UJnion in comparison uwith which all other issues with the slave power are as dust in the balance; therefore, we will give ourselves to the work of anntulling this' covenaint with death,' as essential to our own innocency, and the speedy and everlasting overthrow of the slave systel."' This same party 1" loves this Union! " yet, at various meetings and processions in Indiana, during the month of July, 1856, flags and trans~ — parencies were carried with but sixteen stars; emblematic of a northern confederacy of the sixteen free States. The same thing has recently occurred in the State of Maine: " Hannibal Hamlin, Lot M. Morril, and Charles AV. Goddardr esq., of' Danville, addressed a Fremont meeting at Norway on Monday, standing under an American flag, on which were only sixteen stars "The disunion flag, with sixteen stars only, still continues to float across the public highway in this village —an emblem of sectionalism, and a disgrace to the party who placed it there." — Vorway Addvertiser. " The' Portland State of Maine' has hung out a Fremont and Dayton flag, on which atre yn1r7 sixteen stars. "A salute of sixteen guns was fired at Portland the day Hamlin was nominated fc r governor. O' nly sixteen States were represented in the convention which nominated Fremont and Dayton.' These are significant signs of the disunion tendencies and feelings of the Black Republicars. They scarcely take any pains to disguise their hostility to the Union. Let those who love their country and desire to perpetuate the Union ponder these things, trnd then do their dulty." Senator Sumner, of Massachusetts, in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall, Boston, on the 2d November, 1855, said: ":Not that I love the Union less, but freedom more, do I now, in pleading this great cause, insist that freedom, AT ALL HAZARDS, shall be preserved. God forbid that for the sake of the Union, we should sacrifice the very thing for which the Union was made." Our glorious Union was formed to promote the prosperity and happiness of the white race, and as a conditiot of the Union, expressed inH the constitution, the rights of the slave States are recognised and gtoarantied. Shall it be sacrificed to a false philanthropy, a wild and fanatical sentimentality towards the black race? You respond." yes," when you, as sectional men, support John Charles Fremont. Wade, Sumner, and their political associates, have long and openly declared their disunion sentiments; they have violated their constitutional obligations; they have defamed our glorious constitution; they have tracd aed th eir countrut', a ncd have -plltt.ed trepaaon ag.ai,. t our beloved UTn:on; they are the leaders of the black cohoirts of Flack - Rep ubicane' rn vilst plotting tieason, they are also plotltng fi-r the election of Fremonl; and if sucessful i either tahey will have accomlishned their great firsl desion the disunion of' tliesne nSttes.. W'endell Phillips issu'ed:. pamphlet il 18I0, reviewing Ar Y. Wiebster's speech on the cnsli nal lights of' the t.ts," in which is the ftllowinrg "' ie rle,sOinr l{llti-xts nl fi orl anl lov- of s parlate coolfe d raies, or 0as iga noarnt of the tlloulsanld eils hat sprig frozn hnig'hb, ri —:,' nd quarre'some:a3.tes, ibut; we would get rid of this Union.; Thi man La t uttered th.bese dae!ecitbl.e sentiments is a 1lading BlaP ck Republican of Tasscchlsett antd New Eu'l. a1- his strieks are loud and. -lg r1 ie speech. -p-'eB.h M:, anFe. Fr i, onto' Tine 1B1ack tpepublic.-ciar)1no w ic ic iing Iel-.il.'it;le otf Massaclhus etts in 1855, pnas,~,etld in act daenomnlo-_ted tie petrson;cl lib Ierty bi'l, nulliiving thereby an alt. of' no'r-,-Ls x hic}2 by he consituti ton, is a part oi the sumpremce la-w o0'i.i-ie lai-lo.hiis'n peisoDRL lhber ol. bill," as h')as Ibeen well sad', "5 mennaces with dwiraz/t'.isi,,i lt anwy laryeir whoi apiippeas ir the claimant of the fugib 1tvi re eslnie menaces w ith ii cacle/;actwr;- any judge who issues -t warrant or certiacate, or holds even the oflce of colrnissioler u der the'ederal law'; anid melllaces with iir-i-nours;ziu.iLsci, any milnister].! offier or ofiice-r o:' militi-i;' i-o aids in its e tecutions. And altalthoug -IGovernor Ga!lct-ce- vetoed tle bill because of' its conflict wjith the constitution of the J-i't-ed St t's, ye n this 1ePlS1 Repucbllican C ndJ Know-0 not1thing legislature passed it over the veto, and it became a lawT Thle legisiture of Oh1io, composed of the same material as the legisiature of' iiaassachtuetts, at their session in LI t{;6, passed laws nu1llhfying the same acts of Ccni-iress. Judge SpaTcl-iring, one of the leaders in the Black xRepUt1uoLc-1. conventiton fi'rom Om io, suid'' I te c e C o f tlle at.le atie ei1g pr eent'd of the coyltinuane Gf slavery or a dissolution of the Union3 1 am for dissolutin, and i care not how quic ii icormet8' John P. Hale Cddressed. the convention as follows " You mhave ansso lioe, tP 0to sa xV;e. e.i this UnTion shall e preserv'ed )but to say whether it shali be a Iblessirng or a acorn ai:d i ioils amonog the natiioais. Senator Wiilsu ti, on the 12th of Tune, 1855, in the:Phiiadc.l7piia Know nothins coaventinofi said: n cI rlaYi in fivol of' relie'i'nf the fedieal governmternt fiom alt conrexi on witlh and resonsoP'ithy 1Ir, the e.xlster:.I C of slavciy. To effect tlis o'lj9 t aI in xaevor of the abo0tit.il o0' slacvery in the Dtls;.tc o (' oilumbilai ard the prohibition of slavery itn all thz-e Telnitoroies" DViro r Vr'ison, lby abolisling slavery in the UDistrict of Colurmbia, vould pelpetrate'an a.ct of' bad fiath, highly linjurlous to the peace and q- uiietness of the Stat-.es oI Vircainia and Maryland, fiomn whom the cession was rnade to the general. government~ He wLouldn demnand of a Congress, comnposed of members fiomn all the States, Lo denounce and abolish an institution recognised and protectetd by fiteen States of' this UnT-Jion; yet what cares he for tl[ie peace and harmony of the Uniomn or the great wroncg that he would inflict upon the Se outh, so that his mloribid appetite shoulc! be gratified? But the abolishment of slavery in the District of' Col,_umbia, and the prohibition of slavery in the Territori'es, Mr. Clay said, were "but so many, masked batteries, concealino' vel real and ultimate point of ataL. That point of attack is lneo i ttIuI lion of slavery as it exists in ite >tates. Thneir purpose is aloltion — universal aboliton-p eaceably if they can, forcibly if they must. lr. Banuks, tle present ALbovition-l now-nothino Speaker of the lifouse of Represep. iIesc acid aho nceclined the nominatio n o d Ih:ewyr c ork Know-nothing convention in favo, of Mr. Fremont, said: "' I at'not one of that c olse of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, lhoo.glh I arot weilling, e? a ceo'tacn state of' cue't,?ce, io let ieit slide." BM. Jr ~:al Quinci-, oy iientoto, in a espeech. in Aun ast, 1854, said: l" The ob I Ira, ot i nc- 1m:.n..b:; "'' upon thec fece States to deliver un fugitve slav.s is that burden, and iJ mcste be ob0ceracitedfi fon lehat consii lctio, a1 C-CC p'cey zad." General cJames Wvatson Wob b, a Black eepoublican ieader, said, in the Philadelph ma convention: " Our people co-me together fCom all parts of the Union and ask as to give them a n,:mona tion whic, whI en faIrly Put before the people, will unj:e public er tient, andcc!hm'h the ballot-bot, b i rrain nd repel this poo1ver ertenCioy a 10,, n a.. in of he. slaveoeracy. Wh'ht else are they eocee? They tell,yio that they arce Willing to aide bhT the ballot-box- ancd wilei'i to m hle thea let h p a l-!. If eCe Jriel 1t',e, c'WIWct''Cv? W'E 0 wxnE. mRIVE IT BAICX O n rc, so Is 1,AN, aOW, so help cc ~ il' Go b'liecvinc that to be cightl ef I i'?,'tIe them,. [Loud and lolonged' cpplg!se.] Let thoe,alUlot-hoo f-ail to elecit F remont, andi the cartridc' e-box is threatened anainstt th ici American people~ T-h1 iuosyncc tes o' the Black Republican party must prevail, (or'te fire and. sword. must fbl lo0z " e'/, O %7..... rhv rIe trlIv a eoin -ittktni c Us to i Ic no o g p arty.' tc ri. It'ame, in the oUse o' ceoc esin IS5e, said "The times rdemnrd, and'we must h'ave, a'0 AATI-SLA'~ERY COISTiTUTi-ONo, AN ANTI-$ LAYE R.2 BIBLE, A"ND'AN TIA'il -etASL Y A'nOD. The foi'ownc ex tract is iom toa e th " B3tos t.Li'erator, a paper no warmly suppcoryeng t'ir Fremonto-'11 Justice and libth r, GCod an d.man, deronccd hie irCsscouldmtin of is.lavel.nnEc ol!' injfi' and'c ther i rmatioi of f ccOXc 2 Tot -ER CO r R AP ac, IinA ihOY S I AvmO "7'OF i hall o I raoi:! be ihe the I aW asfeloens and be treated as pirates. G od and htconancity demrcanl a ballct-bl-', in which the slaveholders shall riever ceat a ballot. In o. hs a e ppcc to le c h Old VIy Stat-? Sihe has clcecadey macidet io a penaCcl oecce to Iheip to excctle a cac oIf' the, /nion. I want to se e the qice s of thie Smtcc brocg'hct ci'to co!tisio? wocth tose of /e Unocn.' These'lnvlevnt and patriotic sntiments meet a.th, hearty response fioni the leaders of thtis Union- 1tToin-Fremot part Bift of all toe, damina ble sentiments that have ever mole: the yebligaze were tcose uttered by thtat'prince of Biack RepulicTh nis, WYILuiu L LOYD JancSc' t-N, who ina a speech made in fNew Yoirk on the LL&D!~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ LLOYD tsL ARIIiO tst day of Auglust, " 155, spcoke thus 1' The issue is ehit: Gc.G Aminoighty Iars. made it imroShibe t'fro' thOe befSicecic.icc for libhelty and slaveey to m1ingle 0ogec.cer, or a urion to be fonndced bct'wheen. cbciifinis ac I;lvehold.er —be.wen vhe:s o who opc'ross and those w/ho are oppressed. THrs'm UN0TON (' l., TIE, AcMiRaCAN.Ii~JxTIONl IS A S11ABc, AN IMPOSTURE, A COVE'O:ANT WVITHt DEATHI, AN W G g i.iT'WTiTH HELL, AND IT 1S OUR BUSINESS TO CALL FOI A DISSO01UTION, _io~T THAT UNIO-T RE ACCURSED'WHEiv REIN TI:Ee MILLIONS AND A HALF OF SLAVES CAN BE DRIVEN TO UNR.EQUITE= TOIL BY THiEIR MASTERS. "I Will coeticIe tO e xperime nt 00o longer —it is il mi ad0ess. i mET' TIRE SLAVB'EOLDION G UiNITON GO, AND SLAc ERY'WILL GO WITH TIHE UN!ON DOWVN INTO TIE DUST. ITf ie hurch 0' f::Ci't ii ho. un1ioc, and ci,ot on 0 he side ol tah s'oave, then I po'nou'e. it asn of the dievil.'S A Ar LE T US CE''ASEL ST'RIcIcG H1c P S'cW ITHr THIcE VES A'ND ADULTE!IE}IS O, a~ Y) t'edI t c0 W[!]o the rallyiog cry, i No UNION WITc-c SLLAAEHOLDESrS SOCJALL 0o!1, e eIG ITcU$c; AN'M Us P 3V "it'le THE FLAG OC DISUNION. j This party, with these leaders and this record, ask the Americau people to vote fobr their candid(ate for the presidency, John C. Fremont. Are you prepared to endorse the doctrine that, for our civil government, there is a "6 higher law" than the constitution? Are you pre — pared to say you owe no allegiance to that government which gives you protection in yo(ur person and property? that you "' are not a lawabiding people?" Can you find it in your hearts to utter thlat this Union "is accursed," and that the great compact (f your fathers is "a covenant with hell?" If you can deliberately do all this, then, indeed, are you a Black Republican, and you ought to cast your vote for John C. Fremont. But truly might you ask, 6 Is thy servant a dog, that he shall do this thing?" For two years past the opponents of the Democratic party throughout the United States have waged a cruel and relentless war upon foreigners and members of the Roman Catholic church. these classes have been proscribed-commercial rights and political equality have been refused them-their fitness to participate in the afiiiLrs of government has been denied. They have been driven from the ballot-boxes, beaten and murdered in the streets, their homes sacked, their houses burned, and their wives and children cruelly murdered. That was the work of superstition, proscription, send bigotry. And whilst the rights of man wvere thus being crushedt, and human blood mide to flow, Abolitionism and Know-nothingism were allies-brothers in the field. Against them was arrayed the National Democracy.'True to its mission, that party fi)ught for the rights of man, and the freedom of religion. It has defeated and scattered the oath-bound forces of Knownothingism. Democrats have fbulght the battle, and the foreigner is made secure in his socla[ and political rights and privileges; and, strange to tell, the Abolitionists now ask him to turn against his fiiendso His sympathies are invoked in behalf of the negro, and he is told that the war which they had waged for two years against him has ceased. Were not the legislatures of' Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, in 1855, composed almost entirely of Abolition-Knownothings? Those legislatures passed laws to elevate, socially and politically, the negro, whilst they denied social or political equality to the adopted citizen. They denied their State courts to a foreigner, who should apply for naturalization; they hampered their law with conditions, so as to prevent the adopted citizen from exercising the elective franchise; they elevated the negro, and degraded the naturalized citizen; they are of the leaders of Fremont, and still shout " Down with the foreigners," "Up with the negroes," and "' Americans must rule America." They are still of the Abolition party, and still against the Democracy; they hate the adopted citizen; they trample upon. the constitution; they accurse the Union, and sing paeans of praise and love to the negro. Such is the Abolition-Know-nothing party of those States, and such are the supporters of John C. Fremont for the Presidency. David Kilgore, in the Indliana Constitutional Convention in 18.50, in speaking of our adopted citizens, said: " A man, then, who has no feeling in common with us, who never felt the pulse of liberty till he set foot upon our soil, such a man is to enjoy the opportunity and the right to vote amongst us, whilst these rights are to be denied to the unfiriunatuR black nean, who has ten times more intelligence, and who has lived in the State of Indiana cfom his birth." [See debates in the Convention, vol. 1, p. 25'3.] And at the Blac1k Republican State Convention in Is856, he said: "INO NOMINATION SHOULD BE MADE WHICH WOULD TREAD UPON TItHI TOES OF THIE INOwNOTHINGS-neither should a nomination be made which would tread upon the toes of the Freesoilers-even the most ultra anti-slavery man. He was opposed to foreigners. They should be permitted to coime to this country —to buy lands here —to till the soil, but they should be the horses, not the drivers. 7'ine AAlmericans would hold th'e lines-the foreigners could draw the burderis. [This infamous sentimenet was applauded.] The foreigner should not be allowed to malke our laws. He might live under them and must obey them, but he should have no voice in the malirig of themon" This man is now the Know-nothing-Abolition candidcate for Congoress in the fifth Congressional district in the State of Irndana9 regularly norlinated by what they termed a "1 Republican Convenltion;" and if elected, he is pledged to labor in Congress for the principles of his partvy —the elevation of the negro, and the degradation of' the uno-tulnate victims of European oppression, who have sought an asylum in free America. To this work of self-deb'asement the foreigner himselC is aslkecl to give his influence and vote. Will he give his vote to such men, and prove to them and the world that what his enemies have asserted is tt ue-that he cannot appreciate a free government-that he is unfit to he a fireeman? Let the adopted citizen ponder well before he casts his vote fior his enemies, lest they may hereafter point to this very act, as evidence of a want of intelligence and capacity to vindicate the rights of a freeman. On the 19th day of June, IS56f, John C. Fremontt was'uominated uor the Presidency by a grand council of' Know-nothi ngs, in the city of New York, representing all. the Know-nothings of the no lthern and sotne of the southern States. On the 30th day of June he acctepted that nomination, and in his letter of acceptance he speaks of it as an honor conferred upon him, and tenders his "grateful acknowledgment" to the members of that council, and to 1" their respective constituencies," for the " distin?guished expression of their corfide'tce.'" The constituencies represented were the Know-nothing lodges and wigwams all over t-he country, in which, for two years before, the destruction or degradation of foreigners was planned and plotted-in which coimparnies of' men were armed, organized, and sworn to attack, beat, and murder the foreign-born citizen. From them Fremont accepts the nomination as an honor; and if he accepts their services to secure his election, must he not represent their sentiments, and give himself up to their work of hatred and destruction? On the day after Fremont received this Know-nothing nomination, the New York Herald, a Fremont paper, marde the following announcement: "' The sudden chanfe which has taken place in the sentiments of the convention in regard to Mr. Fremont is attr;butable to the fact rtcat that gentlernan rwas wai ed on last night by adelegation from this party, with whom he had a long and earnest confaibulation, extending into the small hours of the morning; that he then and there declared hiimself unreserveily ifn avor of the principles of the Know-nothing party, and would give them his entire and ordial adherence, and that he was perfectly convinced that if he did not receive the support of the American party throughout the Union, he had not the slightest prospect of being elected." When Senate bill No. 343, making temporary provision for working the mines in California, was under consideration, Mr. Sqward, of New 014o alved p0 (00.'tiO i1 pWhs, s-all have1, in p)urscance [ _i:-,,7, decl-re d 1-it-..' L, 171 ) C1'- same benefits ind pr iv i!ces con.eiro'c. u-:ron ciizens of' the UJnitcd Su-C.es relatiVUe toC ro -king' i:I god m in es. lr Fi reront vioted aa'ls7 i': th p opsition, (S en, Jou~ 2t ses -. 31-'t CGon g., p. /67.) h1 re m ost. bitter andl p::' criptive iK o nov/-not 1 othOu igs~ C54eU'l thavh ate e dtt t1, ftrieigcst rlii lt comit0)l71fi iOur land and, eulojoy the pq-1, to hi 1uaDr, deilndli g iinly 11 L:d he 5b soit a nliy an,, pOIliticaliu dJeoruo.r e But MIr Fremont w ould go fo(;: teer' by, his vote 1-n the, -:-mt: h se sir1 tlai alrong theth h nlousanls of adventlurers in Caiaobni~,14- l 1irei5;ga Shall nlnit mingble.Q A 4-ltoi)o 1... -cma. h::,'ve f.Qec..r Ied i.1 L,c1.['. t e c izen 01 el U nited oii:,ei,s a] _ i ot 1...l.io..-d ion: _ ~,_uu 70 51o. i l)o1or in ali,brni bu t o' l l - ti i3 i' -. term o( years 3.sp1 ha,-vI-llav expired-L-tte mnines i. ln mea time el,' Awolly ccupa yr; lied T'e m!'at7,-or wa/vols iu o1n l.talble, and thereiibre 1'e shou ld. bd e exclucde fromn it. That prli7.cip!le, thull supI.1tu, 1 not I t. h Li _ ro, _ g_ tu ebr i t excludes the!ore'ne o io our ( -nisl tIC.. lano o d. s ewo url' - hi m a r;ch, oec urell 1 11 pientif0l harvxests, an- n 0 1 oa aect 11' t10 iiie10 J s4cal1 he t~g~tioll UiS I e i,7 U 1i lhin 1 social d'l3{tpou'ac.in ibriorkty shall beIye-'. "0'''i11100) 4>,1' I -lit 17(, u'iprofiLtablLe iabor you" prt ionl in tmis ladi 01 (. I: e 0KinowO n otwi' ing council of I;01' o vir c ouild wvell -aL;'.it l'- n) -1'11 7 a L~a i 471lo has 6110wn so untiistaIKably hi's sy-lpattly Niv 4t t oide0 in i5s 1ostility ltow ards the mreiger. Jamc s F itchania n the candidat c ofde o democra cy I, roscribe's no1 mail 7bec1aueo htis rli'io l ki bth olace but,- ado pi.q' I h-I =epublicO an se"ntim entl tlt 1.tl'.. e- bi: man s"l]. VO jui (ged b is'i by i oIn coni uc1t, he I'as soup orted t j,_t —s'i, and e4qia l4ay 1vI -1ws; his pol-clical ca-reer- las beeol ia; i ong', L':;'.se'i` on; Ihe 9 as Ieen tried, and oproved7 h'7s1I an incorrutibl's, p athot, qua-h. d 1'a the o h po"sitios wV ix' he has filled; _he is 1o:'i;sL sec'ionallsn, and vwill nmaintai i thie nion.til —the whole -Unoi-1 —0upoil t0ie I1 im i bas'is ot' the constitut;iio n; a1nd00 to, use his own.l.-. ge he.. p,ila n w c it' va[cd'0,0cate anld fi'e,'ds/hi,1 w ith a.L naCtionsi, believirng- this ito be our hbihest po0i1y, as well a.s ou0t most0 im1perative 1doJLI Y uocilsia rg'eit Buhtula.n 03t @ claudn.t,-lte of the n.tionll deon mo1)C.1.cyl 0posed tUo 0 o,0h 3. Frn remont, the no7minee ot the isectional 0. o-t'h''11e an1 1B1' Violack I-.e p0uican Conventions, c.an we d.oabt a go.orio''s triu7171l. i.' the D 1emocraccy and Janmes'-rci:""'ana, of Penn.'The Brlaek I ~1ui i 5a n party aelleg th at tlh gt excitement, now p evai'i gI tiO s 1uc14 t1 1 a0ar7rni.g iextent throgbghout the c lontry, 1as legltimatelf i.esultedR frtom tJ e repeal of the so-cailed Missou'i. conpronlse S aiLd;, in thieair dc 1nuncia''ion of -the (aans1 a's e- r1tska act, they appe'alI to e1 tOill a, l.".'rs'for the jusi.filcation of' their actito 1171 reisl in the patSa:t1e` of' the LbSil the y invokie the niames of Thorm 4-efbso>n aj 1e i11a1 cin, aa.i 4 3a.mnes i'nruoe, to torove -.l' e J'),:o1;on of 51171 01 5 _71 ii"'' ',> "'~ by" se c' e, doctrine of the,siax, ery in l:}:~e 4'fernitorme s by Con-ess was -the se"alec] d-' 1,: f the early fatllhers, Thley would deceive you in the, 1 opinions eilt;ertained by tihose- rat01 stat-esmnh7, and would mlnislead you as to'he cause of -the excitejn;c is now almost wireci ing this falr c iic- e We ir(1n he:'.... " t t t ey would i 1nvoke, to s17'ow L tait 4ls exci.te1 - menti, i'.p.['terl and l J"itln. ately, s the, consequence of' thie 1 t 0sisaon maent, %~?!~ real qul. estio>,'!.:' and)c al (dag'!ter?.-',,'' if'Con a'~esc~ L.~:, thl~v powD,-er A. of" 0 2 t tF h ci' tto o the`[aS'tt on; of' e S1 ta it i h ~ JU't e rl ea t aF, ohc, rex~erise o ~I~:.s po ery in del ae thtal-blle i e~e rrec nei'.tIee ton seeagai Athenian tct;and.Lf;, acmrder:'.n'an,co5~, t edc rais? To'iV' r~_~z;fe a not~twp,,therI.!%0pm-:i-n wr ito'set4'tlel. 3the as c enebeten? r i;fd to disu rb I. ce,,y l, vie'we';?'7fcl JCI tti a w s A' Gre US i Cc I 1,''F OU I'i2 tWAY,'.. 1 t. cS!iu i mc' v, n lI Jet f ter o Z a bye a en oe r i 1i { I r e C i, s ai e ~ 0n thea eclip'se o)f f'eexral,-ii.~m wit*h us,7 althoughl~ no0t, itsl e. uinction,'i!~ ]~:mvm' - iJ'ot up-f tln, Mitfssouri que'[i-~l~, u~nder th>e.tal;~e front of lesse,'~ing t*he tara;ralre QL' s]o,e —~l 3;y,'.,{t withw theC rea~l view~ oft'F,,oduc. i~ a ~;eogtaphieta} div'isison i' parties., wahichl mzighe insure t, hc;.:'- thej n~ext qureide nto Ton pep od t o th wet blid ol ito e L:iaUne,'' and fLo AAoI. ie rl IeadI e'r ficl ma i e i a e a l t ul. ora~l an ad deepcr." tBut leat they wer e ili I fec Jitecnacives. ma'1_ r1.eene to eoctsonC I sIo'p C.1C ats It-on, Jef~ oe NTJ-S0-'a_- - ii it gL f - e i l.t.on I ) hr e pare l I intCe1 TO t ofe fSclais; thiat e tey a bee, udse C.schme1 s tf obo' 1 r ie o.eiower by rpolsyieo pantha t,.' tr.G of h yoy t he n ll tO i u Ot f at. it hP d b;een got Up1..). sool nao oS a.ol{ dif e.iai -h a cimtr I1 Lt vat aid a 7'10 taa. b..o tAt o'' te. th O ht e "loth a 1 c ta arot!e, a-t-of thle vitaea'..o., ct e Ipo a. t vo eis ays..f pt,, b o a', oO tie", i' P e,, C t t t tril t 1a 0 II i a ti. e'c Y ta tthe i.tou,:,! oi' aio ina.'a at'i an o owil, u-tai u: to t.;feC'la,at. thi c 1,f paii ltfe theo'hoca roti;g o f a.~ i 0 "'o' b a t. ~ aeeo' case, ead oe vsaer ct*he aist.' 0/eice iemaa as,], ecai a~ ~iiie.me w'iithi i ala Ic The tot toc}~s el fkh era ani ~ r,- c Pacn tor a the t" fti; beau eii eeya t and ua a toe m t rogsa.. 1etaer cc th' it o'a te aid,:f part cablthe alit,..iene of avant' s/iJa m reneo e "aoe i t.wh el 7 Ionceive, t'ed wou_!o n r re be oblit, ra.ed lfctom thet Moi!:A.i h.;ca,-e il. wloencil - trou t'rin on, ever#~y oe(a-t,3S aso, andc r;elnewii"U ~li~'l~.,g'ir~tos un-itil itN w,,uld( -kindle, su,:.;h." mutual la' n d morf,}tal }'1a th told LOs t o rhen,- ve ai-,-i efei"'ae to etrcill-l d'soi, t.I h the b-;ae,'x...),',_'rl'0 o st. aft"i gitf e in mcbeliv ait. ht of ut.S cni o:t ti wuld - fI e oa toti; C. d riiot otn. I aof,.itlt i. mc.,rio'tad gee th. pevonlt Lc' a.5 lt ha et i:::t. ef and t-e dite,i-t Cal,.seqL une- ot' tehis hueSation 9 ho t o b tci t e line, which as bee:': a..'o Son,)fl~iden-t~ly o uteduY,6' on —-[he ]a'.vaS c-if nalture,.5-'1.o':tr:; thlis —....bu L-'y theit Pete= mtce hLio,. pau ti.0..,r, or tole arciil ytt:: C. ii:si ppi, e pli ilalrv. ouo oooator ioun.,,.~. y <;n!.y com~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e:'t a~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ a'cya.''-oao-'.itiitioi its thi-it o ill not le to see it;:'t i ty.i.'oiri the presceno act'e'catit" t1 ie o n'itot o l t h eir aer;::'S;;a..':rifo-s of' ife and a;':tt e.,- ad o rt dri;, espC't, t he exp timen t ich WS t dercid ali-lyI Awhitlhe i an iiaa c..atble o.f sel ftgowrnint. Th i,r e 0.ason agaist i lUm~.n 1i! lap i ll.i. aaliYe their epohci i nc f utu~:,:: h i stor y i s the couv.0 t 1 p10 t of te C iodei o f tehir p00 ed.s-i a,:sI TOce n "P out.0 oja' Cc oanr, dtya cia tar. u'1 oil e'?~O0"'j5, 1OL i) (1 Sc. is I) Ath I t'h ed yv' a., n 1 for t'ce'co py y oue 0 a1 e iteeI,so. kind asht s' Dt:e oI: f C'he l tte01 m en t't let-, e aIcetto.mWayEtt IEI n tot a d Torenflicter v 4(-i 182d,, M m Aoww~o -IP7 lali A.r "~ O,lavthe ot o" ortci ole" t with fv t 0'tIt (Ittolt ettai o. I''" "''or til to mIyou ratcteati, clon'' t.he bissu ti tesotiofn. o t0',: that 11his -o. o:.o n. tu; q1et. -'o lit'. a.tt Preidbeatl, in tte it.oht., a twakthned and filted w amet,bittelro. t t~nsib t.re. it te one -, -d_'e ke l eo0f t."e Ui ooont ti iwtc hus 5..hed, in.dcel edo I tti' r tite mlct.rboim tent buto, this ibOs a reprieve( t7.hin1. -. ot. I f coi e ] bee n 1nd motAA r.zfo pf'n 1- o S C; t O l to tohea bos c, oOe n"'vo'ct c 010 -I Is Im P C rIs 1000000 "r(l' d 0 (ro.J aAtoa 10~,;- V 010 ETJ.AT iT Pt S.EN. ot'to HtOPE' N. lOTC BY )TOt OR't1e.' I toed thot Y Taaot1.Ite toC 00 1 cIL.to'rit ourt AI0tit tb 1 ro'S a C at a itti loeo pi, oC)tiote0, t~ 011i 00 potool, V oc' ia otI, ao too'.t.to..itI a l'io e a0 er'c toO00 to lctI' Lottlat. d ao itt..embe oil.S01 o...c t?. 0 I_ I',_,s — 000' aC) c''r cia'tC C 1titt, aoft otede ooto-i' wtort u.ttcit atitoug' I i. X tl it,, - 0.-.-Jincton, t uptil tfitti ~it C at,11,Urd til pacoele fi-o ot'of de orIA -t1i. IllttoA.8Wb atl. 00'idnt 0 e''c o ttt ti.'.o th.CC N..itd h wec''0i' ald in to It co the iid folo 0'3-.o —rje 000 ~~~~~ ltc clodi-,thoe -.eoliaooeolcc-stltoTti, Ic avx's't toastoaoccoi. i t ey a 00tc 0 it t Ottmp IrtliCor...07co.oo.. ~lt cE'01" present of o' tt So~ ofto Sel d~ ti.a.0c tif byo'roO at then' 1.00."'cl- a it' Of' inte aci e'l,J o A 1 cti l r g day tedi'ttt rl t 0002c05 0, t Ato t. titt et to r 0 c A. tt s o tit ti'thaot too1 It1 —, ttto fowtt n aO t atea tooo'co'epcoct at til tlotrlet o thouk. ~iot0 to.'rd co t lltos to alowrt ci. o to to effii hoCc tsaat)Oo!-a thr v eetro''to Butd'li,,paeroOO0.,,"e,''idJo to t. "''0. tt viret ttth''h 001'oc'trod flllrclOt "ott Cit.. eon ) a'i'" 0 lO d btf-ti iuST It Jahn tattorad S00tate, tnc'brollOed botin ioelti s lyyltlt' firty SOittooti'rt oc o'as~n odibe. hrtCair erato idoit \10t Io Io I. ItI!t, J101 trtAo~ conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and. every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. i "' If they would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they v'ill throw away, against an abstract principle, more likely to be effected by union that by sciesion, they would pause before they could perpetrate this act of suicide on themrnselvs a-'d of treason against the hopes of the world."-Letter to J0i. Holmnes, dated MuIonlitello,.qpr't 22, 1820. " I am indeblted to you for your two letters of February 7th and 19th. This Missouri cques. tion, by a geographical line of division, is the most portentous one I ever contemplated. - is sready to riskc the Union for any chance. of' restoring lis party to power, and wriggling himself to the head of it; nor is without his hopes, nor scrupulous as to the means of fUlfillircg them." —Letter to /lie. MJradison. TLThe banlks, bankrupt law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, are nothing. These are occurrence, which, like vwaves in a storm, will pass under t'he ship; but the MissouI QUt:ESTION is a breaker on whlich we lose the AMissouri country by revolt, and what more, God only knows. Forn she battle of Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never had so omirlous a question. It even damps ie jo-y with which I hear of your higi health, and welcomes to me the want of it. I thank God I shall not live to witness its issue." —Letter to Johnl.edmses, Decesmsber 10, 1819. "The line of dsivision lately marked out between different portions of our onslfderacy, is such as will never, I fear, be obliterated, and we are now trusting to those who are against us in position and p rinciple, to siasltion to their ow1 forso the minds and aftections of our youth. If; as has been estimated, we send three hundred thousand dollars a year to, the northern senminaries. for the inst:ruction of our own sons, then we must have five hundred of our sons imbibing opinions and prilciples in discord with those of their own country. This canker is eatin on fhe vitae or1 oFur existenice, and, if not arrested at once, will be beyond remedy." — Letter to seie'al B reckes.s?'.l'ig'e, Febr'uary 11, 1521. The -tissouri question is the most portentous one wbhich ever yet thbeatened out Union. In the glseosllieest momeent of the revolutionary war, I never had any apprehension equal to that I felt from thiis sourcc."'-Leter' to JMIr. Mots'loe, lJarch/ 3, 1821(. Mir. MBadison said: "On one side it naturally occurs, that the right being given from the necessity of the case, and in suspension of' the great principle of self-government, ought not to be extended further, nor continuetd longer, than the occasion might fairly require.''he questicois to be decided seem to be, first, vwhether a territorial restriction be an assumption of iles'itimate power; or, second, a misuse of legitimtate power; and if tlie latter only, when the injiry tlreatened to the nation from an acquaiescence in minuse, or from a friustratiotn of it, be t'he greater.'' On the first poirt there is certainly room fi)r difference of opinion; thoin-h, for myself, 1 must own t.lhat I have ailways leaned to the belief the restrictions was not wiltisis tI/e t ste scope of z/he codlstitttioe."' -LetIer to AJlI..o ns'oe in 1820. 1" Hearkeai not to the unnatural voice which tells you that the people of Aimerica, knit together as they are by so many cords of affection, can no longer live togetlher as members of the same fraily —cean no longer continue the mutoal guardians of their muntual happin ess-caa no longer be felloxw-citizens of one great, respectable, and flourishing eninpire.'i2 he kiindred blood vhich flows in the veins of APmericani citizens —the mingled blood vwhbich'hey have shed in defence of their sacred rights, consecrate their union, and excite horror at the idea of their becoming aliens, rivals, enemies. And if novelties are to be shunned, t)elieve mee, tre most alarming of alli novelties-the most wild of all projects-the most rash of alt attempts, is that of iendig tes ins asieces in order to preserve oueer liberties and p'ronmote oscr' hzreppi,ess. " [ The Federlalistp,. 86. " Should a state of parties arise, founded on geographical boundaries and other physical distinctions which happen to coincide with them, what is to control those great repulsive masses from awful shocks aoginst each other?"-Letter to l'Ir. Waslst, dated A7rovemtber 27, 1819. General Harrison said: "I a m, and. have been for many years, so much opposed to slavery, that I will never live in a State wshere it exists But. I believe that the constitution has given iso power to thIe general government to interfere in this matter, and that to have, slaves or no slaves depends upon the people in each State or Territory alone. " But besides the constitutional objections, I amn persuaded that the obivious tendency of such interferences.on the part of the States which have no slaves with the property of their feilowcitizens of the ithers, is to produce a state of discord and jealousy that wiltl n the end prove fatal to thle Union. I believe in no other State are such wild and dangerous sentimients entertained on this subject as in Ohio. " —Gesleral Harrison in a letter to Presidenst MIonroe is 1821. In reference to sectionalism, and fhe nurllification of the acts of Congress, General Jackson said: 6" The laws of the United States must be executed.:' Those who told SyouJ that youl might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived' you; they c uld not have been deceived them-. selves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the: lawvs, and they kroow that such opposition inust be repelled. Their o-ject is disuitin; but be f', nt deceivec by names; disunion, by armed force, is T'REASON.' -.iessage of Gene ac?t~ c-tCso. iXn 1833, o2 Nutlificatios. " Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order to influence the election of the Chief Miagistrate, as if it were desired that he should fcavor a particullri quarter of tie country, instead of fulfillflin the duties of his sintion with imnpartial justice to al l; ad the poosible dissolution of the UJ{ion has at lenrgth becomer an or dirnary ta',d iAnilial subj!,ct of discuil sion. leeas tle waenill vcice of Washitgtoin been forgottern, or have des igs already been formed to dissolva the Union'" "* M " "-.PMutual suspicion an(i rertcaches may in time create mutrual hostility; and artful andi designing men wvil! adways be found who ate ready to foment these fatal tivisions and inflame the natural jealousict ofi ctiEiferent sections of the countryi o he histoty of the world is full of such examnples, and especially the history of republics., "' And no citizen who loves his dountry would, in ary case wliatever, resort to forcible resistance, unless he cliearly saw that tie tinie ati co ine when a freenIan should presir death to submission." a " -:' Rest assured that men iound busy in this w'ork of di( orid are rnot worthy of your confidenlce, and deserve your strongest reprobate it.' In the legislationl oft Congress, also, and in every measure of the general governmltent, justice to every portion of' the United htates should be faithfully observed. ~fo free government can stand without virtue in the people. and a lofty spirit of patriotism; and if i the so:rdid feelings of mere selfishness shall usurp the place which ought to be filled by su.blic -sirit, the legislation of Congress will soon be converted into a scramble for oersonal a. d eectional advantagts.'-.Jacksos.'" And solemnly prloclaim that the constitution and the laws are supreme, arnd tie s Union in dissoluble."'-Jacksox's' Message, Jan 1, 1, 3. In relation to the very questions pnow agitating the coan-ry, lt-e Sage of Ashland said.;" Sir, I am not in the habit of speaking lightly of the possibility of d iss3olvig this happy Union. The Senate know that I have deprecated aliusions, on ordinary oc siaionsa, to ihat direful event. The country will testify that, if' there be anything in tte history of rsy public career worthy of recollection, it is the truth and sincerity of my ardent devottioh to its lasting preservation. But we should be false in our allegiance to it if we did nlot dislr'ininatc, between the imaginary and real dangers by which it, may be assailed. Abolitionistn os'olelh no longer be regarded as ar itiaginary danger. The abolitionists, let me SUis[ c, succe. it teric present aim of uantieg the inhabitants of lhe free States, as one man, against thile inhabitants of the slave States. Unio:i on one side will beget union ofn the other, anti this process of reciprocal consolidation will be attended with all the violent prejudice, embittered asasio rin, ald iri llaeable animosities which ever degraded or deformed hurjan nlature. One section will stand in menacing and ho-tite array against the other.''he collisicon of opinion will be quickly followed by the clash of arms. I will not attempt to describe scenes which now hapilty lie corncealed from.ur view. Abolitionists themselves would shr'ik back in dismniay arid horror at the contemplatiola of desolated fields, crnflagrasted cities, murdered inhabit3nris, and1 tlie overthrow of the fklt est fabric of hurnan government that ever rose to anim ate the hopes <;f civilized xan.' — Seecil of J1i"r. Clay in the U. S. Senate ox thLe 7ti/ of Februariy, 1839. In the same speech Mr. Clay summed up wh-at the abolitiornists wanted, as ifblows: " And the third class are the real ultra abolitionists. who are resolved: to persevere in the pursauit of their object at all hazards. With this class the immediate abolit ion'f slavery in the District of Columrbia, the prohibition of the removal of slaves firom State to State, and the refiusa! to admrit aliy tew State comprising within its limits the institution of domiestic slavery, are but so many means conducing to the accornplishment of the ultimate but perilous end, at which they avowvedly and koldly aim, are but so many short stages in the long atid bloody road to the distant goal at which they would finally arrive.'JTheir purpose is abo!ition —-universal abolition —peaceably if they can, forcibly if' they rmust," The Fremont party of 18656 has assumed a position' identical with the abolition party of 1839. How well the, picture of' abolitionism, drawn by Mr. Clay in 1829, suits the Republican party of t-he present day. They have but one common aimn-the dissolution of th-is'Union. Mr. Clay, in speaking of our Catholic citizens, said: " With regard to their superstition, they worship the same God with us. Thmeir prayeres are offered sup in their temples to the same Redeemer, whose inxtercession twe expect to save ts, N. OR IS IN THE CAT!Zi R~iT., U C:FEON UT, N F'v.. DOx,'..' 11 ol..ins u nited wito vt 7jcrnr:' e'Q're more or less inimical to libarty. Atl':~nnt!....,........ sep.ct..t< fou. th,gv;:.,:. ett a.t' 4~omat1i,'i with!ibeoriyQ-.S'peeclt Cm, & fess, Jt]i-C/ %h,!i8. _u..'::~. [..'..e..'c.eao to our ~'Aoued eohzenls, hor: ] tiO e o'0 t7 i~e -1o.~Aow't~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i'1,cIt24ing o af.Qgu —:' c j 4 4'_..''..o.'a'L t -t to.' --'toy units with or people.- t s:::lf on som c~~ ~: is f o~,',' fa i:aig~'.:-, tiffs his, ~ ~l~c;~a. pac:t h-i.,: barn: a~(~:-~c-l;r ~~7 flj; rIs, l and. cioy. in r t'loo a-,,bunaiti fruot w ~hiPc'h 1s 44 i4-e.ty' 0,:idy to P0 o sa'..s! ru"t i' o J opte. COCA.un t o o s: lawis, v.,-, c4..... by diiti t of patriotismo.'-~ The,12~:m~',. thel'S Vers..~tile thle ]:ilosoCpbr. i,, ~-v~.~:cr- mMi acc-notommer1atjn ]'ii. -ott,' "'0fu1lly too 4441 tto~~'2 v —o I WH 114014)' -o 0 —404 Oi) 44 41J 4L al he=c i:,.i/dr: I~ life, i n. orp,):.'a e:: hi:,usl' vhout, difflumlty inorl OUa, M_'.d.;tt.1J 1''o,~t,;f'"a.i fiH'i:~elnc'"s, none amiu a..m t?,imoloos< so ",. icl.: ly,::',s lib rl?T:, as the iNTIY'e SLO T00 E[laO U 1na/ isLE. 1i Snn. f h- i i,,, h a ve 0,040 of'm hy im girIatio1, I av.:; o ic:d It Iire:v l cand w orig,;ii1a1ly i/at t an[id:'o' re iof iconti-nen;t. on tlat b:, o ex14.i-y onvu lson1 ofnntub, it,r, tor f.:i,,rt. a (i': aocoss 1o''44'ito'"'.o1,,0''40(- 10I "UtO Ut. o o 1 othe: ocaan, v/as ~,._'.c~x.,~j-c~:-: ~.t ti'iih-:, U ~brtuna!~ lta vi,:,jci'iy oof' b,,-at,'Br itain. c'alati~,g' l'.,~df i~,'e~ie~,e.a!.?c:`~.t':;1t'oan jli~;' da rln~~.a:3.::-z;tmqs the in~habim'.,'t s of' both e. cou~iri~es t'EfenT uc',:v's4 s omletime beeb c ioXall te Irelin cnlofA ricai Anr d' oave Aon,!>o' l t! ha Rif the ~Urri,~ Jf enizat I-./ier. esd n~e~t fr'crn- Alnrm' ur~thie ~,horea (Uf T.,,ut'opm ~ve,.-y we icm:,':.::.ni l~c a. ~ r ha?? y ~ n~,:.,,: e:e.%-~= ~s-.~ ~~ a~~nsru-d 1tr,?U 04441 " 040' 4 4~'0OA4'4i 111'1'1I 11r A 1, 1,1 1 1 1 4)110... 01t1 4 otjm-f " m1p~'~ mlpJ violent have~~~ ~~ r~slrcdorier'o'~lplcs it exislead pr~iorio.... "A ti. n,iamny 1t"C'n.,c"';lb C __o...... _ e b le exi.:encios d emande d, and111 then 1[o.40o'1 1ao trulo O o of' mrnan and the eq ittyn of the'..... t n 4. o I O 1_,1.. _' he T se Atate'_ 1, eA ",',rV ~.t%/2 L p!iei.lS( 1t5." [of fal'ulboim," tcnvedn~io:- ratild by~ th( 40.lnll.efa ILloll 1011 1 Tnt.' 1 K lt 01 1824. 1(L ho Ct.'toat.....'-?{,s a.:t!,a, of',I 00.1701 t'41 _1:1s.s. - coil n. 14C 011(1 155-! Ar.e 4dr~ 1 v the Ci ncinati85'~~~~~~~~~.'1 we rc e iim 0,1 I_ - I 8<8o, cot'~r -;~_t>~_.,:1~ al}.~- wil.! stand1 Cc',nfir!'n,:d by)S ithe A me~i~c an pecople in 1,. ~' b14 *he cii'oi:' o ames Pi chaum m to theo prosine'ac -;ifl' m;n the of.nht the r30e0- 1e l' Ibtrl U',a c Oir'" A0'0,ti 11 1 0iio:. v4 1 1 11. tf' I 11 Ft b32ii' mx' 141 o 1 1.' o toI11S' f E Li6ts ti-1 t ~zl;)'- ~I~~l ~U \To~ic~il. i~:-t ml 0) 4 4.0 1i t'1 I d.114 nD1 of' 11cP7= 00010:-t _- 4.,. 1oo 01141~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~ 0111:0r?_2~ CQlI (4')! Ci$tli j(1i1114 1 1 Cs0 atA ilcl -, - III'411 LI e J n i:t,~ c~nai~ trn e _, s n c n. to 1, pii fres iai':"ds~I 4 140,-0C.'10'. s v4 I( (,,,a[0 (-,I o th'0 [s v 111 I) on 1 g, -3 1(1 I-Ct', IC.LLD' a~~~~~n ~~~~~~nlc;~ic ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ i_~., (20].0!]C': t e"' LI' I i.ndi a of f..- o,I,~,e, ir/~.:~-,:-.-t; cnter i()n.... vi d ction F0)[' the spv~:t tnhc, oa.i oi 1'"r-I',k oil bo1 lt-''', 41 ltett It o[ 0h'11,1 _.'. i of 4n.4,0' 40i0 aiondo 4ur g!..r:,r0i~ms 4t4',411't0tion, t444t a. vir1,:, [' jth1 innnp_' — lc 1411 4'.0'l.ets 1-0 aai~~~c~~u'i,,,.' A (::,1 ci.'cn I j 0 4, 1. / 1l!.' (')'[~...... o!:' t?.'..-; })cs_~,~,'-'.~';:~ic party tey oi??,:>sd the cle.*'~'"-',':f't U f: I.rso-l, ot,T _ rel, )t] (;lat e -( i:}: live-ur -;ifnl.~i.hS:u. an o tl. 3jeh, ~i[.....l.' ~l'S;~~,.,.1, el, I -,,-Y c. t' J r'C;~tr. s.... -....!....,: t:.:3.): I:' the l]orca-ss. - a of d'[e'. ancd v,:'.',i hak eVo N 1-_' Cv.,.0Ill m d o or:)::.o soI...e;' 5.n ~.....'' -1' av-1 L i- I C 11 c 0 ~~~YI-'~~~ _ _u'.~~.n -,=co "'~i?;Titt-~r b-t,_)a ha:~d:!; t.,:~ i,0;;:,'-.i!:~_-~i~le?.r?~ves; thnx,'ti.,rced',-)-m Lh c p ope r.m es'[rcI~~~~~~~~~~~?L1 i~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~-T-or-d 1l t:.:' to p rn m -:,I r..l e[' Iipi -te-{.J,~ ion, aUP: ~'n"p,~ " L- -'CD~~~~~I 01~ ~ ~~~~~ hey co'a -~~~~~~~~~~; T I- r...e......J-......d ~~ e3, ~. _-,:-.':~.~ti.rV:,, t._. -.n,:) t.:. [~oo o t (>ior;.s resi —-efc01 ~ Ut ti(>di t "1 / and Id:enouInce in unme,;....tBS o'tt-ould' adlijust ltheir d. o n Ie ti cAl:.:[ih'. "'-Y dents oif' rha ~'_,~, ~_r vnvcy they,.-ve so:gt.-lt io're er aid, danrt h ltoO(/0nve cri f.. n a a' m> the'erritOIr y of }% oas for the exp ess LCe CoImestic poliy o a'the people ofta.,-. ntea tie ay CI-oT s''ai(> e istl igat o Trs oi, and befbU e o rc_, andi ar depibnn 1e " -l5 o _ Z:)~~~~~~~~~kt L,~!Ya]iF2c:. i I~ i.rages, the arsons1 aund Ilte maurdes in.ansas. I'h- denmocracy, true to thle n'rcal. do ectrine of th -....,-o o.0t L o~t~ noe Sta.s Ste 10 of'tae "'- I'..~.~ io'Lhit, 1'y-,,ise a.'' d''c'fic leg' 1o L: n p,, - rom trhe:..arLrchy, ihe rapine1, tunJ u'l m e it. o iac'.: 1?4, In bi'acan party~ "9' UU-' J>n1 t' -I -~ f'. _ i..l',..; (}j l-i. 5_, C,{ 0 O t4 S;i!Ct; - Li oaac-, IL 4i~~~ttt'a. 1150 (inn 1ove Ocelarto'' an~f th~s oa't ve'f'y-.o t;U h0ours, 9 Itia,_I-i, lnnd' tend 0:1 h ra 1m iib -C; a-~g!!tnstt t~t12 tO~ office? or it' n':t>,' KitI> 1t - U i - U t t rich' to h'-'k'l l I- a s OIO'-', (d s. e -i.-' e L s o it U)Ln O 1' aOL atCtt>oz I, i jK U ittot-tIt I i tt Sljl~ci:L ll (i tO* 5i t Olii' 71 0.702 0~ ott~- (t~ iCu a aa, e g r. t ifi- ma,0eie ci7',a ni: iniiLie t; -U.-~i o~ I~t0 — Lto ttU~v c fIt'IJL h. jihir?,o~ tov,.-;-:ie' iI~jO..r~iH9'9 n U.' r 1>01l1 n!I:'~~~~~~~~~: t h e 01nsa Li "p'O. I et to l o'itf rp;h: tit t.o'bi I o'tl? o'r'e[ itttl"tUt"r o['[i~i}3jj",[y —— p4 []}C:{Ui'9''' ~r'-'-.1 1 C", 1 O~-'a-2 c of~' in9it i, U-Ito If't999t. O ti' t;' I' P0 0 i. sueec:.ht, i. 1:e,:o, t es'o:.. 0'. 1,.. of',0-r;.......'t fe 1V> I9CItpersor;.s and r r th.( "': Ih gI -ad bi lt~~r ~ -i ~~~~.i~i ~~ ria'h no 1,-1 and i0 1 biea ai'9.rs..,t',:s excessive i:;!:'t 10 it' (ti~ t' 1U ill',~~~~'''Vt) XV0 i~. 04. 1'9 1 LS eti~~aK- ates ant4.:-ia rr~rshalh ti.t'iit I> 11''' requi red rsaaq quali'.t. 1aion jo ofirc e ~rtru:,::L. ynIcn x i' r''il Sttrn or w ss v nl, ~a- -t, 1- o'-v 1 1 t-a5 n.i. tUhant n1oi t -hA.:,11ni'be pose'): rUon.1 1'.,.:'9. of ].[:7,i'i',:;iLt) c/i'a ge, a({tv t,L'ur a, ptee:~ to l —e........ I-C"". - N:TO3 I l:~a!:~.~V'C.,I' —--— ~ is NIti ['. Ji..''n) arr:,,-:g'~'?i~e prelmr.-,ie and s;t.ar!e} 1h:','c_1 t A 5- h u,:.::"'tao:votevrs, and a[, d t~e J'edt:' U';:,l' L:' c,-'~-_7i::-." A' LJI tiYai Iexpiression at thje'b'' tite' -;-,,,::. a la i,- npar" J- 1 C..~`_," 1e"f,C!,~~~~~~~~~~~ 1:1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~........ [ i C, Tcn':ttc~~~~~~ry, f his:' riotecti,s,~ i j. Z,s-'"bona: re'['' mfl, o _ [, Le, (n IviO.......~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. "',i- L..... "-;1o ftt, e obuoxio~~l Y -.s laws I, t}[:oa, i-!e prion. n-r:.: o':ei:,rd','_ f"~~~~~~~........, I~... sisted the bill at its varioils stages, and voted against it on its passage. Let it be proclairned to the people, let it be known in every town and 3 iamlet, fhat the democracy have given a fair and honest bill-one that'wi'' restore peace to a distracted country, correct the outrages and mnurders in at unhappy Territory, vindicate the majesty of the law, and protect the American citizen in an inalienable right —that the demiocracy hlav e given such a bill to thle Black Republican House of Representatives b)r their action. If they desire tranquillity in the States, peace and happiness to Kansas, and a correction of the violent abuses and outrages co-nmited, they will immediately pass the Senate bill; but it' coltrage upon outrage aind blood upon blood is necessary to the accomplishment of tlheir political ends, necessaryr to the election of John C.o Fremont, theln v will ihey refilse to pass the bill or to give repoce to Kavisas. TIE 4ISSUE F AIR'LY PRE.SENTED, THE S ENAT1E BILL T'l-E ADTISSION OF I ANSSAS AS A ST TE. D Ei' 0 OCRAC Y LAW, ORDER, AND THE WAILL OF THE MAJORITY OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE OF THE TERRITORY, AGAWST BLACKE REMXPUBLICANISM,~ USURPATION, REVOLUTION, ANARCHY, AND THE WILL. OF A MEAGRE,IINORiTY. PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COIMITTER WA STHITNGTON: PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE. 18 5 6 TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. The Democratic National Committee-with the hope of allaying in some degree the wild excitement now prevailing in many sections of the country in reference to the unhappy state of affairs in Kansas, and also of disabusing the public mind upon the subject of' the designs and principles of the dembcratic party with regard to the question of slavery in'the territories-ask the attention of the public to a practical issue now made up between the two parties, in the course of recent congressional legislation. We propose fairly and fearlessly to appeal to the people, whether the bill passed by the democratic senators on the 2d of July instant, to admit Kansas as a State by a prescribed process, is not preferable to the adoption of the crude, partial, and revolutionary measure commonly called the Topeka Constitution. Other questions nmay be incidentally glanced at; but our main purpose on this occasion will be to show, by a distinct and definite appeal to the record, that (whether in or out of Congress,) THE BLACK REPUBLICAN LEADERS DO NOT DESIRE PEACE IN KANSAS PRIOR TO TO THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION! The question of human slavery has been a topic of partisan discussion ever since our government began; but it is in relation to the territories of the Union that it has presented itself in the most complicated and dangerous form. To discuss this question at length, in any of its various aspects, is wholly foreign to our present purpose. We shall not undertake to determine why the God of nature made the African inferior to the white man; or why He permitted England to fasten the institution of slavery upon the colonies against their repeated and earnest remonstrances. Nor can we tell what Heaven in its wisdom may intend to work out of the relations of master and slave, as they now exist in several of the United States. This, however, we do know, and will add, that when these States, as independent parties, agreed to come under a common Constitution and into a common Union-it was upon terms of perfect equality, for the mutual and equal benefit of all, and that African slavery was one of the recognized subjects of that compact. All power over it was expressly reserved to each member of the confederacy. Notbing was yielded, and no new right in this respect was added, -excet that each State bound itself to return to any other, upon de mand, fugitives from legal servitude. We know9 too, in nel iaton ~o any compact,,it s alw.ays good faith and good morals to keep it. in whole as well as in part; in t~he spiru as well as ito the letter; in' regard to Territories as well as in reicrence to the States of this Uni)ton. An evasion of a promise or covenan is as iillmmloral as a bold and oen breach of it; and involves, in addition, the aent.eript which inevitably falls upon trickery or cowardice. It is obvious, then, that the success' of any attemnpt practically to disregari a plarticular feature of the Con.stitution, whether relating to the rendition of fugin tives from labor, or any other distinct guarantee to the citizens or the States, would operate as a virtulal abandonment and denoral ization of the whole nl.st.rment, an event which the Union could not long sarvive. _The ordinance of 1 7, which seemrs to have-been establishe-lcd without much objection at the time, adjusted thle sn'ject of slavelry in the Northwestern Territory. Again in 1820, Conogress af[ter an a ory~ and exciting controversy, passed a law, excluding the insetuition iwrom that part of'the Louisiana territory which: ies north of' a celrtain 1p2arsillel of' latitude. In 1845, when Texas was.adintted into the Uilon, this'line of inhibition wtas also applied to that St-ate. But when the acquisition of teriitory hmn Mexico once more pIesented this subject, the' mode of adljustment by a geographical Eine wxas considLredc and finally rejected by Congress and this mairl y by the votes and influence of the very same brood of aoitators whvohl niow affect to regret the abandonment of the princlp e 9 This lre th c odte the necessity of resorting. to some otaier mode ot sof -sett.lin e {tuCuio Finally, in 1850, after. a period of grot' agitauion thironeat:. t' -,-c country, the leadine;g patriots and wise luen oi both partie's s$uch as Clay,9 Websterl, Cass, and others, decided' upon lenavinc this tuestioni where it always ought to have been lefi, and where the true spirit of our instituttio'ns pl.aces i't —-.X he' 1nchns anC ndmzC~ au' —,l/e cooit)-ot c/: Mthe eJ opIe of thie _erroit-ories theiresevoes, restrained ontly by tdh;e Constittion. The whole nation. rejoiced in this wise adjustienlt, and all parties claimed it as a finality as to this principle of' territorial organiza-io;i. For once, the question of slevoer in the Territories was settled ulpon the principles of our revolutionary fathers, who demanded a l 01C0oe and a vote in regulating their own institutions; the same great filzdamrental pr inciples of huimani government, whicha underlie and uphold our whole replnblicain system p - in cipl es suited to al l Territories and to all timns, and as broad and enduring as eternal truth. This- form of adjus-tn.ent was denomina teY1d on-ointm'veti/on by JCongress —sef-govevzi;n.enis by i;te people of t;he Terri;orles. In 18o4, wven it became necessary to o granize the rritories of Kansass and'Nebriaska, it wvas'deemued just and pioper to extend: tholeo principles of selr'-government to those Territories, rmega.'rdless of the -restrictive ],Jissonri line. It seenecd muanirestly un1ist to accord such high privileges to citizens:h11o miglht reside in the Terriitori'es' of WVashinutron, Utah, and New t[exico, and deiny their enjoylncent tothose who should lc o to (Kansas and Neilbrasa. INor did it see right to reject the practieal use of a great priiciple, which h'ad been,so universally approved b-ly all parties:. The Kansas-Nebraska act eaccordingly becanme a law of the land. Then it was that the abolition party renewed their schiemes of agitatilon. Up to t:h'at hour, they 1had scarcely ceased to denounce the Missouri demiarcation as unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unjust. Their indchlignation at its adop-tion had. been unboonded. No public man who.had sustd ained it t;iat was witafljn theo.r reach, escaped their vengeance. But no soon,-er had this arbitrary rule been superseded by one more republicean and reasonable, than their admiration for the former sudtldenly btui'st:forth in the stro-nu',*4t terms. They now affected to see in it the force and virtue of a solemn-) cornpact of good faith, justice, and liberty; andB procreede d to denounce those who favored its repeal Iwith as muchli bitterness as they had emiployed at aa earlier day, aga inst those whlo hiad sanctioned its acoption. Relckless and inconsistent upon- this subject to the very!ast, these desspetrae agiitatorcs sre now enogaged in ciharblino the unhappy state of' Socicty in I iansas, s to the legislation of tfle Dewno-ratic party, aInd as consequCent upon the i nccrpnra tion of the pI'nciples of' sl -g0overninent into the organic law of Kansas T'erritory; f orgetting, or rwil-f{Ily overlohoklinog the Iact, tflatt in \V7tshinhgton, U-ah, aold -New 2!lexico, abJ eoicc,nCzeii'hot ien t[te sc.te pI"si c ppe) th.ere is entire quiet; ndl goood order. It would be equally logicl andj. truel to say in reply,anlc iJn derence thaot tl hvey thelnselves cbectmame the a'.:,inors of;the evils in _ansais by rejecting the ex tension of the F:mor l inhe to the Pacific, as a tfi.i adti ljstm-ent, wh-aen proposed by Judge Donglas in 1848. ore ot~her in ocde oi a(.i.il' nbs as lu.s anZd by vthleir own act, rtenec1ed a(,bsoil ut.e ly recesiisb:y" ant -Ls- t nalpplied to aKansas wa s d evise by tth'e wins{sesst mineu otf':e nazton, rti 1850 t0 o meet the exigeeeies then presen -ted. Bu1t the real purposes of the a0gitators cannot be concealed. Exit-ren7eut M; thie sl.avCery rciston is the verv life-blood of their rinatica!_ or.panization.'TiaIe this away, aind ttee remainsi to them only few rioi aun a kJi inhrced topics, by the agitation of whic ll they can hop eCe sc.re posit'io and noto ind e) ty. Upon,1 the subrject of -,nsas- thes leaders sanctimosn ously, and with alicecitation (f great Ihnnl=Airty, chlaim beefore the publlic a, desire only to alvance the interestsL ot' peace, and to secure ror the settler in that Ter;-,rito(ry; r, just anct. elnutl st-e of'e binesnt, f is o wn venawed ad.Aled choie. Tey hi ave niiofrmuly contended in Congress that t1l te free State partyv w-ere eley in the ma iy, ad tha4 all thTey (aTisred was, that the po puaiiir dwil,stl ld b v r fl eeCtei on the stu}ject of slavery; a tnd that the proper rermedy ior the evils in.'Eanus,;:: wvas her pro1pA; ad-nission as a S taie. a'", no wr th'e -ueoress of evo-fcrs in Conucres, r and indge of the sinceirty o- te-:ese pro ieMiots. On the 2Id diry oif Jtul'y Airt. T oorbs, soeuthiern sei ator: subii tl t- a pro3po tion fbr L-he ealy ad lission of Ka, usrs a Stat, e, by aut'lorizin i t he present inatl if.at;-s, in a presclibe.d iv.a siuci, too f m ja i t-i',-iL constit-uti'on i-n ]Tovem-ber next, r The nol2 ~TU'fett,: tlis measut I or e, an 0 f I cii v passed b y' tIh e 8en,te, hereto appen ed, so tht he Leardlet can c Ioie to his own coinclusion as to t'e, an.tliress of its pro ovis.ons. A 1ecdin, andt,vtal idead, of this bilh, it wl. be eseen is to terminate at ornce all indu.cement on 1the part of oemutsiders to fb'rce temporary population into the Territory, with the view of controlling a decision on the question of slavery. The sole right to influence such decision is confined -to citizens who may have already become bona fide inhabitants of the Territory; thus ending this angry struggle, and giving peace to the whole country. This movement produced a deep sensation in the Senate and throughout the Union, and no smnall share of consternation amongst the Kansas agitators, who saw in it the elements of destruction of their vocation. It struck all right-minded men as eminently just and wise in its provisions. Even Senator Hale, so distinguished for his aversion to everything emanating from a southern source, could not restrain his admiration, and almost involuntarily paid it the following just tribute: " But, sir, I do not want to dwell on that subject, but to speak a very few words in reference to this bill which has been introduced by the Senator from Georgia. I take this occasion to say that the bill, as a whole, does great credit to the m gnanimity, to the patriotism, and to the sense of justice of the honorable senator who introduced it. It is a much fairer bill than I expected from -that latitude. I say so because I am always willing and determined, when I have occasion to speak anything, to do ample justice. I think the bill is almost unexceptionable." After having been read in due course in the Senate, it was referred to the proper committee of that body; which subselquently returned it with amendments, accompanied by an elaborate and able report, in which the subject is thus treated: "' The existing government in the Territory of Kansas was organized in pursuance of an act of Congress approved May 30, 1850, instituting temporary governments for the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, preliminary to their admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, so soon as they should have the requisite population. The organic law of Kansas is identical with that of' Nebraska in all its provisions and principles. Each is based on that great fundamental principle of self-government which underlies our whole system of republican institutions, as promulgated in the Declaration of Independence, consecrated by the blood of the Revolution, and consolidated and firmly established by the Constitution of the United States. Each recognizes the right of the people thereof, while a Territory, to form and regulate their own domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States, and to be received into the Union, so soon as they should attain'the requisite number of inhabitants, on an equal footing with the original States in all respects whatever. These two Territories were thus organized in 1854, under the authority of the same act of Congress, with equal rights, privileges, and immunities, and with the same safeguards and guarantees for the quiet enjoyment, of their liberties, without molestation. by foreign interference or domestic violence. "; In Nebraska the inhabitants have enjoyed all the blessings which it is possible for a law-abiding people to derive from the faithful administration of a wise and just government. Life, liberty, and property have been held sacred, the elective franchise has been preserved inviolate, and all the rights of the citizen have been protected aga'iist 7 fraud or violence, by laws of his own making. These are t;he legitimate fruits of the principle, the practical results of fidelity to the provisions of the Nebraska organic act. There was no foreign interference with their domestic affairs, no fraudulent attempts to control the elections by non-resident voters. Emigrant aid societies, with their affiliated associations and enormous capital, did not extend their operations to Nebraska, and hence there were no counter schemes -frmed to control the elections and force institutions upon the Territory regardless of the rights and wishes of the bona fide inhabitants. The principle of the organic law, the right of the people to manage their internal affairs, and control their domestic concerns in obedience to the Federal Constitution, was permitted to have fair play, and work out its natural and legitimate results. Hence, peace, security, and progress, in all the elements of prosperity in this Territory, have vindicated the wisdom and policy of the Nebraska act. I"Fortunate would it have been for the peace and harmony of the republic, and still more fortunate for the unhappy people of Kansas, had they been permitted, in the undisturbed enjoyment of their aeknowledged rights, to derive similar blessings from the same organic law. Your committee can perceive no reason why the same causes would not have produced like results in Kansas but for the misguided efforts of non-residents of the Territory, citizens of different States, who had no moral or legal right to interfere with the elections and legislation of the Territory, to seize upon the legislative power through the ballot-box, and thus control the local and domestic institutions of a feeble and sparsely settled Territory." This measure of peace and justice, so well described in the report, came up in the Senate for final passage on the 2d day of July, and was steadily resisted by the Republican Senators, during a prolonged session of twenty-one hours. Notwithstanding the declaration of 3Mr. Hale, that the proposition was a fair one-" almost unexceptionable "it encountered the bitterest hostility. Objection after olijection was presented, and promptly removed by the friends of the bill-until it was made man'ifest that the ]Republican Senators had determnined to accept no measure of peace. Mr. Seward discard ed all attempts to accommodate it to his views, and vauntingly declared that "the day for compromises had gone by." It was first objected, that the laws of the Territory restrain the free discussion of the question of slavery, and impose test oaths for suffrage and office, and consequently the pro-slavery party would have the advantage. The friends of the measure answered, that all such laws are in conflict with the Constitution and the organic act of Congress, and the bill may be made to provide for their repeal. Then it was alleged that many of the free State men had been driven out of the Territory, and therefore the bill would make Kansas a slave State. This objection was promptly met by an amendment in the 11th section, giving all such an opportunity to return and have their names registered, and participate in the election for delegates to make a constitution. It was next said that the penalties for abusing or obstructing the right of suffrage were too light, and these were immediately increased. The last discovery was, thact the President, vwith the consent of the Senate, had the right -to appoint the commissioners, and they had no confidence in this appointing power. To meet this difficulty, Ge-neral Cass rose in his place and gave them a pledge, on the part of tlhe President and the Senate, that thl-e commissioners should be selected from both political parties, and all be men of the highest integrigty and ability. Then they evinced their want of sincerity in all their objections to the details, by voting in a body for the proposition of Senator'ilsoln to strike out the entire bill; and insert, instead, a single section, repealing all the lawsrs now in force in Kansas, and leaving the people in anarchy and confusion! The senator friom New Hampshire, (lMr. Hale9) having irecovered fronl his righlt impnul es under the party lash, came for rward an id moVedL to defer t1the' efict of the bill to July, 1857, so that the stri ggl e ml ightt as t another year-in order 1 /that J]anzsas cvd l iberty migiht, e" till after the. presidential election; and in this he was sustaianed by the vote of every' republican senator I 1r. Se-ward, the file leader of the factionisits did his part by moving to strike out, the entire bill, aind inserting another admliting'ansas into the Union unnder'he Topelka constiution, arid was snstained ii this by his en'tire party. 3Ma-ny other aimendments were offired,'al1 desiglhed to defeat the object. of the bill, or to force its friends to cast votes liable to misrepresentation. BHut at last the tes-t vote could no longer be avoided. They Taed said;the remedy for tlhe evils in Kansas was her prompt admission as a State; that t he territoria1 laws were oCdious and op-pressive, and nust be repea-leed; th at the electiveo franchise hacl been abused and it must be protected,; that the free State party were largely in the ascendlnUcy, and the voice of the majority must; be heard. The bill provrided for all these things. WVhat then did these black republicans do? Did thev act up to their professions by favoring this measure of relieof and pacification for iKansas? It is alimost incredible that they dlid not..ilPhey resisted it to the bitter end. They deliberately votedi against fhe repeal of the laws subversive of the liberi;y of speech and r-feeOdom of the] press; against the prolnpt admis-sion of' Kansas as a Staote, and, virtuallyd in favor of the continuance of the present territ;orialt goverinent and laws! It is no justification to say that' they proferred- he Topeka constitutlion; tat mea sure had already f' iled; and thiSena 8'te bill then came up as against the present government and.aUws of i8Kansas. These' friends of Kansas" clecided in favor of the I ater, [From this record there is no escape. Failing to get the Tropoeklt con stitutionw, whmich they h(ad claimed'as the best thing that coulnd be d.one, they were bound, as honest men and patriots, to go for the next best but they have made their record. WVhat clearer evidence can we have that these agitators do not desire peace in Kansas ihan is furnished in this brief and true history? The proof amounts almrost to de-monstration. But now foir -their rernedy-.the Topeka constitution. It Wras Or jectedl -to by the democratic senators because it was the work of a party and not of the Whole people; beecausme that work was commeineed witc h 9 out authority of la, w, and prL)Osec Cuted in open defiRanceand ienace of r,: the 0govexrimenttt tand its authority, emanatinr fro em and par, akinug oif a spnrit of mebe1ion at Tevery stpep, becaCse,tis recoylgnIlion ie CowTess, covZf/-';rbz~,Ls' cs vit. or..y aE/,precedemtjobr reivolmront ag'cEi,tt? 7/he 9,61 ove.ro,.e.,ff on Ctice' - dou.d of cWted gcri?, n cesq:;itltotd a'y prce'vio's c qot,o t5an r y rre es op f pi/;2iow- - ~a.tep.e di ai t so we believe, I' r iny oeCV rnmr en t A vere brief hI story of the Topeka movemnnt vtwill be sufficient to convince all oi- the truth of oltese a1legratiorns ORG-IN ANDc AM OF rTHE} TOPEKA MOVEMLWENT. Preparatorv to the Top eka movement two conventions were heldthle ircst'tt'awrence on the 1- -h of A 1ust, nd th e second at Big Sp ring on the Gth of September. The proceedings of the of,' rencnmeetinc re tased on -the declaration, I Toa. t e people of ansas Teil'.o.y lvave been since its settlecentLi and now are, without alny I w-making power,' & c. At the Big' Spin i s convention the following resolutions were unanilioustly adopted Resoved,, That this convention ai view ofits recent repadiation of the acts of the so-called Kansas legisiative,e,-Mhly, respond most heartily to the, call (e. by the people's conivention o the i4th ultlleus for a delo-ate convention of the people oof Kiasas, o be iheld at Top, a o t0heo ih 19o Ih insr ta i to consider th'o-a riety oe the formation of a State constittion, and such matters as may leitirm: tely cone befo e ia R"e r101eod That we owev ne allegiance or obedience to the tyrannical enaetieients of this Tsr'iout tleisltdzre; tLa' their laws have no validity or binding orce upon the people of Kansasi andt that every frieeman aLnong us is at ful. liberty. consistently with his obligations as a citizen and a, ianr to defCy anid resist them, if he choose so to do. "eeaohved, That we will endure and sulornit to these laws,, no lsonger than the best interests of the Territory require, as the least of two evils and will resist theni to a bloody issuie.s s(0n1 as we asceertain that peaceable renedies shl lafll fat1l, and hor ble resist'oice shall cintsoh any reasonable prospect of success; and that, illn lhe mea ticm, we reernteid to of c u: iends tireuoghout the Teritory the or anizatio ald discipline of vo'luteer cot.psaies, and the pocirorment and preparation of arms? At dres ises of the most mYfla ataeO y chlaeGter were matdte by Goverior RL eder aod others a ve eow ing tlhee cete-mination to resot, to ferce in caee their Views were not adopted by the geovermnent; that Inc, miser csiquc-, es nimoigl taok bodcies of [Ie o1pi18e i/ LO -uz;leNq f)u,8's-V C0''07e'f',1E0111'Vs''iC'2 07,t'1~ it',-Pa &>Or~ts sor wvtil C-144,36Se o t/t OB)F" CC/ Id i,4 C CflOTIa~b Ce (YVxeV t Ize o. pp:-e,' eaei,;,i'a c/oi.~ c om,m~ gra ve. Bu a]. dou. oe- this point was settled by the action of the (aorventien.. iel mne.,llenaetely aftter it met on tphe 4th day of October, 1855, as can hbe, seer by jhe preceeCein's. A reso'ilutorl'ras offtered by Pir. S'Pmi t 1instruceting t1sr various cor-e iLe~yg. iL lle 4 1'0}1hape' ";'C, n' ri NV osspose-sreeino bi r-ewee too - ora'anrization on a,:,, {5o've eron", i rer-v.e.-,ive, o't any aoetion'c.,f Coigross.'-'Tl po sif,)-) t Lm pie dopoitost staopi.Ced aL-t t0e en o-f a on, p. C5'50",'~ 5i It he course of w'teh l. De' artly',-.h 0. — satelrs a sea, is (L CongresS Ai.r a, wh no 018i.1i18 1uldter t1.he c n - t,it-Iuion:rmadle by tat s oey, made a bowerflt aLpp e gaginst it, onr the ground n tlat, it rmade the eonv tenon'"a act of "re's, /i ch, i government; hlut -re -was answered by -tLe maw-y Ga-t t/y 8sould not, and wo uld not, wait- one d ty or tire actioof (Congesat," The constitution fram-ned by the revolutionatry conrve-ntion was submitted to a vote of the people, and it is a disputed point whether it 10 received 700 or 1,700 out of the 6,000 then in the Territory! Its advocates only claim for it the sanction of 1,700 people, nwhilst the other side say it did not receive half that number. Colonel James H. Lane, claiming a seat in the United States Senate) on behalf of the State erected by this constitution, was deputed to convey to Congress the memorial of the so-called legislature, praying for the admission of the State so constituted into the Union. Tihe scene which followed its presentation in the senate will long be remlemnbered. The document was han'ded to the venerable Senator fronm MTichigan (Mt1r, Cass) wi-tthin a few minutes of the opening of the session, with the request that he would present it, which he did. in the course of the debate, on a proposition to refer and print it, thI e discovery was made that the paper was lnot an original one; that the signatures were all in the samne handwriting; that it was blurred on every page by erasures and interlineations. A closer examination proved that it was a virtual fraud; that it bore no evidence of autho,rity; that the revolutionary ground on which -the convention and members of the legislature had first based Itheir action hlad been stricken from it, and that it had evidently bee~n reca/ently s8ta.edf to us8it, the views of th7e r-epublicacn members of Coongress! They had taklen ground that the Topeka convention was "a peaceable assemhbli ig o t-he people to petition for redress," and1 the memorial was muti,-lataed to suit their partisan ends. Like Mr: Delahay, they had not the couragff to stand up to it if called'"rebellion." it must be shapedl to unit their partisan issue, thouglh fraud and forgery became the agents of the work. This disfigured document, so imposed upon the Sena te: was indignantly hurled back by a vote of 32 yeas to 3 nays, and has remained in silent oblivion ever since! It is true that the minority of the Committee on Territories in the Senate nmade a very unfair, though futile attempt to redeem this mnoveinent from the odium cast about it by its rebellious and revolutionary aspect, claiming that it was only pa peaceable assembling of the people to petition for redress of grievances." To accomplish this end, the true import of the opinion of Attorney General Butler, in the Arkansas case, was deliberately perverted. Such portions only were used as answered the ends of the committee; and in this way many honest people have been misled as to t;heanalogy between the Topeka mnovemrent and that of the people of Arlkansas. Had the commn.itfe used the entire opinion it, would have been fatal to their case. Tlhe Attorney General, it is true, conceded the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to make a written constitutiomn, a report of their prayer to Congress for admission into the Union as) a State, but he added,'provided ahlwc~ays, that s8cch measure be con7nrnev;7,,:I crand?_pr)osecuted in a peaceable mcnanner, in strict subordination to tr e er:io - t' oal goverJnment, 7andZ in entire szubsegr-viency to the power qf CoYros to radq7pt, reect, or diisregarcd t7heim at plecastre." We submit to the pon:)le of the United States to determine, without further comment, w]:,lether it is fair or candid to pretend that the Topeka constitution fails within tlese rules and principles, MIICHIGAN VINDICATED AGAINST AN UNFAIR COMPARISON' Attempts have also been made to find a precedent for this lawless rsovement in the circumstances surrounding the admission of the State of Michigan. But the following remarks of General Cass, in reply to Mtr. Sumner, on this point, and the views of his colleague, MBr. Stewart, presented in another part of this address, will settle the unfairness of that plea beyond cavil. Mr. CAss. I have listened with equal regret and surprise to the speech of the honorable Senator from Massachusetts. Such a speech-the most un-American an.d unpatriotic that ever grated on the ears of the members of this high body —as f hope never to hear again here or elsewhere. But, sir, I did not rise to make any comments on the speech of the honorable Senator, open as it is to the highest censure and disapprobation. I rise for another purpose. The honorable Senator has so mnisunderstood and misapplied the case of Michigan, which he brings forward as a justification of the proceed-;ngs in Kansas, that, as I know the facts connected with it, I feel bound to say a few words-and but very few they will be —to the Senate upon the subject. The honorable Senator has spoken of the right of the people to form conventions with a view to obstruct the authorized laws of the country. I deny such a right. I do not deny the right of any portion of the American people to form conventions; but con. ventions formed to obstruct the existing laws of the country, unless they succeed, are rebellion. The conventions to which the Senator alluded were held in times of revolution. He referred to the early proceedings in Virginia, while the country was in a state of revolution; when the people rose up to assert their rights; when the Governmenert was opposed to them; and when they had to take measures in their own hands to put down British tyranny and oppression. These were acts of revolution, and justified conventions; but the American people now have no justification for acts of rebellion.' hem do they rebel against? Themselves. The majority always can control the elections, and give form and substance to their representatives to procure any measures they please —-not, perhaps, to-day, or within a week, or a month; but the time must come shortly when they will be felt. So much for the States. And Congress is always ready to afford relief and protection to the Territories. Michigan was guilty of no such crime as that, I am proud to say. The proceedings in that State have no analogy with the proceedings in Kansas. The convention in Michigan was not for the purpose of opposing the law. Let me explain thel circulmstances in a few words. j The ordinance of Congress of 1787 provided, as I have already said in the Senate, for three States certainly, and two more at the will of Congress, within the Northwest Territory. If the number was increased to five, the first three States were to be bounded on the north by a line running due east from the southern extreme of Lake Mic-ligan. Congress made provision for the three States-Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. When Ohio cme into the Union, she proposed that her boundary, instead of being the east line, should, if it was found that that line would strike Lake Erie south of the north cape of t Je Maumee Bay, be a straight line from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan to the north cape of Maumee Bay. When her constitution came before Congress for acceptance, a committee of the House of Representatives, at the head of which was John Randolph, took charge of this subject, and that committee reported that Congress ought not to change the line. Congress had, in the mean time, provided for the territory of Michigan, with the east line for its southern boundary. The Senate will recollect that the provision of' the ordinance of Congress of 1787, with respect to the States to be formed in that region, was, that when they had sixty thousand inhabitants they should be admitted, by their delegates, into the Unio.n. The words were, " should be entitled by their delegates to take a seat in Congress." It was contended, in early times, in that country, and, for myself, I think correctly, that the people, at any time when they numbered sixty thousand, under that ordi. nance, had the right themselves, through the action of the Territorial Legislature, to come forward and claim admission. T1bat was the foundation of the proceedintgs of the State of kMichigan based on the law which I now-state. Michigan had a population of sixty thousand, and came forward for admission into the Union. A convention was called, not by the act of the people-that is, not by the act of individuals-but by a law passed by the Territorial Legislature. Their convention asa sembiled and formed a State constitution, and came forwar cli aiminr their 3onnodary to the line established by the ordinance of Cougress, alnd not acklnowledginf the Ohio line, My honorable fiiend f'rom Caliornia, whbo was then a citizen of Ohio, I preumne was in the State at the'time. H-Ie knows there was almost civil war. He must remenmber tha't the militia of Ohio and M)ichlgan were called out. I was here in the'abi-eu of Gene aI Jackson. I knew his anxiety, We were all apprehensive that a war mlilhbt break ou.t In reply to M1r. tade and, r. Trurnbll, who had argued tlhat the, admission of iMichoigan into th.e Union rfi'nisshed a precedent for accepting Kaasas on tahe Topeka constitution 3.Mr. oSte~ arb s.u. nitted.e following overwhehnlmin arguinent: ~ If the Senator will hear me, I will show him that he is mietaken in every parti'ou.l,r. In the first place, the ordinance of 187 authorized a certasin number of States to be formed out of the Northwestern Territory, and authorized their admission into the Union whenever thley should have sixty thousand hihabitants. Acting upon thad authority, the Territorial Legeslature of Miiclhfean, a.fter we had that number of inhabitants and mnore passed a law:to enable the people to elect delea tes to a State convention to forrin a State constitution. Those dele-ates were elected, and they formed a State constitutioli. and submitted the adoption of it to the people of the Territory, and the peopie adopted the constitution. They elected: a legislature under it, and they elected their senators to Cono gress. T'he people elected a representative to the other House. They caime here, and demanded admission into the Union. All this was done in virtue of the territorifal laws of Michigan1 acting in virtue of the ordinanee of 1T87. When they came here, Ohio disputed the southern boundary. That boundary included the mouth of the M aumee river. It had, up to that tine been within the fuirisdiction of the Territory of l5iceahiran It had not been within the jurisdiction of Ohio. All the oficers, township aud eounty, justices of the peace, and all others, were M3'ichigan officers down to the southern bo6ndarv which we claimed;i but Ohio claimned a right to that portion of the Territory~ Congress took up the sabject, and determined that Michigan should release that boi'tndary, and carry it ten mniles further north, as a condition of being admitted into the Union; and they determnined that that consent should be given by a convention of tho people.' Thatis the lantguage of the lawI of Congress. They did not say how thait; convention should be called. They did not say that it should be called by the legislature, They did not say that there should be legislative consent; but they said a convention of the people of Michigan should consent to that boundary. The legislature afterwards called a convention, and thatt clnvention rejected the propositicon. The people then took tiup the subject themselves, and they called a convention. That conventionr accepted the proposition, and that accOptant;ce was se.t to the Presideint of the United Stals. He transmitted it to Congress; and Conoresrs after tCll debate, decided that that acceutance was within the terms of its own. The'e)r you see, sir that there nae not a mOmnent in Michigani fromr the beginning to the end, that was not in accordance swkith teo -provisions of a law, either of tile Territory or of Congress, or of both. Now, here is the Topeka constitution, formed throughout without law fronm its inception to its end, admittedly by its friends, and yet it is said tzo be a parallel case to Miclligan. I submSit thlat there is not a single circumnst ance, fom its comnmelncelent to its endI that is cr;aaiel and I hope (although I confess that i have no ground to hope from past esperience) that'it twill not be asserted3 at least here again that the case of Kansas and the case of — Michigan are parallel." There are also a few additional feattures of this Topeka neovemen t which are not inappropriate at this point. They in.ay serve to illnstrate the sinmerity and consistency of its advocates as the friends of -tkhe colored race and the opponents of laws not authorized by a maJor ity of the people. One is the Ist section of the 11th article of the constitution, to be found on page 631 of the report of the House committee to investigato Kansas affairs, which provides that the constitution shall not be amended or altered prior to the year 1865, nine years after its adop-:tion, The blatck republi.-cans have indulged in unlimited denunci/t' tions of the laws of Kansas, because a mtjority of the people did not authorize their ascioption, and yet, at the same time, you see they intis' upon the recog0nitlo11 of a constitution, unZatec't~blEe for- ninze years, broug ht ohlh -in the imos t i,.o r r nal m-node, and unsustained by that greatt ekemenlt of authority, the iopular will. Ano-thelr is, tloat at th'e tine the constitution was made it was deteruinneld to submit to a vote oi' the people the qcestion of admitting or xthicninl fioee people, of color fromn the State; the decision to be bindinrg upon the legislature. Te vote on this isubject can be found in Lthe reio, t of the commitee, between pages 718 and 755, inclusive, showi. ng a decided majolrity in favor of' exclusion.'' 0On iange 645, undel the oneino'us caption of' Co,?zst~itnoticds. ProClonzatio.n~, James HI, L~ane; a, chlirain of the executive colstitutional coimmittee, announces the result of the vot;e as follows, to wit: f Afnd I do further proclaim and malae known, that of the votes cast at the aforesaid election for and agarinst thle passage of a law, by the General Assembly. providing for the sIXCLUSION oF FREE NEGIROES IFR'R0I THE STATE1 OF oXAAiNSAS the result of such vote to operate as iinstructions to the first Gteneral Assem!bly-a,goriZ.ly are in, f/vor ofexclu-,ton, as ascertainied by the returns of said electioi now on file in the office of the executive cormmnnittee. JA-MES H. TANE, Chairman ~Executive Committee." Here is a specinen of the humanity and libe-ality of those who are so constanatly "slriekinlg for liberty in Kansas," who are daily shedding crocodile tears over the hardships of the dowrn-trodden negro. They are the advocates of the same provision, resisted in 31819 by Mi.r. Adcams and others, tlhe insertion of' whichl in ithe constituation of Mimissoulri ki-ept her out of the Union until she repealed it. WTlhese:plfn"latlIhrop',ts,lseatl to'have Katnsas iree, indeed -free of colored fieentein as well as of slaves!3 Ex1-1pulion of t1je colored 1ace, bond anl fi'ee,'io1 the enjoyment of the ric1. valleys. and pure air of' free I KnsCea;, ms' what th-scy mean by libermty and equality-the hypocrites. WAe have now, fellow-cititzens, grivten you 0hYO hit ory anld cracter of tie Inmeast ue which the fimiends of Coloonel F mMonT wmsh yo i to sustai n n pri'een-ce o tho he wise aln t just law -iipas-ed by a democratic )Sertutie; viad xe sbhal awa-i_ t ayour verdict with conridencn Ave are outs;ie. ceriten -t;Iat you will Ti-inev sanction a mnieasure so fr irauoglht with nischief to our institutions o tart nished with violence insubordination, disorder, and[ fraud, and so unsustained by that great element of governnmental power, thle will of the people. DEBATE IN THE SElNATE. We now ask you to read. the fbllowing rermarlks of MBr. Toombs, delivered on the 2d of July, in explanation of the chara ter and effect of his bill, and his views and, piurposes in presenting it. WVe are qluite certain that you will adgree wvitll us tlat they are able, clear, and patriotic, and evince no want of courage or frankness in the author of this great mreasure of freedom. and justice. Mr.'Toso-IIs said: M1r. Preesidexnt angd enatfors: It was not at first my purpose to add anything to the observations which I made when I gave notice of the bill whieh is substantiall.y the one now before the Senate. I hlave never been under the necessity of making one speech to explain another. Though that was brief, it told plainly what I wannted, what I meant to do, and kow I intended to do it. At the same time, I declared my willingness to accept suggestions from those who agreed with me, so as to do these things in the most effectual manner. With that view, I accepted with pleasure the few amendments to the bill pro posed by the Committee on Territories, and was sbliged to them for correcting my own errors in matters of detail with which they were much better acquainted than myself. Nor, sir, would the motion of the senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Wilson) have altered my determination but for its being seconded by the senator from New York, (Mr. Seward,) accompanied with the assignment of reasons so untenable and extraordinary for his position. The senator from New York, in a speech delivered some two months since, after re counting the various grievances of the people of Kansas, (which had no other foundation than his own imagination, and the unreliable sources from which he usually derives his information, sustained not by proof but by intrepid assertions,) called upon the Senate, and upon the country, to give peace to Kansas by introducing her as a State, with the Topeka constitution. The foundation upon which he offered that constitution to the acceptance of the Senate and the country was, that it was the voice of Kansas, the will of her bona fide inhabitants. lie assumed, enlarged upon it, and proclaimed it to the civilized world as a fact, that the voice of Kansas was smothered by invasion, that her true people were overrun and conquered by aliens, that their ballot-boxes were seized and their liberties were4rampled under foot by foreigners, and he demanded that you should give justice to Kansas by allowing her people to make their own institutions. When he made that demand, though I admitted none of his assertions to be true, though I denied the'truth of every single fact upon which he based his demand, I thought I saw in his demand a basis for a speedy and satisfactory adjustment of this question, if he were sincere in his demand. I had again and again avowed my purpose to allow the people of Kansas the right to make their own domestic institutions, under the organic law and the constitution. I stood pledged to that policy as a public man, a pledcge which I have again and again, at this session and at previous sessions, reiterated my readiness to redeem. Then there was a common point of agreement between us. It was not upon past grievances; for there we differed. It was not upon his allegation of frauds or injuries inflicted on the inhabitants; for those I denied to the extent stated by him and his friends. But we agreed that the people of Kansas should legislate for themselves, without the intervention of force, fear, or fraud. We had but one point to settle-what was the will of Kansas? That senator asserted that the Topeka constitution was the true exponent of that popular will, and as such he demanded its acceptance. He put it to the Senate, the country, and the civilized world, that such was the fact. I did not think he believed it; I do not think so now i but I determined to meet him fairly on that issue, to test the sincerity of these declarations. I was willing to give down-trodden Kansas, if she be down-trodden, a right to make her own institutions, under the constitution, according to her own will.' This is the principle upon which I supported the Kansas-Nebraska bill. I stood upon it in no fraudulent or double.sense, but as an honest man ready to maintain it in the Senate and before the cou.ntry, at any time antd at all times. I determined to give peace to the country, if this would do it. It was in affirmance and not in derogation of the principles advocated by the friends of the original Klansas bill, I only reqauired one fact to be established: Is the Topeka constitution the voice of Kansas? This is the only question I asked; this is the sole demand I made;. this is the sole difference between my proposition and that proposed by the senator from New York. I did not believe he wanted any settlement of this question, and he has since satisfied me abundantly of the truth of that belief. I believe he wanted grievances; I believe he wanted discord; I believe he wanted anything but peace; I believe lie wanted nothing' but revo lution, or a state of things sufficiently near it as to give power to his party. I will offer the evidence of' this belief to the Senate and the country. I-e and his associates told us this same story, with all its variations-the free-soilers, the abolitionists, the two senators from New York, the senator from Vermont, (Mr. Collnmer,) and others repeated it. I believe the senator from Vermont went so far as to suippose that nineteen-twentieths, or some other large number, of the Kansas population were all on one side. HIe told us in his report that Kansas was down-trodden; that the laws made by the legisl-ature were not the laws of Kiansas, but were made by representatives of Missouri; that tthe majority of the people of Kansas abhorred them; that they were imposed on them by force and by fraud. 15 M~r, COLLAMER.- IS' the gentleman alluding to me? Mr. TooMns. Yes, sir. In the senator's speech he said the laws were against the will of the real settlers. Mr. COLLAMER. I said-and I produced my proof by reference to the returns-that the legislature was elected by Missouri votes. Mr. TooMrs. And did not represent the will of the people of the Territory? Mr. COLLAMER. Yes. Mr. Toonfrs. That is what I stated. Mr. COLLAMER. I meant simply that a large majority of the votes which created the legislature were east by people from Missouri. Mr. TooeMs. That is what I stated to be the gentleman's position. Then I am not mistaken in asserting that the senator set forth before the country, in an elaborate report, the position that the present government of Kansas was against the will of the people of Kansas; that a large majority of those people were opposed to the laws enacted by the legislature; that a majority wanted the Topeka Constitution; that the majority had been invaded, overridden, trampled under foot, ravished, plundered, imprisoned, murdered-as we have heard today. I did not believe a word of all tlis. I did not think those who said them believed them. I intended to apply a test to them which would show whether those senators would act as all reasonable men would who believed their statements; or whether I was sustained in my opinion of their oijects, views, and purposes. I submit that point to the American people and the world. The senatoi' from Massachusetts, now absent from his seat, [Mr. SuMNER,] told very much the same story. He spoke of down-trodden Kansas, overridden Kansas, plundered Kansas. He told us that her people had, by a foreign invasion, been deprived of the right which had been promised them-of beingi, allowed to select their own institutions for themselves. However variously ramified, enlarged, painted, or bedaubed, this W.as the basis, the cornertone, upon which were built'll of their pretended grievances-all of their firantic agonies. If these things were true, they demanded redress; but the facts being controverted, the first step towards any just measure of redress would be to ascertain the facts-to learn the truth, and then to act upon it-to act promptly, efficiently. The measure which I proposed was founded on that principle. I sought to ascertain the facts in the best possible mode that my own mind could suggest, to the end, that if these allcged wrongs were true, to remove them; and if they were not true, to demonstrate it to the thousands of honest men in the republic who have been deceived and deluded by falsehoods concocted in the Territory, and daily transmitted to the public through congressional speeches and reports, in order to conceal the base metal under the cover of official sanction. I came forward to offer it, not in a spirit of compromise, as I said to the senator from New York, but in vindication of a principle. I offered it on principles which have been affirmed by the great body of the American people. I did not expect to satisfy bad men on any side. When, four years ago, the present Chief Magistrate was electedand I believe most of these gentlemen voted for him, or his prominent opponent, (enerai Scott-the people of the United States, with singular unanimity; declared it to be a sound fundamental principle that, when the people of a Territory came to be admitted into the Union, they should be admitted with or without slavery, as the bona fide inhabitants should determine. This was affirmed at Baltimore bhy the democratic and whig parties; it was affirmed by nineteen-twentieths of the American people. Then, without going into controverted questions, as these gentlemen demanded what the democrats and whigs declared to be correct-as they demanded what I held to be the true principle —I felt ready at any moment to grant it. But what did I require? aimply that the fact upon which it all turned should be truly ascertained. I said: "Gentlemen-you the senators from New York, you the senators from Massachusetts, you the senators firom Vermont —(whom I had long known, and thouglht I could safely rely upon for a fair judgment) —if you say the voice of Kansas is for a free State, take what I offer; I present you a piroposition to let her have her own fi'ee choice forever. If you have spoken truly fbr her, why do you not take the coveted prize? When I make the annunciation, that I am willing to surrender Kansas preeisely in conformity with the will of the nation-in conformity with your own declarations, how am I met? I offecr you a pure and undefiled ballot-box. I protect it by all the means which law, backed by force, can give it. I offer the entire military force of this great country to secure to you that inestimable privilege —a friee untrammelled and uncontrolled ballot-box..w- am ] met? oad of' a pore h the seator( frotlassa, husetts wand -the senaator from flew N rO l tender mte the...o.' ox Mr - c' I LI; ~ ~'... ca.,.,g-~x r,?r:~s[ dent, if I believed those gentlemen represented the North, I would accept it and withdraw my bill now. If I believed the people of the free States vwere ready for that issue, before God and my country I would not shrink froim it. I am content to accept it whenever the North offers it. I present no compromises; I present principles; but I do not know what clain either of those gentlemen has to spealk br thne iNorth. I see around me able, patriotic, and venerable statesmen-somre of whoml have for fifty years, in peace and in war, been honored- and trusted by the North, by the Sout h by manBind. They give me a different account of the North. The representatives of milliols of northert freemen, from every State, county, and town in the nonlsl veholdi-ng States, minet in council with their countrymen of the South four short weelis Cons. consider them better witnesses of the feelings and wislhes of the.North than the black republican and aboliition senators on this floor. In-regarid to the senator from Ne- YorB, to my rnowledpg, for the last ten years, all parties have dreaded nothing he viould do ol say so much as the odium of his allianee. I deny their right to speak for the North. We next call youre special attention to the f ollowing extracts fi'oim speeches delivered in the Senate on the 9th of July, pending t he question on General Cass' notion to print twenty thousand copies of the Senate bill brl circulation. They are seleted inu the order in which they were delivered, an.d will serve still ffurt-er to illustrate the noble and just position of the democracy, as well as the inconsistencies and absurdities indulged in by the opponents of the bill: M[r. ToucEy. Mr. President, the House of Representat.tivis -has passed a bill -for the admission of Kansas into the'Union ucon the so-called Tope ka constitution. The Senate, not satisfied with that- pretended constitution, on the ground that it was a mere partial revolutionary movernent-that it was against law-that it wacs adopcted by only fa portion of a party which had no power to act for the people' of Kansas, or to irmpose on tihem: a eonstitution, have submitted a proposition and passed it, by which the tquestion shall be submitted to ile bona- fide settlers of Kansas, and a constitution firmled, if they ee fit to form one. The bill which was pas-sed by the House of Peprsentatives, and sent to the Senate, has been amended by substituting the bill of' the ente and sendinug that to the House; so that the issue:is made between the majority of the Senate:.e ncd the mrtjority of the House of Representatives, upon one point only-nanely: whether a coCnstitutionl faiirly formed by the whole people of Kansase in the Iman ner providc b the Senate's bill, is to be preferred over the' revolutionary constitution which was attem3pted to be made at the Topeka convention. Nox, sir, I desire that thi-s ill of the Senate which is so just and fair in itise!f-hich provides againsat every evil, so far as I can jUdge, that ilas been coenpltained of —may be spread berore the country in the fullest manner for the information of the public; and -I know of no modre in which it can be none so effiectively as by sendinsg out the bill itself without note or comment. Let the people jadge, 1froma n inspec'ion of' tIhhe bill itUself, whether we ounht to hbave adopted it- whether we, who originally proposed to leave the whole sulject of their domnestic in-titutions to the people of Ka-nsas, intend to carry out that measure an good faith For oneI v — s con;iitted to that measure at, the outset, and I intended that the people of Kansas, frairly and fieely, wirtbout any ex -ernal inter-ference from cany qcjoar.et,.ioutlo, ads -every aSt.ae doese and as every crmunity as been accustomed to 00do rim the tfot set)loment or' is. country dorwn tco te pree-ent ti. e —— sxercise the right of' self-ota ernmeent and dcide for itself apon its owv do-nestic lawis a(nd institntions. Sir: Wish to appeal to tie people of the country, by the bill wvhich wve have presented, and nlow again present to the House of Representsatives both -s t-n ori citlal pCoposition, and as an asmendnleit to their bill-whsether we do eot now prpcose to carry out that doctri-ne fairly a-ed truly as we avowed? I desire no better vindication of my course than that the people siall read this bill. There waes only one objection to it, and that was the want of numbers; but the House of Representatives hbs wiaied that objeetion, and we have waived it. We do so on the ground of the difficulties now existing iu Kansas, aiid we apply a remedy. That remedy is, by the action of the bonafide settlers, forming a constitution for themselves wiithout external interference, arid.we mrean to uphold them in their right to form their own conatitution, and to establish their own do mestic institutions, as every State in the fUnion now does, and has hiatheoto been accus-I tomed to do. As I sa&id before, I wish this bill to go to the American people. Tt has been misrepresented, it 110 now grossly misrepresented. Instead oi: takingr the omsreprriseat tion i wish ihe bill to go to the peop!e, that they may see what it ins and that inteailigent men everywhe'e inay understand what it is Mr. FESSa N oENc. Will the honorable senaetor allow nme to ask him in what particular it lies been misrepresented?'ir. Toucr~. iMsrepresented7 sirl It is represented as a miere slave measure; it is represented as; an unfair mearsure; it is denounced and misrepre sente d as designed for other purposes thean to secure'o the boe1 jide settlers of the. erlritory the right of selfcgovernmenti; and there are thousands who will never know, until it is too lte, vwhat is the true character of this bill and what are its provisions. I desire that the bill uiay go before the people at the northb asd throughout the whole north, thiat t'ncje ay see and know who they are who are disposed to leave it to the people of the Territory 1 o govern therrselves'to makie their own lats, to psthblis ther own instoitions, and who propose' different and an opposite course. " MYr WEtsEr, I do not desire to engage in the discussion of the merits of the bill; I on.ly wish to sav a word in regard to thn publication of it. inm very a!ad to find that the senators fi'om Ohio and Massaehusetts are willing to prini twsenty thousand extra copies of the bill in order that the people mnay understand precisely the position which tithe maaority of the Senate occupy on this question. The sentor from n' Massachusetts certainly must know that this bill has been sharmefully misrepr:sented-I do not say by any senators horen but by the public press of the country —and I am satisfied fi'rom what I have seen, that there are really soinme very intelligent editors in the country sho do not coniprehend this question, who do not u nderstand this bill as it has beesn hassed by the Senate. V/hy, sir the, misrepresenttitions of the piblic press are of such a character that no public Man (are now go before an assembly anti read a anewpaper as autnortgoy. I grant you2 this bill will be published in the neorwspapersi but.here w.11 you find a public manso who will risk his reputation by reading, nesp as authorit'y to lsustain ai ny fact which he miay affirm? I knowr t htt in the State of Ohio no public speaser dsare allude to n newspapet as authority for any statemnent he may maie 11eso.ee it i that I desire to pet this bill in an u fiicial form. It will then be a document which cantnoi be controvertedi. The Couif![c press very of'ten osisreresents se nators. They ihave even -cone go far as to say that the sent, or friom itassachusetts tlhe other day, in a poublic speech which he maide in the city of Philadelphia, declared that rit. Buchana n had affirmned that, if he hai a d drop of demnocratic blood in his veins, he would let it out. Now i am &ure tha it i s a mtisreprisearitationi of the public press. The senator fi'omn Miassachusetts is an intelligent mroan and never could hbave uttered any thingf so destiute of trith as that. I oply allude to this to show the tnisiepresentations of the public press, not onsly as to public s ens but as to public measureso. We desorer os this side of' the cssc'sber, thast our position shasl be uinderstood. Let the'pople read tohe bil and nmv word for it, they will nevei ri'ive sueh a onstructioni to it as has been given to it Dy t}'r sc,nator fia'om Ohi, (T'vI. W, ade,) lli evecits leto o it' ont.'We shall meet t atss'A is1o bhliot box;'se lhall arge thias question' there and if il-ei judgo'ent of t]i. peope1 e aniinst i.,: e shall subreanh. Wi sfhall not threaten r;evolution, as some of the lethi.- 1wsp uorers n that side have'on. We'esih.l not threaten orece aso dweece W i s ~' dlreaten t anither appeal to the ballot box at some otaer time. Mr. Bl.i'sE, nr5, Piedent, I bave listened to the rernarks of i'i:hfe a s~'o ias sachriset.is wss t!_i surp-6i'-e.'ie has gravely inqu's ed for th e tie fn (;foc isOs I ce'n te th.Iill (wshich it is propossd to print) was misr epresented. ftJ.,'' t.}:e_'e cn be,o.ii.... culty is answe-inic that q' t s[,iuio. Hfe has dlone so ie.!iis mml,-;~,- aftel i',d-:i;' r' iAnquiry, ti'e honosrableo senastor asserted, with s.n:eati earnietties o' i:., t:at te itention and put''pose. or tde bill is to carry onti the work ai' 0 ly -n'r 1'.... td e t ruffians of' iissourit Will the seriator say hat shucb atseuh...... it. s repesentation of th'e m "easure? WNill tie lonaendo tba' t sohe f op ie eose d law justifies oiy such conclusion? W/hat feature o the act hs roulght' thi e senac tor to the belie, that tihe'intentio_ is to carryy on the iork of usurpa'.ion, i'a r so, iss and mi'urder which he hais told Its hs beens begu n in so ensea? Wh.i lsnio,%eo in the bill looks to a work of that kind ti at justifes, i avcites, os countena snes it o the tisli:[itest e"nnot? Now,'ir, when this hssisue was fir:t under consideration, the senastocrse ad a statemeat snaiiar to that wAseb he lis dropei i thia mornin g, He 1 then siid the intiention was to bring Kansas into the Union as a slave State. Will not such statements be picked up by the press in his part of the Union, for the purpose of creating the impression that there is some hidden purpose in the bill calculated to do injustice to a portion of the people of Kansas? And yet the senator manifests surprise that misrepresentations should be anticipated. Now, sir, I assert, unqualifiedly, that the bill intends no such purpose as that imputed to it by the senator from Massachusetts; and I ask him to point to the section or clause that justifies his assertion. Its language and purpose are dlear, so much so, that the wayfaring man cannot misunderstand it. It simply intends that the people-the bona fide citizens, now in Kansas, shall, by the expressios of their will, uncontrolled, decide the question of slavery for themselves-shall determine whether they will have the institution or not. Is this not fair?: Have we not been told bv both sides, that they ask nothing more? Is not this in accordance with the spirit of the organic law? But we are next told by the senator fiom Ohio, that if a little more time had been given for the organization of the State under the bill, it would have been more accepta ble. This is extraordinary logic to come from those-who insist upon the admission ot Kansas, immediately, on the Topeka constitution; a measure adopted when the population was far less than at present, and which, on the face of the proceedings connected with it, only purports to come from a portion of the people-those not content wi:th the territorial government. Again, he alleges that a certain class of the inhabitants have been driven out. The honorable senator is certainly aware that the eleventh section of the bill, as passed by the Senate, makes a provision, that all those who at any time had been citizens of the Territory, and had left, temporarily, because of the bad condition of society, or for any other reason, shall have the right to return and participate in the election. MIr. WADrE. Does this bill give any additional right to the people to return there? HIave they not a right to go there whether your bill passes or not? Is there anything gained by it? Mr. BIGLER. Certainly the people can return to the Territory, whether the bill passes or not; but that is not the point. The senator knows that the 4th day of July, 1856, is named as the time when the bill shall' take effect. Those who are citizens at that time are to have the right to vote for delegates. The senator, and those acting with him. objected to this feature, alleging that the free State party had been driven out of' the Territory, and therefore the tendency was to make Kansas a slave State. This objection was promptly met by a provision from the committee, which I have just described, that all who had left could return and participate in forming a State government. The coimmissioners appointed to superintend the election are directed to enter the names of all such on the list, and permit them to vote for delegates; so that all the qualified voters who were in the Territory at the time the Topeka Constitution was made, and all who have at any time made their residence there up to the 4th of July, 1856, will have a part in making the constitution. Surely, Mr. President, no man who advocates the Topeka constitution can consistently object to this bill on the groiund that all the citizens are not to participate in carrying out its provisions. Any objection to the Senate bill on that point will apply with destructive force to the Topeka movement. It is most extraordinary, Mr. President, that we should be lectured-no, I will not say lectured-but edified from the other side, on the necessity of order and form in our movements-that we should not attempt suddenly to force a measure on the country which is not intended to accomplish the end which appears on its face, and at the same time be urged to sanction the Topeka conastitution, a step which all must agree was taken, not only without authority of law, but in derogation of all law, and which progressed in menace of the government, at every step, and which has been marked by violence and disorder in every stage of its eiuaination. Now, sir, I wish to say to the senators from MA3ssaehusetts and Ohio, very distinctly, that when they describe the tendencies of the bill as forcing' slavery into the Territory, and as perpetuating the work of the border rufehans-if they mean to say that I seek to produce such consequences, they misrepresent my motives. I simply intend that the bona fi.de citizens of Kah:sas shall, witlhout. dictatien fiom any quarter, decide the question of slavery for themselves. This is all the bill intends, or is calculated to produce. I have liked this measure from the beginning because I thought it contained the elements of peace and quiet, together with those of perfect fairness to all; its leading idea being th prompt termination of the contest as to the local policy of the Territlory touchiong the instiitouLc of sla'ver. Xie hr.r:cu t:; il'v the. otther siOthr Jude, tha-It t.i:re wa no. rea.:/ 19 f~osr'he state of society in Kansas but her prompt admission into the Union as a Statel and this is what the bill provides for. We have been told, also, by these gentlemen, that they had no confidence in the local government of Kansas —that it was controlled by the slave power entirely-that free State people were driven from the polls. In order to meet this objection, an independent organ has been provided, to administer the provisions of the law —a board of' five commissioners, to be taken from both sides, and who, [ trust, will be able and pure men, and who are to be clothed with ample power to protect the ballot-box against aggressions from Missouri or any other quarter. They can even call in the aid of the military to accomplish this end. Now, sir, I am not to be misunderstood on this subject of intrusions from Missouri. I countenance no such. I have uniformly discarded and condemned them. I seek only a fair and free expression of popular will. X * * -* * * * * * * But we have been exultingly told that we have abandoned the doctrine of non-inter vention by the bill. I do not intend to argue this point at length. The senator from Michigan, when the bill was under consideration put that allegation down. I certainly do not intend to impair the doctrine by any act of mine, for I intend it shall be a finality mnE this subject. But I can see a very clear distinction between annulling laws clearly unconstitutional, and in violation of the letter and spirit of the organic act, and a law of Congress dictating or interdicting a local institution-saying that the people should or should not sell ardent spirits-that they should or should not hold slaves. It should be observed, again, that the proposed action has special reference to the preparation of Kansas for admission as a State, and not to her policy as a Territory. I am aware, My. President, that some features of the bill look like interference; but the Kansas-Nebraska act declares that the action of the local legislature shall be confined to rightful subjects of legislation. Will it be pretended, then, that interfering with the right of free discus sion is a rightful subject of legislation? I do not care to raise the question of congressional power, for I hold that, however the question may be decided, it is politic for Congress not to exercise the right to interfere with the question of slavery in the Territories, In conclusion, lMr. President, I wish to repeat that the vitality of this bill is found in that feature which so promptly terminates all motive, on the part of outsiders, to force a temporary population.into the Territory for the purpose of shaping its policy on the subject of slavery. So soon, then, as the bill shall become a law, that feature will take effect. Thereafter it will be idle for the advocates of slavery on the one hand, and the enemies of the institution on the other, not residents, to continue their efforts and excitemnent. I seek to adopt a measure of peace; and much as I dislike the precedent for the admission of States with very small population, I am willing to forego this, because I think the exigencies demand extraordinary measures. But I cannot vote for the admission of Kansas on the Topeka constitution. It would be the recognition of violence-of usurpation, and because it would be unjust to a portion of the people-would countenance revolution, attempted without any previous application for redress-for the Topeka convention took the subject into their own hands, without asling redress at the hands of Congress at all. Both sides have invited the proposed measure by seeking early admis. sion into the Union, and I have no fear of the result.; the provisions of the bill will be embraced. The senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Wilson] has said that the consequences will be to bring Kansas in as a slave State; and yet that senator has uniformly claimed, as have all on the other side, that three fourths or nine tenths of the people of Kansas are for a fiee State, and I have shown that all who may have left have the opportunity to return. Up to the introduction of this bill we have been told by the other side that all they desired was a fair expression of the will of the people. This bill will afford an opportunity for such expression, and those who oppose it must take the responsibility. I shall vote for the motion to print. Mr. DouGLAS. I shall not detain the Senate long. The excuse heretofore given for resisting the law and shooting down the officers of the law in Kansas, has been that the same legislature which made the Kansas code passed two or three statutes which the resistants did not like —statutes invading the. liberty of the press and the freedom ot speech, and imposing certain tests for voting and for jurors. It was said that these par tioular laws were barbarous and monstrous-that a free people should not submit to them, and that, whilst such laws stood on the statute book, they were justified in resisting the constituted authorities of the Territory. Well, sir, the Senate has passed a bill which declares ilI such oinoxious provisions or laws in the Territory null and void. Every stato roy proinv1ion wIhic has been given a's an exrnue foir,sis; ne to aws, has been blotted out. What excuse now lav.e you for getting otp rebe'lion, and- riots, and bloodshed, and ouse-burni ngs ill Kansan' If now you resist the law, yo" are risisting statutes that are aci-nowledg'ed to be proper and wisesthose which punish iouidur and house-breokino, antd robb-ery, and those crimes that are punished, and ou ht to be panished in il r cvi' ized c~ommn-itieo s. Wha ex cuse baave you now fcr resistance to tohe law?':Do you say that the rurderer sbouid not be punishedi because you do not believ' that the legiulty re wasic firly eleeted which nade the law aeai. st mourder? Are yon gning to rescue the thief bciause yon do not like the leislature that passed the law -against larcen-y?. The obnoioeOus laws are eonc and thei senetor ~roni Ohio [Mr. Wade] latments that they are gone. IHe laments it in his speech, and I h.rlve no doulbt laments it in nis heart. T'le imaterial out of which politiceal capital is to be omade is gone. Gentlemen have been kid enonugh to say thnat the object of this li i i mak a sla e Statle in Koansas. I show them. that by the provisions of the bill. its oli-ect is to allow the people to imake just such a State as they wish. The Seniiator froi-m Marine (Jro Ies;endelo) says he has a right to go a lttle behind the face of the bill and give his opinion that the obiect is to make Kansas a slave State. Conceding that right, and acting upon it, I have a right to corm to the conclusion, that all thaee gentlemen want is to get up murder rnd blooished in Kansas for political effect. They do not mean eat there shall bc pee ce until after the Presidential election, They sent their partisan agents to get up rebelion, to commit:crimcc to burn houses, and. then thenir rwspaper aeents are to report these. aets hece, and charge them on the borrrer ru:fianis. This $whole game of violence there, and the publication of it here, is done by the one and same set of men-cone ifor political effect. It is. a part of their gamo. hiey do not mean that there shall be peace. T'heir capital for the Presidential election is'blood. We may as well talk plainly. An angel fr'om heaven could not wccrte a bill to restore peace in Kari sas that woulId be aceepta-ble to the Abolition Republicica party previous to the P1residential election (Lau-ohter and applause in the gallories.) The PaRESlDrC OFPICER (Mcr. FooT,) order. M-. DQounGLAs. Thle Sen'ate hbs pcassed andc now propose to priint a bill no rman on earth can pretend is not fir, just ind equitable in ali its provisios. Eveno the most hardened partisan doies nriot preteend to say the liill is unfair. Then why not -i for it?.They say there is sorimthine heyvond it. The Senator fiom Vermont (Mr. Coelanmer) says hemust look at the: cause of the dintioulty, in order to provide the rei medy. But if tb-is bill is a fair:one; if its provisions are such as will:insure a trueo expression of t he popula'voic- oI Ka-aas'i iy Inot agree to it?'fou ay you do not like the canu.e tiat produced the dic:{lltv in Kllmss. Nor do we. We believe that yon orig-ntted all i tie difficultieso anuI are jus i. responsible for the consequeneces we believe yo ur E mrniie-rare Aid Society was orTo-amized for such Iu mooses, We believe there never wo,!di ]l'hve been any trouble im'Lansais but fOr your efforts an' that they were for political obicls. St illi you have brought'these - t,[icuitie-s upon ]a e —si-, andn we have to deal with the fact as they are. WCr iave to deal w'ith existing facts. Seall we refu se to remedy the eviits because we fetel ad klnow that You produced threm; or will you refuse to rem-dy dtie evils because you Cehare tihe origin of t'hemr on s? We are bound,as horest men and patriots to appl a remiedy to the evils. no matter forms what quarter they miay have origiinated. TIhen, ir- if it be'ao evil to have laws in force infringinrg th- f-eedom:of speech in the Territory, why not join with us to pass this bill.l which hbiter-t. te those laws? If it be an evil of: sch magn itde as to justify rebellion and bloodshed to have the test oaths in the Territory, whynot join with us in blotting them out? If there be such evils as are portrayed in Kansas, why not join us in applying the reimedy? iNo you vainly hope that you canr make the people believe that the Democracy are responsible for the consequences of youir own rets, aod thus gather political capital frovm tire blood of vo ir fellow citizens, if violence can reign and the excitement last until tirhe Pre-idential election. He0nce, law unist not prevail olif o mnst not be saf'e-property must not hbe secure-peace m rust not be restored in Kansas, iif the Abolition Repubiicen leaders can prevent it until after the lectioin You mistake, if you suppose the people will not hbe able to underSt rand this scieme. When we pr-esei-t you with a fair bill designed and:calculated to have a fair election, if you are will'ng, that there should be a fair election, why not join us in passing the bill?'Your excuse is, that the-free State men have all left Kansas, and: that there is no hope of expectatiorn that they ever will ~return. If, -for the sake of the argumentbthe truth of this position should be: granted,,would, that fact fuenish suflcient reason for denying to the actual inhlabitants of Kansas-those who intoend to remain and imak1e it their home —the right of livirng under a constitution anid laws of theio own 1making? By the terms of the bill, all who have left h'{ve the right to return aclnd v te t the elOc;tion. If they do not return and make Kainsas their homei and vote t the election, i will be their own fault or choice. But is it true, in tact, that the great hody of the free state me have left Kanas i? If they have, and if it be true that they will not go back, do you propose to give effect to a constitution which they made, and to wmhit they will not return and live under? If your stsatement be t:ue t.:-t they have all left, you have got a constltution which nobody in the Territory is in favor oi' — a constitution to govern a people, all of whom are' a?;a inst it —-a constitution in the making of'whic-h nobody there participated. If your statement be true that those wiho made the Topeaks, constitxteion -have left and gone to parts unlknorwn and' cannot be induced to retiuni wilh what propriety or truth can you say that the constitution ought to govern a people vwho are opposed to it and had no voice in making it?.But why talk about t5 e fi'ee State men, or any considerable ortion of them havingr been driiven fiom the Territory? If the newspapers are to be believed, a few have lei oen bot sides, and probably in about eqrual proportions in respect to numbers. Then, I ask, what cause of complaint is there, that the free State men ha ve efl; th e Territory? How long is it sinsce this cry has been raised? The wlistle was Sounded by the lea.der (It'r. Seward,) and every one repeaeli i lie:' parrot. Up to the moment this bill vwas submnitted to them —-up i that very instant of the time the leader said, and every one repeated it, that the firee State men iwere in the ratio of ten or twenty to' one to the pro-slavery meon of Kansas. You all affirmed the statement, and repeated it over ansd over acoin in your speeches, as a reason why IKansas should be admitted with toe Topeka consitituton. You all averred lhat the Topeka party comprised a vast; nmjoriyt of the inhabita nts of Kainsas —sonme of you stating that a majority ten to one, while others estimeatecd it at twenty to one; but all asgreeing that there was an overiwhelming meiority in favor of a riee State, and for that rea soni insisted upon the admission of Kansas with the Topeka constitution. You afEirmned the truth of this fact op I to he very hour that the Senator fomrn Georgia gave notice of lhis proiposition to ascertain, by a fir election, the real opinions and vishcs of the people o~ Ktnsas, when suddenly you all changed your tune asnd declared that such a l"w vwould result inevitably in inmakinc Kansras~ a slave etate. Hiow could such a bili iake I nas a slave State, if s Inorty of the people were opposed it? It is admitted on all hands that the sill -ist and equitable in all its provisions, and provides for a, fair a nd impartial election. Your argumant was, that IKansas should be permitted to speaki that her voice should be Iheard he' will obeyed, by allowings her people to have such e conslitution as nineteen twentieths of them demanded. You said it was a ereat crimee against! ansas, to compel the majority to submin to o the minority; that a fiee peopIle vould cot submit, and ought never to sub ii: to a system of laws forced upon themn in opposition to their wishes: and regardless of their srights under tih organic law to decide the slavery question for themselves. New, when wce propose to permit Kansas to speak, and to speak her own voice, uninfluenced and tunawed by any foreign power, or any other power than their own firee wll, your excuse for denyings them the right. of making their own soondamental law, is that your friends have been driven out, or they are imprisonedl Imnprisonedt for what?'You give us to understand that they are all in prison for violating the law abridging the freedom of speech and of the press. Bear in miind and I have had to remind you of it several:ties this session there has never bee:n one of your men imprisoned for a violation of either one of the obnoxious laws of which you have complained. If it be true, as is now said, that they are in prison and under arrest for a violation of any one of those laws, this bill abrogates those laws, and thus releases your prisoners. There is no lawyer who will deny that a bill repealsng. penal law without a reservation, as to pre-existina offences, dismisses the indicteent, and releas es the prisoner. It is a general jaiil delivery of the whole Territory as to any crime or alleged offence under any one of those obnoxious laws which you say ought not to be in force. Then what comes of your comp!aint that your men are all in prison? If they are in prison, they are not there for violating any one of those obnoxious laws. If they are in prison, they are there for larcebny, for murder, for robbery, or for sonme other crime, punishment for which is usial and properin all civilized communities. They are not in prison for violating anyleaw abridging the freedom of speech, or the liberty of the press, or any other aight 22 hheil sacred in any Christian country. I repeat that all laws of.which you comp'in have been declared null and void, as being contrary to the true intent and mearugin of tihe organic law, and the Constitution of the United States. Then what becomes of your objections to this bill? You are driven back to the flimnsy pretext that it is a bill to make Kansas a slave State, and is so designed —yes, " designed" is the word. The bill provides that it shall be a free State, if there are a majority of the people for making it a free State, and a slave State, if a majority are in favor of its being a slave State; yet you say it is a bill to make Kansas a slave State. This allegation cannot be true, and yon cannot believe it to be true, unless a majority of the bonac fde inhabitants are opposed to the Topeka constitution, and in favor of making Kansas a slave State. Do you pretend that there is a majority there in favor of a slave State? If a majority of the bona fide inhabitants are in favor of a slave State, they have the right to make it so; and it is our duty to receive it into the Union either with or without slavery, as they shall determine. The will of that people fairly expressed, honestly embodtied in their constitution, ought to be the fundamental law of the new State. * * * * * * * * * * I have a word to say on the subject of popular sovereignty, inasmuch as the gentle' man from New Hampshire has brought it into the debate. He certainly could not have been here the other night, or else he is very forgetful, when he says the doctrine is now abandoned-that the legislature of a territory has the right to legislate on the subject of slavery, in obedience to the Constitution. Did not the senator from Michigan [Mr. Cass] affirm that right in debate the other night? Did not the senator fromn Connecticut -[Ir. Toucey] vindicate that right in the same debate? Did not the senator from Ohio [Mr. Pugh] avow and defend the same doctrine? Did I not do the same thing in that debate, in language so explicit and unequivocal that no man can be excused for misunderstanding? Did not every senator on this side of the chlamber, without one exception, who spoke on the subject, distinctly avow and defend the same doctrine? And yet, in the face of all these avowals in the last debate which has occurred on the subject, we are told by the senator from New Hampshi-re [aIr. Hale] that the doctrine is abandoned. Abandoned I when, and by whom? Certainly not by its advocates. The doctrine was unanimously affirmed by the National Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, and now forms a fundamental article in the creed of the party as officially promulgated. This is all I have to say upon that point. The senator says he is in favor of popular sovereignty so far as to allow the people of each Territory to decide the slavery question for themselves when they form a constitution preparatory to their admission into the Union. I am glad to hear this avowal. I am sure it will astonish his political associates as much as it does his opponents. He complains that I should have intimated that he and his political friends were opposed to allowing the people to decide the question for themselves when they seek admission into the Union. I did suppose that the unanimous and determined opposition of the whole abolition party, includ ing the senator himself, to the bill under consideration, justified such a declaration. The whole object of the bill is to protect the people of Iansas in the undisturbed exercise of their right to form a constitution to suit tlemselves, and to come into the Union with slavery, or without it, as they shall determine in their constitution. If he and his party really believe in the doctrine which he now avows, he and they are bound to vote for the bill under discussion. Sir, if he is in -favor of allowing each State to come into the Union with or without slavery, Ms it pleases, he belongs to a political party whose creed declares C1 no more slave States" in this Union under any circumstances. Your party is pledged never, "as long as the sun shall sline, or water shall run, or grass grow," to admit another slave State into this Union, whether the people want slavery or not. Is not that the position of your party? You run a candidate pledged to do an act which you deem it unfair and unjust for us -to charge on yourselves. You belong to and cooperate with a party unanimously pledged to do an act which you 23 admit to be unconstitutional. Your party stands pledged, by eve6ry obligatoion which can bind nmen's honor, never to admit any more slave Stat.es, while you declale on the floor of the Senate that evei'y.iew State has a right -to come into the Union with or without slavery, as its own people shall determine for themselves. If you hold the sentiments which you now declare, you cannot and dare not vote for the Republican ticket, which is pledged against that very principle; nor could you be in favor of the restoration of the Missouri restriction, which prohibited slavery, not only while a Territory, but " forever," in the country over which it extended. So much for the views of the senator from New Hampshli re on1 popular sovereignty! But the senator says I heave chargedd him with certain crimes, and he is grieved that I should hatve supposed he could be guilty of such grave offences. The charge conasits in my having held him responsible for the natural consequences of every speech he has made in Congress during this session, if not for several years past. W. e were told yesterday, by the same senator, that it was but fair and legitimate to hold a senator responsible for the natural consequences of his own acts. Here is what he said: " The senator from Illinois complains that it has been represented that there was an inteation, a desire, a purpose, by the legislation of C'ongres%. to mako Kansas a slave State. Mr. President, I have been educated to believe in the wisdom of that maxim of the common law which says that a mtan intends the natural consequences of his act. It is not for a man to take a gull and fire into a crowd, and say he did not mean to hurt anybody. The law says he intended the natural consequences of his act." Following that line of argument, the senator assumed the responsibility of charging me with the personal intention of creating a sia (ve State in Kansas in direct contradiction to my own language on this floor. HIe had heard me deny that such was the intention of thle bill, or of those who voted for it. He had heard me declare that the intention was to leave the people there free to form a slave State or a free State, as they should see proper; but in the teeth of my declaration, and in direct opposition to the terms of the bill, he took upon himsell to charge me with an intent to do what he thought would be the iesult of the act. Now, when I, in turn, apply his own process of reasoning to him, and prove that if his reasoning be true he is guilty of every crime that has disgraced humanity in Kansas, he objects to the application of the rule..He is not willing to be held responsible -fr the natural consequences of his own action. He is not willing to be judged by the same rule which he professes to be fair when applied to others. Yet he must submit to the application of that rule to himself, or withdraw all he has said against us. The senator from ]Maine, this morning, repeated the same declaration of his belief; so did the senator from Massachusetts. Do they expect that we will allow them to attribute designs to us in direct contradiction of our express language, and we refrain from holding them responsible before God and man for all the life that is takeu, and the blood which is shed in pursuance of the line of policy they'have worked out for the presidential campaign? eJ sow.r thel.-.n that_ their inten;tion-s may be question;er, anod moo tives imLap-itgned, Ias well as ourls. his syrstem o ilolating oIl vhe rules anld usages Of el batje by impneaichit- ng senators' intentiorns, con trary to their declarati-on, tzhey will find is not a pleasant basinss. I have never imnpugni-d a senators moftive except in nsolt}eU bnc% oi just 1 ret-aliation. In this sense I do say7 wbithout the least heo s;ato"on), nalm at every icrnie comuiti;ed in Itansas, every act of violence pcrpet:, aTeo in the Territory, has resoulted naturally as the legitimsa e consequence of the speeches and'action of the firee-soil senators in tbhis c hntnamib lr. In your speeches you have told tlbe people of Kansas at the lLgislatilo" was an unlawrful assemiDlage; that their enactmelnts were not -valid laws; that the people were under no obiigation m.0oral or i.e',al, to obey the local laws of the Territory; that the offi.cers appoiluted to execute the laws had no rightful authlority to do so and that both officers and the laws might be resisted, even unto death, without incurring any responsibility or punishmnent. That is the fair construction of every speech you have manade, You lhave, by your speeches, advised bloody resistance to the law and its officers. You now complain that, in makEing that resistanced blood has been shed and. life has bee2 taken. If so, rt-e blood has been shed and thlle life taken under your direct,advice; it is the legitimate consequence of your own acts. Then, Yw,,hen I charl ge upon you as a party all the consequences of those bloody acts which have st-aine( tlli e. istory of Kansas; I only cl:arge that -whichl is and vas tlne in.evi-t~ale consequence of the speeches you have made and the course you have pursued. Mlr. FESSENDEN. Will the Senator state woo has mnade any speech advising bloody resistance? 1aI lm no-t ai are of any s -ich. I have meade no speech on the subject myself, anud therefiori bl.e -ieremnark does:not apply to me; but I have not hecard any speechs of the kind. I'r. DOUGLAS. Each one of the speeches'which I have heard from your side of the Chamber has bez'%en calculiated to encoulage and excite resistance to the laws of the Territory. Mr. FESSENDEN. That is your inference from tlhe spechesh ~Ir. DOUGLAS. Yes; and it must have been the inferencel, also, of'every impartial mnan who has listened to the deb tes. Deuiations of' the legislature of the Tern o:fy and S eonlcs -t,., it.and of the officers of the law, together with eulogies upon iho ahleroic. people of La7iwrence, and praises of the gollant free State party, ho,v-e const-it.ted the mcaterLias out of- which nearly all of your speeche 1e have been m anufa tured. Thle fact can eid;ither'be tenied uno concealed, that the tendency of all stuch speeches was to sthirm1lat'1 and encolu01 a ge rebellion against the laws, and resistance to the ofc.ersen of'the Terri — tory. No clirie has been perpetrated, no act of we-iolne comrnr-t-tIed, which cannot -find its ju.stification in the speeches of senators. It is difficult to conceive for whlat purpose those t speechees weere Imade, unless it towas tlo excite resistance to thne laws of the Territory, and to convince the people of -the United States thIat those laws oulght to be successfully resisted, Thus you all counselled violence, and violence resulted from your counsels. It affords me no pleasure to speak, in terms of severity of senators; but it is time they learned that they canlnot assault me, or question my motives, with impunity. Mr. President, the senator from New Hampshire has spoken of that great landmark of freedomn the Missouri compromise, which was so sacred that tile denunciations of the Bible would rest upon any man who had ever com:mitted the profane act of assisting in its removal. While the senator was pouring forth his eloquent denunciations on the heads of those who have removed the landmark, I sent one of the pages to get ine a copy of a speech made by that senator during the discussions of the Compromise measures of 1850. I have the speech before me, and I will read what he then said orf the Missouri compromise, and see how aru it sustains the sacred character which he now attributes to ~fat mneasure; "'hMr. HLALE. I wish to say a word,-as a reason why I shall vote against the amendment. I shall vote a.oainst 36~ 30/ becazsce I thrilk theere is ane itmplicatiol, irl t. [Laughter.] I will vote for 37~ or 36~ either, just as it is convenient; but it is idle to ahut our eyes to the fact tlatu here is an attempt in this bill-I will not say it is the intention of the mover-to pledge this Senate and Congress to the imaginary line of 36~ 30/, because there al'e some historical recollect/iona connected qw-'ith it il regcard to this controversy about slavurey. I will content myself with saying, that I netever vilt, by vote or sp eec2, acclizi or' submit to anry thiczg tbhat may bin7d tC.e action of olur legislatiovn here to mnake the paTrallel of.36~ 30/ th7,e boaldclary linme between slave and fi;e- teerritory. And when I say that, I explain the reason why I go against the amendmient." When the question was presented for consideration whether 3~0 30' shoeuld be main — tained as the dividiny line between freedofnm anrd slavery, as the senator calls it, he represented such a dividinig line as the worst of all mlodes of settlement that could be devised. Then he told us with eloquent toniuea, and in bold latguage, appealing to God., r the sincerity of his vow, that never would he, by act or speech, recognize tle propieity of the line of 330 30/. rNow, when he thilnks he can make a point on a political opponent, le speals of that great covenant of peace, 36~ 30/, and of the terrible condemnation threatened by Divine authority on men who relmove the la:ndmark, referring to 36~ 30/', ~ as a sacred monument hetween freedom and slavery. I ask him now, if he does not trenmble lest the jucd.ment of that just God, whose vengeance lhe has implored on us, will rest upon himself; -fr haviing first derided that measure, whiclh for portisarn purposes he now calls sacred? It does not become the senator frim New Hampshire to arraign me,for having abrogated the line O360 30/. While speahling of the territorial laws, condemnisng many of them, anci concediing abluses in the elections for iimemnbers of the legislature, 3.r. Stuart, of Biichigan, presented the following views as to the bind-:ing effect of the statutes, to wit: I hold the doctrine in respect to- those laws to be this: laws entacted by a lcrislitur. elected according'to the forms of law, and placed upon a statute book by co-:rizs and be execCztive ojsicelrs throughout tohis whole country,; are to be regarded as binciing laws, and it is their dutS to execute'thiem. It has been decided by the highest tribulnals in thy States and the United States, that no court can go behind the law to see whlether it was fairly passed or not, and no executive officer called on to execute the law can be permitted' to determine for himself its validity. Then, when Senators on this iloor have told the people of IKansas firot thiis high place that they were justified in resistingaD those laws, they have told them what courts, actiitl, in obedience to laws and constitution8s, have determlned to be crimini-al ever since civilization began. And yet they say they are not responsible Men stand here in their places and say to the people of Kansas: "'These laws have been forced on you by the people of Missouri; they are irreg'olar; they are of no bindinr effect, and you are justifed in their resistance;" and yet they "wash their hands of allthe evils that exist in Kansas." ~When it comnes to a confgressional question, in my judflgment it is quite another affair. Th'e authority of: Couiress put that Territory in a condition to be, organized aind if'Conoress are satisfied that that orgadnization has been irregular, fraudulent, and void, tlrey possess the power clearly and beyond dispute to right the evil and afford a remedy. But, sir, the President of the United States and every executive oflce&r, the Supreme Court of the United States and every judicial officer, is bound to regard those laws while thley stand, as the existing bona fide laws of the Territory, and they are to be' obeyed. In reference to the character of the bill and the objections made to it, the same gentleman presented the following cogent remarks: It is presented, therefore, in the existing excited condition of the country, and in the lamnentable condition of Kansas, as the only remedy that it is possible to pass. And how is it objected to? Every Senator who has spoken on the other side has acknowledged that upon its face it is a good bill, and that if it could be carried out according to its own terms and provisions, it would execute a good purpose-it would heal the difficulties in Kansas, and reduce things to order and harmony throughout the country. Now, I say to my honorable friend's here-opponents as well as those who think with me — 4that whenever any man ventures opposition to a bill on the ground that it is to be dishonestly executed, it is an argument which subverts the foundation of all law. Human ingenuity cannot pass a law which is to be effective, if it is not to be honestly and c6mpietely executed. If you assume that the courts of the country, the President and tShe executive officers of the country, will not execute your laws, then you may abandon legislation upon this, and upon all other subjects. I go for this bill upon the belief and upon the expectation that, like all other laws, it will be honestly executed and carried out; and the surrounding circumstances of the country, so far from permitting me to leave them as they are, urge me to forgo the personal wishes which my friends know I had in respect to some amendments to that bill, and to give it my hearty and my full s.upport. Mr. Pugh concluded a very able discussion of the whole subject with the following cogent and convincing argument in favor of the Senate bill: The Territory of Kansas is now convulsed by civil war. These Senators themselves proclaim the fact. They represent it as worse, much worse, than I have seen reason to believe. They tell us that the people-our fellow-citizens-men, women, children —are in a condition of horrible distress. What remedies are proposed? None sir, that can he effectual, or satisfactory, except the bill to which the Senate has given its approval. Will those senators defeat the bill? Will their partisans in the other House reject it? I adjure you to consider the consequences. Do you desire peace in Kansas? Do you wish to have a fair election? Do you intend to allow those inhabitants their undoubted rights as American citizens? Then assist in the adoption of the Senate bill. There is nothing else. If you do not assist-if you defeat that bill —if you prolong the sorrowful condition of Kansas-if you stimulate this unnatural controversy to greater lengthsthen, I tell you, the curse of every crime which may henceforth be committed there —the blood of every man who may be slain-the honor of every woman who may be violatedwill rise up in judgment against you. I will not now make the charge-although as a retort, it would be justifiable-that you desire a continuance of this anarchy, public distress, and civil war, in order that you may influence the results of the presidential election. That, however, is a question for the country at large; and I shall endeavor, in my humble sphere, to make the country understand and appreciate it. Here is the substantive proposition: That with all the safeguards suggested in either House of Congress, an election is to be held in Kansas-a State government formedand peace happily restored. What is proposed on the other side? First, the senator from Illinois [Mr. Trumbull] wishes to abolish all the laws of the Territory at once, and thus legitimate the outrages, the bloodshed, the anarchy, which he pretends to deplore. Second, he and his political associates offer to subjugate the citizens of the Territory to a constitution which they never ratified, which was formed without authority of law-and which modestly declares itself unalterable, in any particular for nine years. Let the people of the United States consider such an issue-ay, sir, let them decide it. This involves everything connected with our government, which is worthy of consideration. If passion, prejudice, fanaticism-aided by all the modern arts and adjuncts of falsehood —can so mislead the American people that they will not distinguish good from evil-will no longer respect the fundamental principles of their own government-will 27 rashly mutilate that sacred compact, THE. FEDERbAL CONSTITUTION, in which all the securities of our Union, our peace, our liberty, our happiness reside —it is of little consequence who may be the next President, and whether Congress should ever again assemWje. The experiment of popular institutions will have utterly failed; for, without patriotism, intelligence, virtue, and self-command, a popular government must fall into confusion and despotism at last. In any event, Mr. President, I can do nothing more. I have sacrificed every scruple, every minor consideration, to an ardent desire.. for peace. I have gone to the extremity of concession. I have agreed to whatever is honest and fair; and I am yet willing to vote for any amendment or scheme of that character which can be suggested. If the opposition will not meet us in this spirit —if the Senate pacification bill should be rejected by the House-I must discharge myself henceforth of all responsibility as a sena tor and a citizen. I shall have performed my duty to the uttermosti no blood will be upon my skirts, nor any reproach upon my conscience. Judge Douglas, in his report of the llth of August on the House bill for the reorganization of the Territory of Kansas, makes a numher of telling points against the practical workings of the Topeka constitution, as adopted by the House of Representatives, which we deeili proper to present in addition to those already given. They are sub stantially as follows, to wit: First. Tt incorporates into Kansas a portion of the Cherokee country, which the United States has, by treaty, pledged the faith of the nation should never be incorporated into any State or Territory. Second. It also incorporates into Kansas about 20,000 square miles of Mexico, establishes slavery therein until 1858, and prohibits it hereafter, in violation of the laws of the country, and of the compromise measures of 1850, which guarantied said Territory should come into the Union with or without slavery, as the people should determinne. Third. It legalizes and establishes slavery in Kansas and over a portion of New Mexico until 1858, and provides that children hereto-fore born shall be slaves for life, and their posterity after them, providing they are removed into a slave State or Territory prior to 1858. Fourth. It recognizes the validity of the existing laws in Kansas, and provides for the faithful execution of them, except punishing murder, robbery, larceny, and other crimes. Fifth. It provides no guard against illegal voting, frauds in conducting the elections, or violence at the polls; but legalizes all such outrages, by declaring that the law under which they could be puiaished shall not be enforced. The report recommends the passage of the bill, which has twice passed the Senate, declaring all the obnoxious laws null and void, and allowing the people to form a constitution. '8 A P P'E NiD X. SYNTOPSIS OP THE SENATE BILL. The -in'rs section of tho bill pr'ovides for the appointment Of -five corn -im io-ner s, to be appointted by the Presicent; and confirmed by the benate, anmad prescribes tilhe oat to be taken. SE, 2.,i: te i. ftfrer eciacfecl, T'haft -itshall be the duty of said commnissionersQ, nuder such regulations as the Seeretary of the Interior masy prescribe to cause to be made a-fttl a-d tasithf'ul enumeration of the legal voters resident in each county in the said r'iirtory on the fburtl day of July, eighteen hund'ed and fifty-six, and make returns thereof durinpg the month of Auing'st next, or as soon theea.fter a"s practicabie, one of wchinch1 r t ui'rns shail be made to the office of the Secretary of thie interior, and one to the Secresty.1 of' the'Teri ory of lans as, ad which sl al also exhibit the n-ames of all such legai voteis, classed in such mansner as shall be prescribed by the recu.]ations of the Secretatry of the uterior. Sac. 33 Am7 be, if' /ilotheu eczcled,' That it sha.ll be the duty of the Secretaoly of the Interior, iomedi'-tely after the piass ge of this act, to prscribe regulations and forms to be obsetrvei in makin the enilumeatio n aforesaid, and to fUri.tsh tlhe sace with al1 nccessarty ririrted blank's to each of the commi0ssioner' i s c soo n s ay be fste their appoirwtmient; and the comnmissoneri shall meet. witliouit delay at trei seat of g'overnmient in Kans,:K s Terr'itory, and proceed to the discharge of uhe duties herail imispose'd upon them, aeld appoint a secretarl to thle board, itnd s uch other persons as shall be necessary to aid and assist' them in totaking he emi'ersation herein provided f',j whio nil t also be duly sworln f'ithfullv~ impartially, and truly to discharge the duties assiglned them by the com^missio1ers. Sectio-n, 4th provid s for the division oLf the state into fifty-two representatize dist-ricts on the basis of the census. S1c. 5. ~.a'~ be it jfi/ord7 eaCftCed That the, said boardc, immectiately after the apportionirent ofr'le tnellbers of' said conlvsention, shall causa a seuficient numlnbe of COpieS thereof o;fi oi the rieturls of' the ceIaSus (specifiing thle nst i of' eachr legial voter in1 each coui!ty or district) to be published and distributed atmonot the ilhabitua-rts of' the e vere, countriesi a d shall tiransmit oe Copy of the said aportiotatment tldc Centsus duly authelnticated by t3henm, to e'a.ch clerk of a court of record within the Territory, swho shall file the rgne aud t keep open to the inspecion of every inhabitant who s'I:-il desir e to examine i; r and sha ll also cause othler copies to be posted up in at least three of the most public p,laces in each voetir.g preetnc t to the end thaat every inlhabitant rmay itspeet the same, a nud ipply to thle board to correct any error he nay find tiherein, in the omanner hereinafter providctd. Sr(.:. 6. Aoti c ) ir.Jul'z4er euactc', Tlhatt said board shall remain n sassion each day, Bundays e-cepetec, fioom the time or making said apportionment utntil the twentieth dray of October next, at such places as sha ll o - ost colvenient to the inlhabitants of s aid Territory, and shall proceedl to the inspection of said returns, caud hear, corrects anir finally determines ci accordingi to the fkcts; without unreasonable delayo, under iroper reulations to be oToAeo by the board for theo, ascertaininent of disputsed facts concetorir1g' said ellunetration: al questiosns concernlin, the onmissioni of any person fr-om ssaid returns, or the improper insertion of any narne on staid returns, and any other questions affecting the inte'rity or fidelity of said returns and for this purpose the said board aiid each member thereof shall have power to administer oaths and examline witnesses, and con~ pel their attendance in such manner as said board shall deem necessary Sc.'T. Al' bie it jf'i.~er"ie ezcled, That as soon as the sarid lists of legal voters shall thus have been rvisedi an d Corrected it shall be the duty of said board to cause copies thereof to be printed and distributed gener.ally among the inhabitanits of the proposed State, and one copy shall be deposited with the clerk of each court of record within the limits of the proposed State, and:one copy delivered to each judge of the election and. at least three copies shall be posted up at each place of voting. Sie. 8. Alid be it. frtie enrcted, That an olccl;ion shall be roeld for members of a convention to form a constitution for the State of K ansas according to the'apiortionmerit to be made aroresaid, on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in Novernbert eighteen huIndred an'd fifty-six, to be held at sunch places and to be conducted in such manner, botr as to persons who shall siperirnitcend auch election end the returns thereof as the board of cormissioners sihaill appoint and dir ct, except in cases by this act othe — wise provided; and of such election no person shall be perrmitted: to vote unless his name shall ap.pear oer said corrected tist. Sec. 9. Ard (6e ist/n't/)er eoacted, Tlhat.the board of commissisone rs shalii have power, aind it shaIl be their duty to make all needf'ul rules and reorilations for' the conduct of the said election o1nd the returns thereof, They sa1ll appoint three suitable persons to be judges of the elbction at eacsh place of voting, ando prescribe the mode of sonPo ying: vacancies. They shall cause copies of theQ rules and regoulitions, with a notice of' the places of holding election1 and the narres of the judgi', to be published anddistributed ih every election district or precinect ten days before the day of electioni and sall ttransmrit a copy thereofoto tli6 clerk of each court of riecord, and one copy to cach 10dge. of election. Sa.5. 1 0 ibe 61)it ihtre ena/ctd, That tre judgee of election shall each. before entering on the discharge of his duties, make oath oraffirmation tlhat he will laithfully and: impartially dischOarie tie diuties of judne of the election accordirig to lav, wohichl oa0th may be adrinisrirtered by ally officer tauthorized by law to administer oat'ls. The clerks of election shall be appointed by the judges, t nt dshall take the like oath or affirunatiori to be adniiiistered b-v one of' the judge g T b0 liny of the ofclers afcrsai d. D u plic ate returns of electioni sht ll be nmade and certiroed by the judges aid colerks, one e'f Wihich shall be deposited in the office of the clerik ofrth e tribual transactingrig co-nty ousiriest for the county iii which the election is held, arid the other shal be traoO mittred to the board of corn missioners, whose duty it shdall be to decide, under proper regulations to be irade by'themselves. who are elntitled to certificates of election, and to issne such certificates according!y, to the pers ons who, upon examination of the retuirns andof such proofs as shall be adduced in case of a contest, shall appear to have bieerr duiy eloecd i each county y or district: i-rovdicted, lI case of' a tie or contest, in w'hichl it cannot be. -atisfactorily deterririned who was drul elected, sa d cormmissioners slishil order a new election in like aninr.ner as is herein provided.'Upon the corpletion of" these duties the said coimmissioners shall, rettrn to Waia e io'ton, and report their proceedin:)ffejnding aiid peaceable free State men. 9. Th1at they provided in the same bill, in effect, that no person shall even be punished in Kansas for illegal voting, for violence at the polls,, or for fra.u/in conducting the election, by declaring tihat tthe ONLY LAW which' ides punishment for these offences shall never be enforced, while they pretend that large bodies of armedl Missou-'iSns are in the habit of invading the Territory, seizing possession of;he polls, driving away the lawful voters, and forcing a legislature 1ipon the people contrary to their wishes. 5. That, while legalizing slavery in Kansas until 1858, which is 9robably beyond the period when it would become a State of the Union, they have voted to prohibit slavery therein forever from and after that period, regardless of the wishes and. in violation of the con. stitutional rights of the people to decide that question fbr themselves, 10. That they havee refused to pass a bill which had been twice. passed by the Senate, to declare inoperative and void all laws and enactments in Kansas in violation of the freedom -of speech or of the press, or any other greht principle of liberty and jastice intended to be secured and protected by the Constitution of the United States an-d the organic act, at the same time that they advise their party in the Territory to Tresist the constituted authorities and raise the standard. of' rebellion against the territorial government; eSt;ablished by COongress, and assign as their only excuse the existence of these same obnoxious laws, which they refuse to concur with the Senate in a'nul. — ing. 1. That they have vot ed amenidments on the general appropriationJ, bills for the payment of the civil expenses of the government, intended to destroy tile independence of the judiciary, and corrupt thoi judges, by making the payment of their salaries depend upon th. particular way in which they should decide certain cases pending i.:)_ their courts. 12. That they have voted amcindments onl -'he a-rmy appropriation. bill, providing that the officers and soldiers of the army should noat receive the pay, provisions, and clothing necessary for their subsistence, and to which they are entitled by law, when employed in aid of the enforcement of the enactments of the Kansas legislature, which. they have recognized as valid and. required to be enforced iby the bill for which they all voted. Ya. That they have, by their votes, instlructed the'President of' qhe United States to proclaim maiatial law in the Territory of Kansas and on the national highways leading to it, and to protect persons and property with the bayonet and. the sword, makina his own will. the law of the land for that purpose, at the saRme time that they.say in their speeches and newspapers that the President has sihown himself a traitor to all the free States, and ibrfeitedd the confidence of tlh.et whole country. 14. Let tbe remnembered and proclaimed everywhere that each of the above statements and specifications aree tstablished by the journals andl archives of the two Houses of Congretss, and are conclusiively proven by tlhe fbllowihio official records9 the truth of' which. no- hlon est. man will deny. 15. Let it also be remaembered that When they discovered( that these obnoxious and. unconstitautional arendrlentss to the appropri-: ation bills must nelessarily result in the defeat of those bills and n;hus stop the ~wheels of gover nameunt, (althoumgh they insiSt-ed Atheir ansendments to both bills werale alike essential to the cause -o 1&reedomo in Ka'nsas,) t;eey immecilately book the hba ci track, aballdo-ned their amnendnie-nts, and allowed t- ivi Till to becoime a laxJ, tvowih bcontaaned Li.,a Iappaopriationl for /heier, osn p -alad the pay o S' all ivil officers orid an employees who lhad votes to give at tlih ensuin' elections, but at tO}.e same time insis-ted upol. their anmendments to the arnmy b1i15 and thius defated tlhe pay of dhe officers and soldiers who liatd o votes to give. Let these things ab e renember.ed' and ed'1he tire.l. lo5wiSY, offciae":oi.ird s in proof ok01'e iaiacs starfted: IN THE SENATE OF THEI- UNITED STATES, AUGUST tl, 1856.Mro DouZLAS made the following rio accompany bill tIi. 1 7STj The (ommittee az Territories, to tuhom was referred a bil from tie Hovuse of lepresentatives, for " zn act to reorganize the Terr~i:tory of iKa,as, and for otherr pur7oses," beg lea v-e [ o re.port -The first section of';the bill provides, 6 That all that part oft' he Territory of the United States which lies between the parallels of thirty-six degrees and thirty n:inutes a-cd forty degrees of north latitude, and which is east of the eastern boundary of the Territory of Utah to the southeast corner thereof, and east of a line thlence due south to tbhe said. parallel of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes north latitude, and. is bounded on the east, by the western boundary of the State of Missouri, shall constitute one Territory, and shall be, and hereby is, constitu:ted and organized into'a temporary goverunment, by the name of the Territory of KIansas.' By reference to the map it will be perceived that, in addition to all the countrny embraced within the lhmits of the present Territory of' Kansas, it; s proposed t;o include in the new Territory Iall he country between the soithern boundary of the Territory, as now defined by law, and the parallel of 360 30t, ex;tending from the western boundary of t;he, State of Iissonri across more than twelve and a half degrees of longitude, and being about thirty-five miles in width at the eastern, and one hundred and five at the western extremity Th.e eastern por tion of this strip of country, whichi it. is now proposed -t;o incorporatre within, and render subject to the jurisdiction of, the Territory of Ka nsas, Was ceded' with other territory to the Cherokee Indians' by, the treaties of the 6th of iay, 1.828, April 12th, 183, and May 23, 1836, ftr "s a pervmanent horne,. ad eMwhichsha[t, ucndeo;the ~n- ost sobt n-m guarantee of thie United States, be anid remain theims fiarever-.;A oorMaE THAT. SHIALL NEVER, IN ALL FUTURE TIME, BE 3'.3\ABA.RRASED BY1 HA VNG,,-X PiTENDED AROUND IT THE TINES, OR PLACEFD OVER O I T rlF RiTJRTSDIC TI( ON 0.. TERRITORY OR STATE:, nor_'p reaesse i,pan b the exten sion.a, - any qway of coly of the lmits of any existing Territory o State.a In view of t.his'I; raost solemn guearanty of the rJnited Strates to %thel Chnerokee,~ youn comI 1mittee cainnot refrain'fromr th1e expression of' -th., C ehet:, herouee,, of. the. hope aLnd 1 bef t;hot the -Houos of et"res'enmati e in passing a bill to extend tar:o-und this india:n courntrv t he lines oa f KansaL.ass, cd render it subject to -the jurisdiction of tb-a Te.,riy acf-c, without due coansideration~ and. probtably -wlthount a -.nl..ed f these, treaty stipulaItions.x en the organilc',c4, Of iKan sas wasc passed ijn 1854,'teha.e priiAralle hly-1-seven was. iied upon as t1ie'southern boundary ofi' the' niory instead. of the linet o'fhtAirtIy-sii degrees' and t hirty inlutes,'S.thl thlie view to the, Ipvreiservtion (of ftUh on the po.ht ofs e cned.I... a, t; towa As thasoe Indhans acc lest injustic,. ]nnight be done Ito Other Ind-1an taibes who held th eir lands u n er t iea - ties w7i tlhe Urnitd R t" i, it 7anao expressly' provided, A TLhat no thing in this mct contained shall be cbconstrued to i mpair the xigh ts of. persos or lproperty row perloct.ain, to the indionos in said Tertitory,. -o lon.o as such rights shall remain unextinguished Aby treaty between the United States and such Indians, or to include any territory which, by treaty with any Indian tribe, is not, without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any State or Territory; but all such territory shall be excepted out of the boundaries, and constitute nzo part of the Territory of Kansas." In these considerations your committee find insuperable objections to that portion of the bill fromn the House of Representatives which proposes to include within the limits, and render subject to the jurisdiction of the Territory of Kansas, any part of the country which is thus secured to the Indians by solemn treaty stipulations. Nor are the objections less formidable to incorporating within the limits of Kansas that portion of the Territory of New Mexico which lies. north of the line of 36~ 30', and east of the Rio Grande, and subjecting it to the operation of the other provisions of the bill. That part of New Mexico, containing about 15,000 square miles, was purchased from Texas by one of the acts known as the compromise measures of 1850, and formed a part of the territory for which the TUnited States paid the State of Texas ten millions of dollars. The second section of the act of Congress which contains the terms and conditions of the compact between the United States and Texas for the purchase of that Territory, incorporates the same in the Territory of New Mexico, with the following guarantee: "A 1nd provided further, that when admitted as a State, the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitutioz mtay prescribe at the time of their admission." After asserting this great principle of State equality as applicable to every portion of New Mexico under the Constitution, and as guarantied in the compact with Texas, by fair intendment, so far as the country, was acquired fromn that State, the seventh section of the same act provides that the legislative power of the said Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation, consistent with the Con-' Stitution of the United States and the provisions of this act " —thus leaving the people perfettly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution. It is now proposed in the bill under consideration to repudiate these guarantees and violate these great fundamental principles, by annexing to Kansas all that portion of the country acquired from Texas which lies north of 36~ 30', and imposing upon it a prohibition of slavery firever, from and after the first day of January, 1858, regardless of the righ.ts and wishes of the people who may in4habit the Territory. The twenty-fourth section of the bill is in the following words: Sec. 24.?And be it furtrher enactecd, That so much of the fourteentLh -sectioa, and also so much of the thirty-second section of the act passed at the first session of the thirty-thirdIongress, commonly known as the Kansas-Nebraska act, as reads as' fSlows, to wit: "Except the eighth section of the act preparatory to the admission of M'Eissouri into the Union, aplproved March 6, 1820, which., being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to forn and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States: Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the act of 6th 3March, 1820, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting or abolishing slaverybe and the same is hereby repealed; and the said eighth section of said act of 6th M3archl 1820, is hereby revived and declared to be in full force and effect within the said Territories of Kansas and Nebraska: Provided, however, That any person law-fully held to service in either of said Territories shall not be discharged from such service by reason of such repeal and revival of said eighth section, if such person shall be permanently removed from such Territory or Territories prior to the 1st day of January, 1858; and any child or children born in either of said Territories, of any female lawfully held to service, if in like manner removed without said Territories before the expiration of that date, shall not be, by reason of anything in this act, emancipated from any service it might have owed had this act never been passed: And provided, further, That any person lawfully held to service in any other State or Territory of the United States, and escaping into either the Territory of Kansas or Nebraska, may be rieclaimed and removed to the person or place where such service is due, under any law of the United States which shall be in force upon the subject." In the opinion of your committee there are various grave and serious' objections to this section of the bill. In the first place, it expressly repudiates and condemns the great fundamental principles of selfgovernment and State equality which it was the paramount object of the Kansas-Nebraska act to maintain and perpetuate, as affirmed in the following provision: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Not'content with repealing this wise and just provision, and coildemning the sound constitutional principles asserted in it, the bill proceeds to legalize and establish, for a limited time, hereditary slavery, not only in the Territory of Kansas, (where there is no other local or affirmative law protecting it than the enactments of the Kansas Territorial legislature, which have been alleged to be illegal and voild, and which the House of Representatives, by amendments to the appropriation bills, have instructed the President not to enforce,) but also in all that part of New MIexico which it is proposed to incor-: porate in the Territory of Kansas, and where slavery was prohibited by the Mexican la d it is not pretended that there is any territorial enractment redwing or establishing it. Having thus asserted and exercised the power of introducing and establishing slavery in the Territories by act of Congress, and declaring children hereafter born therein to be slaves for life and their posterity after them, provided they shall be removed therefrom within a specified period, the bill proceeds to affirm and exercise the power of prohibiting slavery in -the same Territories forever froim ad after January 1, 1858, by enacting and putting in force the following protvision, being the 8th section of the act passed March 6, 1820, to IWit: "SECTION 8. And be it zfurther enacted, Tlhat in all that te'rritory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north ltib tude, not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise thcan in the punishment of crime, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited: Provided altvays, That any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service Is lawJfully claimed in any State or Territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claimn -ing his or her labor or service as aforesaid." It will be observed that this 8th section of the Missouri act (commonly called the Missouri compromise) by its teIrms only applied to tlhe territory acquired from France, known as the Louisiana purchase, the western boundary of which was defined by the treaty with Spain in 1819, and subsequently by treaties with Mexico and Tl'exas, to be the 100th meridian of longitude, while the bill under consideration, under the guise of reviving and restoring tha tprovision, extends it more than seven degrees of longitude further westward, and applies it to that large extent of territory to xwhich it had no application in its original enactment. Nor can it be said with fairness or t uth that this provision was applied to any portion of the territory in question by the "'joint resolution for annexing Texas to the United States," for the reason that the whole territory embraced within the limits of the republic of Texas was admitted into the Union as one St ate, With theprivilege of forming not exceeding four other States out of the State of Texas, by the consent of said State," with the condition that" in such State or States as should be formed, out of said territory., north. of said Mlissouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary servitude (except forcri ime) shall be prohibited." It was left discretionary with Texas to rem1Yain forever one State, and to retain the whole of her territory as slave territory, or to consent to a division', in whichl case the prohibition would take effect, by virtue of the comepact, from the date of the formation of a new State within the limits of the' republic of Texas, north of'36~ 30'. If9 on the contrary, Texas. should determine to withhold her assent, no such new State could ever be formed, anrd hence the prohibition would never take effect. All difficulty, however, on this point, has been removed by the act of 1850, purchasing from Texas all that portion of her territory lying north of 360 30', and in'corporatin'g it in the Territory of New'Mexico, wi-th thie guarantee that " when admitted. as a' Stie, t:he said Territor, or any portion oftlhe same, shall be recei vd into'the Union with or without slaveri, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of admission." Hence all that territorys to which it is lnow proposed to apply the Missouri estriction for the first time, under the plea of restoring the Missouri compromise of the' 6th of March, 1820, is protected from any such invasion of the right of the inhabitants to form and regulate thleir owir domestic affaiirs ini their own way, by the solemn guaranties contained in the compromise measures of 1850, which blotted out thei geographical line s a dividing line between free territory and slave territory, and substituted for it tlhe cardinal principle of selfggovernmient, in accordance. wi'th the Constitution. Buit it; ill also be observed, that the bill under consideration. does not propose to limit the restriction to the territory acquired from Texas, norl te country on the east side of the Rio Grande, but extend it across that river over a portion of the territory acquired from Mexico, which was never clairned by Texas nor embraced within the Louisiana purchase, and to which there is no pretext for asserting that the Missouri compromise ever applied. If, in the application of the 8th section of the act of thle 6th'of IMarch, 1820, (commonllly called the Missonri compromise,) over so large a district of country to which -;t never had any previous application, it be thfe policy of the tHouse of iRepresentatives to return to the'".obsolete idea" of a geographical line as a dividitng line in all time to come between slave territory and free territory, a perpetual barrier against the advancement of slavery on the one hand and free linstitutions on the other, the measure falls short of accomplishing the whole of their object in not extending the line to -the Pacific oceano Your committee can perceive many weighty considerations founded in policy, although wanting the sanction of soand constitutional principles, which might: be urged in favor of such a measure, inasmuch as the barrier once erected from ocean to ocean-permitting slavery on the one side and prohibiting it on the other-if universally acquiesced in nd religiously observed as a patriotic offering uLpon the altar of our common country, would put. an end to t;he controversy f)rever, and form a bond of peace and'brotherhood in the future. But, unirftunately, when this expedient was proposed by the Senate in 1848,:it was indignantly repudiated by the House of Representatives, and as a consequence the whole country was plunged into a whirlpool of' secdionMa. strife and angry crimination, which alarmed the greatest and purest patriots of the land for the safety of the republic, and was only rescued from the impending perils by the adoption of' the compTomise measures of 1850, which abandoned the policy of a geographical line, and substituted for it the great principles of self government and State equality,'in obedience to the federal Consti.tu Lion. In view of the history of the past, your committee can lperceive no safety in the future except in a strict and religious fidelity to the true principles of -tlhe Constitntion as embodied in the adjustment of that unfortunate controversy, and adopted by the whole country as mrles o action, to be applied in all future time, when in the progress of events it should be necessary to organize Territories or admit new States. The Kansas!Nebraska act was the logical sequence of the comIpromise measures of 1850, and rendered imperatively necessary in order to establish and perpetuate the princ;ples of selfgovernment and State equali-ty nithe organization of Territories and admission of ew States. For th:easons your committee cannot concur with the House of Representatives in the proposition to blot out from the ooganic act of Kansas and Nebraska those essential provisions and orrdinal principles, the faithful observance of which can alone preo serve the just rights of the inhabitants of the Territories and main-;tain the peace, i nity, and fraternity of the republic. The great object is to withdraw the slavery question from the halls of Congress and remand its decision to the people of the several States and Territories, subject to no other conditions or restrictions than those imposed by the Constitution of the United States. Those provisions of the bill under consideration which introduce and establish slavery, together with those which abolish and prohibit it, are alike obnoxious on the score of principle, inasmuch as they assert and exercise the right of Congress to form and regulate the local affairs and domestic institutions of a distant and distinct people without their consent and regardless of their rights and wishes. To avoid all misconstruction, however, upon this point, your committee deem it proper to remark that their objections do not apply to that part of the bill which extends the provisions of the fugitive slave law to the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and provides " that any person lawfully held to service in any other State or Territory, and escaping into either the Territory of Kansas or Nebraska, may be reclaimed and removed to the person. or place where such' service is due, under any law of the United States which shall be in -force upon the subject." In this clause your committee are rejoiced to find a frank and conscientious acknowledgement of the duty of Congress -to provide efficient laws for carrying into, faithful execution the prevision of the Constitution of the Unitedc States which provides for the rendition of fugitive slaves as well as all other obligations imposed by that instrument. The preservation of our free institutions depend upon a faithful observance of the Constitution in all its parts; and the assurance thus furnished that the representatives of the people are ever ready to provide new and additional guarantees when supposed to be necessary fori the faithful performance of that constitutional obligation, which has been the subject of the severest criticism in some portions of the country, cannot fail to gratify every true friend of the Union. In this, case, however, no such legislation is necessary, inasmuch as the organic act of Kansas and Nebraska extended the provisions of the fugitive slave law to both of those Territories. The fifteenth and sixteenth sections of the bill under consideration read as follows: SEc. 15. And be it further enacted, That all suits, process, and proceedings, civil and criminal, at law and in chancery, and all indictments and informations which shall be pending and undetermined in the courts of the Territory of Kansas or of New Mexico, when this actshall take effect, shall remain in said courts where pending, to be heard, tried, prosecuted, and determined in such courts as though this act had not been passed: Provided, nevertheless, That all criminal prosecutions now pending in any of the courts of the Territory of Klansas, imputing to any person or persons the crime of treason against the United States, and all criminal prosecutions, by information or indictment, against any person or persons for any:alleged violation or disregard whatever of what are usually known- as the laws of the legislature of Kansas, shall be forthwith dismissed by the courts where such prosecutions may be pending, and every person who may be restrained of his liberty by reason of any of said prosecutions shall be released therefrom without delay. Nor shall there hereafter be instituted any criminal prosecution in any of the courts of the United: States, or of said Territory, against any person or persons, for any such charge of treason in the said Territory prior to the passage of this act, or any violation or disregard of said legislative enactment, at any time. SEC. 16. dInd be it fuLrther e-nacted, Tkat all justices of the peace, constables, sheriffs, anr' all other judicial and ministerial officers, who shall be in office within the limits of said Ter. ritory when this act shall take effect, shall be, and they are hereby, authorized and required. to continue to exercise and perform the duties of their respective ofences as officers of the Territory of Kansas, temporarily, and until they, or others, shall be duly appointed and qualifiedt to fill their places in the manner herein directed, or until their offices shall be abolished. It will be observed that these two sections recognize the validity and binding force of the entire code of laws enacted at the Shawnee Mission, by the legislature of Kansas Territory. and provide for the faithful execution of all those enactments except the criminal code All justices of the peace, constables, sheriffs, and all other judicial and ministerial officers9 now in office are required to continue to exercise and perform the duties of their respective offices. All these officers, with the exception of the governor, three judges, secretary9 and marshal, and district attorney, were elected or appointed under the laws enacted by the legislature of Kansas, while their powers, functions, and duties, are all prescribed by those laws and none others. These officers are all required to continue to perform the duties of their respective offices, by observing and enforcing all the laws enacted at the Shawnee Mission, except the criminal code.' All suits, process, and proceedings, civil and criminal, at law and in chancery, and all indictments and informations which shall be pending and undetermined in the courts of the Territory of Kansas or New Mllexico, when this act shall talke effect, shall remain in said courts where pending, to be heard, tried, prosecuted, and determined, in such courts, AS THOUGH THIS ACT HAD NOT BEEN PASSED.! The election laws, and the laws concerning slaves and slavery, and all laws protecting the rights of persons and property, and affecting all the relations of life, are recognized as valid and required to be enforced, EXCEPTING CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS, BY INFORMIATION OR INDICTMENT, for violating or disregarding the laws of the legislature of Kansas. All such prosecutions are required to be forthwith dismissed, and the prisoners set at liberty, and no new prosecutions are to be commenced. for " any violation or disregard of said legislative enactments at any time." Such is the legislation provided for in these two sections of the bill. They recognize the validity of the laws enacted at Shawnee Mission, and provide for the enforcement of all of them except in cases of criminal prosecution. Your committee are unable tco perceive how the passage of such a bill would restore peace, quiet, and security to the people of Kansas. It has been alleged that there are in that Territory organized bands of lawless and desperate men, who are in the constant habit of perpetrating deeds of violence —murdering and plundering the inhabitants, stealing their property, burning their houses, and driving peaceable citizens fiom the polls on election day, and even from the Territory. The remedy proposed in the bill is to grant to the perpetrators of these crimes a general amnesty for the past, and a full license in the future to continue their bloody work. There is no law in force. in Kansas by which murder, robbery, larceny, arson, and other crimes known to the criminal codes of all civilized States, can be punished, except under the code enacted by the legislature of Kansas at the Shawnee Mission. The provisions of " an act for the punishment of crimes against the United States," approved April 30, 1790, is, by its terms, confined in its application to such crimes as shall be committed " within any fort, arsenal, dock-yard, magazine, or any other place or district of country under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States," and " upon the high seas and navigable waters out of the jurisdiction of any particular State," but has never been held or construed to apply to the Territories of the U-nited States. The act of the 3d of March, 1817, " to provide for tlhe punishment of crimes and offences committed within the Indian boundaries," extends the provisions of the said act of 1790 to the Indian country, but expressly restricts its application, as its title imports, to crimes committed " within any town, district, or territory belonging to any nationt or nations, tribe or tribes of Indians." Hence, the mhoment the Indian title ils extinguished, and the country placed under the jurisdiction of a territorial government, it ceases to be " under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States," and is noe longer subject to the provisions of either of the above cited acts. Thus it will be seen that if the bill from the House of Representatives should become a law with the provisiorn granting a general amnesty in respect to all past crimes, and unlimited license in the future. to perpetrate such outrages as -their own bad passions might instigate, there would be no law in force in Kansas to punish the guilty or protect the innocent. Inasmuch as te ouse of Representatives, by the passage of the bill under consideration, and the Senate, blyis;;bill for the admission of Kansas into the Union, have each recognized the validity of the iws enacted by the Kansas legislature at Shawnee Mission, so far as they are consistent witithe Constitution and the organic act, and affirmed the propriety and duty of enforcing the same, except in certain specified cases, it becomes important to inquire into the extent of the differences of opinion between the House of Representatives and the Senate, in respect to the particular laws which ought not to be enforced. The Senate has already declared, in the bill for the admission of Kansas into the Union, that all laws and enactments 10 in said Territory which are repugmnpnn 9 to, o iAl conflict with, the greit principles of liberty and Justice, as giarantied by the Constitution of the United States and the organic act, and embondied in the 1Sth section of that bill, shall be null and void, aid that none such shall ever be enforced or executed in said Territory. The said eighteentla section is in the following word s: 1" Sc. 18. Prnd be it furtier enaced, That inasmuch as tile Constitution of the United States and the orga;nic act of sand Territory has secured. to the inhabitants thereof certair inalienablei rights, of' which they cannot be deprived by any legislative enactment, therefore no relighius test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust; no nlaw shall be in force or enforced in said Territory respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting;lhe free exercise thereof; or abridging the fr'eedom of speech, or of the press, or of the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and petition for the redress of grievances; the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable seEarches and eizurOs s8hall not be violated; and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the perlso or things to be seized; nor shall the right of the people to keep and bear arms be infringed. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime; Unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury; nor shall any person be subject fobr the safme offence to be twice put in jeopardy of lile or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal >ame to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just componsation.. a.1l criminal prosecution, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an h-parl'eial jury of the district wherein tile crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by Iw, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to he confronted wlith the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process of -obtAol n- g witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. The privilege of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless, when in case of rebellion or invasion, t le public safety may require it. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall xceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by jury hilll be othelwise re-examined in any court 4of the United States than according to the rules of the common law. Exce&-ive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and u;usual punishlments inflicted. No law shall be made or have force or effect in said Territory wlhih shall require a test oath or oath to support any act of Congress or other kgislative actas as qualification for any civil office or public trust, or for any employment or iprifession, or to serve as;. juror, or vote at an election, or which shall impose any tax upon or condition to the exercise of the right of suffrage by any qualified voter, or which shall'restrain or prohibit the free discussion of any law or subject of legislation in the said Territory, or the free expression of opinion thereon by the people of said Territory." By this provision of the bill, which has twice passed the Senate, and now remains on the peakLer's table of the House of Representatives unacted upon, and only awaits the favorable action of the House to enable it to become a law w ith the President's approval, all the obnoxious laws, which have been the subject of so much censure and complaint, are swept out of existence, leaving none in force in said Territory except such as are usual, proper,;and necessmtry in all civilized communities for the protection of life, liberty, and property. Youlr committee have not yet relinquished the hope that the House of Representatives will,o ncnr with the Senate in the passage of' that bill, and thus restore peace and security to the people of Kansas, by declaring all those obnoxious laws null and void, and providing for the faithful enforeement of the Kansas code, the validity of which has thlus been frankly and sl1emnly acknowledged by the votes and action of eachi House of Congress. The two Houses of Congress having, by their action, each arrived at the conclusion that the Kansas code is valid, A-nd that the obnoxious laws referred to ought to be declared inoperative and void, as being repugnant to the principles of liberty and justice intended to be secured by the Constitution of'the.United States and the Kansas-Nebraska act. it would seem, that the most serious and materia point or difference between the two Houses which remains to be adjusted, is whether that part of the Kansas code which provides for the punishmenet of murder, robbery, larc6ny, and otier criminal offences shall be enforced, or, whether all persons guilty of those offences shall be turned loose to prey upon the community with legalized impunity. It is true that there is, apparently, another point of difference between the two Houses, arising out of the question whether the people of Kansas shall be authorized to elect delegates to a conventiong.(with proper and satisfactory safe-guards against fraud, violence, and illegal voting,) and forma a constitution and state government preparatory to their admission into the Union, or wheth1er the Territory shall be reorganized in accordance with the provisions of the bill from the Hourse and left, for some years to come, in that condition. While helie'House of Representatives has recently expressed its preference for the latter propostio nbWy the passage of the bill under consid ration, your committee are not permitted, to assume that they have insperable objections to the admission of Kansas. at this time, for the reason that a few weeks previous they passsed a bill to admit that Territory as a State, with the Topeka eonstitution. Hence the change of policy on the part of the Houtse, in abandoning the State niovement with the Topeka constitution, and substituting for it the propesition to reoaganize the Territory and leave it in that condition, must be taoen only aq a strong expression it of a decided preofereoce on the part of tire on use for thi bill under consider( io and not au conclusive evidence o' insuperable objections to a fair bill, with proper and suitable guaran-ees against fraund and illegal voting, to authorize thie people of Kinsas to form a constitution and State govornment at tlhis time. While the Senate bill, now pending before the Louse, is 7air and impartial in all its provisions, with ample and satisfactory sfe-eards. against illegal and frauduSlent voting, the bill from the — louse to roerg.anie the Territory conttains no cSuch proviions and affords no such assurances. It laveys the quslihiettions of the voters at t th'irst election the same as they were under the K:nsas-Nebrska. act, with this difference, that it denies the privilege of voting and holding office to all men of foreign birth who shall havy declared on oath their intention to become citizens, and who shadl have taken an oath to sp-i port the Constitution of the United States, but who shall hnave..iled finom any causo to have completed their naturalization. The provision is, "; that amny white Mame inhabitant, being a citizlen of the United States, above the age of twenty-one years, who siall have bean a resident of said-Territory at the time of the passage of this act, s'hall bte entitled to vote at the first election." No penalties or punishments are provided for illaegal voting; none for raud In conducting the elections; none for violence at the polls; mnd none for destroying thl ballot-boxes. All these things may be done with impunity; for, while the election must b, 5etId in pursuance of the existing flaws of the Territory, which are recognized as bemin ia foree, the bill expressly provides that no crimineal prosecution shall hereafter be instituted in any of the couits of the United States or of said Territory bfor any violetion or disre ard of said legisative enactrcnt at any timnte. Under'this bill any number of persons from Missouri or Iowa, from South Carolina or Massachusetts, or fron any other part of the world, may,nter the Territory on election day and take possession of tlhe polls, and vote as many tilllmes as they choose, and drive every legal voter from the polls vwitih entire impunity; for the bill eclares thmt no criminal prosecutions shall ever be instituted in the courts of' the United States or of said Territory for violating or disregarding the ONL' LAW which provides penalties and punishments for such outrages in the Territory of Kansas. 0o measure can restore peace to Kansas vwhich does not effectually protect the ballot-box a.gmnst fraud and violence, and iimpart equal and exact justice to all the inhabitants. Under sxistiun circumstances, your committee are unable to devise any measure which will more certainl7y accomplish these desirable objects than the bill which has twice passed the Senate, and now only awaits the concurrence of the Hlouse of Representatives, with the approval of the President, to become the law of the land. For these reasons your committee recomiriend that thle bill from the House of Representatves be laid on the table, as a test vote on its rejection, inasmruch as the objections apply to all the loading features and material provisions of the bill, and renders it incapable of am adment without preparing an entire new bill. The following is the vote in the House of Representatives on the pas.-;s.rge of the bill, the main provisions of which are set forth and explained in the foregoing report: The yeas and nays were ordered. The question was then taken; and it was decided in the aiirraativeo-yo as 88, rnays 74; as follows: Yeas-Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Benson, Bishop, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brean. iao, Bufington, Samos H. Camipbell, Lewis D. (Campbell, Chaffeo, Clawson, Colfax, Coimion, Covode, Cumback, Danmrell, Dean, Dick, Dodd, Dunn, Durfee, Edie, Edwards, Erarie, Flagler, Giddings, Gilbert, Granger, Grow, Robert B. fall, Harlan, Harrison, Haven, Holloway, Thomas R. Horton, Valentine B. Horton, Humvhston,' Kelsey, Kine, Knapp, Knight, Knowlton,'Kinox, Kunkel, Matteson, McCarty, K Mllian Iiller, Moore, Morga n, Morrill, Nichols, Norton, Andrew Oliver, Parker, Pelton, Perry, Pettit, Pringle, Purviance, Ritchie, Sabin, Sage, Sapp, Sherman, Simmons, Spinner, Stanton, Stranahan, Tappan, Thurston, Todd, Trafton, Wade, Wakeman, Walbridge, Waldron, Cadwallader C. WVashburne, Ellihu B. Washburnt, Israel WVashburn, Watson', Wlel,h-Wolls, nod,'Voodru.f and Woodworth — 8. -tcys —Vlessrs. Aiken, Barksdale, Bell, Bowie, Branch, Broom, Burnett, John P. ampI1:1 Carlile, Caruthers, Caskie, Howell Cobb,'Williamon t R. W. Cobb, Cox, Craige, Crawfbrd, Cullen, Davidson, Henry W'inter Davis, Denver, Dowdell, Edmundson, English, Faulkner, Foster, Goode, Greenwood, J. Morrison Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Thomas L. Hiarris, Houston, Jewett, George W. Jones, J. Glancy Jones, Kennett, KidwelI, Lake, Leiter, Lumpkin, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S. Marshall, Maxwell, Smith Miller, Millson, P[acker, Peck, Phelps, Powell, Puryear, Qeitrnman, Reade, Ready, Ricaud, Rivers,.uffin, Savage, Shorter, Samuel A. Smith, William Smith, Sneed, Stephens, Stewart, Sweop, Taylor, Trippe, Underwood, Valk, Walker, Warner, Watkins, Winslow, Daniel B'Wright, John V. Wright; and Zollicoffer —-74, se the bill, as amended, was passed. Thius it will be seen, that while the entire republican party (with one. solitary exception) voted for' this odious measure, every democrat in the io use voted against it. In the Senate it was referred to the Commiit 12 tee on Territories, where its provisions were carefully examined and thoroughly exposed in the ioregoing report, which was concurred in by five of the six members of the conmmittee. l-Mr. Collamer made a minority report, in which he attempts to palliate some of the moenstrous provisions of the bill, but does not dispute the correctness of any one fact stated in the above report of the committee. After these two reports had been read to the Senate, and the subject had become thoroughly understood, the bill was laid on the table, with the distinct understanding that it should be deemed a test vote, on the ~eiction of the bill. The vote was as follows: Yeas-Messrs. Adams, Allen, Bell, of Tennessee, Benjamin, Biggs, Bifler, Bright, Brodhead, Brown, Butler, Cass, Clay, Douglas, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Geyer, Houston, Hunter, Iverson, Jones, of Tennessee, Mallory, Mason, Pratt, Pugh, Reid, Sebastian, Slidell, Stuart, Thompson, of Kentucky, Thompson, of New Jersey, Toombs, Toucey, Weller, Wright, Yulee-35..Nays-Messrs. Bell, of New Hampshire, Collamer, Fessenden, Fish, Foot, Foster, Hale, IHarlan, Seward, Trumbull, Wade, Wilson-12. Thus it appears that every Republican (all the supporters of Frelront) in the Senate voted against the rejection of this bill, or, in other words, every one of them declared by his vote that he was in favor of the passage of the bill, while every Democrat voted to kill the bill. But one friend of Fremont (Mr. Seward) expressed his dissent to any part of the bill; all the rest leaving it to be inferred that they were ready to vote for the bill as it stood. VOTE IN THE HOUSE OF RiEPRESENTATIVES ON THE AMENDMENT MAKING THE SALARY OF THE JUDGES AND OTHER OFFICERS DEPENDENT ON THE DECISION THE COURT SHOULD MAKE IN CERTAIN CRIMINAL PROSECUTIONS. The House then proceeded to consider the following amendment, as a proviso to the appropriations for Kansas, on which a separate vote had been asked: Provided, That the money hereby appropriated shall not be drawn from the treasury, or any part thereof, and the same, or any part thereof, shall not be paid out of any other appropriation made by Congress, until all criminal prosecutions now pending in any court of the Territory of Kansas against any person or persons charged with treason agaihst the United States, and all criminal prosecutions by information or indictment against any person or persons for any alleged violation or disregard of the professed laws of a body of men who assembled at the Shawnee Mission in said Territory, claiming to be the legislative assembly of the said Territory, shall be dismissed by the court; and every person who is, or may be, restrained of his liberty by reason of such prosecution or prosecutions, shall be released from confinement. The yeas and nays were called for, and ordered. FIRST VOTE. The question was taken, and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 84, nays 69, as follows: Yeas-Messrs. Albriglht, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Barclay, Henry Bennett, Benson, Billinghurst, Bishop, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brenton, Buffinton, James H. Campbell, Chaffee, Ezra Cla'k, Clawson, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cragin, Cumback, Damrrell, Dean, Dick, Dodd, Burfee, Emrie, Flagler, Galloway, Giddings, Granger, Grow, Harlan, Holloway, Hughston, Kelsey, King, Knapp, Knight, Knowlton, Knox, Kunkel, Leiter, Matteson, McCarty, Killian Miller, Milward, Morgan, Morrill, Mott, Murray, Norton, Andrew Oliver, Parker; Pearce, Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pettit, Pike, Pringle, Purviance, Ritchie, Robbins, Roberts, Sabin, Sapp, Sherman, Simmons, Spinner, Stanton, Stranahan, Tappan, Todd, Wade, Walbridge, Cadwalader C. Washburne, Flihu B. Washburne, Israel Washburn, Watson, Wood, Woodruff, and Woodworth-84. XNays-Messrs. Aiken, Bocock, Bowie, Branch, Cadwalader, Lewis D. Campbell, Carlile, Caskie, Clingman, Williamson R. W. Cobb, Crawford, Henry Winter Davis, Dowdell, Dunn, Elliott, English, Eustis, Faulkner, Florence, Foster, Goode, Greenwood, Haven, Hickman, Valentine B. Horton, Houston, George W. Jones, J. Glancy Jones, Keitt, Kelly, Kidwell, Letcher, Lumpkin, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S. Marshall, Maxwell, McMullin, Smith Miller, Millson, Mooire, Phelps, Porter, Quitman, Reade, Richardson, Rivers, Ruffin, Rust, Sandidge, Savage, Seward, Shorter, William Smith, Sneed, Stewart, Swope, Taylor, Thurston, Tyson, Underwood, Valk, Warner, Watkins, Whitney, Williams, Winslow, Daniel B. Wright, John V. Wright, and Zollicoffer-69. 13 By the vote on this amendment it appears that the whole Republican or Fremont party attempted to destroy the purity of the judiciary and corrupt all the officers of the court, by -making the payment of their salaries cldependant upon their subserviency to the behests of a political party in the administration of justice. ANOTHER ATTEMPT TO CORRUPT THE JUDICIARY FOR PARTY PURPOSES. The following is the amendment and the vote on it, together with the vote on the passage of the bill after these amendments had been added to it: The next amendment was read, as follows: Add to the clause for defraying the expenses of the Supreme Court, &c., the following: Provided, however, That no part. of the money hereby appropriated shall be expended for prosecuting or detaining any person or persons charged with treason, or any other political offence in the Territory of Kansas. Mr. PHELPS demanded the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. THIRD VOTE. The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 82, nays' 60, as follows: Yeas-Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Barclay, HIenry Bennett, Benson, Billinghurst, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brenton, Buffinton, James H. Campbell, Chaffee, Ezra Clark, Clawson, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cragin, Cumback, Damrell, Dean, Dick, Dodd, Dunn, Erarie, Flagler, Giddinos, Granger, Grow, Harlan, Hickman, Holloway, Valentine B. H3orton, Hughston, Kelsey, King, Knight, Knowlton, Kunkel, Matteson, McCarty, Killian Miller, Millward, Morgan, Morrill, Mott, Murray, Norton, Andrew Oliver, Parker, Pearce, Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pettit, Pike, Pringle, Purviance, Ritchie, Rtobbins, Roberts, Sabin, Sapp, Simmons, Spinner, Stanton, Stranahan, Tappan, Thurston, Todd, Trafton,'Wade, Walbridge, Cadwalader C. Washburne, Elihu B. Washburne, Israel Washburn, Watson, Wood, and Woodworth-82. 2Nay-Messrs. Aiken, Hendley S. Bennett, Bishop, Bowie, Branch, John P. Campbell, Lewis D. Campbell, Carlile, Caruthers, Caskie, Clingman, Williamson R. WiV. Cobb, Crawford, Henry Winter Davis, lDowdell, Edmundson, English, Florence, Foster, Goode, Greenwood, Thomas L. Harris, Haven, Houston, George W. Jones, J. Glancy Jones, Keitt, Kelly, Kidwell, Letcher, Lumpkin, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S. Marshall, Maxwell, McLMullin, Smith 3Miller, Millson, Phelps, Powell, Quitman, Richardson, Rivers, Ruffin, Rust, Sandidge, Seward, Shorter, William Smith, Sneed, Stewart, Taylor, Tyson, Underwood, Warner, lWatkins, Williams, Winslow, Daniel B. Wright, John V. Wright, and Zollicoffer-60. So the amendment was agreed to. Pending the call of the roll, MIr. CLINGMAN stated that Mr. EUsTIs and Mr'. SHER.MAN hlad paired off. The bill, as amended, Wvas then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time; and being engrossed, it was accordingly read the third time. Mlr. PHELPS demanded the yeas and nays upon the passage of the bill. The yeas arid nays were ordered. FOURTH VOTE. The question was taken; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 84, nays 65; as ftl.lows Yeas-Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Barclay, Benson, Billinrghurst, Bishop, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brelnt'n, Buffinton, James H. Campbell, Lewis D. Campbell, Chaffee, Ezrs. Clark, Clawson, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cragin, Cumback, Damrell, Dean. Dick, Dodd, Emrie, Flagler, Giddings, Granger, Grow, Harland, Hickman, Holloway, Valentine B. Horton, Hughston, Kelsey, King, Knapp, Knight, Knowlton, Kunkel, Leiter, Matteson, McCarty, Killian Miller,'Millward, Morgan, Morrill, Mott, Murray, Norton, Andrew OliVer, Parker, Pearce, Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pettit, Pike, Pringle, Purviance, Ritchie, Robbins, Roberts, Sabin, Sapp, Simmons, Spinner, Stanton, Stranahan, Tap pan, Thurston, Todd, Trrafton, Tyson, Wade, Wailbridge, Cadwalader C. W'ashburne, Ellihu B. Washburne, Israel Washburn, Watson, W, ood, and Woodworth-84. pays-Messrs. Aiken, Barksdale, Henry Bennett, Hendley S. Bennett, Bowie, Branchl John P. Campbell, Carlilie, Caskie, Clingnian, Williamson R. W. Cobb, Crawford, Henry Winter Davis, Dowdell, Dunn, Edmunson, Elliot, Florence, Foster, G-oode, Greenwood, Thomas L. Harris, Houston, George W. Jones, J. Glancy Jones, Keitt, Kidwell, Letcher, Lumpkin, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S. Marshall, Maxwell, McMullin, Smith, Miller; Millson, Phelps, Powell, Quitman, Rivers, Ruffin, Rust, Sandidge, Seward, Shorter, William Smith, Sneed, Stewart, Taylor, Underwood,'Warner, Watkins, Winslow, Daniel B. Wright, John V. Wright, and Zollicoffer —55. So the bill was passed. 14 These provisions fo'bribing and corrupting the courts were forced. on the civil appropriation bill by the republican or Fremont par'ty, in opposition to the unaninmous vote of the democracy, under the pretext that they were essential to the preservation of peace aid, redodn in Kansas, ~and. that all who voted acga.'ns t these amendmetr;s'were recreant %o their duty in -that espect. Fervrent appeals were made to all the friends of Kansas to respend to " thie shrvieks for freedom," by standing by these as iendmient until the wh aeels of gov.. emirn ent should stop and anarchy reign a and they did stand firm. until they discovered that the same bill contained the,pprsprntiaJn s for their own pay and mileage, and -that the,o'te would refase to pass the bill, and tbhus deprive the.members'of both houses of lhir~"" pay unless these revolutionary anendments were stricken out. ~W ihen,, these discoveries were,inade the republican or.Fremont party were filled with consternation; they instantly bca so oblivious to the'woes of suffering Kansas, turned a deaf ear to her slorunk f'or fr' dom and allowed enougb of their ow' n nicbernr i[i r4 ihe ack rac, %:vote aganinst their own amendmrn th, and pass ihe bill without any such revolutionary provisionss The po.t Len' re, of -.......n ireir own pay and?nileage, added to tih onsa.,+,i t hat a ll the Persons provided for in the bill were vAoters 4a toh o elect ions, being Il the employment of the cvil departnrenios of the'c, vwwnent, cad not fail to convince the snppoirters of Frecout that i4'I would be w-s ecr and more paltriotic to abandon I.ansas to her ate, and Hoali.ow ~he courts to deC n Ia cases befotre nt a ccrding'o le,law and e>vi dence, tben ti, stop the wheels of g'ove: Cnmeont by dcfeating -1hat jxpar ti.cdar bill. t!1ene the civil bill becarme a law by tihe IOrbearance of the republican or Fremont party. Its:is'o e hopjed. that the couintry will appreciate and reward. their patriotism e accordin' to ihemir m.erits, TIHE ARMiY B!,L- TlAMENDMENTS-DEEc'l' AT. The fbllowib au is the amnendnmenAt vwihich tihe republiciis ]J Frermo't men forced orn the amy appropriation bill in' aie Iouse of Reprosenttives, together with the vote on the samae: P-ro'id'd, neve.h.iess,'That no part if the' mi.itav'y force o' 1:1" Unitr ed' tatms herein prao vided for shall 11is oeoployed h. aid ofhe no reen the arotllni eged llegis. tirv'e asshembly of the Terrmiory of Kansas, recentity assembledS it.S-'haw tnee Mission, un1til Conngress l ha' v en acted either t hat it was or was no a vaid' egis;oVP ie'- aossemr'bly, chosen in confoirnity wm the oraynic an' bi y to bI oeo'e "ha ahe pfidl l'erad.oy I.nd rov'tedyd, That until hon.re: shrll T iave passed on tihe va.lidit of the said ic, —dla0ive aos'smbly of' Kansas, it shall'ibe he duty of the Preaide nnt to use t;e mIi r itrry a id Territoryto preserve the peace. -supores inisOr1ectciion, repel inasi'on' ra porote ct pes5o,- an, property therein, rnd uipon:ip ational - h;Jghway iln Q,, sn. P'iso "ri " or _,sEw IIr_, from iii - lawfi'l seizue s an sarches: and be.; jiilI.R.r;.:ide T hat ti.'ir n.. qoio o disar n tC P'Ceot ougrnied milDa fZ tpea Tea it'iry of Ka'Isas, and r-al.i'a the United Stat es r theini ditr ibutei., and to pr.event a med ein f:mi gora g ino s.id T eitor y o Aiustrb tiie public peace' or aid in the eno ircemcint or roesisctance, of real 0 pretederid laws,'lhe question~ wasr'taloenl and it was decided iir tAhe' a"ir'a...-tiy.-,-as I s, $ as, Thl qot JO.W tkmt f follows: l~;as~ e-srs. A]brightI Allisoin' ]a r,,.ie, Inr }?lenet.'.Ee r on, uail l.,: h' 0rsi't 12ishoP;.Biiss, B:'adsl.0aw~ J-1 l n'o!', _I_'.-,aitm.s II Campbell, CS. f(a i::lawso in., lW],SfO I, Coinsri Covodegin Cr Cginhr"e' DCiam D irel' Dean,!Dick, Doddn', Eidsc r''ire. Errie, Planer, Gallowiray, rid.ldi as Cilbert, (.anIieri, Grow. RRob fert. l-11- -"l-r'n, Harrison, I1ollaewa, Ty-hoi-m.:. Hoton, Valentin"e B. Horton. lh nht, eug hton, oesey, I'icy,,' tinapp,i Knowltlon, iEet m tn o, - n laitlGrta'tenon' L,ty Knla)Mle iiTid Mih r, PoreL, Fs organ, Moll oi! Mott i Nicolrn'wO1veo, di'ow' Parke!ii:, Pelton, Pery, Petit; Pkik Pringle, Purvi.anie Ri.cise. Sib a fra, e'ap a i r.'.n is a, i:pslonner,. "n,'snol, SPtr nan an,'appan, ThustonI To dd.,'Praod to'.Is Wade, WVakeman. Wai bridoge, Waldron., Ca da la1der C.'ashburn, Elir- u B. I?s V hburrnh e I scrael Iashbv':~ WVatsron,'IWelch, Wood, Woodru, amnd Wei'wrho-c.: Nays-M cssi'. Aiken, Ba rksdale, Bell, B~owie, Branch, Brown, B, mrnett, John P1. Cayv.?bell, Lewis. D. Campbell, Carlile, Caruthers, Caskie, Howell Cobb, Willianson 1R. W Cobb, Cox, Craige, Crawford, Cullen, Davidson, Henry Winter Davis, Denver, Duwdell, Edn.undeon, English, Eustis, Faulkner, Foster, Henry M. Fuller, Thnom as J. D. Fuller, Goode, Greenwood, J. Morrison Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Thomas L. Haris,, Haven, lHof'man, Houston, Jewett, George W Jones, Kennett, Kidwell, Knight, Lake, Lindley, Lumpkin, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S.>Marshall, Maxwell, Smnith Miller, Millson, Packer, Peck, Phelps, Powell, Puryear, Quitman, Reade, Ready, Ricaud, Rivers, Rufflin, Savage, Seward, Shorter, Samuel A. Smith, William Smith, William iR. Smith, Sneed, Stevens, Stewart, Swope, Taylor, Trippe, Tyson, Underwood, Vail, Valk, Walker, Wariner, Watkins, Whit.ney, Williams, Winslow, Daniel B. Wrirght, John V. Wrihlt,.nd Zollicofibrl6. So the amendiment was concurred inc The 8enate refuised to agree to this amuendmelit or ikhe ilo:i.i ng among other reasons: 1st, It was irregular, unparliamentary, and rcvolutionary': put any such matter of legislation on a general appropriation. 2d.' It undertook to deprive the President of the right to useo the means authorized by the Constitution to perfoirm his oath 6 to seo the laws faithfully executed".laws which the House of Represe ntatives had recognized'as valid and binding in the bill referred to in the report of the Commnittee on Territories, and which hie was bound to uc all lawful and constitutional means to enforce so long' as they rc masued on the statute book, and so far as they were held to be constitution.al by the coutrts of the country. 3(do It confeirred on the President unlirnited power a:~ power isul versi.ve of constitutional rights and dangerous to iberty-=by substituthio, the military for the civil law, and making the discretion of thie com eander of the army the only law for the protection of persons and property in the Territory, and on the national 1h:ighways in A'is.ouri tand elsewhere. 4th. It violated the following article of the a on-,:~dment-s to the Co':e I stitution of the United States, by disarm.ing the1 Tia-iits and deprivingthe people of the right to bear arms: ART. 2.'.A wtell regulated militia, being nessay to tle securityof a free State, the right of the people to kee' and bear arns eshal. not be infringed." in the Senatae this Republican or Fremont amnendnixent tohe ahmo bill was stricken out by a party vote, every D)em ocrat voting to striike it out. The republicaa or Ir unmont inen i-n the House refiused t: allow the bill to pass as it went from the et)enateo and conosequentAl returned it to the Senate with thIe followi;? amendmeRtaul;; The anmendment was read as fIollows: rovcidecd, n esritfhe3ess, and it is h eeby declared, That no part of tihe inl itary irce of thi United States, for the support of vwhich appropriations are made by this act, shall be eni ployed in aid of the enforcement of any enactment of the body claiming to be the Ter ritorial ~Legislature of Kansas, until such enactient shall have bees affirmed and approved by Ctoi gross, but this proviso shall not be so con strued as to prevent the President f'om emnloyin an adequate military force, but it shall be his duty to employ esuch foree to prevent the inva son of said Territory by armed bands of nomn-residents, or any other body of non-residents actingr, or claiming to act, a a posse os;;as,:eu of any officer in said erritory, in the enfhrce.meeit of aisy such enactmients, and to protect the persOons and property ltheiein, and upon the national hilaways leading to said Terriiory,'iom all unlawfiul search6s and sei'ures; and it shall be his fulrther duty o take i eichient l;easures to compel the return of, anId to withhold ] arms of, th Un'ited States distribu ted in, or to, said Territory, in pursuance of any lair of the Uiited St:ates authorizing the distlribution of airms to the States and'Perritorieso This amendrent, being similarS to the first in its objects, ani, ObnoxOns to nearly all the objections.which had been found to exis t to the O.t,.A v'ibs, oof u rs e Sete$ y, i, tnsmuLc as this bill 16 contained no appropriation to pay the per diem and mileage of the members, and only provided for the payment of the officers and soldiers of the army-a class of persons who have no votes at electionsit met with no favor with the Republican or Friemont men, and they refused l to allow it to become a law, and hence Congress adjourned without making any provision to pay, feed, and clothe the army. Upon a full and careful; revision of all the foregoihg facts, every iimpartial mind is led irresistibly to the conclusion that the leading and paramount object of the Fremont party is to stop the wheels of government, stir up strife and discord in the country, and produce anarchy and violence in Kansas, withe tope of manufacturing political capital from all these sources of evil and mischief. The telegraph informs us that on the very day that'the leaders of the Fremnont party in Congress defeated the appropriation bill for the army, the notorious Jim Lane, their confederate, and acting under their advice and direction, and slpported by money raised by subscription at their party meetings, invaded Kansas at the head of a band of lawless and marauding desperadoes, attacked and destroyed the town of Franklin, and robbed and murdered its unoffending inhabitants, for'no other cause than their refusal to join the abolitionists and take up arms against the government of the Territory established by Congress. Peace, quiet, and security for life and property, prevailed in Kansas until these bands of desperadoes were sent there at the, expense of the Fremiont party to stir up strife and enact new scenes of violence and bloodshed, and to circulate false and exaggerated accounts throughout all the free States for political effect. These accounts, 1many of them manufactured to order without the slightest pretext of a foundation, and all of thei distorted and colored to suit their own purposes, will increase and multiply each day until after the presidential election, when peace, and security, and law will prevail in lthat Territo'l. there being no more political capital to be made by violence, blood lied and rebellion. Let every fair minded man remember and reflect on these thing's, aa1dl be ready to expose these spurious and fraudulent accounts of the 1horrible deeds perpetrated in Kansas, as they shall be sent by tele-,graph for circulation in each State just before election. The last and qnly hope of the Fremontf men consists in blood, violence, and murder in Kansas. If they shall -fail through their agents and desperadoes tbo produce the sad reality upon the plains of Kansas, they will, at i east, be alble to fill the newspapers and flood the whole country with handbills, portraying black, bloody, and damnable deeds, withll tle hope of making tlwe; people:i'belive them until after election. Let every friend of tile Colst-ittion_ "id the Union be ready to expose the Infamous fraud. THiE FEARFUL ISSUE TO BE DECGDED IN NOVEMBEB NEKXTr SHALL THE C 0 X $ T I % U Y' 0 U IO AND ~r~~ AO l AT3 ~- ~" THE SECTIONAL CANDIDATE OF TtE DVO ATES O S DF S0L L CHt TIlE CANDIDATE OF THOSE WHO ADVOCATE ONE COUNTRY! ONE'UNION! ONE CONSTITUTION! AND ONE 1X DESnXgTINYT v FREMONT AND HIS 1IENDS BEHOLD THE RECORD! WE propose showing by indubitable testimony that John C. Fremont's leading friends are now the open enemnies of the Federal Constitution; the enemies of the Union; the enenmies of one-half of the States of the Union; the enemies of the laws of Congress; and the enemies to equality of the States. THE BOSTON LIBERATOR —Garrison's organ-h-as finally decided to support John C. Fremont, as may be seen from the following paragraph announcing his nomination, which we copy from that paper of the 20th of June, 1856, and from other testimony which we subjoin: "PRESIDENTrAL NTOMINATIONS. At the Anti-Fillmore American Convention, held at New York last weelr, Hon. Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, was nominated for the Presidency, and Gov. Johnston, of Pennsylvania, for the Vice-Presidency. /f coar-se, MAeL. Baks wcill decline this Snomination. A small squad seceded, met'iOn anotl her hll, an(l nonmitnate Corm. Stockton, of _Aeew Jersey, an'ld ieenneth retyno-r, of.orth, Ca'oli'zna, fo' the same offices-a mere farce. On Wednesaday last, the National Rlepublican Convention, at Philadelphia, nominated, on the first ballot, as tthe Republican candidate for the Presidency, Hon. John C. Fremont, of California. THE ENTHUSIASM WAS BOUNDLESS." Banks, it will be seen, has withdrawn according to order; and all the Abolition Know Nothings a.re out for Fremont. The same number of the same paper, The Liberator, holds the following language: t T/he United States Constitution is a covenonr wil]h death, and an agreement with htell." —See Liberator, June 20, 185(. 4 And now, from the same paper, observe the fearful issue involved in this Presidential contest. TuHs IS THE ISSUE MADE PUBLIC IN THE LIBERATOR SINCE FREMIONT'S NOMINATION: "BUT ONE ITSSuE —TiE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.-See what the desperate and infernal spirit of the South is, by turning to the'Refuge of Oppression,' and by reading the intelligence from Kansas in subsequent columns, and then sign and circulate this petition. " To the Senate and.l House of JRepresentatives of the Uinfted States: "The undersigned, citizens and inhabitants of State of respectfully submit to Congress: " That as, in the nature of things, antagonistical principles, interests, pursuits, and institutions can never unite: "That (an experience of more than threescore years having demonstrated that there can be no real union between the North and the South, but, on the contrary, ever increasing alienation and strife, at the imminnent hazard of civil war, in consequence of their conflicting views in relation to Freedom and Slavery: "'That tilhe South, having declared it to be not only her right and purpose to eternise her slave systemn where it now exists, but to extend it over all the territories that now belong or may hereafter be annexed to the Plepublic, come whatt may; and having outlawed from her soil the entire free colored population of the North, inmae it perilous for any Northern white citizen to exercise his constitutionasl right of freedom of speech in that section of the country, and even in the national capital, and proclaimed her hostility to all free institutions universally: " ve, therefore, believe that the time has come for a new arrangement of elements so hostile, of interests so irreconcilable, of institutions so incongruous; and we earnestly request Congress, at its present session, to take such initiatory measures for the speedy, peaceful, and equitable dissolution of the existing Union as the exigencies of the case require-leaving the South to depend upon her own resources, and to take all the responsibility, in the inaintenance of her slave system, and the North to organize an independent government in accordance with her own ideas of justice and the rights of man."-Liberator, June 20, 1856. Since the above was written, the Boston Liberator, the infidel and disunion organ. through its editor. Garrison, comes out still more openly for Fremont. In a speech delivered at the New England Anti-Slavery Convention on the 29th of May, 1856, by Wm. Lloyd Garrison, we have a flood of light shed on the relation between abolitionism and republicanism, which divests the subject of all doubt or uncertainty. It would seem that some of the brothers or sisters in the Convent tion had spoken rather harshly of the Black Republicans, when Mr. Garrison rebuked them as follows: "I come now to the Republican party; and while i do not forget its actual position under the Constitution and within the Union, I am constrained to differ in judgment from some of my respected friends here about the conmparative merits of that party. I think that they do not always accord to it all that justice denlands; that they overlooh, the necessary formation of suchl a party as the result of our moral agitttion; and I Lmarvel that they do not see that to quarrel with it, to the extent they are doing, is to quarrel with cause and effect-with the work/ of our own handss." When Mr. Garrison broached the idea that the Black Republicans were the offspring of the Abolitionists, and for that reason that they ought to be treated tenderly, Sister Foster could not restrain the instincts of, her nature, and she spoke out in the meeting as follows: 1 "Mrs. Foster.-I admit that the party is our own,progeny; but, as every child needs a great deal of reproof and constant effort to bring it up in the way it should go, this party, which, is t/he necessacy o/Lsipring q/o our efforts, needs constant admonition and rebuke; and, God giving me strength, 1 will not spare it an hour until it is /fully edtucated, reforme(d, and brought ua to the high position of truth and duty. [Applause.]" At this point Brother Foster came to the relief of his spouse, and brought Mr. Garrison to the confessional by a very pertinent interrogatory: 4" Mr. Foster. — Do you believe they can succeed?" The Black Republican progeny of Mr. Garrison and Mrs. Stowe will not thank their great father for the candor of his reply to this question, but it is not the less truthful for the reason that it is disagreeable to them. "iMr. Garrison.- Certainy not! But that is not the question. Thley believe that they can. They laugh at my incredulity because I do not believe it. I think that, ere long, they will be satisfied that I am right, and that they have been deluded; in which case, I expect then to hear them cry, 6 EXCELsIORCOrME UP nIGHER!' and to see many of them take their position under the bannetr of Disunion." One more quotation from RMr. Garrison makes the record complete: "I cannot, therefore, agree with such of our friends here as regard it as the worst or most dangerous party with which our movement has to contend. In its attitude toward the slave power, in the amount of conscience and humanity to be found in it, in its direct effort to baffle the designs of the slave oligarchy respecting the Territories of the country, it is a far better party than either of the others, and to that extent it is a sign of progress which we have no cause to lament. 1 have said again and again, that i a proportzt0n to the owth oft disurtonism wuill be the growtih of reputblzcank'stmf or free-soilismn. I think if you will examine the map of Massachusetts, for example, you will find this to hold true, with singular uniformity: that in those places where there are e the most abolitionists who have disfranchised themselves for conuscience andr the slave's sake, the heaviest vote is throzn fbr the free-soil tic~ket. This is as inevitable as the law of gravitation. Tlhe greater includes the less. If we should begin our work over again, and try the satme experiment ten thousand times over, we should have the same result in the formation of the same party. Why, then, should any one speak in a tone of despondency, or feel that our cause is in imminent danger of being wrecked? Is this to take a philosophical view of the subject? Such, the, is my judyment of the Republican partlf." The Liberator, of the last 4th of July, more boldly throws off the mask. Under the head of "The Great Fremont Meeting in New York," Garrison copies from the Herald and Tribune certain exaggerated extracts in favor of Fremont; and in his editorial column he thus pours out his feelings: " INDEPENDENCE DAY.-This is the Eightieth Anniversary of American Independence. That Independence began in a spirit of compromise with the foul spirit of Slavery; it ends with every seventh person in the land a chattel slave,-the universal mastery of a slaveholding oligarchy,-the overthrow of all the constitutional rights of Northern citizens,-the reign of Lynch Law and Border Ruffianism throughout the entire South,-the subversion of the National Government by a clique of desperate and unprincipled demagogues, of which the President is a miserable and perjured tool,-the reign of violence, tyranny, and blood, on a frightful scale. So mLucZh Jbr disregarding the'Higher Law' by our fathers! So mutch for entering'nto' a covenant with death, and and agreement with hell!' Truly, God is j at, rand our national retribution another striking proqf that, as a people sow, so sha1ll they also reap. A NEW REVOLUTION HAS BE].GUN,-ANOTHER SECESSION is to take place,-and FREEDOM FOR ALL secured upon a sure basis.'NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS' " How Seward hopes to Change the Constitution and to Dissolve the Union, beginning with Fremont's Election to the Presidency. From Seward's speech at Albany, Oct. 12, 1855. a Slavery is not, and never can be, perpetual. It will be overthrown either peacefully and lawfully under this Constitution or it will work the subversion of the Constitution together with its own overthrow. Then the slaveholders would perish in the struggle. The change can now be made without violence, and by the agency of the ballot-box. The temper of the nation is just, liberal, and forbearing. It will coltlribute a2ny money and endure a ny sacrifices to ect this great and im portant change; indeed, it is half made already." William 1H. Seward was known at the Abolition Convention, at Philadelphia, first as a candidate, and afterwards as one of Fremont's warmest supporters. Indeed, it is well known that to Chase, Seward, and Greeley, Fremont is mainly indebted for his nomination: they defeated McLean. "'When Henry Wilson mentioned the name of SEWARD, says the correspondent of the Pittsburg (Pa.) Gazette, the whole Convention rose to its feet, gave the 2Tew IYoreik Senaator three times three, and could not have been warmer in their applause if he had just been nominated for President by acclamation." Seward's Agitation after the Adoption of the Compromise Measures. It is alleged by the Abolitionists that the Nebraska issue reopened the slavery agitation. To show how this is, it is only necessary to say that in April of 1851, when the cry of repeal was raised against the fugitive slave law as the Shibboleth of the party opposing the democracy, the Abolitionists of Massachusetts called a convention to assist in this repeal, and invited Mr. Seward to attend. He replied in a letter, of which the following is an extract: " AUBURN, April 5, 1851. "DEAR Sin: Your letter inviting me to attend a convention of the people of Massachusetts opposed to the fugitive slave law, and to communicate in writing my opinion on that statute, if I should be unable to attend the convention, has been received. "While offering the pressure of duties here too long deferred as an apology for non-attendance, I pray you to assure the committee in whose behalf you act of my profound sense of their courtesy and kindness. It would be an honor to be invited to address the people of Massachusetts on any subject, but it might well satisfy a generous ambition to be called upon to speak to that great and enlightened Commonwealth on a question of human rights and civil liberty. " I confess, sir, that I have earnestly desired not to mingle in the popular discussions of the measures of the last Congress. The issue necessarily involves the claims of their advocates and adversaries in the public councils to the confidence of the country. Some of those advocates have entered the popular arena, crimrinating those from whom they had differed, while others have endeavored by extraordinary means either to control discussion or to suppress it altogether, and thus they have shown themselves disqualified, by prejudice or interest, for practising that impartiality and candor which the occasion demanded. "I am unwilling even to seem to imply, by reiterating arguments already before the public, either any distrust of the position of those with whom I stood in Congress or impatience for that favorable popular verdict which I believe to be near, and know to be ultimately certain. "Nevertheless) there can be no impropriety in my declaring, when thus q utestioned, the opinions which will govern my vote upon any occasion when the fugitive slave law shall come up for review in the national legislature. " I think the act signally unwise, because it is an attempt, by a purely federative government, to extend the economy of slave States throughout States which repudiate slavery as a moral, social, and political evil. Any despotic government would awaken sedition from its profoundest slumbers by such an attempt. " The attesmpt by the government has aroused constitutional resistance, which will not cease until the effort shall be relinquished. He who teaches another faith than this, whether self-deceived or not, misleads. I think, also, that the attempt was unnecessary; that political ends-merely political ends-and not real evils resulting from the escape of slaves, constituted the prevailing motives to the enactment." Disunionism in the House of Representatives. Nathaniel P. iBanks, Abolitionist and Disunionist, was elected Speaker of the House by a solid sectional vote': he did not get one vote from the South. He made the example now being followed by Fremont. His sentiments may be understood from the following unanswered extract from his speech to a Disunion meeting in New England: " Although I am not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I am willing in a certain state of circumstances to let it'slide,' I have no fear for its perpetuation. But let me say, if the chief object of the people of this country be to maintain and propagate chattel property in man, in other words, human slavery, this IUnion cannot and ought not to stand." Mr. Banks is now actively leading the Abolition Know Nothings in support of Fremont. But, before Banks was elected Speaker, Giddings had him instructed in the work of disunion. We copy from the Columbus (Ohio) State Journal, a Disunion paper. The following extract, taken from a Washington letter, dated the 5th of December, and appearing in the Journal, will throw considerable light upon the leading motives which instigated the opposition in the House of Representatives: " On the 1st inst., at a very full meeting of the members opposed to the extension of slavery, the following resolution, offered by that vigilant, tried, and stern old man, Mr. Giddings, was adopted without a dissenting voice:."Resolved, That we will support no man for Speaker who is not pledged to carry out the parliamentary law by giving to each proposed measure ordered by the House to be committed a majority of such special committee, and to organize the stacLding committees of the House by placing on each a majority of the friends of freedom, and who are favorable to making reports on all petitions committed to them." 9 Giddings, in a letter to the Ashtabula (0.) Sentinel, dated Washington, December 6, 1855 (a letter which he subsequently admitted to be his on the floor of the MHouse), spoke of this abolition triumph in the following strains: " This unanimity of feeling was so strongly exhibited that my own mind ran back to other scenes and other times, the history of which is familiar to my readers; but the recollection is, perhaps, more vividly impressed on my own mind than that of any other man living. I will not, however, trust my pen nor my language to express the emotions which I then experienced. " Our friends now appeared to feel that we had found a common sentiment and a common principle on which we could rally. Hope seemed to cheer them, and a firmer purpose to unite appeared to pervade the minds of all present." The sentiments of Giddings against the South are those of Garrison, Greeley, and Phillips. No man has exhibited such ferocious hostility to the fugitive slave law, to the compromise measures, and to the Federal Constitution. His speeches, full of treason and of war, would fill a volume. We give the following specimens: " I look forward to the day when there shall be a servile i'nsurrection in the South; when the black man, armed with ]British bayonets, and led on by British officers, shall assert his freedom, and wage a war of extermination against his master; when the torch of the incendiazry shacll light up the towons and cities of the South, and blot out the last vestige of slavery. And though I may not mock at their calamity, nor laugh when their fear cometh, yet ] will hail it as the dawn of a political millelnium." The following extracts are taken from a letter addressed by the Hon. J. R. Giddings, of the House of Representatives, to an anti fugitive slave law meeting held at Palmyra, Ohio, in 1850: "The fugitive slave law commands us to participate in arresting and sending victims to this Southern immolation by torture a thousand times more cruel than ordinary assassination. I would be as willing to handle the scourge-to sink the thong into his quivering flesh, and to tear from him the life which God has given him —as to seize him and hand him over to his tormentors, with the full knowledge and conviction that they will do it. Nor is the crime of the slave-catcher less in the sight of God and good men than is the guilt of him who consummates the outrage by this final sacrifice of the victim, "Yet we are told we must obey this law, and perpetuate these crimes, until a slave-ridden Congress shall see fit to reclaim us from such sin against God by repealing the law.'Whether it be right to obey God rather than man, judge ye.' "From my innermost soul, I abhor, detest, and repudiate this law. I B 10 despise the human being who would obey it, if such a being has existence. I should regard such a man as a moral nuisance, contaminating the air of freedom, and would kick him from my door should he attempt to enter my dwelling. " The authors of this law may take from me my substance, may imprison me, or take my life; but they have not the power to degrade me, by compelling me to commit such transcendent crimes against my fellow-man and against God's law. " I rejoice exceedingly that the people of the free States comprehend and appreciate this insult to every freeman at the North. Public feeling is aroused; popular indignation is speaking trumpet-tongued to those servants of the people who dared thus degrade the American character by constituting us the catchpoles of Southern slave-hunters." Giddings was the most prominent leader for Fremont in the Black Republican Convention of the 17th of June. See the testimony of the National Era, page 12. Banks, having been instructed by Giddings, was elected. And how did he constitute the Committees of the House? BY SECTIONALIZING THE HOUSE! Every leading committee has an Abolition Disunionist for chairman, and a Disunion majority! There are some thirtyfive committees in the House, and but one Southern Democrat was appointed chairman of a committee of the least consequence, Gen. Quitman, of Mississippi. Giddings, Grow, Campbell, of Ohio, Washburn, of Maine, Mace, Bennett, of New York, Benson, Simmons, of New York, Morgan, of New York, &c., &c., all Black Republicans, monopolized all the great committees. Thus was the work of D)isunion formally begun in the Congress of the United States! This monstrous act, unprecedented in all our history, was the deliberate work of the men who now surround Fremont. Will he hesitate to carry out the baleful project, if elected? Will those who rule him be less bold than they are in Congress, when they lay hands on the Government and the Constitution? It would be madness to doubt them.'remont's Friends in Ohio. The Abolitionist Convention, which nominated Salmon P. Chase, for Governor of Ohio, adopted the following resolutions. All these fanatics are now for Fremont: " Resovued, That we cannot respect, nor can we confide, in those' Lower Law' doctors of Divinity, who hold human laws above the laws of God; nor can we concur in their teachings, that the Divine law is subject to Congressional Compromise."- Cihase Convention, Ravenna. "a Resolved, That we hereby give it distinctly to be understood, by this 11 nation and the world, that, as Abolitionists, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its righteousness, and our hopes for it in our conformit to the laws of God, and our support for the rights of man, we owe to the Sovereigin Ruler of the Universe, as a proof of our allegiance to Him, in all our civil relations and offices, whether as friends, citizens, or as public functionaries, sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, to regard and treat the third clause of the instrument, whenever applied in the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly nzull and void, and consequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it."- Chase Convention. SALMON P. CHASE was at the Abolition Convention, at Philadelphia, on the 17th of June, by letter and originally as a candidateafterwards a zealous supporter of Fremont for nomination. He is an original old line Abolitionist, in favor of negro s8uffrcge and negro equality; opposed to t/he Constitutional provisions for the'endition of fugitive slaves; in favor of excluding all slaveholders from ofice; believes that slavery in the States would not continue a year after the accession of the Anti-slavery party to power; and thinks that it ought to be abolished by the Constitutional power of congress, and the State Legislatures. So BENTJAMIN F. WADE, now a U. S. Senator from Ohio, is a supporter of Fremont, and a leader of the party. I-ear him: a" He thought there was but one issue before the people, and that was the question of American slavery. Ile said the WIthig party is not olzy decad, but stIn7/is. It shows signs occasionally of convulsive spasms, as is somletimes exhibited in the dead snake's tail after the head and body have been buried. " There is recally no union now b)etween the ANortht and the South, and he believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feelings of more bitter rancor towards each other, than these two nations of the Republic. The only salvation of the Union, therefore, was to be found in divesting it entirely from all taint of slavery." RUFUS P. SPAULDING was a member and leader of the Convention. Hear him: "In the case of the alternative being presented of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution of the Union, I am for dissolution, and I care not how quick it comes." HORACE MANN, formerly of Massachusetts, and now of Ohio, is the supporter of Fremont. Hear him: A" In conclusion I have only to add that such is my solemn and abiding conviction of the character of slavery, that, under a full sense of my re sponsibility to my country and my God, I deliberately say, better disunion -better a civil or a servile war-better anything that God in his providence shall send-than an extension of the bounds of slacvery." What killed off Judge Mb~cLean at Philadelphia. The public have long known Judge McLean as a man of learning and ability and firmness of character. When consulted by the "6 Republicans" on" the subject of being a candidate for the Presidency, he made this distinct avowal: "But my mind has been made up, if elected, I would reform the government and rest the executive power on the great principles of the Constitution, or fall in the attempt. On no other condition could I accept the office of President. This involves no sectionalism, except that which arises from the independence of State government and the fundamental law of the Union." As the Philadelphia Convention was based on Sectionalism, its hopes of carrying the election resting almost wholly upon that ground, this repudiation by the Judge darkened his prospects. When he added that he would seek reform, instead of opening the treasury and means of the government to be plundered, his chance for a nomination became hopeless, and his name was withdrawn, and one believed to be more yielding and pliant on both points was promptly nominated. Sectionalism for a basis, and plunder for an object, were never more markedly displayed. Both are strikingly manifested in the selection of Fremont and Dayton. Giddinpgs in the Disunion Convention. JosHIA R. GIDDINGS was at this Convention, a leading spirit in all its acts, reeking as he is with the stench of twenty years of Abolitionism. What he did in that Convention, the National Executive Disunion organ at Washington will say. WXe copy from the Era of the 26th of June, 1856: " Thank God! the movement has escaped this danger; the counsels of temporizing men have failed; to the bold, clear-sighted Joshua R. Giddings, sustained by the good sense of the Convention, are we indebted for the preservation of the Great Movement against the Slave Power, free from all entangling alliances." The Friends of Fremont in Illin.ois. The Abolition Know Nothings of Illinois, now all for Fremont, adopted the following resolutions, July 11, 1855. Their action since then is even more revolutionary. 13 "That the time has arrived when the American party of the United States are called upon to take open, fearless, and unreserved ground upon the great question of Slavery, that is now agitating the people of every section of this Union; and that the intense excitement and agitation which at the present time are distracting our country upon the subject of Slavery have been caused by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; and that that repeal was uncalled for, a gross violation and disregard of a sacred compact, entered into between the two great sections of this confederacy, and in the highest degree destructive to the peace and welfare of this Union. That a restoration of the Missouri Compromise, as it will restore the territory for which it was originally made to the same situation in which it was before that line was unnecessarily destroyed, so it will restore peace and harmony to the country, without injury or injustice to any portion of the Union; that while it will only give to freedom that which with due solemnity and in good faith was long since conveyed to her under the contract, it will equally preserve the full and undisputed rights acquired under it by the South, and that therefore the )Missouri Compromise should be restored, and that in all political national contests the American party in the State of Illinois will demand of its candidates for office, among other qualifications, their open and undisguised opinions upon this subject. " The essential modification of the naturalization laws by extending the time of residence required of those of foreign birth to entitle them to citizenship. A total repeal of all state laws allowing any but citizens of the United States the right of suffrage. But a careful avoidance of all interference with rights of citizenship already acquired under existing laws. "Resistance to the corrupting influences and aggressive policy of the Romish Church, unswerving opposition to all foreign influence, or interference of foreign emissaries, whether civil or ecclesiastical." To this we may add the fact that every Black Republican in Congress from Illinois is for Fremont. Fremont's Friends in New Hampshire. Gov. Colby, Hale, Tuck, and all the Disunionists in New Hanmpshire, are under the Fremont flag. The following resolution passed the last Fremont Abolition Legislature of New Hampshire: Un Resolved, That the people of New Hampshire demand as a right the restoration of said Compromise, and the amendment of the Kansas and Nebraska bill, so called, so as to exclude Slavery from said Territories, and will never consent to the admission into the Union of any State out of said Territory with a Constitution tolerating' Slavery." JOHN P. HALE, Of New Hampshire, a delegate to the Black Republican Fremont Convention of the 17th of June, 1856, addressed that Convention, and said: "Mr. HIale congratulated the Convention upon the spirit of unanimity with which it had done its work. I believe, said he, 14 that this is not so mruch a Convention to change the Administration of the Government, but to say whether there shall be any government to be administered. You have assembled, not to say whether this Union s7hall be preserved, but to say whether it shall be a blessing or a scorn and hissing among the nations. Some men pretend to be astonished and surprised at the events which are occurring around us; but I am not more surprised than I shall be this autumn to see the fruits following the buds and the blossoms." Fremonit's Know Nothing Friends in Massachusetts. In Massachusetts the Abolition column is a unit for Fremont, and this includes not only Wilson and Sumner, not only Garrison and Wendell Phillips, but, also, the Rockwell and Boston Atlas party. Senator Wilson and Disunion. In October, of 1855, Senator WILSON, of Massachusetts, made a speech at the Tabernacle, in New York, in which he said~ "Every generous impulse of the human heart is with us-every affection of the human conscience is with us; the great hopes of the human race are all with us, and we shall triumph in the end; we shall overthrow the slave power of the republic; we shall enthrone freedom; shall abolish slavery in the Territories; we shall sever the national government from all responsibility for slavery, and all connection with it; and then, gentlemen, then, when we have put the nation, in the words of MIr. Van Buren, openly, actually, and perpetually on the side of freedom, we shall have glorious allies in the South. We shall have men like Cassius M. Clay. [Loud applause.] We shall have generous, brave, gallant men rise upon the South, who will, in their own time, in their own way, for the interest of the master and bondsman, lay the foundations of a policy of emancipation that shall give freedom to three and a half millions of men in America. [Enthusiastic applause.] I say, gentlemen, these are our objects, and these are our purposes. " We shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that Court who believe with its pure and immaculate Chief Justice, John Jay, that our prayers will be impious to Heaven, while we sustain and support human slavery. We shall free the Supreme Court of the United States from Judge Kane. [Loud applause.] And here let me say there is a public sentiment growing up in this country that regards Passimore Williamson in his prison-[tremendous applause]-in his prison in Philadelphia, as a martyr to the holy cause of personal liberty. [Great applause.] There is a public sentiment springing up, that will brand upon the brow of Judge Kane a mark that will make him exclaim, as his namesake, the elder Cain,'It is too great for me to bear.' [Loud applause.]'" Hear Henry Wilson, Senator, in the Philadelphia Know Nothing Convention, June 12, 1855: C( I am in favor of relieving the Federal Government from all connection with, and responsibility for, the existence of slavery. To effect this object I am in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and the prohibition of slavery in all the Territories." Garrison, Sumner, Banks, Rockwell, and Wilson. We have already shown that Garrison has resolved to support Fremont; and it is known that Sumner, Banks, Rockwell, and Wilson, do so most heartily. The following exhibits the harmony of feeling between them: "No union with slaveholders. Up with the flag of Disunion, that we may have a free and glorious Union of our own, &c."- lillicam L. Garrison. "Mark! How stands Massachusetts at this hour in reference to the Union? Just where she ought to- be-in an attitude of open hostility."The Liberator, Garrison's paper. " A northern confederacy, with no union with slaveholders. To this all is fast tending, and to this all must soon come. The longer it is delayed, the worse for the country, and' for the cause of freedom. To this end all who love liberty will labor. "' Justice and liberty, God and man, demand the dissolution of this slaveholding Union, and the formation of a NORTHERN CONFEDERACY, in which slaveholders shall stand before the law as felons, and be treated as pirates are treated. God and humanity demand a ballot-box in which the slaveholders shall never cast a ballot. IJh this, what State so prepared to lead as the old Baey State? She has already made it a penal offence to help execute a law of the Union. I want to see the officers of the State broug7ht into collision with those of the Union."-Lfberator, Sept. 1855. This much for Garrison. He leaves no room for doubt as to what he means. He means dissolution, and nothing else. Let us see how these declarations harmonize with some others: " The good citizen, as he reads the requirements of this act (the fugitive slave) is filled with horror. " Here the path of duty is clear. lam bound to disobey this act. * * * * "' Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the Pilgrims and of the Revolution by admitting, —nay, I cannot believe —that this bill will be executed here."-Clharles Sumner, Oct. 1850, in Boston, and Aug. 26, 1852, in U. S. Senate. " Let us remember that more than three millions of bondmen, groaning under nameless woes, demand that we shall cease to reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliverance. * * * * * " I tell you here to-night, that the agitation of this question of human 16 slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American republic."-Henry Ti'lson, United States Senator. 4'I am not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union, though I am willing, in a certain state of circumnstances, to let it slide.' "-Nathaniel P. Banks, Representative to Congress. "I will not stop to inquire whether or not the act is constitutional. If it is not, it ought to be. I view the act as the faithful expression of the moral sentiment of the people of Massachusetts."- Jiayor, Chapin, of TForcester. " The object to be accomplished is this: That the free States shall take possession of the Government by their united votes. Minor interests and old party affiliations and prejudices must be forgotten. We have the power in number; our: strength is in unaon."-Simnon Brown, Jlassachusetts ifreesoil Cancldate for Lieutenatnt Governor. "'Recognizing, therefore, the paramount issue, I recognize, as the only practical means of sustaining our position upon that issue, our co-operation with the masses of our friends in other States in the formation of the Republican party of the Union."-Jalius Rockwell, Massachusetts Fr~eesoil Candidate for Governor. Hear James Watson Webb, another Fremont leader. (We eopy from Webb's New York Courier & Enquirer)"' We love (quoted) the Whig party, but we love its principles more. We dislike Abolitionism; but we would rather a thousand times vote for Garrison and Tappan as President and Vice President than tamely submit for an hour to the humiliation which the Senate has put upon us by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. "'We are willing (quoted again) to consort with the most rabid Abolitionists in order to restore the 3lissouri Compromise, and thus redress a great wrong." To which Garrison, in his Boston Liberator, thus affectionately responds: " THE DISSOLUTION OR THE UNION ESSENTIAL TO THE ABOLITION OX SLAvERY. —But until we cease to strike hands religiously, politically, and governmentally with the South, and declare the Union to be at an end, I believe we can do nothing even against the encroachments of the slave power upon our rights. When will the people of the North see that it is. not possible for liberty and slavery to commingle, or for a true union to be formed between freemen and slaveholders? Between those who oppress and the oppressed, no concord is possible. This Union-it is a lie, an imposture, and our first business is to seek its utter overthrow. In this Union tlhere are three millions and a half of slaves clanking their chains in hopeless bondage. Let the Union be accursed! Look at the awful compromises of the constitution by which that instrument is saturated with the blood of the slave I" General Webb's candidate for President has erected his platform i Fremont's _Friends in MIassachusetts nullifying' the Federal Constitution. The celebrated Personal Liberty law, passed by the friends of Fremont in the Massachusetts Legislature, nullifying the fugitive slave law, a law based upon that provision of the Federal Constitution without which no Constitution could have been framed and adopted -is as follows: "By the 10th section it is provided that'any person who shall grant a certificate under the act of 1851 shall be deprived of any office he may hold under the Commonwealth, and shall be forever thereafter ineligible to any office of trust, honor, or emolument under the law of the Commonwealth.' "Obedience to the laws of Congress is thus made a cause why a citizen should be deprived of all public confidence and offices of trust; in other words, rewards are held out for disobedience, while punishment is dealt out for fealty to the Constitution. "' The eleventh section declares that'any person who shall act as counsel or attorney for any claimant under said act shall be deprived of any commission he may then hold under the laws of the Commonwealth, and shall be thereafter incapacitated to appear as counsel or attorney in the courts of the Commonwealth.' "Any attorney who shall presume to pursue his chosen profession, and act as counsel in the United States Courts, to aid in the investigation of the rights of parties, and to give effect to the Constitution he was sworn to support when he became a member of the Massachusetts bar, and without which act he could not practise in said courts, is to be expelled from that same bar for doing what he was required to swear he would do when admitted. " The 16th section forbids any member of the volunteer militia from aiding in the enforcement of the fugitive slave law, and provides that' any member of the same who shall offend against the provisions of this section shall be punished by fine of not less than one thousand and not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment in the State prison not less than one year and not more than two years.' " Imprisonment'not less than one year nor more than two years' is the moderate penalty attached to the criminal offence of aiding in the execution of the laws of the land. What language of nullification can be plainer? Well did Garrison assert that Massachusetts stands' in an attitude of open hostility to the Union 1'" Now hear Josiah Quincey of Boston. JOSIAH QUINCEY is the venerable head of a large class of men in Boston, who are constantly at work against the Union. During the late war with England he began his crusade against the Union, and surpassed its worst adversaries. He assailed sMr. Jefferson for his purchase of Louisiana, in 1803, because this was intended, in his opinion, to extend the area of Slavery. Though past eighty-five, he is still 18 the enemy of the Democracy. He is now in the field for IFremont. What his views now are, may be seen from the following extract from his speech, at Boston, on the 18th of August, 1854. "The Nebraska fraud is not that burden on which I intend now to speak. There is one nearer home, more immediately present and more insupportable. Of what that burden is, I shall speak plainly. The obligation incumbent upon the free States to deliver up fugitive slaves is that burdenand it muost be obliterated from that (onstitution, at every hazard. "~ And such an obliteration can be demonstrated to be as much the interest of the South as it is of the North." This man knows that we should have no Union or Constitution, but for this very provision! Josiah Quincey is still in the land of the living; and though approaching his ninetieth year, is still as hostile to the Union as he was fifty-three years ago, while Jefferson was President, or at a later period, when Jackson was chief magistrate. Premont's Friends in New York. Gen. JAMES WATSON WEBB was a delegate to the Black Republican Convention, at Philadelphia, and favored that body with his sage counsels. He delivered a speech, which is reported for the New York Times, and from which we make the following extract, and ask for it a careful perusal: "Why, I ask, are we here? We are here because the country is in danger. We are here because a solemn compact, by which the curse of Slavery was limited forever to latitude 30 deg. 30 min. has been violently; disruptured, torn asunder, and the people of the North told' you shall have this matter forced upon you.' Now, what are the people doing? Our people, loving order and loving law, and willing to abide by the ballot-box, come together from all parts of the Union and ask us to give them a nomination which, when fairly put before the people, will unite public sentiment, and, through the ballot-box, will restrain and repel this pro-slavery extension, and this aggression of the slaveocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that the last appeal. If wefail there, what then? }TYe will drive it back, sword in hand, and, so help me God! believing that to be right, I am with them. [Loud cheers, and cries of'Good.'] Now, then, gentlemen, on your action depends the result. You may, with God's blessing, present to this country a name rallying around it all the elements of the opposition, and we will thus become so strong that through the ballot-box we shall save the country. But, if a name be presented on which we may Sot rally, and the consequence is civil war-yes, nothing more, notting less, brut civil war-I askc, then, what is our first dutty? In another part of this pamphlet Mr. Seward's opinion may be found. 19 Horace Greeley was one of the most active advocates of Fremont, and now advocates him on the Disunion grounds. James Gordon Bennett has also been hired to advocate Fremont, though on the 4th of April, 1856, he spoke of him in the following insulting terms: " CoL. FREMONT BROUGHT OUT.-The' Cleveland Herald' (NIGGER WORSHIPPER), has hoisted the flag of Col. John C. Fremont, as the proper Presidential candidate of the Anti-slavery Holy Alliance. In the course of a lengthy glorification over him, this Cleveland organ says: "' Col. Fremont, we feel authorized to say, does not acquiesce in the Kansas-Nebraska Act; in submission to the wrong perpetrated in violating the compact; in the atrocious iniquity of defeating the law thus substituted by force, when it was discovered that it would not subserve the purposes of the enemies of freedom; and the crime of the Government in upholding that usurpation, the most tyrannical in its laws of any since Draco's. When the proper occasion comes for an avowal of his principles and purposes on the leading questions of the day, we are assured, he will express them without reserve.''"It thus appears, that our Cleveland abolition cotemporary speaks by authority. Fremont has caught the White House fever. He is in the hands of his friends. He is rich, exceedingly, and said to be liberal. Does Seward give way, to save expenses, this. time? It looks very much as if Fremont were to be victimized to get the party organized. Let him consult Live Oak George." The Avowed Abolitionist and Disunionist, H. Wardl Beecher, of New York, on Fremont. The reverend agitator, Ward Beecher, is out for Fremont, in the last number of his " Independent." He is, probably, next to G-arrison and Phillips, the most profligate calumniator of the Constitution and the Union. Now for the opinions of this new captain of the Fremont forces: On the 16th of January, 1855, Beecher said, in a lecture in New York, on the subject of cutting the North from the South: " All attempts at evasion, at adjourning, at concealing and compromising, are in vain. The reason of our long agitation is, not that restless Abolitionists are abroad, that ministers will meddle with improper themes, that parties are disregardful of their country's interest. These are symptoms only, not the disease; the effects, not the causes. "Two great powers that will not live together are in our midst, and tugging at each other's throats. They will search each other out, though you separate them a hundred times. And if by an insane blindness you shall contrive to put off the issue, and send this unsettled dispute down to your children, it will go down, gathering volume and strength at every step, to waste and desolate their heritage. Let it be settled now. Clear the place. 20 Bring in the champions. Let them put their lances in rest for the charge. S-und the trumpet, and God save the right!" Rifles before Bibles. At a public meeting held in his church to promote emigration to Kansas, the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher made the following remarks, as we find them in the report of the New York _Evening Post: " IHe believed that the Sharp rifle was truly noral agency, and there was more moral power in one of those instruments, so far as the slaveholders of Kansas were concerned, than in a hundred Bibles. You might just as well, said he, read the Bible to buffaloes as to those fellows who follow Atchison and Stringfellow; but they have a supreme respect for the logic that is embodied in Sharp's rifles. The Bible is addressed to the conscience; but when you address it to them it has no effect-there is no conscience there. Though he was a peace man, he had the greatest regard for Sharp's rifles, and for that pluck that induced those New England men to use them. In such issues, under such circumstances, he was decidedly in favor of such instrumentalities. General Scott had said it was difficult to get the New England men into a quarrel, but when they are waked up and have the law on their side, they are the ugliest customers in the world." The New York Observer, a religious paper, of vast influence, copying the above, adds: " We remember the time when, in the same church, the same minister of the Gospel of Christ presented a cannon-ball to a political agitator as the argument to which it was best to resort. That act, as inconsistent as it then appeared, and still appears to us, was innocent compared with the intemperate, not to say sacrilegious language of the extract made above." WHAT A COMBINATION! Seward, Greeley, Bennet, Watson Webb, II. Ward Beecher, &c. There can be no doubt that this goodly company will speedily be increased by the addition of Fred. Douglass and his black republicans. Every Black Republican in Congress, from New York, is now the earnest advocate of Fremont. Another Disaunion Witness for Fremont. From the New York National Anti-Slavery Standard, June 21, 1856. Ti'THE ABOLITIONISTS AS PROPHETS. -Whoever has been an attentive reader of Anti-Slavery literature and journalism for the last fifteen or twenty years, cannot but have been struck with the spirit of prophecy that runs 21 through it all. To be sure, the Abolitionists may be said to belong to that large class of prophets who help to bring about the accomplishment of their own predictions. But it is a proof that they have known what they wanted, and also how best to bring it about. They have had a clear vision from the beginning of the way in which they were to walk, and of the work which they had to do. They acted on certain fixed principles, basing their measures on the nature of things and the nature of man; and, as their principles were eternally right, and their views of man and his ways founded on reason and experience, and as their speculations and their practice had no taint of selfishness in them, it was almost inevitable that they should see clearly and act sagaciously. Only, they have not seen half that was to come to pass, and the times were hidden from them, so that they are astonished at the haste with which the procession of events hurries past, in spite of the second sight which discerned their coining shadows in the distant future. " Among the many predictions which they have uttered, or rather the many statements they have made, as to what must come to pass, the one which five or six years ago, seemed the wildest, was the necessary division of the nation into two port)s —the Nortohern and the Soutthevrn-of wvhich the prienciples shouldl be Stcave yW and Anti-Slavery. Five years ago, what seemed more unlikely than that the nation should be divided into strictly sectional parties as it is now? The Whigs were running up their bids for slaveholding support with a desperation which showed that they had abandoned any other hope of success. Daniel Webster had abandoned all hope of a North, and had flung himself and all he had at the feet of the Slave-masters, as his last and only chance for the eminence he sighed for. They spurned him away, to be sure, and sent him broken-hearted into his grave; butthey appointed both the candidates and elected the one they loved the best. "The idea of a Northern party, of a party which should not extend its ramifications into the Southern States, was regarded as something worse than a chimera, as a positive inmagining of the death of the Republic, as a positive misprision of treason. What a change has come over the dreams of the people since then! The Whig party, five years ago in power, and with a reasonable prospect of maintaining it, now dispersed, is demolished and ground to powder. Their very name has vanished from the feace of the earth-or exists only as a mockery and a laughing-stock. The Abolitionists foresaw that this must come to pass; but they did not dream of its accomplishing itself so soon." "That the National parties should sooner or later divide on the only real matter of dispute existing in the country, was inevitable." "But the lines are now drawn and the hosts are encamped over against each other. The attempt to keep up a delusive alliance with natural enemies has been abandoned. " The Abolitionists have been telling these things in the ears of the people for a quarter of a century.,Th-ey have had a double part in what has come to pass, both by preparing the minds of the people of the North, and by compelling the people of the South to the very atrocities which have startled the ANorth into attention. Nothing but the madness which ushers in destruction and the pride which goeth before a fall, on the part of the slaveholders, could have roused the sluggish North from its comfortable dreams of wealth, and made it put itself even into a posture of resistance." 22 "' The North is in a state of excitement, temporary perhaps, but real for the time, and the widening lines of division between the North and South are growing deep and distinct. "It is long since this paper took the ground that the first thing, though by no means the only thing, needful was the formation, of Sectional partiesof parties distinctly lNorthern and Southern, and, of necessity, Slavery and Anti-Slavery. We rejoice that our eyes behold the day of that beginning of the end. Not that we have any very exalted hopes from the success of the Republican party, even if we considered its success a very likely thing. All that it proposes to itself is to keep Slavery out of Kansas, provided the actual settlers there do not want to have it in. This is a very small platform for a great party to stand upon, it must be owned; and in rejoicing to see it, we certainly are grateful for very moderate mercies. But it is not the platform that is significant-it is not the point nominally at issue that is the material thing. The position is everythirng. It is the attitude that is expressive and encouraging. It is the entire separation of the party from all Southern alliance, and from all possibility of Slaveholding help, that gives it its encouraging aspect and makes it with all its' shortcomings, C5 thing to thanlk God for. " We need hardly say that we do not look upon this new party as one that should supersede the Anti-Slavery Movement. It has sprung from ftat movement, and whatever of strength and hope it has lies in the AntiSlavery feeling of the Norther n mind. It is vain that servile men-pleasers seek to separate this ejfect fr2om its Anti-Slaverly origin. The StaveholdJers stamvp it with its real character, and DESCRIBE IT BETTER THAN IT LIKES TO DO ITSELF. It is true that the differing sagacities of the Slaveholders and the Abolitionists both discern that this must be the ultimate result." The Disunion Organ at the seat of the National Government out for Fremont. From the Washington National Era, of June 26, 1856.' Having thus given an exposition of the action of the Convention, and defined our position, we shall henceforth do all that may lie in our power to bring about a perfect union of the friends of Freedom at home and of good faith and peace in our foreign relations, against the Cincinnati nominations, pledged as they are by the platform which accompanies them, and the majority who framed both, to Slavery at home and filibustering abroad. Like many others, we may have been vexed, disappointed, sometimes mortified, at the injudicious and unfair measures of men who ought to have known better; but, we place our great movement above men: it is the only movement which aims or is calculated to save Kansas, and put an end to the despotism which repealed the Missouri Compromise, and is perpetually seeking to subjugate the country to Slavery: its platform is clear, sound, and comprehensive: its nominations must represent it: by sustaining them, we sustain it: opposition to them will only tend to perpetuate the spirit and policy of an Administration which has brought the country to the verge of civil and foreign war. Will not patriotic men, whatever may have been their preferences, hesitate long before assuming such a responsibility as that?" From the same paper of July 3, 1856. "The Philadelphia Convention has defined the issues of the campaigns framed the platform, made the nominations, and respectfully called upon the People of the United States, without distinction of party, to sustain them. We shall be very happy to see North Americans and South Americans and all sorts of Amnericans rallying to the standard of Fremont, and uniting to put down the Slave Power, but let us have no talk of special arrangements with any particular class or party." Fremont's Friends in Pennsylvania. We aver that there is not an Abolitionist or Disunionist in Pennsylvania who is not an active and open friend of John C. Fremont for the Presidency. David Wilmot and William F. Johnston lead the motley crew, both recreants from the Democratic party, because the Democratic party respected the Constitution of the United States, and would not desert its injunctions. Ever since their recreancy, they have been busied in doing all within their power to destroy the efficiency of the Democracy, and to assist the worst fanatics of the day. Conservative men will not forget that Johnston, when the Legislature of Pennsylvania passed a law for the purpose of assisting the officers of the General Government to execute the fugitive slave law, put the bill in his pocket, while Governor of the State, and retained it, thus defeating the object of the majority of the Legislature. Wilmot has proceeded from bad to worse. At first, he was only in favor of the Wilmot proviso, and continued to profess to be a Democrat for some time. Now he is the companion and friend of men, whom, ten years ago, he would have regarded it as a personal insult to be associated with. We might enumerate a hundred others of the same way of thinking, but it is enough for us to mention Thaddeus Stevens, Passmore Williamson, and the officers of the Abolition and Anti-slavery Society in Philadelphia. The plotters of the Christiana outrage are all embarked in the cause which acknowledges John C. Fremont as its leader and its candidate. The only candidate to arrest this tide of demoralization and sectionalism, is James Buchanan. It is against him and against the Constitution that this combination has been formed. It is in vain for a conservative citizen, of whatever politics, to close his eyes to the fact that the choice is narrowed down between Buchanan and Fremont, between the Constitution as represented by the one, and Disunion as represented by the other. The election of the latter 24 would dissolve every tie binding these States together. It would convert the District of Columbia into the theatre of a civil war; it would alienate every Southern State through its representatives, and it would leave in each branch of Congress a fanatical representation committed to the worst doctrines that have ever been preached or practised in any country. It is also in vain for moderate order-loving citizens to deny to themselves that the combination which supports John C. Fremont is at the same time the representative of other factions, and that chief among these latter is the faction of Abolition Know Nothings. The national men in the North and South who still support Mr. Fillmore, are regarded already by Fremont and his friends as certain, in the end, to prove his willing or unwilling allies. Even now where there are Fremont and Fillmore tickets running in the free States, such men as Wm. F. Johnston, Thaddeus Stevens, and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, have prepared a plan by which the National friends of Fillmore and the Disunion friends of Fremont shall vote the same electoral ticket, though Fillmore himself has denounced in terms of withering eloquence the platform upon which Fremont stands, while in the South every vote thrown for Mr. Fillmore is more or less an aid to John C. Fremont, to the extent that it may weaken James Buchanan. We would speak of Mr. Fillmore with entire respect. His speech at Albany was patriotic and forcible, but it cannot be denied that out of New York, in the North, all those who pretend to support him will be called upon in the State elections to unite against the Democratic party with the friends of Fremont, otherwise lknown as the Black Republicans. In the Novcmber election, when the Presidential candidates come to be voted for, a similar attempt will be made to bring his friends into the support of the same electoral ticket, which is pledged to the support of the candidate of Greeley, Seward, and Giddings. SHORT ANSWERS RCKLESS FAB~RICArjT0T5, AGAINST STH @euwratic 6a'I n'ate for rest5eut, JA MES BUCHANAN. P H ILADELPHIA: WILLIAM 1RICE, BOOK AND JOB PRINTER, P~:.s~,VYANA,'BUELDI, 4(6 S. THrRD STRZT,. 18bg6 SIIORT ANSWERS TO RECKLESS FABRICATIONS, TIlE "DROP OF BLOOD" FALSEHOOD. It must be a desperate calumny that Horace Greeley will not circulate against a political opponent. In his Nevw York ITribune, of the 7th of June, 1856, he refuses to endorse the story, that Mr. Buchanan had once declared, that "if he had a drop of Democratic blood in his body, he would open his veins and let it out." Mr. Greeley says: "There has long been a story current that, in his old Federal days, M3r. Buchanan once declared, that'if he supposed he had a drop of Democratic blood in his veins, he would open them and let it out.' We do not think any one who knew Mir. Buchanan, can have ever credited this tale. There is not a man living more unlikely to make rash, silly speeches, than he is." It is scarcely necessary to add refutation to this amnende honorable; but as the accusation, contemptible as it is, may require some new authoritative contradiction, we give Mr. Buchananu's own words, in a letter to the Philadelphia Couierle anc Etnquirer, introduced by the editor of the Harrisburg Reporter: [From the Washington Union.] THE "DROP OF BLOOD" CALUMNY. We published yesterday the emphatic denunciation by the Lancaster intelbigencer, of the base calumny which attributed to Mr. Buchanan the declaration, that " if he had a drop of Democratic blood in his veins, he would let it out." It seems now that this falsehood originated in 1828, when Mr. Buchanan was a candidate for Congress as a Jackson Democrat. The charge was revived a few years afterwards, when lMr. Buchanan came forward with the characteristic straightforwardess and friankness of his nature, and denounced it as an unmitigated calumny. We copy from the Harrisburg (Pennsylvania) Reporter, the letter of 1ir 4 Buchanan, with the single remark that, with such a refutation as we now present, no one can repeat the slander without knowingly giving currency to a falsehood: [From the Harrisburg (Pa.) Reporter.] We observe by the report of' Congressional proceedings, in the NaCtional Intelgigencer, of Ma3rch 30th, that on the previous Friday evening, our Senator Buchanan was assailed by JIr. Morgan, of New York, and Mr. Cooper, of Pennsylvania, upon the floor of the- House of Representatives, with the charge of once having said, in a 4th of July oration, " that if he thought he had one drop of Democratic blood in his veins, he'would let it out." This charge was promptly contradicted by Messrs. Ramsey and General Keim, of the Pennsylvania delegation. It is not our intention, at present, to make any comments upon this ridiculous story, which first originated in 1828, immediately preceding Mr. Buchanan's fifth election to Congress, but merely to re-publish the letter of that gentleman to the editor af the Pennsylvania Inqutirer and Courier, dated February 27, 1838, contradicting the charge so explicitly and unequivocally, as to silence the slander, it was supposed, forever. This letter was elicited by a similar charge, made in debate by Mr. Cox, a member of the Convention for amending the Constitution of Pennsylvania, in May, 1837. It was then promptly repelled, before the Convention, by the present Judge Porter and Emanuel C. Reigart, both members of that body —the first a prominent:Democrat, and the latter one of the anti-Masonic party in Pennsylvania. Had this sentiment, or anything like it, ever been uttered by Mr. Buchanan at a " political meeting in the court-house in Lancaster," these two gentlemen, from their position and character, must either have heard it themselves, or immediately heard it from others; both of them being residents of that city when it was alleged to have been uttered, and Mr. Reigart, residing there ever since. The charge would have specially attracted public attention at that time, as Mr. Buchanan was a successful candidate for the State Legislature both in October, 1814, and October, 1815. Mr. Cox, not satisfied with the contradiction of Mr. Porter and Mr. Reigart, endeavored to obtain proof of the charge, and renewed, in a letter to the editor of the Pennsylvania Jnquirer and Courier, dated February 24, and published in that paper of February 26, 1838, the testimlony which he then adduced in support of it, and all which could be collected after a laborious search, consists of the certificate of a certain Anthony MI'Glinn, and an extract of a letter from George Ford, Jr., both of which, it will be perceived, are referred to in the following letter of Mr. Buchanan: To the Editor of the Pennsylvania Inquirer and Courier: WASHINGTON CITY, February 27, 1838. SIR: —I have this moment perused the letter of J. F. Cox, published ir yesterday's Inquirer. His late official station, as a member of the Convention, induces me to notice the stale slander which he again repeats, and which I now pronounce to be utterly and absolutelyfalse, no nmatter ?rnm what source it may have proceeded or shall proceed. I never did, upon any occasion, public or private, whether at the court-house in Lancaster, or elsewhere, declare that' if I knew I had a drop of Democratic blood in my veins, I would let it out," or any words to that effect. Thias ridiculous story is without the shadow of foundation. The first version of the story was, that I had used the expression in an oration which I had delivered at the court-house in Lancaster, on the 4th of July, 1825. The oration itself disproved this assertion; and then, after SMr. Cox had made it a subject of debate before the Reform Convention, in May last, one of the papers at Harrisburg solemnly announced that the expression had been used by me on *the floor of the House of Representatives, in this city, in reply to Gov. Floyd, of Virginia, and that it could be proved by a gentleman who had formerly been a Demoeratic representative in Congress from Pennsylvania. The scene is now again shifted to the court-house in Lancaster, and a certain Anthony M;f'Glinn is the witness. He states, that "a number of years ago, one evening," whilst I was addressing a political meeting there assembled, he had heard me use the expression already stated, "in an emphatic manner, with my right hand elevated above my head." lie d6es not state the year when, this expression was used, nor the:name of any other person who was present at this public meeting. It does not seem to have occurred to bMr. Cox, that if I had uttered such a sentiment as that attributed to me in the court-house at Lancaster, it would have been heard by hundreds of people;. that it would immediately have become the subject of universal remark:and universal condemnation, and that it would have been severely and justly commented upon ila the newspapers of the day. Had it been true, there would have been no occasion to resort to Anthony M'Glinn to prove the charge, nor to a conversation alleged by MIr. Ford to have been held with Peter Shindle, who, although a respectable, is an aged man; sand from a defect of memory, incident to that period of life, must have confounded what may have been stated -to him by others:with what he bad heard himself. But, I repeat again, no matter who has been or shall be' the witness, the tale is utterly and absolutely false. Shortly after, the slander was made a subject of debate by Mr. Cox'a the Reformed Convention; a number of the oldest and most respectable citizens of Lancaster, without distinction of party, signed a certificate disproving the charge, so far as it was possible for a negative to be proved, which was placed and still remains in the hands of one of my friends. After what had been said in reply to 5Mr. Cox by Mr. Porter and Mr. Reigartwho must either have heard the expression had it been used, or heardit immediately after-I deemed it wholly unnecessary then to publish this certificate. Yours, very respectfully, JAMEs B:UCHANAN. We have said, in the commencement of this article, that we would at this time publish nothing in refutation of this charge but Mr. Buchanan';s own letter. We have, however, procured a copy of the certificate to which Mr. B. refers, and give it publicity below for the first time. Int 6 doing so, we will boldly assert, that the thirty subscribers to it are gentlemen of as much moral worth and respectability as can be found among the same number of individuals in any other community in the Union; and we venture to say, that No RESPECTABLE MAN IN PENNSYLVANIA, OF ANY POLITICAL PARTY, after reading Mr. B's contradiction, endorsed by the cool and deliberate declaration of these gentlemen, will reiterate the charge, believing himself in its truth: CERTIFICATE. Several of the undersigned have known Mr. Buchanan ever since he'frst came to Lancaster to study law with the late James Iopkins, and the others for many years past. We are all convinced that, if at a public meeting at the court-house, or anywhere else in this city, he had ever used such an exI ression, or anything like it, as that which has been attributed to him by Mr. Cox in the Convention, to wit: " that he thanked his God he had not a drop of Democratic blood in his veins, and if he had, he would let it out," some of us would have heard it, and all of us would have heard of it, and it must have become a subject of general conversation throughout Lancaster. To the best of our knowledge, it never was mentioned by'any person until the year 1828, immediately before Mr. Buchanan's last election to Congress on the Democratic Jackson ticket. As this election immediately preceded General Jackson's first election to the Presidency, (in November, 1828,) and as Mr. Buchanan had been for several years previously his ardent and active supporter, he was then opposed with much zeal and bitterness. Ever since we first heard this story, referring back as it did to 1815, we have always believed, and still believe, that it was got up without any foundation in fact, for the purpose of operating against Mr. Buchanan's election to Congress in 1828. Indeed, we had never supposed that any person acquainted with his character could believe that at any period of life he would have made such a declaration as now seems to be seriously imputed to him. Winm. Jenkins, Jas. Humes, Winm. B. Fordaey, Geo. H. Kruog, Reab Frazer, Win. Cooper, F. A. Muhlenberg, John N. Lane, John Mathiot, John Reynolds, William Norris, John R. Montgomery, John Christ, Henry Rogers, George Musser, Jacob Demuth, William Prick, Christian Bachman, Samuel Dale, John Bomberger, Joseph Ogilby, John Ross, John F. Steinman, John Evans, Emanuel C. Reigart, John Miller, Adam Reigart, Henry Keffer,. Benjamin Champneys, George Messenkop. The Harrisburg Reporter referred to, is not now published; but at the tiue the editorial above copied was written and printed, it was the Democratic State paper of Pennsylvania. The Mr. Cox, who made the charge against Mr. Buchanan, has been dead for some years; but before he died, he became a Democrat, and fully and repeatedly atoned for the wrong he did to Mr. Buchanan. Indeed, he became one of bMr. Buchanan's best friends. Of the signers to the card above quoted, a number have died. There were Democrats and Whigs on this list. Among those still living is Hon. E. C. Reigart, who was opposed to the Democracy in 1838, even while defending Mr. Buchanan against this aspersion. Ie is a distinguished politician and lawyer. He is now Mr. Buchanan9s decided advocate for the Presidency. FABRICATION NO. II. MR. BUCHANAN AND THE WAR OF0 1812. Some of the opposition papers are re-publishing an oration alleged to have been delivered by Mr. Buchanan on the 4th of July, 1815; and he is falsely accused of having opposed the vigorous prosecution of the war of 1812. In 1847, after he was appointed Secretary of State by Mr. Polk, a similar charge was made against him in Tennessee, of which he was informed by Hon. George W. Jones, a leading member of the prosent Congress from that State. Mr. Buchanan replied by the following letter, which so clearly covers the whole'ground, that all necessity for further comment is precluded: WASHINGTON, April 23, 1847. MY DEAR SIR:-JI have this moment received your letter of the 15th inst., and hasten to return an answer. In one respect I have been fortunate as a public man. My political enemies are obliged to go back for more than thirty years to find plausible charges against me. In 1814, when a very young man, (being this day 56 years of age,) I made my first public speech before a meeting of my fellow-citizens of Lancaster. The object of this speech was to urge upon them the duty of volunteering their services in defence of their invaded country. A volunteer company was raised upon the spot, in which I was the first, I believe, to enter my name as a private. We forthwith proceeded to Baltimnore, and served until we were honorably discharged. In October, 1814, I was elected a member of the Pennsylvania Legis. lature; and in that body gave my support to every measure calculated, in my opinion, to aid the country against the common enemy. In 1815, after peace -had been concluded, I did express opinions in relation to the causes and conduct of the war, which I very soon after regretted and recalled. Since that period I have been ten years a memo ber of the House of Representatives, and an equal time of the Senate, acting a part on every great question. My political enemies, finding nothing assailable throughout this long public career, now resort to my youthful years for expressions to injure, my political character. The brave and generous citizens of Tennessee, to whatever party they may belong, will agree that: this is a hard measure of justice, and it is still harder that, for this reason, they should condemn the President for having. voluntarily offered me a seat in his Cabinet. I never deemed it proper, at any period of my life, whilst the country was actually engaged in war with a foreign enemy, to utter a sentiment which could interfere with its successful prosecution. Whilst the war with Great Britain was raging, I should have deemed it little better than moral treason to paralyze the arm of the Government whilst dealing blows against the enemy. After peace was concluded, the case was then different. My enemies cannot point to an expression uttered by me derring the continuance of the war, which was not favorable to its vigoTuns prosecution. From youIr friend, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. Hon. GEORGIE W. JONES. FORMER OPPONENTS AND PRESENT OPPONENTS PAY.i ING TRIBUTE TO MR. BUCHANAN'S INTEGRITY, AND REFUTING ATTACKS UPON HIS CHARACTER. This pamphlet might be extended through many pages, by extracts from the speeches of former opponents, now acting with the Democratie party, and those supporting other candidates, bearing testimony either to Mr, Buchanan's spotless reputation and statesmanlike ability, or else contridicting the stories in circulation against him. Let us take Andrew Jackson Donelson, now a candidate for the VieePresidency, on the Fillmore ticket, and we find that, while he was editor of the Washington Union, on the 5th of June, I851, he defended 15tr. Buehanan against an attack of the organ of Mr. Fillmore's administration, in the following language: "But the special organ:, instead of manfully acknowledging the erros which has, been committed by its party in the countenance it has given to political anti-slavery orqanization-an error not denied nor even contealed by the Preszdent, or any one of his cabinet ministers, in tlhe va'ios speeches which they have addressed to the abolition. districts of N~ York-imagines that it is its office to neutralize the force of such a fact2 by reviving the stale charge of Federalism against Mr. Buchanan, who is one, amongst some eight or ten of the prominent men in the Democratic party, that may be brought before a National Convention, whose duty it will be to put some one of them in nomination for the Presidency. This gentleman has friends who will doubtless, in due season, make a more detailed vindication of his character than we have done in this hasty article. What we have said, is not a defence of Mr. Buchanan as a candidate for the Presidency, but as a member of the party in whose service he has acquired the high respect of his fellow-citizens, and has proved that he possesses the eminent ability and patriotism, which justified the confidence given to him by the State which he so long represented in the Senate of the United States, and afterwards by President Polk, who gave him the first place in his Cabinet." The Hon.:scar F. Mioore, at present a representative in Congress from the Ross district, Ohio, a leading member of the Opposition party, in a letter to his constituents, defines his position as follows:' With the announcement of the nomination of Fremont, as it spread with lightning rapidity over the land, expired the last hope that lingered around the Philadelphia Convention. What a fall! Judge McLean, with all his age, learning and experience, his fame, his stern integritythe hopes of quiet, peace, purity, safety anid glory to the country, concentrated in him-rejected! And a man, whose only merit, so far as history records it, is in the fact, that he was born in South Carolina, crossed the Rocky MIountains, subsisted.on frogs, lizzards, snakes and grasshoppers, and captured a woolly horse, chosen as the person to control the destinies of this: great nation I And this too, by the cool, deliberate, intellectual men of New England and the North!! But what shall we do! If Judge McLean had been nominated, no one could have hesitatel. Nor can I now hesitate to take position. As warmly and as steadily as I have heretofore opposed the Democratic pa;rty, and as bitterly as I denounced the Cincinnati Platform now, with my respect for the ability, age- and experience of Mr. Buchanan, and, with my contempt for the claims of JFremont, and the arrant foljly-to use no harsher term —of those who dictated his nomination, if I were compelled this day to choose between theml I should vote for M!r. Buchanan." Thaddeus Stevens, with a full knowledge of i. r. Buchanan's position., (he resides in Mr. Buchanan's own county,) declared in the Philadelphia Black Republican Convention, that MI-r. B. would carry the State of Penlssylvaniaby fifty thousand majority. lie said: 51r. Stevens sa w what the current of the Convention was-lie did not rise to resist it —but he admonished delegates to take care it does not sweep away friends as wsell: as foes. [Applause.] Pennsylvania is embarrassed by the withdrawal of the only hame, he thought could save the 10 State. He would like to have time to consult his colleagues. Hle would be sorry to see Judge McLean's name introduced now; but he was assured that without that name, Pennsylvania would be lost by 50,000 mqj(orty in the Fal! In conclusion, he moved to adjourn until 10 o'clock next morning. The Vational bItelligencer, the organ of the Fillmore opposition, at Washington, spoke of Mr. Buchanan's nomination, as follows: "Mr. Buchanan is a man of character, of stainless private life, and of long and varied experience in public affairs. As a gentleman, we have nothing to object to him, save his party politics and party career; and although we trust that the anti-Democratic conservative power of the country will be able to beat him, yet, if' they should fail, they may still hope that his success will give to the country a President, who will prove a friend to the Union, and more conservative in his administration, than is the political platform upon which he has been placed by the Convention." As a comment upon the course of some of the opposition papers, we may add, that before the National Democratic Convention met, they were very confident that Mr. Buchanan would not be nominated, and many of them anticipating this result, spoke of him in the highest terms, some saying, that if nominated, it would be vain to make any opposition to him. No doubtlmuch of this grew out of a desire to prepare the Democracy for a state of feeling consequent upon the unexpected defeat of Mr. Buchanan. An evidence of this is to be found in the following paragraph, which was telegraphed to the New York Tribune, from Cincinnati, on the 3d of June last: AN EARLY SURRENDER. — If Mr. Buchanan's friends fulfil their confident expectations- he will b, nuow.:-d refore this reaches the Tr)i~bune. He wiel:, ce nominated at all except by a divi-..'o-vention, after Thursday night. L-is nomination has been generally deprecated by the Re]publicans as dangerous, if not FATAL to thevr success." But probably the most complete answer to every charge against MIr. Buchanan, is to be found in the fact, that fiom Maine to Georgia, the most eminent minds heretofore opposed to the Democratic party are rallying in his support. Look at the list in Pennsylvania. There is Joseph R. Chandler, William B. Reed, Josiah Randall, Frederick Fraley, Eli K. Price, and hundreds of men who have heretofore been the light and the staff of the old Henry Clay party. In Maryland, there are Senators Pearce and Pratt, Reverdy Johnson, and hundreds of men of that class. In Louisiana, Senator J. P. Benjamin. In M3issouri, Hon. Sam. Caru thers, and Mordecai Oliver. In Kentucky, Hon. WYm. E. Preston, and hosts of others. All these men with thousands at their backs agreeing with them, look down with ineffable contempt and scorn upon the calumnies which have grown so stale and so old, that Mr. Greeley himself has got tired and disgusted with them, and in a late number of his Tidbuzne, speaks as follows: "In opening the Presidential canvass of 1856-a canvass destined to form a memorable epoch in our Nation's history-we would impress on our compatriots in the support of Fremont and Dayton, and especially our brethren of the Republican Press, the wisdom and sound policy of' refraining from all personal warfare.'We believe all the candidates in nomination for President and Vice President have sustained fair reputations in all their relations as citizens; and, if it were possible to rake fromrrthe dust of oblivion some charge that would tend to the disparagement of one or another of them, we hold it unwise and improper to do so." IMR. BUCHANAN AND GENERAL JACKSON.-MR. BUCHANAN AND MR. CLAY. Andrew Jackson Donelson, whose defence of Mr. Buchanan appears in another part of this pamphlet, has been ransacking some of General Jackson's private letlters, to find reflections against Air. Buchanan. A very brief answer only is necessary here. Two facts will go far to show that Mr. Buchanan bore a relation to General Jackson, such as no man ever maintained who did not secure the confidence of the old hero. After his ten years' service in the U. S. House of Representatives, Mr. B. retired to private life; and one of the first acts of General Jackson, after that, was to make a voluntary tender to him of the imlportant mission to Russia. The other fact is that which defies denial-that MIr. Polk appointed Mr. Buchanan Secretary of State in his administration, after consultation with General Jackson, who was then residing at the Hermitage, and who recommended and approved the selection. On this latter points the facts are alike ample and conclusive. The following from the Washington Union, conducted by Hon. A. 0. P. Nicholson, of Tennessee, and personally known to all the parties, is so full and complete on this subject, that we copy it entire: [From the Washington Union.] GEN. JACKSON.-MR. CLAY.-MR. BUCHANAN. The friends of General Jackson will read the paragraph below, from the Nashville Union, with gratification. It is high time that And-ew Jackson should step forward to arrest the ruthless war of ingratitude and hyena-like malignity, which is being waged on the memory of his father, We trust that the son will be no longer'restrained by feelings of delicacy from coming forward to shield the fame of his illustrious father, from the wicked abuse of the confidence which he reposed in such ingrates as Blair and IDonelson. There is no lower deep of political degradation, than that to which the man has descended, who would take advantage of the speechless silence of the grave to abuse the confidence of his benefactor with impunity. We suppose the late publication of what purports to be a part of a pri. vate letter of General Jackson, in which he refers to the connection of Mr. Buchanan with the charge of "bargain and intrigue," that involved General Jackson and Mr. Clay in an angry controversy, has induced Major Jackson to express the purpose indicated in the paragraph below. We understand the Nashville Union to intimate that Major Donelson ha furnished this extract to his organ in Nashville, for publication. The object of its publication is to exhume fiom the graves of Jackson and Clay a quarrel which was buried with their bodies, under the hope of exciting the feelings of their respective friends against Mlr. Buchanan. We know with how much ardor and earnestness the people of Tennessee and Kentucky contest the ascendancy in their political conflicts; but we know, too, that they are as generous, as brave, and as noble a people as live. We think, therefore, we risk nothing in predicting that the effort to revive a personal quarrel between the friends of. the two men,, whose memories are respectively dear to the two people, will cause both to turn with loathing and disgust from so unmanly a mode of warfare. It: was our fortune to know something personally of General Jackson's feelings and opinions in respect to public men, as also to know from actual observation, the relations between Mr. Clay and Mr. Buchanan. Upon this knowledge, we have the most perfect conviction, that whatever feel! ings General Jackson and Mir. Clay carried to their graves towards each other, they carried none towards Mr. Buchanan, but those of earnest friendship. Before quoting the paragraph referred to, we commend to our readers, as a conclusive answer to the attempt to misrepresent the relationls subsisting between General Jackson and Mr. Clay and tIr. Buchanan, the following extract frorn a late number of the Nashville Union: "It is supposed that General Jackson and Mr. Clay knew more about this matter, and how far Mr. Buchanan was answerable, than any other two men that ever lived; and that, if General Jackson and Mr. Clay could excuse Mr. Buchanan of any wrongful intention, and honor him with their confidence, no one else can have proper cause of complaint against him. That Mr. Buchanan's explanation of the misunderstanding that had grown out of the conversation between himself and General Jackson, was entirely satisfactory to Mr. Clay, is a matter of history; many evidences of which could be given, but the following will suffice:" MR. CLAY TO MR. BROOKE. "' Mr. Buchanan has presented his communication to the public; and although he evidently labors throughout the whole of it to spare and cover General Jackson, he fails in every essential particular to sustain the General. Indeed, I could not desire a stronger statement from Mr. Buchanan." Ex-Governor Letcher, the bosom friend of Mr. Clay, writing from Lexington, Ky., August 25, 1-827, says: "' With your letter of the 9th, Mr. Buchanan's response to the hero was received. This answer is well put together. As they say in Connecticut,' there is a great deal of good reading' in Buck's reply. It is modest and gentle, yet strong and conclusive. I am truly delighted with the manner in which Mr. B. has acquitted himself." We might also quote from Prentice's biography of Mr. Clay, written many years ago, in which he said that Mr. Buchanan had acquitted himself in this matter like "an honorable man." But the fact that MIr. Clay did not censure Mr. Buchanan, after being made to understand the facts, is too notorious for argument. As to General Jackson, it is a matter interwoven with the history of the country- whatever scandalous betrayals of private confidence men may now make by-parading letters shamefully perverted, and that were never intended to be published-that a warm and cordial intimacy and mutual regard and confidence existed between him and iMr. Buchanan to the last hour of the old hero's life. All these old, unpleasant difficulties, rejuvenated by the Banner, through the aid of Maj. Donelson, were enacted from 1825 to 1827. Four years afterwards, upon retiring from Congress, in 1831, Mr. Buchanan received from Gen. Jackson, unsolicited, the high compliment and trust of the mission to Russia, in which capacity he rendered the country the important service of negotiating the first commercial treaty between the United States and Russia, which secured to our commerce the ports of the Baltic and the Black Sea. Mr. Polk is known to have gone to the Hermitage, upon the eve of his departure, for the special purpose of consulting General Jackson on the subject of his Cabinet. Pennsylvania, led by James Buchanan, had contributed her electoral vote to his election. General Jackson had known Mr. Buchanan intimately for twenty years. The consequence was, 3Mr. Polk invited Mr.~ Buchanan to accept the portfolio of the State Department, the head of his Cabinet. It was in view of all these things, and the grave importance of the mission, that President Pierce sent him as Minister to England. And it is for his purity of public and private character, as attested by the confidence of Jackson, Polk, and Pierce, and the large and comprehensive statesmanship which he manifested in all these important public stations, filled at their solicitation, that the Democratic party have put him forward as their candidate for the Presidency. If Mr. Clay "could not ask a stronger statement from Mr. Buchanan," and respected his great public worth, as he frequently attested when they were both members of the United States Senate in 1841-if General Jackson could so esteem him as to appoint him to an important foreign mission in 1831, recommend him to Mr. Polk as a Cabinet officer, and express regret for his defeat for the Senate as late as 1845-is it not the most contemptible twaddle for men who have been treacherous themselves to both the old parties, led respectively by Clay and Jackson, to be raising 14 a hue and cry at this day, against so venerable a patriot and sage as James Buchanan? This is all we have to say on this branch of tthe subject. It is in reference to the letter of Gen. Jackson, alluded to in the foregoing article, that the following paragraph appeai'cd in a subscqulent issue of the Nashville Union: "We were much gratified a few days since, to receive a visit, from MIr. Andrew Jackson, the present occupant of the Hermitage. H-le expressed himself greatly mortified at the wanton and unauthorized use which has recently been made of the private letters of his father, Gen. Jacksonletters which the unworthy possessors of, would sooner stick their heads in the fire than to have published, if the old hero had been living. MIr. Jackson regards the use which has been made of these random letters as an outrage upon the memory of his revered father not longer to be submitted to in silence, and which he can and will effectually crush if persisted in." MR. BUCHANAN'S OWN STATEMENT. The following letter from the Hon. James Buchanan, to which boell Mr. Clay and Mr. Letcher refer, is so candid, frank, and plain a statement, that we publish it entire. It was after the publication of this letter, that General Jackson oflered to Mr. Buchanan the post of Minister to Russia, and recommended his appointment as Secretary of State to President Polk: Tib the Editor of the Lancaster Journal. The Cincinnati Advertiser was last night placed in my hands by a friend, containing an address from Gen. Jackson to the public, dated on the 18th;ultimo, in which he announces me to be the Member of Congress to whom he had referred, in his letter to Mr. Beverly of the 5th of June last. The duty which I owe to the public, and to myself, now compels me to publish to the world, the only conversation which I ever held with Gen. Jackson, on the subject of the last Presidential election, prior to its termination. In the month of December, 1824, a short time after the commencement of the session of Congress, I heard, among other rumors then in circtulation, that Gen. Jackson had determined, should he be elected President, to continue Mr. Adams in the office of Secretary of State. Although I felt certain he had never intimated such an intention, yet I was sensible that nothing could be better calculated both to cool the ardor of his friends, and to inspire his enemies with confidence, than the belief that he had already selected his chief competitor, for the highest office within his gift. I thought General Jackson owed it to himself and to the cause, in which his political friends were engaged, to contradict this report; and to declare that he would not appoint to that office the man, however worthy he might be, who stood at the head of the most formidable party of his political enemies. These being my impressions, I addressed a letter to a confidential friend in Pennsylvania, then and still high in office, and exalted in character, and one who had ever been the decided advocate of General Jackson's election, requesting his opinion and advice upon the subject. I received his answer, dated the 27th December, 1824, upon the 29th, which is now before me, and which strengthened and confirmed my previous opinion. I then finally determined, either that I would ask General Jackson myself, or get another of his friends to ask him-whether he had ever declared he would appoint Mr. Adams his Secretary of State. In this manner, I hoped a contradiction of the report might be obtained from himself and that he might probably declare it was not his intention to appoint Mr. Adams. short time previous to the receipt of the letter to which I have referred, my friend Mr. Markley and myself got into conversation, as, we very often did, both before and after, upon the subject of the Presidential election, and cencerning the person who would probably be selected by General Jackson, t fill the office of Secretary of State. I feel sincerely sorry that, I am compelled thus to introduce his name; but I do so with the less reluctance, because it has already, without any agency of mine, found its way into the newspapers, in connection with this transaction. Mr. Marklcy adverted to the rumor which I have mentioned, and said it was calculated to injure the General. Ile observed, that Mr. Clay's friends were warmly attached to him, and that he thought they would endeavor to act in concert at the election. That if they did so, they could either elect Mr. Adams or General Jackson at their pleasure; but that many of them would never agree to vote for the latter, if they knew he had predetermined to prefer another to Mr. Clay, for the first office in his gift. And that some of the friends of Mr. Adams had already been holfing out the idea, that in emse he were elected, Mr. Clay might probably be offered the situation of Secretary of State. I told Mr. Markley, that I felt confident General Jackson had never said he would appoint Mr. Adamhs Secretary of State; because he was not in the habit of conversing upon the subject of the election; and if he were, whatt ever might be his secret intention, he had more prudence than to make such a declaration. I mentioned to him that: I had been thinking, either that I would call upon the General myself. or get some one of his other friends to do so, and thus endeavored to obtain from him a contradiction of the report; although I doubted whether he would hold any conversation upon the subject. Mr. Markley urged me to do so; and observed, if General Jackson had not determined whom he would appoint Secretary of State, and should say that it would not be Mr. Adams, it might be a great advantage to our cause, for us so to declare, upon his own authority; we should then be placed upon the same footing with the Adams men, and might fight them with their own weapons. That the western members would naturally prefer voting for a western man, if there were a probability that the claims of' Mr. Clay to the second office in the Government should be fairly estimated; and that if they thought proper to vote for Gen. Jackson, they could soon decide the contest in his favor. A short time after this conversation, on the 30th December, 1824, (I am enabled to fix the time not only from my own recollection, but from letters which I wrote on that day, on the day following, and on the 2d January, 1825) I called upon General Jackson. After the company had left him, by which I found him surrounded, he asked me to take a walk with him; and whilst we were walking together upon the street, I introduced the subject. I told him, I wished to ask him a question in relation to the Presidential election; that I knew he was unwilling to converse upon the subject; that therefore if he deemed the question improper, he might refuse to give it an answer. That my only motive in asking it, was friendship for him, and I trusted he would excuse me for thus introducing a subject, about which I knew lie wished to be silent. His reply was complimentary to myself, and, accompanied with a request that I should proceed. I then stated to him, there was a report in circulation, that he had determined he would appoint Mr. Adams Secretary of State, in case he were elected President: and that I wished to ascertain from him whet'iher he had ever intimated such an intention.. That he must at once perceive, how injurious to his election such a report might be. That no doubt, there were several able and ambitious men in the country, amlong whom I thought, Mr. Clay might be included,, who were aspiring to that vfAice; and if it were believed he had already determined to appoint hiss chief competitor, it might have a most unhappy effect upon their exertions, and those of their friends. That unless he had so determined, I thought this report should be promptly contradicted under his own authority. I mnentioned, it had already probably done him some injury, and proceeded to relate to him the substance of the conversation which I had held with Mr. Markley. I do not remember whether 1 mentioned his name, or merely described him as a friend of Mr. Clay. After I had finished, the General declared he had not the least objection to answer my question., That he thought well of Mr. Adams; but had never said or intlmated, that he would, or that he would not, appoint hin Secretary of State. That these things were secrets he would keep to himself-he would conceal them from the very'hairs of his head. That if he believed his right hand then knew what his left would do upon the subject of appointments to office, he would cut it off and cast it into the fire. That if he should ever be elected President, it would be without solicitation and without intrigue on his part-that he would then go into office perfectly free and untrammlelled, and would be left at perfect liberty to fill the offices of government with the men whonl at the time he believed to be the ablest and the best in the country. I told him that his answer to my question was such an one as I had expected to receive, if he answered it at all; and that I had not sought to obtain it for my own satisfaction. I then asked him if I were at liberty to repeat his answer. He said I was perfectly at liberty to do so to any person I thought proper. I need scarcely remark that I afterwards availed myself of the privilege. The conversation upon this topic here ended-and in all our intercourse since, whether personally.or in the course of our correspondence, Gen. Jackson never once adverted to the subject, prior to the date of his letter to Mr. Beverly. I do not recollect that General Jackson told me I might repeat his answer to Mr. Clay and his friends; though I should be sorry to say he did not The whole conversation being upon the public street, it might have escaped my observation. A few remarks more, and I trust I shall have done with this disagreeable business forever. I called upon Gen. Jackson on the occasion which I have mentioned, solely as his friend, upon my individual responsibility, and not as the agent of Mr. Clay, or any other person. I never have been the political friend of Mr. Clay since he became a candidate for the office of President, as you very well know. Until I saw Gen. Jackson's letter to Mr. Beverly of the 5th ult., and at the same time was informed by letter from the Editor of the United States Telegraph, that I was the person to whom he alluded, the conception never once entered my mind, that he deemed me to have been the agent of Mr. Clay, or of his friends, or that I had intended to propose to him terms of any kind from them, or that he could have supposed me to be. capable of expressing the "opinion that it was right to fight such intriguers with their own weapons." Such a supposition, had I entertained it, would have rendered me exceedingly unhappy; as there is no man upon earth whose good opinion I more value than that of General Jackson. He could not, I think, have received this impression until after Mr. Clay and his friends had actually elected Mr. Adams President, and Mr. Adams had appointed Mr. Clay Secretary of State. After these events had transpired, it may be readily conjectured, in what' manneor 17 m communication might have led him into the mistake. I deeply devpore that such has been its effect. I owe it to my own character to make another observation. Had I ever kn)wtn, or even suspected that Gen. Jackson believed I had been sent to him by Mr. Clay or his friends, I should have immediately corrected his erroneous imp9ression; and thus prevented the necessity for this most unpleasant empl:nation. When the Editor of the United States Telegraph, on the 12th of October last, asked me by letter for information upon the subject, I prorhptly informed him by the returning mail on the 16th of that mouth, that I had ne authority from Mr. C. or his friends, to propose any terms to Gen. Jackson in relation to their votes, nor did I ever make any such proposition; and that I trusted I would be as incapable of becoming a messenger, upon such an occasion, as it was known Gen. Jackson would be to receive such a message. I have deemed it necessary to make this statement, in order to remove any misconception which may have been occasioned by the publication, in the ylegraph, of my letter to the editor, dated the 11th ultimo. With another remark, I shall close this communication. Before I held the ornversation with Gen. Jackson, which I have detailed, I called upon Major Eaton, and requested him to ask Gen. Jackson, whether he had ever declared or intimated, that he would appoint Mr. Adams Secretary of State, and ejpressed a desire that the General should say, if consistent with truth, that lie did not intend to appoint him to that office. I believed that such a declaration would have a happy influence upon the election, and I endeavored tX convince him that such swould be its effect. The conversation between us was not so full as that with General Jackson. The Major politely declined to comply with my request, and advised me to propound the question to the General myself, as I possessed a full share of his confidence. JAMES BUCHANA4o Lancaster, 8th August, 1827. MR. BUCHANAN AND THE LABORING MIAN. No public man has ever been more consistent in his defence of measures, in which the laboring classes have been interested, than Mr. Buchanan. While a Senator in Congress, he was probably the most effective advocate of all laws to liberalize and improve the Charter of the District of Columbia, particularly in his opposition to the circulation of small notes, that vitiated currency from which so many evils have sprung, and by which so many honest men and women have suffered. The explosions of the shin plaster shops, in the city of Washington, would never have occurred, had the laws for which Mr. Buchanan pleaded so earnestly in the Senate, been enforced. His speeches in favor of a liberal land policy, to enable the enterprizing poor man to settle upon the public lands, and be free from the clutches of those speculators, who so often take up millions of acres, far the purpose of coining fortunes out of the honest emigrant, are memorable. He was one of the earliest advocates of liberalizing the Constitution of Pennsylvania, so as to render it more popular in its character. In 1840, when everything seemed to be "fair in politics," a grand clamor was raised against Mr. Buchanan, on the ground that he had argued in the Senate, in his speech of 22d of January, 1840, in favor of 2 1g paying the American laborer but ten cents a day. It teaches us a lesson now, when we see so many men (even among those who are at present supporting M3r. Fremont and Mr. Fillmore) coming forwarci and regretting and withdrawing this unjust accusation. This charge then rung from every stump; thousands of men were mislead by it; but time and reflection have done the work, and Mr. Buchanan is vindicated. A great revolution has taken place since he made the admirable speech from which this perverted statement was wrested. When he spoke, the country was suffering under the effects of a contraction in the money market, resulting from the explosion of the Bank of the United States, and every branch of industry was more or less affected by the condition o financial affairs. The Independent Treasury was th then that great bugbear, which was to withdraw all the specie from circulation, andl to rain everybody, high and low. It was to prove the advantage of a sodnd currency, that Mr. Buchanan spoke against that multiplication of paper moley, from which so many evils have sprung. But the objeetions to the Independent Treasury have been answered by results. Where is there now to be found, the man who doubts that the Independent Tretasury has been of immense advantage to commerce and to trade; and where is the mechanic, or the laboring man, who sees for himself, ho w important it is to his interest to hare sound banks or gold and silve>r who will not look back upon the attacks upon JIr. Buchanan's Independealt Treasury speech, in 1840, with something of confusion, that he should have permitted himself for a moment to be deluded by the accuse. dlons of the opposition? Mr. Greeley of the New York Tribune, again comes forward to make a clean breast of it. We copy from the Tribune, since Mr. Buchanan's nomination: "The charge that Mr. Buchanan has advocated a reduction of laboring men's wages to ten cents per day, has but a very partial support in facto. Ai-o certainly never made any such proposition directly, nor anything, whielh he understood to have that effect." Now, the editor of the Tribune should have been still more frank; he should have stated that no man did half so much as himself to keep alyo sixteen years ago, the very falsehood which, at this late hour, he comes foiward to clear his conscience of. Better late than never, however, and we, congratulate the leading organ of the Fremont party upon the uneon8'ious confession of its own sins, and the lesson it teaches those who are oqeustomed to believe in it. FRANCIS P. BLAIR ANSWERING- THIS CALU1MTNY. The history of the gross and reckless misrepresentation of Mr. Buchanan' speech of January of 1840, has been written by Francis P. Blair, now one of the most active friends of FPremont. IMr. Blair, it will be recollected, was the editor of the Washington Globe in 1840, and at that time advocated the measures and the maon that now encounter his extreme hostility. By d~e grees he has become so identified with the opposition to the Democratic party, that he has at last become the associate of Mr. Seward and Mr. Giddings. HTis testimony on the subject of the misrepresentation of Mr. Buchanan's speech is patent to the present attempt of the more reckless oppenents of the Democratic party, and expose them to ridi.ule and scorn. Wes zopy from the Globe, of March 3, 1840, the Lollowing editorial from the pesn of'Ir. Blair: [From the Washington Globe, March 3, 1840.3 WVe publish in this evening's Globe the remarks of Mr. Buchanan in the Senate on Tuesday last, in relation to the misrepresentations of his speech ir favor of the Independent Treasury bill, contained in the published speech of MiIr. Davis, (of liass.) against that measure. It will be perceived that the' chalrge m;ade was, that this gentleman had, throughout his remarks, alleged that 5Mr. Buchanan had supported the bill on the principle that it would destroy the banking system, and restore an exclusive gold and silver carrencY, and would, as a necessary consequence, check importations, suppress credit, and reduce the waoes of labor and the value of property to one-half their present prices. Such objections have heretofore been those chiefly urged by its enomics against the measure; but, by Mr. Davis, throughout his whole speech, they have been put into the mouth of Mlr. Buchanan as arguments in its favor. Every one can perceive how much political capital might be made by circulating throughout the country, that the unfounded objections made to the bill by its open enemies, were not only admitted to exist by so distinguished a friend of the measure as Mr. Buchanan, but had been actually urged by him as arguments in its favor! So far from this being the fact, the speech of Ir. Buchanan-and we heard every word of it-not only did not contain any such arguments as had been attributed to him by Mr. Davis, but his arguments were all of a contramy character. lIe ridiculed the idea which had been formerly urged by the opponents of the bill, that "it was to devour all the banks, and establish a pure metallic currency for all the tranactions of all the people of the United States," and while he proved conclusively that it would be of inestimable advantage by separating the banks from the Government, he re-ndered it clear that it would not injuriously affect the banks or the business of the country. How Mr. Davis could have put such arguments into his mouth, as he has done, we are utterly at a loss to conjecture. A friend of Mr. Buchanan having called his attention to the published speech of Mr. Davis, the former brought the subject before the Senate on Tuesday last, in the remarks which we now publish. Mr. Buchanan conditionally applied the epithet "flagitious," which Mr. Davis had first used in his speech, to characterize the propositions which he said had been advocated by Mr. Buchanan, to the misrepresentations made by Mr. Davis, of ~1Ar. Buchanan'9 argument. This produced some altercation; but, after the gentlemen had compared notes with each other, the subject seemed to have passed away without appearing to leave any very unpleasant feeling behind. On the next morning, (Wednesday,) Mr. Davis appeared in the Senate, said his remarks on the preceding day had been misunderstood by his friends, and desired a further opportunity of addressing the Senate on the subject; this was delayed by Mr. Grundy's speech, until Friday morning, when Mir. Davis rose and delivered a speech, marked throughout with strong and personally offensive expressions in regard to Mr. Buchanan's previoau remarks, and concluded with the declaration, that "he repelled them with the scorn and contempt which they deserved." Mr. Buchanan, who is proverbially mild and courteous to his opponents, was left without any alternative but that of treating Mr. Davis with severiy. He was perfectly calm and collected in his manner. He commenced with stating what we copy from the notes of our reporter: "That when he had addressed the Senate a few days ago, he had endeavored to state what he lBelieved to be his grievance in the mildest manner which the nature of the case admitted, and to treat the Senator from Massachusetts, so far as he could, with courtesy and respect. The remarks of that gentleman to-day, had, however, absolved him from any such obligation, and he should proceed to treat his misrepresentations as they deserved." We have never heard a more just and conclusive reply, or one more severe in its character. The Senator appeared altogether in a new light. Mr. Davis rejoined; the altercation became quite personal on both sides, and Mr. Buchanan, in conclusion, triumphantly declared that he had fixed the charge of grossly misrepresenting his remarks upon him, and there it should stick like the poisoned shirt of Nessus. We have not met any candid and impartial man who was present, who does not believe that Mr. Buchanan made out his case clearly and triumphantly. It would have been better, much better, for Mr. Davis, at first, to have admitted the misrepresentations charged, and stated that they were unintentional mistakes, if such were the fact. From the result of the controversy, we entertain not a doubt that he is now of the same opinion. When the entire debate should be published, we have no doubt this will be the settled conviction of our readers. We now come to a few extracts from the original speech, which has been so much misrepresented, referring those who want a full report of the speech, to the authentic copy, published by the Democratic National Committee, and to be found in the hands of most of the Democratic State and County Committees. We also append other extracts from Mr. Buchanan's subsequent' speeches, exposing the misrepresentations of Davis: Amongst others who undertook to answer Mr. Buchanan's speech, was the Hon. John Davis, of Massachusetts-he that was usually known as'"honest John Davis." He assumed in his argument, directly in the teeth of the fact, that Mr. Buchanan had advocated the Independent Treasury on the ground that it would establish an exclusive metallic currency. Starting with this erroneous assumption, he argued to show that it would bring down the wages of labor to the standard of prices in countries where the currency is exclusively metallic. To this speech. when published, there was an appendix, in which he introduced a table, showing that in some of the exclusive metallic countries of Europe laborers only received ten cents a day. Putting the speech and the appendix together, the hint was taken, and a clamor raised that the Democrats were in favor of reducing the wages of labor to ten cents a day. In a subsequent speech, made on the 3d of March, 1840, Mr. Buchanan denounced the charge against him in the strongest language, saying: "Self-respect, as well as the respect which ILowe to the Senate, reftains me from giving such a contradiction to this allegation as it deserves. It would surely not be deemed improper, however, in me, if I were to turn to the Senator and apply the epithet which he himself has applied to the proposition he imputes to me, and were to declare that such an imputation was a'flagitious' misrepresentation of my remarks." Mr. Buchanan repeated his real position as laid down in his original speech, as follows: "In my remarks I stated distinctly what legislation would, I thought, be required to accomplish this purpose. In the first place, I observed tCat the banks ought to be compelled to keep in their vaults a certain fair proportion of specie compared with their circulation and deposits; or, in other words, a certain proportion of immediate specie means, to meet their immediate responsibilities. 2d. That the foundation of a specie basis for our paper currency should be laid by prohibiting the circulation of bank notes, at the first under the denomination of ten, and afterwards under that of twenty dollars. 3d. That the amount of bank dividends should be limited. 4th. And, above all, that, upon the occurrence of another suspension, the doors of the banks should be closed at once, and their affairs placed in the hands of commissioners. A certainty that such must be the inevitable effect of another suspension would do more to prevent it than any other cause. To reform, and not to destroy, was nay avowed motto. I know that the existence of banks and the circulation of bank paper are so identified with the habits of our people, that they cannot be abolished, even if this were desirable. "Such a reform in the banking system as I have indicated would benefit every class of society; but, above all others, the man who makes his living by the sweat of his brow. The object at which I aimed by these reforms, was not a pure metallic currency, but a currency of a mixed character; the paper portion of it always convertible into gold and silver, and subject to as little fluctuation in amount as the regular business of the country would admit. Of all reforms, this is what the meejianic and the laboring man ought most to desire. It would produce steady prices and steady employment, and, under its influence, the country would march steadily on in its career of prosperity without stffering from the ruinous expansions and contractions and explosions, which we have endured during the last twenty years. What is most essential to the prosperity of the mechanic and laboring man? Constant mployment, steady and fair wages, with uniform prices for the necesmries and comforts of life which he must purchase, and payment for,his labor in a sound currency." After re-stating further his arguments, as presented in his original speech of January 22, Mr. Buchanan said, in reference to the reduction of the wages of laboring men: "I contended that it would not injure, but greatly benefit, the laboring man, to prevent the violent and ruinous expansions and contractions to which our currency was incident, and, by judicious bank reform, to place it on a settled basis. If this were done, what would be the consequence? That, if the laboring man could not receive as great a nominal amnwnt 22 for his labor as he did'in the days of extravagant expansion,' wllieb must always, under our present system, be of short duration, he would be indemnified, and far more than indennified, by the constant employment, the regular wages, and the uniform and more moderate prices of the necessaries and comforts of life, which a more stable currency would produce. Can this proposition be controverted? I think not. It is too plain for argument. Mark me, sir, I desire to produce this happy result, not by establishing a pure metallic currency, but' by reducing the amount of your bank issues within reasonable and safe limits, and establishing a metallic basis for your paper circulation.' The idea plainly expressed is, that it is better, much better, for the laboring man, as well as for every otlher class of society, except the speculator, that the business of the country should be placed upon that fixed and permanent foundation, which would be laid by establishing such a bank reform as would render it certain that bank notes should be always convertible into gold and silver.:" And yet this plain and simple exposition of my views has been seized upon by those who desire to make political capital out of their perversion; and it,has been represented f.r and wide, that it was my desire to reduce w ages down to the prices received by the miserable serfs and laborers of European despotisms. I shall most cheerfully leave the public to decide between me and my traducers. The Senator from Massachusetts, after having attributed to me the intention of reducing the wages of labor to thle hard-money standard, through the agency of the Independent Treasury bill, has added, as an appendix to his speech, a statement, made by the Senator from Maryland, (Mrl. MIerriek,) of the prices of labor in these hard-money despotisms; and it is thus left to be inferred that I am in favor of reducing the honest and independent laborer of this glorious and free country to the same degraded condition. The Senator ought to know that there is too much intelligence among the laboring classes in this highly favored land to be led astray by such representations." Mr. Clay had charged that the friends of the Independent Treasury desired to reduce the wages of laboring men. As this is the charge which it is now sought to revive, we invite special attention to IMr. Buchanan's reply. It was as follows: " We are also charged by the Senator from Kentucky with a desire to reduce the wages of the poor man's labor. We have been often termed agrarians on our side of the house. It is something new under the sun to hear the Senator and his friends attribute to us a desire to elevate the wealthy manufacturer at the expense of the laboring man and the techanic. From my soul I respect the laboring man. Labor is the foundation of the wealth of every country; and the firee laborers of the North deserve respect both for their probity and their intelligence. Heaven forbid that I should do them wrong! Of all the countries on the earth, we ought to have the most consideration for the laboring man. From the very nature of our institutions, the wheel of fortune is constantly revolving and producing such mutations in property, that the wealthy lman of to-day may become the poor laborer of to-morrow. Truly wealth often takes to itself wings and flies away. A large fortune rarely 23 lasts beyond the third generation, even if it it endure so long We must all know instances of individuals obliged to labor for their daily bread, whose grandfathers were men of fortune. The regular process of sooiety would almost seem to consist of the efforts of one class to dissipate the fortunes which they have inherited, whilst another class, by their industry a.nd economy, are regularly rising to wealth. We have all, therefore, a oommon interest, as it is our common duty, to protect the rights of the laboring man; and if I believed for a moment that this bill would prove injurious to him, it should meet my unqualified opposition. "Although this bill will not have as great an influence as I could desire, yet, as far as it goes, it will benefit the laboring man as much, and probably more than any other class of society. What is it he ought most to desire? Constant employment, regular wages, and uniform, reasonable prices for the necessaries and comforts of life which he requires. Now, sir, what hli been his condition under our system of expansions and contractions? lTe has suffered more by them than any other class of society. The rate of his wages is fixed and known; and they are the last to rise with the increasing expansion, and the first to fall when the corresponding revulsion occurs. He still continues to receive his dollar per day, whilst the price of every article which he consumes is rapidly rising. He is a.' length made to feel that, although he nominally earns as much, or even more than he did formerly, yet, from the increased price of all the necessaries of life, he cannot support his family. Hence he strikes for higher wages, and the uneasy and excited feelings which have at different periods existed among the laboring classes. But the expansion at length reaches the exploding point, and what does the laboring man now suffer? lie is for a season thrown out of employment altogether. Our manufaatures are suspended; our public works are stopped; our private enterprises of different kinds are abandoned; and, whilst others are able to weather the storm, he can scarcely procure the means of bare subsitance." The predictions of Mr. Buchanan have been wonderfully fulfilled. No reduction in wages has taken place, as a consequence of keeping the public money out of the banks, but a condition of things has succeeded to that great measure, which has assisted every branch of commerce and of labor. It will appear that not one line, or syllable, in Mr. Buchanan's speech of January, 1840, or any other of his speeches, can be found to justify tc allegation that he favored the reduction of wages. The whole false fL ric falls to the ground. In connection with this subject, we will here introduce an extract from the remarks of the Hon. C. J. FAULKNER, of Va., at the Ratification meeting held in Washington City: I represent in Congress a district which abounds, perhaps, to a greater e-xtent than any in Virginia, in laboring men —I mean men who live by 24 thaeit own toil, and by the daily, weekly, or yearly wages of hard'tnd honest labor. National workshops, machine-shops, and manufacturing establishments may be seen at short intervals, from the time you enter that district at Harper's Ferry, until you leave it, some thirty miles west of Cumberland. When on my way to Cincinnati, towards the close of last month, and when I passed the principal points where these establishments are located-Harper's Ferry, Martinsburg, and Piedmont —these noble sons of toil, these brawny, hard-fisted men of labor, crowded around the cars to express their most anxious wishes for the nomination of James Buchanan. " For God's sake, give us Buchanan," was the impassioned cry of many of them. I dwelt upon this fact upon more than one octasion in Cincinnati. For, I thought when the popular instinct was thus so firmly directed, and the popular heart thus vividly aroused, it would, indeed, have been a most rash and dangerous experiment to have disregarded it. I do not believe there is now living in this country a pubhe man more deeply enthroned in the hearts of the laboring men, than James Buchanan. [Great applause.] It would be quite an entertaining sigwht to see one of those advocates of the bank rags of 1839 and 1840-one of those champions of a false, spurious, and irredeemable paper currency — seek to insult the intelligence of such men as these by the cry of "Tancent Jemmy." I see that some of our leading Democratic editors are gravely occupied in vindicating Mr. Buchanan frolm this a" encent and low-wages" caluminy. It is all waste time. The great mass of the people understand that subject far better than the Know-Nothing editors who publish stwh stuff. I have not met with a laboring lman of ordinary intelligence in my district, who does uot understand the origin of this story about " low wages and ten cents," who cannot tell you how the lie was gotten up; what temporary purpose it was intended to serve; and how justly the whole affair deserves the scorn and contempt of every fair mind. They know that the very speech from which they pretend to derive this misrepresentation, is one of the noblest vindicafions of the rights and interests of the laboring man, and as such, it shall, as far as I am able, find its way into the hands of every artizan and mechanic in the country before November next. The laboring men of the eovntry look upon the whole story as one that has passed into the sewer of fTrgotten calumnies, and not to be recollected, except as a scar received by Mr. Buchanan in his gigantic conflict with bank monopoly and bank edrruption, or referred to as a memorial of those days when he stood up in the Senate house —and there were giants in those days-as the unflinching advocate of the interests of honest labor against the outside prseure of swindlers, shavers and speculators. [Immense cheering.] MR. BUCHANAN AND THE NATIONAL ARIMORIES. A mechanic of the city of Baltimore, in a letter to the editor of' the Baltimore Argus, of the 9th of July last, reproduces another evidence of MIr. Buchanan's attachment to the laboring classes. We copy as follows. Tho~votes of Mr. Buchanan, as a member of the Senate, were consistelstly given in support of the Civil, and -for the overthrow of the Military system as the records of that body abundantly prove. In 1841, the supervision of National Armories was changed from civil to military, the result of which became so odious by the petty military orders, rules and regulations, from time to time issued by the commanding officer, that indignation meetings were held, and a- committee appointed to proceed to Washington from the armory at Harper's Ferry, for the purpose of restoring the old civil system, which had been the government of the armory from its foundation by Gen. Washington. I was one of that committee, and we enlisted all the force in the Senate and House we could for the restoration of a civilian. I called upon and afterwards addressed the Hon. James Buchanan, of Pa., and received in reply the following letter: SENATE ClAMBER, July 12, 1842. Dear Sir.:-The pressure of public business has prevented me from acelknowledging the ieceipt of your letter at an earlier day. I cheerfully espouse your cause. I am clearly of opinion that the workmen at our armories ought to be placed under a civil, and not military superintendance; and I sincerely regret that a majority of the Senate have thought differently. In what manner the question may be decided by the HI-ouse, E cannot anticipate, yet I fear the result. Yours, sincerely, JAMIES BUCfHANAN. I trust, Mr. Editor, that my fellow-workmen will not be so silly as to believe that 3Mr. Buchanan, in any shape or manner, is opposed to oar bet interests. It is wrong, it is unjust to believe otherwise than,ata he is the friend of labor and its reward. EIGHTENTII WARD. M[ORE EVIDENCE ON THIE SUBJECT OF MR. BUCHANAN ANI) THE WAGES OF LABOR. Arn looking over an old file of the Army axnd Navy Chronicle, says the Postoi Daily Timees, we came across the following letter, written by Mr. Buehanan, then a U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania, to the I-Ion. Mahlon Dickerson, then Secretary of the Navy. Although written nearly twenty years ago, it ls another of the many evidences of the sympathy of James Buchanan for the laboring classes. We cannot find on record anything that would show Mr. Buchanan's want of feeling to the colored men, whom some of our rampant Black Republicans are wont to call "men and brethren;" nor can we fini anything which would go to show that Mr. Buchanan, in his proverbial beqevolence, gave preference to the neoro over the men of his own color and blood. A constitutional democrat, anX a friend of the Union, he looks upon the South as equal with the North, and he will sustain the rights of each under the Constitution. As a statesman, he regards this as a government of white men, and not a government of colored men. As a philosopher, he feels that the condition of the three millions of blacks in our Southern States, is incomparably better, in being well fed, well housed, well clothed, and well cared for, in every moral and physical detail, than any other three millions 26 of negroes that ever have existed, or now exist, in any part of the world. But read the letter of Mr. Buchanan, and the white laborers and mechanics of the North will perceive that his feelings are not intensified upon a race upon whom God has placed his mark, distinguishing them from a superior creation, created for a distinct purpose. WASHINGTON, Dec. 26, 1837. My Dear Sir: —Permit me to address you on a subject which has excited much feeling throughout the city and county of Philadelphia, and has enlisted my warmest sympathies. Five hundred mechanics have been suddenly thrown out of employment in the Navy Yard in Philadelphia, at this inclement season of the year. Most of them depending on their daily labor for their daily bread, you can easily appreciate what must be their sufferings. Their large families (as a friend informs me) are in a most lamentable condition, and God only knows what will become of them unless government gives them employment. Now, sir, allow me to remark, that nothing short of necessity ought to compel a paternal government to place such a body of mechanics, who have faithfully performed their duty, in such deplorable circumstances. I know that the feelings of your heart will respond to this sentiment. Why not, then, make an effort for their relief? They ask no favor, but to be permitted to give, in their labor, an equivalent for bread for themselves, their wives, and their children. I understand there is now a frigate at the Navy Yard, on which they might be employed. Even if the department, under other circumstances, should deem it more advisable, for the present, to delay completion, still a mere question of a few months in point of time, becomes comparatively insignificant, when weigvad in the balance against humanity and justice. Besides, unless the Navy Yard at Philadelphia is to be abandoned-which I trust is not contemplated by the department-it is of great importance to the government to prevent such a body of faithful and skilful mechanics from dispersing. I therefore appeal to you, with confidence, to grant them employment —and I almost envy you the power of conferring blessings upon so many in strious and meritorious citizens, without doing injury to the Government. I feel confident you will pardon me for requesting as early an answe tW this communication as may be consistent with your convenience. Yours, very respectfully, JAMES BUCHANAN. Hon. MAIaLON DIcmERSO', Secretary of the Navy. M1R. BUCHANAN'S CHARACTER AT HOME. It is said that no man is a prophet in his own country; but, after all, the good opinion of one's neighbors is a jewel above price. Mr. Buchanan has resided in the town of Lancaster forty odd years, man and boy. If he had been guilty of any offences against propriety, they would have appeared in that long time. He has had his share of political abuse; he has been a lawyer of great prominence; but throughout, no man has ever been found to question his integrity, or to insinuate a whisper against his reputation in public or private life. IHe has been a model of uprightness, quiet dignity and gentle deportment, scorning the arts of the demagogue, and discharging all his duties to his fellow-citizens conscientiously. ]Mr. Buchanan's fortune, which is not very large, has been the result of hard study, persevering toil, and fair dealing in his profession. He has always given freely in works of charity, and -has shown much pub5ic spirit. In his own family, his kindness, his gentleness, and his ho itality, are proverbial. The memoir written and published by the Democratic State Central Committee, makes the following allusion to ML5'. Buchanan "at home." At this day, after more than half a century's intercourse as man and boy with the people of his own immediate district, and with the people of' Pennsylvania; after having figured prominently in the conflicts of parties; after having shared the confidence of successive Democratic admhlistrations; after having contributed his energies to the overthrow of pglitical heresies without number, he might leave his case to thousands and tens of thousands, who have at various times antagonized his opinioms, but now, with the annals of his life before them, stand ready to pay their tribute to his consistency and to his integrity as a public man, by uniting, with his political friends in placing him in the Presidential chair I What nobler monument could be raised in commemoration of any American patriot? What. more significant refutation of all the accusations of hiated party combatants? What more conclusive proof could be given to the nation at large, of. the fitness and the merits of a statesman w:, after such a lifetime, finds his endorsers in the hearts of the people among whom he has lived, and his warmest supporters among men who have for more than forty years stood in opposition to his opinions? Let a stranger go to Lancaster now, and he will be surprised to find that hundreds of the leading Whigs of that old county are enrolled among the supporters of James Buchanan-are his active friends, and deem it a pleasing duty, a duty to their State and their country, to support their distinguished fellow-citizen. The old Germans, whom he has defended at the bar, come forward to give their suffrages to the honest wed conscientious lawyer; and hundreds whom he served during his Cbngressional career, are eager to render him their support. The young men are enthusiastically at his side; and the public press, with a single infamous exception, has been glad to bear voluntary testimony to hbis virtues, his abilities and his deservings. Two or three instances of Mr. Buchanan's benevolence may as well appear in this connection: [From the Pittsburg Post.] BUCHANAN AND PITTSBURG. On the 10th of April, 1845, a large portion of Pittsburg was laid in ashes by the great fire. There was no telegraph to Pittsburg in those days, and the news of our calamity could only reach Washington by, the 28 14th of April. Mr. Buchanan was then Secretary of State. On that day the following document left Washington for Pittsburg, addressed by Mr. Buchanan to Win J. Howard, then mayor of our city. Comment is unnecessary, even to those maligners who would represent Mr. Buchanan a cold and selfish: Ed@01).] WASHINGTON, April 14, 1845. Cashier of the Bank of Metropolis: Pay to the order of W. J. Howard, mayor of the city of Pittsburg, for the use of the sufferers by the late fi'e, five hundred dollars. JAMES BUCHIANAN. Dear ASi: —Will you please to accept and apply the above towards the relief of the sufferers in the late dreadful calamity. My feelings of sympathy and compassion have never been so strongly excited upon any similar occasion. But let the people be of good cheer, and exert their accustomed energy, and, under the blessings of Providence, all will yet be well, and Pittsburg will arise more glorious than ever from its ashes. JAMES BUCHANAN. W. J. HOWARDn Esq. WHAT HIS NEIGHBORS SAY OF' HIM. It is no matter of trifling consideration and importance that thdse who knaw a man best should eulogise him most. lMore especially is praise to be valued when it is extorted from a political opponent. The Lancaster (Pennsylvania) Exw3ress, a Know-Nothing Republican paper, published in the immediate neighborhood of Mr. Buchanan's residence, is compelled to bear testimony to his unbending integrity and blameless life. After a few introductory remarks, the editor proceeds, and says: "We know the man as one of our most respected fellow-citizens; a gentleman of unblemished personal integrity and unusually agreeable manners in his social intercourse with all classes. We know him as the friend of the poor, as a perpetual benefactor of the poor widows of this city, who, when the piercing blasts of each successive winter brought shrieks of cold, and hunger, and want, in the frail tenements of poverty, could apply to the'Buchanan Relief Donation' for their annual suipply of wood, and sitting down with their orphaned children in the Cheerful warmth of a blazing fire, lift their hearts in silent gratitude to God, and teach their little ones to bless the name of James Buchanan. As a citizen, a neighbor, a friend, in a word, as simply James Buchanan, we yield to no man in the measure of our respect and esteem; and were he still before us as simply James Buchanan, as he was a few years, and he and we occupied the same broad Jeffersonian republican platform, when at least one of the editors of this paper voted with him year after year the same Democratic ticket, then ours would be the more pleasing dy of supporting instead of opposing the election of our esteemed 29 fellow-citizen and neighbor to the highest office in the gift of the American people, and the highest position of political distinction in tihe world." A STRIKING TRAIT IN MR. BUCHANAN'S CHARACTER. Ih his long intercourse with public men, why is it that Mr. Buchanan, whom his opponents now call "a cold-hearted man," can point to such an army of enthusiastic and devoted friends? He has them not only at home, but in every State in the Union. He finds them not merely in the higher walks of public life, but in every class and station of society. While a member of the House of Representatives and of the Senate, a period something over twenty years, he made friends who adhered to hihm through life, many of whom are still living. While in the Cabinet of President Polk, he was a favorite of his associates, without exception. Ile can recall, with pleasure, his companionship with Lewis F. Linn, of Miissouri, and with Ambrose II. Sevier, of Arkansas, gallant spirits, now gathered to their fathers. He was the friend of Levi Woodbury, the companion of Wm. R. King, of Roane, of Silas Wright, of John C. Calhoun, of Felix Grundy, and of all that sterling race of men who adorned the era in which he was an actor. At the present moment Bancroft, the historian, William L. Marcy, Robert J. Walker, Nathan Clfford, Isaac Toucey, John Y. Mason, and Cave Johnson,'his associates during the memorable administration of Mr. Polk, are all advocating his election, and nearly all ardently preferred him before all others as a candidate for the Presidency. It cannot be a cold-hearted manl who can retain such men at his side through so many years. It proves fidelity to his friends, truth in his dealings with them, and a readiness at all times to respond to a gerncous action. The following is from the pen of a very distinguished old line Whig in Philadelphia: MR. BUCHANAN AND THE OSTEND MANIFESTO. Tphe self-styled neutral press-of that class who are loud in vaunting their perfect independence of politics-of which the "Evening Bulletin" is a malignant type, are busy and constant in their efforts to misrepresent the purpErt of this celebrated paper. I am a Whig-a Whig of the Clay, Webster and Sergeant school. I was a Whig when what is now Black Republicanism wasi fanatical abolitionism-resisted as ably and strenuously by our great lead-en4 as it was by the Democratic party. I am a Whigr still, and think I stand on the same platform with reference to the only issues before the country that C(lay and Webster stood. They were opposed to Sectionalism, to abolitionis;-so amn I. And were they alive, I doubt not they would east their vote 3v tan I intend to vote in Novemlber next-f-or Juames BIuchanan. I shall vote for hilml, because he is the only candidate who represents fully the principle with reference to the slavery question, that I think vital to the safety of the country, and the permanence of the union of the States; because he representsf the only party that is national in its character, and has positive and govqrniag strength in every section of the confederacy, North, South, East aind West. I shall vote for him because the platform of the party which ha: nominated him, proposes to remove the Slavery agitation from the halls of Congress entirely, where it has always been, and always will be, a cause of discord and strife, and to let the people of the Territories or States decide f'or themselves the character of their domestic institutions. I shall vote for him, because he is a statesman of enlarged experience, conservative in his charjeter, and who, apart from the impregnable position occupied by himself anad his party on the Slavery question, upon which the Union depends, is eSinently qualified to conduct the affairs, both foreign and domestic, of Govermn ment, with honor in these difficult times. I shall vote for him, becaud a [ think his position with reference to Cuba,, as laid down in the "; Ostend MIanifesto," eminently wise and sound, and if understood properly, will mewt with a hearty response from every true American citizen. It is fortunate for Mr,. Buchanan that his real position on the Cuban question is susceptible of' an elucidation so clear and certain, that no apology for misconstruction or misrepresentation can exist. The "Ostend MIanifesto" itself furnishes.. triumphaat answer to the charge so flippantly made, " that MIr. Buchatnan does not hesitate to say that we must have Cuba at all risks. If Spain refurseCs to sell, then take it (Cuba) by force 1" I undertake to prove from the pap'r itself, that no such doctrine or sentiments are entertained or found in it. The argument of the Ostend paper is clear, concise, and to the point-that we should not acquire Cuba without the consent of Spain, UNLESS JUSTIrFID IY' tHE GREAT LAW 02 SELF-PRESERVATION. The Ostend document holds this language: " It must be clear to every reflecting mind that, from the peculiarity of its geographical position and the considerations attendant on it, Cuba is asns necessary to the North American republic as any of its present members, A'd that it belongs naturally to that great family of States of which the Union is t'he providential nursery. " From its locality it commands the mouth of the Mississippi, and the immense and annually increasing trade, which must seek this avenue to the ocean. "On the numerous navigable streams, measuring an aggregate courA' of come thirty thousand miles, which disembogue themselves through this magnificent river into the Gulf of Mexico, the increase of the population, within the last ten years, amounts to more than that of the entire rUnion at the tune Louisiana was annexed to it. "The natural and main outlet to the products of this entire population, the highway of their direct intercourse with the Atlantic and the Pacific States, can never be secure, but must ever be endangered, whilst Cuba is a deppendency of a distant power, in whose possession it has proved to be a source of co.nstant annoyance and embarrassment to their interests. "Indeed, the Union can never enjoy repose, nor possess reliable security, zas long as Cuba is not embraced within its boundaries. "After we shall have offered Spain a price for Cuba far beyond its preneat rvalue, and this shall have been refused, it will then be tixme to consider the question: Doas Cuba in the possession of Spain seriously endanger our internmaLI peace and the existence of our cherished Union? S'1ho1ould this question be answered in the affirative, then by every kw,) Ihuman and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it fronm Spain, if we )tis 31 se the power-and this upon the very same principle that would justify an individual in tearing down the burning house of his neighbor, if there twere no other means of preventing the flames from destroying his own home. " Under such circumstances, we ought neither to count the cost nor regard the odds which Spain might enlist against us. WVe forbear to enter into the question whether the present condition of the island would justify such a measure. " Our past history forbids that we should acquire the island of Cuba without the consent of Spain, unless justiJied by the great law of self-preservationm We must, in any event, preserve our own conseious rectitude and our owrn self-respect. "But if Spain, deaf to the voice of her own interest, and actuated by stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba to the United States, then the question will arise, what ought to be the course of the American government under such circumstances. " Self-preservation is the first law of nature, with States as well as with individuals. All nations have at different periods acted upon this maxim. Although it has been made the pretext for committing flagrant injustice, as in the partition of Poland, and other similar cases which history records, yet the principle itself, though often abused, has always been recognised." Mr. Buchanan's position is, that if Spain refuses to sell, then (not that our government shall take it by force) will be the time to consider the question: Does Cuba, in the possession of Spain, seriously endanger our internal peace and the existence of our cherished Union? Let us be specific on this matter. Mr. Buchanan lays down the great law, of self preservation as applicable to States as well as individuals. will a y one dispute the truth'of that position? He says that, as important as O uba is to our peace and prosperity, we should not think of acquiring it without the consent of Spain, except in the last resort, as a means of saving osrr own nation from ruin. Will any one venture to take issue with him on this position? I-Ie says that, before considering the question whether the acquisition of Cuba is essential for our preservation, we should offer to buy the island, and even to offer more than its value. Will anybody come forward to dispute this position? lie says that if Spain refuses to sell at such price, it will then be time for our government to consider the momentous qjWestion whether Cuba is essential to our self-preservation; and if it shall be dpcided in the affirmative, then, to save ourselves from ruin, we should take cuba at any cost or peril. Who can successfully gainsay this proposition? Who will say that " an individual would not be justified in tearin g down the bdrning house of his neighbor, if that were the only means of saving his own home?" I have no fears that the people, the sound conservative, right-thinkling, right-minded people, will be misled by the misrepresentations of partizan zealots; in this age of steam-presses, no public man of the country has perhaps so little to fear from a dispassionate examination of his record-which can be found on almost every page of our history for the last thirty years. Nominated by his party for the highest office in the world, without anry sedking either by word or deed from him —thousands and thousands.of his old political opponents are flocking to his standard, as the only means of saving the institutions of the country from civil discord and strife. His deetion in November next is certain. The men and the papers now engaged in misrepresenting the Ostend Manifesto, and especially those who think it will arouse the animosity of Spain, should know that the nmanifeto, when received in Spain, so far froe 32 being hurtful, was succeeded by a state of feeling among the Spanish statesmen, of the most satisfactory character. Its reasoning and conclusions are sutch as no upright man, especially no American, oould then, or can now, conscientiously resist or refute. MR. CLAY SPEAKS-HEAR HIM I We find in the Lexington Observer and eteparter, a letter copied from the Kentucky Statesman, which we publish with great satisfaction. It is from James B. Clay, a son of Henry Clay, the great American Statesman, whom all men delight to honor. This letter is the tbet refutation that could be made of the stale slanders now attempted to be revived by a venal-partizan press, relative to the unfounded charges against Mr. Buchanan-charges denied by Henry Clay himself, by his biographer, and now by the public generally. The high personal regard which these distinguished statesmen ever entertained for each other, also effectually disproves these malicious fabrications. Mr. Clay, in announcing his'determination to vote for Mr. Buchanan, assumes a position which is alike honorable to himself and the powerful party of which his honored father was the aclnowledged leader. [From the Kentucky Staltesman.] MIa, EDITOR: — desire, through your courtesy, to correct a statement made in the Statesndt of the 4th inst., which does great injustice to two of my friends, and political brothers, the Gn. Josiua F. Bell, of Boyle, and the HIon. William B. Kinkead, of Kenton, and which moreover is untrue. The article to which I refer, states "that resolutions expressing the confidence of the Whigs of Kentucky in Mr. Fillmore, and saying he was worthy of their support as in 1848," ~e rejected by the votes of sixteen counties to one, In the State Convention held at Louisville, on the 3d inst., and that Mr. Bell and Ainkead advocated them. it is undeniably true that such resolutions were offered in the Convention by Col. Hopkins, of Henderson, and it is also true that they were laid upon the table by a vote of sixteen counties to one. But it is not true that either Mr. Bell or Mr. Kinkead voted for them; on the contrary,' both gentlemen opposed them, as I have reason to believe they would have done, resolutions to endorse any one but a true old line Whig for the office of President. It was, also, at the express desire and request of Mr. Kinkead that Mr. Adams withdrew his motion, to the effect " that the Whigs of Kent;ucky have undiminished confidence in Millard Fillmore." It is, however, but candid to say, that every member of the Convention understood that Mr. Bell and Judge Kinkead preferred Mr. Fillmore to either Mr. Buchanan or Mr. Fremont; neither of them made any attempt to do so gross and unjust a thing, as to commit an old line Whig Convention to the endorsement of anybody but a Whig. There is also a statement copied into the Observer and Reporter of the 5th inst., "that I had been heard to say, that I was not for Buchanan." I may have said that Mr. Buchanan was not my candidate, or was not my choice for the Pi-esidency; but I have not said that I-should not vote for him. I prefer Mr. Fillmore personally, and if he stood on the same principles he did in 1850, I would vote for him in preference to any man I know. But I expect to cast my vote for that candidate who, in my opinion, may have the best chance to defeat the candidate of the Black Republican party; and, at present advised, I think Mr. Buchanan has the best chance to do so. I wish it, nevertheless, to be distinctly understood, that if I shall think it my duty to vote for Mr. Buchanan, I shall vote as an old line Whig, making a choice of what he believes to be evils, for the good of the country; and that whenever the Whig standard shall again be raised, adhering always to the principles which I have been instrumental in asserting at Lexington, and at Louisville on the 3d July, I shall be ready, fairly, honestly and fearlessly to battle against those principles and practices of the Demo-raic party which conflict with our own views. I feel sure, Mr. Editor, that your readers will not do me the injustice to attribute to me too great a desire to force myself before their notice, in venturing to corrrect misrepresentations affecting my friends and myself, however well I may know the little importance that may be attached to -any opinions of mine. I hope the Observer aned Reporter will also do me the favor, as well as justice, to copy this letter I am air, respectfully, &c., Your obedient servant, JAMES B. CLAY Aslmand, July 8, 1856. WHERE ARE HENRY CLAY'S FAMILY AND FRIENDS? All of Mir. Clay's immediate family, with a single exception, are in the same position as the gen f:eman above referred to, and some are openly out for Buchanan. The sons of the old Henry Clay leader, John Sergeant, of Philadelphia, are out for Buchanan, and in the Senate, Henry Clay Whigs, like Benjamin, of La., Pratt, of Md., Pearce, of Md., and J. C. Jones, of Tenn0 have tAkan open ground in favor of Buchanan's election. INFIDELUTY AND ABOLITIH0NIS~a AN OPEN LETTEIR TO THE FRIENDS OF "ELMON3N, MORALUTY AWED THE ANM~l"A 0| No nation has ever long existed which did not repose, as upon a rock, upon the principles and teachings of the Holy Scriptures, as understood and practised by the civilized races of man. It is no less true, that never since the world began have these teachings and principles been so deeply fixed and so widely disseminated as since the erection of the American Republic. Hand-in-hand with the growth of our government, and the increase of our population, and our territory, the moral virtues have increased, and the followers of Bible faith have multiplied. Free institutions have secured perfect religious equality; the Union of the States has been the bond between different denominations; and the fountain of patriotism has so mingled the sacred memories of the labors of the sages of the past and the sufferings of the holy men who toiled with them, that it has become a common belief that Providence holds us in his most special keeping. It is a rude contrast to this agreeable retrospect to say that the attempt now making to (lestroy the Union, and the sacred interests involved in its existence, is a serious attempt. it is more than this: it is a bold and flagrant attempt; a widelyextended conspiracy; a deeply-laid and profoundly-concerted plot. A few plain facts will show whether these assertions are reasonable or not. JOHN C. FREMONT is the candidate for the Presidency of conjoined fanaticisms, one of which assails all true religion, and the other of which assails the Union of the States. They go together in a body; they cannot be separated. We assert and defy contradiction, that every organization boasting infidel doctrines is now an organization in favor of Fremont; arid we assert also, that all those desiring a dissolution of the Union are openly co-operating with these organizations. The best way to prove this is to show what the leaders of these united factions have repeatedly announced to the world. We ask the close attention of our readers to the following authentic declarations of the leadcing friends of John C. FremontThe American Tract Society, an organization of immense usefulness, is assailed with great violence by the Abolitionists, because it will not unite in this disunion, infidel movement. We could multiply extracts to prove this statement, but the religious public is well aware of it. One authority is sufficient to show how infidels and disunionists unite. We copy from a Frernont Abolition organ, the New York Standard, April 19, 1856, a paper of great circulation. An influential religious journal, the Christian Messenger, having said with great truth, thlat "Infidelity strikes at the root of social order, domestic purity, and national security," and "Infidelity fans the Jflame of sectional jealousy and hate." This advocate of Fremont, the Standard, says: " The only question which, at the present day, can possibly be said to excite sectional jealousy and hate is the Slavery question, and this is the flame which the American Tract Society declares is fanned by infidelity. If it be true that infidelity is raising its voice against the iniquities and abominations of American bondage, it has in fact become more Christian than cotton divinity, which insults the Almighty, revokes his precepts, and degrades his Holy Word by making it the warrant for the foulest injustice, the vilest cruelty." Another Fremont leader is the notorious Theodore Parker, who in the course of an anti-slavery speech in New York, last March, said, " The North has a duty to perform-to put slavery down, 6 peaceably if it can, forcibly if it must.' There are two ways to go to work to do this: one is, dissolve the Union, and leave the South to settle the matter for herself. "' There are many things that look that way; and there are some who think this the true system. Among them is my friend Johnson, who so handsomely introcuced me as con infidel. But he meant such an infidel as loves the good God and his fellow-man. Mr. Garrison is in fiavor of the dissolution of the Union. He is a great and good man, and I love him." The following extract from a sermon of the same Rev. Theodore Parker, is a fair sample of the line of argument used by Fremont's reverend supporters: "I do not believe in the miraculous origin of the Hlebrew Church, or the Budhist Church, or of the Christian Church, nor of the miraculous character of Jesus. I take not the Bible for my master, nor yet the Church, nor even Jesus of Nazareth for my master. He is my best historical dial of human greatness, nor without the stain of his times and, I presume of course, not without sin, for men without sin exist only in the dreams of girls." Let Garrison talk for himself. From the Boston Liberator, Garrison's paper, June 20, 1856a paper that supports John C. Fremont: " The United States Constitution is a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." The same number of the Liberator contains an editorial article indorsing Fremont's nomination; and a petition to Congress which demands the dissolution of the Union. Garrison's infidelity is so strongly marked, that in his paper of A arch1 l 21, 1856, we find it stated by himself that he attended an anti-Bible Convention at Hartford (Coln.), at which, we use his owiYn language, "he offered a series of resolutions in opposition to thle popular dogmca resmeeting that volume!" The Convention met under the following call::~ TO THE FRIENDS OF FREE DISCUSSION. The undersigned hereby invite all who are friendly to free discussion, to attend a Convention to be held at Hartford (Ct), on Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, 2d, 3d, 4th, and 5th of June next, for the purpose of freely and fully canvassing the ORIGIN, AUTHORITY, AND INFLUENCE OF THE JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN SCRIPTURES. This invitation is not given to any particular class of Philosophers, Theologians, or Thinkers, but it is in good faith extended to all who feel an interest in the examination of the question above stated. There are many who believe that a supernatural revelation has been given to man; many others who deny this, and a large number who are afflicted with perplexing doubts-trembling between the silent skepticism of their reason and the fear of absolute denial. In issuing a call for a Convention, we have in view the correction of error, by which party soever entertained, and the relief of those who stand between doubt and fear, from their embarrassing position. Some may have no doubt that the Jewish and Christian Scriptures have subserved an important end, and yet believe their mission is nearly completed, and must be superseded by a new dispensation; some may believe that their influence has been prejudicial in every respect, and that they have been a curse rather than a blessing to mankind; others may believe them a perfect record of the Divine will to man-good in the past and for all time to come; and others still may deny the plenary inspiration of the Bible, discarding much of the Old Testament, and receiving most or all of the New. Still, such diversity of opinion, instead of prejudicing the interests and good results which ought to attend such a Convention, will rather tend to increase its interest and enhance its value to the cause of truth. Doubtless a free interchange of thought is the best mode of exciting inquiry, and of arriving at the truth. I- He who has a truth and keeps it, Keeps cwhat not to hirn belongs; But peirforms a selfish action, And his fellow-mortal wrongs." We invite, therefore, all who feel an interest in this question, without distinction of sex, color, sect, or party, to come together, that we may sit down like brethren in a communion before the altar of intellectual and spiritual freedom. In the same number of this paper, dissolution of the Union is ably advocated, and three months later, as we have shown, John C. Fremont was advocated by Garrison as the true man to cornmnence the good work. In the same paper, of the 4th of May, 1855, we find a communication conspicuously published, and signed by Francis Barry, Berlin Heights, Ohio (no doubt if living a Fremont advocate), which contains the following extract: " I have carefully looked over my last article (see Liberator, Feb. 2), and I can but find a single expression that begins to compare, in point of "profanity," with the above extracts. I said, if God had the power to abolish slavery, and would not, he was " a very great scoundrel." Now, did I recognize the existence of an infinitely holy being, and then should speak of him in such a manner. you might call it profanity; but as I believe in no God, my statement amounts simply to this: Any being whatever, having the power to strike the chains from the limbs of the slave, and should refuse to exercise it, is a scoundrel-I should have said, devil. And if there is a man, not a fiend in human shape, who does not respond to this sentiment, it is because his 1-rmanitjy is sanllowevd u.p in his' theology.' No doubt you wold ace with me, that the icaicZ who will not do all in his power for the abolition of slavery, ihas more of the devilish than of the divine in his nature; but God may be deaf to the cry of despair, may even command his seryiles to rob, ravish, and murder, as did fabled "Israel's God," and yet we must yield to this omnipotent fiend unlimited reverence. This is one of the pernicious effects of belief in a God. He may do whatever he pleases, whether it be right or wrong, angelic o01 devilish, and it is right, because he does it! The immutability of Justice is not recognized. Right, justice, truth, are arbitrary affairs —the present will or opinion of a changeable being-now one thing, now another. Belief in a being whose word, whatever it is, is recognized as truth, and whose will, however unreasonable or tyrannical, is recognized as law, involves a contempt for the eternal, immutable principles of justice and truth." IIorrible as this is, we defy contradiction, and stand ready to prove that the above is a true extract from a leading Abolition Disunion and Fremont paper, the "6 Boston Liberator." At Boston, in May 29, 1855, and the saine has lately been repeated-the following resolution against the " American Tract Society" and other Christian organizations, was adopted by the Anti-Slavery Society: "4. Resolved, That the multiplication of converts to such a religion, instead of indicating any progress in the cause of justice, freedom, and Christianity, or futrinishing any occasion for congratulation, is a sure sign of moral degeneracy, judicial blindness, and pharisaical nmalignity, to be denounced as an imposture; and th.tt such a' revival' is only a device of time-serving hirelings, to sithdreaw attention fromn the reforms of the age, and especially from the anti-slavery movement-to affect a zeal for God for the benefit of their craftand to shield themselves fromal the condemnation they deserve for their treachery to the rights of man." Woendell Phillips says: "It is the first Sectional party ever organized in this country. It does not know its own face, and it calls itself National; but it is not national, it is sectional. It is ths North arrayed against the South. IHenry 1Wilson said to me, We must get every Northern State in order to elect Fremont. Even in imagination he did not count upon a single Southern State. It was a distinct recognition of the fact that the Republican party is a party of the North pledged against the South. Theodore Parker wanted to know once where Disuntionl would begin. I will tell hin: Just -where that party divides. That is a Northern party against the Southern. I do not call it an Anti-Slavery party; it ihas not risen to that yet. It is a Northern party against the Southern. They made the first little breach. The first crack in the iceberg is visible; you will hear it go with a crack through to the centre. Its first distinct recognition was Bank's election. He was elected by Northern men —not a man from the South votingr for him. That is the value of that party. I hail it as a sign-as a great gain. I did not hope to see it for ten years; it has come unexpectedly early." - lVncdcll'hilips, a Bostozn Infidel.'The times demand and we rnmust have an ANTI-SLAVERY CONSTITUTION, AN ANTI-SLAVERY BIIBLE, AND AN ANTI-SLAVERY COD." —- Ansom Burlingctme, mnmZ bar of ConYgress from icassacicIsetts. In one of the churches of Detroit;, "a fearless and faithful mirlister of Christ''-as the Triibiutne terms him-preached an Abolition sermon, in which he remarked as follows:,, Before I would see popular sovereignty wrested by force from the people of the Territories (referring to the determination of the authorities to enforce obedience to the laws), I would have the lh)ains of Ieanescls silent w'ih ueaiveesael dcnU;. 3E'Before I would hiave thte lips of our Sernators and.epresent.tives sealed in craven silence by the hand of Southern violence (referring to the castigation bestowed upon Sumner by Brooks for personal, not political reasons), I would see the halls of Congess ankle dleep in blood!" The New York Tribune is the chief party organ of these infidel disunionists. That journal has been the reservoir, for years, of all the levelling, anti-religious, and revolutionary doctrines of European ultraists and destructives. It is controlled by a corps among whom are notorious infidels. It has opened its columns to the revolting doctrines of'" free love," to Fourierism, and to the scarcely less dangerous dogma of " spiritualism." All the wild, monstrous, and absurd theories of the day, including the political equality, and the certain and'consequent social equality of blacks and whites, have found favor in its sight. It is this dangerous paper whose editor,Iiorace Greeley,has assisted at public meetings of blacks and whites in the City of New York, where both God and the Constitution have been reviled; it is he who has co-operated with the advocates of woman's rights in the same city, where unsexed females have delighted in addressing mobs of men in strains of vulgar violence. And it is his associate, Fry, who, at at late meeting in Camden, New Jersey, compared John C. Fremont to Jesus Christ, and declared that he wished an earthquake would swallow up the Christian Churches that did not join in present disunion phrensy. Greeley leads and stimulates the Fremont party in every Free State. The next organ of the Infidel movement against the Union is the infamous James Gordon Bennett, of the New York Herald, a nan whose vast fortune has been coined by ministering to the worst vices of human nature, and whose daily columns, from the editorials to the advertisements, so groan with offers to depravity, and with proclamations of premiums for prostitution, that no decent citizen admits it into his family. It is easy to say: you would not hold Mr. Fremont's party responsible for these atrocious sentiments anti examples. We reply, not if those who uttered and gave then countenance were not his leaders. Greeley is his accepted and leading organ; and Greeley's Fourierism, Free-Loveism, Spiritualism, are parts of that platfoorim of whlich S'ectionali'sm is the soul. Col. Fremont's platform is Greeley's Sectionalism; and this Sectionalism is to the Infidels and Traitors whom we have quoted an acceptable substitute for their hatred of the Bible, and their contempt for the Constitution and the Union. They know ttact If Sectionalismz succeeds, with Fremont at its head, the Chhristian Religion cand the American Union, are /hopelessly impaired, or utterly destroyed, and this is the key to the whole movement. We believe and admit that many good men have expected to vote for Fremont, who will reject all such sentiments as those asserted and adopted by his organs and friends; but still he can no more escape than le canl successfully deny the fearful respon sibility. [lie 9noomenjtb Ie consented to infiect t7le curse of iectuionacisnim upon? the landc, 7e became tiwe ~nstr7hme'nt of voee, andl tihe foe of God and of freedom. Despotism views the greatness and wealth of our happy Union with envy and fear, and gloats upon the prospect of Disunion with song and exultation. Infidelity is no less eager in its desire to overthrow religion; and to this end Disunion will contribute the only swift and ready weapon What is Liberty without the Union? What would Religion be without a, Constitution? Both would be a mockery and a desolation. Oppression and Tyranny would follow after the dissolution of the Union, and Religion would expire amid the clang of arms, or become the slave of the military despot. Ask History for evidence of the truth of this picture; and, then, open the gates of servile and civil war, IF YOU DARE! Do you tell us, 0 Christian minister, that these influences are not strong enough to divide the American Union? We answer that they have already divided highly respectable Christian congregations. If they could defy the law of God, what heed will they pay to the hopes and prayers of man? At the two last General Conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Church, the question of Slavery was introduced, and all will remember the grateful prayers and the joyous expressions of the members of that great Church, at the success of peaceful counsels, after a long and painful debate; and the consequent dejection of the Abolitionists. What is more soul-harrowing to the truly sincere patriot, to the honest believer in the Bible, to the moral and upright citizen, than to hear a political preacher hurling his anathemas against his fellow man, for their political opinions, from the pulpit, reared as an altar to the ever-living God? How often have we not seen it How many happy communities has it not divided! How many bitter words has it not called out between brothers and friends! How has it not rejoiced Infidelity to see those evidences of expiring morality and blighted religion Look at your own experience, reader, and you will find that this is not a fancy sketch. Remember your own sorrows, oh, faithful minister of Christ, whilst you have witnessed these humiliating scenes. Recall the language of those Christian newspapers who have implored in vain that these degradations should cease. Yesterday, it was Religious Intolerance which called out these.too saddening exhibitions. To-day, it is Disunionism, or in other words, devotion to "I Fremont (and Human Freedom," the shameless jargon by which traitors seek to dull the ears of our countrymen to the tOcsia of alarm that proclaims a fatal peril to Religion and the American Union. What will it be to-morrow? What if Fremont should be elected in November? God grant the veil of the future may never be lifted upon that catastrophe! We appeal, finally, to the humane and honest classes of our countrymen. If you regard the Southern people as your brothers, and not your enemies, if Southern men are not accursed by heaven in your eyes, if you believe this Constitution of ours worth preserving, if you think your Christian Churches worth protecting, even those of the Free States; if in a word, you have any veneration remaining for those who lived and died to serve and sThe use of the term is calculated to deceive. "A batalg lion is a body of infantry, consisting of from 500 to 800 men." This was a mounted company,,consisting, during much the largest term of its military service, of less than 200 men, never more than 450. It consisted on the 19th July, 1840, of 160 men, and continued at that number until about the 1st November, 1846, when it was increased by recruits from new immigrants, 250 of whom, says Colonel Bussel, enlisted.-[Ex. Doe. Ho. Reps., N1o. 175, 1st sess. 33d Con., p. 5t.] It then numbered 450, which was the maximum up to the date of its discharge. (3.) Doe. No. 13, 33d Congress, 2d session. Colonel Fremont's deposition.-[Sen, Rep, o Tn., No. 75, 1st sees. - Con.l man, besides other su pplies, and not estimating that they were at sea some six weeks of' the time, and it is to be supposed subsisted, upon the ship stores. This statement o1 facits will fully justify the imputation that Colonel LFrem''t tnl:ast5'l ijn " his cmpsalgn great extravagance inl he use of public mnoney. We will next publish some of these claims to show that Colonel iFrem ont evinzced eithe7r a waizt of carce, jzLdgbment or integ'rity, as a disbursing oqictr. On the 31st August, 30th September, and 11th Noveimber, 1852, Messrs.o Corcoran & Riggs, bankers, Washingeton city, addressed the letters which follow to the Secretary of War: Letters of 1Messrs. Corcoran &- Ri2ggs refersd to. [Note to report on claim No. So. WASnTINGTON, A.igust 31, 1852. DEAR SiR: WVe beg to enclose the following accounts of MIariano G. VaIlejo foir suppliem furnished to the United States troops under the commanld of Captain John C. Feremont, and which please place on file for payment to us, as we have the necessary power to collect the same: One account fr............................................................ o $82 625 One.....do...................................................0 107, 875 Yours respeetfilly, CORCORAN & RIGGS. Hon. C. IM. CoNRAD, Secretary of War, &c. WASI-INGTON September 30, 1852. Sin: At; the request of IH-on. o. Rb. McLane we enclose the fillowing accounts for sluppliles fluriished to the United States troops under the com-manid of, and certified by, Captain J. C. Freinot, which we request sday be filed for examination alnd payment to hint, in virtta. of the powers of attorney in his possession: Julio Carunl!o --.. ~........ o.. u on..on. — -.. $ 1 7.. 5... i.0 Victor Purdon. _..._.......................-........... c. S-... 7, 39S) Damasa Rodligues n o.............o D...a.Co.... o o 0- - O_.. 29 - 675 Jose de la Rosa........ -... -. -........- - -.......... o... oo 5, 040 Cayetano Juares.................................................... DO... 10, 520 Mariano G. Vallejo.....- -... -.. -... -143, 300 Salvador Vallejo....................................... _................... 53, 100 239, 525 Very respectfully, your obd't ser't, CORCORAN & RIGGS. Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR, Washington. VWSAHINn'TON, November 11, 1852. DEAR SIR: Under date of 30th September last, certain accounts were transmitted by us, at the request of Hon. Ro!b. M. lMcLane, fir siUpplies furnished to the United States troops under the command of Captain J. C. Pre mont; among these accounts was one of TMariano G. Vallejo for $ 143,5)0, which ought to have been filed, as explanatory of the accounts to you, August;31, 1852, amounting to $tl4}7,875-both accounts being for the same supplies, bat the latter having been stated at reduced prices in consequence of Colonel Fremont's having refused to certify to the value of the articles as charged in the orsiginal account transmitted in our letter of 30th September. [Our italics.] Yours respectfully, &c., CORCORAN. & RIGGS. Hon. C. M. CONRAD, Secretary of Wfar, &c. As the claims of Vallejo vwere at first presen1taed5 they consdited of the three separate accounts which follow:.The United States, Dr. To Mariaano G. Vallejo. For the fiollow:ing property taken fro m the ranches and stores of Taiitiarol G. Yadlejo, for the use of the United States t;roops under the command of Captain John C. Fremon'l, in the moth'of August, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and firty-six: To five hundlre head of first -quality hornes, at "100l)i aeh -..... 0, O0 To three bLltldredt and nine head of' horses, at 75) each oooo..o o........ 2*, 173 To two hun tdre and fifty head Of wild o'mares, at $5 each.-..o............. 6, 2 50 To forty sadfdles, cnmpletc, at;5t)3 each...... oo - 00O To forty pairs of spurs, at, $o5 e ac ( h O........ -..., 2t00 To two hundred blankets, at $5 each........... o..... 1, 3000 Total... oo-.....o o S0 0 a 0 D o C* o0- 8 7,;oT,1. G. -ALLEJO. SoioMr,iA, August 3"0, 1 856. I certify, on honor, that the foregoing account is substantially correct and just; that the animals and other property enumera.ted were taken from -Gepneral Alariano G. V'allcjo for the se of the United States troops und.er my command serving in California during the ye ar 1846; that this property was lost and expended in said service, and no portion of is returned to General V1llejo; and tha.t ie has received no comnpensatiedn whateover for the same:. I do further certify that the ptices charged are reasonable, not exceeding the value, of the property at the time it was furnished for the rise of the United States troops under my coimmand in California. J'OH>IN C. FRtEMiONTo In explanlation of this amount., it is proper to Fstate tbat I consihdered the stoelk owned by General Vallej'o nIo be;f superior qtuL ality, and that I was di:'ec-ed Iby thii kInowledige in admini ting the highhr priles set oult heren'. 5t is fuirtlhe proper' tto sttse thate in S ontmo, andl ganea'-ly throughounit Califrnia,, the, stock found tupen f-r. arms WaF dc.rven 01f as mhl in tihe view' (if prevventipng it f olal flling aitso the haunds of tie enemy fas fot them nue of hroops, trota to which latter purpos3 oniyt' a co0p5,?:,.tive!,/ r-sIal p{ortion.;w'as appriopi.eiltel. Crat - nis tnes teoak so driv:en oft by us tcvre scattered over tihe countrll, and er, nseqenty, ltst and?erished. And it is inthis extended ense tht the vwords'6 cousueed and alpfinxpe nd in tl;h service of the Uniiied Statec were iantended to be unuderstood.JULy 1!, 11853. JOuN Co }.'xe 0N1. T Thre United States, Dr. To Mariano G. Vallejo. PFor the fotllwing property t ken from the ranches of Gen0 ral d,~ar ianoeG. Vallejo, for the use of the United States troeops under the comamand of Ca ptain John C. Fremont ie t'ahe month of August, A. D. 1846: To eighit hundedl head of cows and large cattle, at $1 5 each 1 r o r. 2, 000 To six hundred head of second clas cattlie, at ~$12 eachr.r o. o.oo...r... 7, 200 To six hundred head of third-cilass cattle, at $d each... r o. D ----—... -. o o. 4, 800 To one hundred head of sheep, at 85 each ——,..- ~o —- -- ronooo... —- 750 To tal....................... o o o o o o 24,750 MJ. G. VALLEE JO SoNoMA, August 30, 1!846 I certify, on honor, that the foregoing account is substantially correct and just; that the property enumerated and eharged was taken from General Vallejo for tihe use of' the:United Stiates troops under my command serving in California during the year 1845; that this property was connsunaed and expended in said service, and no portion of it returnsed t, Geresa,rl Y'llaeo; and that he has rneceived no compensation whatever for tthe ame. I do further certify, that the prices charged are reasonable, not exceeding the value of the property at the time it was firnished for the use of the United States troops under my command in California. JOIHN C. FRETItIONT. The explanatory remarks of this date, appended to claim No. 9, 1 consider as applicable to this case. JrLY 11, 1 853. JOHN C. FREM.NIONT. [A small account of $,500 allowed, omitted.] These accounts, it will be seen, amount, in the aggregate, to $107,8795 They are all certified by Colonel Frernont as correct. On the 11th November, 1852, the bankers, in explanation of these accounts, present to the board one inclusive account, as ~bOlows: The United States To Miarlano G. Vallejo, Dr. For the following property taken from the ranchos and stores of Mariano G. Vallijo by the troops under the command of Captain J. C. Fremont in the mionth of June, July, and August, A. D. 1846: To 50) head of number one horses, fat $150 each. - -.-..-... -- --— 75, 000 To 309 head of horses, at $100 each. —----—....- - 30, 9113) To 800 head of cows and large cattle, a.t $15 each — -...... o.. 12, 000 To 600 head of second-class cattle, at $12 each..-........... — - -7...... - - --- 7,'200 To 600 head of third-class cattle, at $8 each — - -............ 4, 800 To 150 headcl of sheep, at $5 each.-................... - -... 750 To 250 head of wild mares, at $25 each.......... n... c. n - -....... 6, 250 To 40 saddles, at $100 each. -................... o... 4, 000 To 401 pair of spurs, at $10 each..... 400 To 9 rifles, at 8100 each................. 0.. 0-.....-..... 900 To 1 pair of pistols......................................................... 100 To 200 blankets, at $5 each..................................... I 1()00 Amounting to....................................................... s-] 43, 30( Soo:sia, August 30, 1846. I certify that the above account is generally correct. The property described was taken by the troops under my command, and used in the service of the United Sa;tes. From the nature of the operations which have been carried on in this country, it has not been possible for me to keep myself exactly informed of the quantity of property taken from individuals; but in the present instance it was taken under nmy more immediate personal direction, subject tomy inspection. I therefore believe the above account to be substantially correct, and accordingly acknowledge and approve it. J. C. FREA.MONT. Now, will any friiend of Colonel Fremont explain to us bow it was, that on the 30th August, 1846, Colonel Freront certified the items of which the account amounting to $143,300 is composed, "6 as substantially correct, and accordingly acknowledge and approve it,"' nd subsequently, on the 11th July, 1853, certified "on honor"9 the sa.me items when scaled and reduced in the aggregate by the sum of $35,425, or thirty per cent., as being "substantially correct and just," and "not exceeding the value of the property at the time it wras purchased for the use of the United States troops?" Colonel Fremont has also certified, at the same dates, the claim of, Salvador Vallejo, amounting to $53,100, of AntoL o Carriflo, amounting to $14,010, and others, at the same extravagant figures, and some of them are represented by the same solicitors: [eCilm No. 246.] United States, Dvr. To CarlEos Antonio Carriiio. For"supplies furnished United State troat ops toops der command of Col. John C. Fremont: 1847. January 5. To 38 mules, at O100. - - 3,80,0 To 20 mares, at $580. -,- - - - - - a - e - -., -1,000 To 75 horses, at $100............, 7,500 To 35 cows, (milch,) at $30... D O.... D...... 1,050 To 100 fanegas corn, at $3.................................... 300 To 60 tfnegas beans, at $4 _...... -........... 240 To 4 saddles, at 30........................................, 20 14,010 I certify that the above account is correct, and that the supplies enumerated in the bill were' furnished to the troops under my command, and applied accordingly to the use of the United. States lorces. JOHN C. FiEiMONT. United States, Dr. To Julio Carrillo. For the folloinug property taken fronm the "ranchos and stores of Julio Carrillo, by the troops under the command of Capt. J. C. Fremont, in the months of-June, Junly, and Anguost A. D. 1846: To 40 head of second-quality ho'rses, at $100 each. - -- $4,000 To 80 head third-quality horses, at $80 each. 6,4-00 To 80 mares, at 8$!) ea-ch. - -. e. - - o. 6,400 To 4 saddles, at t:100 each -— o — - -- - — OO - - -- ----. — — O —.-O. - -- - 40 To 3 rifles, at ~l10 each.............................................. - 300I TotalI n.. O... a...... t.... O a..-u...o o.L-. t 00 The within account approved. J. C. FREMAONT. LClailm No. 16.] United States, Dr. To Salvador Va:lejo. For the following property taken from the ranchos and stores of Salvador Vallejo, by the troops under the command of Captain s. C. Frem-nont, in the months of June, July, and AuguBt, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and forty-six:'To two hundred head of first-quality horses, at one hundred and thirty dollars each. - 26,000 To two hundred and firty headl of-second-quality horses, at one hundred dollars each. 24,000 To fifteen saddles, at one hundred dollars each..-.. —o. - -- -—. - - --- ---—.,500 To four rifles, at one hundred dollars each -—. —-... O.-. - --- - -. -..-.- -. —-- 400 To one rifle, at two hundred dollars. —- - ------ --- --- ----—. —.- 20(1 To two pair of pistols, at one hundred dollars each...-...-..... -... -... 200 To ten mares, at eighty dollars each ----—....-........ --..... —-- -- - ------ 800 Total —fifty-three thousand one hundred dollars........................... - o,100 The remarks of this date, appended to claim No. 11, are appllicable to the present ease, except that it is proper flurther to say that the ar ms specified herein were of a superior quality. JOIHN C. FHREMONT. JULY 11, 1853. Sworn to by claimant, and endorsed: Approved. J. C. FFEMAON'T. United States, [Dr. To Jose De La Rosa. For the following property taken from the stores of Jose de la Rosa, in Sonoma, by the troops under the commsand of Captain J, C. Fremont, in the months of June, July, and August, A. D. 1846: To 21 mares, at,80 each. —..... ---- ----....................................... 1,80 To 28 tame cows, at $330 each.... -... - 1,..... 10 o0 Odn To 11 horses, at,100 each........- -.,..0 - - - - —...-.... —...,l.0. To 9 horses,at $80 each............ - - -........... - - -. -..- -—.-. - - - 720 To 4 mules, a $t100B each. —,,. — -. o -o — o- D — *,,. - Q 400 oe 3?rifos, at $!iO0 each...Q... _. Q......e................ e.... D0-o Total.. e a. o 5,040 Endorsed on the back, Tho witlhin account appproved. J, C.o F21Ei ONT, [Claim No. 2391.] The United States To William-n D. Phelps, Dr. Far services for hinmself, crew, and bCats of the lbarqtse Moscow, of Boston, of whieh hi was part owner and in cominand, and being agent for all other owners, and- for the risk and hazard incident to such service, in transporting Captain J. C. Fremont and a detachment of men unde, his command to a fort on the opposite side of' the bay and entraonce to the port of 8an Francisco, in Upper Califorirtna in July, 1U46, and aiding him i eiaptu'icing and diamantfing the said firt, and sspi'ng (te guns thereof, consisting of three brtLse and sevein iron cannon, of heavy calibre, and a,part of whi'ch Wvs afiertwards taken on board the United States ~ip Portstmeouth, by order rf Capt;ain J. Ji. Mon:tgomery, United States navy, $1' 000. zhiEp Polartawout. Ia. V.'V~T_'~..LLIAM PHELP:Z. Sworn to'by the claimant. I ertify that Ca.ptain William D. Phelps did tran spor a party of men n under msy command to the fotrt near the PI'eaidio, at the otentacc of' the bay of San Franisco, u der the circumstances narrated in the above deposition; that he aided in diemantling the fort, an.d that I have alwa.ys considered his services on that occasion to have been very valuable to the United States. JOSJN C. FREMONT, WasnC a orT CITY, August 5, -i 553c 1 certify that in July, I8Ctt, Cap ftin W. D. D'helps dld transport a pa'rty mf men under the command of Captain J. C, Fremonit from Sanceiteo across the bay of San iFranceisco (seven miles) to tlhe fort at Ycrba Bu mo., eeommand-ieg the entrance t ta the harbor, for the purpose of,piking the guns of the tfol;, which as in a ery diLlmant1td conditi;n, and could not have been occupied without ha.vih( been almost entirely rebuilot.t There no enemy present, and the sle object (CIpt.-iinl ireMinit had in vil Vi wa t'o prevent tOhe Ceaffotiouiuns from uoing the guns at any fuiture time-. h'.lere wai no 2i.:k or per:.l nragt ocrt r lleredn, a.nd the seaviie. wvold be o e ll pa id for at, rfiy 1o'its. A~ P. C LT I9 u.'LO~, S PI El Bvt.'er ior U So. 2I. Corpe. WAs.Hta.'0ro, September 10, t185". Bo;rd for this ezaminattio o f clai.ns, cont'racic ed i', Calfibrenia,.raider Lt' E. Col John C. Emieon. [OpiEnon on the claim of Wm. D. Phelpsp, To. d,30 —.s.rvie. of beloatm' crew and nse of booat, t0, 000.1 The board deess a part of this clair, ainoucnting to fifty dollatris, ($0.o) just, a.nd a-n oordingly recomma end so much of it; in amuotuit to the favorable con-idet'atoon of Con gre-es; the balance, nine thousand nine hl-une'dred -n fifty dollars, ($',95~x,, bi 2g draialowed. [Vt unlanimous-secs journal, pag, 30t2.],S' P ilfI6STH CoI. U. S. Army, Tres l'ti of the Boar;F. t Oa O 8,13 54' Here is a claim of ten,V-,nd dollals, certified by Colonel re-mont to be just, which a competen t mvatness says would, be v'7ell paid for at $50," and the board of swoI(n otI. uoiMSScioners disallo 11 ine thousand tine. hundred and fifty dollarsc.! The claimant, bacled by Colonel FCremo,ot's certificate, recov,rs jist five per cent, of hi-s dema nd! The public escapes the pnaymenct of' n l. thou and nine hui ndred and fifty dollar.s Shade of Naitha.niel M'acon, rise and prte'.a-,ct a ptundered treasury How can these extravagant amvlowances, and these accommodating'certificates; be explained? We ask a replyo But the board of commissioners differed very greatly with Colonel Fremont and the great banking solicitors in their opinion of the value of hor:;es in Califtrnia, and therefore abated the claims imnmens'ely Speaking of that portion of thfle claim represent ed in the first d;_mand by an account of $S2,625, the board says 4Board fo tdhe examination of claims cantracted iS3 CaG'3lorsia zunder Lieut. Col. Jhn Ce..Fremo;st [Opinion' in the claim of Mariano G. Vallejo, NT. 9. —:Horses, cattle, &c., $82,625.] On the additional testimony produced, t;h board is off pinion' that a part of this laim,n -amooauting to thirty-two thousand six hundred and twenty-five dollars, (8$32,6:5,) is just, and accordingly recommiend so much of it in'awmolno to the faivora bl consideration of Congress; the balance, fifty thousand dollars, ($50,00Ut,) being dsailowaed. This amount is arrived at by allowing the un-dermentioned ratbes, the pr'e, affixed for the first quality of hor's appearing -o be the highest that was paid by th8e quartoenaster, or any other ffacial, or horses abfor the California batallion, viz: 500 horses, lEt qatlity, at $40.........bo' O b..... o.O........ $ P0,000! 30o do 2d do at $72,5..........a 7,725 250 wild maresM, a $210 D. e 0 L G. o a. Q o. o o o a. o D.t o D O O C - - 2,10 40 saddles, coin plete, at $3(0..o.'....o "D 1 /. 2 b o...............o o 1200 40 pairs of spurs, at $5.O o o...... a o. n c n 200 00 blankets, at $'5 1..... l'* " 5000;312,625 Yvote unlaEimoua-Es sce journal, page 226.] JA'iNaVA 17, 5f1(4. C. F. SmiTt'i, Coloalel U. S. Army, Pres'ident ef the Bsard.s Thbe moderate little surm of T5.05000, certified by Ce.o/le,! IFretnon'js j.ust and correct" is certified E:y the board to havse I.ecn -iJ. Ie — proper demand. Arid so in tfhe cases of Salva dor Va llj o and C. Ao Carrillo, both of which were; a pproved" by Colo:1e Fremont~. hi's lnexorable board;made the following awards: Board fir tke czanaimation of claim s conitraoctd' a Cl,:ifo"rnia ndIer" Lieut. Caot. John, C. Framtt [Opinios on the claie of Salvador Vallejoo.-: rses,r, ar a, & $53,tl00o No. 16.] On the additional testim'oney prodtEued, the board is of opinion that a part of t;hs claim, amounting to eleven thousald seven h undred dollarst (t' 1,700) ist jue, and accordingly recorn Riend co anach of it inl a'iounts to the fvorabl' e conideration of Con grss;e tthe blaasce, forty, one thousand four hundread dollaes ($!,40'0) being disallowed. This amount is arrived at; by salasing the anmas o.e _tin rate, viz 200 horase, rs8 quality, at $30 -----—.-. o..o =.5 r..n. ~. 6000 240 horses, s6eond quality, pat $2)o.5.......... 4,800 15 saddles, at a$30_..............O...r. n. B<.. bOd ore c.e. 450, 4 rifles, at g50 O b..........q.....0.5....oO..oO........ O.....o o,.. Q O9 200, 1 rifo, aat 50, n..,. c o o o o o Q a c. e. o a' o o [0 o e o n. n n 2 pair pistols, at $50................................... 100!0 ml ares, a 10.....t......................... 100 11,700 [.Vote mranim'llaau e ee joulnlr, page 230.] -%. J.f SMITHP,. Colntd U, S.Army, PI'esidenof, th' Board,.,AIaiAt 19, 18*4 10 REMARKS AND ACTION OF THE BOARD IN THE CASE OF JULIO CARRILLO. It does not appear from this account —the only testimony before the board-when, where, or by whom, the property was taken. The board is of the opinion that the prices cbharged are extravagant, and taking into consideration other claims, for supplies of a similar nature, that the number of animals is disproportionate to the force in service; on which points it deems additional testimony necessary. The board also deems additional proof or explanation requisite with respect to the number or quantity of the articles or sopplies taken, Board for the examination of claims conztracted in California under Lielt. Col. John C. Fremont. [Opinion on the claim of Carlos Antonio Carrilo, No. 246.-Hiorses, &c., $14,010.] The board deems a part of this claim, amounting to four thousand and thirty-five dollars, ($4,035,) just, and accordingly recommend so muqh of it in amount to the favorable consid: eration of Congress; the balance, nine thousand nine hundred and seventy-five dollars, ($9,975,): being disallowed. This amount is arrived at by the allowing the undermentioned rates, viz: 38 mules, at.t. ------- - - - o oo ooe $950t 20 mares, at $10 --... 20. 0 i">*"O"". -- 0 0. 75 horses, at $25. -.. -.....,...D........ u.....o.o.......... 1,875 35 cows, at $10............................................ o o o a o 350 100 fanegas corn, at $3- - o.......................................... 300) 60 do beans, at $4.. 24(1S 4 saddles, at $30........ a..................S a o s a a a c. a 120 4,035: [Vote unanimous-see journal, page 305.] FEBRUARY 9, 1854. C. F. SMITH, Colov es U. S.. Arny, President of the Board. In this last case there is the sum of m.ore than fifty thousand dollars out of sixty-four thousand dollars,'" approved" by Colonel: Fremont as a proper charge upon the public treasury, disallowed and cast out as an attempted fraud and imposition by the claimants or those who represent them; and as a final and conclusive condemnation of these accounts so certified by'Col. Fremont, and presented by Messrs. Corcoran & Riggs, the board made the following recapitulatory report: F.,Claim No. 5-J. A Sutter............................... $7,200 not allow egd "9 7-Mariano G. Vallejo.... -—........................ 500 " 8- do. do................................. 24,700 9- do. do. O O - D OO.. 82,625 " 10 — do. o -.............. 143,300 6 11-Julio Carrillo............................ - 0 D 17,500 - 12-Victor Prudon....... - - -...- - o. -o.. 7,390 " " 13-Damasa Rodriguez... -... —....... —- a - 2,675 " 1 14-Jose de la Roa.................................. 5,040 " " 15 —Cayetano Juarez.......................... 10,520 -" 16-Salvador Vallejo -.. --—................... 53,100 [Report of board on Claims No. 11, 12,13, 14, 15, 16.] -It does not appear from this account-the only testimony before the board-when, where,.or by whom the property was taken. Theboard is of opinion that the prices charged are extravagant, and, taking into consideration other claims for supplies of a similar nature, that the number of animals is disproportionate to the force in service, on which points it deems additional testimony necessary. The board also deems additional proof or explanation requisite with respect to the number,or quantity of the articles of supplies taken 1t [report of board on No. 10o] Withdrawn, and submitted " as explanatory" to claims Nos. 7, 8, tand 9. Novw, lest it may be said that these prices were too low, or that in the case of the reduced accounts that prices had decblined thirty per cent, within the period that intervened between the first and second certificates of Colonel Fremont, let us examine a few other accounts for supplies of the same description, furnished during the same campaign. The evidence whlich we shall adduce will vindicate the board fiom any imputation of injustice. The first testimony which we shall offer will be that of one of Colonel Fremont's witnesses, Captain Hensley, who says, under the caption of "; the average prices of military supplies of' all. descriptions in California, beftore and during the war:" "H Horses and mules fiorn $26 to $35. Beef cattle, from $8 to $10 per head."* The reader will now examine the followinag accounts -Ior horses furnisled t'he volunteers, all of which were approved by Col. Fremont: [Claim No. 97.] This is to certify that Don Anto nio German has delivered for the, service of the United States volunteers, the following horses, &c., &c. One tortello horse, feine de Thodora Areanes, valued at...0.0 0. $25 00 One rouento horse, feine del rancho [1 valued at..........- -... -... 25 00 Ope segno horse, feine del rancho [ ] valued at-.. —...OO.O-.D. -. 25 00 One rosello horse, feine del rancho ] valued at............................... 25 00 One baym blanco, feine del rancho [] valued at..... o......... 25 00 One curselano, feine del rancho [] valued at....25 00 One pinto, teine' del rancho [ ] valued at....... —. O ——.. ——.... -.-.- 0 D; 25 00 One rosello, feine del rancho [] valued at............................... -25 O0i One tortello, feine del rancho [] valued at....................................5 0 2 One callote, feine de dos riandos del rancho [ ] valued at...... 15 00 One mare, callo blanco del rancho ] valued at................................ 12 00 One crulla horse, del rancho [] valued at. —O. ---—.. —. —-.. —- - -..-..... 5 00 One new saddle,,valued at.. o......... _ n... 2. -. o o5 00 One pair spurs, valued at.......................... 8 00 One bridle, valued at........... n o. - o _ o. n o ~. ~ ~.. o u n.. 5 00 One riada, valued at..............................1 00 One carbine, valued at. -.. -............................................. O 8 00 Two pair spurs, taken at the house.............. 16 00 Two bridles.............................................................. 10 00 Three hundred and fifty dollars in full............. 350 00 PUEBLA, SAN JosrEPH, November, 1846. CHAS. M. WEBER, (f0mzmandzliny U. S. (iarge, Pueblaz, Approved: J. C. FREMONT, Lieut. Col. U. S. A., commanding2.7 C lifornia battalionz. The board is of opinion that the claim is reasonable and just, and accordingly recommenis it to the favorable consideration of Congress. Ex. Doe. House of Reps. 817, Ist sess. 30th Cong., p. 37. 12 [Claim No. 94.] The United States governmen t, Dr. To Tomuao Her nandez. To 1 saddle, complete with spurs and bridle. - -- -...-......$30 00 I tortello horse' O.I o..e......... D. _...-.... 2 5 00 I grullo horse... -- - O D - - - - --- - -- - - - - - - - 30 OIt g0rullo mare................................................ t 0 (O 95 0(} I shot-poueh, and t wo powder horns......- - O...O 5 — (i0 00, 2 PUEBLA, SAN Josle, February 26, 1847. Approved: C01AS. DI. WEBER, Cbnmmanuding U. S. C/'lcr'Ye, P21eb. Approved: JOHN C. FREMONT, Lieut. Col. U. S. A. conolanding California batallion. The board is of opinion that the claim is reasonable and just, and accordingly r'ecsmmens & it to the favorable consideration of Congress. [Claim No. ~o60] Received of Don,igtuel Castro, de San Juan, for the service of the United States foreei in California, the following horses, &c: 5 horses, with his own mark, valued at $20 each-........... g..... -O - B - 00 00 5 maresri -.-.-.. d........ d a d o - vo e a.$0 ach.........o - -. - 50 0) I saddle, bridle, and (one spur.. - -- 24 00 Valued in full, one hundred and seventy-four dollars o 174 01) CHI:: M. WEBER, (0umamznding U. S. Charge of P,,I&l.. Approved: J. C. FRBEMOALONT, Liel. Col. c.. C.,o U S m com manding,(clforniac t ciiwa. The botard'is of cpinon t.hat the claim is rcaisotnable and just, and accordingly rom0naec.sdi, it to the favorable consideration of ConLgresrs. [Clanim No 04a1 Beceipt of Charles A. Weber, dated Ranch Pinola, - 84, --- of D. Jo iMartinez, eight herses (ive horhores and three imares) for the service of the UTdied gSates troops-their value is 85 a, head, $120 0. Approved: J. C FREMON3T,'iev. CU. U. S. A., commandinz y California batalion.. The board is of opiio>n that the claim is reasonable and just;, and accordingly recommende it to the fvorable consideration of Congress. [Claim No. 83.] EReceipt of L TW. Hastings, commannding the United States volunteers en route fir Monterey, dated November 13, 1846, of Wan O. Conner, one fatt cow, for the use of the United Statts volunteers under his command, valued at...........n.-. t3 - $ Approved: J. C. FREMONT, L.eut.. ol. United States Asvny. The ooard is of opinion that the claim is reasonable and just, and accor diungly recommend. it to the favorable consideration of Congress. [Claim No. 82.] Eeceipt of L. W,, Hasting% commanding the United States volunteers at Pueblo, dated November 12, 11. 84, of 8. Finley, one rife gun, for the use of the United'tates volunteealrt Under my command, valued at............................. 15 (10 Approved:. J. C. FREMONT, Lenut. 6al. United States Amry,. The boa rd is of opinion that the claim is reasonable and just, and accordiagly recommaread ii to the favorable consideration of Congress. [Claim No. 80.] Tlhis is to eertify that a, sorrel horse, belongilg to Dt. Jamest S aole:, wae t:l:ne, inhto the United 8tates service, and has not by me been receipted 1ir or otherwise aecounted for-said horse was worth $30. —.. —. - n o. - - 30 00 Lo W. HASTINGSo SAN. F.ANcIsce, February 27, 1847. Approved: J C. FEfGONT,;e;l. ('a. [itled Stltes Army. The board is of opinion that the clailn is reasonaable and just, and accordingly recomnmend A to the favorable consideration of Congress. [Ctaim No. 67.] Due-bill of Jacob R. Snyde, quartermastere dated Angeles, January 28th, 1847: due to Win. B. Elliott, from the United States quartermaster's department, for one horse, furnished California batallion United Ssates forces —.-.-... $31:0 0t Approved: J C. FI:RE?J.VONT, Lieut. C'o.. U.. Armyg, comnleem.andny Cyail'raiz batallion. The board is of the opinion that the claim is reasonable axd just, and atccordingly recox,a me;nd it to the favorable consideration of Congress. [Claiut No. 65.] Receipt of Jacob N'. Snyder, quarmastera, California batallion United Stat;es forces, dat;ed Monterey, November 20{, 1 346, of Mrs. Modesta Castro, the following described property for the use of the California batallon: 40 horses......'. $40o0 0 mares...... o......r,,,.... -................... 2 00 87T Approved: J. C. RE M ON T, Lieut. (UolM. saied Sltat's Arn/z. The board is of opiani.n that e tao caia is reasonabie and just, and, aceorbngly recommend it to the favorable conSsideration of Congress. It is notthe last exttraordinriy feta -le ofi' this tran saction that those three thousand fiv;e haunred horl es shoul(d have dwindled down at the close of the c-mpa.ign tt) -ess than two hundresd, and that when turned over to the United States they were scattered -inut and' abandoned, arid "a great pa-t of' them, l( 1:tl ih pick and choice of thelem, sold for a trifle, say some tllhrce thousaend dlolars."@''We have cited a fbw oe the numerous claims pO esented to the board and allowed. Fromn these it w. Till. be seen telat, vwhilst the rich arnd. powerful family of the Vadll-jos, whose claei.ms were subsequently stated by influential batlkers, were allowed to it.ake out their accounts at ricesfour and five hundred per c-nt. above those charged by others for the same supplies durineg the same campa ign, and were, taxreover, allowed to vary their charges 30 per cent., with the certificate of Colonel Fremont for both sets of prices, the humble and friendless settlers, and the helpless Mexican widow, received but from one-fiftth to one-fourth of the -prices allowed them for the same articles. Ilook at the claim of Antonio German for 12 horses, at from $12 to $25; of Wrn. Bo Els Question by Col. Fremonat's counsel. Sen. Ex. Doe. No. 33, 1st seos, 30th Cong., p. 1.45. 14 liott for 1 horse, at $30; of M'rs. Castro for 40 horses, at i10 ea.ch4 for 30 mares, at $7 each; and for 20 horses' at $13 each. Was their stock less valuable than that of Messrs. Vailejo? Unhappy wvidow!. unfortunate settlers i you were poor; you had no rich bankers to back your little claims - your horses were not worth one' ouirth as much as if they had been raised on the ranchos of General Vallejo! Let not our readers think that the horses and cattle of Gen. Vallejo brought the high prices solicited and certified for them, because they had become more valuable by an increasing demand. Gold was not discovered in California for nearly two years a.ter the conquest, and the horses bought of Vallijo, aind Carillo, and dce la RPoso, were bought at the bginnintg of the revolution. The prices allowed the other claimants were for horses taken near the end of the revolution; yet the price of horses declines with the demand, and are worth less after an enemy has been foraging the country for ten months, than bebore he entered it! We have no right to say that Colonel Fremont was in any manner interested in the claims represented by these wealthy bankers. We lhave n(r right to say that he favored these wealthy and in- fienrial Califbrnians, that he might take an interest in their recovery from his own government.'lWhat his motives were we do not knoxw, and therefore will not intimate. But this we will say fearlessly, because we are borne out by the recorded documents of the government in doitng so, ihab Coloniel Fremront certified one man's horses to be worth $150 each', and the horses oi others to be worth, at the same timle and under the same circumstanc.es, but firom $10 to $25 each. That cliainms for horses and other stock were reduced more than thirty-five thousand dollars, with the certified appJ:oval of Colonel Fremont, and that the commissioners scaled these particular accounts more than eighty-four thot.sand dollars! Here are the specifications. Carelessness, recklessness, favoritism, and connivance with the claimants. The friends of Colornel Iremont may deenl themnselves against any or all. We cite the facts, without any other comment than this, that Colonel Fremont was either no judge of horse-flesh himself, or thought nobody else was. That is all. We shall offer but one other evidence of his want of judgment, or of his recokless indi firence to the public int;erests IMMtIGRATION INTO TTE UNl ITED STATES OF AILERICA, FROM A STATISTICAL AN!D NATIONAL-EC ONO{MICAL POINT OF VIEWE, BY LOUIS GCHAADE9 0F WASItHNGTON, D1. Co;WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE UNION OFICE6. 1856. IMMIGRATION INTO THE UNITED) STATE-S. The subject of the immigration of foreigners into the United States has become one of the gravest questions of the day. To show the importance of that immigration, firom a statistical and national-economical point of view, is what is intended by this work. Emigration is as old as mankind. The first history of men is nothing but a narration of events which befell individuals or whole nations whilst migrating from one country to another, pictured by single deeds of gallantry or depravity of' prominent men. In general, emigration has always flowed from east to west. The ancient Greeks established colonies in almost every section of the coast of the Mediterranean and Black seas. Among them only freemen, but no slaves were permitted to emigrate. Greek arts and science, especially on the Asiatic shore, flourished in -the midst of barbarians' f{or centuries. HIomer himself was born in one of' these colonies..The same was the case with the Phoenicians and Carthagenians. The Romans conquered, but did not colonize in the same sense. The great migrations of nations at the end of the Roman empire, 376 after Christ, were nothing but warlike expeditions, incited by -victories of others, and the imbecility, effeminacy, and consequent weakness, of the western European nations. Of the r'nedimval age, the expeditions of the Normans, the Crusades, the settlements of the Teutonic and other orders in Prussia and Livonia, were half expeditions for adventures, half colonizations —a desire of actions, which, especially after the discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope to the East Indies, and, a few years later, of America, we meet with in southern Europe; however, the greater part of the southerners returned to Europe, after having mande a fortune, or having otherwise been either successfhul or disappointed in their expectations, and therefore it was more speculation than emigration in our sense. After the Reformation, religious persecutions drove a good many persons from their homes., But emlioratlien in the Armerican sense was unknovwn to the ancient and middle ages. The emigrlants to this country came not as conquerors. fighting for their native sovereign, or to increase, by their labor, his finances and revenues, but for the purpose of founding a new home, a new fiatherland. They came to the land of their choice as frieemen, with the expectation to (die also as suci. In the catalogue of "injuries and usurpations" on which the immiortal signers of the Declaration of Independence based their resolution to defy the power of the king of Great Britain, the following stanzds conspicuous: "He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; fbr that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands." These, amongst others, were enumerated as evidences of a direct object on the part of the British,ing to establish' an absolute tyraanny over these eS-1;tates.o Th1e founlders o. our re puolic, therelor-e, fiav-ored. immigration, and to that end denouncemed the obstructions to naituraJi.za — tion, and the relusal to I"encourage migration hltheL by eorge the Third, as acts ofl tyranny. rThe i!iuustrlous patriots w0ho framed the constitution introduced. into it a clause empowerviog, Congreiss to adopt a "uniform rule of naturalization~"'he first Congress which assembled under the constitution, composed in a great degree of the same sages and statesmen who had signed the Declarzation of Yndependence and firamed the constitution, enacted a law by which any fiee' white alien, who had resided two years within the United States, might become a citizen. This law was passed in Ma'rch, 1790. In January, 1795, the termi of residence, prior tIo admission as a citizen, was increasec to five years. Such was the legislation during President WashJngton's'twoterms. In June, 1798, after John Adams became President, and when federalijm held sway in the government, the terinm of residence, prior to admission to citizenship, was increased to fourteen years. It so continued until April, i802, when, Mr. Jefferson being President, and democracy in the ascendant, the term was reduced to the Washington standard of five years, and so it has remained down to the present -day. It i4 now proposed by the modern order of patriots, who delight in the name of know-nothings, to prevent the further immigratiorn of foreigners by repealing the naturalization laws entirely, if that is found practicable, and, if not, to obstruct it as much as possible by extending the term of residence to twenty-one years. Their nrst proposition is substantially, the policy of the ling of Great Britain, which the signers of'the Declaration denounced to the world as tyrannical; their alternative proposition is substantially the policy of the iedlerallsts of 179S, except that it is worse by just one-halfi The democrats stand upon the platform first erected under Washington, and re-established under Jefferson, for carrying into practical eftact the policy proclaimed by the signers of the Declaration of Independence. I propose now to vindicate the wisdom and patretism of the fathers of t;he?epublic against the reckless and factious attacks of' the modern federal, advocates of the policy of king George the Third. Upon the principle Wlhich these model patriots now promulgate, they woould have been oti the side of the British king in 1776, and in 1798 they woulc have passed as acceptable federalists. If izmigration is wrog novw, it. was wrong t/hen; obstructions to naturalization are 7righut ZOZV, they wfe'e rr'ht then. We are not without reliable data on which to determine whether hnows-nothings are wiser and more patriotic than X/Washington, JSefbrson, Madison, and the host of sages and statesmen who have concurrect with theml in encouraging immigration and facil;tating lncturaliza.lion We have the fruits of their policy, and'by that standard wre will judge of its wvisomn. Wibth the exception of four years, the democratic poliey,, as'to imm;gration and naturalization, hlas been in force fri:om the beginning of the government to the present time.. We commenced with thirteen States and a fee population of less than three millions and a half. We., have now thirty-one States, with a free populaetin o more leun t-wen-.ty mnillions. Popu-letin and territory are promine:nl t elpeamen-ts in national tt h, pe'n rocse rit:.', and greal.s.; u revenues haen ve increased froom a -iew milions to more than rfit annualiv. immein-l ise empires of new territory have been acquired and paid for, and nowfurnish homes and happiness to millions of enterprislhing and produclive citizens. GOur progress, in all that gives power and greatness to a nation, has filled the world with wonder and admriration, whilst it has filled our own people with a spirit of' national pride which they have abundant cause to indul'ei. All this, and manlyfold more, will be readily conceded even by our klnow-nothing patriots; but, in their simplicity, they lwill askl what has our amazing progress, in al1 tlhle elements of natioial prosperity and grandeur, to do with the -policy on immigration arnd naturalization?'e will endeavor to enlighten therl by the irresistible logic of faets and figtures. If the know-nothings had controlled the government in 1789, when the constitution went into operation, instead of encouraging imi.migration and enacting liberal naturalization laws, their policy wonLedl have been a total exclusion of all foreigaers. They would have acte.d upon the doctrine which they now advocate,'GAmericans must -rule Anmerica and to that endt no foreigner woutd have been allo.wed a restinog place within the limits of the Old Thirteen. Let us see how that policy would have worked. In 1790 the population of the United States, ineluding xhites and free colored persons, was 3,231,930. If all increase frorn immigration had been cut off, in pursuance of the know-nothing doctrine, the surplus of births over deaths would have constituted the only growth in our population. A very interesting problem then presents-itseli. Up: on the know-nothing policy, if adopted in 1790, wrhat would be the present population of the United States? Fortunately, the census table furnishes us with the data for solvilng this proposition and of' illustrating the wonderful wisdom of the know-nothiingi policy~ If we take the census returns for 1850, we find the, number of' birtls to'e 548,S35, and the number of deaths 271,S90-confining, ourselves -to the white and free colored population. The difference, being 276,945, was the increase of population for 18.50 from excess of' births over deaths. The whole population in 1850, of whites and free-colored persons,.was,',9,987,573. The increase, therefore, from the excess of births over aeaths, was olne and thirty-eight hundredths per cento -We take 1850 as am example to ascertain the per-centage of increase f'ome the only source oLgrowth in our population which the know-nothing policy recoonises Aw:me and patriotic. As the know-nothings are using the U nited -irates Csesus Report as far a.s it favors their purpose, but. repudiate it as fale, as soon a.s, in accordance with veracity, it speaks in fi.:vor o- Llhel imdigrants; and to show thnat the per-centage furni.shedt bythe retur-l of 150 is reliable, I furnish a table carefh!ly made outt, showing the per-entage in a number ofI countries firom whichl i hlave oSicial. statistiel returns. The table is as f!oliovrs~ TABLE No. 1.-Showin2g the increase of population by the surlus of births over deaths. Per cent. ofinNumber of in- Nuimber of births Nlumb. of deaths crease of the Year. Name of the country. Ihlabitants. in thie respec- in the respec- tcrtal populative year. tive year. tios. 1850 United Stites.................... 19, 987, 573* 58, 835* 271, 890 1.38 1850 E nsgliXaiS.(lt and Wa..les. ndW s. 17,27, 609 593, 42) 368 986 1.25 1851 Frice.,................. 783, 170 943 06 l 4, 433 0.441 i1 Fa n nses................ 59, 606 O66 1.73, 55 1,7/31,834 0.74 1849 Pr si......................... 16,331 187 6915 49,8 1.17 1850 flollasid............, 3! 056: 591. 105 338 67,588 1.23 6810 Be~~~~~~~~susss.~~~~4,46626 2N 1-26,107 9.9) 0C 18w0 Eelgiuly,......................... 4,446 202 1f0, 107 I9! 8iO 0. 61 1849 Portl.......................... 3, 473, 758 114, 31 88, 9920.70 1852 axolsy....8..........7,83.. 80, 32. 58, 711 1.08 *The UJisted St ttes Census of 1850 gives tle hbirth7s and deaths ol" tle wlnte and fsee colored population is one colulnn, withous. a y separatiosl; tilerefore, it has becotne secessary to include the fiee colored population in all other tables hereafter giiveen. As to thle slave population the writer sees, for his purpose, no necessity to mestion asy china of it at atill, us it has io connexioiw whatever with the inmigration. As would be expected, it is seen that the excess of births over deaths iin the United States is larger than in anly other country; and hience I have no hesitation in adopting the per centage of annual increase of one and thirlty-eight hutdredths as reliable. Trhis furnishes us a rule to solve the problem before stated. rThe population in 1790 was 3,231,930o Excluding all immigration, the increase of population each year would be at the rate of 1.38 per cent. Thiis increase added each year to the aggregate of the preceding year, down to 1850, will give us the population of the United States in 1850 as itwould have been upon the know-nothing policy of excluding all immigration. In the following table will be also shown what our population in 1850 would have amounted to if immigration had been stopped in 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, or 18k9 taking the actual population of those years as starting point. The calculation is a long and tedious one, but the result is mathematically certain. It is this: The population in s1790 being 3,231,930, and being increased alone by the surplus of births over deaths, would iln 1850 amount to 7,5559,23 whites and free colored persos, inciuding 200,000 for; Louisiana, Florida, Califbrnia and those territories which were acquired'since 1790. But upon turning to the actual returns of the census of 1850, we find the number of whites and free colored per sons to be 19,987,573. It appears, t&en, that if the know-nothing policy had been adopted il 1790, cur present population would'be 7,555,423, instead of its actual number of 19,9b7,573 a difference in population between the know-nothing and the- democratic policy of 12,432,150. TABLE No. 2-Showing the increase of the white and free colored popule tion of the Uttited States, if wit/out imnngfratzon snce thle reslpective seas 1790 to t840, afio~ the ratio of itcrease in 1650: rAlnnual incrcase oa a nnual increase of tile white aid fee Annal suplus the white ad free Anua suIS Year, cos.ousiuAnnual surplus 4nimual sulis year. coloi-)dpopuation of births. Cotor'd populaeioss if wvithout illsui-m if' vitout iminni- of birth gratin siscet l' 0 tVgrfation sillce 1800. __________________________________- g ats n ~ ~ ~ c~i~suscc sin~cen 1800. 17906. o c o 3, 231,930 e * Z | X * @ 70L:'5.....,.32... 1'7.76, 530 4,660............................. 179~ 3.321 74s 43,19i r ~1~~~ 179,3,,,,,,..................... 367, 86 4, 846U.................................. 17904 3...................I.,...; 461 }617 46472..... 6........... 1795. a -... - --.. -.. -......... * 3 459 21039 47 11,4..... i.........0...o l~~~~~~~~Y 5zgs, a X*o*|a |@@s~i q9*s* aX'&7 3 7 7&4i,,,,,,,,,, | sa o* ** * ** 8- *~~ ~~ e@ TABLE No. 2.-Continued. Annual increase of Annual increase of the white and free Anual the white and free Annual surplus Annual si-rrpi o' o n o iurplus YEAR. color'd population of birt colod population if without immi- if witiout immmigration since 1790. gration since 1800. 1797............................ 3,557,359 48,423............................... 1798....................... 3,606,450 49,091.................... 1799..............3,656,!9 4979 1800............................ 3,706,674 50,455 4,412,88 1801...........................,757,821 51,159 4,473,781 60,897 1.802............................ 3809,684 51,858 4.535551.9 61,738 18(03............................ 3,862,257 59,573 4,598, 109 62,.59( 1804........................ 3,915,556 53.299 4,661,56 63,453 1805........................... 3,969,590 54,034 4,725 991 4t3:9 1806........ 4,04,358 54,768 4 795 09 65.216 1807.... 4,079,895 55 537 4,857, 327 6; 118 1808..... 4,16,197 56,30. 4o,9 4,354 67.031 1809... 4, 193, 76 57, 079 4' 992 314 7,958 1810...4, 51,543 57,867 5 161, 207 68,893 18(1............... 43(109,808 58,665 (5,131051 69,.044 1812...... 4,3611, 28. 59,475 5201 859 70805 1813............................ 4,429,579 60, 06 5 2730644 1,785 1814........................ 4490 717 61 128 54 346 409,765 1615..... 4,552,678 61,971. 5 42089 73,780.1815........................... 4, 552~ 678 61 9 7 5~40 ~ 3 8 ]816... 4, 615,504 62, 826 5.494 99 74,801 1817............. 4,679, 197 63 693 5 570, 8 75, 3i) s81............................ 4,743,769 64,572 5,647,697 76877 1819........... 4, 8)09, 233 655,464 5 724, 733 77,036 1820... 4,875,600 66,367 5,803, 74 79, 0(1 821............................ 4,949,883 67,983 5,881,825, 80 091 1822................... 5,011,094 68,211 5,965,0 9 8196 1833............................ 5, 080,247 69,153 6, 047,:38 89 317 1894.......................... 5,150, 354 70,107 6,130,791 83, 453 1825............................ 52, t 498 71,074 6,215,295 84,504 3826........................... 5,93,473 72,055 6,301,066 85,771 1827............................ 366,522 73, 049 6,388, 020 86,954 1828..... 5 440,580 74,058 6,476,174 88,154 1899........5,515,659 75,079 6,565,545 89,371 1830....................... 5,591,775 76,116 6,656,149 90,604 1831........................... 5,668,941 77,166 6,748,003 91,854 183"... 5 747,172 78,231 6,8411 125 93,122 1833.................. 5, 86, 48 79, 310 6,935,539 94.407 1834..... 5,906,887 80,405 7,031,942 95,710 1835............ 5,988, 40 81,515 7,128,273 97,031 1836........................... 6,9 (71,041 82,639 7,2 6,643 98,370 1837........................... 6,154,821 83,780 7,398,470 99,707 1838............................ 6 239,757 84,936 7,427,576 101,106 1839..... 6 35,865 86,108 7,530,076 102,500 180.......................... 6,4 3,161 87,2996 7,633 991 103,915 184...... 6,501,669 88,501 7,739,340 105 349 1 84..... 6 591,384 89,722 7,846,142 106,802 1843..,... 6,682, 345 90,961 7,954,418 08, 276 1841.....6,774,561 92 16 8,064, 188 109.770 1845... 6,8(8, 049 93;488 8,175,473 111285 146........................... 6, 69, 828 94,779 8,288,2o94 112, 891 1847..... 7,059,115 96,287 8,402,672 114,378 1848............... 7156,530 97,415.8,518,628 115,956 18479..... 7,9: 255,300 98,770 8;636,185 517,557 185(.................. 7,355, 423 100,123 8,755,364 519,179 TALE, No. 2 —Continued. Annual increase of Annual increase of t511/ white and free thile white and free YEAn. color'd pulaion nnal srplus Coord population Annum surplus e~~~~~~~~~olo}'~d population I rts if W pithou iio of birtis. ift' without mimi- irth. gration since 1810. gration since 1820........................... 6,048,450............................................ 5651I......... 6,131 918 3,468.............................. 181 2 8.........1... 6f.168,538 84,620.................. 181............................ 6'.0 30 2. 85; 788 1814.'95....6..... I3.998. 86,972::............... 18 5......................... 6, 7.4 08 1 -....................,......... 815....... 6,477 4709 88, 1 79 11. 9,e606t9,8..........9......................... 715 61 81.................. 4,5~81 90, 689 1815............ 6, 749, 14 91, 3873..11.84, 495 93,141....................... 1S1Y,..,, 5,~~~6,84,495 93,141 180........................'''36,3; 1 {lb;2 8 11 )9'3.........:......::: 6, 936, 9)1 94, 4'26 8,110,)93 182........ 7,03,0 95,79 8,211,874 111,781........................... 7 5970 700 835, I11332,............ 7) 12997700 700VN3191133 TABLE No. 2 —Continued Annunal incrase of' Annual increas e of thie white and free' the wvhit e and f Auee Year. ((011 pop Annuuknual surplusrplus colol Id popuaton of births color'd population of births. if witih6ut immi- it without immigrationi since 18!0. gration since [130. 18-21. 7, 8,I 089 98, 389 8 440, 184 14 987 ~~189 ~~4.1 9:7,7836 99,747.1 8,356 668 116 474 1825........................... 7 48,960 101,124 8,674,7;9 I18 081 186................. 7 531, 479 10,519 81 794,449 119(711 18;2i7................ 7,635a4 3 103,934! 9910) 21,353 28................ 7,740, 78 S 105,368,0318, 80 1.23, 038 829.......................... 7, 847, 6i03 106, 822 9113, 124, 735 1830. 7, 955; 899 108~.96 9 099 039 16, 457 1831............................ 8,05 69 109, 792) 9 418 4, 8 0 139............................ 8 16,997 111306 9, 5':1805!29 971 1833............................ 8,404, 28 114, 399 9, o78 970 ~0,765 1834......................... 520,916 115 9 9, 812 539 133,569 1835.............., 8637,794 117,518 9,947,951 135,413 1836............... 87,56,995 119,901 10 085,1933 137,81 1837............... 8,877,841 190 8A16 10 9294 409 139,176 1838............................ 514 10 3 505 141, 096 1839............................ 9,24,559 1-24 04 10, 508 548 143,043 1840........................ 9,150, 477 125, 918 10, 6.53, 565 145, 01i7 1841............................ 9,378,133 171656 1 00 8 147019 184............................ 9,507,551 9[9,418 10,949 63b 149 048 11343......................9, 6213 755 1ol,04 i, 1L00, 727~ 1,104 1844.......... 9771,769 133,014! 1 ) 953 917 15; 190 1845. 9,06,619 134 850 11,409, 21 155,304 1846............... 10. 042, 330 136 711 1 1( 566 668 157, 447 1847.......... 10,182,927 138,597 1137626,388 159,690 1848.....10,:!12:,451 140 524 11 888 11t0 16,892 1849................. 0.465.914 11 2,463 1 05 165 164,055 1850.10610; 343 144 409 10 4 11 484 166.319 TABLLTE No. 2-Continuedo Annual increase of Annual increase of the white ii, d free the white and free Year, oslo 4 Annual surplus Annuil suoplus ifaritholod popuation of births. lod population of' births. if witlaout omi- itf without i ommigration since 1830. gration since 1840. 1830.,. 10,8a6, 9i7......~~~~ O~. 1831..1100603 14......................... 6. 1839........................... 11. 58, 69B 151,893.................................... 1833..11.313)681 1 153,0................................... 1834..11,468801 156,115..................................... 18335..116,070 151.69...............................~.... 1836.......................... 11,78 75 3 160,453................................... 1837............... 11 950 190 169,667................................... 1838.......................... 12,115,102 164,919.................................... 1.839.. 1. 01382) 90 167, 188.................................. 1840............................ 1451785 169,495 1451998............ 1841............................ 1262'3619 171,8134 14 783 2049 )01( 231 181349 1.,797, 834 174,205 14,98, 237 202008 1843............................ 12,9 74, 333 17659 5!9' 03 206 796 1844............................ 13,153, 378 179,045 15,401,683 009,650 _,845............................ I 5 64 I' 6 ~-2 4 1845.~~~~~~~~~~.~~~~~0~~13,334,874 181,496 1,614, 1,13 1846..................... 13,518,895 184. 091 1 139 705 216,476 1847............................ 13, 705,455 186560 16,048,151 18,449 1848............................ 13,894,590 189, 135 16,l269,615 11, 464 1849~................14,1......086, 335 191,745 16,494135 1 024 520 1850.................... 14,80, 76 194,391 16; 721 674 97, 539 To these are to be added the results for Louisiana, (1803), Florida, (1821); Calitbornia, New Mexico, Texas, and Oregon~ Louisiana had in 1803, 77,000 inhabitants, of' which 53,000 were slaves. Florida, in 18'21, had about 10 000. California and New Mexico, at the time of their acquisition, had about 60,000. Texas Stnd Oegon only brought back into the Union citizens who had emnigrated thither but a short time beibre. If'we put them clown in 1250, after the above scale, with 200,000 white and free colored persons, tile writer thinks hle has done them more than ample justice. TABLE No. 3. —ec-ecaitulation. The United States would have in 1050 — Total white and free colored population. If without imnnigration since 1790..................................... 7 355, 423 oeddition f-or Louisiana, Florida, &.............................. 200 000 7 555, 423 If without immigration since 1800...................................... 8 755 364 Addition for Louisiana, Florida &c.............................. 200,000 8, 955,364 If without immigration since 1410................................... 10, 610,43 Arddition for Florida, c......................................... 100,000 10)710343 If without immigration since 18920 12,218,484 Addition for Florida, c....................................... 100,000 12 318 484 If without immigration since 1830..................................... 14, 280, 756 Addition for New Mexico and California......................... 50, 000 If without immigration since 1840...................................... 146 733167 Addition obr New Mexico and California... 50,000 16 771,674 They had actually, however....................... 19, 9.7, 573 This will be to many an astonishing result; but I am well assured of the correctness of this statement.8 As I have shown above that the nmean (1.38 per cent.) by which I have made up these tables correspo-nds well with thai of other countries, I will also compare the result. It will be found that no European cou7ntry has actcailZy increased in the same period so much as the LUnited States woofid have, if, instead of a population of 19,9879573, they had in 1850 only 7,556,423. The figures in the following table are taken from official returns. T'ABL: B No. 4.-Increase of various European nations since the last decennzim.o/ the 1Sth cenztUry. England and Wales.............in 1790.............................. 8,6750 Incese.. Do... do..................in 185.............................. 1792768 crease.06 Austria...........................in 1792....................... 2500000 do...... VOn^ in 1851., j 36f514,466 do 1....55 France.......................... in 1789.......................000 do Do.... i 1,51........................... 35 783, 1-0 Prussia..in 1797....................8,60,000.......... Do....................... 1849.............................. 1,331,17 Spain..............................in 1797.10.351 075 ) l nDO~.. in ~~~~~)~~. il 1849. 14,516,219 do.~ 3 Sweden...........................'il1790.............................. Swedenl...in 1790.5,, 15(), 493 d Do.., in1849.3,316,535 Sardinia, (Island)................... in 1790...456,990 ido. 1 Do........do.............. in 1848............................. 547 948 United States*....................in 1790.......... 29................0... Without immigration since 1790....in 1850......................... 7,55,42.33 * White and free colored. This table clearly proves the above estimate of the population of t1he'United States, without immigration since 1790, to be not only a correct one, but even exhibiting a higher increase than any other country'. England, the highest among them, is still, xwith one year more increase, twenty-seven on the hundred behind the United States. Some persons may think doubtful that the actual increase of England and Wales is so close to that ot the United States, as there has been every year a *1An abstract of these statistics I published in a small pamphlet last June. The principal papers of the United States took notice of it, and comtmnnted, with one insignificant exception, as far as I know, very highly on it. Of statistical authorities, De Bow's Review published it in September, Hunt's Merchants' Magazine in December; in which later month it was also read before the A merican Geographicat and Statistical Society of New York. I have constantly been on the alert to hear that its correctness and reliability its attacked, the more, as I took the liberty to beg the statisticians of this country to honor itt with a thorough ea,miination; but till now, at least to my knowledge, there as been no such attack. large emigration. But it must be remembered that England has had in return a considerable immigration from Ireland, Scotland, and even from the continent of Europe, invited by the enormous rise of her manufactures and commerce. Englinod is not.only a very healthy country, but also inhabited by a healthy people. Besides, it is a known fact that the population of' rma1nula:uturing districts increases more than that where agriculture is the principal branch of occupation. But there is another point of great importance, and in favor of my problem. The people of the United States, left without immigration, would not have increased 1.38 per cent. every year. Proof hereof is fbund in Massachusetts. This State had, in 1850, 830,066 native and 1.64,448 foreign born inhabitants, or one foreigner tofve natives. The marriages were, during the years 1849 to 18.51, Americans S,28S6, or 220 in 10,000 of their own race; foreigners 7,440, or 450 in 10,000. This is 104.65 per cent. of fboreign over native ratio. The births were in Massachusetts in the thrte years 1849,'50, and'51, of' American parents 47,992, or 578 in 10,000 of their own race; fbreign 24,5'23, or,491 in 10,000 of their own race. In Boston there were, American 7,278, or 966 in 1t,000; foreign 13,0392, or 2,053 in 10,000 of their own race, Of the 3o2,000 born in M/lassachusetts in i854, l16,170 were of American parentage, while some 14,000 were of parents one or both foreigners; and the increase from foreign parents was more than twice what it was from native parents. At the same rate shortly we shall have more children born in 3Massachusetts firom foreigners than from natives; for in five years the American births have not increased 1,000, while the foreign have increased more than 5,000. In Sufiblk county already the births in foreign lamilies are more thlan twice as numerous as in American, being:3,735 in the ibrmer, and 1,737 in the latter. Of the parents of Boston chiduren, in 1 S54, the largest number was Tfrom.treland, 2,824 fathers and 2%957 mothers, vhile there were, but 410 fathers and 524 mothers natives of' te city, and 533 fathers and 476 mothers natives of Massachusetts, out of Boston, or of other States. Cambridge had born of foreign parents 422 children to 208 Americans; Fall iRiver, 223 to SS; Lawrence, 322 to ].46; Lowell, 596 to 427;:Roxbury, 383 to 168; Salem, 344 to 120; Taunton, 221 to 142:; and Worcester, 421 foreign to 320 American. The ibreigners in Milassachusetts are chiefly of Celtic origin. In twenty years fromn the present time, one-half of the young men and women in the State will be of direct Celtic descendency, and there is no doubt that they also will Biag and boast of their Pilgrim fathers, their revolutionary ancestry, and especially of -their Anglo-Saxon blood in their Celtic veins. And vhy should not they? They will have the sarne right to do so as is possessed by3 at least two-thirds of our know-nothings. As the traces of a negro deseendency disappear already inthe third or fourth generalion, I should think that in Mtassachusetts the Pilgrim and revolutionary blood, if it is not already so, -must, in very short time, become at least very thin. T['he cause of the large increase of foreign births is simnply that, whilst of the native population in 1850 there were only 49.07 per cent. over the 15th year of age, the average amount of foreigners, of' the same age, who arrived in.854 ztnd 1865, was 77.63 per cent. Number of white inhabitants of the United States in 1850 under 15 years........ 8, 00, 715 40.93 pr. cent. Do................ do............... over 15 years........ 11,550,353 - 59.07 " 19,553,}968- 100.00 I; Number of iinmnigrants in 18t.54 under 15 years............................ 100,013 -- 1.72; Do do........over 15 years................................. 360.J461- 78.8S C 460,474 =100.00 c Niumber of immigrants in 1855 under 15 years.............................. 53, 045= 0,3.02 cc Do.............do.........over 15 years............................;..'17'7431 - 76'.98 " 2300 476 100.00 ca Suppose that there are now five mi]lionls of foreiTners in this countr -y, they will, from this cause, produce just as much, and increase in the same degree, as 6,610,169 natives. Be:fore the mortality tables of the JUnited States were published, statisticians and political writers usually believed that zhe foreign born died in a greater proportion than the natives. But I always doubted it from the reason that over one:half of the deaths occurs under the age of twenty. Of the foreigners living in this country, however, only one-foburth is below that age, and especially the children are Nwantincg, amongst which the mortality is always proportionally the greatest. The census has shown that I was not in error. According to a statement therein contained, the per-centage:of native deaths, excluding slaves, was 1.494, whilst that of the foreign was only 1.469. I take only the aggregate ratio of the total number of deaths in the United States, without going into details, as I do not believe in its correctness, being convinced that the ratio is too* high in favor of the natives and against the fbreigners. According to this mortality report, there died in New York, one out of 32 foreigners; in Massachusetts. one of every 60; in New Jersey, one of every 110; and in Maryland, one of' every 116. These discrepancies are too great to bear any similarity to truth. But it matters nothing for my purpose, as it yet shows that, contrary to former supposition, the fbreigners have at most the same and not a greater ratio of deaths than the native population. According to the above calculation the immigrants and their descendants number in 1850: Since 1790 D. --,- -.... 12, 432,1.50 1800- -................ -. 11.032,109 6. 181 0.. - - - _ 9,277,230 1 820.... 8,669,089 18 30. D O - O -.,., -. 5 656,847 1840 —.,- 3,215,899 At the first glance it will seem almost incredible that the excess from. immigratioll should alone amount in the single decade of 1840 to 1850 to 3,215,899. But it must be remembered that the immigration within these years, as given by the custom-house reports, amounted to not less than 1,677,330, without those of which the custom-houses give no returns, and which Dr. Chickering, in his essay on immigration, puts down at 50 per cent. of the total number. Should their natural increase resemble that of the tforeign population in Massachusetts, as stated above, none will find imn hypothetical statement out of reach of probability. These astounding r ults enable us to discuss intelligibly the effects of immigration upon our national progress in the great elements of strength and greatness, and wealth and prosperity. if immigration had been cut off in 1790, our population in 1850 would have been about What it actually was in 1820. Immigration, then, has put us thirty years forward in this important element of' national prosperity. Our increase in all the departments of national progress has been in the exact ratio of our increase in population. -M/hilst the l]a;ter has increased sixfold, our commercial exports have increased, in the same period, eightfold, and our imports threefbldo YEAR. V: Vlue ofimports. Value.of exports. Connercial fleet. Revenues. To.: 1789-91................. 52, 200 000 19, l 0 41 502,1406,14 3299 473 1800.....................;. 91, 25, 768 70,971, 780 972, 49 10, 654 997 l1........940, 09............ 8 400000 6 757,974 1,424 783 91 299.737 1..... 74450, 000 - 69, 691 699 1, 280 166 16, 779, 33t 18999,., 0..........'... 70 8767 920) 73 849 508 1 191, 776 94 280,88 1 8340..~. *131,571,950 94,890598,91 2,180,764 19,99,858 1850 e..................... 178, 139,318 i51, 898 790 3 535 1454 43 375, 798 1.855...................... 9 21,4689 520 275,159, 8496 2,129 001 65, 203 930 None can fali to see in these figures the great benefit this country has derived from the increased immigration. IEnormous is the inuicrease of' shippingg revenues, and commerce, from 1840 to 1S55. Our imports increased ~200 per cento, our exports 800 per cent., our commercial fleet 100 per cent., and our revenues more than 300 per cent. Since 1840, immigration has been chiefly directed to this country. Compare,. again, 1850 with 1855, and the blindest main will perceive that the sudden rise of wealth and' power this country owes chiefly to immigratiol. But -for the influence of'immigration, the wonderful works of improvement, which have added so mnuch to our national wealth and prosperity, could not have been accomplished. To this we are indebted, in an eminent degree, fbr the thousands of miles of railroad and canal communication w hich now cover our vast domain like a net-work, and furnish ready and profitable ffacilities for realizing the benefits'of the productive energies and:enterprise of every industrial pursuit. * To this we are indebted for the reduction of' the vast wvilderness of' the west and northwest to the dominion of civilization and industry, swelling the amount of' our annual revenues, increasing to an almnost limitless extent our commercial. wealth, and placing us in the front rank of nations as an agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial ~people. To immigration we are indebted in no small degree for the rapid addition of State after State.to the confederacy, until we have spanned the continent with, more than. double our original number. But it cannot be necessary to dwell upon results so astounding to foreigan nations, and so flattering to our own national pride. To appreciate them, we have but to inagine twelve millions of our population withdrawn, and reflect:upon the amazing contrast that would now be presented with a population little more than one-third of' its present niumber! This contrast will be better appreciated, if we imagine the ib!ollowing eighlteell of thje bright. stars which now il]lustrate the galaxy of' States expunged from our national banner: A2-labama, Atkansas, CPalifornia, Florida, Iliinois~ Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippri, Missouri, Ohio, Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsil, JVirlo2inia a~nd NIhevw Yorka T11"Se Statsle., have a free w.hite population o twelve. monsu tio amount of increase resulting fromrn immigration "instead of seting up a just claim to being thhe most happy, and pros. perous,. arid powerful nation on the earthh ahible to command respect all over the world, to maintain our rightns on sea and land against any foreign combination, and by the moral power of our republican example to shake thb hoaary thronies of' monarchs in tlie Old World, we should he a fburth rate national powei' subiect to constant dangers of foreign inva.sion,l and poorly able to defy the aggressions of a foreign enemy~ These results prove the wvisdcomof the fathers of the.republic in resisting the attempts of the.' British ling, to prevent immigration into the colonies, and illustrate the soundness of tihe policy which has enacted liberal naturalization laws, and given' encouragement to foreign immigration.' Men do not come here merely for the purpose of improving their physical condition.:This is esp-ecialy shown bh the sudden decrease of. irmmigration since the political ascendancy of the kno'w-nothings. Exactly one hundredl per cent. less have arrived in i865 than in the preceding year 1851. In 185.4, landed - 460,474 in 1855 G 230,476 Decrease - - 9,998 In order to have an idea of. the loss this country has sustained hereby, it will not be amiss to srate that the popuia:'tion of Delaware and Florida together is yet far below the number of' persons the know-nothing policy has lkept away in'155. YRhode Island hagd in 1850 only 1 7,545, and inay have now about 180,000. Only ilagine that one year of knownothing reign has cost us already mlore than the present population of two States like Delaware and Florida! IH-ow much will it cost us if this sway should be extended to four years more? This is the real and true standard with which to rteasure the prudence of the principles of the know-nothings, and thhe depth of their love to this country. It is more than probable that the im migration of 1856 will be even far behind that of 1855, if one iay judge after the comparatively small number who hnave arrived in th.e first quarter of. this year. After that rate the whole immiglration will hiardly exceed 50,000. This shows sufficiently that the immigrants comne to -this country just as much for political f-eedom as. material well-beingo. It is true, the people of the *United States, as a power, ean use means to prevent immigration, and prohibit it if they will. But, in doingc so, an original and distinguished principle of the government muist sbe abrogated; and, having done this, we descend to a level with the arbitaary and proscriptive thrones o Europe. But the loss oT the laborious immigrant will soon.be felt. As already stated the most he I ot e'immigrants wended their way to the prairies of the FTar Vest, buying fronm the government with their own -lonly.the public ldands in order to wi e.st a livelihood frorn the bosom of mother earth. Their labors have' enriched not only the cultivator, 1.4 but the country and the native-born citizen.Others again remained in the'great Atlantic cities, where their herculean energies hlave been ernployed in the erectionr of public works. Men of genius, artists, scholars, came wi;h this tide of immigration; and, while they have been able to find employment for themselves, they have also xVastly contributed to the intellectual stores of this country. A remarkable instance of the public spirit and generosity of foreign-born citizebs may be seen;n the f.act that the three leading scientific or educational institutions in the- United States were founded by men born in other lands. I allude to the great Astor Library, of New York, endowed by thie German, John Jacob Astor; the Girard College, in Philadelphia, endowed by the Frenchman, Stephen Girard; and the Smithsonian Institution, at Washington, endowed by the Englishman, John Smithson. It is not' a high estimate if we put down the immigration in ive vears, from. 1850 to 1855, at about two and a half millions. Suppose this number brought with them in value only 30.dollars per head, which is the very lowest. estimate; and they have enrikhed the country in the very short space of five years, by an amount equal to6 75,000,000. it is also a vqry safe calculation to say that these immigrants have paid $150,900,0O0 into the treasury of' the United States for public laifds. The revolutions of 1848 gcave emigration a vast impulse, and drove masses of men of excellent quality to our shores. Whether we consider the amount of money, principally specie, brought with them, or the amount paid into the treasury for public lands, or the advantages conferred Upon the native population by their indu'stry and their skill, we may well hesitate in alarlm and. surprise, that any movement looking to the arrest or curtailment of the tide of immigration should for one moment have been encouraged by any portion of the American people. The principles of the know-nothings carried out would degrade the emigrant to the low position of an Easl Intlian' pariah, or a Russian serf, excepting only that he could not be sold. T'hey would doom him to a'fate f-ar worse than the hardest destpotism of the Old World. There, at least, he would have the consciousness of not suffering.alone, as the whole Ipopulationt,:and not a part of' it, would havew~ no more rights than himselfo Here 4e would be marked out as an in.ferior, useful only to dig canals arnd build railroads, to fight like the Helots of old, to act as hewer of' wood and d'rawer of' water to thos6 who falsely call themselves superior beings. And not this onily. While this is sought to be imhde the lot of the.white adopted citizens —while the laboriLg classes are;ppealed to deny equal-. privileges to the fobeign-born fellow-being of theit own race-behold their efforts making in the fiee States to elevate the negro to the political rights and privileges of- the whites'! xAmericans must rule America!"-that is' the consta.nt war-cry of th~e know nothlings.- There are at present in the United States tweentyseven millions of inhabitants, of which five millions are forieigners. The Senate contains 62'and'the House 234 members. Should the five millions be equally represerited i.n their specific qualification as foreigners, of' the Senators 14 and of the House'3 should be foreign-Sborn citizens. But there is not a single foreign-born member in Congress. Are the democratic members for vhomn foreign-born citizens have cast their votes, not as good, intelligent, and. wise as those who have been, elected by a tnere native vote? The know-nothings speak constantly of their revolutionary inheritance, their 66 glorious sires of'76." Will they inform me how many of them can trace back their lineage to the time of the Revolution? Are not at least two-thirds of their number descendants of those who arrived in the country since 1790? Was not, in New York, even their candidate for governor a son of a foreigner? Are not, with the only exception of two, all the 14S or 149 know-nothings of the New York State legislature sons of foreign parents? The answer td these questions will put to shame the warfare which know-nothingism is waging upon the policy of the founders of' this republic. It is not simply a warfare upon the foreign-born citizens diffused throughout the Union, identified in interest with our institutions; connected by the closest ties with native-born citizens; engaged in industrial pursuits which add to the national wealth and prosperity; levelling mountains and filling up valleys for our great internal improvements; felling the forests, and spreading the area of productive agriculture in the Far West; shouldering their muskets when the tocsin of war sounds; and fighting and dying bravely on the battle field by the side of native Americans. A warfare upon such a body of men is bad. enough in all conscience; but the warfare of know-nothingism is against the principles on which our Revolution was started and was consummatedagainst the policy engfafted upon our constitution, and carried out by liberal naturalization laws in Congress; and against the prosperity of the nation, which has received one of its chief impulses from this policy. OLD UINE WHIGS FOR LETTERS FR~OM HON. JAMXES ALFRED PEARCE, AND EHON. TEHOMAS G. PRATTS TO THE WHIGS OF MARYLAND. SPEECHES OF HON. J. W. CRISFIELD, of Maryland; AND HON. JAMES B. CLAY, of Kentucky. LETTER OF1 IHON, JAMZES A, rEA HICE. gation now to give him their support, seeing tha he has become a member and accepted the nomaination of a party which repudiates the W higs; and while they would be willing ina contest with. VWASHINGTON JULr 31, 1856. their old opponents to stand by all their political opinions to the last, they find ample reason in the MY DEAR SiR: You ask what part I mean to present condition of parties, in the political anartake in the coming Presidential election, and:chy which prevails, and in the fear of a sectional what I think should be done by old Whigs who and anti-slavery triumph, leading to ulterior conhave never been attached to any other party, and sequences of the worst sort, to consider whether it who do not desire to enter into new political con- is not their duty tosacrifice all personal feeling and nexiosns. party prejudice for the sake of the Union, and to I am well aware of the embarrassments to such sustain the nominations of the democrats as the persons which attend a choice among the candi- only means of defeating the schemes of the mad dates for the Presidency now before the country. agitators who rule the Republican party. In my own case this embarrassment is sensibly The contest it seems to me, lies between Mr. felt. My inclinations point one way, a sense of Buchanan and Mr. Fremont. Mr. Fillmore's the duty arising from the present dangerous con- friends indeed claim a great reaction in his fadiltin of domestic politics, leads meanother way.:vor; but I have taken much pains to ascertain My past relations, political and personal, with what his strength is in the free states, and so far Mr. Fillmore, the confidence I have always re- I have not been able to satisfy myself that he can. posed in his integrity and ability, the wisdom of carry a single one of them. -His wise and patrihis Admrninistration, and the conviction I enter- otic conduct while President, which recommentain that he is a just national man and free from ded him so strongly to the Whigs of the South, is sectional prejudice, would induce me to prefer regarded by the majority at the North as a fatal him to his competitors. Neither do I object to objection to him. Itis not moderation and concilthe sentiment of American nationality, proper- iation they desire; they think as one oftheir leadly limited antl restrained. Indeed I think that erssaid, that the time for compromise has passed. our present system has made American citizen- They want, in the Pres'dent, an instrument to ship too cheap. But I did not app"i!ve the mys- punish the South'for what: they fancy or pretend terious system under which the Atnerican party, to be the aggressions of the''sla-i power" upon of which he is now the representative, was organ- the North. Mr. Fillmore is tot national for ized; the oaths administered to members on ini- this purpose, and he must indeed be cr, lulous or tiation, and the discipline of the order, by which sanguine in the extreme who supposes that thw secrecy and obedience was secured. How far politicians who have misguided and inflamed thu all this has been dispensed with I do not know. Northern majority, will abandon their oeigils The original plan of their organization I could and renounce the spoils for which they hunget not but condemn, as I do the adoption of any and thirst, just at the moment when, tfor the fire, principle which founds a rule of political exclu- time, they are confident of the success of the one sion upon a diversity of religious faith. Howev- and the enjoyment of the other. Mr. Fillmore's er modified in these respects their plan may now strength lies in the Whig States of the South. be, it is not necessary for me to inquire. The If all the Southern States should give him their Northern wing of the party came into it, as I votes, he would fail in the election without such think with purposes very different from those en- assistance trom the free States as it would be vain tertained by the rest. q1heyadopted it as a cloak to look for. The choice, then, is between Mr. to schemes which all of us in Maryland con- Buchanan and Mr. Fremnont, and what Maryland demn and detest. The necessary affiliations of Whig, believing as I do, can hesitate 1that wing of the party were with the anti-slavery I am not so unjust as to, charge all the Northern men; and accordingly we find the mask now men who join in the support of Mr. Fremont with. thrown off by the most of them, and see the de- being abolitionists. Thereare men among them velopment of their plans in such a measure as whom I hold in much respect, while deploring the personal liberty bill of Massachusetts, which the error of judgment into which they have tallnullifies a law of Congress, violates the constitu- en; but the most active and influential of their tional guarantee for the recovery of fugitive leaders are mYen who, from perverted judgment slaves, and creates the fiercest and most danger- or inflamed passion, or what is worse, from deous discord between the north and the South. liberate calculation, have determined to build up TheirmemhersofCongresshaveforthemostpart a sectional party, reckless of its peril to the been consolidated with the pernicious party mis- Union, once so justly valued, but now estimated called Republican, and many of their delegates far less at the North than at the South. Mr. Green to their Presidential Convention have deserted ley is at this moment more potential with his par, to that motly alliance, whose triumph would be ty than any other of its members. He has the the saddest calamity that Las ever befel our benefit of Mr. Giddings' co-operation. GoverUnion. The comparatively small portion of the nor Chase, Mr. Seward, and Mr. Wilson are at American party which remained after this tive and influential leaders. Their presses teem transfer to the anti-slavery men, and which has with the fiercest abuse of Southern men and nominated Mr. Fillmore, is without power to Southern institutions, with the grossest perverelect him, even with the assistance of Southern sions of the truth, wickedly made to inflame the Whigs or National Northern Whigs. These, Northern mind. Their orators denounce us however great their personal respect for and con- equally, and some do not hesitate to say that they fidence in Mr. Fillmore, are unoder no party obli- intend or desire not only to restore iKalaa to bhe operation of the Missonri restriction, but to re- mation; that Mr. Clay's fervid spirit gave too peal the fugitive slave bill, to abolish slavery itn warm a coloring to the picture; but we need onthe District of Columbia, to interdict the inter- ly remark the passionate violence which characstale slave trade, so as to prevent the owner front erizes men who have lately yielded to this secnmiarating with his domestics from one slav imonal phrenzy, to satisfy ourselves what is the State to another, to prevent forever hereafter th;emrper natural to such an organization. At the admission of any new State which tolerates Convention in Philadelphia, held by thLose who domestic servitude, and to hem in and confine tnomintated Mr. Fremont, a conspicuous and (lisslavery within its present limits; thus continu einguiqhed gentleman heretofore considered mtdally increasing the political power of their sec- erate and conservative, made a speech, in which, tion, until we shall he too weak to resist their ftu- amidst cheers and cries of "good" he spoke as ture efflrt.s to impair the value of our peculial follows: property and, finally to destroy it. We do no, indeed find all these objects laid down in iht They (meaning those who appointed the membets of the convention,) ask us to give them, platform of their party; and there are men asso-bes of the convention,) ask us to ive the a ciaed with them whtsetde-ings by ttno means ex- nouination, which, when fairly put before the people, will unite public sentiment, and through tend so far. atnd who. if they knew the probable unite public sentiment, and though tconseque ances t of their success, would recoil from the ballot-box, will restrain and repel this plro slaconseqenes if their ucces wuld recil fror very extension and this aggression of the slavethe evil associatiinrs into which they have fallen. teracy. NWhat else are they doing? They tell you IBtt, then, mre moderate men are not the mas- they are willing to abide by the ballot-box and ter spirits in this league of agitation, and will be willing to make that the last appeal. If we fail. pswetless to stop the mischievous measures, there, what then? We will drive it back sword which I think certain to fotllow the success (o in hand, and so help me God, I'm with them." the combinations which they are now aiding The tone of the press in their interest, the speech- that es of many members of Congress and of the ama- stuce phblicly avowed that he altne is responsiteur orators of the party, all clearly evince a de- le or this rf psdw. But it cannot be doubted termination to unite all the 1 eople of the free that the ftelig which promptel hin uwas tite States, if possible, in fierce and relentless hostil-same which animated the preacher who proposed ity to those of the South. It is in the strife of to supply thoJ ethren in Kansas with bread and sectionstin whtch th~ey hope to suceeti; and i powder too,'fid which has stimnulateti other what woul hich their scess resl to succeeNot n fandrm- reachers and their congregatitcns to subscribe inog a stire pertect union, not in estahblishing ju Sharpe's rifles as the most efficacious instrument tirce ot ensutingf dttmestic tranquility, all of whict In the adjuslment of the controversies in that aree amon i the decla;red obects oif that Cinstitu- Perriloty, which all gotrd men deplore, however tion ewhiczh W'ashington:and the other F tther ~Ihey may dliffer as to the causes of the unhappy of the Republic gave t, s;ht in the jealosies. anarchy which prevails there. For myself I acdiscord, and hatred inseparable from party "char- nowledge uy tlucy to relress, so fa as I can, all acterizel by geographical (discrimin~ations." Tt the real grievances complained of in that region; was against this that the Father of his Countr r and I have supposed that the bill recently passed warnet -s in his farewell atldress-the last Ie- by the Senate was calculated to retnely them, aey of the spotless patriot, to the country he had because it prooses to enact that no law shall be loved ando s lerved so well. to thecountryliehadmade or have force or effect in said Territory loved and served so well. Sorne years, ago, (in 130,) vwhen the dan- which shall require a test oath, or toath to support ger of this sectional organization was less any ac of Congres orother legislative act, as a than it is now, Mr. Clay gave us his advice in qualification for any civil office or public trust, or the following words: for any employment or profession, or to serve as a. juror or vote at an election, or which shall im"Abolitionism should no longer be regarded as pose any tax upion or condition to the exercise of an imaginary danger. The Abolitionists, let me the right of suffrage by any qualified voter, or suppose, succeed in their present aim of /uniting the which shall restrain or prohibit the free discusil(abitants of the free States as onee mane againlst the sion of any law or subject of legislation in thle said isnhabitants of the slave States. Union onl the ote Territory, or the free expression of opinion thereside ctil beget slio; ot s tihe other, anrd this pro ess of ontO by the people of said'Territory; and secu res, ~reciproe lcon.-volidation will be attended with all the reiproletn prejodies, eonttered pbeiteonded rd imp a/ the as far as law can secure, the operation of the pubbte ealtoriteises h ever degraded ior defoenld hi- lie will in the formati(n of a State governnment. ble a,~imo.vities which ever degqraded or de/'ornied hutetn rttre. -Vil tuaR dissolution of the Union will That this bill was sincerely meant to effect its ahave taken place, whilst the forms of' its existence vIwed purpose I am quite confident; and 1 beremain. * * * Onle section twill staelditsinerra- lieve that there are conservative men at the eieig aid hostile array ayainrst the other. The colli- North, who do not yield to prejudice tor passiont sios o o opitnion seill soon be folloted by the clash scf who will credit this assertion. Unfoirtunately arms. I will not attenmpt to describe scenes which they are not the majority. At all events, in tilhe "now happily lie concealed from our view. Aboli- most of the free States the masses iof the Repubtionists themselves would shrink back in dismay lican party are led by men wh o unot mean to and-horror' at the contemplation of desolated fields, and-orror t the conteplati of desolated fields, be satisfiedt with any legislation which is not to et(nflagrated cities, murdered inhabitants, and the n t overthsiow of the fairest fabric of human governmenat that eer rose to animate the hopes of civili- control; by men who say that the framers of the sed man." Constitution "'made a compromise that cannot be mentioned without shame;" who say of Mr. It will be said perhaps that this is mere deela- Fi)llore, in allusion to his rigning the fugitive slave bill, "better far had he never been born- Southern principles that his inclinations ar better for his memory, and for the name of his generally conservative; that he numbers among children, had he never been President;'" who his prominent supporters many gentlemen of taldeclare that bill to be "one of the immortal cata- ents and patriotic character entitled not only to lcgiiles of national crimes' and that he whosignedl the confidetice of their party, but to influence it thereby "sunk into the depths of infamy;" who with the country at l, rap and that many of the pronotnce the fugitive slave to be "one of old issues between the Whigs and tIe Democrats the heroes of the aae," and the master who de- are obsolete. rwo objections to him are much. mantls him a "vile slave-hunter," whom all men relied on by his opponents in the South. It has should look upon with contempt, indigitation and been alleged that he countenanced and promulabhorrence; men who do not regard the Consti- gated the charge of bargain and corruption atution, and the laws made in pursuance of it, as nainst Mr Clay in the election by the House of the supreme law of the land; who disre-ard the Representatives in 1825. I should denounce dlecisions of that high tribunal whose office it is him for this as readily and as severely asany one to decide the constitutional questions; who claim it I thought this allegation just. But I rernemto sSet up their individual opinions against the ber that this charge against Mr. Clay was made official ones of the judicial autkhorilies, and refer i ithiut any clilect testimony until 1817, when their obligations, not to the in4trumnent which the Carter Beverly letter led to Mr. Buchanan's they have sworn to support, which is at once the being named as a witness; and that he then )bo,nd! and the principle of (uor Union, but to some promn ptly dt.nied the statement which he was re-''hIiiglier'aw,'i whose foundalions are to be fuid lied'on to prove, and at the risk of losing Gen. in their owun fanatical imnairaiions. Some of Jackson's lavor alr that of his party, exonerated the leaders go further still, and conider slavery Mr. Clay, From th,- letter which he then pubas a wrng so transcendant that it must not ornly i lihed I extract the following passage; be limited to its puresent bounds, but. must be abolilshed altogether. We see the effects of this, "I owe it to my own character to make another in the increasin restiveness of a part of or pop- observation. [lad I ever known or even suspected that (Gen. Jackson believed I had been sent to him elation, in the often repeated escapes of our servaints from the mildIest form of servitutie ever by Mr. Clay or his friends, I should have ilmmediate-, ly corrected his erroneous impression, and thus preknown, andl in the ready acceptance of the rec- vented the necessity for this most unpleasant exol)nmendation Dnot to hesitate at theft, robbery andi planation. When the editor of the United States mur(ler. if need be, to accomplish their flight. Telegraph, on the 12th of October last, asked me by Fro)m this condition of things we can expect no letter for infoirmation upon this subject, I promptly relief if the anti-slavery party succeed in the elec- informed him by the returning mail, on the 19tll of tion of Mr. Fremont. To defeal their nomina- that month, that 1 had no authority from Mr. Clay tioti seems to me t be our first duty and gi eatest or his friends to propose any terms to (General interest, and therefore I am ready to adopt that Jackson in relation to their votes, nor did I ever cantlielate who appears mrost likely to acconplish make any such propositions; and that I trusted I this prpose. I add a showing the extreme de- would be as incapable of becoming a messenger upthis purpose. I add as showing the extreme de-,-r~~~~ t, ~. on such an occasion as it was known Gen. Jackson signs of the anti-slavery zealots the following re- would be to receive such a message. I have deemed mnarlks. reported as having been made lately by it necessary to make this statement in older to reMr. Wendell Phillips. Speaking of the Repub- mnove any misconception which may have been oclican party, he says: casioned by the publication in the Telegraph of my letter to the editor, dated the 11th ultimo." "It is the first sectional party ever organised in this country. It does not know its own face. It Again, in 1828, in a speech delivered in the calls itselfnational; but it is not national; it is sec- [louse of Representatives, Mr. Buchanan detional. It is the North arrayed against the South. dared that he had no knowledge of the bargain Henry Wilson said to me,'We must get every and corruption charted on Mr. Clay. These Northern State in order to elect Fremont!' It wa isavowals ma be co ed as merely c a distinct recognition ofthefact that the lepublican Iusavowas ce ma be consiered as merely c id party isa party of -the North pledged against the South. Theodore Parker nwanted- to knl(w once leader, but surely they contradict most flatly the where disunion would begin? 1 will tell him-just charge of being his "traducer and defamer." If where that party decides; that is, a Northern party further proof were needed it may be found in the against the Southern. I do not call it an anti- fLollowing remarks recently made in KIentucky, slavery party; it has not risen to that yet. Its first, by Mr. Jas. B. Clay, his son. distinct recognition was Banks' election." "Mr. Clay then proceeded to urge upon his old 1 have no idea thatthis is to be considered as Whig fiiends, the companions and constituents of showing the general purpose of the Republican his father, to rally around that banner which he-had party, but I ain well satisfied that such opinions spelnt his ife ie uplholding-the banner of the Union. are growing in the North, under the constant He was ready to follow the Whig standard as the teachinas of such apostles as Mr. Phillips, and Douglass followed the heart of Bruce-as long as it waved. But that:flag was no longer to be seen -on this speech shows the tendlencyf of present events Buttert Ispeech shows the menclencyfof present eventsm the battle-field. It alight yet be unfurled. After I have been politicalrly oppoed to the Demo- death there was the resurrection. But at present eratic party fr so many years- that I cannot with- there was no whig organization, and the only party out reluctance contemplate the necessity of stip- of the Union was that of which Buchanan and porting their nominee. Yet it must be admitted Breckinridge were the candidates. that he is a man of abilities and large public ex- "Mr. Clay referred to the attempt to implicate perience; that he has been just to the South, Mr. Bnchanan in the charge of bargain and corrupthough not assuming to be a Northern manid with tiono On that subject he proposed to take the testi mnony of hi' own fathers and he -read fromn Mr. sigt "natio, and promote the best interests of the/ Clay's letter to show that Mr. Buchanan had con- Republic." ducted himself in that affair as a man of truth and honor. He should believe what his father said beAt present the prospects is that the conservafore others. Besides the evidence he had rea tive Whig vote will be so divided as to defeat a there was other testimony bearing on the same point. In feeling and eloquent term's he referred popular election and throw the decision upon to the heavy weight of that charge against his fa- the House of Representatives-at all times an ther, and how gallantly and bravely he had borne event to be deprecated, but at this period pecuit. Thank God, it died before his fatherl and now liarly pernicious and dangerous, and threatening he was proud to say that there lived not the man the rudest shock to our system. What the rewho would whisper it. But Mr. Buchanan was suit will be I will not venture to predict, but I free from all connection with the matter. will say that I do not see the least probability of "Mr. Clay concluded with an eloquent appeal to Mr. Fillmore's election by the House of Reprehis fellow citizens, especially Old-Line Whigs to Mr 1ies think, lnbvte i o ee *give their cordial support to the Union ticket-to sentatives erefore, it would be the Buchanan and Breckinridge. eopart of wisdom and patriotism in the Whigs (by which I mean those who have affiliated with no other party,) to throw their votes for Mr. Buch-'he next great object is that Mr. Buchanan anan as the strongest of the candidates opposed would be unsafe in his management of foreign to the Northern Sectional party. This they may affairs. I readily admit that I do not like the do without renouncing their old political faith, Ostend paper, and I do not approve certain res. without stain of honor or suspicion of apostacy. olutionsI adocpted by the Cinctnnati CeonventionThe motive being the integrity of the Union, the notwithstanding the unarninous opposition of the efeat of a party which is founded on geogra hVirginia and Maryland delegates, and I believe ical discriminations and bound together by danof others; and if he should adopt the aggressive gerous seclional schernes, the act will be vindi policy supposed to be prescribed by that paper cated by disinterested patriotism. arind the resolutions, I should be as ready and as For my part, 1 shall not abjure my political earnest in my opposition to him as any one. But the one object he is a mati of known caution, which, with his which I have stated, I shall hold myself ready to intelligent comprehension of the true interests of take any other course which may be necessary to the United States, and the responsibility of the effect that object. Should the hopes of Mr. FIllPresidential office, which he could not but recog- more's friends be realized; should it appear that nise, would forbid his urging the country upon he is more likely to carry the great body of the a course of aggression inconsistent with the spirit patriotic, but quiet people, who generally come of our Government, faithless to treaties, violative to the rescue in times of public peril; that he is, of the rights of other nations, and destructive of in short, the best able to subdlue this storm ol secour own peace, honor, and concord; I know that tional passion and prejudice, I shall rejoice to see many of the leading men of his own party are him again filling the chair of State. Btt I will sound and reliable in this respect; and I believe not affect an unalloyed gratification; for I cannot that their conservative influence would harmo- fotget that he is the candidate of a party which nize with his own disposition. I amn the more has proscribed Whigs who were not members of assured of this because I observe that in his let- he order"-of a party which boasted that it had ter of acceptance there is no recognition of the risen on the ruins of the Whig and Democratic resolutions, (which were not considered by the parties, and which has pronounced both of themt Convention as forming a part of the platform,) corrupt. but, on the contrary, a prudent and conservative Whatever the result, I shall be content if the tone, which met with the approbation of even the dangerous excitement which threatens our peace judicious and experienced Editors of the National and union can be calmed down, so that the exIntelligencer-.themselves, parexcellence, the foesreme opinions which have their roots in prejoof all fillibustering. In an additional article no- dice and passion may wither away. Then a libticing Mr. Buchanan's letter of acceptance, they eral forbearance and kintly toleration of differsaid: ent sentiments mav resume their influence. It this cannot be done, if the South and the North are to regard one another as enemies, then soon"We may say,however, that MIr. Buchanan's er or later our "house, divided againt;t itself;" official letter of acceptance, while not expressly re- must fall. Then we shall have to say, with pudiating the extreme and exceptionable doctrines Pantheusfoisted into the Democratic confessions of fbithby si enitmn dies et teluctabile tempus ihe Cincinnati Conven.tion, does not, by its spirit ensmds iu and tenor, incline us to hope that he means if Dardanrce. elected, so to construe thosedoctrines*as to disarm But ours will be a sadder fate than that of them of their mischievous significance and evil ten- Priam's empire; for it was not the Dardanian -deney. ~Indeetclweeangi.-venootbernieaningth Priam' s empire; for it was not the Dardanian dency. Indeedwe can give no other meaning tahpeopleby homtheinevitable doom of Tron was ihis to Mr. Buchanan's declaration when he sas people by whom the inevitable doom oTroy was I jl fixed. A foreign foe beat down her lofty w alls that: he accepts the'resolutions constituting ihe platform of the principles erected by the Conven- and destryed the high renown of Teucer's race;, ion' in the same:spirit as that which promp ts his but we shall fall by our own suicidal hands; we acceptance of thenbomination tenderedto him by his will kindle the flames which shall destroy the:party, namely, a desire so to discharge the duties edifice of our constitutional Union; ourselves of the high otice to which he aspires as'to allay do- will break the bonds iof harmonious interest and r,:::tii stirife, preserve pea;ee'atdfri'irWdsh`p voit'for- ltaterna concord which havvcheld ius together as one people. May Heaven inspire us with wais- LETTER OF HO. TH03. G. PRATTdomn to avert so sad a catastrophe! Very truly, my dear sir, your friend, JAS. ALFRED PEARCE. In response to the communications received from many of my brother Whigs, I deem it my To the Hon. J. ft. FA, privilege, in this manner, to counsel with all in Snow Hill, Maryland. relation to the course which patriotism and duty would seem to indicate as proper in the present political crisis. No lover of his country whose judgment is unP. S. I add a letter of Mr. Clay to Bev Walter biased by party zeal and uncontrolled by NorthColton, whicth shows his opinion in 1843, of the ern or Siuthern fanaticism, can fail to see the effect of the abolition movements of that day: pending danger to the Union. The first duty of every man who loves his ASHLAND, Sept. 2, 1843. country and her institutions, is to provide for their safety. The life of the nation is in danger. My DrAB STe: —Allow me to suogest a subject It must be saved; then, and not till then, will it for one of your tracts, which, treated in your pop- be permissable to us to discuss our differences of ular and condensed way, I think would be attended opinion upon minor subjects. with great and good effect. I mean abolition. I say that the lite of the Union is in danger, It is manifest that the ultras of that party are because, for the firt time in our history, a party extremely mischievous, and are hurrying on the has been formed composed exclusively ifeitizens country to feat bul consequences. They are notto be country to fearful consequences. They are nottobe of one section of the country, bound together by conciliated by the Whigs. Engrossed with a sin the inle n of an alliance frofnive aridea, they cafe for nothing else. They would see e i othe success the administration of the government precipitate the nation into absolute ruin before they would of such a party woull imperil the Uniotl ha lend a helpino hand to arrest its career. They been recently demonstrated by an address of Mr. treat worst and denounce most those who treat Fillmore, and will, it is submitted, be' apptarent thetn best, who so far agree with them as to admnit to all who will bestow a miment's consideration slavery to be an evil. Witness their conduct upon the existing posture of political t:. i:;r. towards Mr. Briggs and Mr. Adams in Massachu- The value of the slave property at tte South, setts, and towards me. is not less than two thousatnd millions of dollars, I will give you an outline of the manner in which a sum equal to the value of all the other property i would handle it: Show the origin of slaveryY; in the United States, as shown by the last cen. trace its introduction to the British Government., Show how it is disposed of by the Federal Consti- SUs. This property is not only recogn.zel, brt tution; that it is left exclusively to the States, ex- so far gitaratteet by the Constitution as to in — cept in regard to fugitives, direct taxes, and repre- pose upon the Federal Government the duty (c sentation. Show that the agitation of the question restoring to his owner the slave who mav eseare in the free States will first destroy all harmony, into another State or Territory of the Unittd and finally lead to disunion, perpetual war, the ex- States. For years past this constitutional otsltinction of the African race, ultimate military des- ugtion hias been not only repudiated by soine (if potism. the non-slaveholdlina States, but political parties But the great aim and object of your tract should have been organized in all with the avowed ohbe to arouse the working classes in the free States aainst albolition. Iepict the consequences to ject of liberating the slaves, and thus not only deprtvin- the South of thik va.t amount of propthem of itnmmnediate abolition. The slaves, being deprvng te South of this vast amount of pro free, would be dispersed throughout the Union; free, would be dispersed throughout the Union,? erty, but subjecting it to all the horrors which they would enter into competition with the free would necessarily result ftom such a constmlaborer-with the American, the Irish, the Ger- Ination. In a(tdition to all this, whilst the aboman —reduce his wages, be confounded with him, litionists on the one hand openly avow their opand affect his moral and social standing. And, as position to the Constitution and their desire to the ultras go both for abolition and amalgamation, destroy a government which imposes obligations show that their object is to unite in marriage the repudiated by them, on the other hand, many laboring white man and the laboring black woman; 5 m bern to reduce the white laboring man to the despised men oae by the ncesant attacks and degraded conditton of the black man. of their Northern fellow citizens upon their feeland degraded condition of the black man. I would show their opposition to colonization; ings, their property and their constitutional show its humane, religious, and patriotic aims; that rihts, express the belief that the interests of the they are to separate those whom God has separated. South woultl be more effectually protected by a Why do the abolitionists oppose colonization? T'o separation of the slave from the non-slaveholdkeep and amalgamate together the two races, in ing States, and, therefore, rather promote than violation of God's will, and to keep the blacks here, interpose to prevent a result so calarritotts. We that they may interfere with, degrade, and debase h:ve hitherto disregarded the d.innmer which the laboring whites. Show that the British Gov- such a state of feeling and such a coarse of aceminent is co-operating with the abolitionists for indicate as most i t, bease the purpose of dissolving the Union, &c. You can we have assumed that such sentin ts and acmake a powerful article that will be felt in every extremity of the Union. I am perfectly satisfied tion colll only be attributed to a smal minority it will do great good, Let me hear from you on of our Northern brethren. But now, when this this sub~j~ect, sectional exasperation has been made available for the insuguration of a party callino itself HENRY CLAY. Republican, under whose banner, for the first inme in the history of the country, this sectional principles of that good old Whig party to which opposition, to Southern rights and interests have we are still attached, and which has been aban-'united. in nominating, with alleged probabilities doned by Mr. Fillmore. It is not my object in of success, a purely sectional ticket for the Pres- referring to these facts to deny to the American idency and Vice Presidency of the United States, party, since the secession of its abolition adhewe can no longer shut our eyes to the reality of rents, a fair claim to nationality; nor to deny the threatening danger; we cannot but feel that the patriotism and virtue of Mr. Fillmore, not, the success of such a party would be the death his eminent qualifieation for the office of Chief knell of the Union. The unpatriotic purposes Magistrate. But I do deduce from them the of this sectional party are but too manifest. necessary conclusion that as Whigs, we owe no Many of its supporters avow their object and party allegiance to Messrs. Fillmore an(l Donelpurpose to be disunion, and have even gone so son, members and nominees of' the American far in the madness of their fanaticism as to dese- party. I deduce the conclusion that, as Whiis, crate the flag of our country by obliterating we are not only at liberty, but that as patriots from its constellation the fifteen stars which rep- we are bound,by every obligation to our country recent the slaveholding States, and displaying as and posterity, to throw aside, on the one hand, their partyj banner that flag with but sixteen of its the feelings of hostility which Mr. Fillmore's stars remaining to represent the sixteen non- desertion of our party would be calculated to slaveholding States. It is manifest that those engender, and, on the other hand, to forget fbor -who disavow the object are not ignorant of the the time our former battles with the Democratic inevitable result, party, and to ask ourselves but one question — The Whigs of Maryland whom I have the which of the two national organizations offers the honor toadd ress, need no proof to convince them best gutarantee of success in crushing out of' existhat calamitous consequences would flow from tence this new and monstrous sectional party the success of this sectional party. They each which threatens the life of your country? I do and all know that the election of Mr. Fremont, not propose to examine the relative claims of the and the administration of the Government by two national parties or their nominees to our him upon the principles of his party, would ne- support. It is not, in my judgment, permissable cessarily occasion a dissolution of the Federal in the present crisis to interpose our individual Union, to which they have been taught to look as differences of opinion upon minor quetions. It the source of national strength and of individual is sufficient for us to know that the election of prosperity and happiness. either national nominee would secure the Union; I have known the Whigs of mv State too long. and the only question permitted by patriotism I estimate their patriotism too highly, I have is, whether our support of the one or the other associated with them too intimately, to suppose would more certainly prove successful. it necessary for a moment to offer an argument to them in behalf of their country. They appre- But before I proceed to this inquiry, having ciate, as fully as I could depict, the horrors of shown that no political allegiance to Messrs. disunion: they will see the loss of national Fillmore and Donelson will interpose to prevent strength, the' internal dissentions, the fatal check the fair exercise of our judgment on that side, 1 to civilization and freedom, the contempt of the propose briefly to inquire whether there is anyworld which would be the consequences of such thing to prevent our support of the Democratic a calamity. The Whigs of Maryland, who nominees, if after investigation, we shall believe have followed the lead of such patriots as Clay that our vote in their favor would more certainly and Webster, "will never keep step to any other secure the safety of our country. It cannot have music than that of the Union." escaped your observation that the political prinIt, therefore, only remains to inquire what ciples upon which the Whig and Democratic course shall be taken to rebuke sectional fanati- parties have battled for thirty years, with varied cism and preserve our country from the dangers s;uccess, have been for the most part settled by of its success. the fiat of the people, and that such as have not You are aware that this Republican party, been so definitely disposed of have been either which we all-agree must be put down at all abandoned -by the one or adopted by the other hazards, is opposed by two other party organi- of those parties; so that now the representatives zations: the'American, headed by Messrs. Fill.. of the people in the halls of State and Federal more and Donelson, and the Democratic, led on legislation are found indiscriminately advocating by Messrs. Buchanan and Breckinridge. You and opposing the same principles and measures. will recollect that Mr. Fillmore, prior to his re Not only is there no principle of political antagcent visit to Europe, abandond the Whig party onism which should prevent Whigs and Demo. and became a member of the former of these crats acting together for the benefit of their comnorganizations, which boasted that it had risen mon country, but it is confidently submitted that upon the downfall of the Whig party, and which upon the only vital question, that which now proclaimed that the corruptions of the Whig and agitates and endangers the country, the two Democratic parties constituted the necessity of parties fully accord. The Whig and Democratic its existence. You know that he and Andrew platforms upon the slavery question in eighteen Jackson Donelsbn have been nominated by this hundred and fifty-,two were identical; and there party (not by the Whig party,) for the Presiden- being no Whig nominees before the people, it cy and Vice Presidency, and you will admit that might be suggested that consistency wouldl ratier the principles of proscription because of religious require than oppose the support of the Demoopinions, and other repudiated tenets of this cratic nominees by Whigs. The controlling innew.party, are in,direct antagonism with the quiry to the patriot now recurs, which of the to .naftioiat orgautiatios catn by his vots be n made most political fabric'wvuld be shaken to its very founcertainly ssuccessful? I dations by this election of President being th rown Every Maryland Whig will be bound by every upon the present House of Representatives 1 On tie of' duty to vote as his judgment shall decide the other hand, it is not certain beyond the continthis question. gency of a doubt. that the vote of the States inIt may not be immaterial to observe that dicated for Mr. Buchanan, when ad(ded to that neither of the national nominees will obtain of the other Southern States, would secure his throughout this broad land any votes which will election and the consequent safety of the Union' not be cast tv national conservative citizens. It is obvious tnat in this condition of the canvass and it is to be regretted that in this crisis that the only serious contest is that between Fremont vote should be divided between two national can.- and Buchanan; that the only possible result that didates whilst the entire anti-national vote will the most sanguine of the friends of Fillmore and be concentrated upon the sectional nominee. Donelson cati hope to obtain is to carry the cotiTo judge of the relative strength of the two test into the House of Representatives. Who national organizations it is unnecessary to trace can conceive any thing more fatal to the peace of minutely the origin of the Americahi party. It the country, more insane in political action, than is sufficient to bring to your recollection that it such a course of conduct leading to such a rewas originally composed, North and South, of suit. bStppose Mr Fillmore to reach the House the dissatisfie(t members of the two parties, and of Representatives with the votes of four or five that in the North its original members were States, (his utmost possible strength,) no man chiefly those who opposed the conservative prin.. ('an seriously contend that he would be elected ciple upon the slavery question avowed in the President, and assuredly few will be found bold platforms of the two old parties. It must not es- enough to assert that, under such circumstances, cap, your recollection that upon the nomination he ought to be. The only effect, then, of giving of Messrs. Filltnore and Donelson a large major — the electoral vote of any portion of the South to ity of the Northern delegates seceded from the Mr. Fillmore would be to transfer the contest Convention, declared their intention not to sup.. between Mr. Buchanan and Fremont from the port those nominees. and subsequently united in hustings to the House of Representatives; and the nomination of Mr. Fremont. This separa- thedangertoourcountry, now sufficiently nenaction of the sectional from the national portion of in, would, in that event, be appalling indeed. the American party has occurred in every North.- Who can contemplate the occurrence of such a ern State in the Confederacy. I deduce from these contingency wit hout feeling that he would be a facts the nationality of the supporters of Messrs. traitor to his country if he failed to exert every Fillmore and Donelson, and I submit the inquiry possible effort to avert so awful a calamity? for the honest decision of those to whom this I dleem it, then, to be my duty, as well as that paper is addressed, what non-slave-holding State of all who believe with me that the election of can this national branch of the American partv, Fremont would be the death-knell of the Union, thus shorn of the larger portion of its original to unite in the support of Messrs. Buchanan and strength, promise its nominees? Let the Whigs ol Breckinridge; and I shall sustain their election Maryland ponder upon the view of this subject 1 to the best of my ability. Whilst I concede that have endeavored to present totheir consideration, there are certain principles hitherto professed by and no one of them will say that a single non- the party which nominated them that cannot reslave-holding State is certain for Fillmore and ceive our support, yet on the great issues of the Donelson. Time, Ithink, will develop the fact constitutional rights of the South, the platform that Messrs. Fiilmore and Donelson will be let' on which they stand meets my cordial approval, without an electoral ticket in most of the free and is in accordance with that ofthe patty which States, and it isat any rate the deliberate convic- I now address, and to whose kind favor I owe tion of myjudgment that they will notearry asin- the honor of holding the seat I now occupy, and ale non-slaveholdting State in the Union. If I which 1 shall cease to hold after the 4th of am right, or even approximate the truth ite the March next by the fiat of that party to which view I have taken, it will necessarily follow that Mr. Filllnore has attached himself, and which is any conservative vote for the American nominee now dominant in the Legislature of mny native North will be equivalent to a vote for Mr. Fre- State. tmont, as it will be a vote taken firom Mr. Let Maryland Whigs remember that the politBuchanan, his only real competitor. ical battle now being fought is one of the deepIt is clear, then, that to the South alone can est interest to them; that the maintenance of the friends of Messrs. Fillmore and Donelson the constitutional rights of the South is the issue lookc t or the pro)bable chance of an electoral vote; tendered to the American people by the Demoand it is lo the States of' Maryland, Tennessee, cratic party, and (as the Whigs have no candiKentucky and Missouri that they profess to look date) by that party alone; that upon this issue with th, greatest hope of success, It is manifest the Republican party have staked the Union,and that if this hope were realized, it might indeed in such a battle, upon such an issue, they must prevent the election of Messrs. Buchanan and be true to those who are doing battle in our beBreckinridlge by the people, but it would only half. It would be indeed sad. if, in such a conthrow the election of President into the present test, the conservative strength of the country iotse of Representatives, composed as that House should not be united: it would be as strange as now is. Does not the election of this same sad, if, in such a contest, Southern men should H-ouse, after a contest of two tnonths, of a Black not be found battling shoulder to.shoulder for the Republican Speaker admonish us of the danger maintenance of their own constitutional rights. ofgeh an experiment. Who can doubt that our In thus accomplishing what 1 believe to be a 1( duty, T shall be inexpressibly gratified if I shall thought it wvas, he would prefer it over all others, find myself sustained by the approval of my fel- He had, too, been an ardent amirer of Mr. Filllow Whigs, who have refused to abandon either more personally, and if he could regard him l)ow the party or the principles in support of which as he formerly had, he would perhaps prefer hinm we snall remain at perfect liberty to reorganize for the high office which he once filled, over all:as soon as our common efforts shall have suc- others. But he had changed. The painful conceeded in averting the perils that now threaten clusion had been forced upon him that Mr. Fillour beloved country. more was not now what he had been. He had THOMAlAS G~. PRATT. hbecome a member of a secret political organization, dangerous in its tendency, destructive of the freedom of political opinion, and at war with.____ G. —---- - the theory of man's capacity for self-government -an organization proscriptive in its character and intolerant of religious freedom, which en81?BE4I H OF HON. JX0. W. CRISFIELD. forced its jesuitical policy by oaths not authorzed by law and demoralizing in their tendency, He is, as we are informed, "a mnem!-er in cood standing of Council No. 177," in western New MIR. CRISMFELD, after acknowledging the com- York. If this be so, as few will doubt, it is a sad[ plitnent their presence and call implied, which, truth. Its discovery (crim-oned his cheek with he said, was as unexpected as it was unmerited, shame. In allowing himself to be placed in this and expressing his thanks, proceeded, in sub- position, Mr. Fillmore has been unjust to himstance to say: That they all knew his a,,tece- self, and reckless of his own fame. But this is dents; that it was well known he hIad always not all; lie has unwhigged himself; he has bobeen a Whig, and under all circumstances, as come a.menmber of an organization which boasts well in the darkest hours of defeat as in the hour of having arisen upon the ruins, and in spite of of triumph, had stood under the banner of tha the opposition, ofthe Whi party, and proclaims, party, proud to do battle in its support. He had in its well considered confession of faith, that it done so, because the leading principles of that is not responsible for the obnoxious errors and party and the doctrines it proclaimed were just violated pledges of that party. He consolrls with and patriotic, and had the unqualified approval Andrew Jackson Donelson, the (lefamLer of his of hi.s heart an(t judgmnent. These principles, Administration and thereviler of the Whig parin his opinion, so just, so conservative, so con- tv, a Democrat of the stamp most odious to sistent with the Constitution, had been so long Whigs; and he now demands of us, as Wnigs, cherished, and so ardently loved, that he could our SUpport of this extraordinary and anomalous no more shake them off or change them than he association. At this moment he is carrying the could change his opinions of religion or of mor- banner of those who conspired for the dlestrueals. And he felt sure that no one expected hin tion of the Whig party. With these laets before to do it. He reavowed them, and declared that him, he could not recognize Mr. FPllmore as a as they had been the rulers of his political con- Wlhig; he had disrobed himself of that title; he duct in the past, so they would be in the future, is an alien from the fold, and had not a shadow whenever, from the state of parties and the con- of a clairn, based on old party ass.ociations, to the dition of the country, those principles should be support of the few who still remain constant to in issue. But unfortunately that was not now; the ancient faith. the Whig party was not a party to this fight; But if he were willing, in consideration of his:W~hig principles are not in issue; and Whiag services, to overlook these serious objections to candidates were not, and would not be in the Mr. Fillnmore, he could not support hilm without field. New parties had been formed, new issues alsosupporting Mr. Donelson. The two are inhad been joined, and upon these all Southern dissolubly blended; and he would not vote for men could stand side by side. The real contest iMr. Donelson. He had not a single qualificanow was between Southern rights and Northern tion to recomrnend hini for the high place for fanaticism. In this state of circumstances, he which he is nominated; and to old Whigs, he is felt it to be his solemn duty to lay aside ancient perhaps the most objectionable man wno could prejudices, and fraternize with that party now be named. For his own part, he was not willorganized, and in the field, which in his judg- ing to vote for any man for Vice President ment, offers the best guarantee of its own success whom he would be unwilling to trust as Presiand of safety for our national and domestic in- dent. He had not forgotten the blasted fruits stitutions; and in the performance of this duty, of the Whig triumph of 1810. Who would be after dispassionately examining the whole sub- willing to see Mr. Donelson President' No one, ject, he hadl come to the determination now for he would venture to say; and yet, if the Fillthe first time publicly announced, to give his more ticket prevails, he may, and probably will, support-his cordial ard energetic support —to be. Twice have the Whigs carried the Presithe nominees of the Cincinnati Conrvention. dlential election, and on both occasions, scarcely Mr. C. said he would briefly assign some -of had the shout of triumph ceased to re-echo before the reasons which had brought him to this deter- they were called upon to mourn the death of mination. their President. What right have we to calcnlie could not support Mr. Fillmore. He was late upon exemption from a like calamity in the a supporter of his administration; he thought it next Presidential term' What guarantee have one of the purest and best which had transpired we that Mr. Fillmore will not also be taken? in his time; and if it could be restoied, ags he anld it he should be, who is nat appalled at the, idea of the duties of that high station devolving into the Union unless they repudiate slavery. on Mr. Donelson. Who does not tremble at That these measures would follow the election the thought of entrusting him with the whole of Fremont hie had no doubt; and when they power of this Government; of placing in his (lid, the Union would,and ought to be, dissolved. hands its army and its navy; of committing to These measures, and each of them, negative imhis management its foreign policy; and of leav- portant provisions of the Constitution inserted ing to his charge the settlement of the perilous for the security of the South, and if persisted in questions of domestic policy which at this mo- are just grounds of separation. ment are rudely agitating the Union of these Fellow citizens, do you appreciate the dangers States, and threatening dissolution? He could which encompass you? He feared we were on not vote for Mr. Donelson; and if any one should the verge of dissolution Gloom and apprehentwit him fior supporting MIr. Buchanan because sion shroud the fututre; our very existence as a he is a Democrat, Mr. C. would just reminid him nation-as one united people-in all probability that Mr. Donelson, also, is a Democrat, with the depends upon the result of this election. Our1 stain of Know-nothingism and incapacity super- institutions are assailed in their most vulnerable added. part. The torch of the incendiary is blazing; But if he waved these considerations, there the citadel of the Union is besieged; and this is were other reasons, still more conclusive, which no time for the garrison to be wasting the time obliged him at this crisis to give his support to and strength, which should be given to the comMr. Buchanan. The contest in which we are mon enemy, in the indulgence of old antipathies ensaged, unhappily, is a contest between the and vain disputes; but regardless of the past, and North and the Sonth-between abolitionismn and with patriotic devotion, sacrificing, on the altar free-soilism on the one.side, and the preserva- of our conmmon country our ancient prejuilices tion of southern rights and the Union on the and preferences, we should rally under the standother. This was the real issue, and he might ard of that leader who give the best assuratice of say the only issue now to be decided-and one his ability to preserve the common safety.' of more overwhelming importance was never If we concede Mr. Filltnore's entire nationapresented for decision to the American people. lily, and that, if elected, his energies would be On the one side(,we find the Republicans, led on devoted in good faith to preserve the Union, and by Mr. Frernont, sustaining the ultia northern quell all sectional discord, what assurance have viewv. The objects of this party are unmistaka- tve that he can be elected? Doles any one bebl'e; they are humiliating to the South, and de- lieve that he can be. He who thinks he can be structive of' her con.stitutional rights and material is blind to the signs of the times. Mr. C knew interests. The Republicans deny to her her just very well that in certain quarters studied etiorts share of political power; negative those consti- had been made to produce the impression that tutional guarantees which were intended for pi'o- his election was certain, and it is quite possible tection, and without which she would never have that there are those whose vision does not reach entered the Union. And. is there no danger thai beyond the narrow horizon of Somerset, or even they may triumph 3 Already have they obtain- of the State of Maryland, who may think:so; ed control of nearly every State legislature north but the man who comprehends within his view of Mason and Dixon's line; they have a ma- the whole country, and the present state of parjority in the House of Representatives, which Lies, who has observed for the last half-year the elects the President in case of the failure of the varied and manifold indications of popular senpeople to elect; and to.preside over the deliber- timent, and is famrilar with the spirit of the attons ofthat body, they have elected Mr. Banks, American press, anid can think there is the rewho boldly avows, that sooner than abolition Inotest probability of the election of Mr. Fillmore and free-soil measures should fail, he would "let by the people, has become insensible to evtdence. the Union slide." The people of the Free States, Where is hie to get the votes? He is the nonmiburning with fanaticismn, inflated by these suc- iee of the American party, which, if it was even cesses, and heedless of constitutional restraints a national party, has long since ceased to be so and of consequences, are madly rushing into the by the defection of its own members. A large Republican ranks with a unanimity hitherto, mortion of the members from the free States of witho)ut example; and it may well be feared the convention which nominated him at that that even the united energies of all southern met iime seceded, and went over to the Republicans; and the conservatives of every section may be tnd from that time to this the work of secession too feeble to reist the overwhelming power. has been going on, until now it may be truth..The Union trembles under the blows of this see- tully affirmed that the American pat ty, distinct tional strife; God grant that the fearful catas Irom, and unconnected with, the Rlepublicans, trophe of its dissolution tnay be averted! The nas ceased to exist in those States. True, indi. election. of Fremont would be its dleath-knell vidual members remaint firm; but, as a party, If his supporters are strong enough to elect him. capatble any where in those States, unless it be they are also strong enough to consunimate their in the city of New York, of effecting anything, designs ofsectional aggrandizement and sou.thern it does-not exist. Nor can he expect any imports humiliationl; and in spite of the Constitution int aid in those States from other parties. The they will assume the power of Congress to legis- Whig party there, for the most part, lost itself in late our Slavery in the Territories of the United Americanism, and as part of the American party States; they will exclude the South from its tias gone over to the Republicans. Except just rights in the national domain, abolish, sla- Choate and Winthrop, and probably Everett, of very in the District of Columbia, repeal the fugi- Massachusetts, he could not name a Whig of tive slave bill and refuse to admit new States.New England, of national reputation, who was 12 not now a Republican. Even the most active and it requires but sixteen to elect. Starting and able supporters of Mr. Fillmore's adminis- with this immense odds in his favor, and with tration have enlisted in the Republican ranks. the patronage of the government at his disposal, Dayton, of New Jersey, is the Republican can- in the event of success, his friends will have no didate for Vice President; Collarner, of Ver- dithculty in procuring the additional votes remont, i the chosen advocate of Republicanism quired. He considered, then, all votes given for in the United States Senate, arid Corwin, of Fillmore for the purpose of defeating the elecOhio, his Secretary of the Treasury, is stumping tiot by the people, and of throwing it into the Indiana for Fiemont; and the same may be said House, as votes given to promote Fremonl's of many others of like stamp. election; and that those who, under existing cicIn the free States nearly every Whig of na- cumstances, and with such an object, cast their tional reputation may now be found among the votes, are unfrienllv to the South, and respon:tRepublicans. The legislatures of those States ble for all the consequences which may follcw. are either Republican or Democratic-not Fill- If the friends of Mr. Fillmore could reasonamore Americans; in the House of Representa- bly calculate on his election. or it the contest tatives there are scarcely enough members from was between him and Buchanan. he would have the free States who favor Mr. Fillmore's election nothing to say. He should vote in silence acto fill the cabinet appointments, even if they were cording to his convictions of pro,priety, feeling of the right material; and if there is one mem- assured that, whether the one or the other sucber from those Slates in the Senate of the United ceeded, the substantial itterests if the countryStates who favors his election, Mr. C. could not above all, the safety of the Union-would be name hirn. Of the anti-democratic press of those preserved. But the co(ntest is not between them; States the same may be said. Out of 91 anti-de- and his being in the field, at least in the Southmocralic journals from the tree States which ex- ern States, can be productive of mischief only. change with the New York Herald, 78, as we While the Freesoil interests are all combined learn from that paper, are for Frernont, and 11 and combining, the South presents a divided for Fillmore and 2 for Buchanan. Shut thei- front; defeat and humiliation are the certain eyes, as the friends of Mr. Fillmnore may, the consequences of these tactics, if persevered in. fact is nevertheless true that the whole North The real contest is between Mr. Buehatina and and West are either Republican or Democratic; Mr. Fretnmont; one or the other of these must and no reasonable grotund exists justifying the succeed; and, as between them, he held it to be belief that he can get a single electoral vote in th- the duty of every Union-loving man-of every free States, unless it be in California, of which man who cherished the honor of the South, aind he did not pretend to speak. These States will dlesired her to be preserved in the enjoyment of vote for Buchanan or Frenmont. Mr. C. greatly her constitutional riahts and authority-to give feared a mnajorily of them would go for the the formeracheerful and unreserved supp{ort. latter. In the South, Mr. Fillmore may do bet- For one, lie intended to do it. The ground Mr. ter. His friends last year carried Delaware, Buchanan occupied on this great question was Marvland and Kentucky; if these be accorded the true, constitutional and only safe ground; it to him now, they will noit elect him. Can he corresponded with Mr. C's long-chelished and get any more! Few, if any, think he cans but Ift.repeated opinions; and he should be false to suppose he gets Tetnessee, Nor'h Carolina and those opinions it' he hesitated, at this time, ii Louisiana-and his most sanguine friend- claimn iving him and them his support. He thought no more in tlhe South-still he is greatly in the that the duty of all, Southern men especially. He minority. Then, he cannot be elected by the regretted that many of those with whom he had popular vote; and every vote thrown for him lng acted, his cherished and faniiliar friends, with that view, is a vote thrown away. But thought differently; he regretted not to see them votes for him may have a different and ver, around him to-night, and hear their familiar mischievous effect. If he carries the States re- voices cheering him onward-the separation ferred to, or even a considerable portion of them pained him. He concedled to them an equal dteno election probaltly will be effected by the peo-. 5ree of intelligence and patriotism whib h he pie, and the election will be referred to the House claimed foir himnsel f; and could only rezret that of Representatives. Will that benefit him' they would not think with him. He believed he Certainly not. His strength in that House is was right, he knew he was sincere, and he should the Fuller squad; which after a two months; act up to his duty, painful thouth it be. Pcssistruggle could not get a Speaker. But in a Pre- bly he might be denounced; better men had been sidential election, when the vote is cast by States. dlenounced, and he knew of no reason why he it would have even less effective strength, fioi,ught to expect exemption; but he,hould not they are in the majority in three Siates only, hesitate or falter,.he should act up to his princi(Delaware, Maryland and Kentuckv,) which ples, and. according to his sense of duty, in the would give him three votes only. Then it i-, face of all denunciation. He was not afraid to equally certain that he cannot be elected by thle ito his duly. [le would leave consequences to House. If it goes to the House, Fremont wilt take care of themselves. be elected, or there will be no election. The Mr. Crisfield, after having told an anecdote Republicans were strong enough to elect Banks illustrative of his own'position again tendered Speaker; and is there any reasonable ground to his thanks to the audience, bid themn good night, doubt their ability to elect Fremont President? and retired. They have, it is feared, already fourteen States, $SPREECRI: OF 3AM~ES~ B. CLAYS9, E]Early in the last year, feilow-citizens, it was apparent to all men that the Whig tartly, as an 1IELIVERED AT THE UNION MEETING IN organized party, was gone. The see(isof its fall MASON-COUNTY, KENTUCKY. were sown in. 1840, when the plume ot'f a military chieftain was permitted to dazzle men's eves. Mr. Clay beingcalled for was introduced to the But in 1848, when adopting the doctrine that assemrnblae as an Old-Line Whig, and said: availability and success were rather to he looked Ladies and Genltlemnen, Fellow-Citizens of JMason to than right, in lieu of the noble idea that it was County: I present myself before you on this better to be right than be President, the Convenoccaion under circumstances peculiar and ex- lion of Philadelphia set the seal upon the late of traordinary. A candidate for no office in the the party. Refusing to reassert a platform of gift of the people, in bad health, I have left my Whig principles, it selected General Taylor as home and my occupation as an humble, plain far- its candidate for the Presidencyv upon the single mer, at the request of those in whose names I re- idea of his availaibility. The hand writing was ccgnize old Whigs and Democrats, to come here as plainly upon the wall as at Belhazzar's feast. to-lay to cast in my mite and to strike one blow The Whig party broken up, disorganized, and for the Union. In all this vast assemblage there apparently hopelessly so, Old Line W higs began are perhaps not rmore than half a dozen persons to ask themselves the question which once the who have ever seen me before, and not that num immortal Sage of Ma rshfield propounded himself, bet with whom I have the least personal acquain- ", Where am I to go?" Rumors came to -as of a rance. You have all of you, however, heard party which was said already to have attained my name; and all of you have heard the vilest vast strength, even while many doubted its very charges made against me, designed and calcula- existence. Srcret and mysterious, it was reted to destroy whatever little influence I mighl peated, like Minerva from the brain of Jove, to happen to possess as an individual, and to take have sprung fotth fully armed. Its purposes from me the confidence and respect of my fellow were said to be the introduction of a purer and men. I have been denounced as false to the better state of things in politics, and the good memoiry of my father, and as a renegade to his only of the country. principles. Fellow-citizens, I was born within Seeing manyof ny old Whig associates attachstone s throw of the Capitol, in the very house ing themselves to it, I was told it was but Whigin which my father died. Educated under his gery in tlisguise, and thatit only differed fiumthe care, the same shades of Ashland in which he so old Whig party in seeking a modification of the much delighted, and under which he had some naturalization laws. I had myself always of his noblest inspirati~on, gave shelter to tne in ihought that some modification ought to be made my youthlul (lays. I thank God that, by my own of those laws, and that greater safeguards ought exertions, I have been able to preserve that spot to be placed around the elective franchise. I in his fatnily. In my more mature manhood I was told that its secrecy, which was abhorrent was the companion, the partner, the trusted to my nature, wasonly to continue until the parfriend of my father. Thus etlucated and thus as- ty got fairly underweigh, when everything would sociated, to be a Whig became a part of my be made open and public. Deceived by men in. nature. I am now a Whig; and I expect to die whom I had every confidence, I thought it to be a Whig, as 1 have lived. my duty to join this new party. I presented mnyFellow-citizens you have heard the charges self for admission into the order. Do not be deandt calumnties against me. I am now before ceived-I did not get in. The first questions you, face to l'face, and you can judge for your- that were propounded to me astounded and selves whether I have the countenance ofa false startled me. They were in substance these; I and insincere man. There is not one drop ot do not pretend to quotethe very words: Witere false blood coursing through my veins.'Num- was I born. The place of my residence? Was bers of you here present are old enough to re- I twernty-one years of age? Was I a Roman member the River Raisin, and that bloody day, Catholic? Were my parents Protestant Was when all Kentuckey was clothed in mourning my wife a Roman Carholic? Was 1 willing to One of rnty race, onl that disastrqus occasion, pour- oppose for all offices of honor, trutst or profit in ed out his life's blood for his country. All of the gift of the people, all foreigners and Rotanl you have heard of Buena Vista, and how my no- Catholics? ble brother, covered with a hundred wounds, Fellow. citizens, I am not telling you untruths. upon his back, surrounded by enemies, so long I declare to you upon my honor, and in the piesas hit. feeble arm could raise his sword, tattled ence of' God, that I believe these to be substanti-:for the honor and glory of the Union and of his ally the queslions which were proposed to me; native Kentucky. None of you can have forgot- and I appeal to those members of' the so called ten that funeral cortege, which, leaving Wash- American party, who may be present, to answer ington City, passing through half the Union, ar- whether I have not stated truly the ubligaiions rived at Ashland, amid the nation's tears and under which they placed themselves in the early grief —a patriot was brought home to be laid un- part of 1855, whatever may now be the doctrines de1r the green sod of the land which had so hon. of their party, which I do not pretend to know. qorse him, and upon which he had reflected so I do not expect them to answer me, but I do exsauc!h honor. Felluw-citizens, this is my race- pect them, when they go to their own homes, to these were my people-and with their memories make answer to their own conscieinces whether always presentand clustering around me, I ap- I have not spoken the truth. Shocked and peal to you to know whether it is possible for me startled, I requested the presiding officer to read. Ip be false or insincere. again the obligation against foreigners and Caths 14 olics. It was done, and an attempt made to ex- would htave followed it always, and I always explain away the ftrce of the clear meaning of the pect to maintain Whig principles. Like an elowords of the obligation. I observed that I had quent Old-Line Whig of Missouri, now acting been mistaken and deceived as to the purposes of with the Democrats, "I have surveyed the whole the party, or my shadow would never have dark- battlefield,bnt I find no Whig banner underwhich ened their door. I took my hat and wished them to fight." Like him, I am forced to the convicgood morning. tion that the old Whig flag lies furled upon the Fellow-citizens, there was once in the middle tomb of my father. ages a political society in Europe, and especially Fellow-citizens, the country is in danger. In in Germany, called the lluminati; o mne of it, 1820 our wisest and best statesmen told us there practices was that when an individual became was great danger from the question of slavery. partially or fully initiated, and afterward disclo- For the purpose of putting it at rest the so called sed any of its secrets, two alternatives were Missouri Compromise was made, but it did not offered to the wretched victim —a cotrd and a dag-,eltle the question. Again, in 1819-50, it raised ger were secretly placed by his bed-side, and he its horrid front. Fortunately for the country, at might either hang himself or put himself to death that time there were then at Washington, tien with the dagger; if he chose neither of the de- of giant race, who could see and appreciate the ]ightf'ul alternatives, his nearest relation, even danger, and warn the country of it. Do you not his own brother, if a member of the society, was recollect how the black cloud sat like a leaden. bound to take his life. Fellow-citizens, all secret pall upon the hearts of men —how the bravest political societies are alike. In this age, since trembled for the Union? Do you not retnember letters and the press are come about, the cord and with what anxiety all eyes were turned to Washthe dagaer are no longer used; a venal press ington —with what trembling eagerness you aff,,rds a far more potent weapon and more vin- listened forevery scrap of news? At last the tidictive punishmellt. By falsehood, by calumny, dings came that the Compromise measures of by libel and detraction, not only may the heart 1850 had been passed, although in detail. Have of the victim himself be torn in pieces, but the feel- you forgotten the rejoicings throughout the whole ings of his wife, his mother, his children, of his land' How the bells rung, and the glad shouts whole family are reached and lacerated for went up to Heaven in gratitude that the country vengeance sake. Fellow-citizens, such persecu- was safe? How vain and how utile were the tion I myself have undergone, and you know it. hopes of the best and wisest of men. Scarcely I could not reconcile it to my conscience to be- are some of the principal actors in those noble come a Know-Nothing, because I believed the scenes cold in their graves, when again the black principles of the party to be antagonistic to civtl cloud is upon us. The country is in danger. and religious liberty, and dangerous to our re- The Black Republicans of the North, deterllllned publican instltutions. Throwing out a banner to carry out their designs against the South at all inscribed, "Americans only shall rule America,' hazards, and at every risk, have nomninated they appeared to me like the vailed Prophet of purely sectional candidates for the Ptesidency Ih(orassan, who, concealing his horrible visage and Vice Presidency. North against Southbehind a silver vail, erected shrines union or disunion-this is the question now be"Where faith may mutter o'er her mystic spell, fore you, and you cannot avoid it. It is not I Written in blood, anid bigotry umay swell, alone who tells you so. Americans, as you The sail hlie spreads for Heaven with blasts from Hell." choose to call yourselves Old-Line Whigs, it is I could not become a Know-Nothing-"where Mr. Fillmore also who tells you so. Hear what shall I go?" Fellow citizens, I turned my he says in his Albany speech, recently delivered thoughts back to the old party of my father. I -a speech so patriotic and honorable-to him. knew its principles to be true; some of its prac- "Sir, you have been pleased to say that I have tices had been bad; but I believed its principies, the union of these States at heart. This, sir, is once true, they must always be so, for truth can- most true, for if thete be one object dearer to me not die. They told me that the party was dead, than any other, it is the unity, prosperity and but I believed that the party was only after gloryofthis great Republic; and I confess frankthe death -that the resurrection could come. In ly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I say nothing concert with some of my Whig brethren, we de- of any particularsection, much less of the several termined to strive after its resurrection. There candidates before the people. I presume they was no meeting calling itself Whig in all my re- are all honorable men. But, sir, what do we gion of country, which I did not attend. There see. An exasperated feeling, between the North was no Convention at which I was not present. and South, on the mos-t excititng of all topics, reEverv effort to resuscitate the old party, which sulting in bloodshed and organized military could be made was made. The result was the array. Convention at Louisville on the 3rd of July. It "But this is not all, sir. We see a political was then resolved to be inexpedient to present party presenting candidates for the Presidency Whig candidates for the highest offices for the and Vice Presidency, selected for the first time muffrages of the people; and it was determined from the free States alone, wtth the avowed purthat, having asserted our old principles, it was pose of electing these candidates by the sufirages proper that each individual should be left free to ctf one part of the Union only to rule over the make his own choice according to his own con- whole United States. Can it be possible that sctience and his own principles, for the good of those who are engaged in such a measure, could his country. haveseriously reflected upon the consequences Fellow-citizens, I have followed the Whig which must inevitably follow in case of success standard so long as it flatterced in the. breeze, I [Cheere.d Can they have the madness or folly to believe that our Southern brethren would sub- full of protestations of love for his country, and mit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate 2 ftr the memory of my dead father, cannot lay [Cheers ] Would he be required to follow the his personal prejudices and predilections upon rule prescribed by those who elected him in the altar, a willing sacrifice for the salvation of making his appointments? If a man living south his countrv. of Mason anti Dixon,'s line, be not worthy to be How are we to defeat Fremont X We cannot President or Vice President, would it be proper elect both his opponents. Neither of themto select one firom the same quarter as one of his neither Mr. Fillmore nor Mr. Buchanan-is preCabinet Council, or to represent the nation in a sented fir the suffrage of Old-Line Whigs, upon foreign country. Or, indeed, tocollect the rev- a pure Whig platform. There are prin(ciles enue,,radmioisterthelawtsofthe United States? avowed and maintained by both the parties of If' not, w hat new rule is the President to adopt in which they are representatives, which we do not selecting men for office approve. It is necessary for us tochoose between'These are serious, but practical questions, them, whichever is most likely to defeat the and in order to appreciate them fully, it is only Black-Republican candidate; and in making the necessary to tuin the tables upton ourselves. choice it is not necessary for us to indorse or to Suppose that the South, having a majority of the give in our adhesion to the principles which electoral votes,'hould declare that they would either represent. I believe that the Union would only have alaveholders for President and Vice be safe with either; and it is our duty to save' President, and shuld elect such by their exclu the Union if we can. The question for ius is sive sufirages to rule over us at the North. do yon resolved into a mere question of chances, which think we wouldsubmit to it? No, not for a mo- is the most likelv to succeed according to our ment. [Applause.] And do you believe that best light, Mr. Fillmore or Mr. Buchanan? your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this Fellow-citizens, I have made my choice, subject than you are, or less jealous of their Looking over the whole country, not confining righis? [Tremendous cheering.] If you do, my view to my own State, or to imy own locality, let me tell you that you are imistaken. And, not suffering myself to be influenced by partisan thereffore, you must see that if this sectional party journals or by partisan orators-I amn deliberately succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction ot' convinced that Mr. Fillmore has not the least' this beautiful fabric, reared by our firef'athers, c.hance of success, and that if it be at all possible to ceinented by their blood, and bequeathed to us defeat Fremont, the Democratic party, with their as a priceless inheritance. candidates Buchanan and Breckinridge, with the "1 tell you, my ftiends, that I speak warmly on aid of the Union-loving Old-line W higs, is the onthis subject, for I feel that we are in danmger. 1 lyparty which hastheleastchancetodo o Show am determined to make a clean breast ot it. 1 me a State certain or nearly ce tain for Fillmore, will wash my hands oft the consequences, what- and I will show you two for Buchanan. I hold in ever they may be; and I tell you that we are my hand authentic results of the last elections, treadling upon the brink of o volcano that is 1ha- from which alone we can form reliable concluble at any moment to burst forth and overwhelm sions. From these it appears that, while twelve the nation. I might by soft words hold out delu- of the Southern States are almost certain for Busive hopes, and thereby win votes, but I never chanan, Mr. Fillmore has, at the best, hut dolibtcan consent to be one thing to the North and fulchances forthe remaining three. Thus, Mr. another to the South. I should despise myself Buchanan presents himself with almost the whole if i could be guilty of such evasion." South in solid phalanx. At the North his count I believe every word that Mr. Fillmore says. of'States is to the full as aood, and in my opinion.As surely as the sun shines the eountry is in da,,ger. much better, than Mr. Fillmore's; besides, we I ha, e a high respect for Mr. Fillmore, and if he Whigs know well, and toour cost the wonderful stood precisely where he did in 1850, 1 should pre- -tenacity of the Democratic party-how it has fer him to any man for the Presidency. Even as held together and had success when we most it Is, personally I prefer him to either of the other confidentially expected its defeat. candidates. But,.fellow-citizens, there is no( 1 know, fellow-whigs, how difficult it is for living man whom I love so well as I do that great you to get rid of old prejudices, either of attracunion of States-amy country-for which my fa- tion or repulsion. I have not forgotten, however, ther gave his life. Mr. ['illmore has given us that upon a question of mere availability, the gouod advice-advice which accords with my own Whigs of Kentucky were able, througlh their t(eljudtiten t; he tells us that the Union i.s in immi- egates at Philadelphia in Plh4, to give up their (xent danger; he leads us to believe that the idol, the man whonl they loved, and who loved probabilities are that if Mr. Fremtont is elected, them and who had done so mtlch fol the honor the Union will be dissolvled; and not into two of Kentucky, that whenever Kentucky's name jarts, but shivered into fragments!! Old-Liue was mentionedl at home or abroad, his naime at Whigs, what isour duty? It lies with us to save once arose before the mind's eye, and whenever the Union. ThecandidatePsCofthe Black-Repub- his name was mentioned Kentucky appeared. liean party must be defeated, else, as Mr. Fillmore Fellow-whig., do you love Mr. Fillmnore so much tells us-as we have been told by the greatest betler than you did Henry Clay that you cannot Statesmen since 1820 —the'Union is in dire and make the same sacrifice of your predilections tor imnminent peril. For me, I am for the preservation oue that you did for the other upon much less of the Union. Destroy all the parties now in ex- occasion istence, but for God's sake-for the sake of hu- But, fellow-citizens, I am often asked how it man liberty-save the Unio;a. I have no faith is possible that I, my father's son, can reconcile in the sincerity ot that man wlbo, wilh his mouth it to vmyelf to vote for Mr, Buchatxanu who, they say, had so seriouly injured and wronged my slightest shade upon my honor or integrity. father bv originating, or, if not originating, by What he did say was the reverse of any implicabeing complicated with and mixed up in some lion of me." way or other with that vile old charge of bargain Thu, fellow-citizens, we have the private and and intrigue betwixt him and Mr. Adams. In public opilion of my father respecting the testinine cases out of ten the persons who in my pres- mony of Mr. Buchanan upon the charge of barence refer to that affair, know absolutely nothing gain and intrigue. I know that my father would about it, and when I refer them to authentic notr have expressed such opinions unless he berecords, they are too much prejudiced, and love lieved them to be true. He was satisfied with Mr. to be prejudiced too well, to allow them to make Buchanan, and so expressed himself privately the niost ordinary examination. I have fully and publicly; that is enough for me, and so far and carefully studied the whole. history of the as I am concerned, it is of the smallest possible bargain and intrigue slander, with the express consequence what may be the opinion of those purpose of ascertaining the truth or the falsity of partisans who are now endeavoring to strike the charges made against Mr. Buchanan, and down their political opponent with weapons the result of my, research has been, that as au dragged from the tomb. honest man I am bound to acquit him of having Fellow-eitizens, you are aware you cannot had any part in the originial slander, or having vote for Fillmore alone. You must know that done my father any wrang, when he was sum- in voting for the electoral ticket of Mr. Fillmore, moned before the public as a witness against you also vote for Andrew Jaclkson Donelson; as him. I am bound to acquit him upon the testi- in voting for that of Mr. Buchan, you vote for mony of the very person whom he is said to have John C. Breckinridge. MMr. Fillmore himself wronged and slandered, and however little pat- became President by one of' those dispensations tisan editors and partisan orators may esteem the of Providence which may likewise cause Mr. evidence of my father himself; it is abundantly Donelson to fill the chair, if their ticket were sufficient for me his son. The charge of bar- successful. Between Donelson and Breckin-. gain and intrigue was first made by Mr. Kremer, ridge I could not hesitate for a single instant. I in an anonymous letter, subsequently reiteratetl know Major Breckinridge well; he is not only by Carter Beverly, in his celebrated Fayetteville my fellow-Kentuckian, but my fellow-townsman letter, and finally asserted by General Jackson, also. We have differed in politics, but I have who assumed the responsibility of it, and to never heard but one opinion expressed of himprove its truth, summoned Mr. Buchanan before Ihat he is an honorable, high-toned Kentucky the public as his only witness. Mr. Buchanai, gentleman. It affords me very great pleasure to promptly responded to the call for his testimony. relate to youn an incident which occurred in my Didl he sustain Mr. Kremer, Carter Beverly presence, and which afforded as much gratificaand General Jackson, the last of whom had sum- tion to my fathey as it was honorable and credit-'noned him? On the contrary, his evidence able to Major Breckinridge. Very soon after was clear and distinct, and fully exculpated Mr. his first election to Congress, Major BreckinClay from the charges made against him. So ridge called upon my father, and I was present Mr. Clav regarded it him.elf, and he, the person at the interview. "Mr. Clay," said Major Breckaccused, testified, publicly and privately, that he ingridge, (of course I can only give the subconsidered Mr. Buchanan had clone him no qtance,) "I have been elected from your old diswrung. I read to you from Colton's Privcte Cor- rict, and am about to go, quite a young man, to respondence of mny father, his private letter to his Washington City. We have always differed, old friend, Judge Brooke, of Virginia-the friend sir, in politics, but I have ever entertained the of his life-time-a letter never intended for pub- ftighest respect for you. I have no doubt but I lication, dated August, 1827, in which, referring shall often have occasion for good advice, and if' to Mr. Buchanan's Lancaster letter, he says; you will allow me, sir, to do so, it will afford 6'I could notdesire astrongerstatement." Again me great satisfaction to call freely upon you at in public, upon the occasion of a dinner given Washington, and to be enabled to avail myself him in Washington on his retirement from the of your wisdom and great experience." office of Secretary of State, he said: Between such a man as this and Andrew Jack"'That citizen {General Jackson) has done me son Donelson, 1, at least, fellow-citizens, would great injustice. it was inflicted, as I must ever have no difficulty in making a choice. believe, for the double purpose of gratifying pri- Fellow-citizens, I have already occupied moe;re vate resentment and pronmoting personalDambi- of your time than I had any right to expect would tion. When, during the late canvass, he came be given so attentively to every word that I have forward in the public prints, under his proper addressed to you. I thank you from the bottom name, with his charge against me, and summon- of my heart. I trust that you will allow me, on ed before the public tribunal his friend and only taking my leave of you. to indulge the hope that witness, Mr. Buchanan, to establish it, the anxi- my effort to direct your attention to the immi — ous attention of the whole American people was nent danger which threatens our glorious Union directed to the testimnony which that witness may not be wholly without avail, and that you. might render. He promptly obeyed the call, will, at any rate, fellow-citizens, believe me in and testified to what he knew. He could say what I have said to you, to have been perfectly nothing, and he said nothing, which cast the and entirely sincere. SPEEC Hl DONe 2.Li-XAz0:E:R $.ST~ePEIEi~S 0 G E0 kRIA, ON'LE.BILL TO ADMIT KAlNSAS A A ST&TE UNDER THEi TOPEK CONS lTITUTTIO DELIVIEiRED INi THE HOUSE OF REPRESE NTATIVES, JUNTE Ah, NM5~ WASHINGTON: PFRINTED AT THE CONGRES8IONAL GOBE OFF4 O'r 1856e The PHouse having under consideration the bill reported I. myself prepared to vot'e on it to-day, either in the 5Imm the Comnittee on Territories, providing for the admits-. House or in the Commnittee of the Whole on the sion of Kansas into the Union as a State, with the consti- e th tution prepared at Topeka by the free-State party. it had ettr go to the committee. e can then I it had better go to the committee. We can then Mr. STEPHENS said: I propose, Mr. Speaker, I talke up this amendment, and consider it in detail. before I proceed to what I have arisen mainly to It may be some gentlemen would surgest modifisayv on this occasion, to ask the consent of the cations, which i would accept. iWe can then Hiouse to allow me now to offer the amendment discuss the merits of the original bill. Its friends which I stated yesterday I wished to propose to can amend that, if they wish. My amendment the bill now before us. can be put in such form as a majority of the comMr. WTASHBURN, of Maine. If the gentle- mittee may desire, if a majority be favorable to its man asks that consent now, I shall object to it, objects. I therefore shall vote for the reference. as I1 shall at all times. But the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. CAMPBELL] Mr. STEPHENS. On the motion to commit the other day said, that the motion to refer or the bill to the Committee of the vWhole on the commit, made by the gentleman from Indiana, state of the Union, the amendment is not in order, [Mr. DUNN,] and which is now pending, was unless by unanimous consent. equivalent, if successful, to a defeat of the bill. Mr. WASHI1URTN. I understand that to be The gentleman from Maine [Air. WAsHnBUN] a side measure, intended to destroy the bill, and also followed in the same line. Now, I told I shall object to it now, and at all times. these gentleimen, day before yesterday, and I Mr. STEPHENS. I state to the gentleman state it again to the House, that I do not consider that I have no side blows for this bill, nor is my the motion to commit the bill to the Committee amendment intended as any side measlese. I wish of the Whlole on the state of the Union, if carried, my proposition to come distinctly before the as equivalent'to a defeat of the measure at all. Iouse as a substitute for the pending bill. I am By no means, sir. What is the argument of those opposed out and out to this bill as it now stands. who say a reference of the bill is tantamount to I want no misunderstanding on that point. Iwill, its defeat? Nothing better than this, as argued however, vote for the substitute; and xthat I want by the gentleman from Maine, to wit: that all the is a direct vote between the bill now pending, friends of the Kansas bill, two years ago, when and the substitute offered as an amendment. But 1 that bill was referred to the Committee of the as the gentleman from Maine will not allow me Whole on the state of the Union, considered it as to offer my proposition as an amendment, I now equivalent to its defeat. That is his argument, and nove to amend the motion to commit this bill to the authority adduced by him to sustain it. Sir, the Committee of the 5Whole on the state of the it is immaterial to me what certain friends of the Union, by adding to it, I" With instructions to Kansas bill may have thought would be the effect report this amendment in lieu of the original bill;" of its reference, when it was referred. If they in other words, with instructions to strike out all considered that reference as equivalent to its dein the original bill, and to insert my amendment feat, the sequel showed that they were in error. in lieu thereof. That is the motion which I sub- That is all. It was referred. It was considered mit to the House, and upon it I shall proceed two weeks in committee, and it was then passed. with what I have to say. Mr. WASHBURN. W7ill the gentleman allow It is immaterial to me, Mr. Speaker, if I can get I me to say that that was simply because they biroke a1vote in the House on the proposition submitted down the rules of the House in two instances. by me, whether it goes to the Committee of the If they had not they never could have got tha Whole on the state of the Union, or not. I am bill out of committee. 4 ___ ~ - ^~IU II —.-1`~ _____ __ _ __ _ _ 4 __ ____I1~___ r Mr. STEPHEN S. Will the gentleman state mrittedi to the commnittee whelher it will be triten TVhat two instances? up or not; and a.majoriity p tfhe co'itititfee have the Mixf. WASHBURN'. In thefirstplace, bydecid- expressly-grunted power to dcl;rrmine, Mivthoill debate, ing that under the 119th rule you might strike out whI ether they wiJ.l then -et on it, or lay it aside the enacting clause of the bill. In the second for other business; and so o to thbe.ec`ond, and place, by rising and reporting the bill to the House so to the.thirdz and to the fourth, and to the one when there was no quorum, voting, as every body hundred a.nd fiietd, if you pleause? Wase it not knows. perfectly competeLxt fo. n j'ory of tl.e CommyitMr. RICHARDSON. The genlfeman from te-t of the WVV1hole on tie netaits of th I Usion, whent Maine is totally mistalten when he says there was the Kansas bill was in commiti.e. to paIs over no quorum. otherbills, and take up that bill when they wished Mr. STEPHENDS. I hope the gentleanan from to do so? Illinois will let me proceed. The gentleman firom'his they dido. Each:bi. weva laid aside at it Maine is mistalken in both his instances. The was Trea.ched. ITh y hb!ad rslsig' to do it. They record shows that the tellers, Mr. CLINGAAN and violated n( ruie in doing t i The number of bills Mr; SAPS, reported 103 in favor of the motion, laid aside to reach it was only eighteen, I think.. and 22 against it. That is more than a quorum — But if the numeber hid neen legion-if there lad one hundred and eighteen was a quorum —one been one hundred, or five hundred, or a thou.s antd, hundred and twenty-five voted. Though a great it would have made no difference. many present refused to vote,nores than a quo.- Sir, the rule in tbhis case as as ciear as it couilrd runm, however, did vote on the imotion to strike be made; and -the action of the committee on that out. It does not require a quorum to vote on a occasion was strictly in order. This I maintetin, motion to rise, as every one knowr And as far and defy an answer or reply to it., as the violation of the 119th rule is concerned, I Now, then, sir, as to th 119th rule. have this to say to the gentleman-as I said the When the committee on that occasion had laid day before yesterday —that nothing can be clearer aside the first bill, and the second bill, and the than that everything done in the committee on the third bill, and so on, until they had corne to the passage of the Kansas bill under the 119th rule, Kansas bill, the eighlteenth in order-which they was legitimate and proper; and that no rule of had a right to do-they took it up for considerathis House was violated or overrode on that oc- tion; and after it had been discussed for two weeaks casion. This I intend to show beyond cavil or in committee, which was as long as was thought doubt. The charge that there was no quorum proper by the House, the 119th rule was resorted votin' is answered by the record, as I have stated; to, to stop debate in committee and bring the subthen as to the two other charges-for besides the ject before the House for a vote. That rule is as charge relating to the 119th rule now made, the follows: gentlemanfrom Maine, [Mr. WxsHBuRNa,] or sonie "A motion to strikre out lthe eiactiong wiroids of a bill isht.a other gentleman, said, two days ag&, that there have precedenee of a mnotion to amenid; a;nd, if carried, sihall was another rule violated. What one I do not be equivalent to i' rejection." know —for no one was mentioned-but the state- Under this rule, a motion was made bv myself ment was, that the committee had violated the in committee to strike out the enacting words of nrules of the H-ouse by setting aside other bills the Kansas bill —a motion'which too, ps cedence having priority in the order of business on the of all?rsotioass to taiends, as the rule ay. yThe Calendar to the Kansas-Nebraska bill. That was motion was properly put; and it was narried by one statement; and I think it was also said that a vote of one hundred and three for it, to but upwards of a hundred bills were thus set aside to twenty-two against it, as I hive vsaid. Where, reach this one. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have the then, was there any violation of the rules in-this? rules of the House before me, and ask the atten- But the gentlemnan from Ohio, [iir. CAs1iB:Ea,, tion of the House to the 135th rule: who says he wish.es to reply to what I casy, insicted the day before yesterday thatr this 119th Int Committee of thie Whole on the state of the Union sisted e ay ber yestav ttIs 119t the bills shall be taken up and disposed of in their order on rule never was intended to apply in committee. thaCalendar; bnt when objection is made to the onsideratioIn The rule, in its language, was too clear, too of', bill a iaajorityt qf the cosnaiiittee shall deride, withouit de- overwvhelming, too unanswerable; but to avoid its bate, whthiter it shall be taken up and disposed of, or laid conclusivene gains i, h aid s md (conelusiveness against him., hue said,it1 was mad-r anie; p-rovideda, that general appropriation bills, and, in tusne ofw-ar, bllls fbr raising men or money, anslutills con- to appty to tfie Houtse, and not t.o ft{he Cononliftee ofthe eerringaltreaty of peace, shallbe preferredto all otherbills P/siole, &,c. Well, sir, let us see how this subat he dis acetsb.n of the comninttee; and when demtanded by terfuge will avail the gentleinian. The history aPry Inmember the question shall first be p~tct in regard to the'm,." of this rule, as given in our Manual, is as follows; Even in times of war, appropriation bills, and It to 1811, a Comminttee of the'iWhiole struck out the fires bills relating to treaties of peace, have no other and only section of a bill, and so reported to the Itiouse. mreference, except that the question of taking Mr Spealair theves refused to receive tte repors, on el t uem Lp first shall be first put. A majority may giounist thatit.ins tsnts tiount ti a rejectiorn of ie bill, which dile cuommitte ad ttot power to do. t Just as dm5 lay even them aside. gentleinan now says. "Alter tis, ttatithe ierit ofquestions Sir, could a rule1 be written more plainly? Can oiaglt he tested in Commfittee of lthe lWhiole, rule 119'vas langutage be more clear or more distinct than this adpted" -that when the House goes into the Commnnittee of This history clearly showNs that it was expressly t}e Whole on the state of 1the Union, and when adoptedtor the Con:-tittec q~.: u 1oc, tic. te first;bill in order is rend by the Clerk, anid a I have produrced thnis additional authority to nentietan objects to taking it tip, it is then sub-. show' thai: there'was nos violation rf't/se r-ile Oc-a fe occrasion a(lhlted to —-that the CommCittee of the passage of the ](ansas and LNTebraskca bill was WVhole on the Kansas MAill did just exactly what ac.comnplis ed by overriding the rules of the the rule intended that they might do, anld fully House'? Gentlemen may have been surprised ntd empowered themto do Pout entlemen sa y,if this astonished at the parliamentary tactics practiced rule was intterled to be acplied to the Committee under' the rule; they may never have dreamed of the'Whole, why has it never been put in pra.c of how the friends of a imeasnure, in commhittee, tice before? That wras the argumenut of the ger- could vote to strike out the enactinog wods —nthus tienman ftom Maine. appan'ltly d efating it — and then, when itw vt:.a so WVell, Mr. Spealker, my reply to him is, that it reported to the House, reverse their position, hc-s been put in practice before It was adopted disaoree to the report of the committee atrllihng in 18002. Ten days after its adoption, on the 2d out tlhee enacting wvurdd, and then pass it'lThey of M.areh, 1802, first session of the Seventeeth may not Ihave undetrstood the pirocess bay wvhich a Congress, I find the Jour nal of the H ouse record bill mitht be teiporarily appairently killed by it: thus: fiendt in Committee rof the W'hole, foir the pur"The frou e took up atnd p:'ocehdd a-to cjns;dir thed bill pose of gettiing it onut, and thlen revired agai"n im for the relief' of Benilamtni_ Frerelas and Jotn i Jerkins the House, by distagrereing to the report of the and the amount reported thereto fi'om the Committee of rait dof e m ittee; but tlis as the whole of it. ThIs i the Ithe Whole Iouse, on the 14lth insta.nt being read as foltows: stiktg oum thiie ehnactcgi claic'se of stid bilt,' ground of all this clan'or anout t]de violation of'' The question vas put non couourrinttwi'h "hea Comtmietttee the rules of the House, in the p. tssage of the of the Whole House in thie said amiendiment, Kansas bill —for.it is.ithMng but elamor. " And. passed in the affirmative.:", "~And p' cii t the afllimiirne' The charge of a violation of rules has not tt.a:.ere the committee did the very same t hin, semblance of a fact to rest upon. And let no ten days after the rule was adopted, that rwas done m in hereafter say that mind in i t Mll to the Coion the Kansas bill. What did the'}o use do? mittee of the Whol is equ alent so its doea't. Did theiy ay that tihe Conmmittee of the'Whole Our rules requiring this cormmittee, arnd directing had acted improperly? No, sir. nhe Jourinal how businesi s shall be disposed of in it, are wise says: "the question was teken upon coneurrirn- and proper. And the rules, when properly adwith thie Committee of the Whiole on.raid anmend- mainistered, work harmonioiusly for the per'ection merit, and it ipassed; i the a.iarnative. " and dispatch of legislation. It is only thoie I fid in l the first session of the Eighiteenth Con- who do not underatand tlem who see confusaion aress, on -thie 22d of~ Mvy, this record: anld mystery in them. Where, then, was the:IThe question was tlhen taken to concurr'tith the Coen- wrongi 01 thie fraud perpetrated on the rueles in mitee of the Whole House osn striking out the enacting the pasia e of thCe ansa ts bill? it existo only in wordsof tire bill from the Sna e naiteed n act relative de n o vletly to the Patent Office and to the salary of Ihe superitenden th y of lme I hefreof,' on the subject! said,'ir, I intended to viadi"Anti passed in the af'atitlive_ crate the action both of the committee and the Again, sir, in thie first session of the Twenty- House ron that occasion, and put the matter bePiet Con,,gress, I fiod on the Joutural this record: yond all fiture cavil oi doubt. This, I think,. I STuole Ciop oc reso~lved "cci itt ar itomli s of te have done. Nov sir, I inteid also, with thie "The tiouse -resolved itself into a Comimittee of the. tWhole House on thlt bill tNo. 7 for the relief of Walter asme confidence, to vindicate the prinaciples of Livingston dueceasid, and after some time spent there in, that bill agais ot tihe equtally unfounded assaultis the Speakeit resume d the chair. and'ir. storrs of New s which have been 1nd, e upro theillt. What, air, York, reportcdi the same, with tie e.iacting cluse striue. wii hire ena p tt, sue'. are those assaults? "The question iras then Nt', thlat the lHoutse dn concur The gentleman fitom Ohio [Mi. CAMPBELL] said witti the Caommitttsreftho W~hale tHuse its striking out tl wuritl the Cod-s a-ttec of the bilWhole, fue intrikin. out I the other diay, andi aain says, that the passage of enacting words of said bill 1'iA" d picied in iii adiciocove yeas em nay'si 5' the Nebrasit bill was the origin of all the troubles I-in i ii o iti ar'in~ ofin the country. Sir, what troubles does he allude I find in. the same Congress, in the action of' to? What troubles have wi upon us? Standin, ii thce House on the bill for the relief of John Rob- n my place in the Iallof the Poepreientoatives of the inson, tleat' The was iii to concur SUnited Stattes, I ash to-day, what troubles is the l The question was then pit to concur witli the Commit- outrehao i ie ay pole fti country laboring under? 5Vetoany people of the itee of the Wholte oustoe in striling out the rasctine words f Cthel bill (No. 175) ftr the relief of John iobibsoit world ever more prosperous thin the people of thie Andt passed in the affiumativea. United States noyw ate?' ie at peace with all "Sno the land bill was rejected." other nations; we hear of no comnplaint about FedSir, I shiall not go on with this record. It i.- eraltaxes oirhigh taritfs; we hear ofnoodisarrangesuffiienet'for ae to state to those gentlemen who rient of thei ci urrency or of the finances of the complain of my motion unider this rule, that their country; we hear of no clamor against banlks; our' not knowinc that such a mtotion had ever been tables are not loaded dowrn ith petitions or remade before does not seem to tee to be an rcu. monstrances aaainst grievancos of ciny sort; thrift nment of much merit or force. I l';how you, Mr. and plenty seeam to ime siioong. over the land from Speaker thie [-louse, and the a".rntry, the ruleo one extent to the other. Our cllo-namerce wa never To man can question that. I showtr you, al.to, its more flourit.ling; aeritalture never yielded a moora history; and frona tha.nt, that it was made for- just bountifiuhl supply firona the booom of the e.rth tt such a purpose as the one I applied it to. No thle titllrs ofher soil than it now does, nor was man now can gainsay tiait I go firther, and thu avera-e value of product, ever higher. Inahow you the practice of tlae House Under it. No dustry, in every department of business, whether man can any longer question that.'l'hen, sir, upon the ocean or the hand, never haid more indifi ehow can gentlemen rise up here, and say that thei n:ients to ply its energies, not aoriy for trompetency and comforts, but for the accumulation of riches is this fraud, this iniquity, this crime against and wealth. Never did labor, in all its branches, nature and against God? It is the simple declareceivemore readily than itnowdoesfairandjustly ration of the principle that the people of the Tercompensating wages. Our internal and foreign ritories of Kansas and Nlebraska-the pioneer trade was never in a more flourishing condition. freemen there —our own brothers in flesh and'What are the troubles, then, of which the gentle- blood-going there from every State of the Union, man speaks? Wvhy, sir, if one could cast his eye. for the purpose of settling that distant frontier — over this wide Republic at this time, and see the there to build up new horaes for themselves and thrift and prosperity in every department of indus- their posterity-should have the right, without try, arisingfonm our benigninstitutions,he would limiration or restriction from any quarter, save almost be compelled to exclaim, that all the trou- the Constitution of the United States, to fori bles of which we heargrow out of nothing but that and mold just such institutions for their own exuberance of liberty and multitude of blessings government as they pleased-a wight which lies wrhich seem to be driving us on to licentiousness. at the foundation of all our State governments., This we see in the -mobs at Cincinnati, Louis- and upon which the whole Republic, in its several ville, New Orleans, in this city, and in San parts, is built and established. This is the fraud, Francisco. The laws have been set aside; force this is the iniquity, this is the great crime of has been resorted to; arms have been used; and crimes, the security to the people of the Terrimen have been slain. But the absorbing theme tories of the right of self-government under the now is the "civil war," as it called, in Kansas. Constitution. The amount of the crime is, that This is the announcemient made'in a neiohborinz freemen shall be permitted to make such consticity, the commercial metropolis of this Ulnioll, tutions, republican in form, for their own governthe other night, according to a report of their ment, without dictation or control from any other proceedings which I find in a newspaper, to a power, as they please. Tellit wherever you go, large crowd of people there assembled. I see it that this was the monstrous outrage comlitted was proclaimed that civil war was raging in by an American Congress ih 1850, the middle of Kansas; and that that assembly gave shouts of the nineteenth century, on the Territories of Utah applause at the announcemenlt! These are the and New Mexico' acnd repeated by the samle troubles I suppose of which the gentleman body in 1854, on the Territdries of Nebraska and speaks - troubles produced not by this Kansas " bleeding Kansas " This is the whole of itbill, but by the mischievous designs and reck- nothing more and nothing less. These troubles less purposes of those who, in their efforts to we now hear of —these efforts to get up civil wardefeat the quiet and peaceful operation of the these shouts at the announcement that civil wal sound purposes of that bill, have for some time has already conmmenced-are but part and parcel been engaged in their unholy work of attempting of that spirit which animated a portion, and only to get up civil war in the country, and can now a portion, of the opposition to the Kansas bill, shout in applause at even the most distant pros- during the pendency of that measure in this pect of success. House. That same spirit at the North that had This, sir, is the work of that class of restless so bitterly opposed the establishment of this great malcontents, who have for years been endeavor- principle of territorial policy in 1850 could not ing to produce a sectional conflict in this country; bear the idea of its being carried out in the future. WVho have no regard for the constitutional equality I recollect very well, sir, that while the Kansas of the States of this Union; who repudiate the bill was progressing here, a newspaper in the most sacred obligations of that compact which city of New York, edited by a man of great binds us together, and who have proclaimed that ability, untiring energy and industry, and who is the Constitution itself is a league with death and now the head and front-the animating spirit of a covenant with hell! How far they shall be the present opposition, and civil war champion's permitted to go on with their work until checked undertook to lecture this House as to our duty by a sound reactive public sentiment-how far in regard to that bill.'We were told then by him they shall get sympathy and cooperation from what an enormous wrong it would be; and when those whom they are now attempting to mislead the measure was about to pass an editorial in that -how far they may be successful in their long paper reached here, from which I: wish to present cherished wish for civil strife, I cannot say. That some extracts, to show that it is the same spirit is a problem for the future to settle; that depends now at work: upon the virtue, intelligence, and integrity of the people. But that they ought not to succeed-that "c We urge, therefore, unbending determination on the people. Buug th t ouht y not to succeed-th part of the northern members hostile to this intolerable they ought not only to be discouraged, but rebuked outrage, and demand of them, in behalf of peace-in behalf and condemned in every part of this country, and of freedoml —in behalf of justice and humanity-resistance by every mnan who has a sparit of -patriotism~ inl tothe last. Better that confusionshould ensue-betterthat his bosom, as well in the North a s in ptheiSouth discord should reign hi the national councils —better that lus bosom, as well in the North as in the South, Cotg'ress should break uip in wild disorder-nay, better that I this day maintain. But the gentleman from the Capitol.itselft shozld blaze by the torch of the incendiaryn Ohio says all this comes fromn the Kansas bill. or fall and bury all its inmates beneath its crumblingruins, Ho0w? In wvhat way? t~lllnthtan that this perfidy and wrong should be finally aceomaWhat is there wrongl in that Kansas measure plied." Ithas been said that it is a fraud. I t has been said This is the language of the New York Tribune that itis the greatest of iniqtuities. It has been said in reference to the Kansas bill a few days before that it is a crime against God. It ha been said it passed. Yes, sir, even then that editor declared that it is a crla- agaminst natle. Well, sir, what that it was better that this Capitol should be burnt 7 by the torch of an incendiary-better that the l of the Executive, and became the law of the land. Government should go into dissolution, than that l.The revolutionary spirit, however, which invoked the people colonizing and settling Kansas and theburning of the Capitol, did not stop with defeat Nebraska should be just as free as the people of in all three of the departments of legislation. New York, or, as he states it, than that this act Members of Congresswith others, beaten in the of perfidy and wrong should be finally accorm- I-louse of Representatives, beaten in the Senate, plished. W7hatwrongdid the actcontain? Wrong failing in their threats and denunciations of the to whom? to whom was there a nything in it.either Executive, betook. themselves forthwith to plotwrong. or unjust? Was it wrong to the people of ting schemes to defeat the will of the people as the South, one large section of the Union, to per- constitutionallyexpressed. Societieswere formned, mit-them to enjoy an equal and fair participation one of them by members of this House, immeof the public domain purchased by the common diately after the bill passed; oney was raised; blood and common treasure of all? Was it. wrong circulars were issued,-all with the avowed pur.or unjust to permit tlhe people of New York, M.aes- pose of sending people to Kansas to prevent the sachusetts, and other States of the morth going peaceful, and quiet operation of the- wise and into a new Territory, to be as free there as they beneficent principles of the territorial lanw-movewere in their native homes? Was it wrong'or ments having a diiect tendency to kindle this civil. unjust to allow all from all the States, who might war of which we now hear. be disposed to quit the: old States,.and seek to The Capitol fortunately was not burnt-that better their fortunes by cutting down the forests suggestion': id not take. Disorder did not reign of theWest',.turning up itsvirgin soil',and malking here-that suggestion did not take. But bodies the wilderness to blossom as the rose, to enjoy of men were organized-not allowing the legitithe same rights which their fa.thers- did in the mate laws of nature, of climate, and of soil to deearly formation of all our present State constitu- termine the character of the.pioneer population tiona and governments? Whomn, I say, did the from all the States alike who might choose to bill wrong.? To wlom did it deal an injustice? mnake settlement there. Men were sent out in Was it the slave; the African, whom his southern large companies, with arms and munitions of master mnight take there? Hoew could it be unjust war; Sharpe 9s rifles: were sent; artillery was sent. even to him-? Is not his condition as much bet- What for? Did these colonists g'o to Kansas as tered by new lands and virgin, soils as that of his our forefathers sought homes at Plymouth, St. master? Is not expansion of that portion of Mary's, Jamestown, and Savannah? Or did they southern population quite as nece,msary for their not rather go as the train-bands of Cortes. and comrfort and wel1-being as it is for' the whites? Pizzaro went forth thirsting for the conquest of Would you keep them hemmed, in in their the Montezumas and the Incas? Was not their present limits, until subsistence shall fail, and sole object to effect by force and violence what starvation shall effect the objects of a misguided they had failed to do by legislation? What other humanity? meaning can be put upon the following manifesto Without stopping here to say a -word upon the which was published in the "Hecrald of Freesubject of southern society, and the relation which dom, "their organ at Lawrence, the head-quarters the negro there sustains to the white man, either of these emigrants in the Territory: as to the necessity of that relation, or its wisdom "o e one,come all, slaveocrais and nullifiers; e ha ve or propriety, does it work any wrong or injury rifles.enough, and bullets enough, to send you all to your to the slave to tak}ie hir from old lands to new (and Judas's)'own place.'.if you're coming, why don't lands? Is not his condition bettered by the change? ou come along?" And have we not new lands enough for all? Your'I?.Tas not this a direct invitation to arims? And Topeka convention, which formed the pretended whatever troubles or disturbances exist in Keanfree-State constitution now before us, proposed to sas, let them not be charged to the Kansas bill, exclude the negro and mulatto forever fiom that but to those who have sworn in their wrath that country. Upon the score of humanity, then, even that'bill never shall vorkli out its natural and legiti' towards the "poor negro " about whom so much mate results, if they can prevent it. As well sympathy is attempted to be excited,! ask, which might the wars about points of doctrine and re.m does him the greater wrong, the Kansas bill, or ligious creeds which have disgraced Christendom, the proJect of your free-State constitution? Whoe, be charged upon the heavenly principles of the to him, is the Good Samaritan in this case? The gospel. Christ himself said that it was impossiFree-Soil Levite, who would leave him to starve ble but that offenses in this world of wickedness without land to work? or his huliane southern would come. When bad men are at work, they master, who is willing to provide both land and cannot be prevented. The principles of that bill shelter, food and raiment? Where, then, is the are in no wi ay responsible for any outrages or wrong of this bill? It consists in nothing but trampling upon rights by parties on the other permitting the fieemen of our own race to settle side of the controversy, got up and provoked in this question of the status of the African amongst hat Territory by desig ni en outside, for misthemselves, as theyin their wisdom and patriotism ievous purposes -, riends of that bill — may think best for the happiness of both races,5 hose who stand pl ts principles-con. just as the freemen of our own race did in each demn outrag e s e th sides alike. of the old thirteen States of the Union.' But a word! e U ture and extent of But, sir, the House did not heed this lecture of these difficultieS Ar not greatly exagge:the editor. The bill passed this body; it passed rated and magnified Let us look at the facts. the Senate; it received the constitutional approval Some men, it is true, have been killed-some onr both sides. And what else could have been ex- I a closed question. The laws, therefore, of that pected? What other result could have been Legislature must be observed and obeyed until looked for by those instigating the movements repealed or modified by legislative power, or set I have alluded to? The first man killed in the aside by the courts as void. And upon the charTerritory was Davis. He fell by the hands of acter of these laws I wish to make but a passing those calling themselves free-State men. Then remark. The gentleman fiom Indiana [Mr. COLDow, a free-State man, was killed by Coleman; rAX] pointed out quite a riumber of them the but the quarrel between them arose about a land other day, which he said were very bad ones. claim. It was a private and personal matter. Well, sir, I am not going to discuss their respectColeman immediately gave himself up to the legal ive merits. Perhaps some of themn are bad; it authorities, claiming to have acted in self-defense. would be an extraordinary code if it were otherWhether he did or not, I do not know, and will wise. I know the advocates of the present go~not pretend to say; but a friend of Dow, of the ernment in the Territory-the law-and-order name of Branson, having made threats of aveng- party there-do'not themselves approve of all of ing his death, was arrested under a peace war- them. will read what they say on the subject: rant, and, while in the hands of an officer, was i"The law for the protection of slave property has also rescued by a party of free-State men. War- been much misunderstood. The right to pass such a law rants were taken out for these, and they took is expressly stated by Governor Reeder in his inaugural bhelter in Lawrence, where they put themselves message, in which he says:' ATerritorial Legislature may in defiance of the civil authorities. The posse was extntsaundoubtedly act upon the question to a limited and partial in defiance of the civil authorities. T-he posse was extent, and may temporarily prohibit, tolerate, or regulai called out to aid in the arrest, and this led first slavery in the Territory, and in an absolute or modified to the seige of Lawrence, and then to the eapitu- form, with all the force end effect of any other legislative. on of ecembr lastct, binding until repealed by the same power that enacted it.' There. is nothing in the act itself, as has been charged were lost. Two or three other homicides had to prevent a free discussion of the subject of slavery. It been committed in the Territory; but in all, from bearing on society, its morality or expediency, or w hethe the organization of the Territory, up to the at- it would be politic or impolitic to make this a slave Stato, tempted assassination of Sheriff Jones, I think can be discussed here as freely as in any State in this - Union, without infringing any of the provisions of the law. not exceeding half a dozen! In what part of the To deny the right of a person to hold slaives under the law United States, sir, in the *same length of time, in this Territory is made penal; but, beyond this, there is with the same population they have in Kansas, no restriction to the discussion of the slavery question in bhave there been ~fewver murders or dea-thes by vio- any aspect in which it is capable of being considered. We (10 not wish to be understood as approving of all the!ence? How many were killed in the riots last laws passed by thle Legislature; on the contrary, we would year in Cincinnati? How many in Louisville, state that there are some that we do not approve of, and ~entucky ~? Xwhich are condemned by public opinion here, and which venture to say to-day, that with all this clamor niext egislature pealedut or odified at the moeeting of than about civil war in Kansas, more lives have not frequently occurs, both in the legislation of Congress aand been lost there, since the organization of the Ter- of the various State Legislatures. The remedy for such ritory, than lhave been in several of the large city evils is to be found in public opinion, to which, sooner or elections of the United States within the last later, in a Government like ours, all laws must eonforn.' twelve months. It is not my wish to malke light Mr. COLFAX. TWhat is the date of that? of these things, but to take a calm and dispas- Mr. STEPHENS. Last November. Now, ionate view of them. A strong and general sir, I have examined this whole code of laws, and tendency to disregard law and order is one of the as a whole, some few exceptions out, I say that most lamentable evils of the day. It is not con- na State in the Union has got better ones. There fined to Kansas, but it is seen and felt everyWvfere. are some in it I do not approve-there are some And our object, and that of all good men, should in all the codes I have ever seen that I do not apbe to check it rather than excite it. prove. I will not go to the gentleman's State, or Then, sir, as to the election in Kansas and the to any other gentleman's State, to find la.ws that I laws passed by their Legislature. One word upon do not approve. We have plenty of them in nmy this point. The first election was held there for own State. And the gentleman ought to feel a Delegate to Congress in November, 1854. That highly blessed if he has none in Indiana that he there were illegal votes on both sides l: have no disapproves. WtVe have a great many in Georgia doubt; but I believe it is admitted by every one I do not approve. There is one in particularw lthis that, notwithstanding the efforts of the emigrant I fought in the Legislature and-opposed before aid companies to prevent it, General Whitfield the courts with all the power that I had. It was had much the larger number of the legal votes of a law m1akitc it penal to bear concealed deadly the Territory, and was duly elected. In March weapons. I anm individually opposed to bearing afterwards greater efforts were made to carry the such weapons. I never bear weapons of any Legislature. The result was the commission or somlt; but I believed that it was the constitutional certificate of election by Governor Reeder himseif right of every American citizen to bear arms if to a large majorit oth branches of that bodil lbe chooses, and just such arms, and in just such They were theref lly constituted as a way, as he chooses, I thought that it was the gislative body. h ae been illegal voL- birthright of every Georgian tc do it. I was deMnO on both sidesis -ltless in all our I feated In our Legsislature. I was defeated before elections. But u ileTe tled and fixed our courts. Th'e question went up it to te highest principles on whiclr representatlve institu- judicialtribunal in our State, the Supreme Court, tions rest, and without a maintenance of which which sustained the law. In that decision all had there canbe neither "1 aw nor order," that is now to acquiesce. Sir, the people in all the States have to obey the laws as pronounced and ex- affected byit in the Territory, tlhen I miglht hlave pounded by tlhe courts. The difference between resorted to the courts. a republic and a monarchy is, that the one is a Mr. CAM1PBELL. Did not the gentleman vote government of Iaws, ~ubject to be changed by the to repeal it because of its unconstitutioniality? people; the other is' a government dependent Mr. STEPHENS. Standing as it did, I did, upon the caprice or whim, and arbitrary will of for that and other reasons. As long as it stood cne man. And when the people of a Republic as a regulation founded on the principle of'a an-ay themselves against their laws, tile first step division of the Territory, I was wllilng to abide is into anarchy, and then comes monarchy. The by it; but when it was abandoned and repudiated speech. of the gentleman frorm Indiana is suffi- as such, it was, in my judgment, a.a odliols and eiently answered by the address of his own party unjust restriction. But I do rot wish the gentle-. adopted at Pittsburg, though those who issued it man to divert me from the line of argument I was zenmled not to be conscious of the effect of the pursuing. admission. That address, after specifying the IPMr. CAMPBELL. If the gentlemlan voted to same objectionable laws in the Kansas code which repeal it in 1.854 because it w- as unconstitutiona, he has, says: why did he vote to fasten it upon Texas in 1846, " That these despotic acts, even if they had been passed unless, in the meanwhile, there va. s chage iB by a Legislature duly elected by the people of the Territory, the Constitution? would have been null and void, inasmuch as they are Mr. STEPHENS. For the very reason that plainly in violation of the Federal Constitution, is too clear I have just stated. In 1845, on the annexation ]or argument. Congress itself is exprestly forbidden by the the Constitution of the TJnited States to make any laws abrid- of Texas, I voted for, upo the pri le of Ing the freedom of speech and of the press; and it is absurd division of the Territory. Congress has a right to to suppose that a Territorial: Legislature, deriving all its pass all needful laws.S and regulations for the power from Congress, should not be subject to the same Territory, as roperty; so said Mr. ladison; this t includes the power to divide, if necessary or The latter is a very clear proposition, to my needful for public peace and harcnonoy. WVhen I mind. NTeither Congress nor a Territorial Legis- voted for it, it was upon that princi pie. Andl, sir, lature can pass any law abridging the freedom of it was in 1850, after the gentlem:crua's party had speech or of the press. This isindeed, too dclear repeatedly —in 1846, 1847, 1.848, 1,849. anod 1850 for argument. I indorse that part of the Pitts- — denied, repudiated, and scouted a:t vrcwhat lthey burg platform, But not a single disturbance in now call the time-honored comipromise of our the Territory has grown out of eithtr of these fathers of 1820, that I votled for the re'stalslishlaws complained of as despotic. But if there had ment of the old principle in outr t'erri toejal policy — if these laws be so cleally unconstitutional and — of leaving the public domaain open for tho free so manifestly violative of the freedom of speech and equal settlerent and colonization o:f the and of the press, why should not any party people from all the States alike, witho-t conaresaggrieved refer the question to the judicial tribu- sial limitations o restiction s upon any. This nals? If the case is so clear, why not go to the principle was reestablisled in 1850-after the one courts? There are Federal courts in the Terri- proposed in 1820 had been abandoled —and tilis tory; and an appeal can be taken to the same principle I voted to carrt out in 1854, in tihe high tribunal that all of us in such matters have Teriitories of Kansas and l'Tebraska. to appeal to in the last resort-the Supreme Mir. CAMP.BELL. Will the genttlemas e'xCiu,-rt of the United States. plain to the HIouse andto to the countryt how ict is Mr. CAMPBELL, of Ohio, (interrupting.) I that a measure may be constitiotjoaal cwficli exrise to propound a question, if it is entirely agree- cludes slavery on olne side of a giverx line, n able to the gentleman froin Georgia, and not Territory beloinging to the people of the States i:n otherwise. common, a.nd unconstitutional o1i the other? Mr. STEPH ENS. Perfectly agreeable; but Mr. STEPHENS. My ecxplanation of' the I hope the gentleman will not take much of my point the gentleman makes is this: Upon the time. principle of a division of the Territory as pubi-li Mr. CAMPBELL. Iwas similarly responded property between the two sections, it -r-isht be to on a former occasion, and I shall take warn- constitutional to set amide a p)or ion to one by fixed ing, and occupy but a amoment of thie gentleman s lines anrd boundaries, while the appropriationl of tille. VWhy did not you, and those who soulglit the whole of it to that section woul'd be manifi'stly to disturb tlie time-honored comnpromise of our wrong, unjust, and therefore unlconrs'itutional. fathers of 18203 if they regarded the eighth sec- Just as in the case of the division of the surplus tion of the Missouri uact as'unconstitutional, re- revenue-publicproperty —-amona.cr iht;Lates- tha sost to tlce courts to test its constitutionality? part assigned to each, o01 division airly anid justly Mr. STEPHENS.'There is a case of that made, was constitutionally held Ibut if sonae Statds ort now before the Supreme Court. had taken all to th - exclusion of tihe rest, thazt Mr. CAMPBELL.'Why, instead of brinin uld liave bees maniifast! st, and therefore all this trouble on the country, did Ihe- not then tlconstitutional. But ln:macy;i-ews at resort to the courts? large upon this sutbjec e _ e this session. Mr.STEPHENS. Why, Mr. Speaker, itwas Mr. CAMPBELL. U/ e —--- first my duty as a legislator, believing it to be Mr. STEPHENS. I W wish the gentlewrong, to vote to repeal it, and I did so, [laugh- -man to divert me fron m myrgumert by a collter;] and if the Congress of the United States tinuation of questions upon other subiects. had not repealed it, and I had been personally I Mr. CAMPBELL. I hope I may be fortuate 10 enough to get the floor at the expiration of the The allusion here is evidently to Rufus King, Fentleman's hour, and therefore will not press my who was the first mover of the restriction. Such, inquiries now on this interesting point. sir, were the sentiments of him who was not only Mr. STEPHENS. Now, sir, justhere I wish the author of the Declaration of Independence, to say a word more about "' tlht time-honored but the author of the ordinance of 1787, under compact of our fathers," which it is said has the old Confederation. This is what he said of been violated. Mlr. Speaker, I say tlhat the fa- the restriction of 1820, under our present Constithers who made this tepublic, fi-om the begin- tution. ning of it-from the date of the Constitution and Here is also Mr. Madison's emphatic opinion up to 1820, neverin a single instanice exercised the against the same measure. I cannot take up my power of excluding the migration of slaves from time in reading it. I state the fact, and challenge any of the States of this Union to the common contradiction. Jefferson was against the restricterritory. The gentleman now claims to follow tion of 1820. Madison was against it, and Jackthe fathers ofthe Republic. Well, I suppose Gen- son was against it. No man can deny these facts. eral Washington, Mr. Madison, and Mr. Jeffer- It wasreluctantly acceptedbytheSouth,however, son, are as eminertly entitled as any others to as an alternative, and only as an alternative, for occupy that position. Mr. Jefferson especially the sake of peace and harmony. And who are is often quoted by those holding seats on this those now who call it a sacred compact? Those side of the -Iouse. Mr. Jefferson, it is said, was very men, the gentleman and his party, who deagainst slavery. I grant that. But how? Mr. nounced every iman from the North as "' a doughJefferson was in favor of every State retaining and face,"' who from 1846 to 1850 were in favor of exercising jurisdiction over the subject for itself, abiding by it for the sake of union and harmony. Mr. Jefferson was himself opposed to the passage Not a man can be named from the North who was of that restriction in 1820, now called a tile-hon- willing to abide by that line of division during ored compact. I do not care as to what his ab- the period I have stated who was not denounced stract opintions were. I believe he was for pro- by the gentleman and his party as "a doughviding for the gradual abolition of slavery in Vir- face." Who now are the dough-faces?" A'nd ginia. But his plan was for tle people of Virginia if the gentleman wishes to kInow what tree brought to do it for theniselves, without any interference forth that better fruit of which he spoke the other from abroad or influence firom this Government- day, I will tell him. It was not the Kansas tree, I mean after the present Constitution was formed but that old politicalupas planted by Rufus King and adopted. I have Mr. Jefferson's sentiments in 1820. It grew up; it flourished, and it sent its here before me on this particular Missouri re- poisonous exhalations throughout this country striction, when it was passed. It is imimaterial till it came well nigh extinguishing the life of the what his opinions of slavery were-what did he Republic in 1850. think of that measure? The author of the Dec- Mr. CAMPBELL. That tree was planted laration of Independence is often appealed to as wlhen-[Cries of Order!" " Order! "-when authority by the gentleman's party. Sir, if the slavery was firstbrought totheshores ofinmerica. departed Jefferson could return from the realms [Cries of' Order!" "Order!"] above-if the seals of the tomb at Monticello could Mr. STEPHENS. Well, then, lMr. Speaker, be broken, and that spirit could be permitted to it is much older than the Kansas bill. It was revisit the earth, believe you that he would speak planted before the Government was formed. The a different sentiment to-day fromn that he uttered Constitution itself was grafted upon its stock. then? The condition or slavery of the African race, as Here is the letter which M'r. Jefferson wrote. it exists amongst us, is a I" fixed fact"' in the It is too long to read the whole; but in this letter Constitution. From this a tree has indeed sprung to Mr. Holmes, of Maine, dated the 29th April, -bearing, however, no troubles or bitter fruits. 1820, after strongly condemning the establish- It is the tree of national liberty, which, by the mentl; of a geographical line, and the attempt to culture of statesmen and.patriots, hat grown up restrain the " diffusion of,slavery over a greater and flourished, and is now sending its branches surface," he says: far and wide, ladened with no fruit but national 4"An abstinence, too, from this act of power would re- happiness, prosperity, glory, and renown. move the jealousy excited by the undertaking of Congress TMr. CAMPBELL. Will the gentleman from to regulate the condition of the diiferent descriptions of men Georgia read the preamble to the Constitution? comnpqsing a State. This, certainly, is the exclusive right Mr. STEPHENS. Yes; and I believe can of every State, which nothing in the Constitution has taken froni them and given to the General Government. Could repeat it to him. It is "6 in order to form a more Congress, for example, say that the now freemen of Con- perfect union, establish justice, insmtre domestis aecticut should be freemen, and that they shall not emigrate tractquillity." into any olther State? " Mr. CAMPBELL.;' And secure the blessingThis is plain and explicit, and on the very of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." question. Mr. STEPHENS.'Yes, sir, to themselves Again, in aletl r. Madison on the sae and their posterity —not to the negroes and Afr?subject, he say- roll, and noted the.section of country from which immigration after that.; time. But tihe evidence the settler migrated, and I find that of those who is abundant and conclusive that there was a large w;ere registered as legal voters of the Territory I inmmigration of legal voters fromn the South after the census was tLaken, and before the election, ing to the census, was 314, fronm the South 151; much larger tha.n a any other time. (A. B. making the number of legael resident voters in WVade, page 159, and others.) One witness, that council district 4(5, in PFebruary, witlhout aMr. Banks, on page 164, swears, that " betwixt taking any count of immligration afteerwarcds; Ibut two.and three hundred settlers moved into the the evidence shows that many of thie residents district (the first) in which. he lived, wlich was coming frnom the North, and even soume of' the after the census was taken, and before the elec- acknowledged free-State men, voted for thlose tion." HIis testimony related. to only part of the calledt pro-slavery candirdates, because they did district, where he was acquainted. Another not like the candidates put up by thouir party. witness swears that, to the best of his knowledge They were too ultra in tleit albolitionism, (pag'e and belief, there were four hundred actual resi- 160.) The testimony shows, also, tlat the wh:oie dents and legal voters of the pro-slavery party number of votes cast for the i'ree-Soil candidates in this first district on the day of election, (page in that council district, was bu.t 254, (page 31.) 1159.) IThe testimony showvs t hat, in most of 1 This would give 43 majority for them, if the 9.i5 the districts, there was a large immigration of cast for thllem were all leal votes. But the test.i1 actual residents, legal voters friom the South, mony of'Mr. La add, Covernor Reeder's own w4iafter tlhe cenisus was taken, and before the day ness, who was a can;didate on that ticket for of election. It shows, fiurther, that the immigra- councilnman, estalblishes the fact tlhat at least fijf't tion duriill that; timne wvas much larger from the of these votes were illefal, cast by emigrants fi'on South tlian the Nortl. But the facts disclosed New End.land, just arrived-some of thetam fortyby the censsus show' that there was a majority of eight hours befote the election. Tlis will be seen six hundred aln( fifty-two of legel voters fiom otn page 11.8 of this huge volume. Ilis language the South over those fiom the North7 in Februt- is as follows eury. Now, sir, with these facts before us, I call the special attenition of the gentleman frorn O know so ohose io olid re'elly arciveit voti it [Mr. Snlslma-st, tr to the following statement in his I Cat oly approximate tieirnillters- I silld tliluk tiler report, oil page 34: were froml fifty to sixty. tink there were somee wholl ax. rived within forty-eight hours; I canlnot say as to wsietiher J If the election had been confined tO the acttal settlers, they mnade settleilerts it the'eritory at that tillet) undeterreil by the presence of non-residents, or the kowl- hen, hese fify or sixy a If. then, these fifty or sixty aTk,,nowl edged ili — dee thiat they vwtuld be presetit in niuntici suificieit to gal votes be deducted fromi those cast for the Abooutvote thetll, the testimony indicates that the council lition ticlet, it would leave a. maejotity for the would have been composed of seven in favor of makitng candidates on the other side, of the actteal "esKanisas a free State, elected tlfro the first, secolnd, third, idelsts itL'Febrtuar'ly, even in Lawrence, the great fourth, and sixth council districts. Theresultin the eiglhtlt re ndezvous of NeIw England enmigr-ents, and withand tentll, electing three memlbers, would have been dloubt- out anly reference to the erniglration firom the South fdul; and thle fifth, seventh>, and ninth, would have elected after the census was talen. There is no evidence,'lree pro-slavery mnelnbers. by any witness sworn, thlat any manl, even in' Under like circurnstances the I-louse of Representatives Lawrence, was prevented fionim votig by fote, would have been composed of fourteen members in favor tolenct they did not vote becuse ie crotesses wea of sona.kig Kansas a free State, elected from the second, inot one swears that he colld not haave rotd if third, fourtl, fifth, seventh, eighth, nintlh, and tenth repre- ie had wanted to, in conseqeence of di-ni ioleece seuttativus districts. force, or threat; and there was ino crLwd about "'IThe result in tle twelfth and fourteenth representative the polls in the afterpart of thle dtay. Ther efore, districts, electilg five menters, Tould hlave been dhoubtfutl in this first distlict, tile testinuony il counrectilo and the first, sixth, eleventh, and fifteenth districts would with the census does not indicate that, if thie have elected sevein pro-slavery meunbers. I election had been left to the actlatl ressdelts alone, the Free-Soil ticlket -would have been elected. "( By the election as conducted, the [ro-slavery candi- This, oveve ws one of tl ectiolbs seside This, however, was one of the elections set aside:dates in every district blt the eighth representative district by the Governor, and another was hleld there or received a rimajority of thle votes.') the 22d of Maty. But, sir, hown is it in the othier council districts In this statement the committee say that the mentiomned by the comrnmittee? I have a paper testimoniy indicates that, if the election had been Ii before re wlich I leave cotlpiled, exhibiting tile, confinedl to the actual settlers, the council wvould olganizatiton of all of thle council districts, with have been comnposed of seven in favor of makitng I the numiber of settlers in ea(ch from the Notrsth Kansas a free State, elected firon the first, second, and South, according to the census as far as can third, fourth, ald sixth council districts. be ascertainedt The seventh, eigllllh, ninth, and Now, sir, join issue with the gentleman and Itenth council districts were fo)rmed by dividing thie commnLittee on tIlis point. The census, which i the districts- in which the census wa.s ta.iKen, in the committee seem not to have consulted, is the Isuch a way that the exact ntumber of settlers best testimlony on it. Let us then see what izdi- i from each section cannot be accurateiy arrived aL cations it calffot:d. The first council district con- iin thenm; but it is apparent, fromri the'ensus riesisted of the first, fourth, and seventeenth eleetionm turns, that they could not have'been divided so aru districts. In these, accordinc to the census, the not to have had a large mrljority of settlers* iom legal voters, emigrants from the North, accord- the South in each. Herle is I tle exhibit: 10 COUNCIL DISTRICTS. I o10 witness states any fact to the contrary; but many confirm this indication. The eiqhth and gf~. _z i~ =tenth districts, they say, would have been doubtN umber of Election t f ul, while the census shlows a large mnajority of Number of ~ceion ~c~z re~ra 5 tlitswer South.,.11 Council. District, Districts. & Z the settlers in those districts were emigrants fiom the South. ( st i ~0 ss In reply to what is said in the extract read fromn 1t7 th 10 40 I have also made an exhibit from which it will be I314 1 seen upon what sort of foundation that statement'-4 151 rests, 2d " " 67 13 1 REPRESENTATIVE DISTRICTS M 49 37 3d Ig c 7 ~ 2 3d ~; 0 l 1'2 1 Nmnber of Election th 12 26 IRe, resentative ttii 931 84, 4th Cl 6th _____________________ ~ ~~districts, 9 ~~~~~~-9: — — ~ —-— I —' 4,,h 501 1259 295 17-th 40?_ 6th -________ eIst composed of 1 d 83 15o 1 Cl t~~~~~tti~~4i 29i 20 11 2Q 5ith 1 t i t- 83 155g 1 if 34 ~:3 Cth)~ f 9th 27 26h 12LIA 5 0 49st 280 88 j 11211.08,J 3d 5 2d 6 7 132 10,,h i 0 I -1h 106 114 _____________ 4th " " 3 d 4 9 Ii 74th " __ _ 3d,2 ~6th:: 611 8_ 1):5 K r 1 __ r 7 7th 5111 1 ~~7th ~ ~ ~-9th 27 u K- 8th "j "a, t 1 55 29 27 1 ~~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~56 ~ _ _ _ _ r~~~ut~~~ I 921 ~~~~~~ ~~ 11 Ith - 28't t 712th c 5 9 9 10th of %'.4 8-1th " 1 — 55 13th from the The ein o Ishows tled hw hat t hnetsotyfo the Srouth vtda largely Mttet eased by ertu 1itreidents bheh di it elethi spaoed / T c it tste third counct wretIrtrt ttresicensu lea voweds one oityo9ol fro m te o th, ai N3 ior h oth. The evid ence of witti esses shw ht113th' C Prto I'~=~~~~~~t'U sthis tnajttty ws joviotn bforte th OiOSt tht w 1t bargely acttl asotte tbym fthtre soetl Thfore th e shwcesus howl d t OD9 tIe l fr1om the bv actua, "et'~ fr, h ot. Th fu —h from~ the Soth The stxth district siows a ma i jority of 8 from the South. n. tite districts otto 16t itd! 41.tO 15th ~'~'' r; ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ I o-~ tioned by the committee, the census eturs 1th Y~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ thentselves, cleay inditrte titat but tto of thn I had at jottty of settlers frot the Notth, while I - cats i te lrs co~cj, ~itrit.'l'enI~o i itII~I ~ ~Y~ ~g X32fiom heSo~lc. 71h ~ dneo inse j~h S o= 1~,~ fhave ah'ead tlshm~r~t ~own? what: t ouhe testmn i lcatesion thae tirs[) coy nl~el d~ni~ c oac strict, The ho it ~iotll t he secondTece uinesus shows th~at t h e re~ we re 67~i ~resdety les. ovotcnes il itf or the N lctorhan d. -'~I i —-- / ~ ~ ~ 2 ]I [.k2~A! 1Va3.l.L (tir9 fr~omt t he'Sou th. h?'evie of wi tnss e oh' 5~ ~ sh~ows tnlylat S this ajrit o the Sou~th, waais 2E 11? tile districts men- ij... Z il j. z I toe the omte li census sieed mjriyo9only fr o m th i'' thimevs, mlaj oriy wasvcomte ihne/bre woo thelz eion byd acmjrtual s fettiers fi' om z t he Suouth, T hie fbrht1t 11 From this table, based upon the census, it is n I am now presenting is, that if every' vote he clearly established that there was a majority of rejected and cast out of the counm hut those of the the actual settlers firom the North in the Territory actual residentt recgistered vole,'s in. the Terri)tory in. in but three of the fourteen representative dis- Febramr'y, the result, upon all reasonable antd tricts, These were the second, fourth, and rational grounds of calculation and conclusion, eighth-electing in all hut five members out of would have been the same as it was. These views. the twenty-six. are founded upon fixed and ascertaiined ictsf — upiulon a regist yof th l la voters. witi! the pIlaces But I cannot dwell upon these exhibits. No upon a registryof the leal voters, with the paes from which they went, and not upon loose stateman can gainsay the facts they disclose. They 1!ments of one-sided witnesses about -the polls, beare based upon the census, and the organization i of tIes districts hy Governor eeder;nd these. ing crowded with strangers, and greatmultitudes of the distrmcts- by Governor Reeder; and these of peop!e coming' upon the ground. in wagronts, two exhibits show conclusively to my mind, and p l c i uon te o i wgs &e. Wvhy, Mr.nJohnson (one of th~e judg'ces of as I think to all candidt minds, that if' the vote in & election,7 too, at a, precinct in the, seventh; ditrct the Territory had been confined exclusively to tion, tooatpecict in the s -vet ds ) swears, on page 261, that "a great many of the the actuacl rIesident?registe r~ed voters ilz Febrot, at'y,; theach/11resden re'ar istredvotrs n Fb) people in that district, whom lie, considered! legal the result of the election would not have been peoler in that district, hom e consie d ega different f-em wVhat it was!. Th~e c50S05 slsows voters, came to the polls in their wagonis I have dlifferent forom what it was!' The census shows that there were then a majority of 652 residents n b a oe ee m i y on..... ~~~~~~~~~~~It'is the habit of'tthe people ai'~ the Ter'rh',oy to go to in the'Territory from the South, over those from githe'hiegs of th.er eoa'l.e. ni l t tLe.S smgethe North; and it is well kInown that great num- gatheringshe their oagoons.' A"Pnd Ii thtis hom-e9 d~~~~~~~~~~(iate connection, too, he;states, II and a-sa ju-dge bers of the emigrants from the North voted with e ection, to h ts wa a e of election1, I am? wilingS now6 to swerar tl~tat; xe the southern settlers against the Free-Soil party a m i no to se that w allowed no man to vote that we did not consider at the eleetion. Four of the members elected tohad a right to vote." the Legpfislature, voted for by southern men, were h t to hth (irom th~ie North. Mr. 8anks, a member of the'The tale told by all the wiftnesses examined by Governor Reeder amounts to nearly the samdie House, went friom Pennsylvania; Mr. Waterson, fr om Ohi; r.Lykinsa m hrof the thing. They all had their " story pat. A. great son, fi'om Ohio; Mr. hykins, at member of the... crowd was assembled about the po lls. Some had Council, was from Indiana, and Mr. Barbee from Illinois.'hee ithtih iai fo guns, pistols, and knives. WVell, sir, when and Illinois. These men, though emigrating fi-orm where was there ever an election held at. which the North, were members of the Legislature, and the. people did not crowd. about the polls? And belonged to what the gentlem~an styles the probelond to wat te getlemn sty te pro- is it not strange, that this army of invasion, with slavery or " border ruffian" party in Kansas. )flags, banners, and music —guns, pistols, and The whole "Free-Soil vote," or " free-State" knives, did so little iscief? t a an as knives, did so little mischief? Not a man. was vote, as the gentleman calls it, in the entire Terihurt by theme in the whole Territory!' Not a ritory on the 30th of March, amounted to less h b e nte ole e ritr a homicide committed! Not even an assault. and than 800, as appears from the exhibits of the com- I t battery about voting in the whole Territory! For mittee's report, (pages 31 and 32.) This is, more I I hi21 ls ht tlse t[stse of.....)si foi fronm all the testimony talen it appears that there than 200 less thlan the number of emigrants firom. I he rt in tse Territory, CCOing to the i were but three or four fights in all Kansas on the the i'orth in the Territory, according to the ad les than oe thd of thelegally- day of election; andt these fights were not about ~censtius, and less tl O Ivoting Wirhy, sir, in th.e municipal election in r~egistecred voters in February. j registered voters i February. this city, the other day, at one precinct alone, Now, as no witness swears that any man of there were half a dozen men knocked downthat party was prevented from voting, the whole ssoewere shot-one has since iied of the wounds evidence taken together clearly indicates, if it ireceived in the affray; and one man, two or three I'& feet c inclusively, that tltlllil;.dll oe antw o tre does not establish, the fact conclusively, that the days afterwards, was killed in the streets merely Free-Soil party in Kansas was largely in tlhe for hurrahing for his candidate! But in the inimnority at the March election, and that alll tls vasion and subjugation of Kansns on this imnemocry about an invasion, and the election having rable election [ay, no man was killed-no man been carried by Missourians, is notihing but was even whipped for, or on account of, his clamor. It is an after-thought. As to the state- voting! Strange invasion ansd subjugation was ment of old 5man Jordan, it is sufficient to say, in that! A subjugation without a life lost, a bone reply to it,- that there was no Free-Soil ticket runj broken, or a bruise given, and about whils ich o at the election where he was, in the third district. complaint was raised'until months afterwards There was no reason, therefore, for any attempt And. why, Mr. Speaker, wa it got up afterwards? to keep huts from voting. hy do we lhear so tmuch of it isow What is It is very possible, Mr. Speaker —it is even the real cause of all thlis clamnor at thlis time, in probable, tand I do not mean to say but what it Ithis House and out of i about the illegality of Is altogether true, that a great many illegal votes the election of the Leq dIatuire in Kaiwsas, and were cast at the election. it is certainly admitted, sthese pretended aitevantes of a. pretended downalso, that great nunmbers of the citizens of Mis- troddei mjority the,rying out for redress etouri went into the Territory on tse day of the iagainst a systeni of -i...ns.poel upon them by election, but there is no proof that asly great i te Ipeople of a tcit:!'iea State? I understand nuinbers of them voted. They went, according i it, sir, very well. a n;: iso, odoubtless, underto the tes;titmony, to see that illeg.al voting should istand it. We all: i-::d it, There is a party not be allowed by parties sent out by the eastern in this country,'Anto,rid slet'rt.no t emigrant aid societies, barely for the purpose of only in Kans[.s j:::ueiout the Republic. It votti'g ands returning. The main point, however, is a party fo, gp:.? phical itss ain returning h' Cal I' nescxll ncs Elrzi~a the zwaruIno; the EIarewell Address of the F'ather XlHouse, upon the subject of African slavery, shall of lls CofneeFa- v. be the law in that Territory. It cannot be done by i may be t;mitted1 in this connection, to al- sixteen States of this Union setting themselves lude to this in and real cause of all these dif- up to 0overn not only Kansas, but the other fifuficultes fior. hM~i: for this cause, I venture to say, teen separate and independent coequal States in such a case as that now presented before this I this Confederacy. It can only be done by leaving House Wvoumtl rio have received one hour's con- this question, in some form- or another, just where silderation. The: tirue cause, then, lies in no real the Kansas bill put it. This is the only ultimate, grievaiince in Kari. ~.s, but in the aimsn objects, and peacefui solution of the whole matter. and it will purposes of t.hins partly They are anainst al- be so found in the end. lowing thIe people tiheTeirritories of the United The people of Kansas, I take it, arie capable of States to exercise the right of self-government, governing themselves,just as wvisely, peacefully, as provideild in the KIansas bill. The elections patrioticaly, and as safely, without dictation in Kansas didil niot to suit that party. They firom, or control by you, as they were in the call tliems.ves P: i-blicns, and their republic- States from which they migrated. They lost anisni namounts to about this: they acknowl- none of their intelligence, virtue, patriotism, or edloe tlhe riht of ine people to govern them- sovereignty, I trust, by a cha-nge of residence. selves,'pr-ovided the do it according to their no- They can judge better of the character of their tions.'I'lt y niake loud professions, and utter laws than you can. If they do notsuitthe wishes "' shrieks' for the rfireedom of the Africans" of a mjoriiy of the people there, they doubtless aionlgst its, while tl -y will not grant the firee- will be clhanged in due time and in a proper way. dorn of imaiilig thet; own laws to their own The day for a new election, if the Senate bill is countrymnen, of thei own race and blood, un- not to pass, is near at hand. In October a new less it is exercised.:' - conformity to their will. Legislature is to be elected. Why should the'hliese mcoe were op. soied oriiinally to the Kan- people theme be encouraged to acts or revolution, Gas-Nebraska act, b<:duse it granted the right or this House be induced to take steps leading to to the friee white inmel: there to assign the negro revolution Iirte, when the constitutional atnd to that slants, in thein political systemns, which peaceful remedy of the ballot-box is so near at they, in their wisdoun and patriotism, might hand? Why cannot all these questions be leftto determnine to be besi for both thein and him. the people of Kansas to settle at their next elecThey wish to gorelo.n Kansas, not according tion? If the Free-Soil party are in the majority, to the wislies of tie people there, but as they as you say it is, why shrink from that test; please. question if any State in the Union has got a betSir, I profess to be a republican of the old school, ter election law-one more rigidly guarding the of the school of Madison and Jefferson and free exercise of the elective firanchise-than the WFashingtoi. It was tipon the principles of that people of Kansas have, -which is that very law school I'w5as iln fvor of the Kansas bill, and am you are now about to be called upon to declare still; andl I am in favor of adhering to it and car- invalid and void. Amongst other provisions, it iying it out in good fuith, both in letter and spirit. contains the f.ollowing, which I called the attenjustlfy no w-ronos that may have arisen uider tion of the House to once before on this floor: it if any hiave, coming from any quarter whatever; andi I tin cmpelled to belleve, from all the testi-, Se-e. 24. If any person, by menaces, threats, and force, sanity tnaken in this case, thnaot whatever wrongs aor b any other ulatviwl niens, either directly or indiisV lie c been cominttead by tnry portion of the reatly, attempt to iiinfluence any quialified voter in giving people of Missouri, they were retaliatory in their his vote, or to deter him from giviiig the saue or disturb or character. The first wrong was committed by I ninder him in tue fri':e exercise of iiis right of suifrage, at those whose sole oblect was to defeat the peace- any election iheld under the laws of this erritory, the perti! andt quiet operation of the principles of that son so offending shall, on conviction thereof; be adjudged bill. iWhaitever ills may have befallen these inter guilty of a misdemeanor, and be punished by fine not ex meddlers, lave been clearly of their own seeking; ceedin five hundred dollars or by iprisonment in the 1 cttellingg f cii hu doe llars, or by ]uit~pinoniilieiii iii ib and we seldom see a man going out of his say county jail not exceeding one year. to get into a difficulty who mak. es much by it. I.o getinto adiffieilty ho nilces mch iy "Szc. 25. Every person who eshail, at the isiie election, am, however, sir, for applying all proper reme- SE. 25. Evey peon who shllat te se election, dies for existing difficulties, and for cjuieting all vote more than once,either at the sane or a diffeent place, disturbances which have arisen in Kansas, in 8.1 I nLdiattrbitst v lochh arsen n Kanas, n ny shall, on coiivieitsii be itbudged guilty at a mnisdemneanor, roper tiae way. This I have own and lbe punished by fine not exceeding fifity dollars, or by ~y niy advocacy of the Senate's bill, which still imprisonmientiin the county jail not exceeding thrliee mionths. cleeps upon your table, andi which you will not i "Sec. 26. Every person not being a qualified voter aetouch: that is a fair and a just mode of pacifica cordint to tle ort'die law and the lawv of this Teritory, tion. If pacification is whtat you wvant, that is who shall vote at any electioi within this ieitorn, iktowone way in which it can be accomplished. It hall vote, sa tienio- ii Iinc that li is not entitled to vote, shall be adjud.-jed guilty canniot be dolne by igzoring' their laws, and voting I-7" annot be tuit y ii ta eir liws, earl voting i of a minisdemieanor, and punished by fine not exeedeing fifly their Delegate out of a seat on this floor. It can- dollars. not be do-te by inaking the President supreme SE 27. An per wo de y gives. printd dictator over ithem It cannot be done by with- 27. Any person ho desigely ves pintd or holding' appropriations Hand stoppn h whel oltiag anppiiateouns and st~ppini the sheols written ticket to any qualified voter of this Teiritorv, con of the General Government, and throwing us all I taining the written or printted niames of persons or whomn ilto anarchy, unless the will of a majority of tis i suid voter does not design to vote, for the purpoie of caua ina such voter to poll his vote contrary to his own wishes, voted at all voted for it; and I allude to the fact shall, on conviction, be adjudged guilty of a miisdemeanor, to show that, for the purpose of acconmplishingl a and pulishled by fiie not exceeding five hundred dollars, or -favorite object, those who have been so loud in by imlprisoniment in the county jail not exceeding three their denunciations of this law have been willing montlhs, or by both such fine andc ilmprisonmelt. to give it their sanction. Even the senior gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. GiDDIGs,] who10 slome time "S SEc. 28. Any person who shall cause to be printed and nan from Ohio, [Mr GioDINGs who some time v o shil tayfasnaiuet go arraigned his colleague, [Mr. CATPBELL,] the ticukets, f hich uponto le desn hairman of the Ways and Meas Cto e desmittee, icets, pn or bringing forward a bill containing items of ti'aud upon voters, hllall, upon conviction, be punished by to pay officers fr the discllarge of fine rot exceeding five hundred dollars, or by imprisonmnent their duty ii the execution of this lab, has by in the coiiity jail niot excee(inrig three months, or by both his vote, not only sanctioned its constitutionality, such fine and imprisonment. but the propriety of its enforcement. " Tlb'is act to take effect and be in force from and after its Mr. GIDDINGS. WVill the gentleman fiom passage."-Chap. 52, p. 281. Georgia aliow me to ask him a question? I understand lhe is in favor of the fugitive slave law; Are. not these provisions ample to secure a fuill but I ask him whether he voted for the fugitive laid fair expression of the popuiar will in the slave law to which he alludes, the other day?,-hoice of those who shall make laws for them, or Mr. STEPHENS. I did not. to chlailge and alter any obnoxious ones that may Mr. GIDDINGS. Then the gentleman and I now be in force? What obje — tion is there to it? disagree. The only one I have hIeard is, that aiotherclause Mr. STEPHENS. Yes,we disagree in many de-lies the right of suffrage to those who may be things, but not on that point in that bill, if the guilty of a violation of the fugitive slave law, and gentleman was really in favor of what he voted re(-l.ilres a voter, onr beig clhallenged, to purge for. The gentleman voted for the bill, I1 suppose, iiiiself by what is called the'test oath.' This is notwithstanding it contained the feigitive slave the provision to which the gentleman from Ver- clause, because it contained an arbitrary and abmottt [Mr. MEACHIAM] alluded the other day, I solute restriction upon the free still of thefi'ee sehite suppose, when he applied to it the term "scan- men in Kansas. It was upon that point we disdalous." But, sir, I do not see how that gentle- agreed. The fugitive slave law is already in mnan and his friends generally can object strongly force in that Territory by the original Kansas even to that feature, since their vote, two days bill, for which I voted. But how can that genago, upon the bill introduced by the gentleman tleman and others, who gave the vote they did fi'omal Indiana, [Mr. DUNN.] That-bill expressly the other day, ever hereafter raise their voices affirms the fugitive slave law, notwithstanding aggainst the constitutionnlity of this law, and in all that has been said by them against it, and denunciation of those who voted for it in 1850? their denunciations of those by whose votes it I recollect a mnember from Michigan, (Ar. Buel,) was passed. In order to get a restoration of the who was literally run down in his State for votina Missoueri restriction over Kansas, this side of the for it at that tirme. Pictures were got up, I was HIouse voted for this very fugitive slave law; and told, representing him with a slaveholder in nothing but a "pair" prevented the gentleman pursuit of his fugitives. He was beaten before frorn Vermont [Mr. MEACHAM] from voting for the people in hIis election for giving that vote. it himself. H-Iere is a clause, for which all Oll this Perhaps some one who aided in that defeat is side of the I-louse voted: present. If so, and if lie was in hIis place and voted two days ago, he reaffirmed by his vote,S lnd!proviedffl7rtlher, That any person lawfillly held to the very sanme law. Let this be made known to service in any otlher State or Territory of the United States, his constituents. It is but due to the character anid escaping into either the Territory ofKansus or Nebraska, and worth of a noble and true man, who fell a may be reclaimed and removed to the person or place where victim to the Moloch of party in the discharge such service is due, undler aiiy law of the United States of a public duty, and in the maintenance of his whicli shall be in force upon the subject." constitutional obligations. But, sir, the point I was on is this: -Tow can This is an indorsement in express terms of the gentlemen raise such objections to that feature in fugitive slave law, as it now exists upon the the Kansas election law, which denies the riglt of statute-book, for which I say all on this side of suffrage to those who are guilty of a violation of the }HZouse voted a few days ago. a statute of the United States, which they, by Mr. LEITER. I did not vote for that pro- their votes, have affirmed shall subject them to vision. the pains and penalties of felony? Crimes of Mr. STEPHENS. I beg the gentleman's par- certain grades, in many of the States, deprive don; lie did vote against it, I believe. men of the right of voting. Why may not felony Mr. BENNETT, of New York. The gentle- in Kansas be a disqualification as well -as anymamn must make another exception. I did not where else? Why not leave this matter to a vote for the fugitive slave provision. majority of the honest people in the Territory to Mr. STEPHENS. I believe the gentleman settle for themseles at the next election? The did not vote at all. I intended to speak only of reason, sir, is obvious. The party to which I' those lwho did vote. The gentleman from Ohio have alluded are opposed to the principle of the [IMr. LEITER] is the only one on tile Free-Soil people in each State and community attending to side who voted against it. All the others who their own internal affairs, and of allowing those 14 in other States and communities to do the samie. towards the colonies. He and they, in adherinAll our American systems rest upon this princi- to their policy of governing the colonies in all ple; yet they are opposed to it. Men in Massa- cases whatsoever, severed one empire. It may chusetts, New York, and Ohio, are not content be that their imitators on this continent, by purwith looking after the well-being of their own suing a similar policy, may sever a far more gloStates, but they wish to set themselves up as rious, prosperous, and happy Confederacy of supervisors, legislators, and rulers of the people States. Southern statesmen on this nuestiol ocin other places beyond their jurisdiction. And cupythe grounds of the old hi thie old Demthese are the men who are so constantly pratisg' ocrats, and the old Republicans, of the days of about the slave power-its aggressions, its inso- the Revolution. They say it is not only.rjusist, Ience, and its dictation. When, sir-when did the but anti-republican, for the tRepresentatives on slave power ever assume such insolence, put on this floor from the various States of the Uniion, such arrogance, use such dictation, or claim such to attempt, arbitrarily, to ilmpose laws and instiprerogatives, as. this class of men do in this tutions upon the people of the distant Territories, instance? When did southern statesmen ever who have no representation by votes upon this seek to impose their institutions upon any other floor. State or Territory? I know it is said that they When I addressed this House somne tinle nao, have endeavored to extend slavery by Congress. I called attention to some resnarks made by il\r. The geltlerman from aIndiana [Mlir. CUMBACcK] John Quincy Adams, at Pittsburg, in INovenl ber, the other day said the object of the Kansas bill 1843, upon the subject of abolishing slavery in was to mnake Kansas a slave State by act of Con- this District. These remarks are pertinent to the groess. No suclh thing, sir. The object of the present question. His anti-slavery sentiments [Kansas bill was neither to make it a slave State were quite as strong, perhaps, as those of any nor a free State; but, after taling off the restric- man now vpresent; but lhe was oplposed to the tion of 1820, to leave that matter without any abolition of slavery in this District by C(ongress, interference, dictation, or control on the part of because it was anti-republican. These are his Congress to the people there to settle for them- words: selves, subject only to the Constitution of the United Staties. The object is clearly set forth in " to the ion of slavery is the lislricl Cotnlmtile bill itself. Lere are its words: bia, I lhave said that I was opposed to it-not because I have any doubts of the power of Congiress to abolish slavery in "That thle Constitution and all laws of the Unlited States, the District, for I liavi none. But I regard it as a vliolation bl.hich are not lcally inapplicable, sh-all have the same of rel"'tlicans pritncit-les to enact laws at the petition o'one force and effect ini the said Territory of Kansas as elsewhlere 1people which are to operate upon anloth/er Jeolle agaiset wit]inl the United States, except the eighth section of the their cosiseilt.''Act preparatory to the admission of Mfissouri into thle Mr. Adams said it was a II violalimt of rtpepulican Union?' a pproved March 6,1820, which, beifg inconsistent Uniot,' apSproved Mtilrch 6, 180, istio behig icosisitl ppritnciles to enact laws at tile petition of one people with the principle of non.inteenietion by Congress with ich are to oerte uon se eole i s;lavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the their coseitt; and for tie same reason I say to legislation of 1850, conrmmonly called tile comprolsise eas- you, who have assumed the title of Repubiicans, llres, is helreby declared inoperative anld void; it being the you violate every principle cotsecsated Ilv the troe intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery name you bear, by attempting to force instiitur hito any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrome, Ibut tiors upon the people of Kansas against theilr to leave tile people thereof perfectly free to formn anld regu- consent, If a majority there see fit to assign the late their domestic institutions in their own way, subject negro the same condition he occtupies in the oilly to tlle Conlstitution of the United States." southern States, let them do it. If a mujority of them shall prefer that he stall be an outcast The difference between southern statesmen and amongst them, without the fianchise of a fi'eenorthern Free-Soilers upon this subject is, that man, or the protection of a master, as he is in tlhe former are willing, and ever have been, to many States of the Union — a va.galbod, in a leave the questionl of the domestic institutions in worse conidition than that of Cain -fr he hiad a the new States to the people to settle for them- mark on hlim that no sman should hurt him —let selves; while the latter are seeking to mold and them so determine. This is our position. fashion them according to their peculiar preju- Mr. STA:NTON. Does the gentleman hold dices. All that thle South asked in the anrnexa- that the Territorial Legislatures have power to tion of Texas, and all the guarantee she got was, exclude slavery? simlply, that the people in certain States,hereafter Mr. STEPIPHENS. I say that, if Congress has to be fbnrmed out of Texas, might come into the the power, sohasthe Territorial Legislature. The Union either with or without slavery, as the peo- gentlemana, I believe, holds that Contrsess has the pie maay determine for themselves. This is what power, I do not; and consequently I do not hold Free-Boilers call an aggression of the slave power. that the Territorial Legislatures call rightfulIly We at the Southl consider it nothing but the es- exclude slavery. I hold that the -public domanin tablishmnent of tile great principle of' self-govern- being public property, purchased by the cosrmmon mernt which waras the germ of the American Revo- blood and common treasure of all, should be left lution. Free-Soilers hold the position towards free and open for settlement and colonization the Territories and new States, which Lord North equally by the citizens of all the States alike until and his ministry in the British Parliament did, they come to form their State constitution; but 1 repeat what I have said before, that if a majority perous and happy in his condition amongst us, of the people of the Territory, upon a fair expres- than he is in any other part of the world-not sion of the popular will in due form of law, shall excepting the gentleman's own State. This tlhe decide against slavery-, I am willing to abide by last census showed. The negroes with us, sir, that determination. Now is the gentleman willing even under the restraints of power over them, to do this? He is silent. By his votes he has enjoy not only more comforts of life, but more said that he is unwilling to do it. That is the rational liberty than they do anywhere else. difference between us. They enjoy quite as much as they are fit for. Now, I say, again, that southern statesmen All rational liberty is founded on restraints. have never asked Congress to impose their insti- |" Bonds make free." To constitutional and tutions upon an unwilling people. They have legal bonds we are all indebted for whatever libalways believed in the ability and capacity of the erty any of us enjoy. Liberty without bonds of men of their pwn race to govern themselves some sort is nothing but licentiousness. And wisely, and for the best interests of themselves those bonds in which the negro is placed with us and their posterity, in each State and community are only such as are necessary for the largest libfor itself. The party-to which I have alluded is erty he is capable of enjoying. Dependence and arrayed against this principle. It is nothing but subordination is his natural and normal condia shoot, a sprout, a raettooUe froml the buried roots tion; but socially, the position of this people is of the old Rufus-King, Hartford-convention better at the South than it is at the North, so far party, whlich was always against this principle as my observation has extended. At the North of self-government —of popular sovereignty- they are excluded, and shunned as a leprous upon which all our American institutions rest. caste. At the South they look to their masters.Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman from Geor- as guardians for protection, and they are treated gia says that the South has always held to the with that respect and kindness due to their capability of man for self-government. I would condition. But, sir, I must return from thii inquire whether it is a part of that self-govern- digression. ment to flog their slaves? I have shown you the utter grouindlessness of Mr. STEPHENS. It is a part of all kinds of the assumed facts upon which the first resolution goveriment to punish oelndlers, whether white before us, proposing to vote the sitting Delegate or blaclk, bond or free.'This may be done, ac- out of his seat, is founded. I have also shown cording to the grade of the oifens-e, either by flog- that the real and true reason of this unheard-of ging, imprisoning, branding, or hanoing, as the proceeding is not the one assigned, but that it is law-nlaking power may determine. The p inci- to be found in the purposes of that great sectional, pie of self-go-vernment which I advocate applies abolition party, which is now seeking to govern to men of our own race —f-ee white men. I do as they please, not only the common Territomiot beleve thcat the Afi'ican race is capable of self- ries, but the whole fifteen southern States of this government, either in the South oi Nort h. They Union. never have been firom thee earliest days of history. It is now for me briefly-for. have but a few In the gentleman's own State they are not ac- moments of time left-to allude to the second knowledgeed to be within the plinciple. They resolution before us, which is even more monare not aeclnowledged as eqtels either socially or strous than the first. This proposes to assign a politically. Tlhey take no part in the govern- seat on this floor toAndrew II. Reeder, as a Del.ment under chich they live. Whether they are egate from Kansas, not by virtue of his beins flogged there l do not know, but great numbers entitled to it, but because it is supposed there is of theln are in jalils, according to the census. The a moajority here willing to do it. It is not preconstitutions of most of what are called'"free ten'ed fhatt he has the shadow of a claim of legal Stlates" in this Union, show that they are not even ri ght to it. The majority of the Conmmnittee of there considered capable of self'-overnment. Elections who have reported this resolution, do Mr. GIDDiNGS. Does thegentlemnan believe not venture to say that he is intcitled to a seat. that the Aticaleans who caltured Amnerican Cllris-'he resoluticn is an anomaly of its character. It tianls, and made slaves of theml, were capable ot i silmply says: self'-governlmenlt? I self-. S fL EPE3:ENS. Ther were of a diferert Resolved, That Andrew Hi. Steeder be admitted to a seat Mi. S [.EP.ii ENS. Thiy were of a differen mon tiis floor as a Delegate froni the Territory of Kansas. race. I allude to the black, woolly-headed ne- the groes. [Laughter.] Hee presents no certificate of election, or credenMr. GIDD )NGS. The gentleman knows there tials front any quarter, except the report of the are des endants of Jeflerson and others here Kansas colmmittee. This coirmittee, on page whose blood is tinctured with that of the Afri- 67, say, i6 That Andrew IH. Reeder received a cant. Now, lhow munmch Afiican blood must they greater numnber of votes of resident, citizens than hatrve to be incapable of self-government? John W. Whitfield for Delegate." This is his Mr. STEPI-ENS. One eeighth part or degree whole case, and this statexnient by them is unsusby1' our law. [Penewed alal-liter.] Has the gen- tiined by proof. The mrajority of the Committee tleacln anycfiyfctheml-question? ]Now, sir, notwiith- of Elections have adopted it; and I now call standing we at the South hold this incapacity in uponi the chairman, [Mr. WASIIvRaN, of Maine, the negro of self-goverinmlen, and notwithstaniid- who will conclude this argunlent, to show tlhe ing we deny him social and political equality, I evidence upon which it is founded. I make the maintain that he is better oft there, better pro- demand of' him in the presence of the House and vided for, better taken care of; and is mnore pro;- I the country. He cannot respond to it; for thi, is one of the bold assertions of this investigating ( district, 20 votes-making 56 in all, and all told! committee, which there is no testimony to war- If there is any evidence, or any proof that he rant. Reeder was not a candidate at the election received another vote in the Territory, I call upon when Whitfield was elected. He was not a can- the gentleman to point it out. If there be any didate at any election held in pursualnce of any such, it has escaped rne; while it appears from a, legal authority. He was voted for, it is said, on copy of the official records, to be found on pages thle day that delegates were elected to a conven- 45 and 46, that Whitfield received upwards of tion under the Topeka movement; and on page 2,700 votes. How, then, could the Kansas com58 of the report, there appears what is styled an rittee say that Reeder received a larger number abstract of tihe number of votes received by him; of the votes of resident citizens than WVhitfield but this is nothing but a statement by the com- did? And yet this is one of the incontrovertible mittee. There is not a particle of evidence to facts which the Committee of Elections say have show where it came firom, or what credit is been established by the proof. to be given to it; and I call upon the gentle- Mr. Speaker, I can say no more upon the subman from Ohio [Mr. SHERMIAN] to show the ject. If'Whitfielil is to be ousted because he was facts unon which this statement-this abstract not elected in pursuance of any valid law, upon is based. There is not a particle of evidence in wlat principle can' Reeder be put in by this this whole volume to sustain it. The only evi- HI-ouse, when in his case there was neitlier law (lence showing the number of votes that Reeder nor votes. There is butone principle upon whlich got is to be found on pages 670, 682, and 683. it can be done, and that is, I" Sic voio, sic jubeo"On page 670 it appears that he received at the I so will it, and I so order it. It is the printhird and seventh precincts of the third district, ciple of all tyrannies, and the beginfningl of all 24 votes. On page 682, it appears that he received usurpations; but I will not permit myself to at the house of Richard J. Farqua, in the sixth believe that this House will comnmit such an district, l12 votes; and on page 683, it appears that outrage. I will not believe it until I see th he received at Coluaibia precinct, in the same perpetration of the deed. S PEEC:lON. LEWiSCbASS, OrF MICHI AIN DELlERED IN THIS E SENA TE'F TE UNITED STATES, MAY 12-13, 1856. Th' e'c..... in c.f,:i:icttcc of:the whole, resumed the consideration orfthe bill (S. No. 172)'..orht z ~.e t4he people of the Territory of Kansis to form a'constitution and State goverrnment,:t;re amte ory to their admission into the Union, when: tley have the requisite population. lM