~M-MIGRATION. I C,0313IiSSl0 ES oF EK H3G1{AT0IOL OF THE BY FR IEDRICII KAPP, ONE OF THE SAID COMINTSSIONERS. NEW YORK: THE NATION PRESS, 27 ROSE STREET. is870. It;2 6 *'. IIMMI GATI ON-, AND THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION OF TIIE tatt f -o f BY FRIEDRICEH EiKAPP, ONE OP TH: SAID CO0XISSIONERS. NEW YORK: THE NATION PRESS, 27 ROSE STREET. 1870. TO LEOPOLD BIERWIRTH, ESQ. 1~ public and private life, you have, for more than forty years in this your adopted country, labored to promote the welfare of this community, and to benefit humanity at large. It was your good fortune to assist in suggesting and initiating the reforms which are treated of in the following pages. It was your privilege to be instrumental in inaugurating the new era, signalled by the formation of the Board of the Commissioners of Emigration. Of this body you were a highly honored member during the first two years of its existence, setting as such an example worthy of emulation by your successors. Although you withdrew a long time ago from active participation in their official duties, you have continued to work with undiminished zeal and energy in furtherance of the interests of which they are the custodians. In view of this, and as an expression of my respect and friendship, I dedicate to you this essay. FRIEDRICH KAPP. NEW YORK, February, 1870. PREFACE. HAvING resided for the past twenty years at the greatest immigrant port in the world, and having been led by my official duties during a portion of this time to pay particular attention to the subject of emigration, I have been induced to enter into a somewhat extended study of this important question. The result of my researches is now laid before the public. A great deal has been written about emigration, its causes, aims, and results, but, with a very few exceptions, the writers on this subject have dwelt more upon their own theories and conjectures than upon facts and events. In the physical world, it is manifestly impossible to build a house without having laid a foundation; yet, in the intellectual world, people too often reason and philosophize upon political and social questions without having made that careful investigation of facts which is the only sure foundation of accurate reasoning. The present essay on immigration is chiefly confined to the narration of facts, and it is only here and there that I have given the conclusions which have seemed to me to be their natural result. Parts of it have already been laid before the public in a paper read in this city, on the 27th of October, 1869, before the American Social Science Association. The emigration of European masses to this country is still in its infancy, and yet it is very difficult, if not impossible, to collect and preserve the materials relating to it. If I have succeeded in ii PREFACE. saving any which without my researches might, perhaps, have perished, I have accomplished my purpose. I trust that they may facilitate for the future historian the study and appreciation of this interesting subject. Strange as it may seem, the youngest nation that has made its appearance on the historical stage is singularly deficient in that historical spirit which characterizes true civilization. Germany, France, England, and Italy are laboring more earnestly for the preservation of the records of their barbarism than the United States for the illustration of its unbroken record of civilization. How can this lack of interest be explained? Is it that the task of the hour makes Americans blind to all things else? Is it that so much is still to be done that no time is left for the consideration of what has been done? Be it as it may, it is a melancholy fact and seriously detrimental to the most vital interests of the nation. People look with indifference at this colossal immigration of the European masses, whose presence alone will exercise a powerful influence on the destinies of the Western World; National and State legislators care little or nothing for the direction which is given to this foreign element, and forget that their own welfare and the welfare of their children is indissolubly interwoven with the condition of the new-comers. In short, they are not yet aroused to the great importance of emigration, of its laws and its development, but consider it rather with an incredulous curiosity than with an earnest desire to fathom its resources and foresee its results. My principal sources of information have been the minutes and the annual reports of the Commissioners of Emigration, which, wherever it was possible, I have quoted in their own lan PREFACE. iii guage; the proceedings of the Common Council of New York City, the reports of the Comptrollers of this city, and the papers and official acts of the United States Senate and of the State Legislature at Albany. I have not given my authorities, as I cannot suppose that they are accessible to any of my readers, but the correctness of the statements is susceptible of verification, and may be implicitly relied upon. I gratefully acknowledge the important services rendered me by Mr. Bernard Casserly, the efficient General Agent of the Commissioners of Emigration, who is familiar with all the minutiae of the service, and the history of the Board for which he has labored ever since its creation with intelligence and zeal. I am also under special obligations to M1r. Andrew Carrigan and I14r. Thurlow Weed for the very interesting information contained in Chapter V. Mr. Weed, although confined to his chamber by illness, assisted me with his valuable advice, and gave me important information concerning the origin of the Commission. I am likewise indebted to my friends, Mr. Henry Villard, of Boston, the able Secretary of the American Social Science Association, and Mr. Thomas Burke, of this city, for the revision of my manuscript; to Mr. Charles Goepp for the greater part of Chapter IX., and to several officers of the Commissioners of Emigration, among whom I would name Mr. George WV. Wheeler, Col. L. Cantador, Mr. A. H. Hicks, and Dr. A. Reimer, for the readiness with which they have supplied me with copies of important tables and other necessary documents. FRIEDRICH KAPP. 6 MANSFIELD PLACE, NEW YoRE, February 24, 1870. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER I. Historical Introduction-Law of Emigration-The United States the Favorite Land of the Emigrant,.5 CHAPTER II. The Sea Voyage,.19 CHAPTER III. Bonding and Commuting-Private Hospitals for Immigrants, 41 CHAPTER IV. Arrival in New York-Runners-Boarding-Houses-Inland Voyage,.61 CHAPTER V. The Board of Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York,.85 CHAPTER VI. Castle Garden,.105 CHAPTER VII. Ward's Island,. 125 CHAPTER VIII. Capital Value of Immigration to this Country-Its Influence on the Population and the Nation's Wealth-Is Immigration a Matter of State or National Concern?... 142 CHAPTER IX. Immigration as Affected by the Constitution of the United States,. 162 APPENDIX. I. Sufferings of Emigrants while at Sea,..... 183 HI. Protection of Immigrants and care taken of them,...... 196 III. The Inland Voyage, and Booking of Passengers in Europe,... 200 IV. Rules and Regulations,....211 V. An Act for the More Effectual Protection of Emigrants arriving at the Port of New York.............. 223 VI. Members of the Commission,. 224 VII. Statistical Tables,.....227 IMMIGRATION TO NEW YORK. CHAPTER I. HIISTORICAL INTRODUCTION - LAW OF EMIGRATION -THE UNITED STATES THE FAVORITE LAND OF THE EMIGRANT. FROM the remotest ages down to the present day, from the cagset of Emi. gration. first Phoenician and Greek colonies down to the settlement of the North Pacific coast, two principal causes have always induced emigration and led to the establishment of new states and empires, viz., political or religious oppression and persecution, and social evils, such as want of prosperity or insecurity, lack of employment, famine, and high prices of living in general. In modern times, either of these causes has proved powerful enough to produce emigration on a large scale from certain countries. People who are happy and comfortable at home do not emigrate; the poor and oppressed only, who cannot find a fair reward for their labor in the land of their birth, or who feel themselves obstructed and thwarted in their religious or political aspirations, seek to better their condition by a change of country. The territory which constitutes the present United States owes Development of the United its wonderful development mainly to the conflux of the poor and states due to outcast of Europe within it. The adventurers who discovered and first settled it belonged to the feudal aristocracy of Europe. Being neither able nor willing to work, they failed and perished, and gave way to the so-called lower classes of society-to the sturdy farmner and the industrious mechanic. Feeble as their efforts were in the beginning, the toils and sufferings, the patience and 6 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. perseverance of these voluntary and involuntary exiles have, in a comparatively short time, built up a powerful commonwealth, the proud structure of this Republic, which in itself is the glorification, the epopee of free and intelligent labor. scanty immigra- The immigration of Europeans in large masses into America, to 19thcentury however, is of a more recent date, an outgrowth of the nineteenth century. It is true, in earlier periods, immigrants also found their way to the European possessions in the New World, but their number at any given time was comparatively small.'There arrived during the whole year, in all the American colonies, hardly as many as land now on one summer day in the city of New York alone. During the first century of the settlement of the country by the English and the Dutch, a few hundred new immigrants attracted the public attention of the whole colony, and towards the end of the last century the arrival of two ships laden with Germans, on one day, created quite a sensation in New York. Reasons there The reasons for this numerical difference are obvious. Comfor. munication between Europe and America was in its infancy. During the favorable season of the year, a vessel now and then sailed from an English, Dutch, or French port for America. No Continental country had any intercourse with the then English colonies except by way of England. The trips required seldom less than eight weeks. Their regular time was from three to four months, but very often the passage occupied six months and more. On the other hand, the horizon of the European masses did not extend beyond their native village and its immediate neighborhood. The great majority of the people were too poor, too degraded even to conceive the idea of throwing off their shackles, of trying, at least, to run away from their misery to the New World. The two countries, which were then, as they are now, the principal sources of emigration, viz., Germany and Ireland, furnished a small number only. In South-western Germany, emigration on a large scale commenced in the beginning of the eighteenth century, in consequence of wars, famine, and religious persecutions; but, during the whole century, only from 80,000 to 100,000 Germans settled in America. Ireland did not send forth as many tens as it does now thousands. iISTORICAL INTRODIUCTION. 7 This essay will be confined to the port of New York, and, when the contrary is not expressly stated, it treats of immigration in connection with New York only. The present metropolis of American commerce, although one Commnerciapreof the oldest cities built by European emigrants, had become nd it ori more than two hundred years old before she assumed the leading part in the trade of the country. According to the first census, taken in 1790, the State of New York was the fifth in population, and ranked even after Massachusetts and North Carolina. In 1800, it rose to the third; 1810, to the second, and only in 1820 to the first position, which it has since maintained. The city of New York kept even pace with the State. During the first ten years of the present century, she was inferior to Philadelphia, the then largest city in the United States, in population and commerce. In 1820, she numbered, for the first time, a few thousand inhabitants more than the Quaker City; but, in the decade of 1820 to 1830, she established her superiority beyond any doubt. The The Erie CanaL noble work of her great statesman, De Witt Clinton, viz., the connection of the Atlantic with the great lakes by a canal, carried out between 1817 and 1825, proved the firm basis on which New York City built her all-controlling influence and power, always steadily advancing and never receding, and to-day mightier than ever before. Had there been no De Witt Clinton, had there been no Erie Canal, in vain would have been the central position and commercial advantages of this city. She was not the first city of America until her great men gave artificial extension and development to those advantages, and thereby fixed on her, for centuries, the honored advantage of being the emporium of the Western World. If she is to maintain this position, she will do it because she will have great men continually able to keep her in advance. As she has seized the canal, telegraph, and railroad and pressed them into her services, so she must be ready, as new inventions are presented, to seize them and turn them to her advantage. Prior to the completion of the Erie Canal, New York had but a small number, if any, of staple articles which she could export. Even ten years expired after that event before she could compete with the other harbors of the Eastern coast. Charleston had her cotton, rice, and indigo, for which European vessels prefer 8 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. red her port; Baltimore was the centre of the tobacco trade for Maryland, Virginia, and Ohio; Philadelphia monopolized the greater portion of the coasting business; but New York had first to build up her export trade. The interior was not sufficiently developed to offer commodities for European markets; even wheat, which forms in our days one of the most important export staples, was imported from the Baltic and Portugal as late as the Exports. years 1836 to 1838. About 1830, New York commenced with the export of whale oil, which the whalers brought to New Bedford, Sag Harbor, and smaller ports, where it was purchased by New York merchants for shipment to Europe. Tobacco soon followed, which was sent to New York from the interior, and, in consequence of the Tobacco Inspection established in 1834, could be assorted and purchased here just as well as in Baltimore and Richmond. Every subsequent year added a new article of export. Philadelphia, once paramount to New York, did not follow the latter in the path of progress, and European merchants became every year more satisfied that they would find at all times ready return freights from New York, and for this reason they preferred it before all other Atlantic ports. Thus, with her daily growing commerce, with her better facilities for shipping and freighting, and with her better inland communications, she naturally attracted more emigrants than any other port of the Union, and entered upon the second third of the present century as the great receiving depot of European immigration. finrmigration in The facts connected with the immigration of the seventeenth lth and 18th letuell, nand eighteenth centuries are only imperfectly known to us, and der Dutch and Englisuh rule. have almost exclusively an historical interest for the present generation. They can be explained in a few short paragraphs. Under the Dutch rule (1625-1664) emigrants were attracted by land grants and other substantial inducements. At times they obtained a free passage; at other times they had to pay the small charge of one shilling per day. A ship or two per year carried all the reinforcements and supplies to the colony. During that whole period immigration did not exceed a few thousand. The English Colonial Government did little or nothing for the encouragement of European immigration to New York. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 9 The first and only attempt it ever made at settling emigrants was carried out ill 1709 and 1710, when, out of about 15,000 Prot6stant Swabians and Palatines, it sent at its own expense about 3,000 to INew York. These poor people, as stated above, were driven from their homes by war, famine, and religious persecution, and now threw themselves in endless numbers upon the sympathies of England. While others of these exiles were sent to Ireland and North Carolina, Governor Hunter settled the above 3,000 Col,,ization of 3,000 Palatine on the Hudson River, where he proposed to employ them in ex""ornHtmaking naval stores. But the experiment failed in consequence of the narrow-mindedness of the colonial officers, the sharp practices of a Scotch speculator, and of the misapprehension of the conditions of an emigrant's success-first among which is freedom of action and of movement. The English Government wanted subjects and servants; the emigrants wanted to become free and independent. Hence first the irrepressible conflict, and finally the victory of the immigrants. All who thenceforth emigrated came on their own account. Scotch andla me. Thus the Scotch, under Captain Campbell, who settled near tgrrNt,,ewlor.k Lake George (1740); the Baden farmers, who, in the middle of the eighteenth century, founded New Durlach, the present Sharon in Schoharie County; thus the Germans, who settled in the Mohawk Valley, and the immigrants who were imported in 1793 and 1794 by the Genesee Association. During the whole of the last century, the immigration of from eighty to one hundred families, in a body, was an event of great and general interest. The ships, which arrived at intervals, seldom had more than a hundred or one hundred and fifty passengers on board. New York had only a secondary importance, and attracted fewer immigrants than Pennsylvania, because they were better treated in the Quaker State. For this reason, Philadelphia had regular communications with Holland and England, and, as an immigrant port, ranked far above New York. BIut in Philadelphia, as well as in New York, the great majority Sle of5 tni,. of immigrants were very poor people, so poor that they could not sag, money. pay their passage, and in order to meet the obligations incurred by them for passage-money and other advances, they were sold, after their arrival, into temporary servitude. During all the 10 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. last century, the prepayment of the passage was the exception, and its subsequent discharge by compulsory labor the rule. The ship owners and ship merchants derived enormous profits from the sale of the bodies of emigrants, as they charged very high rates for the passage, to which they added a heavy percentage-often more than a hundred per cent. —for their risks. But the emigrants suffered bitterly from this traffic in human flesh. Old people, widows, and cripples would not sell well, while healthy parents with healthy children, and young people of both sexes, always found a ready market. If the parents were too old to work, their children had to serve so much longer to make up the difference. When one or both parents died on the voyage, their children had to serve for them. The expenses for the whole family were summed up and charged upon the survivor or survivors. Adults had to serve from three to six years, children from ten to fifteen years, till they became of age; smaller children were, without charge, surrendered to masters, who had to raise and board them. As all servants signed innanited ser-dentures, they were called "'indented servants." Whenever a vessel arrived at Philadelphia or New York, its passengers were offered at public sale. The ship was the market-place, and the servants were struck off to the highest bidder. The country people either came themselves or sent agents or friends to procure what they wanted, be it a girl or a "likely" boy, or an old housekeeper, or a whole family. Among the records of this traffic there is a characteristic anecdote about the wife of Sir Sir Wlliam o lGsom ana William Johnson, the Indian agent, and most prominent man of wife. G Western New York, in the middle of the eighteenth century. Catharine Weisenberg had arrived in New York a poor German orphan girl, and had been sold as an indented servant to two brothers, Alexander and Herman Philipps, farmers in the Mohawk Valley. Catharine soon became the belle of the settlement, and was courted by a great many swains; but none of them was rich enough to buy her. Johnson, when passing by, saw her, and at once resolved to make her his wife. He offered one of the Philippses five pounds, threatening at the same time to give him a sound thrashing if he did not voluntarily part with the girl. Philipps knew that Johnson was the man to HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 11 make good his word, took the five pounds, and sold Catharine to Johnson, who married her at once. The match turned out excellent. "Robust farmers and sturdy mechanics," says D. von Buelow, D. von Buelow the celebrated military writer, who first visited the United States grant Market. in 17M91, "find a very easy market. At times, however, an unsalable article creeps in which remains for a long time on the shelf. The worst of these articles are military officers and scholars. The captain who imports that kind of goods does not know the market. I have seen a Russian captain for more than a week on board of a vessel, heavy as ballast, without being able to obtain a purchaser. He was, in fact, unsalable. The captainThe unsalable of the vessel entreated him to try, at least, to find a purchaser, and, in order to get rid of him, he offered to sell him at a discount of fifty per cent. He sent the captain on shore to make the people take a fancy to him; but it was of no avail, nobody had a mind to buy him. The Russian always spoke of stabbing with bayonets, which, he said, he had often practised against the Turks and Poles. Strictly speaking, the use of the bayonet was the only art he had mastered. Finally, the captain and consignee released him upon his promise to pay his passage after six months, and flattered him with the hope of obtaining a schoolmastership in the country. He really obtained it. What he will teach the boys and girls I do not know, unless it be the bayonet exercise." Peasants and mechanics generally got along tolerably well. HardshIps o Much, of course, depended on the character of the master. grants. There are instances of immigrants having been treated worse than cattle, and driven to work with blows and kicks, so that the colonial authorities had to interfere. The better educated a man was, the more he had learned at home, the worse it was for him. Itard drinking and suicide were often the fate of the unfortunates of this class. Parents sold their children, in order to remain free themselves. When a young man or a girl had an opportunity to get married, they had to pay their master five or six pounds for each year they had still to serve. Yet a steerage passage never cost more than ten pounds. Run-away servants had to serve one week for each day, one month for each 12 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. week, and six months for each month of absence. If the master did not want to keep his servant, he could sell him for the unexpired time of his term of servitude. It was a daily occurrence that whole families were separated for ever. In short, the whole system was utterly vicious and little better than slavery. It was only slavery for a term of years, but in all other respects just as cruel and iniquitous as that form of bondage. immigrantlisla- This mode of making the immigrant pay his passage died out in 81,9. in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The last sales of passengers are reported in 1818 and 1819 in Philadelphia. We do not hear of indented servants after 1819, when immigration began to consist of a much better and well-to-do class of people, and the United States first intervened in behalf of this important economic interest. Estimatediofmi- From 1775 till 1815 immigration had been very slim, partly 75 to 1815. on account of the American Revolution, and partly on account of the wars ending with the overthrow of Napoleon I. In 1818, Dr. Adam Seybert, member of the House of Representatives from Pennsylvania; in his valuable "Statistical Annals of the United States" (pp. 28 and 29), wrote to the following effect: " Though we admit that ten thousand foreigners may have arrived in the United States in 1794, we cannot allow that an equal number arrived in any preceding or subsequent year, until 1817." Samuel Blodget, a very accurate statistician, wrote, in 1806, that, from the best records and estimates then attainable, the immigrants arriving between 1784 and 1794 did not average more than 4,000 per annum. Seybert assumes that 6,000 persons arrived in the United States from foreign countries in each year from 1790 to 1810. tBoth averages, however, seem to be too large; 3,000 for the first, 4,000 for the second period named is a very liberal estimate. Immigration af- The difficulty experienced in disposing of property at satister Napoleonic wars. factory prices prevented many from leaving the Old World immediately after the close of the Napoleonic wars. But the great famine of 1816 and 1817 drove several thousands over the ocean. Here it may be stated that, from that time forward, the material and moral causes of immigration, above alluded to, regularly governed the numerical proportions of the influx of Europeans into the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 13 United States in successive years. To prove the controlling influence exercised over immigration by material misery, on the one hand, and political oppression, on the other, a few statistical data will suffice. While, in 1826, of 10,837 immigrants 7,709 came from the Sotica and psll United Kingdom, in 1827 their number increased to 11,952 out ancd,' tem of 18,875, and in 1828 to 17,840 of a total of 27,283; but in 1829 immigration. their number fell to 10,594 of 22,530, and in 1830 to 3,874 of 23,322 souls. These fluctuations were due to the great commercial panic of 1826, and the distress in the manufacturing districts of England, as well as the famine in Ireland, which drove thousands from their homes who, under ordinary circumstances, would never have thought of emigration. Again, in Germany, where the abortive revolutionary movement of 1830-1833, the brutal political persecutions by the several state governments, and the reactionary policy of the federal diet, as well as a general distrust of the future, produced an unusually large emigration: In 1831, only 2,395 Germans had arrived in the United States; in 1832, 10,168; in 1833, 6,823; and in 1834 to 1837, the years of the greatest political depression, 17,654, 8,245, 20,139, and 23,036 respectively. The emigration from Ireland, which from 1844 rose muchGreatest Irish beyond its former proportions, reached its culminating point after the great famine of 1846. During the decade of 1845 to 1854, inclusive, in which period the highest figures ever known in the history of emigration to the United States were reached, 1,512,100 Irish left the United Kingdom. In the first half of that decade, viz., from January 1, 1845, to Deceinber 31, 1849, 607,241 went to the United States, and in the last half; viz., from January 1, 1850, to December 31, 1854, as many as 904,859 arrived in this country. With this unprecedentedly large emigration Ireland had exhausted herself. Since 1855 her quota has fallen off to less than one-half of the average of the preceding ten years. Almost coincident, in point of time, with this mighty exodus from Ireland was the colossal emigration from Germany which followed the failure of the political revolutions attempted in 1848 and 1849. Already in 1845 and the following years the 14 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. German contingent of emigrants to the United States showed an average twice as large as in the same space of time previous to the year named. But a voluntary expatriation on a much larger scale resulted from the final triumph of political reaction. The CoZ cd'eta of Louis Napoleon closed for all Europe the revolutionary era opened in 1848. In the three years preceding that event, the issue of the struggle of the people against political oppression had remained doubtful. But the 2d of December, 1851, having decided the success of the oppressors for a long time to come, the majority of those who felt dissatisfied with the Greatest Oer- reactionary regime left their homes. The fact that the largest man immigra- n largest tioll. number of Germans ever landed in one year in the United States came in 1854 showed the complete darkening of the political horizon at that time. The apprehension of a new Continental war, which actually broke out a year later in the Crimea, also hastened the steps of those who sought refuge in this country. People of the well-to-do classes, who had months and years to wait before they could sell their property, helped to swell the tide to its extraordinary proportions. From January 1, 1845, till December 31, 1854, there arrived 1,226,392 Germans in the United States, 452,943 of whom came in the first five years of this period, and 773,449 in the last five. nDomesticngauses But the numerical strength of immigration to this country is ~migation. not governed by material and moral disturbances in Europe only. While bad crops, commercial and industrial crises, and unfavorable turns in political affairs in the Old World tend to increase immigration, the appearance of the same phenomena in the United States as certainly tends to decrease it. Thus, in 1838 the total of immigration- decreased to 38,914, while in the previous year it had amounted to 79,340, and in 1839 and 1840 it increased again to 68,069 and 84,066 respectively. The reason of this extraordinary decrease was the great financial crisis of 1837, which shook the foundation of the whole industrial and agricultural life of the United States. Again, the influx of aliens into ZNew York was smaller in 1858 and 1859 than in any previous year since 1842, for the only reason that the commercial crisis of 1857 had frightened those who wanted to make a living by the labor of their hands. Thus, the total emigration from the HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 15 United Kingdom, which in 1857 had reached the number of 213,415, in 1858 fell off to 113,972, and in 1859 to 120,431. In 1858 and 1859 only 78,589 and 79,322 emigrants, respectively, arrived in New York, while in 1856 their number amounted to 142,342, and in 1857 to 186,733. In 1860 it rose to 105,162, but, in consequence of the breaking out of the civil war, it fell again in 1861 to 65,539, and in 1862 to 76,306. In 1867 the German immigration in NeW York increased over that of 1866 by more than 10,000, in which last-mentioned year it had already reached the large nuimber of 106,716 souls. Its ranks were swelled in 1867 in consequence of the emigration of men liable to military service from the new provinces annexed to Prussia in 1866, and of families dissatisfied with the new order of things. Hanover contributed the largest share to this kind of emigration. In 1868 and 1869 the tide subsided again as people began to become reconciled to the sudden change. In short, bad times in Europe regularly increase, and bad times in America invariably diminish, immigration. There are many countries which, by the fertility of their soil, Superior attrac tveness of the the geniality of their climate, and other natural advantages, are United states. among the brightest spots on earth, but yet never have attracted immigration to any considerable extent. Thus, the Crimea, the lower parts of European Russia, and the Danubian principalities in Europe, Algiers in Africa, and, on our continent, parts of Mexico, as well as hundred thousands of square miles in South America, are, in regard to natural resources, equal, if not superior, to any part of the United States; and yet the latter attracts the masses of European immigration, and it is preeminently the country of the immigrant. Canada lies at the door of the Union; it offers about the same advantages as the North-western States, and yet the majority of European immigrants pass through this English colony to become citizens of the Republic. Why is this, and how can we explain this apparent anomaly? reasons: high However equal such inducements to emigrants as fertility of soil,, na' poci salubrity of climate, security of property, and facility of commu- freedom. nication may be in different countries, the emigrant prefers the country where labor is best remunerated, where land is cheap, 16 HIISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. where government does not interfere with him, where no class privileges exist, and where, from the day of his landing, he stands on a footing of absolute equality with the natives. Thus we find that, in this respect also, moral as well as physical causes control emigration. The first are as powerful, if not more powerful than the latter. In the United States, both are at work in attracting emigrants, and hence why there is a larger European immigration to this country than to any other on the face of the globe. the successful The secret of the unparalleled growth, and of the daily increascolonist. ing power of the United States, is that the Government, in its practical working, is confined to the narrowest limits, that it is the agent, not the master of the people, and that the latter initiate all changes in its political and social life. And similarly, it is the condition of the success of a colony or a settlement that the immigrant relies on his own strength, acts on his own responsibility, and seeks by his own efforts the prosperity which he is sure to find, if undisturbed. All mistakes which he may make, all errors of judgment which he may commit, are of no consequence, if his self-relying spirit is not interfered with. In spite of obstacles and disappointments, he will make his way, and ultimately attain his object. After abandoning the laws, the traditions, and the family ties of his old home, he does not wish to be unduly restrained in his aspirations, or owe responsibility to any one except himself. He will willingly undergo all the hardships and danger incidental to settlement in a new country, provided he finds a free government and no improper interference with his self-adopted mode of life. A colonist, in brief, must be his own master, in order fully to develop his mental and physical resources, and to become a useful agent in building up a free commonwealth. Self-government All modern colonies which were inaugurated by governments principlfc have failed; self-government, in the broadest sense, is the power resented by eutonic races which sustains colonies and instils into them life and independence. In the history of colonization, the Teutonic races represent the principle of self-government, which leads to the success of the immigrant, while the Latin nations represent that of state dependence and protection, which inevitably results in failure. Look at the Spanish republics, from Mexico down to Peru; at HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. 17 the French colonies, the youngest of which, Algiers, has ever since its first days been weak, and is almost dying from the effects of government care; and at the efforts of the Belgian Government to regulate the work of their colonists in Central America by military discipline, and compare them with the flourishing, thriving, and prosperous condition of the English colonies in America and Australia. The difference in the results of the two systems is too striking to require any further demonstration. In this country we had both systems working side by side in New France and New England. French rule, which, with its great captains, brave warriors, and indefatigable priests, tried to seize upon and fetter a continent, is a memory of the past; but New England, the growth of which-to use the eloquent language of Francis Parkman —was the result of the aggregate efforts of a busy multitude, each in his narrow circle toiling for himself, to gather competence and wealth-New England influences the destinies of a whole continent, and is one of the civilizing factors of the world. I have shown, in a book on German immigration to this State, Germans on the the third German edition of which is just published by Mr. E. thels Monhawk Steiger, of this city, how the above-mentioned Germans, who valleys were settled on the upper Hudson by the English Government, were a motley set of shiftless adventurers and vagabonds so long as they depended on the colonial authorities; but these same men, when left to themselves as settlers in the Schoharie and Mohawk valleys, soon became brave and daring pioneers, well-todo farmers, and good citizens, who formed a living barrier against the inroads of the French and Indians, and conquered the finest parts of our noble State for civilization. Again, it was from no whim of the immigrant that he avoided Silvery a ar to the Southern States while they were cursed with slavery; for a land can have no civil liberty in which freedom of labor and the dignity wherewith respectable employment is invested do not exist. In natural advantages the North-west is much inferior to the northern States of the South. Middle and South Virginia, for instance, are gardens of Eden, which cannot be excelled by any State of the Union, and yet they are partly in a primeval state. Henceforth the North and Europe will send their peace iS HIISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. ably conquering armies of farmers and mechanics to take possession of these rich grounds, and raise them to the importance which they would have reached fifty years ago, had it not been for the ban of slavery. So it will be in Tennessee, in Carolina, in Kentucky, and Texas. Foreign immigration, which, before the late war, almost exclusively settled in the free North, will henceforth pour into the South as well. The United States, by the successful termination of the war against rebellion, have indeed increased the attraction of this country for the immigrant, and there is not the least reason to doubt that the great Republic will in the future become more than ever the favorite land of the immigrant. Arid New York City is the main gateway through which the vast tide of emigration enters, and New York State the great thoroughfare over which it pours to be diffused over the Union. CHAPTER II. THE SEA VOYAGE. DURING the whole of the last and the greater part of the Mode of carrypresent century, the ship-owners chartered the lower decks of P8eng, lrs palt their vessels to agents, for the payment of a certain sum for each ries. tu ton or the whole space disposed of. The agents made the needful temporary arrangements for the accommodation of the passengers, and underlet the steerage, either to associations of emigrants, or parcelled it out to sub-agents or to single passengers. Thus the owner of the vessel had not the least concern orIndifference of Ship-owners to interest in the welfare or good treatment of the passengers; all Cofaost of he looked for was the payment of the stipulated price for that part of the ship which he had let. The steerage passengers were simply additional and unwelcome freight; they had to follow the directions of the owner, and were subordinate to what he considered his more important interests. They had to wait for their departure as long as it pleased him, and had no other right than to occupy the ten or twelve square feet which were allotted to them. To the owner, they were less than a box, of goods, and handled with less care, as they did not break, nor, if injured, require to be paid for. The agents, in order to make the business lucrative, sent on board as many passengers as they could get hold of, without the smallest reference to the conveniences of the steerage, the number of berths, the separation of the sexes, or anything except their own immediate profit. Besides assigning a space, however small, to the emigrants, they had no responsibility, and ran no risk whatever. There was no check to the overloading of the vessel. Even if it had more than double the number of passengers that it could accommodate, there was no authority to which the emigrants could apply for protection. The agents did just as they pleased. A vessel which was not good and safe enough to be used as a transport for goods and merchandise was, nevertheless, employed for the conveyance of 20. THEa SEA VOVAGE. passengers. Thus, for instance, the destruction of life by shipwrecks has been most appalling among the emigrants who have been enticed on board the worn-out vessels engaged in the Canadian timber trade; seventeen being shipwrecked in a single season in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and more than seven hundred lives lost. Looking at the fine and commodious ships used in our day for the forwarding of emigrants, it is hardly possible to form a correct idea of the bad construction and awkward proportions of an old merchantman carrying passengers. Sea voyaging100 A hundred, and even fifty, years ago, a sea voyage was an years ago. enterprise requiring more than ordinary courage. A person crossing the Atlantic, regularly made his last will and provided for his family. A passenger who safely returned was the wonder of his town; and when he came back from America, his neighbors called him the "American." The inland people had no idea of a sea-going vessel; in their eyes a sea voyage was synonymous with severe sickness, terrible suffering, and hardship. In descriptions of voyages, published as late as 1822, and containing engravings of the ships in which the authors crossed-usually on small brigs or barks of a couple of hundred tons-all the petty occurrences of the day are narrated in the journal of the traveller with minute details; the most insignificant items of the voyage are treated as matters of great concern, and the everyday work of the sailors commands the admiration and respect of the passengers. Insufcient ac- In fact, the first cabin of a London packet a hundred years commodation on emips,glt ago was not a whit more airy or comfortable than the steerage of ships, and resulting mortality. a large steamer of our days. The lower deck of an emigrant vessel, as late as 1819, was no better than that of a slaver or a coolie ship; the passengers were just as crowded, and just as little thought of, as those unfortunate beings from Africa or China. Five or six feet was an extraordinary height for a steerage deck; the common height was from four to five feet, and the lower or orlop deck, which was also used for the so-called accommodation of passengers, was not much better than a blackhole, too bad to shelter cattle. The natural consequence was a large mortality. Ten deaths among one hundred passengers was nothing extra THE SEA VOYAGE. 21 ordinary; twenty per cent. was not unheard of; and there were cases of 400 out of 1,200 passengers being buried before the ships left port. Other facts of the same kind are on record. Thus, of the 3,000 Palatines forwarded in 1710 by the English Government to New York, 470 died on the voyage, and 250 immediately after their arrival, of ship-fever. John George Jungmann (1702-1802), a MIoravian mission-Narrative of ary among the Indians, and, like all Moravians, entitled to im- oaian misplicit confidence, in 1731 came to America via Rotterdam, with his father, who emigrated from Hockenheim in the Palatinate. Ile was first obliged to wait three weeks at the port for the departure of the vessel, and finally sailed, the ship having 156 passengers on board, and provisions for twelve weeks. She was bound for Philadelphia via Falmouth. At the latter port she again stopped three weeks. WVhen she had been eight weeks at sea, the passengers were put on short allowances, and during the last four weeks of their voyage they were never able to obtain bread. Jungmann could procure no food whatever from the captain either for himself, father, or sister, and the only drink allowed them was one pint of water daily. The passengers had to live on rats and mice, which were considered dainties. The price on board for a rat was eighteen pence, and for a mouse an English sixpence. The captain was under the impression that the passengers had considerable money and valuables with them, and, believing that he might profit by it, he endeavored to reduce them to a state of starvation. He succeeded too well, for out of the 156 passengers only 48 reached America; and not a single human creature would have been landed off the vessel, if the passengers had not revolted, arrested the captain, and put in at Rhode Island port, after a voyage of twenty-five weeks. Jungmann adds that he himself, his father, and one sister were about starved to death, that they were unable to walk erect, and obliged to creep on the ground; while his mother, and three brothers and sisters, had died on the voyage. He concluded by saying: "It was a shocking and heart-rending scene to see all these poor people, without the ability to succor them, to find them in the morning stiff and cold on their beds, partly eaten up by rats, and then to see them thrown into the ocean, an occurrence which took 22 THE SEA VOYAGE. place two or three times a day." Indians took care of Jungmann, and nursed him and his father till May, 1732, when they sailed for Philadelphia, where they arrived on the 16th day of that month, having been more than a year on their way there. Reverend Dr. Kunze, in an oration delivered, in 1788, before the German Society of Philadelphia, stated that of 900 passengers shipped in one vessel in that year at Amsterdam for Philadelphia, 400 had died on the way. Henry T. Vierhaus, Secretary of the same Society, in a report, dated January 22, 1818, Voyage of the thus describes the cause of the mortality on board the ship April, Captain de Groot, just arrived in the Delaware: "When the passengers came on board at Amsterdam," he says, "there were 233 full freights. The ship was ordered a few miles below Amsterdam to wait for more passengers, but no more came; whereupon the house of KIress & Rodenbrock, the,ship-brokers, foreseeing a loss if they did not ship more passengers, proceeded to engage passengers from other vessels which were in the same situation, waiting for freight. These vessels had lain there for a considerable time, and, owing to bad food and poor attendance, those on board were, more or less, sick and full of vermin. These passengers were put on board the ship April, making the whole number near 1,200 souls. The sickness brought on board by those shipped in the manner described spread rapidly through the vessel. When the whole number was crammed into the ship, there were among them about 120 sick. Captain de Groot was ordered by Kress & Rodenbrock to put to sea, against which the captain protested, giving as a reason that he would not undertake the voyage with so many sick; that 115 dead persons had already been sent on shore; and that he did not think there was a sufficiency of provisions for such a large number. In consequence of this protest, the Amsterdam police sent four doctors on board, to examine into the state of the passengers and of the vessel. They found the ship in such a shocking condition that it was ordered into Quarantine at the Island of Wieringen. Here all the sick were put into the hospital, and the healthy separated from them. They remained there 19 weeks, and about 300 died, besides the 115 who were sent on shore dead." THE SEA VOYAGE. 23 We shall see hereafter that this shocking mortality is not Mortality onre. cent voyages, confined to remote times, and that the living generation has witnessed thousands of deaths from the same causes. To give an adequate idea of recent losses of human life on board of illprovided, ill-ventilated vessels, it may be stated here that out of 98,105 poor Irish emigrants shipped to Canada by their landlords after the great famine of 1846, during the summer of 1847 there died 5,293 at sea, 8,072 at Gross Isle (Quarantine) and Quebec, and 7,000 in and above Montreal, making 20,365, besides those who afterwards perished whose number will never be ascertained. Thus the -Lark, reported at Quebec on August The Lark 12, 1847, from Sligo, sailed with 440 passengers, of whom 108 died on the passage and 150 were sick, almost all of whom died a short time after landing. The Virginzius sailed with 496; 158 The ViWriniks. died on the passage, 186 were sick, and the remainder landed feeble and tottering; the captain, mates, and crew were all down. At that period, the ratio of the sick per one thousand was 30 on board British, 9- on American, and 83 on German vessels. Ship-fever and want of food were almost unheard of on board of vessels from Northern Europe, and particularly those from Hamburg and Bremen. It has been estimated by medical statisticians that not lessEstimated o. of than 20,000 emigrants perished by ship-fever, and in the various dats lio Em8emigrant hospitals in American ports, during the year 1847. Compared with these losses, the mortality on board the Hamburg ship leibrnitz of the notorious Sloman line was quite small, forThe le, nt~. out of 544 passengers (children and infants included), 108 fell victims to the bad ventilation and insufficient provisions. The fever-ship Leibnitz arrived at New York on January 11; 1868. The first law which prescribed the space to be allotted to First law regieach steerage passenger was that passed by Congress on March latingsteerage acco m in o d ations-Act of 2, 1819, according to which a ship was forbidden to carry more March 2,1819. than two passengers for every five tons, Custom House measure. This law, however benevolent its purpose, proved insufficient; for it did not prohibit the orlop-deck, nor provide for proper ventilation or side-lights, nor deduct the freight-room and accommodations for the officers and first-class passengers from the computation of the total amount of tonnage. Thus a ship which 24: ThE SEA VOYAGE. measured 1,000 tons and had a steerage of only 500 tons, could nevertheless take steerage passengers for the whole tonnage, that is, 400 instead of 200. Nothing was said about the height of the steerage. It must always be borne in mind that the construction of ships for the express purpose of carrying passengers only began about the year 1830; that up to that time all space which could not be used for shipping merchandise was temporarily arranged for steerage passengers; that often at the last moment, a few days before going to sea, the superfluous room was sold to an agent, and that in those days a steerage five feet high was considered fully sufficient for making two tiers of beds along their sides. And the hole beneath this hole was called orlopdeck, and likewise used for the transport of passengers. Atmosphere of From this the nature of the atmosphere in the steerage of an the steerage. emigrant ship can readily be imagined without a minute description. WVe have only to consider that the room was rarely more than six feet high, had no other aperture for the admission of fresh air than the hatches, which, during the night and bad weather, were generally closed, was crowded with passengers, of WVhom the greater portion were strangers to the virtue of cleanliness, and many of them down with sea-sickness or other equally loathsome diseases. What with the miasma of a damp hold, the excretions and exhalations from the bodies of the individuals thus confined, and the emanations from other and more offensive matter, an atmosphere was created which acted like poison on those who had to breathe it, and engendered ship-fever in a more or less violent degree. Evilofrequiring The health of the passengers was further impaired by another provide and evil which prevailed on board of all emigrant ships up to a comfood. paratively recent time-the emigrants were expected to provide themselves with food, and to cook it as best they could. The Bremen authorities were the first which, about 1830, required masters of ships to furnish cooked provisions for their passengers. It was at the furthest only a few years before the passage of the PassenerActof so-called Passenger Act of March 3, 1855, by Congress, that the Havre and Liverpool vessels included the fare and cooking in the prices of their passage.'The consequences of this vicious arrangement to those poor THE SEA VOYAGE. 25 and improvident people were self-evident. Many of them embarked without any provisions at all, and very few, if any, with a sufficient supply; many had not the means to buy food, and others had deceived themselves as to the duration of the voyage; hence it is doubtless true that not one of all the emigrant ships from British and Irish ports had a sufficient supply of proper food for all on board. But, supposing there were some among the cargo of passengers well provisioned for the voyage, there were no means at their disposal for having their food properly cooked. For, as the arrangements of which they could avail themselves for that purpose were insufficient even on board of the very largest and best of ships engaged in the conveyance of emigrant passengers, it can readily be imagined what they must have been on board of the fleet of vessels of an inferior class. On the upper deck of the ship, there were two small rooms for coaokig apll cooking, about five feet deep and four feet wide, called the steerage galley. Within was a grate corresponding to the width of the room, over which grate was fastened an iron bar, and on this there were two iron hooks, to which the emigrant hung his pot or kettle (if he had one) when he wanted to cook. These were all the arrangements for preparing meals for several hundred passengers. The result was that, except when they had nothing to cook or were sick, there was constant fighting for room near the caboose, and not one of the passengers could be sure of getting his food well cooked. The sufferings which they endured in this way embittered the emigrants one against another, and their quarrels ended when in the evening the fires were extinguished, but only to revive in the morning. From these causes resulted not'only want of sufficient and wholesome food, but also the impossibility of properly preparing what little there was. In view of this, it cannot surprise us that thousands of emigrants, greatly enfeebled already when going on board, either died on the passage or arrived with scarcely a spark of life in them. An experience of fifty years, comprising an immigration of Three chief die eases of em" more than five millions, teaches us that the three diseases by grant ships. which passenger-ships have been chiefly scourged are typhus or 26 THE SEA VOYAGE. ship-fever, as it is called when it takes place at sea, cholera, and Dr. Griscom, M.D., and Ship-Fever, or f hs he Jh M n'Typhus. former Superintendent of the Commissioners of Emigration of New York, in a communication addressed on January 14, 1854, to a special committee of the United States Senate-" that to which the emigrant is most prone is ship-fever. The extraordinary prevalence of this disease at the present time, and for the past half-century, but especially for the past seven or eight years, is an astounding phenomenon, particularly when it is remembered that we live in the midst of all the light necessary for its prevention. "My first practical cognizance of the horrible condition in which emigrants are frequently found on shipboard was in 1847, when, as a member of a committee of the New York Academy of Medicine, I visited the Quarantine establishment to enquire into the medical history of the typhus fever then extensively prevailing, and crowding that institution with patients. On that occasion we ThieCeylo 1, 4. visited the ship Ceylon, from Liverpool, which had come to anchor a few hours before, with a large cargo of passengers. A considerable number had died upon the voyage, and one hundred and fifteen were then ill with the fever, and were preparing for a removal to the hospital. Before any had yet left the ship, we passed through the steerage, making a more or less minute examination of the place and its occupants; but the indescribable filth, the emaciated, half-nude figures, many with the petechial eruption disfiguring their faces, crouching in the bunks, or strewed over the decks, and cumbering the gangways; broken utensils and debris of food spread recklessly about, presented a picture of which neither pen nor pencil can convey a full idea. Some were just rising from their berths for the first time since leaving Liverpool, having been suffered to lie there all the voyage, wallowing in their own filth. It was no wonder to us that, with such total neglect of sanitary supervision, and an entire absence of ventilation, so many of such wretched beings had perished or were then ill of fever; it was only surprising that so many had escaped. The Eutaw, 1842. ( Shocking as this case was, it has been frequently surpassed, at least as far as figures are concerned. In 1842, the ship Etdaw gave one hundred and twenty to the hospital on arrival; in 1837, THE SEA VOYAGE. 27 the Ann Ic1al sent in one hundred and fifty-eight; while, as far The Ann Hall 1837. back as the year 1802, one hundred and eighty-eight were taken from the -Flora, two hundred and twenty from the Nancy, and The Flora, ancy, and Penetwo hundred and fifty-nine from the Penelope. In 1851, the lope, lso2. nuriber of deaths at sea between Liverpool and New York rose to the astounding number of 1,879, almost wholly the result of ship-fever. "In addition to this, the poisonous influence which becomes infused into those who have escaped death or sickness on shipboard lies dormant for a few days or weeks after debarkation, and sooner or later develops itself and brings many of them to the hospital, where from fifteen to twenty per cent. more are added to the list of dead. Thus there were treated in the Marine Hospital, on Staten Island, in 1852, 3,040 cases of ship-fever, of whom seventeen per cent. died. These were all emigrants; and we must add to these the cases of the same disease, of the same people, which were treated in the large hospitals at Flatbush, Ward's Island, and Bellevue, at the City Hospital, and at other places throughout this State and the States immediately adjoining, nearly all of whom arrived at the port of New York alone. "In considering the hygienic aspect of emigration, we start, ate of mortali-. then, with the remarkable fact that, of those who embark upon an Atlantic voyage on any of a certain class of ships, out of every twelve one falls a victim; that is, nearly nine per cent. either never reach the promised land or die soon after. " The general causes, as well as the means of prevention, of Its origin. this disease are so plain as not to require a medical education for their comprehension, but may be made clear to ordinary intelligence; and the vast importance of the subject will justify an allusion to both in this essay. " Ship-fever, as it is termed, from the place of its greatest prevalence, is the product of a miasma as distinct as that of marshes, which causes intermittent fever. This ship-miasma is itself as inevitable a result of certain conditions, as the other miasma is the product of marshes. And further, the means for its prevention are as clear and controllable in the one case as in the other. Thus, if an offensive marsh be thoroughly drained and dried, its peculiar miasma, and the disease which it causes, will disappear, and 28 THE SEA VOYAGE. so by preventing the formation of ship-miasma (as easy of accomplishment as the other) ship-fever will in like manner be prevented. "What, then, are the circumstances which give rise to this typhus-breeding miasma. There are certain conditions essential to its creation, which I will enumerate in the order of their importance, beginning with the least: "I. The confinement of people in apartments disproportioned in size to the requirements of wholesome respiration. " II. The retention in the same apartment of the excretions from the bodies of the individuals thus confined; such as the matter of perspiration and other more offensive excretions. These, acted on by the artificial heat of the apartment, or even by the natural heat of the bodies alone, will become decomposed, and produce an effluvium which will react poisonously on the persons exposed to it. "III. The exclusion of pure air. "As to the first of these causes, the number of persons and the size of the apartment necessary to produce the miasma are merely relative. An apartment may be crowded without danger from this source, provided that from the first ventilation and cleanliness be thoroughly and constantly maintained. Explanatioln of "With this brief explanation of the general causes of typhus, in steerage. the reasons for its prevalence in the steerages of passenger-ships are very apparent. In great numbers of them, all the conditions enumerated above, as necessary for the creation of this disorder, are found to exist, and it is reasonable to infer the existence of:Specificcause. some speciGic cause in addition to the general ones which have been mentioned. "We find ship-fever, within a few years, to have prevailed most frequently and extensively in those vessels which ply between several ports of Great Britain and this country, and this fact, together with an examination of the passengers, points unFamine, erringly to the famine which desolated a large section of that kingdom as the additional cause alluded to. TIE SEA VOYAGE. 29 "This is a direct, and at the same time an indirect cause. The infection is carried to the ship by the emigrants from a country where hunger typhus prevails; besides, the previous exhaustion predisposes to be attacked by miasma. In connection with this branch of the subject, another source of the development of ship-fever demands notice. In the cabins and hovels-the homes of these famine-stricken people-typhus fever raged a long time, and doubtless prevails extensively yet, produced by the same general and specific causes as have been described. The emigrants leave for the seaboard, and straightway enter the ships, unpurified and unwashed, reeking with the fever miasma of their habitations. Into the crowded and confined steerage they hasten for rest and escape from starvation and death. But unconsciously they bring the enemy with them; the fatal seeds are but sown in a fresh soil, and, as though from a hot-bed, they sprout even more vigorously. One such case on board a crowded and badly ventilated ship may cause the death of numbers. " The food with which these people are supplied on shipboard, Improper food even if sufficient in quantity (which it is not always), is very often so badly cooked as to operate injuriously upon them. So great is often the difficulty, among from 300 to 1,000 people, of finding a proper time and opportunity for cooking, that it is a common occurrence for them to swallow their flour or meal only half cooked, or even mixed simply with warm water, if indeed wctrez water can be had. The effect of this kind of diet is but to add other evils, such as dysentery and diarrhcea, to the typhus miasma with which the steerage becomes infected, the debility of the inmates rendering them more susceptible to its influence than they would be if well fed. " For the prevention as' well as the cure of typhus, it is neces- Prevention and sary that the physical stamina be well maintained by appropriate cureof Typhus food, in sufficient quantity. With ordinary strength of body and elasticity of spirit, few persons can be induced to remain below deck for many hours together, and, while the pure air of the ocean directly increases animal vigor, it is also the surest preventive of typhus. Even the half-starved emigrant would find his energy and spirits revive, if compelled by a rigid sanitary police to make frequent visits to the ship's deck. 30 THE SEA VOYAGE. " Famine, therefore, though a frequent precedent and a powerful adjunct, is only an indirect cause of the fever as we find it on shipboard and in our hospitals; but we must continue to be burdened with it so long as poverty-stricken emigrants are admitted into the transport-ships in such great numbers, with food so insufficient in quantity and quality, and with such a total absence of sanitary police during the voyage. vuae fpeir " From what has been said, it will be readily inferred that in the prevention of typhus fever pure air possesses great value. Too much reliance cannot be placed upon it, either for this purpose or for subduing the intensity or arresting the progress of the disease. Of its efficacy as a remedial agent, a striking instance among many others that might be mentioned occurred at the New York Quarantine Hospital, under my immediate notice, during my connection with the State Emigrant Commission. A new building was erected on the summit of a hill within the enclosure, into which some forty patients were conveyed from the other overcrowded buildings. These had been kept in as good condition as possible as respects both cleanliness and ventilation. Though there were no specific provisions for the latter, yet the influence of the fresh atmosphere of the new building upon the patients was most decided and immediate; a load seemed to be lifted off them, and several, who, it was feared, would die, began at once to improve and rapidly recover. PassengerB o "In the month of August, 1837, a number of ships with landedtPetmigrant passengers arrived at Perth Amboy, from Liverpool and other ports, on board of some of which ship-fever prevailed. There was no hospital or other accommodations in the town in which the sick could be placed, and no person would admit them into private dwellings, fearing infection; at the same time, they could not be left on board the ships. An arrangement was made *to land the sick passengers and place them in an open wood, adjacent to a large spring of water, about a mile and a half from town. Rough shanties, floored with boards and covered with sails, were erected, and thirty-six patients were landed in boats, as near the spring as possible, and carried in wagons to the encampment (as it was called), under the influence of a hot August sun. Of the thirty-six, twelve were insensible, in the last stage of fever, THE SEA VOYAGE. 31 and not expected to live twenty-four hours. The day after landing there was a heavy rain, and, the shanties affording no protection with their'sail' roofs, the sick were found the next morning wet, and' their bedding, such as it was, drenched with the rain. It was replaced with such articles as could be collected from the cliarity of the inhabitants. Their number was increased by new patients to eighty-two in all. On board the ship, which was cleansed after landing the passengers, four of the crew were taken with ship-fever, and two of them died. Some of the nurses at the encampment were taken sick, but recovered. Of the whole number of eighty-two passengers removed from the ship, not one died. Pure air, good water, and, perhaps, the rain (though only the first thirty-six were affected by it) seemed to have effected the cure. " The ship was the Phlwbe, with between three and four hundred passengers, a number of whom (twenty-seven) had died on the passage. The shanties spoken of were two in number, thirty feet long, twenty feet wide, boarded on three sides four feet up, with old sails stretched over them. The twelve who were removed from the ship in a state of insensibility were apparently in so hopeless a condition that the overseer, who was a carpenter, observed,'Well, Doctor, I think I shall have some boxes to make before many hours.''The night after their arrival at the encampment,' says Dr. Smith,'we had a violent thunder-gust, accompanied by torrents of rain. On visiting them the following morning, the clothes of all were saturated with water; in other words, they had had a thorough ablution; this, doubtless, was a most fortunate circumstance. The medical treatment was exceedingly simple, consisting, in the main, of an occasional laxative or enema, vegetable a'cids, and bitters; wine was liberally administered, together with the free use of cold water, buttermilk, and animal broths.' The four sailors who sickened after the arrival of the vessel were removed to the room of an ordinary dwelling-house. The medical treatment in their case was precisely similar, yet two of them died, and the others suffered fiom carbuncles while convalescing. The doctor adds,'My opinion is, that had the eighty-two treated at the encampment been placed in a common hospital, many of them would also have fallen 32 THE SEA VOYAGE. victims. I do not attribute their recovery so much to the remedies administered as to the circumstances in which they were placed; in other words, a good washing to begin with, and n abundance of fresh air.' Typhus morefa- "It has puzzled some to understand why it is that typhus tal in coldwt weather. fever and many other infectious disorders are more frequent and fatal in cold than in warm weather. This fact is attributed by some to the low temperature; but the true reason undoubtedly is, that in winter the external atmosphere is more completely excluded from our dwellings and hospitals by closing, of doors and windows, which in warm weather are open and freely permit Reason. the ingress and egress of air. Hence, in winter, the greater necessity of artificial ventilation. The same reasoning applies to passenger-ships in cold or stormy weather, when the hatches are kept closed. Artificial ventilation, necessary at all times, is then more urgently demanded. Tenacity of the "( There is another fact connected with ships, as well as with m"iasma. hospitals and dwellings, which has a very important bearing on this subject. The miasma which has been spoken of has the property of attaching itself to clothing, bedding, furniture, and to the walls, ceilings, and floors of apartments. It is absorbed by them, and adheres with considerable tenacity, whence it is ever ready, unless thoroughly destroyed and removed by cleansing and the use of disinfectants, to issue forth, and to pregnate the atmosphere again with its poisonous influence. Into a room in which a case of typhus fever has once existed, even for a short time, it is unsafe to enter, unless the room and everything in it has been first subjected to a thorough airing and purification. Here, then, is a constant source of danger, which will probably account for many instances of devastation on shipboard by this disease. A vessel in which it has once occurred will have the miasmatic poison clinging to its sides, ceilings, and floors, from which it cannot possibly be eradicated without the most thorough airing, cleansing, and disinfecting, such as, I presume, no vessel engaged in the European passenger trade has ever received. In hospitals and dwellings, with hard-finished walls and painted wood-work, this fact is often demonstrated. In the peculiar structure of a vessel's inner walls, without plaster, paint, or white THE SEA VOYAGE. 33 wash, with thousands of crevices and cracks inaccessible to the scrubbing-brush or any other purifying implement, without windows for the free circulation of air, we see the perfection of a place for the long retention of the poison, and for its propagation for months afterwards, when the steerage shall be again crowded with sure victims. " Moreover, the bunks or berths on these vessels are generally Bunks repositories of pestis constructed of the cheapest kind of boards, often in the rough le~e' state, and put together without any nicety-the whole arrangement being of the flimsiest character. Nothing of the kind could be better adapted to harboring the fever miasma. At the end of the voyage, the bunks are sometimes taken down without disinfection or even washing, and, with all the filth and miasma adhering to them, stowed away, either as dunnage, amid the return cargo, or ill bulk, to be appropriated to their original purpose on the next hitherward voyage. Now, it is evident that the next cargo of emigrants of such a vessel, though it may be composed of ever so healthy and cleanly people, and though the ship may be well supplied with stores, bedding, and other requisites, is yet liable to suffer from the latent seeds of disease, night and day, as the passengers are in contact with the fever-charged bunks. There is more than probability that more or less will be attacked. The pestilence once started, there is no telling where it will stop. " But even supposing this source of danger to be stopped by the destruction of the old bunks and the substitution of new ones after each voyage, the permanent timber of the vessel, if not disinfected, will still form a repository for the poison, whence its ravages may be renewed. "The second of the diseases by which passenger-ships have Choler on ship. been infested is cholera. The open air generally puts an end to typhus or ship fever, whereas cholera is controlled by no such corrective. Although this fearful disorder confines itself to no precise localities, there appear to be circumstances under which it is peculiarly apt to make its appearance. These circumstances have been ascertained to be in a great degree similar to those which give rise to typhus fever. The poor and vicious, whose vital powers are enfeebled by want of wholesome nutritious food and close confinement or criminal excess, are found to be much 34 THE SEA VOYAGE. more liable to become the prey of cholera than persons who have good nourishing food in abundance, take regular exercise, and abstain from indulgences that weaken the general tone of the system, whilst they add to the nervous excitability of the body. Cholera, it is true, often appears and disappears without any apparent cause, a fact the reason of which is still hidden from the eye of science, and can only be explained by time and experience. It is sufficient to know that, if the body is kept in a healthy, wellbalanced condition, and its functions are not interrupted by any disturbing causes, it may, in the generality of cases, bid defiance to the assaults of the disease. The theory is entertained by some that cholera on shipboard arises from the virus of the disease having been imbibed by the persons or clothing of passengers previous to embarkation, or that it is met with in certain zones through which the ships pass in reaching the Western Continent. Concerning this it is proper to remark, that all that can be done by the owners of passenger-ships is to prevent the existence of any exciting cause of sickness on board of them, and of any state of things by which it may be nourished and sustained if contracted elsewhere. If there be anything in the atmosphere of particular zones or belts, it must be encountered alike by ships sailing probably within a few miles of each other, propelled by the same winds, and standing on the same courses. Such, however, is not CorAparison of the case. While passengers on Liverpool vessels died by hundreds German and British ships. from the cholera, those from Germany, who had left IIaumburg and Bremen at the same time, and arrived in [New York about the same period with those from Liverpool, had no sickness on board; for the reason that they were not so crowded, that they were cleaner and healthier when they embarked, and better pro-'vided for during the voyage. The German port regulations, which compel the ships to distribute cooked provisions among the emigrants, account for their superiority in respect to health and cleanliness." Among twelve vessels, which arrived at Quebec on or about Th, Amy. August 10, 1847, there were two German ships, the bark A~my, Wln Watchful. from Bremen, with 289 passengers, and the brig Tatctfal, from Tne Trniuty. Hamburg, with 145 passengers, and one Irish brig, the Trinity, from Limerick, with 86 passengers, upon which there occurred TiHE SEA VOYAGE. 35 neither sickness nor death during the voyage. The other vessels, consisting of two from Limerick, one from Sligo, three from Dublin, two from Liverpool, and one from Greenock, with 2,386 passengers, had together 198 deaths and 286 sick on their passage. But even ships which leave the same port simultaneously Dierence in show a very remarkable difference in the respective health of their selt levein passengers. This must be ascribed to the better condition of the same tme. ship and of the passengers in the one case, and to the previous poverty and insufficient nourishment in the other. Thus, the ship zLucy Tlihonpson, after a passage of twenty-nine days, arrived TheZucyThompat New York, from Liverpool, on the 11th of September, 1853, with a loss of forty out of 835 passengers by cholera. The Wil- TetsZliam iam Stetsorn arrived on the same day, after a passage of thirtyone days, with 355 passengers, having lost none on the passage. The Great IWestern arrived on the day previous, September 10, Th Gr'eat West. after a passage of thirty-one days, 832 passengers, no death having occurred on board. On the 19th of September, 1853, the Isaac TVebb arrived at New York, from Liverpool, with 773 The Isaac Webb. passengers, after a passage of twenty-nine days, seventy-seven having died of cholera. On the next day, the Poscius arrived from The RosciUs. the same port, with 495 passengers, after a passage of thirty-five days, six days longer than that of the Isaac Tebb, and yet without a single death. On the 15th of October, 1853, the i2onte-The MOntezua. zuma arrived at New York, from Liverpool, in forty-one days, with 404 passengers, and a loss of two; while the icitrmion Theyi~armion arrived on the same day, after a passage of twenty-five days, with 295 passengers, and a loss of thirty-six by cholera. The ITWacsh- The, Washington. ington arrived at New York on the 23d of October, 1853, after a passage of forty-one days, with 952 passengers, and a loss of eighty-one; while the GuSy iannering arrived on the 25th Of Th"eGY eanthe same month, after a passage of thirty-seven days, with T81 passengers, and without loss. These examples might be multiplied almost at pleasure, showing, that vessels which left the same port almost at the same time, and reached the same point of destination about the same time, and consequently would be supposed to have been in the same latitudes and subject to the same winds at the same time, suffered in very different degrees. The cases presented show conclusively 36 THE SEA VOYAGE. that the disease on board of these vessels must be attributed to some exciting cause pre-existing within them, which could not be connected with the condition of the atmosphere or the prevalence of certain winds on the ocean. Small-pox. With regard to small-pox, the third in rank of the diseases which have affected emigrants, its nature and its means of prevention are too well known to require anything more than a single remark, viz., that the rules which apply to the prevention of typhus or ship fever and cholera are, in the main, also applicable in the case of small-pox. Gty on New The percentage of mortality among the passengers on board of York bound vessels. b New York vessels has been considerably greater than those of vessels trading to Boston, Philadelphia, and other ports. This is to be accounted for by a variety of reasons. New York being the great commercial emporium of the Union, passengers from every country in Europe have been induced to regard it as the point to which they should direct their courses. Hence the huge structures furnished by the enterprise of that great metropolis for the transportation of passengers have been crowded to excess, and, as a necessary consequence, the causes of disease have existed on board of those vessels to a greater extent than on any other. In general, the percentage of deaths is in direct proportion to the number of passengers, that is, it has been found that where passengers have been distributed in smaller numbers disease and death have been less prevalent. The smallest percentage of deaths has occurred on vessels from ports of Europe other than those of Liverpool, London, Bremen, Hamburg, and Havre, which, being off the great thoroughfares of commerce, have presented fewer attractions to the great mass of emigrants. The vessels from these ports, being less crowded, are more easily ventilated and kept clean, and present greater facilities for the proper preparation of the food of the passengers, and for their exercise in good weather. Comparltison of During the four last months of 1853, 312 vessels arrived at fernt ports. New York from European ports, with 96,950 passengers. Of these vessels, forty-seven were visited by cholera, and 1,933 passengers died at sea, while 457 were sent to the hospitals on landingthere, in all probability, to terminate in a short time their miserable existence-making nearly two per cent. of deaths among the THE SEA VOYAGE. 37 whole number of persons who had embarked for the New World, and nearly two and a half per cent. when including those who were landed sick. On board of the forty-seven vessels attacked by cholera, the number of passengers was 21,857, of whom 1,821 (being 8'48 per cent.) died on the passage, and 284 were landed sick, making 9-68 per cent. of dead and diseased, in an average passage of thirty-nine days. Of the arrivals above mentioned, 112 were from Liverpool, with an average of 435 passengers on each. Twenty-four of these vessels, with an average of 577 passengers, or an average excess of 142 passengers each over the general average of the whole number of vessels, had cholera on board. Of twenty vessels which arrived from London, five had cholera on board. The average number of passengers on board the vessels attacked by cholera was 411 each, while that of the whole number was but 326. Of fifty-two vessels which arrived from Bremen, three had cholera on board. The average of passengers on board of each vessel, out of the whole number, was 201, while the average on board of those attacked by cholera was 259. Of twenty-two vessels that arrived from HTamburg, six had cholera. Of forty-two vessels which arrived from Havre, six had cholera. The average on board of the whole number of ships was 409, while on board of the six cholera ships the average was 561. Of sixty-four vessels which arrived from other ports of Europe, three had cholera on board. The average of passengers on board of the whole number of these ships was 148, while that on board of the ships attacked by cholera was 185. The average on board of the whole number of -vessels (312) that arrived friom Europe during the four months was 311, while the average on board of the forty-seven that had cholera was 465. The average on board of the vessels which arrived, exclusive of those with cholera, was 283, showing that the cholera vessels carried an average excess of 182 each over those that were comparatively healthy. Of the vessels which escaped from cholera, there were thirtythree, carrying on an average 335 passengers each, on board of 38 THE SEA VOYAGE. which deaths occurred. On these vessels, the number ol deaths was 112, out of 11,044: passengers. It appears from the above statement of facts, that the ships on board of which cholera broke out were those which were most crowded with passengers, and that the vessels on board of which deaths from other diseases occurred were the next most crowded, whilst the remainder, which were healthy, had the lowest average of passengers. Improvement in Much has been done since to alleviate the hardships connected Ag.a on"" with sea voyages. The liberal legislation of Congress, which, by shipboard. the Act of March 3, 1855, first concedes and endeavors to secure the rights of the emigrants by giving to each of them two tons of space, and by providing for the proper ventilation of the ship, as well as for a sufficient amount of substantial and cooked provisions, has contributed much towards preventing the almost daily occurrence of sickness and privations on board of emigrant ships. The construction of sailing-vessels is better, but beyond this the steamers have taken the place of the former, and have begun to monopolize the transport of emigrants, of whom at present about eighty-nine per cent. arrive in steamers, while in 1856, for instance, only three per cent. of their number had availed themselves Comp arative of this faster and healthier mode of conveyance. While in 1859 steamers and sai.in-g vessels. the average number brought by steamers was 230, against 184 in sailing-vessels; in 1868, it was 489 to 204; and, in 1869, 517 to 183; showing an average difference in favor of steamers of 285 and 334 respectively. The comparative mortality of passengers on board sailing-vessels and steamers shows, in 1868, a very large proportional disparity in favor of the steamers. Out of 180,449 passengers in 451 steamers, 200 died; while from among 31,953 in 200 sailing-vessels, the deaths were 393. In 1869, out of 229,190 passengers in 504 steamers, 210 died; of 28,333 passengers in 209 sailing-vessels, 138 died; being about one death in 1000 of the forrner, and 200 of the latter. There is every reason for the realization of the hope that in less than ten years the sailingvessels, as transports of emigrants, will disappear from the ocean. There has seldom, if ever, been a complaint brought against the steamers, which make the average of their trips in less than a fortnight, and on account of the short voyage, the plenty THE SEA VOYAGE. 39 of good water, provisions, and fresh air, prevent their passengers from falling sick. Humanity has thus succeeded in making the exception now what was formerly the rule, and a mortality of onefourth of one per cent. of the total number of passengers is nowadays considered a very large loss. Much, however, as has been done, there is still ample room for greater improvement. To remove the most pressing evils, the author of this essay, in Atg of 18s6 of Legislature of the winter of 1868, submitted a bill to the Legislature of the State State Of Now of New York, " For the more effectual protection of emigrants arriving at the port of New York." By this bill, which on June 5, 1868, became a law, the Commissioners are severally invested with the power (subject to certain conditions) of examining under oath any witness respecting complaints made by any person relative to the ship in which any emigrant may have arrived, his treatment on shipboard, and the quality of the provisions furnished; or to take testimony in reference to any death that may have occurred during the voyage; and such testimony, if made in presence of the persons complained of, may be used as evidence in any subsequent action between any of the passengers and the owner, master, or charterer of the ship. Thus offending persons will be deprived to a great extent of the chance of escaping punishment, while the emigrant will be exposed in consequence, to less risk of unjust treatment, or, if aggrieved, will have a speedier and more accessible mode of redress than has hitherto existed. The necessity of such a provision was almost immediately after The James Foter, Jr. its passage shown in the case of the James Foster, Jr., a Liverpool emigrant ship, as without it the atrocious misconduct and brutality of her officers could not have been adequately punished. It is to be hoped, however, that our General Government, as well as the governments of Europe, will themselves initiate the necessary reforms, and follow the just example set to them by the North German Confederation. The draft of a ConventionProposed Convention with between the United States and the several European govern- r tu rp e a n ments, for the better protection of steerage passengers while at sea, prepared by Secretary Hamilton Fish, is a noble proof of the earnest desire of the United States to do their utmost in behalf of the emigrants. 40 THE SEA VOYAGE. It is in the interest of humanity that in future the Emigrant Courts, proposed by Secretary Fish, shall have exclusive control and power in all matters connected with the well-being of the emigrants. CHAPTER III. BONDING AND COMMUTING —PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRATS. A NEW era in emigration began after the great Napoleonic wars. It may be said to have formally opened with the year 1819, which witnessed the passage of the first United States law on the subject. Up to that time no precise and connected information concerning any phase of immigration was obtainable in this country. No systematic effort had been made where to gather reliable facts and figures, and the scanty data anterior to the year named that have descended to us are obtained from a variety of sources. With the law of 1819 a regular supply of statistics on the subject was assured. The history of immigration after 1819 may be divided into Immiration aftwo periods: the first opening in the year named and ending in 1847, the year of the creation of the Board of the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York; the second'beginning with 1847 and coming down to our days. The former period will be first considered. In 1817, no less than 22,240 persons, including Americans Sale of two ship. loads of emi. from abroad, arrived at ports of the United States from foreign grants in 1817. countries. In no previous year had one-half as many foreign passengers reached this country. In December, 1817, two shiploads, bound for Philadelphia, were sold into the slave State Delaware. The transaction was shocking in the extreme, and created a painful sensation all over the country; but there were no laws of the United States either limiting the number of persons which a passenger ship or vessel was allowed to carry, or providing in any way for the health or comfort of the passengers. The subject attracted the immediate attention of Congress. On March 10, 1818, Louis McLane, of Delaware, reported to the House of Representatives a bill " regulating passenger ships and vessels," which was read twice and referred. In December of the 42 BONDING AND COMMUTING. following session, it was called up by Thomas Newton, of Virginia, who explained the necessity of its passage. It was read a third time, and passed the House. After receiving amendments from both the Senate and IHouse, it was finally passed and approved March 2, 1819. Act of March 2, This act fixed the space allotted to the emigrants to five tons, 1819. Custom House measurement, -for every two passengers, and in case of contravention punished the captain with a fine of $150 for each passenger. It declared the ship to be forfeited to the United States, if the number of passengers carried exceeded the said proportion of two to every five tons. It further specified the amount of water and provisions to be taken on board by emigrant vessels, and exacted a fine of three dollars for every day that any passenger was put on short allowance. Finally, it required the collectors of customs to report quarterly to the Secretary of State the number of passengers arriving in their collection districts, by sea, from foreign countries; also the sex, age, and occupation of such passengers, and the country in which they were born. Annual reports embracing that information have, in conformity with this act, been made to Congress by the,Secretary of State ever since. Although, in some parts, incorrect and meagre, they form the only reliable statistical basis of the history of emigration during the period from 1819 to 1847. Ileagreness of In all other respects, our sources of information are rather imst'atisics. perfect and superficial. The emigrant is not a subject, but art object-not an active, but a passive, force in this international movement. We would probably never have heard of his history, and of his sufferings, except in legendary tales and indistinct family traditions, had not the rapacity of agents and ship-owners compelled the several governments to interfere in his behalf, and to protect him against the grossest imposition. Even as it is, emigrants are considered as an aggregate of human beings only, with no characteristic distinction except that of nationalities. Emigrants re- They appear simply as a numerical quantity; they seem to have gard ea as nutieical qual- no individual existence, and the student of contemporary history does not take the trouble to study their individual motives, misfortunes, and aspirations. He contemplates the emigration of large bodies only from the stand-point of wholesale changes in the BONDING AND COlIiMUTING. 43 condition of nations, of social and political short-comings and disturbances. The poor peasant of the inland village who seeks to be an independent land-owner across the ocean, and the noble patriot who valiantly but unsuccessfully fought for human rights; the mechanic and the scholar; the rich and the destitute; the reckless swindler and the honest man —all represent but so many figures. They are looked upon as mere quantities added to the total wealth and strength of the land. And all this, although, as a whole, they emigrate with an intelligent and firm purpose to take up anew the battle of life, and to fight it through valiantly and honorably. Although the most lucrative article of import, emigrants were treated with the least possible care, with the utmost disregard of decency and humanity. With rare exceptions, they were robbed and plundered, from the day of their departure to the moment of their arrival in their new homes, by almost every one with whom they came in contact. They received less consideration on the voyage than even trees in course of transplantation. They were treated worse than beasts, and less cared for than slaves, who, whatever their condition may be in other respects, represent more or less capital, and, as valuable chattels, are sure to receive protection and assistance in -case of danger or sickness. There seemed to be a secret league, a tacit conspiracy, on the part of all concerned in dealing with emigrants, to fleece and pluck them without mercy, and pass them from hand to hand as long as anything could be made out of them. The poor foreigners were virtually helpless against any sort of imposition and fraud. The thousands who died, or were killed, on the voyage, were thrown into the ocean with as little ceremony as old sacks or broken tools. If crosses and tombstones could be erected on the water as on the Western deserts, where they indicate the resting-places of white men killed by savages or by the elements, the:whole route of the emigrant vessel from Europe to America would long since have assumed the appearance of crowded cemeteries. And, what is still worse, the sufferings of the emigrants seem destined to last for ever. The experience of one does not help the other, for the emigrants, after their arrival in America, disperse into all parts of the great continent. They seldom bring charges ox make complaints, being 44 BONDING AND COMMUTING. satisfied that they will not be heard, or being eager to reach their new homes. Only here and there some victims tell of their illtreatment, and it is almost exclusively upon their recitals, and upon the meagre official' data, that we have to rely for a history of later emigration. Immigration to During the ten years after the passage of the Act of 1819, the 1819-29.' immigration to IN'ew York was very small. In the first five years, viz., from 1819 to 1824, it amounted to a little more than 4,000 per annum; while from 1825 to 1829, it rose to an average of 12,328 per year. Poverty of emi- A large majority were very poor. While their influx contrigrants. b buted to the general prosperity of the country, it injured the domestic poor, as it necessarily imposed heavier expenses on the city government in providing for those who from any cause became sick or destitute. Comptroller "Prior to 1817," says Comptroller John Ewen, in his report Ewen relative to provision for 1846, "when -the foreign poor did not amount to one-fourth for support of foreign poor. of the present number, the Corporation (of the city of New York) received from the State one-third of the auction duties collected in this city on the sale of foreign goods, as an indemnity for their support. This provision, amounting annually to upwards of $70,000, was subsequently withdrawn, and an annual payment of $10,000 substituted instead; since then the State has received over six millions of dollars from auctions in this city, and only $53,000 from other parts of the State. This annual payment, however, proved insufficient, in consequence of the arrival of foreign paupers, who, in some instances, within a day or two after landing, where taken from the wharves in large numbers, in a state of destitution, and sent to the Almshouse. To protect the city against such extraordinary expenditures, the Legislature Pr8.4igner Atof of the State, on February 11, 1824, passed an act'Concerning passengers in vessels coming to the port of New York.' This act, commonly called the'Passenger Act,' required every master or commander of any ship, or other vessel, arriving at the port of New York, from any country out of the United States, or from any other of the United States than the State of New York, to make, within twenty-four hours after the arrival of such ship or vessel,'a report in writing, on oath or affirmation, to the BOINDING AND COMrIUTIG. 45 Mayor of the city of New York, or, in case of his sickness or absence, to the Recorder of the said city, of the name, place of birth, and last legal settlement, age, and occupation, of every person who shall have been brought as a passenger in such ship or vessel on her last voyage.' Said act also authorized the Mayor'to require, by a short endorsement on the aforesaid report, every such master or commander of any ship or vessel to be bound with two sufficient sureties (to be approved of by the said Mayor or Recorder) to the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the city of New York, in such sum as the Mayor or Recorder might think proper, not exceeding three hundred dollars for each passenger, not being a citizen of the United States, to indemnify and keep harmless the said Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty and the Overseers of the Poor of the said city, and their successors, from all and every expense or charge which shall or may be incurred by them, for the maintenance and support of every such person, and for the maintenance and support of the child or children of any such person, which may be born after such importation, in case such person or any such child or children shall, at any time within two years from the date of such bond, become chargeable to the said city.' " This act worked tolerably well so long as emigration was small, Inshffaciency of and the bondsmen, and the passengers landed by them, could be controlled. Consequently, we do not hear of any serious complaints during the first ten years of its operation; but, as soon as emigration assumed greater proportions, the law became susceptible of the most flagrant abuses, which were actually practised under it, and it did not afford the slightest indemnity for the maintenance of those who became chargeable to the city. As the brokers engaged in the bond business were only expected to pay for the bonded passengers in case of their sickness or destitution, a large field for the exorcise of fraud and deception was opened to these shrewd speculators. The ship-owners preferred the system of bonding to any other, as by the payment of a trifle it exonerated them from all liability, and as they, of course, received from each passenger one dollar, which was included in the price of the passage, while the brokers assumed their liability at prices varying from one dollar to ten cents for each passenger, or still 46 BONDING AND COMMUTING. cheaper, as, for instance, between the years 1828 and 1836, when the sum paid for bonding was only two dollars per vessel, whether the number of passengers was great or small. In some cases, however, it was found to be very convenient to the passenger-carriers, and advantageous to the city, to commute for alien passengers instead of requiring bonds, or, in other words, to accept a specific sum of no less than one and no more than ten Ameindment to dollars for each, and to waive tile execution of bonds. For this Passenger act by cityl839fNaw reason, the Corporation of the city of Ncw York, in 1839, passed -atto, c.z* an amendment to the Passenger Act, which authorized the Mayor to commute. Consequently, when the agent or master desired to commute, the Commissioners of the Almshouse directed an examination of the passengers, and reported their condition, when the Mayor fixed and received the commutation, and the master was discharged from all liability. While the State law required that bonds should be given, the Corporation ordinance merely conferred authority on the Mayor to commute in such cases, and in such manner, as might be mutually agreed upon, the right of bonding being reserved specially to the master. Abusez practis- Thus the city did not gain much, and the old abuses were edi. continued with the same impunity. In fact, the entire business became a private traffic between a set of low and subordinate city officials, on the one hand, and a band of greedy and unscrupulous brokers, on the other. It was a sort of legalized robbery, the headquarters of which was at the City Hall. An ordinance of the city prescribed that the Clerk of the Common Council should receive all sums paid for commutation by, alien passengers, account monthly for them, and thereupon pay over the money received by him to the Chamberlain of the rrf sponsibilite y ity. IBut there never has been any check upon, or system of whom commutation money examination of, the accounts of the Clerk of the Common CouInwas pa. cil, and of receipts of such moneys, either to detect dishonest practices or to correct unintentional error. It seems that, from the first day of the application of the Passenger Act of 1824 down to 1842, all the moneys for commuted alien passengers were received by a certain John Ahern, a defaulter to the city in a very large amount, who first was private clerk to General Morton, the Clerk of the Common Council, or a BONDING AND COMMUTING. 47 subordinate in his office. Said Ahern kept no regular books of JohnAhern. account, or vouchers, but made entries, or omitted to make them, as he saw fit. In 1834, the Common Council created the office of Clerk to the Mayor, and appointed this man, Ahern, to that office, General Morton still remaining Clerk to the Common Council. Ahern continued under him to perform the same services as when a private clerk, or subordinate, in.Morton's office, and attended to the returns of captains of vessels, the receipt of commutation moneys, and other fees receivable by the Clerk of the Common' Council. The moneys were paid by Ahern to the Clerk of the Common Council, and by that officer, under his own name, returned to the Comptroller. Under the successors of General Morton, who died in 1836, Ahern continued to perform the same duties, made similar returns, which, without being first examined, were made a part of the County Clerk's returns to the Comptroller. During all these different clerkships, until December, 1842, the returns of captains of vessels, and the bonds taken, were sent to the office of the Commissioners of the Ahlmshouse, to enable them to ascertain, when persons applied to them at that office for assistance, whether such persons had been bonded, so that the sureties might be called upon for their support; or whether they had been commuted for, and were to be supported at the expense of the city. No account or memorandum has been kept in the office of the Clerk of the Common Council of the number of passengers conmmuted for, or the amount of moneys received for the commutation of passengers. This utter neglect of supervision or control existed for about eighteen years, without even exciting any suspicion. At last, in 1842, the impropriety of this course became so apparent that Mr. Underwood, Alderman of the Third Ward, at the meeting of September 12, offered a resolution appointing a committee of Ivestigatiolnby three, to examine into and report upon the subjects of reporting, oard ofitt A dermen, 1842. bonding, and commuting of passengers, and the course pursued in relation to aliens and others who had made application to the Commissioners of the Almshouse for relief. This committee, consisting of Messrs. John A. Underwood, H. W. Bonnel, and Hobert Jones, thoroughly performed their ardu 48 BONDING AND COMMUTING. ous duties, and, after carefully comparing the books and returns of the shipping merchants, the health officer, and the Custom House with the statements kept in the City Hall, on March 11, 1843, reported to the Board of Aldermen. It would lead us beyond the limits of this'essay to enter into the particulars of their investigation, but a few of the facts, corroborated by the fullest evidence, will show how business was managed in the County Clerk's Office. Report of same. (All the accounts," says the report just mentioned, " from December, 1836, to July, 1842, contain the names of vessels in which passengers arrived, whether commuted for or bonded; but the whole business previous to June, 1837, was conducted without regard to detail, perspicuity, or regularity in the AMayor's Office, the office of the Clerk of the Common Council, and the Comptroller's Office, and it was impossible to ascertain what amount of money was or should have been paid previous to the dates last mentioned. It has, however, been discovered that moneys were received for commuting and bonding passengers previous to June, 1837, which were never paid into the city treasury, but it would be useless to ascertain what amount of such moneys was withheld, or by whom they were misapplied. "From June 1, 1837, to July 2, 1842, the deficiencies for bonds and commutations, in accounts rendered to the Comptroller, amounted to $8,019 25. The number of passengers who were reported to the Comptroller as having been commuted for sums less than were recommended by the agent of the Commissioners of the Almshouse, but in relation to which neither receipts nor accounts had been obtained, was 8,965; and the passengers who had arrived from foreign countries, in vessels bringing ten or more passengers, none of whom had been accounted for, were 1,846." Result of inves The investigations of this committee, and the changes protrgptitn andposed by them in the supervision of the subordinate officers, effected a reform in the execution of the acts bearing upon immigration, but, nevertheless, the city was not greatly benefited by the change. With the daily increasing immigration, the profits growing out of the bonding system to the brokers became larger, and, with keen attention to pecuniary gain, these unscrupulous BONDING AND COMMUTING. 49 men appropriated to themselves what, of right, belonged to the city. They received, as before stated, from the ship-owners the sum of one dollar for each bonded passenger. "These persons," says Comptroller John Ewen, in his report Comptroller for 1845, "although worth the amount for which they may be- worth.lessness of bonds. come liable for passengers in each particular case, afford but little indemnity to the Corporation for any considerable number of the bonded passengers, should they from any unforeseen calamity be thrown upon the city for support, several individuals being bondsmen for over $1,000,000 each. The aggregate of the bonds taken for the average number annually bonded during the last three years amounted to $16,149,600, and for the number bonded last year to $21,320,400. Some of those bonded are so disguised in the description rendered as scarcely to be identified six months after landing, and become inmates of the Almshouse, or are committed by the magistrates as vagrants, and in some shape maintained by the city. A bonded passenger, over fifty years of age, applied at the Mayor's Office solre time since for relief, whoso age was set down in the list of passengers at twenty years. " The Mayor is authorized, by an ordinance of the Corporation, to receive not less than one nor more than ten dollars for each passenger as a commutation of such bonds; but, as this is entirely optional with the party, the greater number are bonded. The number of foreign passengers arriving annually at this port, within the last three years, has averaged 60,539; the nnmber annually bonded within the same period, 53,832; and the number annually commuted in the same time, 6,707, or about one-ninth of the whole number. "It would be more advantageous to the city to receive the sum of one dollar for each passenger, now paid to individuals, than to take the bonds. A large amount would then be annually received by the Corporation towards the support of foreign poor; and in case any of the passengers arriving at this port should, upon examination, prove to be paupers sent here from the parishes of Europe, they could, with the avails of this fund, be sent back to the places from whence they were brought; which would have a strong tendency to discourage a repetition of such practices. 50 PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. " The number of passengers arriving at this port during the last three years amounted to 181,615, of which 20,119 were commuted....... $21,452 17 Received on account of passengers bonded the sum of. 19,939 28 Making a total receipt from these passengers of. $41,391 45 The whole number of passengers which arrived, at one dollar each, would have amounted to 181,615 00 Whereby the city would have received in addition the sum of....... $140,223 55 or $46,744 51 per annum paid to individuals, as before stated." During all that time, those who became chargeable were sent to the Almshouse, and the bondsmen paid the expenses of their board to the city authorities. Private lospi- Even this arrangement, though pecuniarily advantageous, only grant sick. excited cupidity, and the bondsmen concluded to support the sick and indigent at private poor-houses and hospitals, where they could sustain them at rates lower than those charged by the Almshouse department. Experience having proved the plan feasible and profitable, these establishments soon became numerous, some being conducted by the passenger-shippers and others maintained by individuals, whose profits and business were confined alone to the medical care or temporary maintenance of the pauper or unfortunate emigrant. To this latter class of establishments, on account of their cheapness, many merchants and passenger agents transferred the destitute; but this system was assoTheir abuses. ciated with many grave and flagrant abuses. These evils gradually attracted public attention, and the various emigrant societies urged the necessity of a prompt and radical change. On February 2, 1846, the Board of Assistanit Aldermen of the city of New York appointed a committee, consisting of Messrs. Purser, Gilbert, and Candee, relative to the treatment of Investigation ofcertain emigrants in a place designated "Tapscott Poor-IIouse P oor-ou tueand H{ospital." This institution was established by the firm of and Hospital" by Committee W. & J. T. Tapscott, passenger-brokers in South Street, New stant Al- York, and situated in North Sixth Street, in the then town of Williamsburg. PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. 51 The preamble and resolution read as follows: " Whereas, The affidavits of William Long and others, relative to the unwholesome food furnished to destitute and unfortunate emigrants at a place denominated'Tapscott's Poor-House and Hospital,' reveal a system of. flagrant outrage and cupidity, and demand the instant investigation of the Common Council; "And whereas, The present mode of landing alien passengers has pastured a class of unprincipled brokers, who, apparently irresponsible to any authority, continue to realize fortunes by inflicting inhuman wrongs upon the alien stranger; therefore, "-Resolved, That a special committee be appointed to investigate the case of the unfortunate emigrants, and that the committee be requested to report at the next meeting." The affidavits referred to above of William Long, Thomas Farrell, Daniel 1Kelleher, John Egan, Thomas Judge, Owny IHogan, and Henry Mulholland, sworn to on January 30, 1846, say, that the deponents were induced to emigrate to this country upon the representations of ship-brokers and their runners; that upon arriving in this country they found it impossible to obtain work, and applied to the agents of these ships, and offered to work for their board; that these agents sent them to Tapscott's Poor-tIouse and Hospital, where they were obliged to do laboring work, digging, and wheeling. " And we further depose and say that the bread furnished us was totally unfit for use, and that the black biscuit shown the Mayor is a fair sample of the bread which we were compelled to eat; that the breakfast furnished us was composed of a species of meal so black as to be unfit for use, and to that was added molasses and made into a pottage; that our dinner was at times salt fish and the before-mentioned bread, and at other times of refuse grease with other mixtures collected from the ships during their trips across the Atlantic:'the crumbs that fell from the rich men's table.' "And we do further depose and say that tnere are inmates of the above establishment who are lying sick and in the most pitiful and wretched condition of suffering, quite unable to help 532 PRIVATE HOSPITALS' FOR IMMIGRANTS. themselves, and compelled to eat the food above described; that from the effects of eating such food we have been reduced to such a state of health as to be unable to work, and in consequence orders were given to stop our spplies, and we have been without food since yesterday rnorning." N isitof Commit- In consequence of these statements, the citizens of Williamstee of citizens orr witlims- burg, on February 2, 1846, called a public meeting, and appointed burg to Tap5c0tis H a committee, consisting of Messrs. H. Fitzgerald, A. P. Moon, and tal, and their report. Michael McCaffrey, for the purpose of enquiring as to the mode of treatment carried out in the establishment of Messrs. Tapscott & Co. On February 3, at the request and solicitation of the same Messrs. Tapscott, they visited the said establishment, which visit they describe as follows: " To our utter astonishment, even horror, we found it, if possible, even worse than represented, exhibiting a state of misery and wretchedness not to be borne or countenanced by any civilized community; the situation, fare, etc., of the occupants being worse, infinitely worse, if we may be allowed the term, than that of those in similar institutions (by name) attached to or connected with our common prisons. We have, therefore, come to the conclusion, and hesitate not to say, that we firmly believe the statements made in the affidavits of William Long and others in every particular literally true; and that the deplorable condition of the unfortunate (women particularly) dupes of the Messrs. Tapscott in this same establishment demands and requires the earliest possible attention from the friends of suffering humanity. Since we have visited this'poor house' the committee procured comfortable situations and homes for those of the female residents of this modern but altogether novel prison-house. We now boldly —yes, publicly-challenge and defy the Messrs. Tapscott, or any of their friends, to an investigation, proof, or conviction. Dare they accept?." Visit of Committee of Board A few days later, the Committee of the New York Board of of Assistant Aldermen. Assistant Aldermen likewise personally inspected the premises in question, when every reasonable facility of examination was afforded by Mr. and Mrs. Miller, the superintendents. Though the visit must have been anticipated, the condition of the building appeared very unsatisfactory, both as regarded cleanliness and comfort. The number of persons in the institution appeared to PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. 53 to be from twenty-five to thirty, but it occasionally contained a larger number. The superintendent spoke favorably of the diet and treatment, in which opinion some of the inmates concurred, though in a manner evidently constrained. A female witness, indeed, who was examined at this interview, acknowledged to the Chairman of the Committee, who had an opportunity of speaking to her privately, " that, if she had told the truth, she would have seen the road mighty soon." The Committee of the citizens of Williamsburg, above referred to, obtained from the inmates a direct acknowledgment of the facts sworn to in the affidavits of Long and others. These gentlemen, from personal and prompt inspection, convinced of the treatment and suffering of the inmates, forwarded them articles of food. The comprehensive testimony fully confirmed the complaints. QSualty of food In relation to the food, some twenty witnesses distinctly swore that the biscuit was generally " blue moulded," and offensive to " taste and smell;" and the samples, though sworn to be of the best description distributed, were dark and hard, and unsuited for the support of the females and children at the " Poor-House and Hospital." It appeared, under oath, that the biscuit was frequently given to the hogs-the inmates preferring to go hungry and supperless to bed. The fish was represented to have been bad, and to have fallen to pieces when put into water to boil; and all affirmed, who were beyond the influence of the establishment, that the food supplied was equally deficient in quantity and quality. The soup was usually innutritious, and manufactured from grease or mutton tallow, which was kept in the superintendent's store-room to be employed for that purpose. The meat used is stated to have been musty and dark, and the bread " distributed twice a week in slices (to use the language of a witness) as big as your hand, and not enough for a child." These statements were corroborated partly by the admissions of Tapscott and his employees, as well as by about fifty affidavits, the most important of which may find place here. Margaret Bertram, an inmate for nearly twelve months in the Afmidavits of ininstitution, c recollects that two children died there. The mother of one died at sea; no particular nurse took charge of it; several 54 PRIVATE lHOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. of us had milk, perhaps four or five, and each took it by turns; it died of summer complaint. The other infant died five weeks since; it was brought here by a woman not its mother; it was a weakly child; we suckled it turn and turn about; no particular person attended to it; several now in the New York Almshouse nursed it." Fannie Mitchell, an intelligent young married woman, now at Bellevue, stated under oath the following facts: " That the child referred to by Margaret Bertram was sent over from Tapscott's office, and lived about a fortnight afterwards; that it came on Saturday, and Mr. Tapscott called on the Sunday following, and, an objection being made to nurse the infant, declared that any one who refused should be turned right out of doors. Under such circumstances the women consented, and took it turn and turn about." Ann Doyle: " While I was there, some of the women induced a man who was cutting up some meat to give them a few slices, one of the women alleging that she wanted it for a sick child. They obtained about a pound, and Miller (the superintendent) discovered it in the evening, and went and informed Tapscott, who came the next morning and turned the women out; one had the sick child before mentioned." "Another transaction, sustained under oath, we introduce," says the Committee, "as a further illustration of the disregard manifested for the health of the inmates, and the sanitary usages observed even by uncivilized communities. It appears that, of the pigs during the summer, a sow became sick and nearly dead," and that' in this condition the superintendent directed it to be killed by one Lavendel; that the sow was afterwards scalded, cut up, and on the following day served at table, but it was so " unpleasant to the taste that the witnesses were unable to eat it." Said Lavendel, an emigrant from Ireland, and for some time after his arrival an inmate of the house, further states, on oath, that a quantity of mutton-hams were brought there (to the hospital), and served up for dinner, which stunk and were unfit for use; oatmeal porridge was also served up for breakfast, which was bitter to the taste, and smelled bad; also rice for dinner which was unfit for use, and smelled bad. Deponent was compelled to eat what was put on the table or go without food. He further states PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. 55 that the allowance of meat for one week, including bone, was about one pound; that he was sick, and kept his bed about five days before he received any medical attendance, although he requested it previously; and that the sleeping apartments were filthy, uncomfortable, and filled with vermin. Dr. E. L. Cooke, the attending physician, says: " The cleanliness Testimony of atthere is not remarkable; have observed this, and required them to cin. keep it cleaner; but the matron has answered that it was difficult to get the inmates to perform such labor. In other institutions of a public character, better discipline would prevail; but the inmates do not feel themselves under sufficient restriction. The general want of cleanliness observable, he presumes, might be attributed to this cause and the laziness of the inmates. Thinks the inmates are not examined when they enter, or aware that there are any specific regulations with regard to cleanliness. No wearing apparel has, to his knowledge, been distributed among the sick. With reference to diet, what he directed for the patients he believed was supplied. The matron informed him so; have never enquired of the patients; never observed any peculiar appearance of disease among those who had been long inmates. The institution, as regards diet, general comfort, and medical treatment, cannot be compared with similar public institutions." "Your Committee conceive "-we give here again their own RIeIt of Comlicy of permitwords- " that the evidence before them is sufficient to convince tingpiv.at the Common Council and the Legislature that poor-houses and houses. hospitals should not be continued by passenger carriers. The proprietors are certainly not likely to provide liberally for the necessities, much less the comforts, of a household which is a constant source of individual trouble and expense. The same selfishness that would induce them to evade relieving the applicants would dictate the reduction of their fare, when admitted to the work-house, to the lowest standard, both of quality and quantity. Neither the Common Council nor the Legislature could feel disposed to permit these irresponsible establishments to multiply, a result which must occur, however, unless the law is amended. The unwholesome nature of the food, and the treatment of the helpless infants, is in evidence before you. No wearing apparel appears to have been distributed among the sick or well, with some 56 PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. trifling unimportant exception; and Margaret 13ertram, an inmate nearly a year, and very destitute, acknowledged that she never received, with the exception of an order for a pair of shoes, any clothing whatever. Even on the confinement of any of the women, the other women have to provide the requisite articles of clothing for the infants. No attention is paid to the education of children who become chargeable to these bro]kers, and the only boy at Tapscott's work-house, the superintendent, Mr. Miller, stated, was held back from school for want of clothing, and the proprietor himself acknowledged that he did not know whether he went to school or not. Immorality of "The accommodation and arrangements of the house preclude the proper separation of the sexes, and the moral habits of the unfortunate inmates must deteriorate. The sick and destitute, the vicious and the innocent, are gathered together promiscuously, without any of the ordinary restraints to which, perhaps, in a distant country, they have been subjected, while they are denied the salutary influence of even police regulations. "These facts, which rest upon sworn testimony, must command attention. It cannot be disputed that the heavy responsibilities connected with a poor-house and hospital should be transferred to the municipal authorities. The health and character of our city, and humanity to the alien stranger, are involved in this nmeasure. Frauds practis- "The great acknowledged inferiority of such an establishment ed to gain adHotspcCity to Bellevue is a strong incentive to the destitute to obtain admission to our Almshouse by deception. Aware that their reception and continuance in the Almshouse depends on suppressing the fact of being chargeable to any particular passenger broker,'they manufacture facts to secure better fare and treatment. Indeed, it is not improbable, though no direct evidence exists before the Committee, that they have co-operated with the pauper in the practice of these frauds. It is unquestionably true that thousands are annually relieved from the city treasury, which are properly chargeable to the bondsmen. Intentional inaccuracies frequently appear on the passenger list regarding the ages, occupations, and names of the passengers, with the view of transferring legal responsibility from the carriers. In the event of establishing the PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. 57 system of commutation, the duty of examining the emigrant passengers will require the exercise of vigilance and honesty. To deceive the Quarantine officers, and obtain permission to proceed immediately to the city, the captains of vessels dress up their sick, and similar artifice will be employed to evade the provisions of the proposed law. " The German and other emigrants not familiar with our language are liable to even more than ordinary imposition and suffering. To secure the assistance from the bondsmen, without which in the winter months they would perish, constantly requires the co-operation of the officers of their national benevolent institutions; and many remarkable instances of deception and cruelty have become known to your Committee. 1" Agents are sent to the principal cities and ports of Germany with the view of securing passengers for some particular line of vessels, and from three to six IRix dollars is imposed as'head' or commutation money, though, even if the law we recommend was adopted, $1 25 (25 cents for hospital fee) would be the actual outlay. " It is maintained among some, if not all, of the passengerronds annulled brokers that they are released from the obligation of sustaining the persons bonded whenever convicted of an offence and sentenced to imprisonment. Though we must dissent from this opinion, it appears to have been formerly acquiesced in by the authorities, or to have escaped their examination. The commission of crime, committals for misdemeanor or vagrancy, serve the selfish interests of passenger agents, though we are unwilling to believe that the practice is resorted to ordinarily. Occasionally, however, the inmates of these private work-houses and hospitals are unwarrantably consigned to the Penitentiary on ]Blackwell's Island. Hugh Graham, who was a sick man, was sent with eight others to be disgraced and contaminated in one of our worst prisons for insubordination. lIe, with his companions, purchased bread, and even ate it, without permission of the officials. tIe was taken before a magistrate, and committed without even being made acquainted with his crime or called upon for defence. "Another illustration of the feelings governing some of the O'Connor'scase. passenger carriers is to be found in the following anecdote, com 58 PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. municated by the President of the Irish Emigrant Society: A man named O'Connor, with his wife and three children, arrived in this country, and, having contracted a fever on board the vessel, was detained in the city till his money was exhausted, and the bondsmen were applied to for relief. Recovering sooner than the other members of the family, he set out for St. Louis, where his father was comfortably settled, and, securing the necessary funds, returned with the fond expectation of accompanying his wife and children to their new home. He found, however, on reaching New York that his wife was dead and his children shipped to Liverpool, where they had neither friends nor relatives. One of the children died on the passage, and of the others no tidings have been obtained, though diligent enquiries have been instituted. Messrs. Tapscott were the agents and bondsmen in this case. "With the gradual but certain increase of immigration, these evils must extend. The cupidity of the proprietors of these private establishments threatens even the health of our city, not only from uncleanliness, but the introduction of cases of ship-fever. "With these views, your Committee respectfully submit the following resolution for adoption: iesolution. " Resolved, That the condition of Tapscott's Poor-House and Hospital, and the evidence relative to the general treatment of the inmates, strongly demand a change in the present system of bonding and commuting alien passengers." Second Commit. During the summer of 1846, another committee of investigation tee of Investi- Board of Assfs-was appointed from the same Board, relative to the management tantAldermen. of an emigrant hospital on Manhattan Island, which resulted in confirming the opinion that such irresponsible institutions were equally disastrous to the morals, health, and happiness of those compelled to seek a temporary asylum in them. The report expressed strong disapprobation of the "want of comfort, cleanliness, and health prevailing," and the necessity of the employment of some means to remove the evils. After the interference of the committee, some improvement occurred in the treatment of patients, and the number of inmates in the twostory building, about 46 feet square, was reduced from 120 to 80. PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOR IMMIGRANTS. 59 The extreme heat of the summer, and the want of cleanliness, Investigationf b neglect of ventilation, and poor diet at this hospital, induced the Health. Mayor to summon the Board of Health. A committee of that body examined the establishment, and reported strongly in favor of remedying the evils connected with these private hospitals and poor-houses, and, by a change in the law, urged the propriety of confiding in the city authorities the charge of the sick and destitute emigrants. "The system now existing," says the report of AldermanReport of AlderPurser, from which we have quoted the above, "is disgraceful to recommending the city, and unparalleled in Europe. The municipal authorities system. are divested actually of the power of investigating and relieving cases of severe suffering and destitution. A ship arrives in our port with five hundred emigrants; a broker, irresponsible in every point of view, after examination, agrees to assume the responsibility of supporting those that may become chargeable within two years, at the rate of forty or fifty cents a head. Should any apply, as thousands do, annually, to the Almshouse Commissioners for relief, they are referred, however emergent and pitiable the case, to this broker, and his personal and pecuniary interest dictates refusal or delay. If compelled to provide for the unfortunate a temporary shelter, the treatment to which they are exposed is calculated to break their spirits and smooth the path of degradation and crime. "A proper separation of the sexes is wholly neglected, and the young and innocent female is exposed to temptation, and her mind, at least, corrupted by infamous association. The destitution of the healthy emigrant is usually only temporary, and their future destiny governed, to a great extent, by the circumstances into which they are thrown at their arrival. With this view of the subject, your Committee are impressed with the conviction that legislative interference is imperatively demanded in justice to the tax-payer and humanity to the emigrant." " Your Committee have before them a memorial in favor of Memorial of Emigrant So. the proposed alteration of the laws, signed by the acting Presi- cieties infavor dents of the Irish, German, British, Welsh, and Scotch emigrant societies, which states that the change would increase the revenue 60 PRIVATE HOSPITALS FOPR IMMIGRANTS. of the city and secure the emigrants from the frauds now practised upon them. Paupers, care, of "Within the last month, nearly five hundred emigrants from refused by bondmen. Germany were sent directly from the ship to the Almshouse, where a large proportion now remain, being utterly destitute of means, and sent out at the expense of the property-owners in their immediate neighborhood.* The bondsmen refuse to pay the expenses in this instance, on some wholly insufficient pretence, and the city will be most probably compelled to commence suits for the recovery. It must have been known to the foreign agents shipping such passengers that they principally consisted of paupers. When compelled to leave the ship, they took refuge on the pier, where they continued until the city authorities removed them to Bellevue. Utterly destitute, and strangers to our language and country, sick from the effects of a long voyage and indifferent diet and accommodation, these people became an inmmediate charge upon the city, and yet the bondsmen refuse to indemnify the Corporation. A lighter was sent by the agents to take off the whole of these passengers, with the view,of sending them to Albany; but, many of them being sick, and all being penniless and without means of supporting themselves for that journey, they refused. "In the event of the bondsmen sustaining the decrepit or aged for the full period of two years required by law, on its expiration they are thrown upon the county for support. Such a class of persons for many reasons usually remain in our city; and, if a proper system of commutation prevailed, a fund would be raised adequate for their maintenance." Establish m ent The change so long desired by all disinterested parties was of Emigration Board. effected a year later by the establishment of the Board of the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York. * The emigrants referred to were poor people from the Odenwald, who, how. ever, had not been sent out by the property-owners in their immediate neigh. borhood, but at the expense of the grand ducal government of Baden. F. K. CHAPTER IV. ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK —RUNNERS-BOARDIG-HOUSES —INLAND VOYAGE. ALTHOUGH in point of time anterior to the period of which we are treating, the facts which constitute the basis of the narrative of this chapter refer to a state of things which, in a greater or lesser degree, had existed for the preceding twenty years, but which was fully exposed, for the first time, only by the careful official investigation, of which we shall speak in the following. The kind of fraud and imposition on emigrants which is Attempts of Commissioners here described continued until the year 1855, that is, up to the of Emigration to prevent time when, by an act of the Legislature, the Commissioners of f.iu,,,: b eriving emiEmigration secured the compulsory landing of emigrants at. the grants. Castle Garden depot, which gave them the control over them necessary for their protection. Not having sufficient means at their command, the Commissioners for years had tried in vain to protect the emigrants on their landing. They perceived the real source of the evil from the time of the creation of the Board, and did all in their power to do away with it. Complying with their urgent solicitations, the Legislature, in October 11, 1847, appointed a select committee to investigate the frauds and impositions alleged to be practised upon emigrant passengers arriving in this State. The Committee, consisting of Messrs. Thomas Smith, Comllittee of Investigation A. S. Upham, D. S. McNamara, A. E. Chandler, and James C. of Legislature, Rutherford, cheerfully assumned and most efficiently discharged their duties. It is due to the indefatigable and energetic efforts of these gentlemen that we have the documentary evidence of all sorts of frauds practised upon emigrants. In order to make a thorough investigation of the subject committed to their charge, they went to the city of New York, and made themselves acquainted with the various stages through which the emigrants passed after landing, till they got on board the steamboats to come 62 RUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUSES. up the river. It is their official report, with its accompanying documents, containing the examinations of the different parties and witnesses, which forms the basis of the following statements: neport, of same. "Your Committee must confess," the report says, "that they -System of defrauding eractis-had no concetion of, nor would they hav believed, the extent to house keeperi which these frauds and outrages have been practised, until they and runners. i came to investigate them. As soon as a ship, loaded with these emigrants, reaches our shores, it is boarded by a class of men called runners, either in the employment of boarding-house keepers or forwarding establishments, soliciting custom for their employers. In order the more successfully to enable the latter to gain the confidence of the emigrant, they usually employ those who can speak the same language with the emigrant. If they cannot succeed in any other way in getting possession and control over the object of their prey, they proceed to take charge of their luggage, and take it to some boarding-house for safe-keeping, generally under the assurance that they will charge nothing for carriagehire'r storage. In this way they are induced to go to some emigrant boarding-house, of which there are a great many in the city, and then too often under a pretence that they will charge but a small sum for meals or board. The keepers of these houses induce these people to stay a few days, and, when they come to leave, usually charge them three or four times as much as they agreed or expected to pay, and exorbitant prices for storing their luggage; and, in case of their inability to pay, their luggage is detained as security. Some of these runners are employed by the month, and some work upon commission. Where theyare in the eiimployment of the forwarding establishments or passenger offices, and receive a commission for each passenger they bring in, they are, in many cases, allowed by their employers to charge all they can get over a certain sum for transporting the passenger to a particular place. This, it will be seen, stimulates the runners to great exertions, not only to get as many passengers as possible, but to get them at the highest possible prices. To enable them to carry out their designs, all sorts of falsehoods are resorted to to mislead and deceive the emigrant as to the prices of fare and mode of conveyance. RUIrsNEBS-BOARDING-IHOUSES. 63 "Your Committee have been shocked to find that a large portion of the frauds committed upon these innocent and, in many cases, ignorant foreigners, are committed by their own countrymen who have come here before them; for we find the German preying upon the German, the Irish upon the Irish, the English upon the English, etc.; but at the same time we cannot hold our own countrymen entirely guiltless, for many of them, it is to be regretted, are engaged in this nefarious business." It was then, and still is, the law of the State of New York State law relat. ing to power that a vessel arriving at Quarantine is under the control of the erHat Quaran: health dfficer, and that consequently the ship-owners can exercise tine no control over their own vessels until they pass out of the hands of that officer. Until 1844, the practice was for him to license small schooners or lighters, by which all the passengers discharged at the Quarantine were brought to the city. The suffering to which passengers were exposed by this mode of conveyance, from being frequently many hours on deck, exposed to sun and rain, and frequently arriving in the city at night, induced the larger shipping-houses to cause the emigrants to be brought up by steamboats, thus greatly increasing their comfort. The practice was for these houses to give their agents an order on the Custom House to receive permits to take the passengers from their ships,.and thus to secure to them the exclusive privilege of bringing passengers from their shlips. Other vessels, and especially those owned by smaller houses, proceeded at once directly to their piers in the city. The Devices of radlarger the immigration became, the more profitable it was for the boade vesels runners to get hold of the ships; they spared no effort and resorted to all kinds of tricks and devices to obtain the exclusive control of the emigrant ships. They frequently went to the Custom House, and, under false pretences, took out permits without the knowledge or consent of the owners. Captains of vessels, which came directly to the city, were often paid several hundred dollars by the runners for the mere permission to board their ships at Quarantine, and proceed with them to their piers. " It is not uncommon," said the health officer, Dr. Henry Van Hovenburgh, in his examination, "C after the vessel is cleared from Quarantine, for eight or ten boat-loads of runners to surround t4f RUNNERS -BOARDING-HOUSES. it; they are desperate men, and can be kept off only by an armed force." This state of things must be borne in mind in order to properly understand the dangers to which the emigrants were exposed on their arrival in the port of New York. TPresidet of The following affidavits will more fully show the mode of Net herland Emigrant ao- operations of these runners, and of the establishments in whose ciety. interest they worked. Thus, R. Schoyer, being duly sworn, says: "I am a Director of the Netherland Emigrant Society. The first fraud practised upon the emigrant is this: the moment a vessel arrives it is boarded by runners, whose first object appears to be, to get emigrants to their respective public-houses. Once there, they are considered sure prey. These runners represent the interests of all the various taverns and forwarding lines. Each party bringing with them their bullies to fight off their opponents, the emigrants become bewildered. As there is frequent bloodshed upon such occasions, the strongest party carry off the emigrants. Previously to going to the taverns, they are told that meals will be furnished for 6d. each, and 6c. for lodging, when, in fact, they are never charged less than 2s. and often $1, per meal; and their baggage is held until all is paid. The next ordeal "Booking. through which the emigrant is obliged to pass is called'booking,' by which is meant that the emigrant is taken to the forwarding office, and then induced to pay his money for the fare to the West. The emigrant is informed that that is the only office in which they can pay their money, the proprietors thereof being sole owners of the steamboats, railroads, and canal-boats throughout the entire route. After having thus gained the confidence of the emigrant, he unsuspectingly pays his money, upon the assurance that he will have no more to pay. The money received, the runner gets one dollar for every passenger booked, besides a salary varying from $30 to $100 per month, which is divided with the landlord." P. II. IHodenpyle, being sworn, says: "I am agent of the Netherland Emigrant Society; have been since April last; I have been in danger frequently of personal violence from the runners; they are IHollanders, Germans, English, Irish, etc. There have gone, this fall, one IIollander and two German runners to Eu RUNNERS-BOARDING-HIOUSES. 65 rope to establish agencies for forwarding passengers from New York to the Western States and Territories." Charles HI. Webb deposes under oath: "I am Superintendent Tept mon of of the British Protective Emigrant Society; have occupied the iP'otrnectvoestation three years. From my own knowledge, I have known ty frauds upon emigrants. One of the common frauds practised by the emigrant boarding-house keepers is that they generally have five or six persons about their establishments, who, if they cannot prevail on the emigrant to accompany them to the boardinghouse they represent, when coming from the Quarantine to the city, on their arrival at the dock seize their baggage by force, and have it carried by cartmen, who are privy to their operations, to the boarding-houses. With the baggage once in the house, the emigrant, if dissatisfied with the accommodation and wishes his things removed to another place, is met by the landlord with a charge for either storage or one day's board, compelling him to put up with the accommodations offered him, or pay five or six dollars without an equivalent. These boarding-houses make it a Extortio; of rule, for instance, if emigrants arrive at 7 o'clock P.M. and leave housekeepers. the next day at 10 or 2 o'clock, to charge two days' board ar d lodging for what in fact constitutes only one day. The keepers of emigrant boarding-houses are invariably foreigners, the natives of each nation preying upon their own countrymen. The runners represent to the emigrant that his charges are sixpence sterling for each meal, and the same for lodging, and no charge for cartage of baggage to their houses or for storage while it remains there. When the emigrant is ready to leave, he calls for his bill, and is surprised to find that he is required to pay from $1 to $2 per day for his board, and often $2 to $3 cartage for his baggage. The keepers exercise their right of lien on the goods until the price is paid." " I was in a boarding-house in Cherry Street," says Hiram Huested. "A man came up to settle his bill, which the landlord made out at $18.'Why,' says the man,'did you not agree to board me for 6d. a meal and 3d. for a bed?''Yes,' says the landlord,'and that makes just 75 cents per day. You have been here just eight days, and that makes just $18.'" 66 RUNNERS —BOARDING-IOusEs. restimony of George W. Daley (the notorious One-eyed Daley), who ley. had been engaged in forwarding passengers on the canal, and left business, as he alleged, from disgust.with the imposition practised by his partners, and by the men in his employment, upon emigrants, said: "Mr. Roach (one of the former partners of Daley) spent his time in New York, and managed the business there. When a vessel was reported, he generally sent down three or four men to engage the passengers. If tile vessel was a Dutch one (German), he would send down Dutchmen (Germans); if an English vessel, he would send Englishmen. Ile got the passengers at the best possible rates, sometimes at one price and sometimes at another. Men in our employ have frequently brought passengers to me, and stated that they had represented to the passengers that they were to go by railroad or packet; in such cases I have invariably told my men that I should not thus impose upon them, as we had no arrangelment with the railroad and packets, and would not book them in that way, and that they must not promise them in that way. What I mean by "Booking."'booking' is, making bargains with passengers and giving theml tickets. Our books are made in the form of a check-book; the ticket is cut out, like a bank-check, and a memorandum of it is left; the men who board the vessels carry a book with them and furnish the tickets. "Frequently the' night-watch'from the Custom IIlouse, when they board a vessel, extol some particular transportation line or emligrant forwarding-house; and, when they leave in the morning, manage to get the name of some one or more of the passengers, which they report to the emigrant forwarding-house. I do not know that they receive anything for their services, but I have no doubt they do; this is what is called' stooling.' There is another way of'stooling.'stooling' frequently practised, which is for the runner to go on board and employ some one or more of the emigrants of influence to engage the passengers to go by his line, for which the emigrant is paid a bonus. The following case camle to my knowledge two years ago this summer: A runner went on board an English vessel, at Quarantine, singled out a man of influence, and offered him a gold watch and chain if he would induce those on board to go by the line by which he was employed. The man agreed to it, on condi RUNNERS-BOARDING-HouSES. 67 tion that he could have the watch in advance. The runner took it from his own pocket, threw the chain over the neck of the Englishman, and put the watch in his pocket. The man then went to work and got all the passengers booked according to agreement. They went up to the city in coimpany. The luggage was taken to the boat. The runner and his friend went into an office, where they found a man, who seized the Englishman and exclaimed,'Then you are the man that robbed the man of his watch, are you?' The runner made his escape precipitately, and the Englishman was compelled to give up the watch, and paid a handsome sum in addition." Tobias Boudinot, being duly sworn, says: "I am Captain of Testimony of Police Captain Police of the Third Ward. lMIany of the steamboats that land Boudinot. emigrants from Quarantine land at the docks in the Third Ward. There they are immediately visited by the runners from the emigrant boarding-houses, backed by bullies to assist in soliciting passengers to go to the different houses. As the emigrant attempts to take his luggage from on board the boat, the runner will endeavor to get it from him, and by force, unless there is a sufficient police to protect him, representing that they will keep them at sixpence sterling for each meal, and sixpence sterling for lodging, and no charge made for cartage or storage for luggage. When the emigrant comes to pay his bill, he is never able to get off at the contract price, but is compelled to pay from three shillings to fifty cents for each meal and lodging, one dollar and fifty cents for cartage, when, if it was paid at the time, it could not, under the law, be but thirty-one cents and fifty cents per day for storage for an ordinary-sized chest, and other things in proportion." The greatest frauds, however, were committed by the forward- Frardin g ing-houses, to which some allusion has already been made in the Frauds of. foregoing affidavits. At that time, the only route West was'via Albany, and thence by the canal, or, since 1846, by railroad to Buffalo, the Erie and Pennsylvania railroads not having been completed until 1852 or 1853. The trip from New York to Albany was made by steamer, and was comparatively the quickest part of the jouriey West, as it did not take more than ten hours to reach Albany. The emigrants generally bought tickets in 68 IRUNNERS-BOARDING-IHOUSES. New York, with the understanding and assurance that they were to be forwarded on to their place of destination with their luggage without further charge; but, when they arrived at Albany, the person to whom they were consigned denied the authority of the persons of whom the tickets were bought. If the tickets were accepted, the emigrants were required to pay exorbitantly for the transportation of their luggage, and were often cheated in its weight. " Among the numerous frauds," says the Committee in their Report to the Assembly, " practised by these runners and forwarding-houses, there is, perhaps, none greater than that which exists in the sale of passage-tickets. The emigrant is shown a neatly printed ticket, with a picture of a steamboat, railroad-cars, and canal-packet, with three horses attached to its and is given to understand that such a ticket will take him to a given place beyond Albany in a specified manner, and for a price to be agreed upon; and after disposing of the ticket for an exorbitant price, the emigrant is furnished with a steamboat ticket to take him to Albany, where he is to present this passage-ticket to some person or company upon which it is drawn, where it is often either protested, or objections taken to the mode of conveyance; and the passenger, instead of going upon the railroad or packet-boat'as agreed upon, is thrust into the steerage or hold of a line boat, where he is often known to complain-when the only evidence he can furnish of the fraud committed upon him is to exhibit his ticket with a picture of three horses, while the line boats are only drawn by two. ",A pretence is also often set up for not honoring these tickets, that the freight is not paid, or, at least, that enough has not been paid upon the luggage, and the emigrant is either detained at Albany or compelled to pay additional charges "It will be seen fromn the testimony taken that immense sums of money are drawn from these emigrants by overcharging, both for their fare and the freight of their luggage; and, not satisfied with this, some of the persons engaged in this forwarding business are in the habit of defrauding them in the weight of their luggage, by using false scales and giving false statements of the amounts forwarded." RIUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUSES. 69 "I have found in most cases (especially when they come in Testimony of large bodies)," says David Neligan, an old citizen of Albany, and Aln ageynt ot the official agent of the Commissioners of Emigration at that Cr mof E8igonplace, " that the emigrants were'booked' in New York, meaning that they had agreed for their passage, and were consigned to some one of the forwarding-offices here. In such cases, they are generally furnished with a'passage-ticket' purporting to be a receipt in full for the conveyance of themselves and luggage to their destination; but on their arrival here they find in many instances they must pay steamboat freight for their luggage, cartage to the office or canal-boat, and canal freight for their luggage again, which has all to be weighed; and here the poor strangers begin to discover that they have been imposed upon. In many cases, too, the emigrant discovers here, for the first time, that there is a balance due on his passage-money (which balance varies from one to twenty dollars), and is so endorsed on his ticket, and which he must pay on pain of detention and forfeiture of all he has previously paid. In other cases, the contract is to pay half the money in advance, and the other half at the end of the journey; but I have never known an instance of this kind in which the balance of the money was not exacted in Albany, although their destination may be in the far West or Canada. Remonstrance in such cases is utterly in vain, and the poor emigrant is compelled to submit, and frequently at a very great sacrifice of convenience, and even of physical requirements." We will now enter more closely into an examination of the Tfruede chier three most flagrant modes of ill-treatment and fraud, namely, 1st, False weighing; 2d, Overchargiang the emigrant for translportation of himself and tuggage; 3d, Bruttal treatment on the part of agents and runners. The ordinary prices from New York and Albany by steamer and False weighing.s canal were very low. The price paid by the forwarding-houses for passage on deck of the steamboats from New York to Albany and Troy was uniformly fifty cents for each passenger, including fifty pounds of luggage, and all extra luggage fifteen cents per hundred pounds; from Albany to Buffalo regularly fifty cents, and exceptionally only one dollar for steerage passage, forty pounds of luggage free, and extra luggage thirty-six and a half cents per hundred 70 RINNERs-BOARDING-HosmE6. pounds. The emigrant, however, was never charged less than five dollars from New York to Buffalo, and one dollar for every one hundred pounds extra luggage; and the enormous differences between the prices paid by the forwarding-houses and charged to the emigrants were divided among the former and their soliciting agents or runners. The prices of conveying passengers from Buffalo to the cities and villages on the upper and lower lakes varied between $1 and $5. Thus, for the fore part of the season of 1847, they were on the upper lakes, for the first two months, $3 each, and from $1 25 to $1 50 on the lower lakes; after that the forwarding-houses paid $2 on the upper and $1 on the lower lakes, and towards the close of the season the prices were raised to $5 on the upper and $2 on the lower lakes. The lowest prices charged to the emigrant were from New York to Cleveland, $5 50; ]Milwaukee and Chicago, $9 50 and $10; Cincinnati, $12; Louisville, $13; St. Louis, $14; and Galena, $16. Testimony of "From the opening of navigation in 1847 till 31st day of Charles Cook, b ook-keeper Suly," says Charles Cook (a book-keeper in an emigrant fbrhousee. warding-house), "forwarding companies paid the transportation lines for steerage passengers by canal, river, and lake, from New York to Chicago, $3, including 65 lbs. luggage; they charged emigrants from $5 to $8; luggage costs from about 75 cents per 100 lbs., and is charged from $1 50 to $2 per 100 lbs. The actual cost for steerage passengers, in emigrant cars, from Albany to Buffalo, thence to Chicago, is $6 50, for which the emigrant pays $12; this includes 100 lbs. of luggage on the river and an indefinite amount on the railroad; the usual rate on the railroad is $1 25 per 100 lbs. A deduction of $3 is made to all passengers who stop at Detroit or any point this side, on the lower lakes; this costs the forwarding companies about $5 50 by railroad; if on the canal (steerage), the charge is $5, and it costs about $2. This is up to the 1st of August; on the lakes the rates have advanced since the Ist of August, $3, from Buffalo to Chicago, and $1 on the lower lakes." Up to 1850 or 1855, only a very small percentage of emigrants went West by railroad, but the prices asked and obtained from RUNNERS-BOARDING-IIOUSES. 71 them were none the less exorbitant, as will more fully appear from the following list: Price from New York. Cost by Steamboat. Railroad. By Lake. Total. Profit. Rates charged Western emniTo Buffalo....... $6 00 $0 50 $4 00 $0 00 $4 50 $1 50 grantsfor railTo Cleveland..... 9 00 0 50 4 00 1 00 4 50 3 65 To Detroit....... 9 25 0 50 4 00 1 00 5 50 3 75 To Chicago....... 12 00 0 50 4 00 2 00 6 50 5 50 To Cincinnati..... 12 50 0 50 4 00cCn 3 50 8 00 4 50 To Pittsburg...... 10 50 0 50 4 00 3 00 7 50 3 00 To St. Louis...... 14 50 0 50 4 00 5 00 9 50 5 00 To Louisville..... 13 50 0 50 4 00 4 50 9 00 4 50 In addition to the payment of the above prices to the agents of the railroad monopoly, the emigrants had to pay freight on their luggage from New York to Albany, and cartage from steamboat to railroad depot, and then cartage at Buffalo, from railroad to steamboat, and their freight on their baggage across the lakes, collected by one of these same contracting agents, located at 13uffalo, although the prices charged for tickets include luggage fees. All the above charges were, so to speak, legitimate, and, although yielding a very handsome profit to the forwardinghouses, they were not so exorbitant as to take more than a few dollars out of the pockets of the emigrants. The profits realized, however, by exacting these fares went exclusively into the pockets of the New York houses, for the emigrants on landing were cheated into the belief that it was to their interest to buy at once their tickets to their respective destinations (by which operation the runner secured to himself two or three dollars more). But the New York houses were not so cruel as to injure the interests of their Albany and Buffalo friends and correspondents. The emigrant was their common victim, whom they would despoil so long as he had anything left. The New York forwarders therefore, after having made their share out of him, handed the emigrant over to their friends West, with the expectation that he still had something out of which he could be defrauded. When the passenger paid his fare in New York, it was the False weighing general rule to say nothing to him about the extra luggage. Buffalo. '72 RUNNERS —B OARDING-1-IOUSES. Overcharging for and false weighing of the latter formed one of the chief sources of plunder of the Albany and Buffalo houses, and, if enough could not be made in this way, the repayment of the whole or part of the fare was exacted. The sworn testimony of some of the parties interested and of disinterested witnesses will more fully prove this. Testimon of 1. As to False Weighing. -" I know," says the above-menGeo. W.Daley. tioned Geo. W. Daley, "that great frauds are practised in weighing luggage; a Mr. Weaver, in this city, did the weighing for Smethurst & Co.; I have known him to make luggage tally from'25 to 40 per cent. more than it weighed; his scales are generally wrong; he aimed to increase the weight about 33 per cent.; I have weighed on his scales 274 lbs., when my actual weight was about 170 lbs.; while I was with Smethurst as partner, I have fixed the scales, or had them fixed, four or five times." HenryBishop. Henry Bishop sworn, and says: "I reside in the city of Albany, and am clerk for Malburn & Co.; I have seen at the emigrant forwarding-offices two separate tallies kept of the weight of the luggage; one for settling with the emigrant, and the other for settling with the owner of the boat. There was a difference between the tallies; it would vary about onethird; the tally that was kept for the boat was the true weight; that for the passengers was made to overrun the true weight 300 or 400 lbs. in 800 or 900 lbs. I have seen G. W. Daley do this at Smethurst's office, at No. 122 Pier, Albany, and also at 104 Pier, another of Smethurst's offices; this was a year ago. I have seen this done three or four times; have seen no one do it but Daley; was once in the employment of Smethurst; have weighed baggage there; have never kept two tallies." Agent of Ho- T h n h.f land Emigra- I have known men in the employment of Smeturst," says tionSociety. Jonathan Brooks, Jr., agent of the Holland Emigration Society in Albany, " to take their scale on board the boat and weigh luggage there. I have seen them, in weighing luggage, put their foot upon the platform to increase the weight, and have spoken to them on the subject. I have lent them my scale, and had it returned out of order, invariably weighing more than it should." RUNNERS -BoADING-O-OUSES. 73 iBenjamin D. Quigg, being duly sworn, says " that he is deputy s o t. t. sergeant-at-arms of the House of the Assembly. Some few days bly. since ]e went, by direction of the Committee, to investigate frauds npon emigrants, to the office of IH. D. Smethurst, Pier 122, Albany, who is engaged in forwarding emigrants, to serve a subpoena on said Smethurst and others, and saw a man weighing luggage. After he left the office, I stepped on the scales, and weighed myself, and weighed 163~ pounds by them. I then went to the store of Corning, Horner & Co., and was weighed upon their scales, and weighed 142- pounds. I weighed a young man who was with me at the time on both scales, and found the same relative difference to exist." " A few days ago," deposes Josiah Clarke, of Albany, in No- Josiah Clarke. vember, 1847, " I was weighed on H. D. Smethurst's scales, at his office, 122 Pier, Albany, and weighed more than 200 pounds. I had been weighed a week before, and weighed 169 pounds." " I have frequently attended," testifies David Neligan, the David Neliga. above-named agent of the Commissioners of Emigration, " to the weighing of luggage at the office of Smethurst, and on his boats; have detected and prevented frauds in the weight; in one instance, I saw a lot of luggage weighed and marked at 700 pounds at the above office; I thought the weight most extraordinary for so small a lot, and went to Mr. Roach, who, I believe, was a partner of Smethurst, and asked him to come and weigh a lot of baggage, not telling him that I knew the weight at which it had been set down; he came forward, and weighed it at 500 pounds. I saw on one occasion an emigrant pay, at that office, $16 for 400 pounds to Detroit, and on another $59 freight on 1,600 pounds to Milwaukee; have on many occasions known emigrants pay from $2 50 to $6 for 100 pounds to Milwaukee and Chicago, and in one instance, when the man objected to the price, he was told that most of it went to the Government." "A lot of eighty-six Hiollanders lay here waiting," writes an anonymous Buffalo philanthropist, on July 18, 1847, to the Mayor of Albany, "' that had paid in Troy over $1,150 for fare, $680 for passage, and $433 for luggage. We weighed the luggage, and the overweight, at a fair price, will not come to $75. Shipped by P. O'HIern, New York, Emery Mathews, Troy." 74: RUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUSES. Oert charging, 2. R1elative to Overcharging, Repayment, and( Extra zLuggage.-The New York runners always required pay in advance, giving a ticket on some person at Albany, generally on Roach & Smethurst. When the emigrants arrived at Albany, this ticket was often found to be a fraud, no one appearing there to pass them forward. Testimony of Josiah Clarke. Josiah Clarke, who had been most of the time for twenty years in the passenger and freight business at Albany, being sworn, said: " I know that the emigrant passenger business has been carried on fraudulently for three or four years in this city; frequently persons come on from New York with tickets which they suppose are to take them through to Buffalo by railroad, and find that they are to be provided with accommodation in the steerage of a canal-boat on their arrival at Albany. They frequently pay passage from here to Buffalo, and the man furnishing tickets, instead of entering payment in full, enters on the ticket $3 or some other sum'on accobunt' of passage, and the nman is compelled to pay over again as much as would have been sufficient to carry him through in the first instance. I have known a great number of instances of this kind." dGerauded by i George Thomas, on October 13, 1847, agreed with a person in the city of New York to pay $20 for the passage of himself and family to Pittsburg, and to pay for freight not over $1 per 100 pounds; and he received a ticket and was directed to. call upon Henry D. Smethurst, in this city. On arriving in this city, he went to Smethurst's office, who received the ticket, and then charged him $29 for extra luggage. Deponent told him of his contract in New York, and asked Smethurst for his ticket back; he refused to give it, telling deponent to help himself. Win. P. Pfaff, emigrant run- William P. Pfafi, one of the German runners of Smethurst at ner. Albany, and one of the meanest of the whole gang, said: " I spend most of my time in transferring passengers from steamboats to the office and canal boats; Mr. Smethurst has no established price to charge passengers; most of the contracts are made in New York, and the passengers are consigned to him; luggage is not weighed in New York; he has no established price for luggage; sometimes the passengers contract in New York; if not, Smethurst charges what he pleases; passengers ordinarily think RuNNims-BOARDMG-HorusEs. 75 that the price paid in New York for passage included all their luggage; the runners in New York encourage them in that belief; Smethurst's agents, I presume, do the same; Smethurst employed runners in New York; I think in almost all cases passengers are displeased and disappointed when they are called upon to pay for their luggage; they say that they have already paid it, and insist upon it that they have done so; Smethurst exacts pay of them, and in some instances detains their luggage till he is paid; his charges are such as suit him, without reference to the convenience or will of the passenger; the exaction is arbitrary and must be paid, if the passenger has the means; when a passenger refuses to go on to his place of destination, Smethurst never refunds the money already paid; if a passenger who contracts for a passage to Chicago pays enough to go to Buffalo, and leaves the rest unpaid, he is never permitted to go beyond Albany till the balance is paid." The most important evidence is that of Mr. Neligan. He says: David neligan citing various "I vy attention has been called to many cases of fraud practised cases of extoron American citizens, equally flagrant with those upon foreigners, zens. some of which have already received the attention of your Committee. I will only mention a few more. " Amasa Prescott, of Belfast, Me,, paid $40 for two passengers from Boston to Milwaukee, by railroad to Buffalo, and cabin passage on the lakes. These tickets were refused at Albany, but an. offer was made to convey him by canal and steerage on the lake, which would make a difference of $16. This statement was made by Prescott to Senator Beach. I do not know how he settled it, as I did not see him afterwards. " Mrs. M. Frier, of Syracuse, paid $6 50 from New York to Syracuse by railroad, consigned to Smethurst in this city; but Smethurst refused to send her by that mode, and I had to procure a gratuitous pass from E. Corning, Esq., by railroad, Smethurst refusing to refund. " I have seen many of the latter class who, upon discovering the fraud, destroyed their tickets and proceeded on their journey, rather than encounter the delay or trouble of seeking redress. "I will mention a few other cases of emigrants. Same citing "James Heslop, a Scotchlman, paid Smethurst & Co. thirty grants de. 76 iRuNNERS-BOARDmNG-HOUSES. sovereigns, or $145 25, for three persons to Port Washington, Ohio. The ordinary expense of the journey at that time (1st August) was $8 61. W. Reese, a Welshman, paid for two persons and two hundred and fifty pounds luggage from New York to Milwaukee, $27 36; but, on arriving at Buffalo, the ticket was repudiated by the agent, and Reese, I am informed, and several others in a like predicament, had to pay their fare over the lake. Reese returned to Albany to seek redress, but in vain. "Mr. Carron and wife paid $21 to Milwaukee from New York. The steamboat tickets on the river were refused, and he had to pay one dollar and fifty cents for passage, and seventyfive cents for luggage (although he had less than a hundred pounds). He had to go twice to New York to prosecute Selover (the agent), who was indicted, and afterwards paid his fare by railroad, losing the whole sum which lie paid originally for his passage, besides expenses of two trips to New York, detention, etc. "' Samuel Collis paid six sovereigns for five passengers from New York to Toronto. Smethurst demanded thirteen dollars more. On his stating his inability to pay it, he was told he could go no further. His Honor the Mayor, and Thurlow Weed, Esq., gave him twelve dollars, and I procured a passage to his destination for ten dollars. His affidavit, taken before his Honor the Recorder, is in my possession. "James Clark paid nine dollars for three full passengers from New York to Cayuga Bridge by railroad from Albany. Smethurst refused to send him by railroad, and purchased his ticket back for one dollar and twenty-five cents. " James Lind, a Scotchman, with five children, from New York to IIamilton, C. W., paid $26 50. At Rochester, the captain of the boat told him he could not send him to Canada, as he had received but ten dollars, and he must have three more for his trouble. Lind had no ticket or evidence whatever, as Smethurst said it was not necessary, and the captain was an honorable man. I was present at the making of this agreement myself, and supposed all was right, until I received a letter from ]MIr. Cook, editor of the Rochester.Deznocrat, inform RUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUSES. 77 ing me that Lind and his family were in the Rochester Almshouse, and requested me to get the money back from Smethurst. This Smethurst refused to do, but he sent an order to his agent at Rochester to forward Lind immediately. I know nothing further of this case. " I deem it unnecessary to increase this list, although I could do so to a much greater extent." One of the most impudent frauds which are recorded in the Fraud on two Report of the Committee is that one perpetrated by two German grats. runners, by the name of Pfaff and Schmidt, on two of their countrymen, a certain Christian Duensing and Winm. HIeuer, both passengers per ship ifinna from Bremen, and natives of HIanover. Each of them had a family, consisting of himself, wife, and four children, making in all four and one-half full passengers, and each paid in!Nfew York the sum of forty dollars and fifty cents for the transportation of himself and family and luggage to Chicago. On arriving at Albany, Pfaff snatched the tickets and receipts from them, saying;" These are papers which you should have delivered before, for they belong to me;" and Schmidt made Duensing as well as Heuer pay ninety dollars in addition to their fare, and forty-seven dollars for extra luggage. On this occasion, Schmidt said: " You must not imagine we can carry you so cheap; great deal of this money is to go to the government of the canal, which has laid out icpwards of eiyghteen milions of dollars;" he said, if lie took a cent more than was due, "may his wife and children become blind; you must take me for an honest man, for I am your countryman-I also am German." 3. Relative to t/he Treatment of the -Emigrants on the Cruel treatment TFay.-It was extremely cruel and brutal. While they had room passengers. enough on the large tHudson River steamers, they were crowded like beasts in the canal-boats, and were frequently compelled to pay their passage over again, or to be thrown overboard by the captain. Says the notorious Smethurst, in his examination on November 15, 1847: " The year before last, Captain Jacobs took a lot of Germans Testimony oi from Roach & Co., of this city, bound to Buffalo, received his Smethurt. 78 RUNNERS-BOADInNG-lOUSES. Exltyof)andpay, and extorted payment again from them by threatening to -bot cap- put them ashore at Rome. " During the present season, Sterling sent a lot of passengers by canal-boat J. P?. Jacobs — Jacobs, Captain - to Buffalo or Rochester, and paid Captain Jacobs their passage; but on the way out the latter compelled them to pay it over again." Josiallh Clarke. i" Passengers are frequently crowded," says Josiah Clarke,'" into the steerage of a boat half-full of merchandise and luggage, so that they have no accommodation, and are sometimes compelled to pay their passage over again by the captain. I have often thought something should be done to protect passengers against the outrageous frauds of crowding them into the hold of an old canalboat at a large price, when there are a great many good and convenient boats ready and willing to take them forward at half the money." Rev. J. N. Wyc. Reverend Dr. J. N. Wyckoff writes: " I have seen a canalboat, first so filled with luggage as to reach within four feet of the deck, and then more people required to be housed upon the luggage than could be laid down in two parallel rows from the stem to the stern of the boat." A cc ommo d a- The lake steamers did not offer any better accommodations. tions on Lake steamers. We quote, as an instance, the propeller Phcmzix, which, on November, 1847, was destroyed by fire while it had two hundred and seventy emigrants on board, who almost all perished in the flames. "I went on board the Phoenaix (before she left Buffalo on her last trip)," testifies Elic Van Valkenburgh, "and found her almost entirely filled with merchandise; so much so that passengers could have no accommodations below deck. There was a stateroom overhead, to which the emigrants had not access; and their only accommodations were such as could be found on deck, with a roof or deck overhead, supported by posts, with no side enclosings. There were plenty of steamers at Buffalo at the time, and of the first class, on board of which they could have been shipped at two dollars each. The propeller remained in port some ten days after the emigrants were put on board." Testimony of "I left the emigrant business," deposes James Roach, one of aruner~ach' the lowest runners, "because I was sick of it; the way business R'NNERS-BOARDING-IHOUSES. 79 was done dissatisfied me; my partners were not such men as I like to do business with, particularly Daley; his treatment of passengers was uncivil and brutal; he has often been known to personally abuse and assault them, and otherwise impose upon them. Another reason of my leaving the business was, there was too much money collected from the emigrants. We were employing too many men at high wages to make the business profitable, unless extortion was resorted to." As stated above, it was one of the regular tricks of the run- stoom. ners to promise to one of a large party of emigrants, who had or was supposed to have influence with them, free passage and other considerations, if he procured their patronage for a certain line. The individual who thus made himself a tool of the runners against the interest of his friends, was called a stool. The following testimony of George W. Daley will explain this more fully: "The following," says he, " is a copy of a letter received by Mr Geol wt iDa Smethurst from Mr. Roach while I was a partner with them in the emigrant business, in Albany. There have been a number of similar letters written by different members of the firm; they are of frequent occurrence. Mr. Smethurst opened the letter and handed it to me, and I have kept it. "'NEWw YORK, May 20, 1847. "'MR. SMETHURST:'SIR: There is three hundred emigrants on the Rochester, tonight. There is three families on her that are booked by Brische; they? are friends of Mr. Swarts, and their friends in Buffalo are people of standing, and you must put them on a boat where they will be comfortable, for Brische has been to see me about them, and also Mr. Swarts. You must be easy with them about their luggage, and weigh it straight. All that have my tickets, put them throu7gh; the head man is a "stool;" make him jump. Send down Van Toble's tickets. I shall not send you any money till I come up. I think that I shall make some arrangements with Noyes, so that he will not be opposition here. Run the 0. P. line strong this week. Yours, JAMIEs ROACH.' 80 RUNNERs-BOARDING-tIOUSES. "' The O. P. line' meant,' Rob the passengers all you can, and divide the money with me.' The proceeds of the robbery were not divided among the members of the firm generally, but simply among those who personally participate in it. " The' stool' above referred to was an individual who had influence with the passengers, and had procured their patronage for Smethurst's line, in consideration of a promise of his own passage and $100. The passage he had for himself and three members of his family, but the $100 he did not get.'Stooling' of a similar character is an everyday occurrence, but the'stools' seldom get off as well as this one. They are generally charged more than other passengers. They submit to it rather than be exposed to their companions as traitors to their interests. se de.tau- " The'stools' are not paid what they are promised one time in twenty. When they demand their pay, they are threatened with exposure to their companions, whose interests and rights they have so grossly violated, which is generally sufficient to silence them. The case of the watch is in point. The English'stool' in that case thought he was arrested by an officer of justice, and not only gave up the watch, but paid a handsome sum besides. The ojicer was in fact another runner, in the interest of the one who gave.him the watch." Profits of run- 1 ners shared by All these nefarious operations were openly committed by the shipping-housessteamboats, runners, but the shipping-houses, steamboats, and railroads shared and railroads. 5 the profits with them in a greater or lesser degree. Everybody was aware for what purpose these runners were kept; every newspaper reported almost daily their villainous transactions, but neither the public authorities nor the people dared to interfere with them. Now and then a complaint was made by one of the victims, but for a person unacquainted with the law and the language of the country it was difficult to obtain redress. In cases where it was probable that an exposure would be made, the matter was hushed up, the emigrant received his money back, and was by the quickest route sent West. Thus these runners for Power of Tun. ners. years infested the lower parts of the city, and by their means, recklessness, prodigality, and political influence, controlled the elections, and had a powerful voice in the State capital. Hiad it not been for their objections, the law creating the Commissioners RUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUSES. 81 of Emigration would have passed two or three years sooner. Even the Commissioners were unable to do away with these leeches so long as they had no landing-place from which the runners could be excluded. ~When, in 1855, they finally succeeded in obtaining a lease of Castle Garden, they at once put a stop to the operations of these creatures. It is said that on one day several hundreds of them sailed for California, where a large portion fell into the hands of the vigilance committee just then organized at San Francisco, while others tried to carry on the old business of defrauding and swindling, and some perished in the filibuster expeditions in 3Mexico and Central America. In the days of which we have been speaking, the runner business had culminated. These men were masters of the situation, and it was only by gradual efforts that the Commissioners of Emigration were enabled to take from them the sources of plunder. Even in their exam- Their boldness. ination before the Committee of the Assembly, they found it unnecessary to conceal any of their frauds. They even openly and boldly avowed and testified to their own depravity. It is a fact," says Henry Vail, a New York runner, " that I Testimony of Vail and other and others engaged in the business get all we can from passen- runners. gers, except that I never shave a lady that is tracvelling alone; it is bad enough to shave a man; I have all I get over a certain amount which is paid to the transportation companies." " I have been in Smethurst's office," continues Charles Cook, another New York employee in the emigrant passage business, " when Irish, Dutch (German), and English emigrants were there, and have heard Roach tell his men to promise them all they wanted, that is, they should have railroad passage and all of their luggage free; the same persons I saw afterwards with canal-boat tickets. Roach said he kept the party called the Sixteen at a great loss for the purpose of controlling the Dutch emigrants; the Irish were worth nothing; the English alone would not pay, but putting the Sixteen men, or fighting men, with them to help Brische, fromn whom he was obtaining Dutch passengers, he could make a good stake; that there was no use of talkging of being honest while in the passage business; all he wanted was to get hold of the cattle; he did not care how or what they were promised; they would be compelled to point up in Albany while 82 RUNNERS — BOARDING-HOUSES. Smethurst and a Dutchman were there. I have been in Albany and seen the luggage of emigrants weighed, and have seen the men that took the tally add to the weight called out by the weigher so as to average about fifty pounds to the passenger over the true weight; I have seen it done by men in the employ of Smethurst & Co., and the charge collected by them; I have also seen the same thing done in Malburn & Co.'s office in the absence of Malburn; I have seen Smethurst collect lake charges on luggage, and receipt only upon the canal ticket, compelling the emigrant to pay lake charges again at Buffalo; I have seen Daley, Smethurst, and Weaver, on two or three occasions, collect from passengers their passage, and freight on their luggage, and endorse on their tickets due upon this a balance in Buffalo. The Sixteen. "~ The men called the Sixteen party have their headquarters at 16 Front Street, headed by Huested, Hlart, and others. I have heard several of the party say, after they had been booking emigrant passengers, that they had made a big thing of it, and at the same time they had skinned them of their money, and that they had skinned English and Scotch out of sovereigns. The English runners generally get the luggage of passengers in their office, then, if the passenger does not take passage with them; they make a heavy charge for storage. " The notorious James Roach says that he considers those employed by Government more vzauahle as runners in consequence of their official stcatio than others of equal capacity, and especially that a mall connected with the Custom House as night-watch has an advantage over other men in booking passengers." Prices paid to In Albany, the prices paid by the emigrant forwarding companies to runners varied from $40 to $100 per month. "I have been paid by Smethurst & Co. $150 per week," says George W. Daley, " from the 3d or 5th of August to the 20th of October last, for the purpose of keeping me from interfering with their business by establishing an opposition office. The New York runners averaged about $70 per month, and in Albany about $55 per month. There are about twenty runners in this city, and in New York Smethurst & Co., Malburn & Co., and E. Mathews employ and pay about sixty runners, and indirectly about one hun RUNNERS-BOARDING-HOUsES. 83 dred, this includes runners, boarding-house keepers, and boardinghouse runners" "I have runners employed in New York," testifies Henry D. Sstatent lrs tohs salaries tO his Smethurst, on November 15, 1847, "and the following are their runners. names and salaries: George Cornell,.. $30 00 per week. Charles Gallagher,... 25 00 " " Richard Cornell,. 25 00 " " William F. Hart,... 25 00 " " Aaron Piersons,.... 20 00 " " John O'Donnell,..... 15 00 - rady,. 15 00 " " Jesse Olmstead,.... 25 00 " " Hiram Ketchumn,..... 18 00 " c George Burns,.18 0.... " Henry Shanfroid,.... 20 00 Sullivan,...... 12 50 " " George McDonald,.. $600 for the season - amilton,.. 600 " c" Hiram Huested,..... 20 00 per week. John Leonard,...... 18 00 " " Chris. Penny,.... 10 00 " " William Ford,..... 10 00 " " Charles Andrews,..... 20 00 " " "The following persons reside and transact business for me at Albany: James Roach,.... $2,000 00 for three months. W. F. Sterling,... 750 00 " c George WV. Daley,... 1,500 00 " " Adolphus Shoemaker, 60 00 " c" " Felix McCann,.... 100 00 " " " Thomas Sales,.... 75 00 " " Charles Bartell,... 50 00 " " " Henry Snyder,.... 50 00 " " Sidney Goodrich,. 50 00 " " " 84 RuNNERS -BoARDING-HlOUSES. Samuel Bryington,.... 40 00 for three months. Peter Finnigan,... 30 00 " " iHenry Nichols,.... 45 00 " " " William Kerney,.... 40 00 " " " Sylvester Trowbridge,.. 600 00 for the season. J. L. Weaver,.... 75 00 per month. William P. Pfaff,.... 50 00 " " William Smith,... 50 00 " " All these men have been in my employment during the present season. They have worked by the season, month, or week, most of the time; part of this time I paid them a commission." " I have," continues James Roach, "looked over the list of persons mentioned by Mr. Smethurst as being employed by him, and it is correct as far it goes; the following names should be added: O. B. Teal, New York,... $800 00 for the season. Samuel Bennett,.... 75 00 per month. Philip Caswell,. 600 00 " season. Hiram Johnson,... 75 00 I" month. Robert Miller,.... 600 00 " season. Stephen Gordon,.5 00 " month. George Dunning,... 75 00 Charles Cook,. 300 00 " " And others to whom we paid small sums at various times during the season, among whom was Ralph Schoyer at $37 50 per week, etc." The list of these frauds, continued, as before stated, until the year 1855, could be multiplied adinfinitwm, but the in stances which we have enumerated are sufficient to show the utter helplessness of the emigrants against the imposition and deception which were practised upon them. It is a reproach to humanity that these infamies continued so long. CHAPTER V. THE BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. THE extortions and frauds which, in all the forms that rapacity Necessity ot lecould invent or suggest, had been practised for many years, finally, protegton tof in 8 and 846, assumed such fearful proportions, and beca made appain 1845 and 18467 assumed such fearful proportions, and became rent. the object of such general abhorrence, that legislation for the protection of emigrants seemed the only possible remedy. The community finally began to understand that it had to suffer in the same if not in a greater proportion than the emigrants themselves, if the latter were not secured from the cupidity of the runners and mercenary attempts of the agents. Thus humanity and sound policy equally indicated the necessity for a thorough change of the old system, and a strong desire manifested itself among all political parties to reform the existing laws. The problem to be solved was to protect the new-comer, to prevent him from being robbed, to facilitate his passage through the city to the interior, to aid him with good advice, and, in cases of most urgent necessity, to furnish him with a small amount of money; in short, not to treat him as a pauper, with the ultimate view of making him an inmate of the Almshouse, but as an independent citizen, whose future career would become interwoven with the best interests of the country. There were two adverse interests at work desirous of control-Adverse inter — ests seeking ling and regulating all measures relating to the emigrant. The gtrolfemicity authorities, and especially the Almshouse Commissioners, endeavored to have concentrated in their own hands the right to provide remedies and suggest reforms. Their sphere of action did not extend beyond the city limits; all they cared for was an increase of their power by resuscitating and amending the existing laws. On the other hand, there were a number of leading and public-spirited citizens, journalists, merchants, influential members of the Chamber of Commerce, and philanthropists, who, being 86 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. impressed with the necessity of a radical change and a more liberal legislation for the benefit of the emigrant, were opposed to the action of the city officials. Among the latter, Comptroller Ewen, Assistant Alderman Purser, and the Almshouse Commissioners were the most active, while, among the citizens at large, Messrs. Leopold Bierwirth, Robert B. /Miinturn, Thurlow Weed, Andrew Carrigan, and Archbishop Hughes labored with untiring zeal and energy. Creation of The efforts of both parties finally led to the Act of May 5, Board of Commigation be 1847, creating the [Board of the Commissioners of Emigration of Act of May 5, 47, ofnd cayu- the State of New York. This result, however, was just the rees thereof. verse of what had been intended at the beginning by the city authorities. In order to enable the reader to properly understand the operations of the conflicting interests, it is necessary to give a short statement of the means by which the Legislature was induced to pass the above act. The Common Council, at the conclusion of their investigation of the frauds committed by the Clerk of the Mayor, became fully convinced of the pecuniary importance of the subject of emigration. Since 1842, not a year passed without some effort on their part to correct the most flagrant of the abuses practised on the emigrants, and to extend to them more effectual protection; but, however well-meaning some members of the Common Council were, the influence of those who lived by fleecing the poor aliens was sufficient to, and did, control the majority, and thus repressed every attempt to effect the much-needed reform. From 1845 to 1847, all the efforts of the city officials were exclusively directed towards having the ]Mayor vested with the power of bonding and commuting alien passengers. Rti e o f enda- Thus, in his Report for 1845, the Comptroller, General John troller Ewen and Alderman Ewen, recommended application to the Legislature for an amendPurser. ment of the law, so as to authorize the MlTayor to require the payment of one dollar for each of the alien steerage passengers in lieu of bonding them, in all cases where he should deem it for the public interest to do so. lie prepared the draft of a law to effect this object, and submitted it to the Common Council, which advocated its adoption during the session of the Legislature in 1846. On September 29, 1846, AMr. G. II. Purser, then an Alderman, THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 87 who took a lively interest in the subject, reported, as Chairman of a select Committee of the Common Council, among other things, as follows: " To avoid the importation of persons utterly unable to maintain themselves, from infirmity of mind or body, and who must necessarily become a permanent charge, your Committee believe that discretionary power should be given to the Mayor to exact bonds in such cases, but distinctly divesting the bondsmen of any authority to maintain them at any private irresponsible establishment. Nearly two millions of dollars being now annually expended in the transportation of passengers to this port alone, it appears unreasonable that the tax-payer should be burdened in proportion to the benefits conferred on a particular class of the community. Voluntarily the passenger agents will never permit the commutation-money which they receive to pass into the city treasury. " The unceasing hostility of these men towards any modification of the law was indicated in their unscrupulous exertions last winter (1846), at Albany, to postpone the action of the Legislature on the subject. The draft of a law submitted by the Comptroller, and approved unanimously by the Common Council, was permitted to fail without even defence or examination. The Lawgobbied turegfor bepassenger-brokers even succeeded in getting through the Legisla- netut ofopasse,: ture a law exclusively for their own benefit, and under circumstances which we hope may be eventually exposed. An amount of fifty cents per head is levied upon every steerage, and two dollars upon every cabin passenger, and designated hospital-money; and for many years, instead of being applied to the support of the emigrant in sickness or destitution, has been appropriated to the building of churches and the maintenance of sailor boardinghouses. The law, lobbied through the Legislature, provides that the Marine Hospital at Staten Island shall receive the alien passengers, when sick, for the period of one year after arrival, though previously this burden devolved upon the bondsmen, who thus increase their profits to the extent of five thousand dollars annually. During the next session of our Legislature, we trust this filnd may command the attention of our delegation, and that it 88 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. may be applied to uses better calculated to lighten the taxation of our citizens. " Your Committee feel convinced that as a financial measure the subject is important, and that some policy should be adopted of a permanent character. There is every reason to believe that emigration to this port will increase rather than diminish, and that legislation should equally regard the interest of the city and the emigrant. To repose the duty of alleviating the sufferings of the alien stranger to a class of men prompted by every selfish consideration to avoid the responsibility, is to legalize a system of outrage and oppression. The claims of the sick and destitute should be entertained and relieved by the authorities of our city, and not be decided by those interested in denial or delay. "Your Committee have before them a memorial in favor of the proposed alteration of the law, signed by the acting presidents of the Irish, German, British, Scotch, and Welsh emigrant societies, which states that' the change would increase the revenues of the city, and secure the emigrants from the frauds now practised upon them.' Resolutions adopted at a large public meeting evince that the subject is one of public interest. " The sympathies of the adopted citizens have been enlisted especially in this question from the peculiar opportunity they enjoy of becoming familiar with the workings of the present system, and a natural desire which they entertain not only to secure the emigrant from the treatment to which he has been for years exposed, but gradually to establish a fund from commutation adequate to the maintenance of the alien poor. " For these reasons, a law should be passed, authorizing the Mayor or Recorder to require the payment of a commutation fee of one dollar for each passenger, or bonds at his election. The law might be rendered still more advantageous by requiring that each surety to any bond taken under the act duly make oath at the time of becoming surety that he is a householder, resident in the city of New York, intending to reside there permanently, and worth the sum or sums in which he is bound, over and above all his debts, and over and above all liabilities, whether by bond or,suretyship, or otherwise. " The propriety of reserving to the Corporation the power of THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 89 requiring passengers to be bonded in certain cases appears obvious on examining the history of emigration, and the unscrupulous conduct of European governments and cities in transferring to our country aged and decrepit paupers, and occasionally even criminals. Without this provision to arrest abuses so obviously calculated to demoralize the community and increase the burden of taxation, any change in the law would be impolitic. The admnission of such persons would bring odium, however unmerited, upon the industrious and intelligent emigrant, and, as far as your Committee had the opportunity of consulting the opinions of citizens by adoption, they appeared strongly in favor of the proposed restriction."' On January 18, 1847, the Comptroller recommended to the Common Council that a further application be made to the Legislature for the passage of a law, vesting in the Mayor the power of commuting or bonding alien passengers. " As the enactment of this law," says the Comptroller, " will afford partial indemnity to the city, without drawing a dollar from the treasury of the State or imposing any additional burden upon the immigrants, it is believed that a very moderate degree of interest on the part of the City Delegation in the Legislature will serve to secure its passage." By this time, public opinion had become aroused to the import- Ptriesfp Oiniotn ance of the proposed changes. The subject was discussed in the fo.lt'of lesss.. Weed, CarriChamber of Commerce of New York, and the opposition to the an..anldAarchinsufficient measures suggested by the Common Council took a definite form early in the session of 1847, in a letter written by Robert DB. Minturn, a distinguished merchant of New York, to 5MVr. Thurlow Weed, the influential editor of the Albany Evening Jou'rnal. Mr. Weed for two or three years previously had been doing what he could individually, and through the columns of the Journal, for the protection of the immigrants, whose sufferings he had daily occasion to witness at Albany, where the canal boat-runners were, if possible, still more hungry and rapacious than the boarding-house scalpers in New York. In consequence of Mr. MIinturn's letter, which first took a comprehensive view of the subject, Mr. Weed went to New York 90 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. to confer with Mr. Minturn, Mr. Andrew Carrigan, and the late Archbishop Hughes, in regard to the details of a law which should Alarm of Almis. eM aholllerCoalls- fuilly secure the emigrant. These preliminary steps alarmed the Almshouse Commissioners, to whom the power, both in a pecuniary and political sense, was of too much value to be surrendered. Those Commissioners induced the Common Council to press the immediate passage of a law to protect emigrants from fraud and imposition. That, however, was simply a flank movement. The provisions of their bill merely kept the word of promise to the ear of the emigrants. In the meantime, the real friends of reform prepared a substitute, which, when the Assembly bill came to the Senate, was offered by Senator F. F. Backus, from Monroe County. The various influences unfavorably affected by the substitute offered by Dr. Backus united and made desperate efforts to defeat it. An earnest but unsuccessful party appeal was made to senators by the late John Van Buren and other distinguished politicians. eolutions of Alarmed at the aspect of the question in the Senate, the TCommonCouni','ugieng on New York Common Council, on March 15, 1847, took up this tdoIption of a ~la to protect important subject and passed a series of resolutions for the purNew Ypork City and alien pas-pose of submitting them to a public meeting, to be called irrespective of party. The Mayor approved these resolutions on March 17, 1847: " WAereas," they say in their proceedings, "The number of emigrant passengers annually arriving at this port has steadily advanced from 11,501 in 1829 to 114,000 in 1846; and I' Wtereas, The Passenger Act adopted in 1824, by imposing the bonding system exclusively, has gradually enabled mercenary brokers and agents to assume the charge and custody of the sick and destitute stranger, and from various causes greatly increased the burdens of taxation; and " TWhereas, The annual expenses of the Almshouse Department have now reached the enormous sum of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars; during the month of January, five thousand three hundred and forty-three persons being sustained at the expense of the city, and out-door relief extended to nearly three thousand; and THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 91 " Wh/ereas, A bill correcting these important evils, and protecting the interests of the city and the emigrant, has been recently passed with great unanimity by the Assembly of this State, with the concurrence of the Common Council, and various emigrant societies, irrespective of party, but has been arrested in the Senate, either from misunderstanding the nature and magnitude of the evil, or from the influence of those pecuniarily interested in its defeat, and whose profits are partially derived from the injustice and inhumanity connected with the present system; therefore, "' Resolved, That the Common Council earnestly and confidently urge on the Senate the prompt adoption of a law which may afford protection to the city and the alien passengers, and which, by providing a uniform commutation fee of one dollar for every industrious emigrant, and making it the duty of public authorities to retain them in the event of sickness and destitution, will effectually prevent the extortions now practised in Europe in relation to the rates of commutation, and secure them, on their arrival, from the treatment to which they are now exposed in private almshouses and hospitals. "' esoloved, That the bonding reserved under the proposed law is expressly for the' infirm, decrepit, and those likely to become a permanent charge,' and is a distinct, plain, and reasonable provision, calculated to prevent the kingdoms of Europe indiscriminately introducing into our city persons from their respective poor-houses, physically and mentally incapacitated for labor, to become necessarily a permanent charge upon our public or private charities. " Resolved, That his Honor the Mayor be requested to call a public meeting of the citizens, irrespective of party, to take this subject into consideration, and urge on the Legislature the necessity and justice of prompt action. "' Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed from both Boards to make arrangements for such public meeting, and prepare suitable memorials to the Legislature." The meeting alluded to in the foregoing resolutions was called MTabetrnacg to sup port views for March 22, 1847, to be held at the Tabernacle in Broadway. ofSC ommon Council. 92 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. Mr. Carrigan, on learning the names of two prominent Demo crats who had been spoken of to preside at the meeting, called on themn, and frankly and fairly stated the merits of the whole question. Those gentlemen declined to serve; and, finally, Mr. Charles O'Conor was designated. Mr. O'Conor, before taking the chair, had made himself acquainted with the merits of the two bills, and unhesitatingly approved of that submitted by Dr. Backus. The speakers named for the occasion were Messrs. Charles O'Conor and John McKeon, each of whom was expected to sustain the views of the Almshouse Commissioners and the Common Council. These speakers also, in preparing themselves for the occasion, possessed themselves of information which entirely changed the programme, Meeting con. trolled by in: The Tabernacle was densely filled at an early hour. The dzeen.dentcit question to be passed upon having in the meantime been extensively discussed, the independent citizens took the matter into their own hands, and the majority of those present, instead of responding to the principles of the bill urged by the Common Council, were in favor of a law which, while it looked to the protection of the city, had regard also for the welfare of emigrants. For this reason, the nomination first of Mr. Campbell, then of Alderman Purser, who were in favor of the Common Council's bill, for chairman, was rejected, and, on motion of Mr. Carrigan, Charles O'Conor was called to the chair by acclamation, and, on the same gentleman's motion, Charles H. Marshall, Moses H. Grinnell, James B. Nicholson, and G. W. Blunt were appointed Secretaries. James T. Brady and Alderman Purser addressed the meeting for the Common Council, the latter offering resolutions in support of the bill. John MecKeon took a broader and more philanthropic view of the question, and submitted the following resolutions, which, after those offered by Alderman Purser had been rejected, were adopted by an emphatic majority: Resolutions of Wh" Wereas, The law of this State relative to passengers arrivMr. John Mc-Y Keon.advising In at the port of New York, as at present administered, has,creation of a'per capita tax failed alike to afford indemnity to the city and protection to the and appo'int- d alik to afford to and to Ujie ment of com- { missioners to emigrant, causing a traffic in their sufferings which is abhorrent administer the fund. to humanity, creating private hospitals and poor-houses, which TIHE COMIISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 93 give to the emigrant neither the food nor care proper to their situation, alnd deny to their dying hours even the consolation of religion; and, whereas, a bill has passed the I-louse of Assembly, which tends in some measure to remedy these evils, and is now before the Senate of the State, awaiting its action; " Resolved, That, in the opinion of- this meeting, any and all legislation on this'subject should be directed in that course which, while it but advances the interests of the emigrant, will have reference to the complete indemnity of the city and State from their support, and will not, at the same time, by imposing unnecessary burdens on the honest ship-owner, tend to enhance the price of passage and retard immigration from lands of starvation to lands of plenty. " Resolved, That the enactment of a law requiring, from the master or consignee of any vessel arriving at this port with foreign emigrants, the sum. of one dollar for each and every passenger, with the privilege of exacting instead thereof, in cases of mental or physical incapacity for self-support, where, from the total want of relatives and friends, such persons are liable to become charges to the city or State, bonds which will secure the city or State for their support, will create a fund which, properly administered, will not only relieve the city and State from a heavy burden, but will greatly benefit the emigrant. "'Resolved That, in the opinion of this meeting, it would be advisable to separate the receipt and disbursement of the fund so to be created from the rest of the city revenue, and place the same in the hands of commissioners, whose high character and moral integrity would, apart from all political considerations, be the guarantee for. the proper administration of their duties. " Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed to proceed to Albany, and urge upon the Legislature the passage of a law conformable to the policy of the preceding resolutions." On motion of Mr. MeKeon, it was " Resolved, That the chair proceed to appoint the Committee." The Chairman then announced the following gentlemen as the Committee: James Lee, George Montgomery, Miortimer Livingston, Theodore Sedgwick, and Andrew Carrigan. 94 THE COM]IISSIONERS OF EMIIGRATION. On motion, " Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be authenticated, and transmitted to the Senate and Assembly of the State of [New York.' Efforts of Mr. Of the committee above named, Mr. Carrigan alone went to Carrigan to seofbill. paageAlbany, and in a great measure it is due to his indefatigable exertions that the Legislature finally passed the people's bill. The Common Council likewise appointed a committee to proceed to Albany and oppose the passage of the bill. On that committee were two Whig aldermen, namely, Abraham Wakeman and Thomas McElrath. These two aldermen were the personal and political friends of M/r. Weed. The attention of neither had been previously directed to the enormous frauds to which emigrants were subjected. But as they were just and fair men, the facts, when presented to them, had the effect produced upon all impartial minds. MIessrs. Wakeman and McElrath returned immediately to New York, and reported themselves in favor of the measure which they had been sent to Albany to oppose. The bill introduced by Dr. Backus and drafted by Senator Ira Harris had the support, with one exception, of all the Whig senators. That exception was the Hon. George Folsom, of New Bill passed by York. It required the votes of eight Democratic senators, of which the casting tvohte oLinet. number seven only could be obtained, and this occasioned a tie Gov. Gardincr vote, so that the bill was finally passed by the casting vote of the ILieutenant-Governor. That Lieutenant-Governor was the Hon. Addison Gardiner, of Rochester. Judge Gardiner, though greatly and deservedly esteemed by his Democratic friends, was accused by the excited opponents of the bill with listening too readily to the representations of Mr. Weed, with whom the Lieutenant-Governor had been for many years on terms of warm personal friendship. The simple truth was that Judge Gardiner was too enlightened and philanthropic to allow any considerations but those of justice and duty to influence his action upon suich a question. The same motives and feelings prompted Mr. John E. Develin, of the Assembly, to give his voice and vote for the bill. The bill was finally saved by the casting vote of Lieu tenant-Governor Gardiner. The highest praise, however, foi THE COAMIssIONERS OF EMIIGRATION. 95 their indefatigable and successful services in the cause of humanity belongs to Messrs. Thurlow Weed and Andrew Carrigan. Both these gentlemen received, of course, more than their share of abuse from the politicians of New York for the stand they had taken. "For an effort made to reform these great wrongs," said Mir. Weed on a later occasion, " I encountered the combined hostility of the'scalpers;' was threatened with personal assault, and deluged with libel suits. On one occasion, I was required to appear, on the same day, before seven magistrates in seven different and distant towns." The said bill became a law on May 5, 1847, and still remains t;otnEcomijg. sioners. the law of the State. The first Emigrant Commissioners were Gulian C. Verplanck, James Boorman, Jacob Harvey, Robert B. Minturn, William F. HIavemeyer, and David C. Colden. In the bill as reported by the Committee, a blank was left for the names of the Commissioners. On the morning of the day that the bill was to come up as a special order, Mr. Carrigan and Mr. Weed met at the house of the Hon. Ira HIarris, the Chairman of the committee that reported the bill, to designate Commissioners. It was understood between them that gentlemen of high intelligence, stern integrity, and proverbial benevolence only should be appointed Commissioners; and then, without indicating names, each privately wrote the number to be appointed on a slip of paper. On comparing names, all those found on Mr. Carrigan's slip, with one exception, were found also upon Mr. Weed's, who had named M[r. Carrigan instead of Mir. Harvey. Mr. Carrigan a year later succeeded Mr. Havemeyer in the Board, and, after five years' service, he was elected President of the Irish Emigrant Society, and thus continued his connection with the Commission as an ex-offlcio member for about twelve years. The principal features of the act creating the Board of the Commissioners of Emigration, which, since its passage on Miay 5, 1847, have been amended several times, in their present shape read as follows: " 1. Within twenty-four hours after the landing of any pas- r ligratio act. senger from ny ip or vessel arriving a t of ew Yo, be senger from any ship or vessel arriving at the port of New York, made of all passengers. 96 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EImIGRATION. from any of the United States other than this State, or from any country out of the United States, the master or commander of the ship or vessel from which such passenger or passengers shall have been landed shall make a report in writing, on oath or affirmation, to the Mayor of the city of New York, or, in case of his absence, or other inability to serve, to the person discharging the duties of his office, which report shall state the name, place of birth, last legal residence, age, and occupation of every person or passenger who shall have landed from such ship or vessel on her last voyage to said port, not being a citizen of the United States, and who shall have, within the last twelve months, arrived from any country out of the United States, at any place within the United States, and who shall not have paid the commutation money, or been bonded according to the provisions of this act, or of the act hereby amended, or of the act of February eleventh, eighteen hundred and twenty-four, concerning passengers in vessels coming to tile port of New York, nor paid commutation money under the provisions of this or any former act. The same report shall contain a like statement of all such persons or passengers aforesaid as shall have been landed, or been suffered to land, from any such ship or vessel at any place during such last voyage, or who shall have been put on board, or suffered to go on board, of any other ship, vessel, or boat, with the intention of proceeding to and landing at the said city of New York, or elsewhere within the limits of this State. The said report shall further specify whether any of the said passengers so reported are lunatic, idiot, deaf, dumb, blind, infirm, maimed, or above the age of sixty years, also designating all such passengers as shall be under the age of thirteen, or widows having families, or women without husbands having families, with the names and ages of their families, and shall further specify particularly the names, last place of residences, and ages of all passengers who may have died during the said last voyage of such vessel, also the names and residences of the owner or owners of such vessel. In case any such master or commander shall omit or neglect to report as aforesaid any such person or passenger, with the particulars aforesaid, or shall make any false report or statement in respect to any such person or passenger, or in THE COiIISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 97 respect to the owner or owners of any such vessel, or in respect to any of the particulars hereinbefore specified, such master or commander shall forfeit the stun of seventy-five dollars for every such passenger in regard to whom any such omission or neglect shall have occurred, or any such false report or statement shall be made, for which the owner or owners, consignee or consignees, of every such ship or vessel shall also be liable, jointly and severally, and which may be sued for and recovered as hereinafter provided. "~ 2. It shall be the duty of the said Mlayor, or other person Owner or con. signee of ship discharging the duties of his office aforesaid, by an endorsement or Vessel to to be made on the said report, to require the owner or consignee bond for each senger namiedI of the ship or vessel from which such persons were landed, to in report. give a several bond to the people of the State, in a penalty of three hundred dollars for each and every person or passenger included in such report, such bond being secured as hereinafter provided, and conditioned to indemnify and save harmless the Commissioners of Emigration and each and every city, town, or county in this State from any cost which said Commissioners or such city, town, or county shall incur for the relief or support of the person. named in the bond, within five years from the date of such bond, and also to indemnify and refund to the said Commissioners of Emigration any expense or charge they may necessarily incur for the support or medical care of the persons named therein, if received into the Marine Hospital or any other institution under their charge. Each and every bond shall beEnch bond tobe secured by two secured by two or more sufficient securities, being residents of or more sure. the State of New York, each of whom shall prove by oath or otherwise that he is owner of a freehold in the State of the value of three hundred dollars over and above all or any claim or lien thereon, or against him, including therein any contingent claim which may accrue from or upon any former bond given under the provisions of this act; or such bond may, at the option of the party, be secured by mortgage of real-estate, or by the pledge and transfer of public stock of the United States or of the State of New York, or of the city of New York, or by deposit of the amount of penalty in some bank or trust company; such security, real or personal, having been first approved by 98 TiHE CoivIMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. the said Mayor. It shall be lawful for any owner or consignee, at any time within twenty-four hours after the landing of such persons or passengers from any ship or vessel in the port of New York, except as in the section hereinafter Owner or con-provided, to commute for the bond or bonds so required, by s ignee mnay teo frpayin g (to the l-ealth Commissioner of the city of [New York) c on mm ltatioo the sum of two dollars and fifty cents. for each and every passenger reported by him as by law required; the receipt of such sum (by said IlIealth Commissioner) shall be deemed a full and sufficient discharge from the requirements of giving bonds as above provided. And fifty cents of the amount commuted for any pas. senger or passengers shall be set aside as a separatefund for the benefit of each and every county in this State, except the county of New York. The Commissioners of Emigration shall deposit the moneys of said fund, so set apart, in any bank that the said Commissioners may select, and the same, or as much of it as may be necessary, shall be distributed to the several counties, except the county of New York, once in every three months, and the balance that may be left after such three months' payment shall be paid over to the Commissioners of Emigration for genera] purposes. Condition of t I ~ 3. It shall be the duty of the Commissioners of Emigration, assenge' s to into.e:e hereafter named, to examine into the condition of passengers arriving at the port of New York in any ship or vessel, and for that purpose all or any of the said Commissioners, or such other person or persons as they shall appoint, shall be authorized to go on board and through any such ship or vessel.; and if on such examination there shall be found among such passengers any lunatic, idiot, deaf, dumb, blind, maimed, or infirm persons, or persons The original amount of the commutation money was one dollar (law of May 5, 1847). By the Act of July 11, i851, ~ 7, it was increased to one dollar and fifty cents, and to be paid directly to the Chamberlain of the city of New York. By Act of April 13, 1853, ~ 13, it was further increased to two dollars; by Act of MUay 14, 1867, it was temporarily raised to two dollars and fifty cents; and by Act of May 10, 1869, it was unconditionally fixed at two dollars and fifty cents. As the commutation is paid in currency, while the shipping-merchants receive it in gold, it is evident that there is in fact no increase, and that the amount of $2 50 currency is actually less than the sum of $2, which, until the outbreak of the war, was paid in gold. THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMiIGRATION. 99 above the age of sixty years, or widow with a child or children, or any woman without a husband, and with child or children, or any person unable to take care of himself or herself without becoming a public charge, or who, from any attending circumstances, are likely to become a public charge, or who, from sickness or disease, existing at the time of departure from the foreign port, are, or are likely soon to become, a public charge, they shall report the same to the said Mayor particularly, and thereupon, and unless a bond, as required in the second section of this act, shall have been given, the said Mayor, or the person discharging the duties of his office, shall require in the endorsement to be made as aforesaid, or in any subsequent endorsement or endorsements thereon, and in addition to the commutation money, that the owner or consignee of such ship or vessel, with one or more sufficient sureties, shall execute a joint and several bond to the people of the State in a penalty of five hundred dollars for every such passenger, conditioned to indemnify and save harmless the Commissioners of Emigration, and each and every city, town, or county within the State, from any further cost or charge which said Commissioners, or any such city, town, or county, shall incur for the maintenance or support of the person or persons named in such bond, or any of them, within five years from the date of such bond. The sureties of the said bonds shall be required to justify before and to the satisfaction of the officer making such endorsement, and by their oath or affirmation shall satisfy such officer that they are respectively residents of the State of New Yorlk, and worth double the amount of the penalty of such bond, over and above all debts, liabilities, and all property exempt from execution. The subsequent endorsement authorized in this section may be made at any time within thirty days after such examination, or of the landing of any such person or passenger. " ~ 4. Gulian C. Verplanck, James DBoorman, Jacob IHarvey, Commissionera Robert B. Minturn, William F. Havemeyer, and David C. Col- of Emgration. den are hereby appointed Commissioners, for the purpose of carrying into effect the intent and provisions of this act; of whom the said Gulian C. Verplanck and James Boorman shall constitute the first class, and shall hold their office two years; and the said Jacob Harvey and Robert B3. Minturn shall constitute the second 100 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. class, and hold their office four years; and the said William F. Ilavemeyer and David C. Colden shall constitute the third class, and hold their office for six years; and upon the expiration of their several terms of office their places shall be filled by appointments, to be made by the Governor, by and with advice and consent of the Senate, and the persons so appointed shall respectively hold their offices for the term of six years. The M1ayor of the city of New York, the ~Mayor of the city of Brooklyn, the President of the German Society, and the President of the Irish Emigrant Society of New York, shall also severally, by virtue of their Their powers. respective offices, be Commissioners as aforesaid. The said Commissioners shall be known as the' Commissioners of Emigration,' and by that title shall be capable of suing and being sued. The money, so as aforesaid to be paid to the Chamberlain of the city of Nlew York, shall be paid out on the warrant of the said Commissioners, or a majority of them. It shall be the duty of the said Commissioners to provide for the maintenance and support of such of the persons for whom commutation money shall have been paid as aforesaid, or on whose account bonds shall have been taken as aforesaid, as would otherwise become a charge upon any city, town, or county of this State; and the said Commissioners shall appropriate the moneys aforesaid, for that purpose, in such manner as to indemnify, so far as may be, the several cities, towns, and counties of the State, for any expense or charge which may be incurred for the maintenance and support of the persons aforesaid; such appropriation shall be in proportion to the expenses incurred by said cities, towns, and counties, severally, for such maintenance and support. And the more fully to effect the object contemplated by this act, the said Commissioners are authorized to apply in their discretion any part of the said money, to aid in removing any of said persons from any part of this State to another part of this or any other State, or from this State, or in assisting them to procure employment, and thus prevent them from becoming a public charge. The said Commissioners are also authorized in their discretion to apply any part of the said moneys to the purchase or lease of any property, or the erection of any building, which they may deem necessary for the purposes aforesaid. But any expense so incurred by the THE COMMISSIONERs OF EMIGRATION. 101 Commissioners in any city, town, or county shall be charged to the share of such moneys which any such city, town, or county shall be entitled to receive thereof, for expense incurred in the support or maintenance of the persons for whom commutation money shall have been paid as aforesaid, or on whose account bonds shall have been taken as aforesaid. "~ 5. In case any of the persons for whom commutation Provisiol ill case of persons money has been paid as aforesaid, or for whom a bond has been b ne c o ~i n~ given as aforesaid, shall, at any time within five years from the whom bonIids payment of such money or the execution of such bond, become chargeable upon any city, town, or county within this State, it shall be the duty of the said Commissioners to provide for the payment of any expense incurred by any such city, town, or county for the maintenance and support of any such person, out of the commutation money to be paid as aforesaid, and the moneys collected on such bonds, so far as the same will enable them to do so. The said Commissioners shall prescribe such rules and regulations as they shall deem proper for the purpose of ascertaining the right and the amount of the claim of any city, town, or county to indemnity under the provisions of this and the preceding section. The said Commissioners shall have power to provide for the support and maintenance of any persons for whom commutation money shall have been paid, or on whose account a bond shall have been given as hereinbefore provided, and who shall become chargeable upon any city, town, or county in such manner as they shall deem proper; and after such provision shall have been made by such Commissioners, such city, town, or county shall not be entitled to claim any further indemnity for the support and maintenance of such person. "~ 6. The said Commissioners are authorized to employ such Appointment ot agents, clerks, and servants as they shall deem necessary for the ~aegrs b.yl purposes aforesaid, and to pay a reasonable compensation for their ers.m services out of the moneys aforesaid. "~ 7. It shall be the duty of the said Mayor, or other person $2,0 to be paid discharging the duties of his office as aforesaid, by an endorse- Y gerh ment to be made on the said report, to require the master or commander of such ship or vessel to pay to the Chamberlain of the city of New York the sum of two dollars and a half for 102 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. every person or passenger reported by said master or commander as aforesaid, which sum shall be paid as aforesaid within twenty-four hours after the landing of such person or passenger from any ship or vessel arriving at the port of New York. c om misinoners "~ 8. The said Commissioners shall annually, on or before the Legislature. first day of February in each year, report to the Legislature the amount of moneys received under the provisions of this act during the preceding year, and the manner in which the same has been appropriated particularly. acancies low, " 9. In case of a vacancy in the said Board of Commissioners, be supplied. the same shall be filled by an appointment to be made by the Governor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The person so appointed shall hold his office for the remainder of the term of the person in whose place he shall be appointed. The said Commissioners shall, in all cases, be residents of the city of New York or city of Brooklyn. ction may e "~ 10. If any person for whom a bond shall have been given brought il a o bond, as aforesaid shall, within the time specified in such bond, become chargeable upon any city, town, or county of this State, or upon the moneys under the control of the said Commissioners as aforesaid, the said Commissioners may bring an action on such bond in the name of the people of this State, and shall be entitled to recover on such bond. from time to time so much money, not in the whole exceeding the penalty of such bond, exclusive of costs, as shall be sufficient to defray the expenses incurred by any such city, town, or county, or the said Commissioners, for the maintenance and support of the person for whom such bond was given as aforesaid, and shall be authorized to collect and apply such money from any of the real or other security mortgaged, pledged, or deposited therefor in conformity to this act. Penalty in cases "~ 11. Any owner or consignee as aforesaid, who shall neglect of neglect or refusal. or refuse to give any such bond or bonds and security therefor, as hereinbefore required, for each person or passenger landing from his ship or vessel, within twenty-four hours after the landing of such persons or passengers, in respect to bonds required by the second section of this act, or shall not within that time have paid the moneys authorized by said second section to be received in TIHE COlMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. 103 cases where such bonds are herein authorized to be commuted for, every such owner or consignee of such ship or vessel, severally and respectively, shall be subject to a penalty of five hundred dollars for each and every person or passenger on whose account such bond may have been required, or for whom such commutation money might have been paid under this act; such penalty to be sued for as provided for in the twelfth section of the said act hereby amended. "~ 12. The penalties and forfeitures prescribed by this act may Row recovered. be sued for and recovered with costs of suit by, and in the name of, said Commissioners of Emigration, in any court having cognizance thereof, and, when recovered, shall be applied to the purposes specified in this act. It shall be lawful for the said Commissioners, before or after suit brought, to compound for any of the said penalties or forfeitures, upon such terms as they shall think proper. "~ 13. Any ship or vessel, whose master or commander, Ships or vessels owner or owners, shall have incurred any penalty or forfeiture ties. under this act, or under the Act of April 11, 1849, amending the same, entitled,'An Act to amend certain acts concerning passengers coming to the city of New York,' shall be liable for such penalties or forfeitures which may be a lien upon such ship or vessel, and may be enforced and collected by warrant of attachment in the same manner as is provided in title eighth of chapter eighth of the third part of the Revised Statutes, all the provisions of which title shall apply to the forfeitures and penalties imposed by this act; and the said Commissioners of Emigration shall, for the purposes of such attachment, be deemed creditors of such ship or vessel, and of her master or commander and owner or owners respectively. "~ 14. The said Commissioners of Emigration are, and each Poers of Cornof them is, hereby vested with the same powers in regard to the administering oaths of office to employees, and to the binding out of children with consent of parents or next of kin, actually chargeable upon them, and also in regard to persons in the institutions, or any of them, under the charge of said Commissioners, for the prevention or punishment of an infraction or violation of the rules or orders and regulation of such Commissioners or their 104 THE COMMISSIONERS OF EMIGRATION. officers in regard to such institutions as are possessed by tho Commissioners of Public Charities and Correction in the city of New York, or any of them, for the same purposes. PeoprEtyofalien 1~ 15. Whenever any alien emigrant, whose personal property shall not exceed the value of twenty-five dollars, shall die on the passage to the port of New York, or in the Marine Hospital, or in any other establishment under the charge of the Commissioners, and in all cases in which minor children of alien passengers shall become orphans by their parents or last surviving parent dying, as aforesaid, the personal property which' such alien emigrant or such parent or parents may have had with them, shall be taken in charge by the Commissioners of Emigration, to be by them appropriated for the sole benefit of the next of kin of such alien emigrant or of said orphan children; and said Commissioners shall give, in their annual report to the Legislature, a minute description of all cases in which property shall come into their possession by virtue of this section, and the disposition made of the same, unless it shall appear that there are other persons entitled by will or otherwise to such property or distributive share thereof. Whenever it shall so appeai, the portion only to which the next of kin or said minor orphans would be legally entitled shall be transferred to them or applied to their use, and the remainder shall be received, held, and distributed to the parties severally entitled thereto, in the same manner and with the same authority as by law provided in respect to the Public Administrator of the city of New York, except that the said Commissioners are hereby authorized to distribute the same after a notice for creditors to appear and put in their claims within one week from the publication of the said notice. The said notice shall be published once in one of the daily papers of the city of New York." CHAPTER VI. CASTLE GARDEN. THE Commissioners of Emigration organized on May 8, 1847, Organization of e Commisat the Mayor's Office in the City Hall, and on June 14 elected igtionfEm Mr. Wm. F. Havemeyer President, who resigned, however, in February, 1848, and was succeeded, on March 1, 1848, by Mr. G. C. Verplanck, who has ever since held that office. The work of the Board was originally apportioned among several standing committees, four of which are still existing, tantdting. Corn. namely, the Ward's Island Committee, consisting of six members, and the Auditing, Finance, and Purchasing Committees, of which the two former consisted each of three, and the latter of two members. In the course of years, owing to the increase of business, four other committees were added to the original four, namely, the Castle Garden (1855), consisting of six members; the Racilroad (1867), of three; the Agencies and Counties (1867), of five; and the labor Exchange (1868), Committees, of five members. The.Xfarine fHospital Committee, the most important of the original four, consisting of three members, ceased to exist when, in 1859, the Commissioners gave up the Marine Hospital. The Commissioners had their first official quarters in the old Qnarters of the C o m m issionAlmshouse building (where the new Court-House stands at erg. present). There they remained until January 19, 1854, when the building was destroyed by fire. They then found a temporary place in Franklin Street, between Broadway and Elm Street, for the meetings of the Board, where the offices of the VicePresident and Secretary, the examining physicians, and the receivers of applications for relief or admission to the hospitals, were also located. Another office was kept in Canal Street, for the reception of applications for employment, advice, or similar aid. But an alarm soon arose from the apprehended introduction of contagious diseases in the neighborhood of both locations, which was intensified by the fear of the owners of adjoining realestate of a depreciation in the value of their property. Injunc 106 CASTLE GARDEN. tions were applied for and granted as to both offices; but, after an injurious interruption of more than two weeks, the injunction against the Canal Street office was dissolved. Before the other case could be brought to trial, the cholera made its appearance in the city, and the almost vacant Franklin Street office was taken possession of by the Board of Health as a cholera hospital. Towards the close of the year an opportunity occurred of hiring on lease a large and unoccupied building in Anthony Street — now Worth-opposite the hospital grounds, a few doors west of Broadway, erected and formerly used as a church edifice, a lceation where little or no danger could be apprehended to the neighborhood. Here the Commissioners remained till the spring of 1858, when all their offices were removed to Castle Garden. It is not the purpose of this essay to give a detailed account of all the proceedings of the Board within the last twenty-three years; but its design is to point out only that part of their history which has at present a direct bearing on the protection of the emigrant. To this end we shall first describe Castle Garden and the offices connected with it, and next the institutions on Ward's Island. This chapter will be confined to Castle Garden. c0 o nlPu gory The Commissioners were not long in discovering that the beneLanding -Act of 1848. volent intentions of the law creating their Board could not be realized as long as they had not the absolute control of the emigrant, and as long as they were thus prevented from protecting him against the frauds practised on him by forwarders, boarding-house keepers, agents, and runners. They therefore, in the first year of their existence, applied to the Legislature for an act authorizing them to lease a dock or pier, where all the emigrant should be landed; where no outsiders would be allowed to enter without permission of the Commissioners; and where the emigrants could be cautioned and admonished against all the wiles of those who lay waiting for him on his arrival. The law of April 11, 1848, authorized the Commissioners to purchase or to lease such a pier or dock, and by virtue of this act, on May 8, 1848, they leased from the Common Council, for a term of five JaOinf of Hu- years, the large and commodious pier at the foot of Hubert Piere. S Street, at an annual rent of $3,000. CASTLE GARDEN. 107 It was anticipated that this pier would be in proper order for nj u n u t i o use by the middle of July; but, to the surprise of the Commis- against sioners, they were, immediately after the execution of the lease, served with an injunction, obtained by some of the residents in the neighborhood. This injunction was granted and sustained against the appeal of the Commissioners on the ground that the landing of emigrants at the foot of Hubert Street, in the vicinity of St. John's Park, would bring into a quiet part of the city a noisy population, without cleanliness or sobriety; would endanger the health and good morals of the ward, and seriously affect the value of real-estate. The Commissioners now endeavored to get some other land- Difficulty o SO. ing-place in the lower part of the city, where the nuisance, if elandingsuch it could be called, already existed, and where the emigrants for a number of years had been landed. But, though the Common Council, whom they considered bound, in a measure, to furnish a pier, seemed favorably disposed, yet none could be procured and rendered suitable for the purpose. Consequently the Commissioners could not reach the emigrant before he fell into the hands of the plunderers who stood ready to deceive him; frauds which had formerly excited so much indignation and sympathy were practised with as much boldness and impunity as ever, and all the exertions of the Commissioners, though beneficial in many cases, were quite insufficient to put an end to these abuses. In spite of repeated petitions to the Legislature to provideAct of ls. efficient remedies by giving to the Commissioners exclusive possession and occupation of a pier for the landing of newly arrived emigrants, it took just eight years before that body, by the Act of April 13, 1855, complied with that wish. This act was as important as the one creating the Board of the Commissioners, for it first gave the power to afford really efficient protection to the emigrant. It required the transporting and conveying companies to deliver to the Mayors of New York, Troy, Albany, and Buffalo, in each and every year, a written or printed statement of the price or rates of fare and the price for the carriage of the baggage of the emigrant; it specified the penalty for violating the provisions of this act, and authorized the Commissioners of 108 CASTLE GARDEN. Emigration "to designate some one place in the city of New York, as they should deem proper, for the landing of emigrant passengers; providing further that " it should be lawful for such passengers to be landed at such place so designated; and likewise (meaning the Commissioners) to purchase, lease, construct, and occupy such wharves, piers, and other accommodations, in the city of New York, as may be necessary for the accommodation of emigrant passengers." Lease of Castle This important act finally enabled the Commissioners fully to Garden. carry out the benevolent objects of their trust. From that time only the Bl3oard could be said to be clothed with the necessary powers and to have become responsible for the well-being and protection of the emigrant. The Commissioners, on May 5, 1855, leased the old fort at the foot of Manhattan Island, known as Castle Garden, and immediately proceeded with the fitting up of the premises in a manner suitable to the designed purpose. Obstructions. Owing, however," says the Commissioners' Report for 1855, "to the extensive repairs required, and the obstructions thrown in the way by those who, on different grounds, apprehended injury to their private interests, the place was not in readiness for use until the first of August, when it was formally opened as the Emnigrant ianding -Depot. "It is not deemed necessary to allude to the efforts made to obstruct the execution of the law in this instance, further than to state that, where that effort was resorted to with the design of rendering nugatory the power conferred, and for the ejectment of the Commissioners from the occupancy of Castle Garden, the courts have sustained the law in its beneficent objects, and the Commissioners in the possession of the premises for the purpose of carrying the law into effect; and that, where violence threatened with a strong hand to lay waste and destroy, the police authority of the city, by prudent and decisive action, effectually checked the thoughtless and lawless in their course, and preserved a valuable property from destruction or damage, and the reputation of the State from disgrace. Benefits e the Two hundred and fifty vessels have landed their passengers Landing: DePot. at the Depot in the five months it has been in operation, bringing, in the aggregate, fifty-one thousand one hundred and fourteen iiFJ"1TT~f,,lii'j'11.,VIl~. IllI'"il _________ I- I 777 — 7- r-. —_ E S TAI SC Or NE___.-_ OR State Emigrant Landing Depot Castle Garden, NY CASTLE GARDEN. 109 persons, during which period no accident of any kind has occurred. All have been landed safely, without accident to themselves or property. When landed, proper means have been used to secure their comfort and protection. They have been screened from the. intrusion of that class of persons who have heretofore abused the confidence of the emigrants, and despoiled them of the means they had provided to convey them to their ultimate destination, and to sustain them after they had reached it —who have long been in the practice of taking possession of the person and property of confiding emigrants, and seldom permitting them to pass out of their hands without damage; in many cases reducing them from comparative affluence to destitution, and making them subjects for relief by the funds of the Commission; but in a larger proportion crippling their means to an extent which has affected their after life. " Every facility is provided at the Depot, for those whose destination is to the interior, to proceed without unnecessary delay; and without need or pretext for intercourse with the class of persons in the city before mentioned. ZBy this arrangement, much for the benefit of the emigrant, the shipper, the Commission, and the community at large, has been accomplished. Among these benefits may be mentioned: "First. —To the emigrants. In a more safe and speedyTo Emigrants. landing of their person and effects: In the greater safety of their effects after having been put on shore, depredators being limited to fellow-passengers, and but slight opportunity existing for successful pillage by them. In relief from the importunities and deceptions of runners and bookers. In being enabled to continue their journey without delay from the same wharf where they had just landed. In relief from all charges and exactions for landing,'baggage smashing,' and porterage; and, where they are proceeding to the interior, from cartages. In being enabled to obtain passage tickets at the lowest rates directly from the various transporting companies. In having their baggage accurately weighed; and in being relieved from excessive charges for that which is extra. In obtaining reliable information relative to the various routes of travel throughout the country. In being relieved from 110 CASTLE GARDEN. the necessity of transporting their baggage to boarding-houses when exigencies require a temporary sojourn in the city of KNew York. And thus in being enabled to depart for their future homes without having their means impaired, their morals corrupted, and probably their persons diseased. To Shippers. "Second.-To the shipper. In the greater readiness with which passengers are discharged where freight and merchandise do not interrupt the process. In the ship being relieved of its passengers at once, and immediately on arrival. In the consignee being relieved from the supervision of the landing of the passengers. To the commis- "(hird.-To the funds of the Commission. In the increased sion. facility afforded for the discovery of cases liable to special bond. In the opportunity for ascertaining the means of passengers for support. In the reduction of sickness and distress among Emigrants. In the diminished proportional number that will become a charge to the Commissioners; and in the means to readily discover paupers and criminals transported hither. To Statisticians. " Fourth. —To the statistician. In furnishing reliable data of the fiscalmeans of emigrants on arrival; in developing the points of individual destination; thus exhibiting the number of persons who, at the time of arrival, are destined for each State, and the money-means with which they are provided. To the Commou- "Fifth.-To the community in general. In the diminution of human suffering. In the reduction of calls on the benevolent throughout the country; and in the dispersion of a band of outlaws attracted to this port by plunder, from all parts of the earth." Defeat of the These predictions were verified by the experience of every subners. sequent year. The establishment at Castle Garden fully proved its efficiency and usefulness. The decisions of the courts in 1856 and 1857 upon deliberate argument and advisement having put an end to all legal obstacles attempted to be interposed to this establishment on the part of persons who on various grounds lli~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l~llII ii iilil iii~~~~r Illllllllllliriil~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ii~~~~iii~j~ I~~~ateGre agg oml Rciinan Soin ugg o ArivingEirns CASTLE GARDEN. 111 feared or thought their pecuniary interests affected, the opposition did not since extend beyond acts of inferior but continued annoyance, originating with those who had formerly profited by taking advantage of the ignorance of the newly arrived and friendless strangers. As stated in a preceding chapter, during the first year of the working of the institution several hundred emigrant runners, unable to follow this business any longer in New York, left for California. When those who remained here discovered that by applying to the law or by threatening and and abusing they could not undo what the Act of April 13, 1855, had brought about, they in the end either disappeared or submitted to the new state of things. A successful experience. of fifteen years has now confirmed the Superintendents:~' ---- --- ~ ~' ~- of the Landing utility of the establishment at Castle Garden. The able and effi- Depot. cient Superintendent, Mr. John A. Kennedy, who first organized that department, discharged the duties of his station until June, 1860, when he accepted the appointment of Superintendent of the Metropolitan Police. He was succeeded by the present Superintendent, Mr. Bernard Casserly, who has most efficiently performed the duties of his office. It has contributed largely to the success of Castle Garden that the services of two very able executive officers were secured, that during the whole time of its existence only one change has taken place in the highest executive office, and that consequently uniformity and regularity in the service could be maintained. A description of the several departments, among which the Departments of the Landing various duties are divided, will give an idea how business has Depot. been and is now carried on at Castle Garden. I. Ihe Boardting fDepartmenet.-On arrival at the Quaran- Boartdngt D tine Station (six miles below the city), every vessel bringing emigrant passengers is boarded by an officer of this department, stationed there for the purpose, who ascertains the number of passengers, the deaths, if any, during the voyage, and the amount and character of sickness, examines the condition of the vessel in respect to cleanliness, and receives complaints, of which he makes report to the General Agent and Superintendent at Castle Garden; he remains on board the ship during her passage up the Bay, to see 112 CASTLE GARDEN. that the law prohibiting communication between ship and shore before emigrant passengers are landed is enforced. On casting anchor in the stream, convenient to the Landing Depot, he is relieved by an officer of the Metropolitan Police force, detailed at the Castle Garden, and the passengers are transferred to the care of LaMingDepart. II. T'he Landing D)epartent, under the supervision of which the Landing Agent proceeds with barges and tugs, accompanied by an Inspector of Customs, to the vessel. After an examination of the luggage, it is checked, and the passengers, with their luggage, are transferred to the barges and tugs, and landed at the Castle Garden pier. On landing, the passengers are examined by a Medical Officer, to discover if any sick have passed the Health authorities at Quarantine (who are thereupon transferred by steamer to the hospitals on Ward's or Blackwell's Island), and likewise to select all subject to special bonds under the law as blind persons, cripples, lunatics, or any others who are likely to become a future charge. This examination being ended, the emigrants are directed into the Rotunda, a large-roofed circular space in the centre of the Depot, containing 50,000 square feet, and with a dome in the centre for ventilation, about 75 feet high, with separate compartments for English-speaking and other nationalities, to Registering De- III. The Registering Department, where the names, nationpartment. ality, former place of residence, and intended destination of the emigrants, with other particulars, are taken down, thus forming an interesting record for future reference. The passengers are then directed to Ra i 1 r o a d IV. The Agents of the Railroad Compacnies, from whom they Agents, can procure tickets to all parts of the United States and Canada, without the risk of fraud or extortion to which they are subjected outside of the Depot. In the meanwhile, the baggage and luggage are stored east of the Rotunda in the baggage-room. The old accommodations being insufficient, a new baggage-room was built in 1869. The necessity for this improvement had long been felt, the old room not having anything like the proper capacity to contain L____ 3 —- — : — -- _ — - -;- —. — — —--------—. -. -z_=_~=-_=-_-=-L —L —-— =-L —_ —— - __ __ I _-r —-— —= —----— r=_ — ---------- =J__ - —-`-= —-; — ----— 2 —— e==_= —--— = —====-2=--=r_====r L —- -. _ —- -— C —-___- -- -- ---------— 2 -~== —= - —-L — _ _ _ —----— =- _, —-=c_===-___-=-c====; _-==-====-_=-==r===-;========r===S;==Z. —- — L —-— - - L —----- _ —-- - —---------------- —--- __ -- --------— —- -- --- ------ ----- -- - --- -- --- —-----— 1 —-===- —---— ~-== —--— == — ---- ---- --- "'P:i:'1I'III I) II1I;iIl.i:i'' II i I!lilI'I I i 6li i i i I i.'I'I i I ij!lj I ii i i 111iri ii7 III Li I I I!II'j IXI I Iiii II1 aiII i i I ri 1111EIc~!li DF P S il:b In!1 ij I I IIlj! I!IIIiiiJ I /I/j I i I II I I i IoI IIIi j \'I'I'III I, iii ) j/I nrr,;ii'~~~ Pit!1$ bijjiiiIII/iiiI''l.i ilit II ill 1" riii "ir ii8h\\(llillllilllI:sXilllllllllllll IIIII!11IIIIII IR1I 1 111111 1 i 1 IIII IIIIIIIIIIIIHIIII'IIIlll:illlllllllili' a r iiiiTII: iigwn II lirlli R1I1! II rii , -; —-I---=- —-~ —--- --------- —-I- —--"~----=1_,e --. —------— ~sc Castle Garden BalSage Room —ii, Di8charging Emigrant Iugg~e for (:ity I)eliver CASTLE GARDEN. 113 the immense quantity of baggage, which numbered at times 7,000 Baggage Room. pieces. The new building, which was finished in October, 1869, at a cost of nearly $75,000, is 200 by 350 feet, and is amply sufficient to accommodate 15,000 pieces of baggage. The very perfect system by which the thousands of trunks and boxes are distinguished and delivered safely to their respective owners is well worthy of explanation. A brass ticket, with any letter of the alphabet from A to F inclusive, and a number from 1 to 600, is delivered to the emigrant on landing, and a duplicate fastened on his piece of baggage. The trunk or box is then placed in the baggage-room. This room has six bins, designated by the letters A, B, C, D, E, F, and each bin has six hundred numbers. Accordingly, when the emigrant produces his ticket, a baggageman at once goes to the bin indicated by the letter and number on the ticket, and delivers the baggage required. In case of necessity, all the letters of the alphabet can be used in a similar way. The emigrants destined inland, on delivery of their check, take their baggage to the weigher's scales. After having been weighed and paid for, it is sent free of charge to the depot of the railroad or dock of the steamboat by which he leaves. Such emigrants as design remaining in this city and vicinity are directed to V. The City Bagycage.Delivery, which ascertains the address City Baggage to which the emigrants may desire to have their luggage sent, and Delivery. takes their orders, exchanging the brass check received from the Landing Agent, on shipboard, for a printed paper one. The luggage is then promptly delivered in any part of this city and vicinity at a moderate rate of charges, approved by the Commission. At the same time, those having gold or silver which they may wish to have exchanged for United States currency are directed to one of three VI. Exchange EBrokers, admitted into the Depot, who changes Exchange Brok. their specie for a small advance on the market rate, which is set er.e forth in a conspicuous place under the observation of the emigrant, the daily fluctuations in rates being duly noted. These last three departments are conducted by responsible par 114 CASTLE GARDEN. ties, who, while not officers, are nevertheless under the close and constant supervision of the Commission, and are required to keep a record of all transactions, subject to the inspection of any member of the Board. foratitenD- VII. The Information JDepartment. - When the foregoing operations are completed, the emigrants are assembled in the Rotunda, and an officer of the Commission calls out the names of those whose friends attend them in the waiting-room at the entrance of the Depot, and to whom they are directed. At the same time are called out the names of those for whom letters or funds are waiting, which are then delivered to the proper owners through the Forwarding Department. Emigrants who desire to communicate with friends at a distance are referred to Lttepartment.ig YIII. She pLetter- Writing Department, where clerks, understanding the various Continental languages, are in attendance to write; the emigrant, while waiting a reply, if destitute, finds a home in the institutions at Ward's Island. Boarding-House IX. Boarding-Rlouse ieepers, licensed by the Mayor and proKeepers. perly certified as to character by responsible parties, are admitted to the Rotunda after the foregoing business has been completed, to solicit for their respective houses such emigrants as desire to remain in the city for any length of time. These boarding-house keepers are subjected to careful supervision and to certain regulations, which will be found in the Appendix, and every precaution is taken to guard the emigrant against the abuses and imposition to which he was formerly liable. Fartdig De- X. l'he Forwarding Department receives, through the Treasurer, all communications and remittances from friends of emigrants, sent either before their arrival or in response to letters written by the Letter Department, and applies them to the purchase of tickets. The amount of money and orders for passage received and disbursed through it will be found under the head relating to the Treasurer's duties. Department. XI. lihe IFard's Island D)epartment receives all applications CASTLE GARDEN. 115 for admission to the Institutions, and examines the records, to ascertain the right of the applicant to admission. It also keeps the records of all daily admissions to, and discharges from, Ward's Island, and examines the records in all cases of claims for indemnity from the several counties of the State for emigrants chargeable to the Commission who may have received aid or support in such counties. Attached to this Department are two physicians, whose duties are to examine all sick and destitute applicants for relief, and to visit all such at their residences in this city, and report to the General Agent. XII. The -labor Exeka nge.-A Labor Exchange was first Labor Ex established in 1850. The increasing number of persons demanding the aid and advice of the'Commissioners, and the widely extended knowledge of their arrangements for the disposal of laborers, made it necessary to hire, in December, 1850, a large double building, Nos. 25 and 27 Canal Street, at which place emigrants desiring work, and persons desiring laborers, found ample opportunity for meeting their wants; while, prior to that time, useful employment and means of self-support had been procured to over 8,000 emigrants. Proportionably a far greater amount of service was rendered to them with the additional facilities afforded by the Canal Street establishment. Thus, in 1851, not less than 18,204 emigrants were provided with opportunities for self-support in such kind of labor as their previous habits best qualified them to perform. In 1862, 14,973 persons were provided with places or employment; but in the course of years this institution dwindled down to a mere intelligence office for city servants. During the seven years from 1860 to 1866, the number of females who found employment as servants through the Castle Garden agency amounted to 40,222, that of males to only 10,224. In 1867, at the suggestion of Commissioner Philip Bissinger, the office was revived and re-established in its original condition. The present Labor Exchange is a spacious and well-arranged building, and was erected during the latter part of the year named. It is a one-story building, 80 by 52 feet, with a large ventilator in the roof, thus furnishing an ample supply of fresh 116 CASTLE GARDEN. air and light, and, being situated on the additional ground added to these premises in 1867 by permission of the public authorities, it is easily accessible without disturbing the arrangements of the landing depot. In the centre of the floor, a sufficient space has been railed off, and reserved for officers and for use of employers. On one side are seated the male emigrants, and on the other side the females, thus securing a separation of the sexes. These again are subdivided, according to their several occupations and the length of time they have been here, and also into those with and without references. Each emigrant on entering is requested to enter his or her name, ship, date of arrival, and character of employment; while every employer is required to enter his or her name, residence, recommendations, references, and description of labor wanted. This Labor Exchange furnishes an intelligence office, witho't chcrge, for emigrants desirous of finding employment or service in the city or at a distance; and undertakes to supply all sorts of skilled mechanical and agricultural labor to employers in any part of the United States, who come with a proper guarantee of character and other necessary qualifications. The Labor Exchange, since its reorganization, has existed for a period of only two years; but the result obtained in this comparatively short time is sufficient to prove its usefulness. In 1868, it procured employment for 31,143 emigrants, namely, 18,114 males and 13,029 females; and, in the year 1869, for 34,955 emigrants, namely, 22,844 males and 12,111 females. In these two years, there were among the males 4,311 and 5,594 mechanics respectively; while the balance of 13,803 and 17,250 respectively were agricultural and common laborers. Of the females, there were 474 and 438 respectively skilled laborers (seamstresses, cooks, laundresses, etc.), but 12,555 and 11,673 respectively were common house-servants. In 1868, 351 families were engaged, consisting of 1,551 persons, and, in 1869, 452 families, consisting of 1,232 persons. Those who were employed represented, in 1868, fifteen, and, in 1869, sixteen nationalities. Irish and Germans were predominant. Of the whole number, there were, in 1868, 9,269 male and CASTLE GARDEN. 117 11,975 female, Irish, Scotch, or English; and, in 1869, 11,703 males and 11,340 females, of the same nationalities. We find in the Germans and Swiss. there were, in 1868, 8,034 males and 921 females, and, in 1869, 10,021 and 659 respectively; of Scandinavians, 414 and 78 and 477 and 75 respectively; Dutch, 6 males in 1868 and 62 males and 11 females in 1869. France, Italy, and Belgium sent 274 males and 35 females in 1868 and 39 and 7 respectively in 1869. As a curiosity, it may be stated that, in 1868, 6, and, in 1869, 8 Moors were engaged; they entered their names in Arabic letters. Of the emigrants employed by the instrumentality of the Labor Exchange in 1868, 7,397 could not read or write, namely, 3,096 males and 4,301 females; and, in 1869, 7,139, namely, 3,498 males and 3,641 females. Among the 9,269 Irish, Scotch, and English engaged in 1868, there were 2,714 who could neither read nor write; and among the 11,703 individuals of the same nationalities in 1869, there were 3,058 unable to read or write. Among the 8,034 and 10,020 Germans and Swiss in the two corresponding periods, we find 279 and 321 respectively who could not read or write. Of the 23,315 Irish, Scotch, and English female servants engaged in 1868 and 1869, 7,682 could neither read nor write, and of the 1,825 females of other nationalities 260 were equally ignorant. The States of New York and New Jersey in both years furnished employment to more emigrants than the rest of the United States together. As long as no means will be found to neutralize or avoid the difficulty and risks attending the transportation of laborers to more distant regions, this state of affairs will remain unchanged. In both years, the demand was much greater than the supply. Not the tenth part of the large orders for railroad laborers could be filled; and only a small part of the orders for farmers (Germans) and common laborers (Irishmen) could be responded to. Of the immigrant farm-laborers, only a small number remained in New York, the majority, and especially the well-to-do class, proceeding spontaneously to the Western and North-western States. Only a few German servant-girls asked for employment through the Labor Exchange. It is very difficult, and at present almost impossible, to direct 118 CASTLE GARDEN. the European mechanic and laborer to the South, which has thus far tried in vain to attract immigrants, and this for the reason that most of the immigrants look out first for the place where they are sure of employment. It is in vain to tell them that many tracts of land are to be had cheap or even for nothing. Work is more attractive for them than land, at least at first. For this reason, and in consequence of the large settlements of Europeans there, the immigrant is attracted to the West and especially the Northwest, where the fertile soil enables farmers to give ready employment to all the laborers that may present themselves. Explanation of This is the whole explanation of the continual flow of emigrant I m i gration o iest and laborers into those regions. There is work there. It is to be -not to South. found everywhere, work which they understand, work which they can perform, work sufficiently remunerative to warrant the expectation of a happy future. This advantage they are sure of finding only in the West and North-west. Once employed, they easily arrive at independence. By saving their monthly wages, they secure the means of attaining it, and when the proper moment comes they have learned by experience where to settle and what they must do to succeed. The matter is simple, and requires on the part of the WVestern States no exertion of thought or money. On examining the conditions offered by the South, we can easily detect the causes which put that section at a disadvantage as regards the supply of labor. A class of farmers ready to receive the laborers who may offer themselves is almost everywhere wanting, and nowhere more so than in the extreme Southern districts, where there are only great planters, whose modes of cultivation have no attractions for the immigrants. The European immigrant detests the work in gangs as much as the negroes like it. His individuality is overlooked, his self-respect impaired, and he is viewed as a mere unit in the mass. He seeks not the planter, but the farmer. The great land-owners who hold large tracts of land wish to cultivate them as before without loss of time. To attain their object, they must always keep a sound stock of freed slaves, which daily becomes more difficult for them, as the number of laboring hands is continually decreasing. What will happen under these circumstances may be inferred CASTLE GARDEN. 119 from what has been said. The inability of these large planters to procure the needed labor will cause them to be superseded in the course of time by small farmers, who will work themselves, and who will be able and willing to employ the white immigrants like the Western farmers. A modest culture is required with two or three hands, living, in a patriarchal way, with the farmer's family. Whenever that will be generally introduced, immigrants will come and remain, or, if they leave again, it will be to settle in the neighborhood. Farms should be laid out for the reception of European laborers, and it is upon the formation of these farms and the introduction of Europeans that the future of the South depends. Results more satisfactory to both the Southern people and the immigrants would no doubt be reached, if some such plan were pursued by other districts as that adopted by the district of Newberry, South Carolina. Here an Immigration Society has been formed, under the Immigration So. auspices of Rev. T. S. Boinest, consisting of the most notable farmers berry, S. C. and planters, who have raised a fund of $5,000 or $6,000 for the purpose of defraying the necessary travelling and other expenses of the European laborers they wish to employ. By this means, the society, though existing but two years, has induced about 400 immigrants to make the district (Newberry) their home, and according to the latest reports both the employers and employees are satisfied and content. The society has appointed as agent, a European, MIr. F. W. Bruggemann, who is familiar with the character and wants of the immigrant, and forms the connecting link between the latter and their native employers, and to this circumstance is due the happy result of its efforts. North of the Rotunda and adjoining it are the offices of the O,,,, of the Commissioners. They consist of three rooms, occupying nearly Cr.mmision the entire front of the building on the second floor, and include the offices of the General Agent and Treasurer, the Meeting-Room of the Board, and the General Agent's private office. XIII. T7le General Agent's Ofice is a large vaulted room, the General Agent' central one and largest of the three, in shape a parallelogram, extending on its longest axis east and west, and containing about 120 CASTLE GARDENY. thirteen hundred square feet. Here is transacted all the executive business of the Commission, complaints are heard and investigated, grievances remedied, and the general correspondence, except that relating to the Treasury Department, conducted by a force of several clerks, under the direct supervision of the Deputy Superintendent. To this officer the chief clerks of the various departments make their reports, which are by him laid before the General Agent, who bases his instructions upon them. The General Agent, who unites with these functions the duties of Superintendent, is the chief executive officer of the Commissionthe centre and focus of all its business. He controls the interior working machinery of the Commission, transacts its outside -business, and conducts its correspondence. I-Ie receives all communications to be laid before the Board, and acts generally as secretary at its meetings. He also supervises the inland transportation of emigrants, and his vigilance is constantly exercised to prevent the extortions and impositions in the way of overcharges and delays to which they are subjected. It is his office, moreover, to regulate advances on the luggage of emigrants, which are made from time to time out of the funds of the Commission to enable the owners to proceed to their destination. The business of the Commission before the Legislature is likewise attended to- by this officer, in securing such amendments to the emigration laws as the experience of the Commissioners from time to time may suggest. Treasurer's De- XIVY. lie Treasurer's Department is conducted by the prtnent. Treasurer, Mr. George W. Wheeler, who has most creditably occupied that position since the formation of the Board, and by two clerks under him. It is divided into various branches, having severally charge of correspondence, of the money affairs, and of the business with the various counties and institutions of the State. Cortrspordence A. Cog-reson0dence.-One of the. clerks, under the authority of the Treasurer, receives daily from the New York General PostOffice all letters deposited in the box of the Commissioners of Emigration, comprising letters addressed to the Commissioners of Emigration; to the Treasurer, to the General Agent and other.officers of the Commissioners of Emigration in Castle Garden; CASTLE GARDEN. 121 to the Castle Garden Railroad Agency, and its employees; to the Superintendent of Ward's Island, and physicians, employees, and emigrant inmates of Ward's Island; and to recently arrived or expected emigrants at Castle Garden. The total number of letters received during the year 1869, including express packages containing remittances for emigrants, was 23,917. All letters and express packages addressed to the Commnissioners of Emigration, to the Treasurer, or to emigrants not in the institution on Ward's Island, are opened and read or distributed, as may be necessary. Those containing money or other remittances for emigrants are retained in the "Forwarding Office," a branch of the Treasurer's Department. A daily record is made of all receipts under appropriate heads, as follows: Number of remittance; date; amount; from whom received; for whom; name of vessel; nature of remittance; destination, etc. Many remittances are received for emigrants after they have landed and left Castle Garden. Such remittances in due time are applied for by the sender, and returned immediately on application. Emigrants very often neglect to apply for remittances on hand, although duly notified that such are awaiting their call. Such remittances are also returned on application to the senders, either by mail or express, or to the parties in person who have made deposits with this department. Its correspondence is large. In addition to that incidental to the return of uncalled-for remittances, replies are made to impatient senders of remittances for emigrants, who either have not arrived or have found employment from the Labor Exchange in Castle Garden, or perhaps are in hospital at Ward's Island. The parties so employed and for whom remittances have been received are duly notified to call at Castle Garden for the purpose of being forwarded to destination. The sender is also notified of the whereabouts of his or her relative or friend, and of the time when it is probable he or she will proceed to destination. From August 27, 1860 (the date on which the business connected with this subject was transferred to the Treasurer's Department), to December 31, 1869, the total number of remittances received for emigrants was 35,227, of an aggregate 122 CASTLE GARDEN. value of $481,955 21. The average value of each remittance received was $13 68. The following statement shows the increase of business in this one branch of the Correspondence Department: There was received in 1860,.... $6,034 60 "4 cc 1861,.... 9,465 09 1862,.... 18,990 55 cc "9 1863,... 46,147 91 se (( s1864,... 58,583 44 as "C 1865,.... 62,288 88 as so 1866,.. 5,359 11 1867,... 66,865 89 1868,.... 64,054 70 1869,... 92,165 04 $481,955 21 B. lJioneyAffairs.-The commutation fund, created and deposited according to law with the Chamberlain of the city of New York, is under the control of the Commissioners of Emigration, and is drawn upon semi-monthly by the Board, to defray current and other expenses of the Commission. Supplies are furnished to the institution at WVard's Island, on requisition of the steward, countersigned by the Superintendent of Ward's Island, and approved by the Ward's Island Committee. The requisitions are filled by the authorized purchasers, who render original bills of all articles purchased. Drugs and medicines are supplied on requisition of the apothecary, countersigned by the Physician-in-Chief, and approved by the Ward's Island Committee. The requisitions are filled in the same manner as those of the steward. The Treasurer receives from the steward and apothecary statements of all articles received by them on their requisitions. The bills are examined and compared with the statements, and all charges for articles not included in the statement are deducted. Many articles and necessary supplies are furnished to the institution at Ward's Island in addition to those called for on regular semi-monthly requisitions, such as flour, coal, meat, fish, CASTLE GARDEN. 123 etc., etc. All bills for these articles are sent to the Superintendent of Ward's Island, and, if correct, are certified by that officer and the steward, and approved by the Ward's Island Committee. These and all other bills for supplies, for work performed, and all claims on account of Ward's Island and Castle Garden, are, previous to each semi-monthly meeting of the Commissioners of Emigration, submitted to the Auditing Committee, consisting of three members of the Board, upon whose approval they are presented to the Board of Commissioners, and ordered to be paid in the following'mnanner: All bills and claims are numbered and entered in a book kept for that purpose. A warrant is drawn and signed by six Commissioners (this number constituting a majority and quorum of the Board), setting aside to the credit of the VicePresident of the Commissioners of Emigration, from the commutation fund in the hands of the City Chamberlain, a sum equal to the aggregate amount of these bills and claims. A check is then drawn to the order of each claimant (for the amount respectively due to him), signed by the Vice-President, and countersigned by one of the Commissioners of Emigration. Receipts corresponding with the number of the checks are taken by the treasurer in a book kept for that purpose. C. Business with the Counties and Institutions.-Claims County Claims against the commutation fund for indemnity for expenses of emigrants who have become chargeable to any of the several counties of this State are made as follows: The agents appointed by the Commissioners at Albany, Rochester, Suspension Bridge, Buffalo, and Dunkirk, or, where there are no such agents, the superintendent or overseer of the poor in the locality where a recently arrived emigrant asks relief or assistance, is required to render, under oath, to the Commissioners of Emigration, monthly bills, accompanied by an affidavit of the person who has received relief or assistance, in which the following facts have to be set forth, namely: Name and age of person; name of vessel in which such person arrived at IN-ew York; the name of the master of such vessel; last place of residence before coming to New York; and that he or she has no relations or friends in this country, able, at their own charge, to support 124 CASTLE GARDEN. him or her. This statement is compared with the record on ftile in the office of the Commissioners of Emigration, and, if correct, and the charge for relief reasonable and proper, the amount is allowed and paid to the superintendents or overseers in the same manner as other claims, except that payment for expenses of emigrants in the several cities, towns, and counties in this State is made but once during the year, namely, at the last regular meetings of the Commissioners of Emigration in the year. Mionthly bills for support and care of emigrants, accompanied by the necessary affidavits, are received (at present) from thirteen different charitable institutions and hospitals situated in the several cities of this State. These bills undergo the same examination and scrutiny as the county bills, and are paid quarterly. The total amount paid to the several counties in this State, including the city and county of New York, for care and support of emigrants, from the organization of this Commission, May 5, 1847, to December 31, 1869, was $994,279 92, and to institutions and hospital, the sum of $168,371 96; making the total amount reimbursed to counties, cities, towns, and institutions, $1,162,651 98, as will more fully appear from the table in the Appendix. Castle Garden is open both day and night. The regular business hours are from 8 o'clock A.M. to 5 o'clock P.oMv.; but, in cases of necessity, the employees are obliged to remain till ten, and even later. There are seven private watchmen and seven policemen, whose duty it is to keep strict guard over the emigrants, and to preserve order and discipline. The yearly rent of the Garden is $12,000. The buildings, furniture, and fixtures are insured at $50,000, and the baggage of the emigrants at $30,000. The business of all the offices connected with the Staten Island Boarding Station and Castle Garden is performed by seventy-six officers and employees, from the General Agent to the night-watchmen. Together their yearly salaries amount to $82,894. ,\ttR~~~~~~~~~=-w m-ST~~L~~~~ S areI~_l=L ~ L CHAPTER VII. WARD' S ISLAND. PREvIoUS to the year 1847, the Quarantine law providedProrision for sick emigrants for the care of the sick emigrant. A general tax, levied under under Qaran- tine ~~~~~~~~~~~~law. State authority on all passengers arriving at the port of New York, was applied to the support of the Marine Hospital at Quarantine. Aliens as well as others arriving here, suffering under contagious or infectious diseases, such as yellow-fever, ship-fever, etc., were there received and gratuitously treated for one year. But no further provision was made from that period for the relief of emigrants not afflicted with any contagious disease, and they had to apply to the Almshouse authorities for admission to their medical institutions. The whole government and property of the Quarantine hospi- Insufficiency of tals was transferred to the Commissioners of Emigration immediately after the constitution of the Board. But, owing to the want of other buildings, they were at first obliged to send all their patients to Staten Island. In consequence of this, the hospitals there were filled to excess, while, in spite of every precaution, crowds of sick, suffering under milder or non-contagious diseases, or requiring only surgical aid, were exposed to ship-fever, smallpox, yellow-fever, or cholera. These difficulties continued until April 11, 1849, when the Marine Hospital was formally restricted to the reception of contagious diseases. After this step, the Commissioners considered it their first duty to provide for and furnish hospital accommodations for those who suffered from other than contagious diseases, and a refuge for those who were destitute. In 1847, the pressure for increased accommodations became Pressure in 1847. Temiporary ac. very great. Thousands of sick emigrants arrived in the summer e o,.I IIo daa. of that year, the greater portion of whom were the victims of the tions. Irish famine, and had to be provided for at once, and as well as possible. Several hundreds of them were sent to private hospitals, such as Dr. Williams's and Dr. WVilson's, others to the New 126 WARD'S ISLAND. York City hospitals, and still others to the Almshouse. The convalescent were nursed at the public-stores on Staten Island, the use of which had been granted by the United States Government for a limited period. Others, as, for instance, the passengers of the cholera-ship, the New York, from Havre, were, by permission of the Secretary of War, sent to Bedloe's Island, where temporary hospitals had been erected for their accommodation. These temporary measures, however, were wholly inadequate to the many wants and necessities of the emigrant; and the Commissioners speedily came to the conclusion that, in order to save expenses and provide sufficient accommodation for all their sick, they would have to build their own hospitals and places of refuge. Cord'c Islacf WFard's Island was the spot which they selected for the for emigrant institutions. location of these establishments. A better choice could not have been made. This island, which consists of about 200 acres, and has the shape of an irregular square, is situated in the East River, north of Blackwell's and south of Randall's Islands, and extends opposite to the city from about One Hundredth Street to One Hundred and Sixteenth Street. Its proximity to the city, and its accessibility at all seasons of the year, its exemption from the inconveniences and annoyances of a thickly settled neighborhood, together with the facilities it afforded of acquiring land of sufficient extent to meet possible future needs at a much more reasonable rate than could be obtained elsewhere, under equally favorable conditions of location, these several advantages induced that selection. The Commissioners have not been disappointed in the result, now that the demands upon the island have reached to a magnitude much beyond their anticipation. As early asJune 4, 1847, they tried to buy a tract of about 8 acres of land, with an old stone building originally built for a factory, for the accommodation of the increasing number of their sick, but they could only obtain a lease of the ground. On July 14, 1847, the Commissioners resolved to erect a two-story shed, 200 feet long and 22 feet wide, for the accommodation of those who could not find employment and had not the strength to work. Early First hospitalin 1848, they determined to build a hospital, within a short erected 1848. distance of the building used as a refuge. On November 1, 1848, it was finished and occupied. The structure was of wood, WARD'S ISLAND. 127 filled in with brick, having a frontage of 119 feet, and two wings, running east and west, of 40 feet long by 25 feet wide. It containled, besides apartments for physicians, apothecary, and nurses, and the apothecary's shop, eleven large rooms for patients, each of the dimensions of 40 feet by 25, and affording accommodations for 250 beds. While this hospital was in the course of construction, the Board became satisfied that still more ample accommodations would soon be needed, and. that more especially a proper establishment for children was imperatively demanded. They, therefore, de-Ereti~~f Nur. termined to erect a nursery building, to contain, besides dormi- 1848. tories and play-room, a school-room and chapel. By the end of 1848 this building was finished and partly occupied. As it became essential to have more ground than, under the lease, was in the possession of the Commissioners, and as several lots or parcels of land on Ward's Island happened to be for sale, it was resolved to take advantage of the opportunity. Accordingly, in the month of July, 1848, 12 acres and 22 perches were purchased for $12,289 38. These purchases were continued from time to time, so that by the end of 1849 the Commissioners owned 95 acres 3 roods and 6 perches, for which they had altogether paid the comparatively small sum of $63,818 83. In 1858,Purchases of they held in fee simple 106 acres, with appurtenant water-rights and marsh. In 1864, they bought a piece of land for $7,200, containing 2 acres and 22 perches, lying on the eastern side of WVard's Island, quite separate from their other lands, but very desirable and even indispensable for a landing-place on the eastern or the Sound side of the island, and well adapted for hospital purposes when required. Finally, in 1868, the Commissioners purchased a tract of about 11 acres of land on the south side of the island for $50,000, so that they now hold more than one-half of the island, or about 121 acres, for which they have paid $140,930 62, including the whole of the water front which faces New York City. The remaining portion is chiefly owned by the Commissioners of Public Charities and Correction, a local board exercising the functions of the poor officers of the county. Much, of course, has been done during the last twenty-two Improements. years for the improvement of the island. Temporary and wooden 128 WARD'S ISLAND. buildings have been replaced by substantial brick structures, sewers have been built, walks laid out, sea-walls erected, and not a single year has passed in which the Commissioners have not spent thousands and hundreds of thousands of dollars for the benefit and succor of those who are entrusted to their care. It would be tedious and tiresome to narrate the history of each improvement suggested and carried out for the amelioration of their condition. It will be sufficient to give a description of the buildings and institutions at present comprised in the establishment on Ward's Island. Before doing so, however, it will be necessary to state, in a few words, the history of the connection of the Marine Hospital on Staten Island with the other establishments of the Commissioners, which connection existed for just sixteen years, that is, from May 5, 1847, to April 29, 1863. Connetion of Whntewso Corne ctonspif When the Commission was organized in 1847, it had no lands, tal, Staten Island, withl nor buildings, nor means. Hence it was a wise policy to commit Ward's Island establulhment. to its charge the Quarantine grounds and hospitals, even saddled with the condition that the Commissioners of Emigration had to receive and gratuitously nurse non-emigrants, such as sailors and sick citizens. In this way, the indispensable means were at once provided for receiving and caring for arriving immigrants, who were affected with various contagious and infectious diseases, among which cholera, small-pox, and ship-fever were widely prevalent. The number of sick was appalling. In the first eight years of the Commission, nearly 50,000 were treated within these hospitals. Since that time, large hospitals on Ward's Island have been erected, owing to which the sanitary condition of the immigrants has greatly improved. Accommodations for all emigrants not affected with infectious diseases being afforded on Ward's Island, the reasons for placing the Marine Hospital in the charge of the Commissioners ceased to exist. There was, in addition, other strong and positive ground for a change; it was unjust to those from whom the emigrant fund is collected to make that fund to contribute towards the support of the Quarantine and the maintenance of the health laws. In years in which the means of the Commissioners were seriously diminished by a decrease of immigration, it was hardly possible for them to maintain those who paid the commutation money. INevertheless, the Commissioners were WARD'S ISLAND. 129 expected to bear the cost of supporting all who suffered from infectios diseases. This injustice was only repaired by the act of April 29, 1863, which created a Board of Quarantine Commissioners. Since that time, the cases of contagious fever amongst emigrants have been sent to Ward's Island, where the former surgical and isolated wards are devoted to their reception, while the small-pox patients, chargeable to the Commissioners, by an arrangement with the Commissioners of Public Charities, have been received at the Small-pox Hospital on Blackwell's Island, and regularly paid for at a rate agreed upon between both Commissions. Another injustice which the State perpetrated against the state Injste Commissioners of Emigration is the following: On September oners. 1 and 2, 1858, a furious mob had violently attacked and destroyed all the buildings and hospitals on the Quarantine grounds. The loss of property amounted to several hundred thousands of dollars. A committee was appointed to assess the damages, which awarded Award to Coto the Commissioners of Emigration, for the destruction of their t of personal property at the Marine Hospital, the sum of fouartee toother purthousand dollars, payable in bonds, and issued to them, by thepss Supervisors of the county of IRichmond. Of the sum thus raised, the whole was expended for strictly Quarantine purposes, except a small balance of about $500. An additional sum of $107,521 was also awarded to the Commissioners of Emigration for- the destruction of their buildings, houses, and hospitals, but the Supervisors of Richmond County, claiming that the Commissioners of Emigration were merely, trustees for the people of the State, refused to issue or deliver theni to the Commissioners, and deposited them with the Treasurer of the State. IApplication was made on the part of the Commissioners for a mandamus to compel the Supervisors of Richmond County to issue these bonds to them, in accordance with the award under the act. It was, however, held by the Court of Appeals that, inasmuch as the Commissioners of Emigration were trustees of the people of the State, a delivery of the bonds to the people was a substantial compliance with the law. In other words, the judgment of the Court of Appeals substantially made the State a present of more than $1.00,000 of the funds of the poor emigrant. 130 WARD's ISLAD. An application to the Legislature for the transfer of these bonds to the Commissioners proved equally futile. "If, however," says the Report of the Commissioners for 1864, "for any reason these bonds should be retained by the State, then it is most respectfully submitted that, as they are given as compensation for destruction of buildings, etc., erected at various periods from funds contributed by alien emigrants, for whom the Commissioners are the agents and trustees, or from moneys borrowed on mortgage for and applied to those buildings and improvements for which these bonds were given, they should be regarded as the proper fund to pay off the encumbrances on the property of the Commission, without demanding payment of any portion of it from the Emigrant Fund." Since that time these bonds have been applied to the payment of expenses incurred in the erection of the new Quarantine Station and buildings on the West Bank, and the Commissioners have in consequence received no advantage whatever from the award. Another illustration of the arbitrary way in which the State of New York disposes of the emigrant funds is the following: Tnjust debt As above stated, the act was passed on April 29, 1863, saddled o n Comm nissio n-establishing the new Quarantine Board, and directing the Comers for payinent of intermenton mort- missioners of Emigration to convey to the State all the right, title, gmage on,Marine Hospital. and interest which they had in the real estate on Staten Island. This property was subject to a mortgage of $200,000, covering the former Marine Hospital lands, with all the Ward's Island property held by the Commissioners. The debt was contracted at various times, and the mortgage given with the express consent of the Governor, Attorney-General, and Comptroller, as required by law, during the administration of Governors Fish, Hunt, and Morgan. The loan was obtained upon the credit of the estimated value of the Quarantine property. The Commissioners thought that, if they contributed $50,000 towards the payment of the mortgage, it would be fully as much as the relative value of the two pieces of property, the equity of the mode of raising, and the application of the fund from alien emigrants would justify. As this sum was recommended by the Comptroller in a report to the Legislature, and had been formerly approved in an act passed in 1867, the Commissioners assented to this division of the debt. In 1868, this property was sold, but the mortgage had not been . —----—;- — -- —= ---------'" -s-;_i — —-- -—;7=== —=- —' - —-ir_ - — —---I;----~~~-'~ — —- --- --;-=1 — —-------— - -s — =;= —--— - —;= —— =-=__,,,-I' ---. ~= —-- —=- —— I _:::::::::: -— _-,; —;;==-_ —====-==_-=-=------i =, _I —I-I:: — -C —— —-— 3 --— ——;5-1-:-= --— === —-l= ~~;I--------------- -- — _ —----- —:____=== —L —= —-t __~ —--- —--:-1=~ —----^---;rI-- —---- _-=';-==S= -— = '------2 —----=,c —2 —=.- --------:=-11- —`c-==-=- _ —- —_=-I L..,i —-: —-r —-— 3 —--- ---- ~. —— = —=-2___ _- -----— _; --— ==C —---- -,-I — — -_s.-=;-==-, —---- _._ -------------- L —-___=-_=__==__==_= __=~ -=== —---— = —=---;=;-=;S —%= —= = —— rL —-- _ - --— 3 —---— _ -----------— = —---- --- IIIIIW i I,-.i:1;'1\11113e8111811111ail:,l Ifl IliBiAIIlllllliBBWhiB84a!I/'lii I I Ij (((l'i i Il!i ililllillllllBRIIIIIIIIIIIIRIIIIIIPI UIIII\ IIIIWIIHIIIUIIIIIIIIHnUHIUIIIIIIIII — r —-c —~ -- —-- -' cs~2-I,=--cr-;45;~Cr-ii- i7rI:I;-UI'T~-;' i". --C_=Tir:f;B:lljllSZJ:-Y- T'~S;r~ —S-"'0'' Z Z wz Zi W 0a 1847.... 129,062 1,629 6,474 503.............. 798 1,190 10,594 $193,292 10 $148,147 31 1848... 189,176 4,057 8,661 6,640... 2,102 694 5, 369 27,523 301,901 99 274,833 49 1849... 220,603 8,320 6,159 16,854..... 999 1,360 5,566 41,258 318,608 29 378,817 34 1850... 212,796 10,156 3,411 27,314 8,000 2,301 267 5,937 57,386 358,010 36 369,461 39 1851.... 289,601 14,939 6,343 23,941 18,204 7',391 1,658 12,550 85,026 469,538 27 463,654 00 1852.... 300,992 15,182 8,887 117,568 14,971 4,601 1,364 18, 432 181,005 572,329 26 569,516 74 1853.... 284,945 14,365 4,796 44,514...... 14,334 3,262 1,152 9,351 91,774 [591,651 92 586,859 19 1854.... 319,223 15,950 4,762 69,085...... 13,964 4,608 2,021 10,504 120,894 688,802 98 635,215 77 1855.... 136,233 12,901 2,402 93,925 15,151 4,996 807 12,175 142,357 365,966 24 490,189 77 1856.... 142,342 7,610 1,648 11,172. 9,378 589 1,081 1,346 36,824 311,244 34 257.416 02 1857.... 183,773 8,539 1,856 5,411 10,933 529 864 4,253 32,385 392,270 43 350,911 79 1858.... 78,589 6,906 1,204 6,144..... 9,346 515 245 4,200 26,560 191,368 64 217,868 25 1859.... 79,322 4,361 274 4,582 7,150 176 4835 2,407 19,435 182,566 34 199,875 78 1860.... 105,162 4,729. 5,237 7,717 401 527 2,104 20,715 289,467 92 210,359 66 1861'... 65,539 5,079. 3,186 1,389 4,807 950 340 5,123 20,874 175,434 56 178,401 77 1862.... 76, 306 3,247...... 835 1,098 5,261 278 132 5,707 16,558 174,454 29 138,524 56 1863.... 156,844 4,911...... 1,743 3,019 11,817 365 138 8,563 30,556 341,027 00 333,105 71 1864.... 182,296 7,363...... 1,737 2,904 9,993 266 287 6,407 28,957 420,366 17 373,763 39 1865.... 196,352 7,425.. 975 4,243 8,681 361 [ 379 7-516 29,580 471,034 85 447,580 20 1866.... 233,418 10,306..... 3,158 3,343 8,494 521 203 12,943 38,968 544,056 16 545,983 21 1867.... 242,731 13,237 1,905 7,284 10,325 613 235 11,367 44,966 583,154 40 534,362 22 1868.... 213,686 14,250...... 2.396 14,569 31,143 902 277 8,394 71,931 577,349 36 662,958 12 1869.... 258,989 13,911...... 1,103 13,799 34,955 917 1,801 6, 01 73,187 695,499 59 606,158 58 Total, 4,297,980 201,373 56877 447,928 51,648 254,624 40,441 17,507 170,915 1,249,333 $9,209.395 46 | $8,973,964 26 APPENDIX. 237 STATEMENT Showing Amount Reimbursed by the Commissioners of Emigration to the City and County of New York, and the several other Cities and Counties in the State of New York, and to various Charitable Institutions and Hospitals in the State, for Care and Support of Emigrants, from Mcay 5, 1847, to December 31, 1869, inclusive. Year. City of New York. Institutions. Counties. Total. 1847 $2,333 36 $280 00 $2,270 68 $4,884 04 1848 2,540 00 1,487 93 18,421 95 22,449 88 1849 6,306 98 1,857 59 37,400 95 45,565 52 1850 10,832 75 2,650 71 26,736 40 40,219 86 1851 13,042 94 8,784 40 67,781 17 89,608 51 1852 10,912 97 12,755 08 64,763 90 88,431 95 1853 20,000 00 9,737 01 122,135 16 151,872 17 1854 27,525 36 9,117 50 78,532 85 115,175 71 1855.. 8,645 56 43,181 17 51,826 73 1856.. 10,528 07 13,439 97 23,968 04 1857.. 6,680 16 85,563 85 92,244 01 1858 - 8,002 73 16,893 16 24,895 89 1859 206 29 6,173 92 23,555 75 29,935 96 1860 753 81 7,001 68 51,113 59 58,869 08 1861 2,237 94 6,373 36 11,244 63 19,855 93 1862 1,051 11 4,545 83 10,419 12 16,016 06 1863 810 76 5,402 96 9,578 50 15,792 22 1864 2,453 62 5,207 09 11,689 00 19,349 71 1865 5,370 36 8,950 38 17,944 05 32,264 79 1866 2,814 10 9,201 70 22,980 39 34,996 19 1867 1,689 59 10,095 99 22,160 29 33,945 87 1868 63,976 08 12,920 72 24,840 40 101,737 20 1869 18,986 76 11,971 59 17,788 31 48,746 66 $193,844 78 $168,371 96 $800,435 24 $1,162,651 98 238 APPENDIX. WAGES.* I.-The Average Wages paid at the Labor Exchange for Unskilled Labor during the Years 1868 and 1869. Males, per Month. Females, per Month. 1868. 1869. 1868. 1869. January $10 00 $9 00 $8 00 $9 00 February. 10 50 11 50 8 50 9 25 March.. 12 50 11 50 8 50 10 00 April.. 15 00 18 50 9 00 10 00 May..18 00 19 25 9 00 10 00 June.20 00 23 75 9 00 10 00 July. 24 00 24 00 9 50 10 00 August. 16 00 17 25 9 00 10 00 September.. 14 00 14 25 9 00 10 00 October.. 12 00 14 50 9 50 10 00 November.... 12 00 13 25 9 00 9 50 December.. 10 00 10 00 8 50 9 00 The wages for common laborers varied from $1 75 to $2 per day, without board. * The following circular letter is from time to time published by the Chief Clerk of the Labor Exchange, for the information of all employers who would avail themselves of the advantages of this institution: " 1. The'Labor Exchange,' lately organized by the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York, is a free market for emigrant labor, open to all employers from all parts of the United States. While prcouring prompt and remunerative employment to emigrants, it offers to employers superior opportunities to choose suitable employees out of the large and varied supply of applicants for work daily resorting to this office. "2. This office charges no fees, commissions, nor any other remuneration from employer or employee. "It furnishes to employers not only domestic help, agricultural or unskilled labor, but also all kind of skilled laborers, mechanics, artisans, etc. " 3. Land speculators are excluded from the privileges of this office; and all propositions contemplating the sale or leasing of land to emigrants will be rejected. " 4. Employers applying at this office must be either known to the Superintendent, or produce satisfactory references. "Agents must be duly authorized by their principals, and well recommended. "5. This office does not make contracts for emigrants with the employer; it does not fix the amount of wages nor the term of service, nor prescribe any other condition of the contract; it leaves all these matters to be settled by the voluntary agreement of the parties immediately interested, and assists them only by giving all needful information and advice. "6. Employers must provide for and take care of the transportation for their employees to the respective places of destination. If means sufficient to cover travelling expenses are remitted to this office, with the request to send hired help to the applicant, we shall see to it that the employee is properly started on his voyage. The expenses and risk of transportation to distant places will be greatly reduced, if employers residing in the country, and desiring emigrant help, would club together, and appoint one of their number employing and forwarding agent for all the members of the club." APPENDIX. 239 II.- Wages paid for Skilled Labor in New York City during the Year 1869. Apprentices. $4 to $5 per week; no board. Bakers... $6 to $14 per month, and board. Barbers. $9 to $15 per week; no board. Brushmakers. $2 to $2 50 per day; no board. Barkeepers..... $10 to $30 per month, and board. Basketmakers. $8 to $15 per week; no board. Blacksmiths.. -. $2 to $3 50 per day; no board. Bookbinders... $7 to $18 per week; no board. Bricklayers. $5 per day; no board. Brewers. $15 to $25 per month, and board. Brassfinishers.. $10 to $20 per week; no board. Butchers... $10 to $20 per month, and board. Cabinetmakers.. $1 50 to $3 per day; no board. Cooks... $25 to $100 per month, and board. Capmakers.$. $8 to $12 per week, and board. Chemists.. $10 to $12 per week; no board. Carpenters. $3 to $3 50 per day; no board. Carriagemakers.. $2 50 to $3 per day; no board. Cheesemakers.. $20 per month, and board. Cigarmakers. $8 to $15 per week; no board. Confectioners.. $30 to $50 per month, and board. Cutlers. $12 to $15 per week; no board. Coopers... $18 to $20 per week; no board. Dyers.. $20 to $25 per month, and board. Deckhands. $25 to $30 per month, and board Druggists. $18 to $25 per month, and board Engravers. $15 to $35 per week; no board. Engineers. $15 to $18 per week; no board. Florists. $15 to $25 per month, and board Filecutters.$. 12 to $18 per week; no board. Furriers. $9 to $14 per week; no board. Frescoe-painters.... $15 to $35 per week; no board. Gilders.$10 to $18 per week; no board. Gardeners.. $15 to $25 per month, and board. Glaziers. $8 to $12 per week; no board. Gasfitters...... $12 to $18 per week; no board. Goldsmiths.. $10 to $30 per week; no board. Gunsmiths.. $10 to $18 per week; no board. Hatters... $15 to $20 per week; no board. Heaters.... $25 to $30 per month, and board. Harnessmakers..$10 to $15 per week; no board. Ironmoulders.. $15 to $18 per week; no board. Locksmiths. $8 to $15 per week; no board. Lithographers.. $12 to $25 per week; no board. Machinists..... $15 to $18 per week; no board. 240 APPENDIX. Masons...$5 per day; no board. Miners.. 90 cents and $1 per ton; no board. Millers.. $12 to $18 per month, and board. Polishers.. $10 to $15 per week; no board. Paperhangers. $10 to $15 per week; no board. Puddlers. $2 per day; no board. Plasterers....... $5 per day; no board. Plumbers....... $2 50 to $3 per day; no board. Printers.. $12 to $18 per week; no board. Porters. $8 to $15 per week; no board. Painters.. $10 to $15 per week; no board. Ropemakers.. $12 per week; no board. Slate-roofers....... $2 50 to $3 per day; no board. Saddlers.. $12 to $15 per week; no board. Shoemakers. $9 to $15 per week; no board. Soapmakers.. $10 to $12 per week; no board. Spinners. $9 to $12 per week; no board. Stonecutters.. $5 per day; no board. Tailors.. $10 to $30 per week; no board. Tanners. $15 per month, and board. Tinsmiths. $10 to $15 per week; no board. Turners. $10 to $18 per week; no board. Upholsterers. $12 to $18 per week; no board. Varnishers. $9 to $12 per week; no board. Waiters. $30 per month, and board. Watchmakers.. $15 to $20 per week; no board. Weavers.$9 to $12 per week; no board. Wheelwrights. $10 to $12 per week; no board. Woodcarvers. $12 to $18 per week; no board. Winecoopers. $30 per month, and board. Wagonsmiths. $10 to $18 per week; no board. TABLE Showing the Number of Passengers brought to New York by Sailing and Steam Vessels, and the Comparative Mortality and Births on the Voyage, from the Years 1864 to 1869 inclusive. STEAMSHIPS. SAILING-VESSELS. TOTAL. i6. 4;t o. o. 1864 196 9,729 78,200 46 74 00946 349 773 102,070 186 750 207345 546 Q10,502 180,270 232 824 0'451 1865 220 14,621 112,701 52 118 01047 302 661 83,770 186 581 06943 522 15,282 196,471 238 699 03558 1866 1401 127,507l 156,931 83 816 105200 349 636 74,898 162 851 81113631 750 28,143 1231,8291 245 1,667 10'7190 1867 1464 29,187 193,445 99 255 0'1318 282 543 48,495 127 494 10186 746 29,730 241,940 226 749 0'3096 1868 451 27,937 180,449 96 200 101108 2001241 31,953 102 393 172299 651 28,178 212,402 198 593 0o2792 1869 504 29,471 229,190 110 210 0'0913 209 273 28,333 76 138 0'4871 713 29,744 257,523 186 348 0'1351