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THE
HISTORY
OF
-CO 0 N- E - AT I-C~ U T,
FROM  THE
FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONY,
BY G. U. H.OLLISTER.
ln tuoa bolunnie:
VOL. I.
"I wish [this task] had fallen into some letter hands, that might have performed it to the life. I
shall only draw the curtaint and open my little casement, that so others of larger hearts and
abilities may let in a bigger light; that so at least some small glimmering may be left to posterity
what difficulties and obstructions their forefathers met with in first settling these desert parts of
America." —Mason's History of the Peqitot War.
SECOND EDITION, ENLARGED AND IIPROVEDo.
HARTFORD:
PRINTED BY CASE, TIFFANY & CO,
1857.




ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855,
1BY  G. HI  HOLLISTIER,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Connecticut.
R. H. HOBBS,                                            CASE, TIFFANY & CO.,
Stereotyper, Hartford, CAd                                   Printers, Hartford, Conn.




TO
THE HONORABLE  I. W. STUART,
OF THE CHARTER OAK PLACE,
HI A R T F O R ).
THESE VOLUMES ARE RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY
THE AUTHOR.








PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITIONS
IN committing to the press the second edition of the History of Connecticut, I take the opportunity to express my gratification to the public
for the very liberal patronage hitherto bestowed upon the work.  The
task of preparing these volumes was not commenced with any idea of
pecuniary profit, but rather with a view of filling a void which seemed to
exist in the historic annals of my native State. The valuable researches
of my predecessor, Dr. Trumbull, terminated several years anterior to
the American Revolution; from which time onward, Connecticut was
without any written history whatever.  My main object in undertaking
the work, (as I stated in the preface to the first edition,) was to turn the
attention of the descendants of the Connecticut emigrants from the present to the glorious past; to remind them of the sacrifices, the toils, the
sufferings of their fathers' fathers; and to awaken, though it be with a
momentary breath, the coals that once glowed like the vestal fire day and
night upon the altar of Freedom. Those who read these pages, will find
that they little need to be ashamed of their origin, and that it can be said
of them as truly and in a higher sense than the fifth Henry could say to
his troops on the day of battle, that " their blood is fet from fathers of
war-proof."  Indeed, no State since the fall of Laced-mon has ever, in
the history of the world, waged so many wars in the same number of
years, with equal success, or voluntarily borne such heavy burdens, as
Connecticut.  If I have failed to prove these facts, I am sure they are
capable of proof when some author more worthy of the theme, shall address
his energies to the task.  Meanwhile, I humbly commend my labors to
my brothers who still remain upon the soil of the State, and to those who,
in regions far remote, yet turn their eyes with a fond regard toward the
green hills and soft valleys where lie the bones of the men who felled the
forest and planted the vine.
The second edition has been carefully revised, and a series of biographical sketches have been added to the first volume.  Three new
indexes have also been added at the close of each volume, viz.: an
Alphabetical Index of Names, an Alphabetical Index of Subjects, and an
Index of Questions. For purposes of reference, these indexes will add
mnuch to the value of the work, and, I hope, will serve to render it still more
acceptable to those for whom  it is particularly designed. The sUbject,




Vi                            PREFACE.
at least, will commend itself to all the sons and daughters of Connecticut, wherever in the providence of God their lot may be cast.  To
their special care and keeping I commit these results of my labors. The
stranger and general reader will not reasonably expect to find, in a mere
local history, that comprehensive arrangement and perspicuity of detail so
essential in the history of races and of nations. The territorial limits of
the commonwealth of which I have written, are so contracted that the
area is scarcely observable on the map of our common country; while her
entire population is less than that of the single city of New York. W~ith
a feeling of filial love, I have here sought to follow her varied fortunes,
from the day when a little band of Englishmen, on the borders of our
"great river," first broke the silence of the primeval wilderness.  The
subsequent settlement and growth of her towns; the struggles and privations of her pioneers; her wars with the Indians, the Dutch, the French,
and, finally, with the mother country; her civil history; the progress of
liberty, religion and education within her limits; the gradual development
of her'resources-all these I have sought candidly and truthfully, to portray.  With what success, the reader must judge.




CONTENTS.
CHAPTERJ I.
PAGe
Settlement of the Connecticut -River Valley. -Wah-qui-ma-cut visits
the governors of Massachusetts and Plymouth; he describes the
Valley of the Connecticut; he wishes the English to settle there;
Gov. Winslow visits the Valley; the Warwick patent; Massachusetts planters  straitened  for room; their removal to Connecticut opposed; Wethersfield settled; leave granted Hooker
to remove; first settlement of Windsor; march through the wilderness; arrival of Winthrop; severity of the winter; sufferings of the
settlers; construction of the General Court; journey of Hooker to
Hartford; the valley of the Connecticut; its primitive appearance;
its aboriginal inhabitants; their Anglo Saxon successors....   17
CHAPTER  II.
Connecticut a Wilderness: The Pequot War and its causes.-Contrast between the past and present; number and characteristics of
the Indians; murder of Captains Stone and Norton; Narragansetts
and Pequots; John Oldham  killed; Gallop captures Oldham's
vessel; Endicott sent to Block Island; he lays it waste; remonstrance of Gardiner; Endicott invades the Pequot country; Butterfield roasted alive; Tilley tortured to death; Gardiner wounded;
an English shallop captured; interview between Gardiner and
the Indians at Saybrook; Indians attack Wethersfield; declaration of war against the Pequots; Mason sails for Pequot; it is
decided to sail to Narragansett; their arrival, and interview with
Miantinomoh; conduct of the Nihanticks; AMason reinforced by
Narragansetts; boastings of Uncas; desertion and cowardice of
the Narragansetts; the English reach the Pequot fort; Mason burns
the fort; terrible destruction of life; sad condition of the English
soldiers; return to Hartford.,...........         32
CHAPTER III.
JProsecution of the Pequot W;ar.-Sassacus disgraced in the view of
his tribe; the Pequots burn their remaining fort and disperse;
Massachusetts prosecutes the war; Mason joins Stoughton at Pequot
harbor; pursuit of Sassacus; sachems murdered at "'Sachem's
Head;" the " swamp fight" at Fairfield; bravery of Captain Mason;




T1 ii;.                    CONTENTS.
PAGE
and Patrick; the English triumph; the captives and booty divided; sufferings of the captives; Sassacus killed by the Mohawks;
his scalp sent to Boston; the remnant of the Pequots distributed
among the captors; the war unnecessary; Endicott's expedition
ill-advised; Connecticut compelled to take the field in self-defense;
it became a war of extermination; the Pequot tribe extinct. 6. 
CHAPTER IV.
The first Americanz  on-stitution.-Civil and religious liberty had
their rise in England; their progress; Henry VIII.; his character
and career; his destruction and confiscation of Monastic buildings
and estates; his religious affinities; progress of the Reformation;
death of Henry VIII.; the "reformation party;" the English
liturgy framed; accession of Elizabeth; the liberal party divided;
character  of the  queen; strict  conformity  required; the
HIigh Court of Commission established; its despotic nature;
clergymen executed for non-conformity; James I.; union of England and Scotland; many clerg'ymen silenced, imprisoned, or exiled;
conduct of the king; both  parties intolerant; the puritans
compelled to take repugnant oaths, or to leave the country;
their motives in coming to the new world; origin of human
government; the founders of our government; their characteristics; the Constitution of Connecticut; its objects and provisions;
two annual assemblies or General Courts; mode of nominating
candidates for office; requisite qualifications for office; the several
towns to send four deputies; convening of regular and special
courts; deputies chosen by ballot; the supreme power of the
commonwealth vested in the General Court; our Constitution cornpared with those of Europe; it recognizes all power as vested with
the people; no taxation without representation; the king not
named in it; our early laws; Bancroft's tribute to Connecticut. 74
CHAPTER V.
Foundinz  of NYewv Haven Colony.-People threatened with famine;
corn purchased of the Indians; colony in debt; heavy taxes;
John Mason appointed commander-in-chief of the militia; Hooker
presents him with the staff of office; the scene described by Dr.'
Bushnell; Davenport, Eaton and Hopkins arrive in Massachusetts;
efforts made to retain them in that colony; they settle in New
Haven; their first Sabbath there; Davenport's discourse; plantation
covenant; earthquake; purchase of the land at Quinnipiack; character of the planters; meeting in " Mr. Newman's barn;" constitution adopted; the'seven pillars" of the church; the charge of




CONTENTS.                           ix
PAGI
bigotry considered; purchase and settlement of Guilford and Milford; principal settlers of Milford and Guilford; Whitfield, Desborough, and Leete; Ludlow; settlement of Fairfield and Stratford.  91
CHAPTER VI.
Colonel Fenwsick establishes a government at Saybhoo7.-Arrival of
Colonel Fenwick, Lady Fenwick, and others, at Saybrook; a civil
government organized; the first proprietors and other settlers;
quarrel between Sowheag and the people of Wethersfield; attempts
at reconciliation; the remnant of the Pequots take possession of
Pawcatuck; a war against them resolved on; Mason and Uncas
invade their territory, burn their wigwams, carry off their corn,
wampum, and other valuables; attempt to form a "general confederation" of the colonies; the several towns incorporated; all
deeds, mortgages, and conveyances of lands to be recorded; the
office of town clerk established; provisions made for settling
estates of deceased persons; difficulties arising from Indian titles;
purchase of Norwalk and Greenwich; purchase of lands on Long
Island; purchase of Stamford; Captain Turner sent to Delaware
Bay to buy lands; character of the Wethersfield people; Mr. Wareham and other proprietors of Windsor; attempts to quiet the disturbances at Wethersfield; many remove to Stamford; principal
proprietors who remained; a union of the New England colonies
effected; New England Congress; how constituted; its powers;
Miantinomoh and Uncas; the former invades the territory of the
latter; stratagem  of Uncas; the iNarragansetts put to flight;
Aiantinomloh captured; his death, and burial-place.........106
CHAPTER VII.,r)ogress of Settlement.  Troubles wsith the D9utch and Ifndians.Claims of the English and Dutch; discoveries of Adrian Block;
the Dutch visit and purchase lands in Connecticut; war between
the Dutch and Indians; how it originated; the Indians murder
Mrs. Hutchinson and her family; the Dutch are aided by Captain
Underhill; Indian depredations and murders upon the English;
settlement of Branford; commissioners of the united colonies meet
at Hartford; agreement with the Narragansetts and certain Long
Island Indians; the jurisdiction of Westfield, and South Hampton; purchase of Saybrook fort, &c. of Col. Fenwick; a duty to
be paid Col. Fenwick; Death of George Wyllys, Esq.; sketch of
his history; the Charter Oak Place; the Narragansetts commence
hostilities against Uncas; interference of the English; declaration
of war against the Narragansetts; the Narragansetts ask permis



X                            CONTENTS.
PAGE
sion of the commissioners to fight Uncas, and are refused; new
treaty with them; settlement of Farmington; controversy with
Keift, the Dutch governor; complaints of the commissioners
against him; his reply, and the response of the commissioners; the
Indians attempt the murder of Gov. Hopkins and others; the
Mohawks; first commercial attempt at New Haven; ship, cargo,
and passengers lost; "the phantom ship;" summons to Ninigret
and Pessacus; Springfield; Winthrop's claim; death of Lady Fenwick; her history; her tomb.......:.......  126
CHAPTER VIII.
Founding of New London. —Settlemelt commenced by John Winthrop, Jr., and Thomas Peters; disputed territory; Peters returns
to England; Winthrop's commission; settlers exempt from taxation; threatened Indian war; Indian depredations; the impost for
repairing Saybrook fort; the controversy decided in favor of Connecticut; controversy with Gov. Stuyvesant of New Netherlands;
burning of the Saybrook fort; attempt to assassinate Uncas; Uncas'
story concerning a union between the Narragansetts, Nihanticks,
and Pequots; complaints of the Pequot captives; Capt. Atherton
sent into the Narragansett country; his interview with Pessacus;
Ninigret; Gov. Stuyvesant visits Hartford; his claims; negotiations with him; Norwalk; Middletown; attempt to sail for Delaware Bay; Stuyvesant interferes; French agents visit New Haven;
rumored conspiracy between the Dutch and Indians to exterminate the English; the commissioners in favor of a declaration of war;
Massachusetts opposes the declaration.................
CHAPTER  IX.
Depar'ture of Ludlow. Death of Hcaynes, Wolcott, and Eaton.-Fairfield and Stamford alarmed by the Dutch; Fairfield determines
upon war; Ludlow appointed commander-in-chief; sketch of Roger
Ludlow; death and history of Gov. Haynes; arrest and trial of
Manning; arrival of Sedgwick and Leverett in Boston; the war
with the Dutch to be carried on; war against Ninigret; Willard
appointed commander-in-chief by Massachusetts; his expedition a
failure; the commissioners disappointed; the refugee Pequots;
Ninigret's movements watched; death and history of Henry Wolcott, Esq.; Cromwell desires the New Haven people to settle in
Jamaica; Greenwich; restlessness of Uncas; death of Gov. Eaton;
sketch of his life and character; Gov. Hopkins' decease; his public services, and benevolence; Chesebrough settles at Stonington;
the Mistick river made the boundary between Connecticut and




CONTENTS.                              xi
PAGE
Massachusetts; death of Gov. Welles and removal of Gov. Webster; Pessacus surrounds Uncas in his fort; Pessacus defeated;
settlement and settlers of Norwich.......     177
CHAPTER X.
The Ch.arter.-Great events in England; accession of Charles II.;
Connecticut makes a formal avowal of allegiance; petition for the
charter; Gov. Winthrop appointed agent to present it to the king;
he arrives in England; obtains the cooperation of the Lord Say
and Seal, and the Earl of Manchester; presentation of a ring to the
king; the prayer of the petitioners granted; the charter receives
the royal signature; the patentees; main features of the charter;
its reception in the colony; several border towns, and towns on
Long Island, petition to be, and are, received under its jurisdiction;
remonstrances of New Haven; Davenport a principal opponent of
the union; proceedings of the legislatures of Connecticut and New
Haven; Connecticut lays claim to Westchester, and Wickford;
committees appointed to treat with the towns; Gov. Winthrop's
return; Gov. Stuyvesant protests; Thomas Pell's commission;
Killingworth named; New Haven still resists; Connecticut attempts
to collect taxes within the New Haven jurisdiction; resistance;
"the New Haven case stated;" Duke of York's Patent; the colonies alarmed; Col. Nichols arrives from England; he, with others,
is authorized " to determine all controversies;" interview between
Gov. Winthrop and Col. Nichols; New Amsterdam is surrendered
to Nichols; the power of the Dutch in America is annihilated;
New Haven reluctantly yields up her territorial government; the
two colonies are united under the charter; the bounds of Connecticut defined; the last General Court of New Haven colony..... 202
CHAPTER XI.
The Regicides.-Policy of Charles II.; his endeavors to conciliate all
parties; presbyterians admitted to his counsels and share the
offices; the house of lords except the regicides from the general
pardon; some of them  fled, and some were taken and executed;
Whalley and Goffe arrive in Boston; treated with high consideration; the king's proclamation against them reaches Boston; the
judges escape to New Haven; they are pursued by Kellond and
Kirk; the pursuers are detained at Guilford over the Sabbath;
they reach New Haven; are baffled by the authorities; they return to Boston; the judges are concealed in various places; the
search for them still kept up; they propose to surrender themselves; they are concealed in Milford; they proceed to Hadley;




Xii                          CONTENTS.
PAGE
are there concealed; sketch of Whalley; sketch of Goffe; Col.
Dixwell; sketch of his life and services; he is concealed in New
Haven; Sir Edmund Andross' visit at New Haven; death of Dixwell..................................    234
CHAPTIER XII.
lKing PhilZip's War. —Conduct of the king's commissioners; they
annul purchases of the Indians; attempt to form an independent
government in Narragansett; counties established; Lyme named;
Haddam, Simsbury, and WVallingford incorporated; controversy
about Paugasset (Derby;) the town incorporated; dispute in the
church at Stratford; the parties separate; settlement of Pamperaug
(WVoodbury;) adventures of the emigrating party; Philip, the
sachem  of the W~ampanoags; his conspiracy; attempts to christianize the Indians; the prospects of Philip; apprehensions of the
English; the crisis approaches; Swansey, Taunton, Middleborough,
and Dartmouth destroyed by the Indians; Philip attacked and
pursued; Captains Hutchinson and Beers, and several of their men
killed; Major Treat; services of Connecticut; the Narragansetts
and Vainpanoags; treaty with the Narragansett sachems; rewards
offered for Philip; Capt. Lathrop slain; Mosely attacked and
driven back; Major Treat's timely arrival; the enemy repulsed;
means for the general defense; Springfield destroyed; Major Treat
drives the enemy from the place, and saves the people from promiscuous slaughter; vote of thanks to Major Treat; Philip attacks
Hadley; he is driven back by the Connecticut troops; defense of
the eastern towns; Congress decided to raise one thousand men;
the Narragansetts to be attacked in their principal fort; union of
the forces from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Plymouth; attack
upon the fort; dreadful slaughter; the enemy dispersed-six hundred wigwams burned; three Connecticut captains killed; a clearly
bought victory; the war continues; Nanuntenoo captured; he
spurns a conditional offer of life; he is executed; TMajor Talcott's
expedition; " the long and hungry march;" he is stationed at 5Westfield; he attacks a party of the enemy near the Housatonick; the
sachem of Quoboug and twenty-four of his warriors killed.      253
CHAPTER  XIII.
Andross attempts to lcnd at Saybrook. —The Duke of York's new
patent; the duke commissions Andross as governor of New York;
Andross disregards previous boundaries; war with Philip still
pending; Andross approaches Saybrook; the militia rally; legislative instructions to Capt. Bull and Mr. Chapman; they are to act




CONTENTS.                        X111
PAGE
in self-defense; the protest of the General Assembly; Andross and
his suite permitted to land; his object; his clerk is ordered to read
aloud his commission, &c.; Capt. Bull prevents him; the militia
escort Andross to his boat; a statement to be made to the king;
death of Gov. Winthrop; his public and private life; the Winthrop
letters.,.....,.,......... 288
CHAPTER  XIV.
Administration of Andross.-The colony involved in debt; heavy
taxes levied; she takes possession of the country of Nanuntenoo;
the Andross affair; committee on claims and jurisdiction appointed; their decision in favor of Connecticut; a new enemy appears;
the marquis of Hamilton's claim; complaints against the colonies;
Waterbury settled and incorporated; the Naugatuck valley; James
II.; Writs of quo warranto; Mr. Whiting appointed agent to England; conduct of the king; charters annulled; Connecticut alarmed; the General Assembly refuse to direct; Mr. Whiting's efforts
unavailing; Andross arrives in Boston as governor of New England;
he informs Connecticut of his appointment; is "commissioned to
receive their charter;" appeals to their loyalty; they petition the
king, without avail; Andross visits Hartford; his reception by the
General Assembly; he publicly demands the charter; remonstrance
of Gov. Treat; debate prolonged until evening; the charter suddenly disappears; Andross assumes the government; hb proceeds
to appoint officers; many odious measures adopted and enforced
by him; he declares the land titles of the colonists valueless; orders that new titles or patents shall be purchased; abdication of
James II.; Andross seized and confined in Boston; the charter
officers resume the government; the advent of king William welcomed by the colonists; the charter oak; Indian legend; the
charter concealed by Capt. Wadsworth................ 300
CHAPTER XV.
Froontenac's Invasion.  Attemp)t upon Quebec. —The French and Indians threaten northern New York; Leisler asks the aid of Connecticut; assistance rendered; Count Frontenac invades the frontier settlements; Schenectady destroyed; horrible massacres; settlement at Salmon Falls broken up; Massachusetts asks the assistance of Connecticut; she responds to the call; Glastenbury incorporated; New England and New York determine to invade the
enemy's country; plan of operations; Fitz John Winthrop appointed commander-in-chief; he arrives at Wood Creek; the "five nations" refuse to cooperate with him; no canoes in readiness; he




CONTENTS.
PAGE
retreats to Albany; Sir William Phipps' fleet reach Quebec; he attacks the city, but soon re-embarks; conduct of Leisler and Milborn; Leisler seizes and court-martials Winthrop; he is rescued
by the Mohawks; letter fromn the authorities of Connecticut; the
General Assembly sustain Winthrop; vote of thanks; Windham
incorporated; Frontenac invades the Mohawk country; Col. Schuyler pursues the French; Connecticut sends more men to Albany;
Gov. Phipps asks for more men; Capt. Whiting sent to his aid;
Gov. Fletcher of New York; he claims the command of the militia
of Connecticut; Gen. Winthrop sent as agent to England; his instructions; Fletcher visits Hartford; attempts to enforce his
authority over the militia; scene between him and Capt. Wadsworth........  o......  o..    o.....o....    o....   o  325
CHAPTER XVI.
Conspiracy of Dudley and Cornbury.-Money raised for the defense
of Albany; it is paid to Gov. Fletcher; result of Winthrop's mission to England; satisfactory to Connecticut; services of the
colony; enormous taxation; dishonorable conduct of Fletcher; the
Earl of Bellamont; committee appointed to wait upon him; Winthrop elected governor; two houses of the legislature established;
Plainfield, Colchester, and Durham incorporated; New York and
Connecticut boundary line; "Oblong;" Voluntown, Mansfield,
Danbury, and Canterbury, incorporated; war against France and
Spain; the colonies involved in the conflict; Connecticut sends
troops to aid Massachusetts and New York; firiendly Indians to be
enlisted; Dudley and Cornbury; their hatred to Connecticut;
Dudley's charges against her; his attempt to reunite all the charter governments to the crown; interference of Sir Henry Ashurst;
Dudley fails in his project; further attempts to rob Connecticut of
her charter; new charges preferred against her; Bulkley's "Will
and Doom;" the colony charged with oppressing the Mohegans;
the queen appoints commissioners to investigate the charge;
survey and map of the Mohegan country; meeting of the commissioners; Connecticut not officially notified; an ez parte trial; verdict against Connecticut; the trial of the colony for her charter;
noble defense by Sir Henry Ashurst; the decision favorable to
Connecticut; her enemies frustrated..,........., 343
CHAPTER  XVII.
Death of Treat.  Surrender of Port R]oyal.-Colonies again alarmed; rumors of a French and Indian invasion; removal of Indians;
Dudley's proposed expedition against Canada; death of Gov. Win



CONTENTS.                       XV
PAGE
throp; Gurdon Saltonstall chosen governor; sketch of the life and
services of Gov. Treat; Connecticut raises troops for Canada;
Nicholson commands the land army; non-arrival of the fleet from
England; failure of the expedition; Bills of Credit issued; Congress
of governors; address to the queen; Gov. Saltonstall appointed
agent to England; Ridgefield incorporated; sachems visit England
with Col. Schuyler; their interview with the queen; more troops
raised; provincial fleet reaches Port Royal; the fort surrenders;
fleet arrives from England; it is destitute of supplies; men and
provisions speedily raised; expedition against Canada; wreck of
the English fleet; land army return; Hebron, Killingly, Coventry,
New Milford, and Pomfret incorporated................. 367
CHAPTER XYIII.
War with the Eastern Indlians —French Jesuits; their influence with
the Indians; Father Ralle; incursions of the French and Indians;
eastern Massachusetts alarmed; Col. Walton sent to defend the
eastern frontier; complaints of the Indians against the English;
expedition against Norridgewock; the enemy had fled; the English carry off the books and papers of Father Ralle; the Indians
retaliate; they burn Brunswick, and capture sixteen English fishing vessels; war formally declared; Governors Shute and Burnett
call upon Connecticut for troops; she determines to defend her
own frontiers and the county of Hampshire; expeditions of Westbrook, Moulton, and Lovell; Ashford, Tolland, Stafford, Bolton,
and Litchfield, incorporated........-...... 382
HAPTER XIX.
Wasr with France.  Cajcpture of Louisbourg.-Prospect of a war between England and Spain; the colony takes measures to defend
herself; the war declared; Admiral Vernon sent against the Spanish West Indies; measures for raising troops in Connecticut; Bills
of Credit issued; union of Lord Cathcart's fleet with that of Vernon; unsuccessful attack upon Carthagena; pestilence; fearful
mortality among the troops; Gov. Oglethorpe; England declares
war against France; French privateers; the commerce of New
England destroyed by them; the English determine to capture
Louisbourg; measures adopted to that end; arguments for and
against the project; the enterprise temporarily abandoned;) the
determination is renewed; troops raised and officers appointed in
Connecticut; Sir William Pepperell appointed commander-inchief;
the troops sail for Louisbourg; they are joined by Commodore
Warren's fleet; a part of the troops effect a landing; they take




xvi                           CONTENTS.
PAGE
surrender of Louisbourg; services of Connecticut; England
resolves to pursue her conquests; French fleet sails for America;
sudden death of D'Anville and D'Estournelle; Jonquiere's plans
defeated,...,...,...............  390
CHAPTER XX.
Ecarly iann ers and Customs in Connecticut.-Preliminary remarks;
the undistinguished men and women of the colony; the early planters were of good descent; their heraldric bearings; their disregard for the past; servants; the pedigree of the first settlers; their
industry and privations; the dignity of labor; civil, military, and
ecclesiastical titles; classes or grades of society; architecture;
superstitions of the people; their meals; furniture; modes of
conveyance; the charge of bigotry considered; Fast and Thanksgiving; customs at funerals; peculiarities of dress and ornament. 415
CHAPTER XXI.
The established -Religion of  Connecticut.-Religious opinions of
the settlers; their motives in coming to New England; the
first churches  and  ministers  of  Connecticut; the  specific
duties of pastors, teachers, ruling elders, and deacons; qualifications for church-membership; the half-way covenant; construction and views of the churches; religious controversies;
Rev. Henry Smith and the people of Wethersfield; death and
character of the  Rev. Thomas  Hooker; Rev. James Pierpont; the Hartford controversy; dissensions at Wethersfield;
the Russell and Hollister controversy;  Mr. Russell removes
to  Hadley; assembly of ministers; difficulties at Windsor;
the Saybrook platform; the Ruggles controversy at Guilford;
the "'Great Revival;" opposition to the measures of the revivalists; errors  and irregularities; laws passed to suppress
the "new  lights;" difficulties at Branford, Milford, New Haven,
and  Wallingford; religious toleration; practical operation  of
the new  system; concluding remarks............... 446
APPENDIX.
The Patent of 1631.......    475  Biographical Sketches,...     495
The Charter of 1662......   476  Colonial and State Officers,..  529
Letter from Charles II...... 484  Indexes,...........  543
New Haven Case Stated...   484




HISTORY
OF
CONNECT IC UT
CHAPTER I.
SETTLEMENT OF THE CONNECTICUT RIVER VALLEY.
SOME time during the year 1631, an Indian Sachem visited
the governors of the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies in
the guise of a suppliant.  He said his name was Wah-quima-cut.  He described the country occupied by his own and
kindred tribes as a rich, beautiful valley, abounding in corn
and game, and divided by a river called " Connecticut,"
which he represented as surpassing all other streams, as well
in its size and in the purity of its waters, as in the excellence
and variety of the fish that swam in it, and the number of the
otter and beaver that might be found along its banks.  He
begged that each of thbe colonies would send Englishmen to
make settlements in this valley.  He even offered to give the
new emigrants eighty beaver skins annually, and supply them
with corn, as an inducement to make the trial; and proposed
that two men should first be delegated to view the country,
and make report to the governors, before any steps should
be taken towards a removal there.
The governor of the Massachusetts received him courteously, but declined to entertain his proposition. Governor
Winslow, of Plymouth, without directly acceding to it, was
unable wholly to dismiss it from his mind; and not long after
went himself to spy out the riches of this Indian Paradise?
He found it in primitive loveliness.  All that his eye rested
on was wild and coy, as if no foot save that of the savage
M Morton's Memorial, 395 i Brodhead, i. 210, 233; Trumbull, i. 30.
2




18                IHISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
had trodden there since the dawn of creation.  So W tinslow
doubtless thought, for he named himself the " discoverer" of
the River and the Valley.
Governor  Winslow  must have made a very  favorable
report of the country, for we find during the following year
other explorers, from Plymouth, searching the Connecticut
river up and down; and, as early as October, 1633, they had,
under the sanction of the colony, established a trading house
near the mouth of the Tunxis river in Windsor, and were
already carrying on a successful traffic in furs with the
Indians, in defiance of the Dutch, from  Manhattan, who just
before had erected  a house called "Good  Hope," at Hartford, - but six miles below, and who vowed vengeance against
the English traders, who had encroached upon the rights of
the  "original discoverers of The Fresh River."   William
Holmes was the man who had been selected by the Governor
of Plymouth to build the trading house at Windsor.  WVith
the frame of this house fitted, and all the materials requisite
for completing it, Holmes, with his commission in his pocket,
set sail for the mouth of the Connecticut.  He passed up the
river without meeting with any resistance, until he arrived
at the Dutch fort at Hartford.  This fortification was not
very formidable, having only two smallpieces of ordnance;
but, such as it was, its little garrison bristled with opposition
at sight of the ill-omened sail, stood gallantly by their guns,
and commanded Holmes " to strike his colors, or they would
fire upon him."t  But Holmes was not a man to be intimi* Brodhead, (in his "History of the State of New Yorkl," vol. i. p. 238,)
states that this Dutch trading house was projected in 1623, but was not built
until 1633, when the new director general, Van Twiller, " dispatched John Van
Curler, one of his commissaries, with six others, to finish the long-projected fort
on the Connecticut river, and to obtain a formal Indian deed for the tracts of land
formerly selected." Through the negotiations of Van Curler, the Dutch claimed
to have purchased a tract of land of the Pequots, as conquerors, "with the goodwill and assent of Sequeen.11 A.few years afterwards, however, (July 2, 1640,).
Sequasson, son of Sequeen, testified before the court at Hartford, " that he never
sold any ground to the Dutch, neither was at any time conquered by the Pequots,
nor paid any tribute to them."
f Bradford, in Hutchinson, vol. ii. p. 435; BroIdhead, vol. ii. p. 241.




[1634.]          HOLMES EXPEDITION.                   19
dated by words.  He had, he said, a commission from  the
governor to go up the river, and he should go.  A fierce replication from the Dutch followed; but, whether their guns had
no powder and ball in them, or whether they thought it best
to save their ammunition against a time of greater need, they
suffered the English to sail by, and erect their trading house,
and surround it with palisades, before they made any further
attempt to restrain them.  But Holmes soon found difficulties beginning to thicken around him. The sachems of the
river tribes had been driven away from their territories by
the Pequots, and Holmes, after bringing them  back in his
vessel, had purchased of them such land as he found requisite
for carrying out his enterprise. Enraged that their old masters were restored by the English to their former dominion,
the petty chiefs along the river incited the Indians to acts of
violence against the traders.
3Meanwhile, the news of Holmes' expedition reached the
ears of the Dutch governor, Wouter Van Twiller, at Fort
Amsterdam. Astonished at the presumption of the intruders;
his excellency immediately sent a detachment of troops to
the infested district, with instructions to drive the English
traders from the river.  It is probable that this company was
joined by allies from "Good Hope,"  for when it presented
itself without the palisades at the mouth of the Tunxis, its
ranks numbered full seventy armed men, under spread banners, inflamed with a noble ardor, that boded no good to
Holmes and his men.  But all this martial array, so near his
gates, though attended with the promise of utter annihilation
unless he acceded to their terms, like the threats at "Good
Hope," produced an effect the very reverse of what had been
intended. The fur trader and his men stood on the defensive.  It was obvious there must be bloodshed before the
colors of the States General could be displayed inside of the
palisades-an awkward situation for an invading army, from
which it was prudently extricated by a parley, and a welltimed retreat.'
* De Vries' Voyages, p. 150; Winthrop, vol. i. pp. 123, 148, 153, 386;
Brodhead, Vol. i. p. 242.




20              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Thus ended the exploits of Wouter Van Twiller and the
garrison at " Good Hope," against the Plymouth traders, leaving the latter in the bloodless and peaceful possession of the soil,
to contend, as best they might, with the rigors of impending
winter, and to abide their time for the coming on of the calamities that awaited them, of which I am to speak in their order,
Sometime before Winslow discovered the Connecticut river
and the lands adjacent, the country-possibly from the representations of Indian runners, who had enlarged upon its
beauties at Boston and Plymouth, or perhaps from that love
of the marvelous that causes men to desire most earnestly
whatever is unexplored and untried-had been sought after
with no ordinary solicitude by men of no vulgar rank. In
the course of the year 1630, the famous Plymouth Company,
the mother corporation that gave life to all the New England
grants, conveyed the whole territory of what was subsequently called the colony of Connecticut, and much more,
to Robert Earl of Warwick; and the better opinion is, that
this grant was, during the same year, confirmed to him by a
patent from Charles I. But as no trace can be found of any
such patent, it has been doubted if it ever had an existence.*
On the 19th of March of the next year, Robert of Warwick
executed under his hand and seal the grant since known as
the old patent of Connecticut, wherein he conveyed the same
territory to Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooke,
John Hampden, Pym, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and others,
whose names still shed a mild light over the clouds of revolution that darkened the sunset of the most graceful, yet erring, of all the monarchs that have ever sat upon the throne
of England.  5Men they were, who may well be said to have
been as free from the incendiary spirit that sought to unsettle
the old order of the British constitution, as their souls were
abhorrent of the oppressive acts of the Court of High Commission. One of them, the muse of Gray has named as the, As the validity of the patent granted by the Earl of Warwick to Lord Say
and Seal and his associates, seems never to have been called in question, it is reasonable to infer that he was vested with full power to grant such a patent.




[1634.]          APPLICATION DENIED.                 21
poet's ideal of the patriot; and another, even Milton, who
condescended to flatter no one, could not forbear to write,
"with honor may I name him, the Lord Brooke."  Such
were the original grantees of the soil now known-may it
ever be -as Connecticut.  Such were the illustrious men,
who looked to the seclusion of her shades for a retreat for
themselves and their friends from the grasp of a too stringent
political and ecclesiastical domination.  But, before the new
proprietors could find time to take possession of their purchase, it was pre-occupied, as we have seen, by the Dutch
and the fur traders from New Plymouth.
By this time, such numbers had come over from England, and planted themselves in the vicinity of Boston,
that the people at Watertown, Dorchester, and Newtown,
(Cambridge,) began to find themselves crowded into such
close neighborhoods, that they had neither land enough
fit for culture, nor pastures for their cattle.+  Especially
they were in want of meadow lands.  They began to cast
about them for a more ample domain; and, from the rumors
that reached them from time to time of the rich intervals
that lay on either bank of the Connecticut, described in
such glowing terms by all who brought tidings of their luxuriance, what meadows so likely to make glad their flocks
and herds, and what fields promised to yield a more grateful
recompense to the toil of the planter? They dwelt upon
these pictures until they could no longer banish them from
their minds. They hesitated, they debated with one another,
whether they should a second time face the exposures that
must meet them in a wilderness.  But the motives for a
removal were too strong to be resisted, and, besides, as their
history has since proved, they were strangers to fear.  They
resolved to go. But would they be allowed to go? At first,
the General Court of Massachusetts consented to it; yet,
when it was made known that these adventurers proposed to
plant a new colony upon the Connecticut river, their enterprise was stoutly opposed.  In September, when the court
* Trumbull, vol. i. p. 58.




22              RsHISToIY?  CO aIvECTC UT,
again met, the matter gave rise to a hot debate.  The
Houses were divided.-  There appeared in the field two
champions of no ordinary character.  In 1630, the Rev.
Thomas Hooker, for some time a minister of the Established
Church at Chelmsford, in the county of Essex, " was silenced
for non-conformity."  Forty-seven conforming clergymen
presented a petition in his behalf to the Bishop of London,
wherein they vouched for the soundness of his doctrines and
the purity of his life.  But their efibrts proved unavailing,
and to save himself fiom the severities likely to follow his
recusancy, he fled to Holland.  As, in later days, Bolingbroke and  Chesterfield attended upon the preaching of
WAhitefield, and Montague and Mackintosh upon that of
Robert Hall, so did the Earl of Warwick, and other men of
note, often go many miles to yield themselves up to the fascinations of HI-ooker's eloquence.  It is not to be wondered
at, that the whole body of his parishioners, -from whom  he
had been so suddenly torn, felt the keenest anguish at the
separation, and that a large proportion of them, with the expectation that their pastor would follow  them, embarked
soon after for America.  Many personal friends and admirers of his genius, who had never been connected with
him by so delicate a tie, were of the same party. A few
came over at first, and commenced a plantation at Weymouth.  Afterwards, a larger number arrived in the year
1632, and, with the former, all established themselves at
Newtown.  At their earnest solicitation, to come over and
place himself at their head, Hooker finally sailed for America,
with Samuel Stone, his assistant, and arrived in Massachusetts on the 4th of September, 1633.  He had been in Massachusetts, therefore, only a year, when this interesting question, of the propriety of allowing the petitioners to found a
new colony, came up for a second discussion. Hooker, who
had already made up his mind to be of the emigrating party
should the petition be granted, advocated the cause of the
people.  Most of the other ministers, at the head of whom
* Winthrop, (Savage's Ed.,) i. p. 168.




[1634.]  DEBATE BETWEEN HOOKER AND COTTON,           23
was the famous John Cotton, strongly opposed the project.
Hooker argued their want of room in which to expand
themselves. It was a vital error, he said, that so many
towns should be crowded into so small a space. They had
neither land to till nor for pasturage. The people were
poor.  They were unable, so long as they remained as they
were, to support their own ministers, much less to give any
thing in aid of others, who should afterwards come over
froln England in a destitute condition. He set eloquently
before them the advantages of the country whither it was
proposed to remove; the importance of the river, in a military and political point of view; the close neighborhood of
the Dutch at Manhattan; the fact, that they had already a
trading house in the richest part of the country; and the
urgent need there was that immediate possession should be
secured.: - We may well believe, too, that he did not omit
to set forth in bright colors, the facilities presented by a large
and navigable stream for commerce; the rich furs supplied
by that stream  and its many tributaries, in its flow of hundreds of miles through a wild region, accessible, indeed,
through the medium  of savages, but long to remain unexplored by civilized men.
On the other hand, Cotton, the most learned and persuasive of the clergy, urged the weakness of Massachusetts; that its principal poverty was a poverty of men, to
subdue and cultivate a wilderness large enough to support
many times their number. and to make a successful stand
against the tribes of savages that lurked in its solitudes;
that those who had sought to leave the colony in this
defenseless state, had taken a solemn oath to promote the
interests of the Massachusetts, and that they would violate
their consciences, were they to desert the commonwealth in
its infancy, and while it might well be said to be struggling
for existence. Finally, let the case be as it might with those
who remained, those who should go would be exposed to the
horrors of war, both with the Dutch and Indians; that it
" Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 167; Trumbull, vol. i. p. 58.




24              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
would be in a measure a suicidal act, and that it was the
part of benevolence, rather than of tyranny, that the General
Court should interpose and prevent a calamity so terrible.
The whole colony was thrown into a state of intense excitement by this discussion.  Hooker's powerful eloquence,
poured, as it was, into the popular current, carried along
with it, as might have been expected, a majority of the representatives.  The vote of the assistants was against the
application, and so, as a matter of course, it was lost.+  In
looking back upon this debate, in which those who took a
part and felt an interest have all been dead for nearly two
centuries, and in looking over those vast regions, washed by
the great lakes, the Pacific, and the gulf of Mexico, divided
by magnificent rivers-regions teeming now with the posterity, as well of those who advocated, as of those who opposed an emigration to the valley of the Connecticut-the
large views and noble liberality of Hooker, exhibited on that
occasion, assume the dignity of a sublime prophecy, as if he
must have seen in his mind's eye the millions that were one
day to inhabit them.
The fate of the application in the General Court gave a
temporary check to the plans of Hooker and his friends; but
it was far from being satisfactory to the petitioners, and some
there were who secretly set it at defiance, and resolved to
remove at all hazards. A number of the inhabitants of
Watertown, during the fall of the same year, set out for the
interdicted country; and, arriving in season to construct temporary houses in which to pass the winter,t made, it is believed, at Pyquaug, (Wethersfield,) the first settlement on the
Connecticut river.
In May of the following year, the old application of Hooker
and his friends was renewed, and leave to remove reluctantly
granted by the General Court, with the proviso, that those
who emigrated should still "continue under the jurisdiction
of Massachusetts."1
~  Savage's Winthrop, i. p. 168.  + Trumbull, vol. i. p. 59.
i Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 191.




[1635.]          HARTFORD SETTLED.                  25
During the summer of the same year, several of the people
belonging to the congregation of the Rev lMr. Wareham, of
Dorchester, removed to a point on the river near the Plymouth trading house, and, much to the alarm of Holmes and
those whom he represented, prepared to lay the foundations of
the town of Windsor.-  The whole of that season, the Watertown settlers, in little parties of a few families, continued to
make additions to the gallant little company of pioneers at
Wethersfield. The planters at Newtown were getting ready,
also, to remove to Hartford the next spring.  Thus passed
the eventful summer of 1635, in bustling preparation, until, in
the middle of October, when the trees were half stripped of
their leaves, and the chestnuts and acorns were dropping
firom the boughs in the lovely autumn weather, sixty persons,
among whom were women and little children, set out on
their tedious march to the new  settlements.  They took
along with them such movable property as they could, including their horses, cattle, and swine.  A slow, wearisome
journey they made of it. They were delayed by so many
obstacles, that frosts and snows were pressing hard upon them
before they reached the eastern bank of the Connecticut.
And so much time was spent in making rafts, and crossing
the river with their cattle, that they were not ready for winter when it came.  Most of them settled in Hartford.
In the fall of the same year, came over to America John
Winthrop, the younger, a commissioned agent of Viscount
Say and Seal, and the other noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, named in the original patent of the colony,t with instructions to repair immediately to the mouth of the Connecticut river with fifty men, and commence the building of a
strong fortification, and houses as well for the garrison as for
gentlemen, expected to arrive in the course of the next year.
The fort was to be built upon a very large scale, to embrace
within its inclosure "houses suitable for the reception of
men of quality," to be erected as soon as practicable.  Win* Savage's Winthrop, i. p. 198; Trumbull, vol. i. p. 60.
+ Ib. vol. i. pp. 202, 203.




26              IISTORY OFP CONNNECTICUT.
throp was directed to take possession of a suitable tract
of land, near the fort, containing frorm a thousand to fifteen
hundred acres, that was to be reserved for the use of the fortificatiol{.  He was constituted by this commission, "Governor of the rive-r Connecticut," for the space of a year after
his arrival there.
Wh;en Governor Winthrop arrived in Massachusetts, he
heard rumors that the Dutch were preparing to anticipate
him in the erection of a fort at the place named in his commission.  He waited only to collect about twenty men, and
sent them by sea to take possession of the mouth of the river,
and to erect embankments, and to plant their cannon there
with all dispatch.  They had much need of haste; for,
scarcely had they begun to make themselves ready for defence, when a Dutch sail from Manhattan was seen making
for the mouth of the river.  The current of the Connecticut,
at this place, pressed close upon the western bank; and here,
upon a bluff that juts out boldly into the deep water, almost
upon the very line where the river loses itself in the sea,
Winthrop's men had hastily thrown up their embankments
and mounted their guns.  When the Dutch had approached
near enough to the land to see the new fortress, with the
English colors floating above it, they withdrew without any
show of resistance, leaving the governor's forces in quiet
possession of the key to the treasures of a country that had
for some time tempted their cupidity, but was henceforth to
be forever locked against them.
I have already alluded to the severity of that memorable
winter.  The garrison at Saybrook suffered severely; but it
was reserved to the three settlements further up the valley
to encounter all the horrors of a winter in the wilderness.
By the middle of November, the river was frozen completely over.  The personal effects of the settlers, such as
they could not well carry with them in their journey through
the woods, had been forwarded by sea; but the vessels that
bore this precious lading, of beds, clothing, and provisions,
for delicate women and little children, were either wrecked




[1635.]     FAM~INE ON THE CONNECTICUT,              27
upon that coast, even in this age of improved navigation, so
fatal to mariners, or forced to put back again into Boston
harbor. By the first of December, the pangs of famine began
to be added to the numbing influences of cold. With a frugal hand, the father of the household measured out the stinted
dole of bread and meat to his offspring, until both bread and
meat were gone. Corn was bought, in small quantities, of tlhe
Indians; but these simple-minded creatures, with their usual
improvidence, had but too little to spare.  Finally, in small
parties, the inhabitants of the three settlements, regardless
of all other enemies, fled, pallid with fear, from the agonies
of starvation.  Some crossed the river upon the ice, and,
committing themselves to the pathless snows, waded back to
the Massachusetts).  Seventy persons were induced to go
down to the fort at Saybrook, with the hope of meeting the
vessels that should have brought their provisions from Boston.
But they looked in vain for the frail ships, that had proved
unable to withstand the rocks and shoals whither the blasts
that sweep the New England coast at that tempestuous season of the year had driven them.  They went aboard a
small vessel of sixty tons burden, which they found twenty
miles above the fort, hoping to be able to sail in her to Massachusetts.  But they saw that she was fast anchored in
the ice, and it was two days before they could get her under
way.  With much difficulty, they reached Boston, after a
dangerous voyage of many days.  But of' the few that remained, the condition was still worse. When they had spent
their small stock of food, and could get no more from  the
Indians, the more hardy of them betook themselves to the
woods, to hunt the bear and the deer; and, when this resource
failed them, they dug up acorns from beneath the snow, and
ground-nuts from the banks of the streams.  Many of' their
cattle died, and those that survived, like their owners, were
sickly and drooping.  Add to all this bodily suffering, the
consciousness of utter helplessness.  They were alone. The
Indians, though kind to them, were kind only from motives
* Savage's Winthrop, i. 207.




28              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of interest or fear. How long would they remain so, was a
question asked doubtingly, and answered by an apprehensive
glance of the eye. The vast forest, a familiar home to the savage, was to them frowning and bewildering, Besides, there
was something terrific in the consciousness, that the very
forces of nature, but a few  weeks before so genial and
smiling, were banded together to crush them.  Still, they
hoped and struggled on. In their darkest hours, they never
forgot the promise, that seed-time and harvest shall not fail.
At last, the winds began to lull, the snow crumbled and
slowly melted away, and a few scattered birds began to give
token that April and the bursting buds were close at hand.
The Connecticut settlements were nominally under the
rule of the mother country; but they really, from  the first,
governed themselves.  For three or four years, their courts
consisted of magistrates, to a number not exceeding six, and
from  nine to twelve committee men, each town sending an
equal number.  On the 14th of January, 1638-9, it was ordered that, in future, there should be two general courts in each
year, viz.: on the first Thursdays of April and Septemberthe first to be called a court of election, on which occasion
seven magistrates should be chosen, the governor to be elected
from among them. It was further ordered, that the towns of
Hartford, Wethersfield, and Windsor, should be entitled to
four deputies each; and that the number to be elected in such
towns as might subsequently be admitted to the jurisdiction,
should be determined upon according to their population.-+
The special or particular courts, holden in the interim, were
variously constituted-sometimes a jury being substituted for
the deputies-three or more of the magistrates being always
present —the governor, deputy governor, or a moderator, presiding.t  The general courts were invested with all the legislative and judicial functions of the colony, including the power of
X Notwithstanding these provisions of the glorious constitution, (which was
adopted at the preceding date,) the "committees" continued to attend the court
umtil April, 1640, when " deputies" were substituted.
f Vide J. Hammond Trumnbull's " Colonial Records."




[1636.]      HOOKER AND HIS COMPANY.               29
making treaties, a power much exercised in alliances with
the Indians.
On the 26th of April, 1636, the first court was held in the
colony. It met at Newtown (soon after named Hartford.)
Roger Ludlow, Esq., of whose liberal views and far-sighted
policy, as a statesman, it will be our pleasure by and by to
treat, was a member. At this court, it was ordered, among
other excellent regulations, that the inhabitants should not
sell arms and ammunition to the Indians.
With the first springing of the green grass, and the unfolding of the leaves, so that their cattle could subsist in the
woods, those who fled from the plantations in the winter, now
hastened to return. Others came with them, and others still
followed them, in little groups, through the whole month of
May.
About the beginning of June, the first soft, warm month of
the New England year, Mr. Hooker, with his assistant, Mr.
Stone, and followed by about one hundred men, women,
and children, set out upon the long-contemplated journey.
Over mountains, through swamps, across rivers, fording, or
upon rafts, with the compass to point out their irregular way,
slowly they moved westward; now in the open spaces of the
forest, where the sun looked in; now under the shades of the
old trees; now struggling through the entanglement of bushes
and vines-driving their flocks and herds before them-the
strong supporting the weak, the old caring for the young,
with lhearts cheerful as the month, slowly they moved on.
Mrs. Hooker was ill, and was borne gently upon a litter.i
A stately, well-ordered journey it was, for gentlemen of fortune and rank were of the company, and ladies who had
been delicately bred, and who had known little of toil or
hardship until now. But they endured it with the sweet
alacrity that belongs alone to woman, high-toned and gentle,
when summoned, by a voice whose call can not be resisted,
to lay aside the trappings of ease, and to step from a position
that she once adorned, to a level that her presence ennobles
* Winthrop, i. 223; Trumbull, i. 64, 65.




30              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The howl of the wolf, his stealthy step among the rustling
leaves, the sighing of the pines, the roar of the mountain torrent, losing itself in echoes sent back from rock and hill, the
smoking ruins of the Indian council fire-all forcing upon the
mind the oppressive sense of solitariness and danger, the
more dreaded because unseen-all these, the wife, the mother,
the daughter, encountered, with a calm trust that they should
one day see the wilderness blossom as the rose.
At the end of about two weeks, they reached the land
almost fabulous to them-so long had hope and fancy been
shaping to their minds pictures of an ideal loveliness-the'valley of the Connecticut.  It lay at their feet, beneath the
shadow of the low-browed hills, that tossed the foliage of
their trees in billows, heaving for miles away to the east and
west, as the breath of June touched them with life. It lay,
holding its silvery river in its embrace, like a strong bow
half bent in the hands of the swarthy hunter, who still called
himself lord of its rich acres.
Let us, in imagination, stand by the side of those wanderers, now in sight of a resting-place, and look with them on
their new home. What glorious oaks pierce yonder hillsides with their rugged roots, that, with the lapse of centuries,
seem never to grow old! What clumps of tulip-trees, each
shooting high into the air its cluster of quaint-fashioned
leaves and yellow flowers!  More than one of those smooth
trunks might be hollowed to form as large a canoe as any in
sight, that ripples over the eddies of the river, or is tied by its
cord to the trees that grow by the cove.  In the thatch grass
at your feet, some Indian fishermen, with hempen nets or
hooks of bone, are dragging ashore a score or two of yellow salmon; and near by, at the entrance of that wigwam,
where the smoke rises so faintly, a few squaws are kindling
a fire of drift wood to broil a meal for their lazy lords,
that they will eat in approving silence. There are some
fields of hemp growing; and further on is a clearing in the
woods, though here and there a scattered tree with its rough
bark has escaped the fire that felled its companions, where




THE FUTURE.                      31
you may see maize, and beans, and squashes, struggling with
the grass that taxes the strength of the squaws to keep it
down.  Who ever saw  such patriarchal elms, with such
gracefully spreading branches, that droop till they dip their
leaves in the brim of the river?  At intervals, up and down
the valley, are the log huts erected by tlieir friends who preceded them, that rest in the eye of these tired travelers more
loving]y than the pleasant manor houses and cottages that
they have left behind them.  Iere these men shall found a
city, the capital of a State that shall not be unknown to
fame, that shall extend itself under the influences of mild
laws, equally administered, contending bravely for its rights,
sometimes for its existence, on fields of battle, against wild
savages, against the armies of France; and she confesses
with tears, yet not with shame, that the most bloody conflict,
in the course of two centuries, to be recorded by her historian, was with the children of the country from which her
founders fled, contending for principles planted, by Hooker
and such as he, ineradicably in the soil.




CHAPTER IJe
CONNECTICUT A WILDBERNESS. THE PEQUOT WAR AND ITS CAUSES,
THE difficulties that were to be encountered by the English in making settlements in Connecticut, can hardly be
estimated by us who now occupy the same territory.  We
have our sea-ports, our cities, our villages, swarming with a
thriving population.  The steam engine is hurrying us from
one great business centre to another with astonishing velocity,
dragging in its train the products of our varied industry, and
bringing back those of all nations in return.  We have our
baniks and other corporations, that represent the accumulated
earnings both of the dead and living; our city mansions, our:
hospitable country houses, surrounded by their well-tilled
acres, where the ploughshare, as it glides along, is scarcely
obstructed by the roots of the forest trees, that once lay
coiled like serpents beneath the sod.
Forest trees, standing alone, or in the scattered patches
of our woodlands, we have still remaining, though constantly
decreasing in number and size, and gradually withdrawing
friom our habitations to the tops of mountains or the beds
of streams, where yet they may be safe for a little while, until
the necessities of some newly-built furnace or manufactory
shall follow them even there.
How different is the Connecticut of to-day from that of the
first half of the seventeenth century! With the exception
of the clearings made by the Indians, by burning over the
bent grass and dry leaves in the fall or spring, for the purposes of hunting or of their meagre tillage, the whole country
was covered with primitive trees.  The oak, the chestnut,
the pine in all its varieties, the walnut, the cedar, the wild
cherry, the maple,-these, with other sturdy trees that thrive
in high or temperate latitudes, here shot up and grew luxuriantly, extending over the rough country and the smooth for




GAIME IN THE FOREST.                33
hundreds of miles,-trees of no puny growth, for they fed on
the decayed trunks of other trees, their predecessors, and on
the leaves that annually fell and slowly mouldered above
their roots. Every year their season of growth was brief,
for then, as now, summer came late, and did not tarry long;
yet they grew with wonderful rapidity, usurping to themselves all the richness of the soil. Miany of them, especially
oaks, pines, and elms, attained a vast size, for they stood in
such close neighborhood that their branches intertwined and
screened each other from the ice and snows that loaded them,
and the winds that buffeted them in vain. Not broken, as
our thin woods are in modern times, from exposure to the
fierceness of the elements, they kept their vigor and grew
for many ages. They sheltered a great variety of wild
animals-for game, the moose, the deer, the bear; along the
streams, the otter, the beaver, and many other fur-producing
animals, that requited well the labors of the trapper.  There
were not a few of the destructive order.  Wolves, in thousands, infested the new settlements.  They killed the cattle,
they stole and carried off the sheep, and did what they could
by their unearthly howlings at night, to add to the horrors
that thickened on the skirts of the wilderness.  It will be a
part of our task to call to the reader's mind the many statutes that our ancestors passed to regulate those unruly citizens-how they kept watch and ward to defend against
them-how  they set bounties upon the heads and ears of
those who offended by coming within a given number of
miles of their settlements, and how these depredators proved,
after all, incorrigible, and with their fellow malefactors, the
bears and catamounts, could only be brought into subjection
by totally exterminating the whole race, the innocent with
the guilty.  Wild-fowl also abounded in the woods.  Turkeys, more swift-footed than the Indian runners themselves,
and of a size almost incredible, were nearly as numerous as
the fallen logs beneath which they hatched their young.
Pigeons innumerable might be seen on the wing constantly
in the spring and autumn days, or startled in the midsummer
3




34               IIISTOlY~  OF CONhNSECTICLUT.
from  the thicket where they had built their nests.  In the
lakes and rivers were plenty of' wild geese, and the whole
duck family in all its varieties.~  All the little creeks and
inlets of Long Island sound, sent ashore their treasures of
lobsters, oysters, and other shellfish of all sorts, that ihonw
supply the tables of the inhabitants, as well of those who
dwell inland, as of those who inhabit the sea-shore.
Wi;ithin the limits of Connecticut, as its boundaries are now
fixed, were probably fiom twelve to fifteen thousandt Indians,
broken into many clans or tribes, speaking different dialects,
that had a common basis, so that the individuals belonging
to one tribe could understand the words spoken by those of
another. All their gestures, too, and ordinary modes of lifetheir rules of war and of peace, their traditionary laws, their
gods, their heaven and hell, had a common origin.  The y
were quite unequally distributed in different parts of the commonwealth.  Those who lived on either bank of the Connecticut, and were hence called river Indians, were nearly
all within  the old limits of a indsor, Hartford, Wjethersfield, and lMiddletown. There were ten sovereignties of
them  in Windsor alone, who could muster, it was said, an
aggregate  of two  thousand  bowmen.  Hartford  swarmed
with them.  We shall name only a few of the tribes now,
reserving a more particular notice of them  when we come
to treat of the places where they lived, as,each in its order
of time, we gather the new plantations or towns into the constantly  enlarging circle reclaimed by our fathers from  the
solitudes of nature.
We must not omit, however, to make allusion to the Indians called Pequots and Mohegans, who occupied a large
tract of country, about thirty miles square, extending from
e Hoyt's Indian Wars.
T The number has been variously estimated by different historians, some placing
it as high as twenty thousand, while Mr. Deforest, in his 1- History of the Connecticut Indians," estimates the number at from six to seven thousand only. A
careful investigation of all the accessible authorities, leads us to the conclusion
that the number stated in our text can not be far from the truth.




SASSACUS.                       35
the Connecticut river, on the west, to the Narragansett country, on the east, and firom the sea-coast, on the south, to the
northern boundary line of the colony —making up the whole
of the counties of New London and Windham, with a large
part of Tolland county.  Though usually treated of by historians as separate tribes, yet they do not appear to have been
so, except that Uncas, the Mohegan" chief, who was too ambitious, himself, to favor the aspiring views of Sassacus, the
head sachem of the Pequots, thought it best, from motives
of policy, to take the part of the English settlers, in order
that he might find in them an ally against the burdensome
power of his superior chieftain.  Uncas was a rebel chief;
who was glad to avail himself of such aid as he could find, and
the more powerful the better, against his master. Why he has
received the laudations of so many writers, it is not easy to see,
unless, in their love of the treason that helped them to crush
a troublesome enemy, they have learned also to cherish the
memory of the traitor.  For ourselves, we set a much lower
estimate upon the character of this Indian, than upon that
of the Pequot chief, who fought the English to the last hour
of his life, and scorned to ask quarter of those to whom he
had himself denied it. As the event proved, Uncas was
doubtless the shrewder politician of the two; and was too
cunning, after witnessing the prowess of his new allies, ever
to think of deserting them.  Uncas, both by his father's and
mother's side, was descended from the royal Pequot line, and
he also married a daughter of a Pequot chief; so that he is
entitled to whatever honor can be derived firom  rejoicing
over the downfall of the family and the nation firom whicNlTh ihe
sprung.
Sassacus was the most intractable and proud of all the
New England Indians.  He is described as having excelled
all the other tmen of his tribe in cour:age and address as a
warrior, as much as that tribe surpassed all the neighboring
ones in its haughty claims to dominion.  Sassacus had
twenty-six sachems under him, when the English settlers
first came to'the Connecticut river.  His most familiar




S3 6HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT,
haunts were in the present towns of Groton and New London. He had two harbors, one at the mouth of the Pequot
river, (now called the Thames,) and the other at the mouth
of the river Mistick.  He had also two principal forts.  The
larger one occupied the summit of a high hill, that looks off
upon the indented line of the shore and the quiet waters of
that part of the Atlantic that is shut away from the main by
the low sandy barrier of Loig Island-a little archipelago,
as viewed from this eminence, containing in its bosom a
cluster of islands as lovely as any that lie in the embraces of
the ocean. Here, in such rude state as savages know how
to put on, lived Sassacus, keeping watch over his fishingcoast and hunting-grounds, administering justice after the
rude manner of his ancestors, punishing rebels, bringing
home the scalps of conquered chiefs, and sending his haughty
messengers for hundreds of miles, into far off regions, whose
inhabitants trembled at the terrors of his name.  In the expressive language of those who feared him, he was "all one
god."  Here, by the copious spring that still bubbles up to the
lips of him who goes thither to read the lost memorials of a
nation now extinct, he had gathered the grim trophies of his
savage grandeur; here, were his treasures of wampum, his
armory of war clubs, and bows, and arrows pointed with bone
or flint.
A fe-w miles to the eastward of this fort, and having a
pleasant lookout upon the adjacent country, and his harbor at
the mouth of the river ~Mistick, was the other fort just named.
I have been thus minute in regard to this sachem and his
tribe, because their fate is first in the order of events to be
set forth in this work. But, before proceeding to the details
of a story not so pleasant to dwell upon as to induce us to
hasten our steps, let us premise a few words in reference to
the personal appearance, character, and habits, of the Connecticut Indians.
They were almost without exception athletic, well-developed
men, tall, graceful in their movements, with not very regular
features, high cheek-bones, thin lips, black eyes, and coarse




TRAITS OF THE INDIANS.                      37
hair of the same color. They dressed in a fantastic, yet very
becoming manner, in the skins of wild beasts, the warriors
having an eye to the picturesque and the terrible, seeking to
make themselves as frightful as possible when they went forth
to make war. The women wore petticoats of' skins about
the loins, extending bel6w the knees. The chiefs wore belts
of wampum, some of them very costly and beautiful, and of a
variety of colors.  When  dressed for a war council, they
were decorated with great care and magnificence.
The Indian was roving and untamable in his disposition.
He set a high value upon demeanor. Possessed of the most
intense curiosity, he habitually hid it beneath the mask of a
stony indifference. He was proud, beyond all other men, both
by nature and education. HIe has been called cowardly in
his mode of warfare.- But when it is recollected how puny
were his offensive weapons, how slight those of defense, how
little his dress protected his person, and how deadly were the
guns of the English., we ought not to form hasty conclusions
adverse to his valor. The Indians were not wanting in intellectual endowments.  They had little sympathy with external
nature, and yet they were from  necessity keen observers of
all natural phenomena. They had a rude, wild gift of eloquence, highly impassioned, abounding in metaphors sometimes extravagant, always bold and striking. In all their
allusions to the glory of their ancestors, and the places where
their bones had been laid, they spoke with a delicate simplicity, that formed a striking contrast with the frigid selfishness that is stamped as indelibly upon the Indian character as
it is written legibly in his face. They were too good tactitians to be trustworthy as friends,  As enemies, they were
* From the frequent taunts made by the Indians to the inmates of the fortification at Saybrook, we may infer that they regarded it as the perfection of cowardice to fight from behind the walls of a fort. " Come out here, and fight like
mense was their summons to the English; yet, no sooner was the call complied
with, than the wily savages flew to the thicket for shelter, and there, skulking
behind trees, or beneath the tall underbrush2 sent forth the swift messengers of
death upon their enemies. Self-protection was the object in both cases, though
different means were used to attain the end.




38             IHISTOKTY OF CONNECTICUT.
implacable, and seldoml sufflered the embers of an old feud to
go out in their bosoms.  They schooled themselves to endure
tortures, the most excruciating that can rack the hutnan
fiame, with a grim  composure of countenance, or smilingly
courted still keener agonies by menacing gestures, scornful
distortions of the lip, and the most insulting way of rolling
the eye-balls in the presence of their tormentors.  The most
complex tortures known to the traditionary code of the Indian,
called forth from the victim no confession of their efficacy.
Limb after limb might be torn from him, his face mutilated, his
tongue plucked out by the roots, his body scorched in the hot
breath of the flames that wreathed around the stake, still, like
the images of stone that embodied his rude ideal of a creating
intelligence, he preserved his scornfulness of look, until his
spirit left the shriveled body for such a heaven as the traditions of his people had promised to the warrior whose brown
cheek had never paled with fear.
The male Indians did little manual labor. They spent
their time in hunting, fishing, contriving wars and executing
them, or, when leisure was allowed for indulgence, in a dull
round of animal enjoyments.  They had no regular division
of time, ate no regular meals, and had no hours set apart for
social enjoyment.  While her lord lay under the shade of a
tree within sight of the cornfield, and snored away the hours
of a summer afternoon, the squaw turned up the sods, and
drew the dark, rich loanm around the maize; or, not far offi
in the mortar that had been worn ages before in some earthfast rock, her stone pestle fell in regular strokes upon th
shining kernels that she had raised the year before, and laid
carefully aside, to furnish the requisite supply of "samp,"
that constituted the staple of the Indian's food.  As might
be inferred from  their habits, the squaws were strong anc
hardy, and more capable of enduring fatigue than the men,
though their figures were not so slender and graceful. Of
household furniture they had little. A few cooking vessels
of wood and stone, a knife made of shell or a species of reed,
made up nearly the whole inventory.  They had stone axes




INDIANR ARTS AND AMAN-UFACTURES.           39
too, and chisels.  Their tmost delicate manufactures were
weapons of war. Of these, they had a good variety, and
they were often wrought by the warriors themselves.  The
most graceful, as well as the most complex, appear to have
been the bow and arrow.  The bow was made of ash, oak,
walnut, but especially of the sassafras, the most elastic and
fragrant of all the kinds of wood known to them.  Their
bow strings were made of hemp, or of the sinews of the deer.
The swamps supplied them with an abundance of reeds for
arrows, and some of themn were carefully wrought of wood.
They were all loaded with a piece of flint stone, or bone,
sharpened to a point, and shaped like a spearhead, that
steadied their ilight, and made them, in the hands of such
good marksmen as the Indians were, formidable weapons.*
They had, also, a prominent weapon, the well-known tomahawk —a name terrible to us from associations of horrible
cruelty connected with its use in all wars waged by them
against the English.  This weapon was made of various
materials, and was of various fortms ofi construction.  It was
either a short, strong club of hard wood, with one of its ends
fitted to the hand, and the other in the forml of a large knob
of deer's horn; or else it was a hatchet of stone, with a
grooved neck for the reception of the little stick that was
twisted around it as a handle. This weapon the warriors
managed with a great deal of skill, and threw to a considerable distance with fatal dexterity andforce. They made spears,
too, several feet long, with heads of stone like their arrows.t
Lastly, as connected with the science of war, they had
some skill in the manufacture of canoes.  In Connecticut,
these do not appear to have been made of bark, but of the
vast trunks of trees. The pine and whitewood, or tulip-tree,
were usually selected. Some of these trees shot upward
seventy or eighty feet, straight as an arrow, before sending
out a limb.  As fire was the main agent in felling the tree
and hollowing it, the task of making a canoe must have been
almost as formidable as our own ship-building.
* Trumbull, i. 47, 48.  f Deforest's History of the Indians of Conn. p. 6.




40             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Like many other pagan nations, the Indian deities represented the abstract idea of force-illimitable, indeterminate
force. They worshiped the elements. The waters, whether
rolling between the banks of rivers, or tossing, white capped,
upon the shores of the sea; the fire, the lightning, the thunder, the wind-nature in all her rude forms-every phenomenon that seemed to bespeak a power superior to their
own, they deemed worthy of homage, but propably not so
much as gods as the symbols of gods. Of these deities, there
were two of especial note.  The first was called Kitchtan,
or Kritchtan, and was believed to be the benevolent or " good
god," who cared for them in this world, and received the
souls of the good and brave when they died.  He was the
Great Spirit of the Indian's heaven. He lived in a lovely land,
far away to the sweet south-west, beyond the hills where the
haze of the Indian summer rested like a dim dream, inhabiting hunting grounds where the deer and the moose awaited
his children; a land of plenty, a land of rest from labor and
freedom from care, where the warrior could sate himself in
the enjoyment of those animal pleasures that could alone
make up the Indian's heaven. To this land they made ready
to go.  The young brave had it in his eye when he went
forth to battle; the old chief spoke of it to his children when
he laid himself down upon his mat to die. There they were
to meet to part no more.
But the deity who received inost of their offerings, was Hobbomocko, the representative of the principle of evil.-  Love
him they could not, for not one of his attributes was lovely;
but, true to the instincts of the savage, they feared him, and,
therefore, from motives of policy, they worshiped him.  It
has been thought that they sacrificed human victims to him.
At any rate, they set apart a large share of their most valuable property for the festal days consecrated to him, and
burned it with well-dissembled pleasure, in the hope of deluding him into the belief that they revered and honored him.
These ceremonies were usually connected with some great
* Trumbull, i. 43.




GOVERNMENT OF THE ABORIGINES.             41
public event or threatened public calamity," and were conducted by a class of men set apart for that purpose-a kind
of priesthood, who were called Powaws.  At these solemni-~
ties, they danced in rings around great fires, and made a
variety of such hideous noises that the English pioneers
regarded with aversion and horror these unholy rites, where
they had good reason to believe the devil presided.
The government of the Indians was an hereditary monarchy, in theory absolute, and virtually so, where the chief,
like Sassacus, was a man of great prowess in war, and superior wisdom in council.-t But in all cases he was surrounded
by an aristocracy, who claimed a right to be consulted in
matters of public importance.  This aristocracy was made
up of men selected from the wisest and bravest of the tribe,
who constituted not only the privy councilors, but also the
body-guard of the monarch.  From  childhood they were
inured to hardships and fatigue, fed upon coarse fare, and
made to drink decoctions of bitter roots and herbs, that they
might be the "more acceptable to Hobbomocko."  They were
called Paniese.  They, in common with the Powaws, exalted
themselves in the estimation of the lower orders, by visions
and revelations of a spiritual kind, and by interviews with
Hobbomocko, face to face.  These they related to the credulous multitude in the most extravagant language, enforced by
the wildest gestures.
When Winslow  and his handful of Plymouth men first
made the acquaintance of the powerful Massasoit, and when,
at a later day, the chiefs that lived in the neighborhood of
Boston walked into the new settlement to sate their curiosity, by looking upon the humble state of' the governor of
Massachusetts, it seemed a pleasant thing to them that this
little company of pale-faced men had come among them. It
broke up for a while the monotony of savage life, and, besides,
it promised to the politic sachem the advantages of a lucrative traffic. It gratified, too, his vanity, that court should be
paid to him by men of such strange attire, and of wealth to
* Mather's Magnalia, iii. 192.  f Trumbull, i. 51.




42             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
him so boundless.  Even after he had learned how fatal to
the moose and the deer, the wolf and the bear, were the
weapons of the English planter, still it did not occur to him
that the same weapons could be turned upon him with the
like destructive effects; and after he had learned that guns
were more deadly in war than bows and arrows, his mind was
directed rather to the injury they might do to his enemies than
intimidated by the anticipation that they might one day be
turned against himself. Hence, each chief courted an alliance with the new race, never once dreaming that a few
farmers, who busied themselves with tasks fit, in his estimation, only for women, would soon get possession of the
choicest lands that had been transmitted through a long
line of -Indian kings, and, finally, rising up as one man,
would sweep whole tribes from the earth, and blot out their
proudest names from remembrance.  Uncas was doubtless
leagued with the Connecticut river sachems in urging the
English to make settlements there.  He felt that he had
nothing to lose, and much to gain, by calling to his aid new
men and a new mode of warfare, well adapted to strike
terror into the minds of his enemies.
Scarcely had the first log cabin been built by the pioneers
in the valley of the Connecticut, when the high-spirited Sassacus, forecasting the growth and fruitfulness of resources
incident to the English race, began to devise means for their
destruction.  An Indian runner would carry news through
the woods at the rate of eighty, and sometimes an hundred,
miles a day, and the nimble couriers of this ambitious chieftain were seen flying in every direction. They represented
the white men as rapidly advancing, driving the Indian as
the fire drives the deer, when it sweeps over a huntingground-that one or the other of these races must give place.
They advocated a war of extermination, as absolute as was
destined to overtake them.
Sassacus also sent out little depredating parties, who lay
in ambush near the new settlements, and committed sad ravages upon the inhabitants.  They stole cattle from  them.




[1i34.]    MURDER OF STONE AND NORTON.o               43
They shot arrows, from  their secret lurking-places, at the
farmer when he went into his field in the morning, or buried
the stone hatchet in the forehead of his wife, and dashed out
the brains of his little children, when they were left unprotected at home.
In the year 1634, two traders, Captain Stone and Captain
Norton, came up the Connecticut river with the design of
trafficking with the Dutch at Hartford.  They hired Indian
pilots to direct them, as they were ignorant of the channel.
Two of the crew were sent forward to Dutch Point, with
those pilots. Faithless guides they proved to be, for they
murdered both the Englishmen at night while they slept.There were twelve Indians on board Stone's vessel, and
while it was anchored near shore at night, and while Stone
was asleep in his cabin, they stole upon him and murdered
him, hiding his body beneath some rubbish. They then
made an attack upon the crew, with little resistance, and
killed them  all except Norton, who betook himself to the
cook room, and fought desperately, and with such address,
that it seemed for a long time doubtful how the battle would
end; when, at last, his powder, that had been put in an open
vessel, took fire, and so blinded and mutilated him that he
was disabled and slain.  The booty that resulted fiom this
treacherous skirmish was shared between the Pequots and
the western Nihanticks. Sassacus and Nlinigret, the sachems
of these tribes, doubtless had a secret agency in the business,
as they partook of the plunder.
Soon after this outrage, unprovoked, so far as can now he
known, the deep-seated hostility that existed between the
Narragansetts and Pequots began to exhibit itself.  The
Narragansetts had already dug up the hatchet, and were
sending out their runners against their old enemy, Sassacus.
They were making preparations for a general war. The
Dutch, too, had paid an old debt of revenge for some injuries
done to them, by killing a Pequot sachem, together with some
X Trumbull, i. 70; Winthrop, i. 146; Miss Caulkins' Hist. New London, 27,
28; Mass. Hist. Collections, viii. 130, new series.




44             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of his warriors, and taking others captive'.  Sassacus and
his paniese began to be alarmed.  What was to be done?
There was much need of a good ally. At last, it was resolved by the Pequots to send a messenger to the English in
the Massachusetts, with the view of making a league, offensive and defensive, with them. In November of the same
year, the Pequot courier presented himself before the governor at Boston, and made proposals for a treaty. But the
governor, not satisfied with the credentials of the ambassador,
and, doubting his rank, put himself upon. his dignity as the
representative of the people, and told him frankly that he did
not like his quality, and that the Pequots must send men of
more weight and consequence, or he could not treat with them.
The messenger, rather humbled, one would think, in being
the bearer of his own disgrace at a foreign court, seems to
have done his errand faithfully, for in due time two ministers
plenipotentiary appeared, armed with an acceptable present,
and of a gravity of character suitable to the business in hand.
His excellency said he was not averse to peace, but that there
were some old scores to be settled between the two powers.
He charged the Pequots with the murder of Captain Stone
and his crew, and said that the perpetrators of it must be
given up to him for punishment. The ambassadors made
answer, that Stone was any thing but what he should have
been; that he had abused the Indians, and tempted them to
kill him. They further urged, that their nation was not responsible for this murder, as they had neither plotted nor
sanctioned it; that it was the work of one of the inferior
chiefs, who acted without authority from his master, and
that he had already been slain by the Dutch. Finally, they
alleged, that only two of the authors of this crime survived,
and they promised to use their influence with Sassacus to
induce him to deliver them up to justice. They begged the
English to send a vessel with cloths to trade with them, and
proposed to give them whatever title they had to the lands
on the Connecticut river, if they would send men to live
there.  They also promised to give to their new ally four




[1635.]        JOHN OLDHAM KILLED.                   45
hundred fathom of wampum, forty beaver skins, and thirty
otter skins.
The treaty was at last established between the two powers,
with the usual solemnities, much after the terms proposed by
the Pequots.
How much sincerity there was on the part of the Indians
in making these overtures, it is difficult to say. If honest at
the time, their habitual fickleness and love of excitement prevented them from enjoying the blessings of an alliance that
had cost them so much trouble in the making, and was liable
to misconstructions of' every sort, as well from the old jealousies that beset it on every side, as from the different character, habits, and languages of the contracting parties.
The next year, while Mr. John Oldham was trafficking
with the Indians off Block Island, a large number of them
made an attack upon him while on board his pinnace, and
killed him.  John Gallop, who was engaged in the same traffic not long after, sailing near enough to Oldham's vessel to
see that her deck was swarming with Indians, readily divined
what had happened. He bore down upon the pinnace, and,
with one man and two boys, (his whole crew,) gave them
such showers of duck shot that he soon drove them under
hatches.  He then stood off, and, with crowded canvassand
a brisk sail, ran down upon the pinnace, striking her quarter
with such violence that he nearly overset her. Six of the
Indians, under the terrors inspired by this new mode of warfare, plunged overboard and were drowned.  He repeated
this experiment, again striking the pinnace with such force
that he bored her with his anchor, and might have had
trouble in disentangling himself from her had not the terrified savages allowed him to have it all his own way. A
third time he bore down upon her with such address, that
several more of the savages leapt into the sea. Gallop then
boarded her and took two prisoners, one of whom he bound
and threw overboard.*  Two or three others, who had taken
refuge below and armed themselves, could not be driven from
X Miss Caulkins' Hist. New London 29.




4 6             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
their retreat.  O]dham's dead body was found on board, the
head split in half, and the trunk and limbs brutally mangled.
It lay hidden under a fishing net.-  Gallop had no difficulty
in recognizing the remains, and exclaimed, as he washed the
blood friom the ghastly features of the murdered man, "Oh,
brother Oldham, is it thou? I am resolved to avenge thee!"t
Mutilated as was the dead body, Gallop committed it to the
sea with reverent hands. After these simple obsequies were
over, they stripped the pinnace of her rigging and whatever lading the Indians had left on board, and proceeded to
tow her into port; but the wind rose as the sun went down,
and they were obliged to cut her adrift.
There is little reason to doubt that Oldham was the victim
of unprovoked, premeditated murder.  He was from  Dorchester, and was a respectable trader. The Block Island and
Narragansett Indians executed this plot, which was contrived,
as was supposed, by several of the Narragansetts.  Whether
the Pequots helped to plan the murder, was never distinctly
proved; but it is most probable that they did, as they secreted
and protected several of the conspirators, who took refuge
among them.
Had it been known to our ancestors, as it is known to us,
how little power the great sachems had to control the conduct of their petty chiefs, perhaps some of the darkest annals
of our colony might never have been penned. Canonicus,
the wise and noble sachem of the NTarragansetts, disclaimed
any knowledge of this murder, and felt keenly the suspicion
that rested upon his tribe.  He took the most stringent
measures to find out the authors of it.
The governor, "by the advice of the magistrates and ministers" of Massachusetts, resolved that the Block Island Indians should be chastised.  To execute this rash penalty,
ninety men were sent under the command of John Endicott.
Endicott was ordered to sail for Block Island, and put to
death all the men on it, take the women and children prisoners,
* Savage's WVinthrop, i. 226; -listory of Boston, by S. G. Drake, Esq., p. 198,
+ History of Boston, by Drake, 199.




[1636.]         ENDICOTT'S EXPEDITION.                 47
and carry them to Boston.~  This was to avenge the death
of Oldham.  Having done this, he was directed to sail for
Pequot harbor, demand of the Pequots the murderers of Captain Stone, (whose death that tribe had already atoned for,
as they supposed, by executing such terms of the late treaty
as they could,) and one thousand fathom of wampum, as well
as some Pequot children as hostages.  If the Pequots failed
to meet these demands, he was to use force.
Endicott repaired to Block Island, and arrived there on the
last day of August.  The surf rolled so high that he could
scarcely land his men.  Indian warriors, to the number of
sixty, met him on the beach. But, in spite of the' surf and
the natives, he at length got his troops ashore.  The island,
called by the Indians Manisses, or the Island of the Little God,
was mostly covered with small sand hills, that wer e  overg'rown with dwarf oaks.  To the shelter afforded by this
forbidding screen, the Indians betook themselves, firing their
arrows behind them  as they fled.  There were two large
plantations upon the island, with about sixty wigwams.  The
Indians had on these plantations two hundred acres of corn,
a part of it piled in heaps and a part still standing. In two
days, Endicott hunted out and killed fourteen Indians, destroyed the corn, staved in the canoes, and burned every
wigwam that he could find.t1  He then set sail for the Pequot
country.  On his way he stopped at Saybrook, and reported
to Gardiner, who commanded at the fort, what he had done.
Gardiner, who thought the Narragansetts, and. not the Block
Island Indians, were guilty of the murder of Oldham, complained bitterly of this rash step.  " You come hither," said
he, "to raise these wasps about my ears, and then you will
take wing and flee away.":  This metaphor, as is often the
case with figurative language, embodied a sad truth, that was
but too well understood in Connecticut not long after.
The M~assachusetts leader lost no time in reaching Pequot
harbor.  The Pequots were taken by surprise by this visit.'X Drake's ]History of Boston, 201.    t Drake, 202.
Savage's Winthrop, i. 231, 232i Trumbull, i. 73.




48              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
They came cautiously down to the shore, and there learned
from the'invader the nature of his errand. This landingplace was on the eastern side of the harbor, and the ascent
that the English toiled to gain, has since been consecrated
by the blood of Ledyard and his brave compatriots, who
have given to fort Griswold a fame that will outlast the monument that towers above the spot.* At length they reached
a cultivated country, where the humble habitations of the
natives rose out of the cornfields that stretched along the hillsides, and looked off upon the harbor and river that bore the
name of the Pequot, and afforded many a stealthy glimpse
of the sea-shore.
Endicott had, from his first arrival, told the Indians that
he must have the heads of the men who had killed Stone, or
else, said he, "we will fight." He also demanded an interview  with Sassacus.  He was told that the chief was at
Long Island and could not be seen.t  He then asked to see
the sachem who was next in rank; and after much delay, and
not until the English had reached the high land, whence they
could see the Indian huts, were they told that the chief of
whom they were in search, was found.  Endicott ordered a
hialt, and here the cunning savages kept him in parley for four
hours, while they could find time to remove their women and
children to a safe hiding place, and secrete their most valuablepersonal property.  When this was done, the nimblefooted warriors began to retire, leaving the English leader in
such ill humor with himself for having been outwitted, that
he ordered the drum to beat and the troops to advance upon
them.  The savages let fly their arrows at a safe distance
fiom  behind the rocks and trees. Endicott now advanced
upon the deserted wigwams, and burnt them to ashes.  Then
he destroyed the corn that was growing, and dug up that
which had been buried in the earth by the Indians. He spent
the whole day in this work of destruction, and at night reembarked with his men.t
* Miss Caulkins' New London, 31.  t Savage's Winthrop, i. 232.
I Drake, 202. This learned antiquarian and historian is free to acknowledge




[1636.]        BUTTERFIELD CAPTURED.                   49
The next day they landed on the west side of the river,
upon the site of the town of New London, and burned and
desolated the country in a similar manner.  They then sailed
for farragansett bay, leaving the twenty men who had joined
the expedition at Saybrook fort to return at their leisure.
Gardiner lad furnished these men, though he was opposed to
the enterprise.  He had also provided them with bags to be
filled with corn.  " Sirs," said he, after entering his protest
against the enterprise, " Sirs, seeing you will go, I pray you,
if you don't load your barks with Pequots, load them with
corln.
Pursuant to this advice, soon after Endicott had sailed, the
men furnished by Gardiner went ashore and filled their bags
with corn. They were on a second visit to the corn-fields,
and had filled their bags again, when they were startled by
fiightful yells. The owners of the property had caught them
in the very act, and their arrows sped so nimbly among the
plunderers, that they were forced to drop their sacks and
stand on the defensive. This they did so boldly, that the
Indians, who fought in their usual irregular way, were soon
checked.  Yet the attack was so often renewed, that the
English did not reach their shallops again until nearly night.
Thus ended this unlucky expedition of John Endicott; but
it was followed by a long train of unhappy events. The wasps
were indeed stirred up, and their sting was poisonous and
deadly.  The first attack was made upon the Saybrook fort,
whither the corn had been transported. Perhaps the Pequots
reasoned as the ministers and magistrates of Mtassachusetts
had done, that they who shared the plunder were responsible
for the bloodshed.
Early in October, as five men belonging to the garrison
were carrying home hay from the meadows, the Pequots concealed themselves in the tall grass, surrounded them, and took
one Butterfield prisoner.  The rest escaped. Butterfield was
the impolicy as well as the injustice of Endicott's expedition. He did not cripple
the enemy in the least, but only served to exasperate them, and arouse in their
bosoms the most implacable hatred toward the English.
4




650            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
roasted alive, with the most brutal tortures.  During the
same month, one Tilly, the master of a small vessel, was
taken captive by the Pequots, as he was sailing down the
Connecticut river. He had anchored his craft about three
miles above the fort, and imprudently gone ashore in a canoe
with a single attendant to shoot wild-fowl. The first discharge of his gun was a signal for a large body of Pequots,
who lurked in the woods, to rush upon him. They took Tilly
alive and killed his attendant.  They then set themselves to
the task of destroying Tilly by piecemeal.  The captive
knew enough of their war customs to be aware that any
show of submission on his part would be treated with scorn.
He therefore remained passive, as an Indian brave would
have done in his situation. First they cut off his hands.
He made no complaint. Then, in their barbarous way, they
amputated his feet. Not a groan escaped him.  Thus they
continued to follow him up with their most ingenious modes
of torture, until he died. Even in death, his features showed
no traces of pain.  His admiring tormentors left his remains
with the merited eulogy that he was a ";stout man."'
Nothing could exceed the activity of these Indians, now
that they were thoroughly aroused. They lurked in the lowlands that surrounded the fort like a malaria.  They stole
up and down the river by night and day, watching for victims. A house had been built for the uses of the garrison
about two miles from the fort, and six men were now sent to
guard it. Three of them went out upon the same errand that
had cost Tilly his life, when one hundred Pequots rose against
them  and took two of them.  The other escaped, wounded
with two arrows. Success finally made them so bold that
they destroyed all the store-houses connected with the fort,
burned up the haystacks, killed the cows, and ruined all the
property belonging to the garrison that was not within the
range of their guns. The fort was literally besieged through
the entire winter.t
In February, the court met at Newtown, and ordered that
* Trumbull, i. 57; Savage's Winthrop, i. 238.   + Winthrop.




[1637.]  ENGLISH MURDERED BY THE INDIANSo          51
letters should be sent to the governor of Massachusetts,
deprecating the evils resulting from Endicott's expedition,
and calling on the governor for men to help prosecute the
war with vigor. Soon after, Captain Mason was sent with
twenty men to reinforce the garrison at Saybrook.
Lieutenant Gardiner went out one day in March, with
about a dozen men, to burn the marshes.  The Indians lay
in wait for him, as he passed a narrow neck of land, killed
three of his men, and mortally wounded another. Gardiner
himself was also wounded. They pursued him to the very
walls of the fort, and, surrounding it in great numbers,
mocked the fugitives, imitating the dying groans and prayers
of the English whom they had taken captive and tortured,
and challenging the garrison to leave the fort and come
out and fight like men.  They said they could kill Englishmen "all one flies."  Nothing but grape shot could quiet
them.*
Soon after, the Pequots in canoes boarded a shallop as she
was sailing down the river. She had three men on board.
The Englishmen made a bold defence, but in vain. One of
them was shot through the head with an arrow, and fell overt
board. The Indians took the other two and killed them.
They then split their bodies in twain, and suspended them all
by their necks over the water, upon the branches of trees,
hideous spectacles, to be gazed at by the English as they
passed up and down the river.
The Indians united the keenest sarcasm with a power
of imitation and grimace unrivaled even among children,
They would put on the clothes of Englishmen whom they
had roasted alive, and present themselves in little bands on
the lawn in front of the fort, where they would enact over
again the horrible drama, kneeling down and praying with
the fervent voice and agonized gestures of the sufferers, and
utter lamentations and cries indicative of the most unspeakable anguish. This theatrical entertainment was usually ended
with insults offered to Gardiner in broken English, or with
* Trumbull, i. 76.




52             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
peals of demoniac laughter.  Then they would take to their
heels and run into the woods.
About this time, Thomas Stanton, who could speak the
Indian language so well that he often acted as interpreter for
the colonies, arrived in a vessel at Saybrook. While waiting
at the fort for a fair wind, a few Indians were seen to come
down one day to a hill within musket range of the palisades,
and hide themselves behind the trees. Gardiner ordered that
the cannon should be pointed at the place where they lurked,
and fired off when he waved his hat. Three of the savages
soon rose and cautiously advanced towards the fort under
pretense of a parley. Gardiner, willing, perhaps, to amuse
his guest, walked out with him a little way, that they might
come within speaking distance of the Indians.  When the
Englishmen had reached the stump of a large tree they
stopped.  "W15ho are you?" asked the Indians. Stanton,
replying to them in their own language, said, " That is the
Lieutenant," and added that his own name was Thomas
Stanton. The Indians replied,' It is false; we saw the
Lieutenant the other day shot full of arrows." But as soon
as Gardiner spoke they saw their mistake, for one of the Indians knew him well. They then cunningly asked, "Will
you fight with the Nihanticks?  The Nihanticks are your
friends, and we have come to trade with you." "We do
not know one Indian firom another," replied Stanton, "and
we will trade with none of them."  "Have you had fighting
enough?" asked the Indians. " We do not know that yet,"
returned the interpreter. "Is it your custom to kill women
and children?" rejoined the other party to the dialogue.
"That you shall see hereafter."
A long pause ensued, when one of the Indians said, with a
haughty air, " We are Pequots; and have killed Englishmen,
and can kill them as mosquitoes: and we will go to Connecticut, and kill men, women, and children, and carry away the
horses, cows, and hogs." Gardiner then replied, with that
good-natured irony so common with him, "No, no; if you
kill all the English there, it will do you no good. English




[1637.]      ATTACK UPON WETHERSFIELD.                53
women are lazy, and can't do your work. The horses and
cows will spoil your corn-fields. The hogs will root up your
clam banks. You will be completely undone. But look here
at our fort.  Here are twenty pieces of trucking-cloth, and
hoes, and hatchets; you had better kill us and get these
things, before you trouble yourselves to go up to Connecticut."The Indians, enraged at this taunt, and unable to answer
it, betook themselves to the thicket.  They had scarcely
reached it, when Gardiner gave the signal that was followed
by a discharge of grape, that did the Indians little harm beyond the fright that it gave them.
In April, they went as far as Wethersfield, and waylaid the
farmers as they went into the fields to labor. They killed six
men and two women, and took captive two maidens,t who
were long and anxiously sought after, and were finally safely
restored to their friends by the Dutch. They owed their
lives to the wife of Mononotto, a chief second only to Sassacus. She protected them with a faithfulness and delicacy,
that were honorably requited when it came her turn to be a
prisoner.  At Wethersfield, also, they killed twenty cows, and
destroyed other property to a large amount.
Not long after, John Underhill, who had served under Endicott in his attack upon the Pequots the year before, was
sent from Massachusetts with twenty men, to reinforce the
garrison at Saybrook.  When he reached the fort, Mason
and his men returned to Hartford.
With such an enemy hanging about the skirts of their
three infant settlements-an enemy, growing every hour
more daring and reckless-it was evident that some decisive
steps must be taken at once.
In the midst of these calamities the General Court met at
Hartford, on the 1st of May, 1637.  This court represented
the little republic of less than three hundred souls. An excited session it was, and one fraught with doubts and teeming
* Gardiner. Mass. Hist. Col. xxxiii. 144, 146; Mass. Hist. Col. xxxvi. 11.
+ Mass. Hist. Col. viii. 132, new series; Trumbull, i. 77.




54              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
with weighty considerations. There is little evidence left us
that there was a single faint heart in this company of fifteen
picked men-six magistrates, and nine committee-menwho had in their hands the fate of Connecticut.  Little
evidence of fear, indeed, is to be found in the records of this
body, for the first written memorial that we have of their
doings, is in the following concise words: "It is ordered that
there shall be an offensive war against the Pequot, and there
shall be ninety men levied out of the three plantations of
Hartford, Wethersfield, and Windsor;"-  a declaration of war
of a phraseology so unmistakable in its simplicity, that we
would joyfully recommend it to the legislative bodies of our
own day-words that the reader will not be surprised to find
employed by a body, including the names of Ludlow, Steele,
Talcott, and Sherman.  Of these troops, Hartford was to
furnish forty-two, Windsor thirty, and Wethersfield eighteen.
It was a short session, for long speeches were not then in
fashion in any of the American colonies, where a sound
head and a ready hand were in better request than nimble
tongues.  After providing for the munitions and supplies
requisite to carry on the war, the court adjourned.
The little commonwealth was united as one man in the
cause, and the preparations went forward with such promptness, that in about a week after the war was resolved upon,
the troops were ready to set sail.
It was on Wednesday, the 10th of May, that the heroic
army embarked at Hartford, in "a pink, a pinnace, and a
shallop,"t a hundred and sixtymen; —the ninety English
levied from the plantations, and seventy Mohegan Indians,
under the commandofUTncas,-and set sail for the mouth of
the river.  The renowned John Mason was Captain of the
army, and Samuel Stone, scarcely less known to fame for his
battles in a different field of strife, was its chaplain, or spiritual guide.
The water was so shallow at this season of the year, that
* J. Hammond Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 9.
t Mason's " History of the Pequot War."




[1637.]     AN INDIAN CAPTIVE ROASTED.              55
the vessels several times ran aground in dropping down the
river. This delay was so irksome to the Indians, that they
begged to be set ashore, to which Mason consented, on their
promising to meet the English at Saybrook. It was not until
the 15th of May, that Mason and his men arrived at Saybrook, having spent five days in sailing about fifty miles.
Uncas kept his word, and joined the English at Saybrook fort.
He had fought one battle during his absence, and killed
seven hostile Indians.  The report of this skirmish was verified by Captain John Underhill, who came with Uncas, when
he rejoined the English troops. Underhill also tendered to
Mason his services, with nineteen men, for the expedition, if
Lieutenant Gardiner, who as we have seen commanded at Savbrook fort, would consent to it. Gardiner as readily granted
him and his men leave to go. MAason was delighted with this
new ally, and at once resolved to send back twenty of his
own troops to protect, during his absence, the almost defenceless towns upon the river.  In his recent expedition, Uncas, in
addition to the seven Indians that he had killed, had also taken
one prisoner. Unluckily for the captive, he was known to be
a spy. IHe had affected great friendship for the English, and
had lived with the garrison at the fort long enough to acquire
theirlanguage. He then communicated to Sassacus their most
secret counsels. Besides, he had been present at the horrid
murders perpetrated by the Pequots at Saybrook. Uncas
claimed the right to execute this Indian after the custom of
his tribe. Never was justice meted out to a wretch with a
more lavish hand.  He was torn limb from limb, and roasted
in a fire kindled for that purpose, and then passed around the
council-ring, and eaten by Uncas and his Mohegans with a
relish equaled only by the demonstrations of joy with which
they threw the bones into the fire when they had completed
their meal.t
Mason now began to be aware how critical was the task
lie had undertaken.  From Wednesday, when he arrived at
the mouth of the Connecticut river, until the next Friday,
* Mason; Drake 207 i Brodhead, i. 271.   t Trumlbull, i. SO.




56             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
his little fleet lay wind-bound near the fort, and within sight
of the Pequot runners and spies who kept watch along the
river. }MVason's commission instructed him to sail directly
for Pequot harbor, land his men there, and attack the
enemy on their own ground.  But the keen soldier saw at a
glance the peril of obeying such orders. Had he not been
kept so long at Saybrook, the case might have been different.
But eight days had elapsed since he set sail from Hartford,
and he well knew that a Pequot runner, could carry the news
from the mouth of the Connecticut to that of the Thames
in an hour, and that the shore would be lined with savages
to meet them on their arrival.  Besides, the shore was wild
and rough, with rocks and trees that afforded a safe screen to
the Indians.  He also knew from the poor girls who had been
taken captive at Wethersfield, and who had just been brought
safely back to Saybrook by the Dutch, that the Pequots had
sixteen guns in their possession, and had learned how to use
them.  The Pequot warriors, too, he was aware, many times
outnumbered his own, and were swift of foot, and having the
advantage of a favorable position on land, could offer a formidable opposition to the English, who were more slow in
their movements.  The Pequots, too, could choose their
ground, as their harbor was the only place within many miles
where the English could land. Lastly, he saw, that if he
could fall upon the enemy in the rear, and when they were
not prepared for an attack, they would fall an easy prey into
his hands.
MIason summoned a council of war, and assigned boldly
these reasons, among others, why it was necessary to depart
from the letter of the commission, and land at some other
point than the one named in it. He said, in such an emergency, their necessities must be their masters.  He urged the
propriety of sailing past the Pequot country, as far as Narragansett bay, and, there landing his army, march through the
Narragansett country, under the protection of the old hereditary enemies of the Pequots, steal upon them in the night
and crush them.




[1637.]      THE CHAPLAIN CONSULTED.                57
This advice, backed as it was by such cogent reasoning, the
other members of the council did not dare to second.  The
grim authority of the court haunted their minds like a spectre.  They were law-abiding men.  How should they dare
traverse the written will of the republic? They saw the
overwhelming force of Mason's arguments-they foresaw the
death that awaited them, if they pursued the line marked out
by the commission, yet those iron-hearted men, in the strong
language of'Mason, " were at a stand, and could not judge it
meet to sail to 1Narragansett." -  hat was to be done?  A
breeze might spring up at any moment, and then they must
set sail. They had clearly no time to waste in debate.  At
last Mason remembers that these men, though they honor the
authority of written laws, do so only because those laws are
supposed to express the will of God. Is not Mr. Stone, one
of the chosen servants of God, on board one of his vessels?
What so fitting as to consult the chaplain?
Accordingly, NMason had an interview with Mr. Stone,
and begged him "to commend their condition to the Lord
that night," and ask advice of Him.
The next morning, the chaplain came ashore, and told Captain Mason " he had done as he had desired, and was fully satisfied to sail for Narragansett."  The council was again called,
the case again stated, and with one consent they agreed to
sail for IN'arragansett bay." It was on Friday morning that
they set sail, and arrived in port on Saturday evening. But
the wind blew with such violence from the north-west, that
they could not effect a landing until Tuesday at sunset; at
which time Captain lMason landed and marched up to the residence of Miantinomoh, the chief sachem of the INTarragansetts.  Mason told the sacheml,  that he had not an opportunity to acquaint him beforehand of his coming armed into
his country; yet he doubted not the object would be approved
by him, as the English had come to avenge the wrongs and
injuries they had received from the common enemy, the
Pequots.  Iiantinomoh expressed himself pleased with the
* Mason's Narrative.




58      ~      HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
design of Mason, but thought his numbers were too few to
deal with the enemy, who were, as he said, " very great captains, and men skillful in war."-*
During the night, an Indian runner came into the camp
with a letter from Captain Patrick, who had been sent from
Massachusetts with a small body of men to assist Connecticut in prosecuting the war, informing Mason that he had
reached Providence with the Massachusetts forces, and begging him  to remain where he was until they could unite.
But the Connecticut troops were worn with fatigue and impatient to return home; and it was finally resolved that they
would not wait for their Massachusetts allies, but would
march for the Pequot country the next morning.  The Narragansett Indians entertained such a dread of the Pequots
that they could not believe the English to be in earnest.
It was on Wednesday, the 24th of May, that the little army
of seventy-seven Englishmen, sixty Mohegans and Connecticut river Indians, and about two hundred Narragansetts.
began their march for the Pequot fiorts. They went that day
about twenty miles, when they reached the eastern Nihantick,
a country that bordered on the Pequot territory. Here was
the seat of one of the Narragansett sachems, and here he
had a fort. But he refused to treat with the English, or let
them enter his palisades to pass the night. 5Mason, having
good cause to think from their behavior, that these Indians
were in league with the Pequots, set a strong guard about
their fort, and would not allow one of them to escape from it
during the night.t But the conduct of the Nihanticks, was
attributable to suspicion and fear, rather than to any alliance
with the Pequots, as the event proved; for when they saw,
the next morning, that the English were reinforced by a large
party of Narragansetts, sent on by 3Miantinomoh, they took
heart, and, forming a circle, declared that they, too, would
fight the Pequots, and boasted with their usual bravado how
many they would kill; so,that when Mason resumed his
march on Thursday, he had about five hundred Indian war* Mason's Narrative.  i lb.




[1637.]       MfARCH TOWARD ATISTICK.                59
riors in his train.  The day was very sultry and oppressive,
and some of the men fainted from heat, and the exhaustion
that followed from  a want of suitable provisions. After
marching about twelve miles to a ford in the Pawcatuck river,
the old fishing-ground of the Pequots,5 the army made a halt
and rested a while.  The Narragansett Indians, had, from the
first arrival of Mason among them, looked with ill-concealed
contempt upon the scanty numbers and supposed weakness
of the English.  They had more than once hinted that Mason
and his men had not the courage to fight the Pequots, and
that whatever skill and firmness there was in the army, was
confined to their own ranks. But, now that they had come
into the country of Sassacus, and found that they were
within a few. miles of his principal fortress, the expedition
seemed no longer to be a pleasant jest to them, but an earnest reality, that grew more and more fearful with every step
that lessened the distance between them and the chief, who
was more terrible to their imaginations than Hobbomocko
himself. Mason at last called Uncas to him, and asked him,
what he had to expect from the Indians. The chief replied,
that the Narragansetts would all drop off, but that he and his
Mohegans would never leave the English.  " For which expression and some other speeches of his,' says Mason, "I
shall never forget him."
After dining upon such coarse fare as was to be had, they
marched about three miles to a field just planted with Indian
corn. Here they made another halt and held a council, for
it was thought that they drew near the enemy.  The Indians
now told them, for the first time, that the Pequots had two
forts, and that they were "almost" impregnable.  Nothing
daunted by this intelligence, the council resolved to attack
both these fortresses at once.  But, on further inquiry, it appeared that the principal fort, where Sassacus resided, was too
remote to be reached before midnight, so they were compelled to abandon this plan, and attack the smaller one at
Mistick.
* Johnson's Wonder-Working Providence, Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiv, p. 47.




60             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The prediction of Uncas, with regard to the Narragansetts, was soon verified.  Indeed, all the Indians, who had at
first marched in the van, fell into the rear; and soon not a
Narragansett was to be seen.  Wequash, a petty chief who
had revolted from Sassacus, was the guide upon whom 3Mason
most relied, and he proved worthy of trust.  They marched
on in silence until about an hour after sunset, when they
reached a small swamp between two hills. Here, supposing
that they were near the fort, " they pitched their little camp "
between two high rocks, ever since known as "Porter's
Rocks."  It was a clear night, with a shining moon.  Mlason
set his guards, and stationed his sentinels at a great distance
from the camp, to prevent the possibility of a surprise.  Then
the tired soldiers, with no tents to shelter them from the dew,
laid themselves, down under the open sky and slept. " The
rocks were our pillows," says the heroic leader of the expedition, " yet rest was pleasant."  Mistick fort was farther
off from the camp than they had been led to suppose.  It was
so near, however, that the sentries heard the enemy singing
there till midnight, a wild strain of joy and exultation, they
afterwards found it to have been, in commemoration of the
supposed flight of Mason and his men-for they had watched
their vessels a few days before, when they sailed eastward,
and rationally enough. concluded that they dared not meet
the dreaded Pequot in battle.  This night of festivity was
their last.
About two hours before day, the men were roused up and
commanded to make themselves ready for battle. The moon
still shone full in their faces as they were summoned to prayer.
They now set forward with alacrity. The fort proved to be
about two miles off. A long way it seemed over the level
though stony ground, and the officers began at last to fear
that they had been led upon the wrong track, when they
came at length to a second field of corn, newly planted, at
the base of a high hill. Here they halted, and "gave the
word for some of the Indians to come up." At first not an
Indian was to be seen; but finally, Uncas and Wequash the




[1637.]      ATTACK UPOzN IISTICK FORT.            61
guide showed themselves.  " Where is the fort?" demanded
Mason.  " On the top of that hill," Nwas the answer.  "Where
are the rest of the Indians?" asked the fearless soldier.
The answer was, what he probably anticipated, "Behind,
and very much afraid."  " Tell them," said AMason, " not to
fly, but to stand as far off as they please, and see whether
Englishmen will fight."
There were two entrances to the fort, one on the northeastern side, the other on the west. It was decided that
M3ason should lead on and force open the former, while Underhill, who brought up the rear, was to pass around and go
in at the western gate.
Mason had approached within about a rod of the fort, when
he heard a dog bark, and almost in a breath, this alarm was
followed up by the voice of an Indian, crying, "Owanux!
Owanux!"-Englishmen, Englishmen! No time was to be
lost. IHe called up his forces with all haste, and fired upon
the enemy through the palisades.  The Pequots, who had
spent the night in singing and dancing, were now in a deep
sleep. The entrance near which Mason stood, was blocked
up with bushes about breast high. Over this firail obstruction
he leaped, sword in hand, shouting to his men to follow him.
But Seely, his lieutenant, found it more easy to remove the
bushes than to force the men over them. When he had done
so, he also entered, followed by sixteen soldiers. It had been
determined to destroy the enemy with the sword, and thus
save the corn and other valuables that were stored in the
wigwams. With this view, the captain, seeing no Indians,
entered one of these wigwams. Here he found many warriors who crowded hard upon him, and beset him with great
violence; but they were so amazed at the strange apparition
that had so suddenly thrust itself upon them, that they could
make but a feeble resistance.  Mason was soon joined by
William Hayden, who, as he entered the wigwam through
the breach that had been made by his impetuous captain,
stumbled against the dead body of a Pequot, whom Mason
had slain, and fell. Some of the Indians now fled from the




62             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
wigwam; others, still stupefied with sleep, crept under mats
and skins to hide themselves.
The palisades embraced an area of about twenty acres-a
space sufficient to afford room for a large Indian village.
There were more than seventy houses in this space, with
lanes or streets passing between them. Mason, still intent
on destroying the Pequots, and at the same time saving their
property, now left the wigwam, and passed down one of these
streets, driving the crowd of Indians that thronged it before
him from one end of it to the other. At the lower extremity
of this lane stood a little company of Englishmen, who,
having effected an entrance from the west, met the Indians
as they fled from Mason, and killed about half a dozen of them.
The captain now faced about, and went back the whole
length of the lane, to the spot where he had entered the fort.
I-e was exhausted, and quite out of breath, and had become
satisfied that this was not the way to exterminate the Indians,
who now swarmed from the wigwams like bees from a hive.
Two of his soldiers stood near him, close to the palisades,
with their useless swords pointed to the ground.  Their
dejected faces told him that they felt as he did, that the task
was a hopeless one. "We shall never kill them in this way,"
said the captain; and then added, with the same laconic brevity,
" We must burn them! "  With these words the decree of the
council of war to save the booty of the enemy was annulled;
for, stepping into the wigwam where he had before forced an
entrance, he snatched a fire-brand in his hand, and instantly
returning, applied it to the light mats that formed the covering of their rude tenements. Almost in an instant, the
little village was wrapped in flames, and the frightened
Pequots fled in dismay from the roofs that had just before
sheltered them. Such was their terror, that many of them
took refuge from the English in the flames, and perished there.
Some climbed the palisades, where they afforded but too fir
a mark for the muskets of their enemies, who could see to take
a dead aim in the light of the ghastly conflagration.  Others
fled from the beds of mats or skins, where they had sought a




[1637.]            MIASON'S VICTORY.                      63
temporary concealment, and were arrested by the hand of
death in the midst of their flight.  Others, still, warping up to
the windward, whence the fire sped with such fatal velocity, fell
flat upon the ground and plied their destroyers with arrows.
But their hands were so palsied with fear, that the feathered
messengers either flew wide of their aim or fell with spent
force upon the ground. A few, of still stouter heart, rushed
forth with the tomahawk, to engage the invaders of their
homes in a hand to hand combat. But they were nearly all,
to the number of about forty, cut in pieces by the sword.
The vast volume of flame, the lurid light reflected on the dark
background of the horizon, the crack of the muskets, the
yell of the Indians who fought, and of those who sought vainly
to fly, the wail of women and children as they writhed in the
flames, and the exulting cries of the Narragansetts and Mohegans without the fort, formed a contrast, awful and sublime,
with the quiet glories of the peaceful May morning, that was
just then breaking over the woods and the ocean.
Seventy wigwams were burned to ashes, and probably
not less than five hundred men, women, and children were
destroyed.* The property, too, shared the same fate. The
long-cherished wampum-belt, with the beads of blue, purple,
and white, the war-club, the eagle plume, the tufted scalps,
trophies of many a victory-helped only to swell the blaze
that consumed alike the young warrior and the superannuated
counselor, the squaw, and the little child that clung helplessly
to her bosom. Of all who were in the fort, only seven were
taken captive, and about the same number escaped.
kNotwithstanding their victory, the English forces were in
no very enviable situation.  Two of their men lay dead on
the field, and about twenty had been wounded. The surgeon
had been left at BNarragansett bay with the vessels, and by
e As to the number of the Pequots who perished on that memorable morning,
authorities widely differ. Mason, the chief actor in the transaction, (whose narrative of the expedition we have generally followed,) says " six or seven hundred as
some of them confessed;" I Winthrop puts the number at about three hundred.
Brodhead, at six hundred. Trumnbull, at five or six hundred. Underhill, at
four hundred, &c.




64             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
some misunderstanding had not arrived to attend upon such
as needed his services.  Nearly all the provisions, and other
comforts required by men exhausted and wounded, were also
on board the vessels.  Without provisions, one quarter of his
men disabled, in the midst of a country unknown to him, but
familiar to his enemies, within a short distance of the fort of
Sassacus, who had around him hundreds of fierce warriors,
his ships far away, and his powder and ball almost spent,
3Mason found much to test. the skill of a leader, and to call
forth his courage.
While debating what measures should be adopted, it was
with delight that he saw his little vessels, their sails filled with
the welcome gale that blew firom the north-east, gliding into
Pequot harbor.  The fainting soldiers hailed them with joy,
as if they had been angels sent to deliver them.
By this time, the news of the destruction that had fallen
upon his tribe at Mistick, heralded, no doubt, not only by the
handful of men who had escaped from the fort, and by the
clouds of smoke that floated from the fatal scene, but by the
dismal cries that attended this exterminating sacrifice, had
reached the fort of Sassacus, and thrMee hundred warriors
came rushing towards the English with the determination to
avenge themselves for an injury not yet half revealed to them.
Mason led out a file of his best marksmen, who soon gave
the Pequots a check.  Seeing that they could not stand his
fire, he commenced his march toward Pequot harbor.  Of
the twenty wounded men, four or five were so disabled that
it was necessary to employ about twenty other men to carry
them; so that he had but about forty men ewho could engage
in battle, until he succeeded in hiring some Indians to take
charge of the wounded. They had marched about a quarter
of a mile, when the:Pequot warriors, who had withdrawn out
of the range of their muskets, reached the spot where, not
two hours before, their fort had sheltered so much that was
sacred to them.  When they came to the top of the hill, venerable to them from so many associations connected with the
history and glory of their tribe-when they saw the smoking




[1637.]    MASON RETURNS TO HARTFORD.                65
palisades, the flames of their wigwams, not yet extinguished,
the blackened bodies that lay scattered where death had
overtaken them-in their grief and rage, they stamped upon
the ground, tore the hair from their heads, and then rushed
madly down the hill, as if they would have swept the enemy
from the face of the earth.  Captain Underhill, with a file of
the bravest men, was ordered to defend the rear.  This he
did with such efficiency that the Indians were soon compelled to fall back. Yet such was their resolve to have their
revenge upon the English that, during their march for the
next six miles, they pursued them, sometimes hanging on
their rear, sometimes hidden behind trees or rocks in front,
discharging their arrows in secret, at others, making desperate attacks, that could be repelled only by the too deadly use
of the musket.  They fought at fearful odds, as was evinced
by the dead bodies of their warriors picked up by the Mohegans who followed in their train, while not an Englishman
was injured during the whole line of their march.  At last,
wearied with a pursuit that only brought harm to themselves,
they abandoned it, and left the English to continue their
march unmolested, with their colors flying, to Pequot harbor.
Here they were received on board their vessels with many
demonstrations of joy.
In about three weeks from the day when the army embarked at Hartford, to go upon this uncertain and dangerous
enterprise, they returned to their homes, where the kindest
congratulations awaited them.
5




CHAPTER III.
PROSECUTION OF THE PEQUOT WAR.
THE Pequots, who had gone out to view the scene of the
fatal conflagration at Mistick, and who had sought in vain to
avenge it upon the heads of its authors, now returned to the
principal fort, and told to Sassacus the details of the dismal
story, as they had been able to gather it from the too certain
indications that still remained.  Their reverence for him, no
longer kept them aloof from  him. From  having been his
most abject servants, they now became his accusers. They
charged it upon his arrogance and ambition, that his subjects
had revolted and had called in to aid their rebellion, such terrible allies as the English were, with weapons that resembled
the thunder and the lightning, who went upon the sea, and
who made use of fire to execute their wrath. They said the
ruin of the whole tribe would soon follow. They said that
he merited death, and they would kill him. Indeed, it is
probable that they would have done so, had not the counselors
of the chief interposed with mild words to calm the excited
passions of the warriors. They consented to spare his life,
but the spell of his influence over them was broken forever.
He had ceased to be " all one god," from the moment that it
became known how inadequate he was to protect his people
from the English. A consultation was now held of the most
solemn character.  What should be done?  Should they
remain in the fort, and be exposed to the fate that had awaited
their brothers at Mistick, or should they imitate the example
of their enemies, and commit this their old retreat, and its
royal wigwams and high palisades, to the flames, and then
seek the fastnesses of the rocks and cedar swamps for a last
refuge?  It was with a bitter struggle that they finally resolved to burn the fort, and thus help to blot out the Pequot
name. They burned it to ashes with their own hands, and




[1637.]      MASON FOLLOWS SASSACUS.                 67
in little companies, as they could best agree to assort themselves, they fled into the most inaccessible hiding-places.
Sassacus, Mononotto, and about eighty of his firiends and
braves, making up the proudest of the tribe, who preferred to
die rather than desert their chief in his misfortune, set their
faces toward the west, and fled for their lives.
Meanwhile Roger Williams, always the good angel of those
who persecuted him, sent an Indian runner to Boston with
the tidings that Connecticut had gained a victory over the
Pequots at Miistick.
The governor and council of the Massachusetts, resolved to
follow up Mlason's success, sent forward with all haste one hundred and twenty men, under the command of' Mr. Stoughton,
with instructions to prosecute the war, even to the destruction
of the Pequot name. The famous Mr. Wilson of Boston went
with the army as chaplain. They reached Pequot harbor
late in June, and soon found a party of the Indians, where
they had secreted themselves in a swamp.  They took eighty
captives there-fifty women and children, whom they spared,
and thirty men, every one of whom they killed with the exception of the sachems, whom they saved on their promising
to conduct them to Sassacus.
In June, the Connecticut court met at Hartford, and
ordered that forty men should be raised, and put under the
command of Mason, to carry on the war.d  The wise Ludlow,
and several of the principal gentlemen of the colony, went
along with the party as advisers, for by this time the court
had learned the folly of tying up Mason by the terms of a
commission.  They soon joined the Massachusetts men, under
Stoughton, at Pequot harbor. A council of war was held,
and it was resolved to follow Sassacus in his flight toward
Hudson river. They soon found traces of the enemy. It
was evident from the close proximity to one another of the
rendezvous, where the Pequots spent the night, that they
marched at a slow pace, and had their women, children, and
movable property with them. The smoke that arose from
" J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Rc cords, i. 10,




68               HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
their fires, the plrints of their fingers in the woods, where they
lhad dug up the earth to search for roots to quell the cravings
of hunger, and the marks that the tides had not obliterated
where they had searched for clams in the wet sea-sand, rendered it no difficult task to pursue them. But the Pequots were
scattered into so many parties, that it was impossible for the
English to tell from  these doubtful signs whether they were
on the trail of Sassacus or of some petty chief.  At last, in
this perplexity, they summoned the sachems taken by Stoughton at Pequot harbor, who had been spared under the promise of pointing out the trail of the great chief, and called upon
them to redeem their pledge.  But they refused to give information against him, and were put to death.,-  The place
where this too summary execution took place was within the
limits of the present town of Guilford, where the land, rising
into a bluff, affords a grateful elevation for the sea-breezes
that have long tempted the' lovers of cool summer nights
and good cheer to take up a temporary abode.  It still bears
the name of "Sachem's IHead."  A part of the army, guided
by Uncas and some of his Indians, marched along the shore
-within sight of the vessels, that hovered as near them  as the
nature of the coast would allow.  When they reached Quinnipiack, now  New Haven, they saw  a great smoke curling
up through the trees, and hoped to find the fugitives near at
hand.  But the fires, they soon found, had been kindled by
the Connecticut river Indians.
Here was a good harbor, and as the march through the
woods had proved toilsome, and had resulted in nothing, the
English all went on board the vessels.  Here they stayed
several days, in doubt what they would do, and waiting for
the return of a Pequot, who had been sent forward to spy
out the enemy.  At last he returned, and reported that SasI Drake, in his History of Boston, p. 216, names Miononotto as one of the sachems beheaded at this time. Trumbull, however, mentions him as one of the
survivors of the " swamp fight,"  wrhich took place several days after; adding, that
lie was one of the twenty who fled to the Mohawks, all of whom were slain by the
MIohawksl, " except Mononotto, whio was wounded, but made his escape."




[1637.]         THE SWAMP FIGHT.                  69
sacus and his party, were secreted in a swamp a few miles
to the westward.
The English were soon on the trail. They found the
swamp without difficulty. It was situated within the limits
of the old town of Fairfield. In this swamp were hidden
about eighty Pequot warriors, with their women and children,
and about two hundred other Indians. A dismal, miry bog
it was, covered with tangled bushes. Dangerous as it Was,
Lieutenant Davenport rushed into it with his men, eager to
encounter the Pequots.
The sharp arrows of the enemy flew from places that hid
the archers, wounding the soldiers who, in their haste to retreat,
only sunk deeper in the mire. The Indians, made bold by
this adventure, pressed hard upon them, and would have carried off their scalps, had it not been for the timely aid of some
other Englishmen, who waded into the swamp, sword in hand,
drove back the Pequots, and drew their disabled friends firom
the mud that had threatened to swallow them  up. The
swamp was now surrounded, and a skirmish followed that
proved so destructive to the savages, that the Fairfield Indians begged for quarter. They said, what was probably true,
that they were there only by accident, and had never done
the English any harm —and that they only wished for the
privilege of withdrawing from the swamp, and leaving the
Pequots to fight it out.
Thomas Stanton, who knew their language, was sent into
the swamp with instructions to offer life to all the Indians
who had shed no English blood. When the Sachem of the
Fairfield Indians learned the terms proposed by Stanton, he
came out of the swamp followed by little parties of men, women, and children. He and his Indians, he said, had shed no
English blood. But the Pequot warriors, made up of choice
men, and burning with rage against the enemy who had
destroyed their tribe and driven them from their old haunts,
fought with such desperate bravery, that the English were
glad to confine themselves to the border of the swamp.
There now sprang up a controversy among the officers,




70             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
as to the best mode of annihilating this little handful of
Pequots. Some advised that they should plunge into the
swamp, and there fight them. But the experiment of Davenport discouraged others from so foolhardy a course. Others
suggested that they should cut down the swamp with the
hatchets that they had brought with them; others, that they
should surround it with palisades. Neither of these propositions was adopted.  They finally hit upon a plan that was
more easily executed.  They cut down the bushes that grew
upon a little neck of firm upland, that almost divided the
swamp into two parts. In this way, they so lessened the area
occupied by the Pequots that, by stationing men twelve feet
apart, it could all be surrounded by the troops.  This was
done, and the sentinels all stationed, before nightfall.  Thus
Ikeeping watch on the borders of the morass, wet, cold, and
weary, the soldiers passed the night under arms. Just before
day, a dense fog arose, that shrouded them in almost total
darkness.  A friendly mist it proved to the Pequots, for it
doubtless saved the lives of many of them. At a favorable
moment they rushed upon the English. Captain Patrick's
quarters were first attacked, but he drove them back more
than once. Their yells, more terrible from the darkness that
engulfed the scene of the conflict, were so unearthly and
appalling, the attack was so sudden and so well sustained,
that, but for the timely interference of a party sent by Mason
to relieve him, Patrick would doubtless have been driven
from his station or cut in pieces.  The siege had by this time
given place to a hand-to-hand fight. As Mason was himself
marching up to aid Patrick, the Pequots rushed upon him
from the thicket.  HIe drove them back with severe loss.
They did not resume the attack upon the man who had recently given them such fearful proofs of his prowess; but
turned upon Patrick, broke through his ranks, and fled. About
sixty of the Pequot warriors escaped.  Twenty lay dead upon
the field. One hundred and eighty were taken prisoners.
Most of the property that this fugitive remnant of the tribe
had attempted to carry with them, fell into the hands of the




[1637.]  SASSACUS BEHEADED BY THE MOHAWKS.             71
English.  Hatchets of stone, beautiful wampum-belts, polished bows, and feathered arrows, with the utensils employed
by the women in their rude domestic labors, became at once,
as did the women themselves, the property of the conquerors.
The captives and the booty were divided between Massachusetts and Connecticut.  Some were sent by Massachusetts to the West Indies, and there, as slaves, dragged out a
wretched, yet brief existence.  Among the captives taken in
this battle, was the wife of Mononotto and her children.
With much dignity, she begged them to save her honor inviolate and to spare her life and that of her offspring.  She
had been kind to the girls who had been taken from Wethersfield, and for this she and her little ones were recommended,
not in vain, to the mercy of the governor of 5Massachusetts.Those who fell to the colony of Connecticut found their
condition more tolerable.  Some of them, it is true, spent
their days in servitude; yet its rigors softened as the horrors
of the war faded from the recollections of the English.  Sassacus seems not to have been present at this battle.  Foiled
and discomfited at every turn, he fled far to the westward,
and sought a refuge among the enemies of his tribe, the Mohawks. But he looked in vain for protection at their hands.
He had defied them in his prosperity, and in his evil days
they avenged themselves., They beheaded him, and sent his
scalp as a trophy to Connecticut. A lock of his black, glossy
hair was carried to Boston in the fall of the same year, as a
witness that the proud sachem of the Pequots was no more 
On the 21st of September, Uncas and lMiantinomoh, with
the remaining Pequots, met the magistrates of Connecticut
at Hartford.  About two hundred of the vanquished tribe
still survived. A treaty was then entered into between Connecticut, the Mohegans, and the Narragansetts.  By its terms,
there was to be perpetual peace between these two tribes and
* The scene of this famous " swamp fight " lies on the borders of Long Island
sound, about three miles from Greenfield Hill, in the town of Fairfield. President
Dwight, (who celebrated the battle in his poem, " Greenfield Hill,') states, in the
preface of that work, that the " swamp " was at that time a beautiful field.




72             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT,
the English. If the subjects of either tribe did wrong to
those of the other, the injured party promised not to take
summary justice into its own hands, but to appeal to the
English.  Then, with imposing ceremonials, the magistrates
divided the remnant of the Pequots among the Narragansetts
and Mohegans.  To Uncas, their favorite, they gave one
hundred, to Miantinomoh eighty, and twenty to -Ninigret.
These poor creatures, thus given over to their enemies and
subjected to their bitterest taunts, were to be called Pequots
no more, nor were they ever to dwell again in their old
haunts, or pay their wonted visits to the burial-places of their
dead, or meet on festal days to revive the traditions of their
people around the embers of the council fire.
The thoughtful reader may feel disposed to ask us, if we
can justify the story that we have told with such painful
minuteness. We answer, that such a war should never have
been begun. The expedition of^ Endicott, the primary cause
of this war, was ill advised, and carried on in defiance of the
wishes of Connecticut. But, after the horrid murders that
were committed by the Pequots, the sequel of this unhappy
affair, Connecticut was compelled to take the field.  The war
was then one of extermination, for the enraged Pequot would
give no quarter to the English. Some lineaments of the campaign are harsh and repulsive. Most gladly would we soften
them with more delicate tints. But the features of truth have
often a sharp, stern outline, as had the characters of those
unflinching men, the fathers of New England, who struck
down their enemies as they felled their forest trees, aiming
at every blow of the axe at the annihilation of the wilderness. The roots of the brave old woods they could not at
once destroy. A few years sent up a new growth, with
fresh leaves, to wave in the breath of summer, and ripen
beneath the August sun. But no new race of men sprung
up to fill the places of the crushed and desolate Pequots. Let
the reader decide the question of guilt or innocence as best
he may; but let him not forget to weigh against the fate of
the Indians the atrocities that they had perpetrated, and the




[1637.]      CLOSE OF TI-IE PEQUOT WnAR.              73
horror inspired by their war-whoops as they mingled at night
with the howl of the wolf around the farmer's dwelling. Let
him also bear in mind how much the last two centuries have
done to modify the rules of war and the social and political
relations of the world.  In this way he will be able to adjust
the scales between the contending parties, in a struggle not
so much for dominion as for a national existence.




CHAPTER IV.
THE FIRST AMERICAN CONSTITUTION.
CIVIL liberty, as Christian nations understand the term,
seems to have had its seeds first sown with a liberal hand in
England.  But England;  with all her health and vigor, borrowed from the feudalism of the continent, during the earlyand middle ages, many a constitutional taint, that shorwed itself in the blood of the state, and sometimes threatened it
with a speedy dissolution.  The struggle between the villein
and his lord-the oppressive power of the great baronstheir disregard of the interests of the lower orders-their
bloody wars, waged to make and unmake kings-kept her in
a state of almost perpetual unrest for centuries.  There, too,
the religious sentiment, long meditating the mild studies of
the scholar and the doctrines of the Prince of Peace, in the
depths of the cloister, was roused by the blast of the clarion
to follow the wildest of priests and the most romantic of
kings to the wars of the Holy Sepulchre, and often kindled
to acts of violence at home that have left marks still visible
in every part of the island.
But, by slow degrees, often repulsed, and still gathering its
forces anew, popular constitutional liberty gained ground.
By a union of the people with the crown, the barons were
subdued, and the kingly prerogative itself was at length confined to fixed channels. Sometimes, indeed, swollen by the
strong passions of some imperious monarch like Henry VIII.,
it broke over its banks, and spread a temporary desolation
among the people; but the waters soon subsided into their
calm and regular flow.  But Henry VIII. was an exception
to all rules.  It is not often that a nation is governed by a
monarch of such scholastic attainments, such intellectual endowments, such a strong and marked individuality, and such




HENRY VIII.                     75
an imperious will. Never did a prince come to the throne
with more flattering anticipations. A handsome person, a
bold and gallant manner, a full exchequer, an undoubted title,
all contributed to swell the popular shouts that hailed him
king.  With all these advantages, Henry was almost totally
devoid of moral culture. He was also the victim of the most
insatiate passions.  It is idle to call him a Protestant, in any
such sense as the term was understood in his day, or in that
of his daughter Elizabeth.  So far was he from being so, that
fhe himself wrote what he called a refutation of Luther's
tenets, in Latin, for which he was honored by Leo X. with
the title of "Defender of the Faith."  Nor is there any reason
to suppose that he would have ever broken away from the
Roman see, had he not been enraged at the excommunication
that followed a public disclosure of his secret marriage with
Anne Boleyn.  All that he then did was to declare himself
the "H-lead of the English Church."  Still he adhered as
closely as ever to the theological tenets of' the Roman Catholic Church.  He executed Sir Thomas Miore and Bishop
Fisher, because they refused to take the oath of supremacy
to him, and at the same time caused hundreds of reformers
to  be burned at the stake.  The cruel and barbarous
destruction of the religious houses, and the confiscation of
monastic property, in 1538, the expunging of the sainted
name of Thomas a Becket, from the calendar, and the burning of his bones to ashes, were acts of violence leveled not
against the Roman Catholic religion, but against those who
dared to dispute his own ecclesiastical supremacy.  His alliance with Catherine Howard brought him still more immediately under the control of the Catholic party, and while the
new queen retained his favor a fearful persecution was waged
against the Protestants.
If he ever was a Protestant, it was while under the brief
dominion of Catherine Parr, his sixth wife, whose heart was
touched, though she dared not openly avow it, with the dawning beams of the Reformation. Even this secretly-cherished
preference had well-nigh proved her ruin. That the king




576             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
afterwards forsook his old friends, does not evince, that I arm
able to discover, any change in his religious tenets.
All this while, the quick leaven of the Reformation was
working in the minds of the English people.  While the
monarch was busy in freeing himself from the burden of one
queen, only to become entangled in the toils of another,
whose glory, alas, was to be equally evanescent; while he was
writing that darling word "supremacy," in characters red
with the blood of bishops and statesmen adhering to their
old allegiance, mingled, too, with that of reformers, whose
pure souls were breathed forth in prayer, that the sickle
might quickly be thrust in by other hands, since to them it
was denied to reap the whitened harvest field-all this while,
a large portion of his subjects, in the words of an English
writer second to none, were "casting off the rags of their
old vices," and were reading the Bible diligently to find the
spirit and the form of the primitive church; the spirit first,
after that the form; the weightier matters of the law, after
these, tithes of mint and cummin. By this party I mean not
the Puritans alone, but rather the Reformation party, embracing the high-born and the lowly of every rank and name, who
dared for themselves to search the Scriptures, and apply to
the exposition of them the light of conscience and reason.
This party was never able to make head against the selfwilled monarch, but it grew in secret, and waited for his
death with such patience as a fiery zeal is able to command.
With his death, this large party, made up of those who
afterwards fell in with the established order of things under
Edward VI., as well as of the Puritans, who fled from the
pursuit of bloody Mlfary into Germany and Switzerland, dared
to assert its claims to royal notice, and those claims were
for a brief space in part allowed.  During the mild reign
of Edward much was accomplished. Articles of faith were
compiled, that in later years served as the basis of a more
complete and perfect system. In this reign, too, Cranmer
and Ridley were associated with other divines to frame a
liturgy, not in Latin, but in the vernacular tongue.  The first




QUEEN ELIZABETH.                   77
part of the homilies also, boldly setting forth the doctrines
of Christianity, and defining with more certainty the then
unsettled landmarks of the Protestant faith, were published
under the same monarch.
But the mild reign of Edward and the fierce persecutions
of Mfary soon passed away.  On the accession of Elizabeth
to the throne, this large liberal party, that I have called the
Reformation party, became severed, never to be united again.
The queen, retaining in her mind too keen a remembrance
of her own dangers and sufferings during her father's and
sister's reign, ever to commit herself cordially to the arms
of the Roman Catholic Church, yet wedded by the very stateliness of her character to its venerable forms of prayer, its
lofty chants, its respect paid to externals, and the hold that
it had upon the imagination, dating as it did fiom a remote
antiquity, was ready to adopt some middle ground between
the two extremes of the national mind-some safe ground
where the more conservative elements of the state might
blend themselves with the loyalty still inherent in the hearts
of the lower orders-some sacred ground, fit for a shrine,
where the sentiment of religion and that of patriotism
might dwell together under the protecting shadow of the
throne.
\Where was this ground of union? The queen was proudfor when was pride absent from the house of Tudor?  Yet
in her, the loftiest pride was united with that sturdy sense,
that keen, intuitive vision, that characterized her noble family,
and enabled them to measure the English people, and judge
with such accuracy how far they might push the royal prerogative, and note the line of foam that marked the dangerous proximity of popular breakers. Besides, stern as she was,
she was not deaf to the voice of those softer monitions that in
perilous times whisper of weaklness and danger in the ear of
woman.  Proud as she was, therefore, she had much need to
consult her wisest subjects. I can not impugn the motives of
this high-toned woman, placed as she was upon the verge of
that fearful revolution whose swift wheels were stayed until




78              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
her eyes were closed in death-I can not blame her that she
was not endowed with a prophetic vision; nor did the Puritans,
whom  she subjected to the rigors of a legislation for which
she was to a degree responsible, though they complained of
her severity, ever speak of her in terms of disrespect.  She
took counsel of the most profound scholars and revered prelates, as well as of that circle of glorious statesmen and philosophers that have made her name and era forever illustrious. Doubtless, she felt an honest solicitude to place the
church upon its original basis, and doubtless many of her
advisers offered up earnest prayers that they might be led in
the right way.  She, and those who acted under her, did
much for Christianity and the Protestant faith-more than
had been effected under any monarch who had gone before
her.  She believed that the church and state were united in
holy bonds. Had she contented herself with suppressing
factions; could she have distinguished between those who
hated and those who sought to reform  the abuses of the
established church-abuses not inherent in the church, but
resulting from its alliance with the state, that have since been
gradually acknowledged and reformed-she might have saved
herself many cares, and her people many deep wrongs.
Conformity, even in points that had long been carefully
evaded, a most rigid, punctilious conformity, was required.Many of the most learned of the clergy,t alarmed at the disregard paid to the rights of individual conscience, fled in dismay from their places, to avoid the most severe penalties.
Some flew to foreign lands; others took refuge in the forests
and caverns, where it was a crime not only for them to
preach, but for the people to listen. In 1583, a Court of High
Commission was established, to search out and suppress nonconformities; clothed with powers the most revolting to the
spirit of men brought up under the philosophic rule of the
common law of England, pronounced by Lord Coke to be
the "perfection of human reason."  Under this anomaly, so
foreign to the British constitution that Burleigh did not
* Neal's Puritans, i. 396.   i Hallam's England, i. 270.




BIGOTRY AND PERSECUTION OF THE AGE.              79
scruple to liken it to the Spanish inquisition,* such outrages
were practiced as would scarcely be credible, did not the
blood of' its victims cry out to us from the ground. Two
men were hanged for distributing Brown's tract on the right
of a free pulpit.t  Ten years after that, Barrow and Greenwood were hanged at Tyburn for non-conformity.: These
violent coercive measures quickened the growth of iPuritanism.  At first comprising but a handful of obscure men, in a
few years it numbered many thousands, and not a few names
that have since made the world echo with their renown.
The union of England and Scotland, under James I., was
hailed by the Puritans as the harbinger of religious liberty.
But the king soon took more decided grounds against them
than his predecessor had done.  The number of clergymen
who were "silenced, imprisoned, or exiled," in a single year,
has been estimated as high as three hundred.ll  Mad with the
doctrine that attributed to kings a divine right, impatient of
all opposition, this weak monarch evinced his hatred toward
this now large and respectable portion of his subjects, by acts
of severity, and language unworthy of a king.~ It is idle to
attempt to deny these facts, authenticated as they are by vast
treasuries of English record evidence. No less idle is it to
reiterate the charge, equally false, that Episcopacy is wholly
responsible for them.  When will a day at last dawn upon
us, of a light pure enough to dispel the mists of prejudice and
bigotry that hang over the history of civil and religious liberty in England? The puritans were the progressive party.
They were impatient of the old order of things, just as the
members of the established church under Elizabeth had themselves a few years before been opposed to the order of things
then existing. Both these parties were in their turn persecuted.  Each in its turn was denominated radical and incenHallam's England, i. 271-~273; Strype's, Whitgift, 157.
~ Strype's Annals, iii. 186; Fuller's Church History, b. ix. 169.
Strype's WVThitgift, 414; Neal's Puritans, i. 526, 527.
1I Calderwood, Neal, &c.
~ Barlow's Sum and Substance of the Conf. at EIampden Court, 83.




80             HLISTORY OF COINNECTICUT.
diary; and each persecution, though inflamed by religious
zeal, was essentially political. The English mind, as a whole,
was not then prepared for entire freedom  of conscience.
Those who were in power were timid and solicitous.  They
deemed every step taken by the popular party as an encroachment upon their own limits, that they were called
upon to check, or allow themselves, ultimately to be supplanted.  It was a struggle between conservatisim, fortifying
and de"inding herself, and progress, advancing to drive her
friom her position. The outrages committed against the puritans in the reigns of Elizabeth, James, and Charles I., on the
one hand, and the shocking vindication of them on the other,
by the iron-handed protector-a vindication revolting, as
well from the blood that stained its grim features, as from
the insults so shamelessly offered to the most ancient monumlents of British glory, and the destruction of the most sacred
temples and shrines-evince alike the wild fermentation out
of which civil and religious liberty were at last to come.
Both these parties, when dominant, were overbearing and
cruel; when in the minority, were sadly oppressed.  Each
was partly right and partly wrong; and those writers furnish
but a poor commentary upon human progress, and wretched
evidence of that freedom of conscience which is the boast
of our age, who at this day can find in any party of the
sixteenth or seventeenth centuries an expression of their
ideal, either of loveliness or perfection.
The puritans then were driven to the alternative of giving
up their own mode of worship, and taking oaths that were
repugnant to their views of right; they must renounce all
political honors and emoluments, all prospects of social advancement for themselves and for their children who held to
the same belief, and remain in England the scoff of those who
found it popular to deride them; or they must cast about them
for a retreat, not straightened and accessible like the forests
and caves of their native island, where in vain they had
sought to hide themselves, but remote and open for the employment of their faculties as well as for the exercise of their




CAUSES OF THE EMIGRATION.              81
religious rites.  Some of them fled to Germany, some to
Holland, and lingered there till this species of self exile became too painful to be borne.  Then, one after another, surrounded by his little flock, many a clergyman, who had been
nursed in the bosom of Oxford or Cambridge, who had long
sat under the bowers of the manse and eaten of the fruits
that grew upon the pleasant glebe, who had quickened his
steps as he walked, when the sweet tones of his church bell
warned him that the child waited at the font to be signed
with the mystic sign, made ready to go to a wild, remote
country, where he might be free from oaths save such as he
should prescribe for himself, where he might pray and worship by no formularies save such as he might choose.
Right or wrong, this was the leading motive. But other
motives doubtless operated with greater or less force upon
many of the emigrants. The mind of the old world was then
turned toward the new.  The various rumors that were rife
in England with regard to the illimitable extent of this territory, washed by the waves of the Atlantic and the South Sea,
as they vaguely denominated the Pacific ocean, from its very
vastness, took a strong hold of the imagination; and these puritans, stern and practical as they were, did not escape the
contagion. There were also stories of exciting adventure to
stimulate the desires of the young-visions of wealth, from
rich acres tamed to the possession and uses of man, or from
the furs of wild animals, floated in the dreams of the prudent
and money-loving. To deny that the puritans alone were
free from the promptings of motives such as these, is to claim
for them what they never arrogated to themselves. They
were modest men, too earnest in the belief that they were
sinners, ever to affix to themselves the attributes of God.
After their arrival here, they sought (why should they not?)
to avail themselves of the resources of nature. Hence, urged
by no necessity, but simply to better their condition, the
fathers of Connecticut left the Massachusetts for the alluvial
meadows where they finally established themselves.
I have thought it best to premise thus much upon the
6




82             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
causes that led to the settlement of Connecticut, before introducing to the reader's notice her first written constitution,
that was adopted at a general convention of all the planters
at Hartford, on the 14th of January, 1639.
We read in treatises upon elementary law, of a time antecedent to all law, when men are theoretically said to have
met together and surrendered a part of their rights for a more
secure enjoyment of the remainder. Hence, we are told,
human governments date their origin. This dream of the
enthusiast as applied to ages past, in Connecticut for the first
time upon the American soil became a recorded verity.
Here, at least, we are permitted to look on and see the foundations of a political structure laid. We can count the workmen, and we have become familiar with the features of the
master builders.  We see that they are most of them men
of a new type. Bold men they are, who have cut loose from
old associations, old prejudices, old forms; men who will
take the opinions of no man, unless he can back them up with
strong reasons; clear-sighted, sinewy men, in whom the intellect and the moral nature predominate over the more delicate traits that mark an advanced stage of social life.  Such
men as these will not, however, in their zeal to cast off old
dominions, be solicitous to free themselves and their posterity
from all restraint; for no people are less given up to the sway
of unbridled passions.. Indeed, they have made it a main
part of their business in life to subdue their passions.  Laws,
therefore, they must and will have, and laws that, whatever
else they lack, will not want the merit of being fresh and
original.
As it has been, and still is, a much debated question, what
kind of men they were-some having over praised, and others
rashly blamed them-let us, without bigotry, try if we can
not look at them through a medium that shall render them
to us in all their essential characteristics as they were. That
medium is afforded us by the written constitution that they
made of their own free will for their own government. This
is said to give the best portrait of any people; though in a




[1639.]         THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.               83
nation that has been long maturing, the compromise between
the past and present, written upon almost every page of its
history, can not have failed in some degree to make the likeness dim. Yet, of such a people as we are describing, who
may be said to have no past-who live not so much in the
present as in the future, and who forge as with one stroke the
constitution that is to be a basis of their laws-are we not
provided with a mirror that reflects every lineament with the
true disposition of light and shade?  If it is a stern, it is yet
a truthful mirror.  It flatters neither those who made it nor
those blear-eyed maskers, who, forgetful of their own distorted visages, look in askance, and are able to see nothing
to admire in the sober, bright-eyed faces of their fathers who
gaze down upon them from the olden time.
The preamble of this constitution begins by reciting the
fact that its authors are, " under Almighty God," inhabitants
and residents of Windsor, Hartford, and Wethersfield, upon
"the river Connecticut."  It also states that, in consonance
with the word of God, in order to maintain the peace and
union of such a people, it is necessary that "there should be
an orderly and decent government established" that shall
"; dispose of the affairs of the people at all seasons.", " We do
therefore," say they, "associate and conjoin ourselves to be
as one public state or commonwealth."  They add, further,
that the first object aimed at by them, is to preserve the liberty
and the purity of the gospel and the discipline of their own
churches; and, in the second place, to govern their civil
affairs, by such rules as their written constitution and the
laws enacted under its authority shall prescribe. To provide
for these two objects, the liberty of the gospel, as they understood it, and the regulation of their own civil affairs, they
sought'to embody in the form of distinct decrees, substantially the following provisions:
1. That there shall be every year two general assemblies
or courts, one on the second Thursday of April, the other on
the second Thursday of September: that the one held in
April, shall be called the Court of Election, wherein shall be




84              EHISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
annually chosen the magistrates, (one of whom shall be the
governor,) and other public officers, who are to administer
justice according to the laws here established; and where
there are no laws provided, to do it in accordance with the
laws of God; and that these rulers shall be elected by all the
freemen within the limits of the commonwealth, who have
been admitted inhabitants of the towns where they severally
live, and who have taken the oath of fidelity to the new
state; and that they shall all meet at one place to hold this
election.
2. It is provided that after the voters have all met and are
ready to proceed to an election, the first officer to be chosen
shall be a governor, and after him a body of magistrates and
other officers. Every voter is to bring in, to those appointed
to receive it, a piece of paper with the name of him whom
he would have for governor written upon it, and he that has
the greatest number of papers with his name written upon
them, was to be governor for that year.  The other magistrates were elected in the following manner.  The names of
all the candidates were first given to the secretary for the
time being, and written down by him, in the order in which
they were given; the secretary was then to read the list over
aloud and severally nominate each person whose name was
so written down, in its order, in a distinct voice, so that all
the citizen voters could hear it.  As each name was read,
thev were to vote by ballot, either for or against it, as they
liked; those who voted in favor of the nominee, did it by
sriting his name upon the ballot-those who voted against
him, simply gave in a blank ballot; and those only were
elected whose names were written upon a majority of all the
paper ballots handed in under each nomination. These
papers were to be received and counted by sworn Officers,
appointed by the court for that purpose.  Six magistrates,
besides the governor, were to be elected in this way. If they
failed to elect so many by a majority vote, then the requisite
number was to be filled up, by taking the names of those who
had received the highest number of votes.




[1639.]        THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.               85
3. The men thus to be nominated and balloted for were to
be propounded at some general court, held before the court
of election, the deputies of each town having the privilege
of nominating any two whom they chose.  Other nominations might be made by the court.
4. No person could be chosen governor oftener than once
in two years.  It was requisite that this officer should be a
member of an approved congregation, and that he should be
taken from the magistrates of the commonwealth.  But no
qualification was required in a candidate for the magistracy,
except that he should be chosen from the freemen. Both
governor and magistrates were required to take a solemn
oath of office.
5. To this court of election the several towns were to send
their deputies, and after the elections were over, the court
was to proceed, as at other courts, to make laws, or do whatever was necessary to further the interests of the commonwealth.
6. These two regular courts were to be convened by the
governor himself, or by his secretary, by sending out a warrant to the constables of every town, a month at least before
the day of session. In times of danger or public exigency,
the governor and a majority of the magistrates, might order
the secretary to summon a court, with fourteen days notice,
or even less, if the case required it, taking care to state their
reasons for so doing to the deputies when they mnet.  If, on
the other hand, the governor should neglect to call the regular courts, or, with the major part of the magistrates, should
fail to convene such special ones as were needed, then the
freemen, or a major part of them, were required to petition
them to do it. If this did not serve. then the freemen, or a
majority of them, were clothed with the power to order the
constables to summon the court-after which they might
meet, choose a moderator, and do any act that it was lawful
for the regular courts to do.
7. On receiving the warrants for these general courts, the
constables of each town were to give immediate notice to the




86             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
fieemen, either at a public gathering or by going from house
to house, that at a given place and time they should meet to
elect deputies to the General Court, about to convene, and
"to agitate the affairs of the commonwealth."  These deputies were to be chosen by vote of the electors of the town
who had taken the oath of fidelity; and no man not a freeman was eligible to the office of deputy. The deputies were
to be chosen by a major vote of all the freemen present, who
were to make their choice by written paper ballots-each
voter giving in as many papers as there were deputies to be
chosen, with a single name written on each paper. The
names of' the deputies when chosen were indorsed by the
constables, on the back of their respective warrants, and returned into court.
8. The three towns of the commonwealth were each to
have the privilege of sending four deputies to the General
Court. If other towns were afterwards added to the jurisdiction, the number of their deputies was to be fixed by the
court. The deputies represented the towns, and could bind
them bv their votes in all legislative matters.
9. The deputies had power to meet after they were chosen,
and before the session of the General Court, to consult for the
public good, and to examine whether those who had been returned as members of their own body, were legally elected.
If they found any who were not so elected, they might
seclude them from their assembly, and return their names to
the court, with their reasons for so doing. The court, on
finding these reasons valid, could issue orders for a new election, and impose a fine upon such men as had falsely thrust
themselves upon the towns as candidates.
10. Every regular general court was to consist of the governor and at least four other magistrates, with the major part
of the deputies chosen from the several towns. But if any
court happened to be called by the freemen, through the default
of the governor and magistrates, that court was to consist of
a majority of the freemen present, or their deputies, and a
mnoderator, chosen by them.  In the General Court was lodged




[1639.]        THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.                 87
the " supreme power of the commonwealth."  In this court,
the governor or moderator had power to command liberty of
speech, to silence all disorders, and to put all questions that
were to be made the subject of legislative action, but not to
vote himself, unless the court was equally divided, when he
was to give the casting vote. But he could not adjourn or
dissolve the court without the major vote of the members.
Taxes also were to be ordered by the court; and when they
had agreed on the sum to be raised, a committee was to be
appointed of an equal number of men from each town to
decide what part of that sum each town should pay.This first written constitution of the new world was simple
in its terms, comprehensive in its policy, methodical in its arrangement, beautiful in its adaptation of parts to a whole, of
means to an end. Compare it with any of the constitutions
of the old world then existing. I say nothing of those
libels upon human nature, the so-called constitutions of the
continent of Europe-compare it reverently, as children
speak of a father's roof, with that venerated structure, the
British constitution. How complex is the architecture of the
latter! here exhibiting the clumsy handiwork of the Saxon,
there, the more graceful touch of later conquerors; the whole
colossal pile, magnificent with turrets and towers, and decorated with armorial devices and inscriptions, written in a language not only dead, but never native to the island; all
eloquent, indeed, with the spirit of ages past, yet haunted
with the cry of suffering humanity, and the clanking of
chains that come up from its subterranean dungeons. iMIark,
too, the rifts and seams in its gray walls-traces of convulsion and revolution. Proud as it is, its very splendor shows
the marks of a barbarous age.  Its tapestry speaks a language
dissonant to the ears of freemen.  It tells of exclusive privileges, of divine rights, not in the people, but in the king, of
primogeniture, of conformities, of prescriptions, of serfs and
lords, of attainder that dries up like a leprosy the fountains
of inheritable blood; and lastly, it discourses of the rights of
X J. Hammond Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 20.




88             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
British subjects, in eloquent language, but sometimes with
qualifications that startle the ears of men who have tasted
the sweets of a more enlarged liberty.  Such was the spirit of
the British constitution and code of the seventeenth century.
I do not blame it, that it was not better; perhaps it could not
then have been improved without risk.  Improvement in an
old state, is the work of time. But I have a right to speak
with pride of the more advanced freedom of our own.
The constitution of Connecticut sets out with the practical recognition of the doctrine, that all ultimate power is
lodged with the people.  The body of the people is the body
politic.  From  the people flow the fountains of law  and
justice. The governor, and the other magistrates, the deputies themselves, are but a kind of committee, with delegated
powers to act for the free planters. Elected from their number, they must spend their short official term in the discharge
of the trust, and then descend to their old level of citizen
voters.  Here are to be no interminable parliaments.  The
majority of the General Court can adjourn it at will. Nor is
there to be an indefinite prorogation of the legislature at the
will of a single man. Let the governor and magistrates look
to it. If they do not call a general court, the planters will
take the matter into their own hands, and meet in a body to
take care of their neglected interests.
One of the most striking features in this new, and at that
time strange document, is, that it will tolerate no rotten-borough
system. Every deputy, who goes to the legislature, is to go
from his own town, and is to be a free planter of that town.
In this way he will know what is the will of his constituents,
and what their wants are.
This paper has another remarkable trait. There is to be
no taxation without representation in Connecticut.  The
towns, too, are recognized as independent municipalities.
They are the primary centres of power, older than the constitution-the makers and builders of the State.  They have
given up to the State a part of their corporate powers, as
they received them  from  the fiee planters, that they may




[1639.]            THE FIRST CONSTITUTION.                      89
have a safer guarantee for the keeping of the rest. Whatever they have not given up, they hold in absolute right.
How strange, too, that, in defining so carefully and astutely
the limits of the government, these constitution makers should
have forgotten the king.  One would not suppose, that those
who indited this paper were even aware of the existence of
titled majesty beyond what belonged to the King of kings.
They mention no supreme power, save that of the commonwealth, which speaks and acts through the General Court.Such was the constitution  of Connecticut.  I have said
it was the oldest of the American constitutions.  More than
this, I might say, it is the mother of them all. It has been
modified in different states to suit the circumstances of the
people, and the size of their respective territories; but the
representative  system  peculiar to  the American republics,
was first unfolded by Ludlow, (who probably drafted the constitution of Connecticut,) and by Hooker, Haynes, Wolcott,
Steele, Sherman, Stone, and the other far-sighted men of the
colony, who must have advised and counseled to do, what
they and all the people in the three towns met together in a
mass to sanction and  adopt as their own.  Let me not be
understood to say, that I consider the framers of this paper
perfect legislators, or in all respects free from  bigotry and intolerance.  How   could  they  throw  off in a moment the
shackles of custom  and old opinion?   They saw  more than
two centuries beyond their own era.  England herself at this
day has only approximated, without reaching, the elevated table- See Rev. Leonard Bacon's discourse on the Early Constitutional History of Connecticut, p. 5. See, also, Rev. Dr. Hawes' Centennial Address, wvhich points out
with great clearness and ability the distinct features of this document. Examine,
too, Rev. Dr. Bushnell's " Historical Estimate," which should be read by all
those unworthy sons of Connecticut, now residents here, who in travelinog write
themselves down upon the books of hotels, as citizens of Boston, or New York.
Such wretches, who, in the language of Wgordsworth, would " botanize upon their
mother's grave," are the only specks that need to be washed off from the surface
of our history. However, we have occasion to rejoice that they do not indicate
the degeneracy of Connecticut, as it is believed that none of them sprung from
the early families.




90             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
land of constitutional freedom, whose pure air was breathed
by the earliest planters of Connecticut.  Under this constitution they passed, it is true, some quaint laws, that sometimes provoke a smile, and, in those who are unmindful of the
age in which they lived, sometimes a sneer. I shall speak of
these laws in their order, I hope with honesty and not with too
much partiality.  It may be proper to say here, however, that
for one law that has been passed in Connecticut of a bigoted
or intolerant character, a diligent explorer into the English
court records or statute books for evidences of bigotry, and
revolting cruelty, could find twenty in England.'"Kings
have been dethroned," says Bancroft, the eloquent American historian, "recalled, dethroned again, and so many constitutions framed or formed, stifled or subverted, that memory
may despair of a complete catalogue; but the people of
Connecticut have found no reason to deviate essentially
from the government as established by their fathers.  History
has ever celebrated the commanders of armies on which
victory has been entailed, the heroes who have won laurels
in scenes of carnage and rapine.  Has it no place for the
founders of states, the wise legislators who struck the rock
in the wilderness, and the waters of liberty gushed forth in
copious and perennial fountains?"









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CHAPTER V.
0OUNDING OF NEW HAVEN COLONY.
IT has been found necessary to depart a little from the
order of events as they transpired, for the sake of a more distinct arrangement.  Let us now return.
Although one powerful enemy had been subdued, the little
commonwealth was threatened by others almost equally formidable.  Early in November, the ground was hidden with
snow.  It fell to a great depth during the winter, and remained until late in March.  A second time the people were
threatened with famine. There was an alarming scarcity
of corn.  Mr. Pyncheon of Agawam, (now Springfield,) a
gentleman of great resources and tact, was deputed by the
court to negotiate with the Indians for this then indispensable staple of human food. Mr. Pyncheon contracted to furnish five hundred bushels. But this inconsiderable quantity
would scarcely keep the inhabitants from starvation a week,
and it was necessary to take other measures.  A vessel was
dispatched upon the same errand to the Narragansett bay,
but it would seem with little success, for it soon became
necessary to look further. A committee was finally sent to
Pocomtock, (Deerfield,) where there was a large Indian village, and such large stores of corn, that all apprehensions
of famine were soon at an end. Such quantities were bought
there, that the natives came down the river with fifty canoes
laden with it at one time.-  But other troubles pressed hard
upon the people. The colony, on account of the expenses
of the Pequot war, was largely in debt. A further outlay
of money was also needed to provide guns and magazines
of powder and ball for future security. A tax of six hundred and twenty poundst-the first ever levied in Connecti* Mason's History.    F J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 12.




92             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
cut-was ordered by the General Court to be immediately
collected from the towns.  This was done in February, 1638,
and, in the March following, the court appointed John Mason
commander-in-chief of the militia of Connecticut.  He was
directed to call out the militia of each town in the colony ten
times during each year, and instruct and practice them in
military affairs.  For this arduous service he received a
salary of forty pounds."  The eloquent Hooker was designated as most fit to deliver to him the staff of his new official
rank.  The ceremony, simple as it doubtless was, must have
been imposing and memorable to all who witnessed it. But
I will not attempt to represent a scene that has been described
by one of the most eloquent of American writers in words
like the following:
" Here is a scene for the painter of some future day-I see
it even now before me. In the distance, and behind the huts
of Hartford, waves the signal flag by which the town watch
is to give notice of enemies.  In the foreground stands the
tall, swart form of the soldier in his armor; and before him,
in sacred, apostolic beauty, the majestic Hooker. Haynes
and Hopkins, with the legislature, and the hardy, toil-worn
settlers and their wives and daughters, are gathered round
them in close order, gazing with moistened eyes at the hand
which lifts the open commission to God, and listening to the
fervent prayer that the God of Israel will endue his servant,
as heretofore, with courage and counsel to lead them in the
days of their future peril.  True, there is nothing classic in
the scene.  This is no crown bestowed at the Olympic
games, or at a Roman triumph, and yet there is a severe,
primitive sublimity in the picture, that will sometime be invested with feelings of the deepest reverence.  Has not the
time already come, when the people of Connecticut will
gladly testify that reverence, by a monument that shall make
the beautiful valley of the Yantic, where Mason sleeps, as
beautifully historic, and be a mark to the eye from one of the
* J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 15




[1637.]   ARRIVAL OF DAVENPORT AND EATON.            93
most ancient and loveliest, as well as most populous, towns
of our ancient commonwealth?""
Meanwhile, a new colony was preparing to plant itself in
the woods of New England.  On the 26th of July, 1637,+
arrived in Massachusetts, the Rev. John Davenport, accompanied by Theophilus Eaton, Edward Hopkins, and a number of other gentlemen of wealth and character, with their
servants and household effects. They were for the most
part from London, and had been bred to mercantile and commercial pursuits.  Their coming was hailed at Boston with
much joy, for they were the most opulent of all the companies who had emigrated to New England.
The Massachusetts planters made strong efforts to retain
these gentlemen within their own jurisdiction. If they would
stay, the General Court offered them whatever place they
might choose,4 and the inhabitants of Newbury said they
would give up their whole town if they would consent to
occupy it. But the new emigrants had come to found a distinct colony, and therefore declined to accept these generous
overtures.  They were only in doubt where they should go.
The pursuit of the Pequots from the mouth of the Thames
westward along the coast to Fairfield, had led the English to
explore that charming tract of country, with its inlets, harbors and coves, and its extended plains of rich, alluvial land,
enlivened with the sparkling waters of the Housatonic, and
numerous smaller streams that impart such a pleasing variety
even to a level country. Those who went upon this expedition had brought back such a favorable report of the fertility
of this territory, that it was resolved to make it the seat of a
new colony. Accordingly, in the fall of the same year, Eaton
with a few of his friends visited Connecticut, and made a
careful exploration of the sea-coast and the back country
adjacent to it. They finally pitched upon a place that had
a good harbor, called by the Indians, Quinnipiack, as the most
eligible spot whereon to found the capital city of their colony.
* Rev. Dr. Bushnell's Historical Estimate of Connecticut, 22, 23.
F Savage's Winthrop, i. 272; Trumbull, i. 95.   A. Winthrop.




94               HISTORY OF COINNECTICUT.
Here they built a temporary hut, and left a few servants in it
to keep possession during the winter.  The Dutch had been
familiar with this locality long before, and probably from the
color of the high rocks, that are visible to a great distance,
had given it the name of " Red Mount."
On the 30th of the next March, the whole company set
sail for Quinnipiack.  They must have had a rough voyage,
as they were a whole fortnight in reaching their destined harbor.  They kept their first Sabbath. with services suited to
the occasion, under a branching oak, large enough to give its
imperfect shelter to every man, woman, and child, in the
colony.*  We may almost recall this simple yet imposing
scene.  The grim old oak, whose buds, just opened, have not
yet passed from  gray to green, stretching its gnarled limbs
between the worshipers and the ungenial April sky, darkened
at brief intervals by flitting clouds; the brown trunks of the
elms, their slender boughs at last evincing signs of life; the
different varieties of maple, some adorned with blossoms of
pale green, others blushing in hues bright as those that flush
the cheek of the young maiden; further off, the dingy cedar,
with tangled grape vines coiled around its top; in the distance,
a bald, red rook, bending its well-definecl outline around the
border of the plain; to the east of it, another of a different
form rising solitary like a sentinel, a tuft of pines surmounting
its seamy forehead; near by, a lively view of dancing blue
waters, rocking two small ships with reefed sails-make out
the more marked traits of external nature that meet the eye.
Beneath the oak, the worshiping assembly is ranged in due
order.  Near the trunk of the tree are the two Eatons-one
in the robes of the English church, for they were not yet
thrown aside in New England except in the Plymouth colony.
The Rev. Mr. Prudden, Hopkins, Gregson, Gilbert, and other
gentlemen-Davenport in canonicals forming the central
Trumbull, i. 96. This oak, according to tradition, stood near the north-east
corner of College and George streets, (New Haven) in the present door yard of
a venerable dwelling, in which was born that staunch old divine of the puritan
stamp, the Rev. Lyman Beecher, D.D.




[1638.]      THE PLANTATION COVENANT.                  95
figure-opposite them, their wives and daughters; and at a
respectful distance the humbler classes, the males and females
in separate groups; a sober, decent congregation of Christians, setting at naught the inclemencies of the sky, or laying
them to heart as the chastening frowns of God and the hiding
of his face for a season, they listen attentively, first to Davenport, as he discourses to them from the first verse of the third
chapter of St. Matthew, and warns them "of the temptations
of the wilderness;'" and then to Prudden, who follows his fellow-laborer with a well-chosen text from the same chapter,
"The voice of one crying in the wilderness, prepare ye the
way of the Lord, make his paths straight."' Were they druids
beneath their consecrated groves, the scene would be interesting and instructive; but Christians as they are, under
whatever forms they invoke the aid of Heaven -Christians
contending with a wilderness, that must ultimately fall before
them, the spectacle is sublime.
They had not been long at Quinnipiack before they entered
into a " plantation covenant," the language of which is, "' that
as in matters that concern the gathering and ordering of a
church, so also in all public affairs that concern civil order,
they would all of them be ordered by the rules which the
Scripture held forth to them."
The spring of that year was backward and forbidding.
The seed corn rotted in the ground, and the farmers were
obliged to plant their fields twice, and in some instances three
times, before the tardy grain sprouted and grew.t  This sadly
disheartened them.  But it came up at last, and throve so
well that they took courage.  But on the first of' June their
prospects were again overcast.  Between three and four
o'clock in the afternoon of that day, the whole surface of
New England was shaken by an earthquake.  We are told
that it came "like continued thunder," or the rattling of
coach-wheels along a paved street. In some places it was
so violent that it threw down the chimney-tops. Nor did it
* Bacon's " Historical Discourses," 13; Kingsley, 80; Trumbull, i. 96.
f Winthrop; Morton.




96             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
stop with the land. The ships trembled in the harbors. The
islands, as well as the main land, felt the shock. The chroniclers tell us, perhaps with some exaggeration, that the earth
shuddered for several minutes, and that for many days after
it was unquiet and tremulous.In the following November, Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Davenport, and other gentlemen, made a contract with Mo-maugu-in in reference to a sale of lands. A very interesting
document it is, being in the nature both of a deed of sale of
Quinnipiack and a league or solemn treaty, offensive and defensive; the chief covenanting neither to terrify, disturb, nor
injure the English, who in return agreed to protect the chief
and his tribe, and see that they had lands on the east side
of the harbor both for hunting and tillage. The celebrated
Thonas Stanton interpreted the indenture, and it was executed with the usual formalities.  On the 11th of December
following, the same gentlemen bought another large tract of
land lying northerly of the former purchase.  This second
piece of land was ten miles wide fiom  north to south, and
thirteen miles in length from east to west. It was deeded to
them by Mifon-to-we-se, son of the great sachem of Mat-tabe-seck. It was a valuable territory, and has since been divided into the towns of New Haven, Branford, Wallingford,
East Haven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, and North Haven.t To
one who now stands upon the summit of West Rock, and looks
off upon the church steeples that are visible within the limits
of those towns, it seems scarcely credible that the consideration of this deed was thirteen English coats, with the reservation of the right to plant and hunt upon the granted premises. But the price was an adequate one. What could
the grantors do with money? and the liberty to occupy the
land for the two purposes named in the deed, comprised in
the mind of an Indian, nearly all that lawyers mean by the
term fee simple.
In the character of its immigrants the colony of New Haven
was peculiarly fortunate. Early in the year 1639, another
* Trumbull i. 96.  + Trumbull, i. 99.




[1639.]    MEETING IN MIR. NEWMAN S BARN.                 97
company of gentlemen of high character arrived from England.  This new emigration was headed by the Rev. Henry
Whitfield.  Its other principal men were William  Leete,
afterwards governor of the colony; Samuel Desborough,
(or Disbrowe,) to whom Cromwell afterwards assigned the
post of lord chancellor of Scotland, at a time -when he was
in need of efficient men; also Robert Kitchel and William
Chittenden, both men of high character.
On the 4th of June, 1639, the free planters of Quinnipiack
met for the first time to form a civil and religious organization. They had no spacious hall, as now, where they might
assemble and discuss affairs of state.  The best shelter from
the sun that the humble architecture of the place could
then afford its population, was "Mr. Newman's barn"Robert NeNwman's, probably-a locality doubly consecrated,
for here, within a few feet of the spot where the planters of
Quinnipiack first convened to found a commonwealth, lived
and died Noah Webster, the first philologist of modern times.r
A grave matter was pending, and Mr. Davenport brought
the minds of the planters to a suitable fiame, by preaching
to them from the words of Solomon: " Wisdom  hath builded
her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars."  It was a
pungent and weighty discourse, in the sentiments of which
Theophilus Eaton probably concurred, as he appears to have
had a good understanding with his pastor upon all topics.
The preacher expressed himself very explicitly in reference
to the divine origin of government, and argued that the
church and the civil polity were inseparable.  Davenport
claimed that the church ought to be supported by seven pillars or members of eminent piety, and that the other members should be added to the seven pillars.
* For the discovery of the location of this primitive hall of legislation, the public
are indebted to the researches of the Rev. Leonard Bacon, D.D., whose eloquent
" Historical Discourses, on the completion of two hundred years from the beginning of the first church in New Haven,' have brought to light many interesting,
facts in the early history of the New Haven colony, which were before either
wholly unknown or entirely misapprehended.




98              HISTORY OF CONNTECTICUT.
A series of resolutions were adopted at this meeting, of
which I subjoin a copy.
I. That the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for the direction and government of' all nen in all duties which they
perform to God and men, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters of the church.
II. That, as in matters which concerned the gathering
and ordering of a church, so likewise of all public offices
which concern civil order, as the choice of magistrates and
officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of
inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would all be
governed by those rules which the Scripture held forth to
them.
III. That all those who had desired to be received as free
planters, had settled in the plantation with a purpose, resolution, and desire, that they might be admitted into church fellowship according to Christ.
IV. That all the free planters held themselves bound to
establish such civil order as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to themselves
and their posterity according to God.
V. That church members only should be free burgesses;
and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs
of the plantation; of making and repealing laws, dividing inheritances, deciding of differences that may arise, and doing
all things and businesses of like nature.
That civil officers might be chosen, and government proceed according to these resolutions, it was necessary that
a church should be formed.  Without this there could be
neither freemen nor magistrates.  Mr. Davenport, therefore,
proceeded to make proposals relative to the formation of
it, in such a manner that no blemish might be left on the
"beginnings of church work." It was then resolved to this
effect:
VI. That twelve men should be chosen, that their fitness
for the foundation work might be tried, and that it should be




[1639.] THE CONSTITUTION OF NEW HAVEN COLONY.    99
in the power of those twelve men to choose seven to begin
the church.Under this constitution, so original and unique in some of
its provisions, that I have been able to find no other previously existing to which I might compare it, the colony of
New Haven was organized and continued to flourish for
many years. The seven pillars were Theophilus Eaton, Esquire, Mr. John Davenport, Robert Newman, Mathew Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, and Jeremiah Dixon.
It has attracted much attention, and many severe remarks
have been made,. arraigning it for bigotry and intolerance.
That it was not erected upon that basis of universal freedom
peculiar at that early day to the constitution of Connecticut,
and that some of its terms are harsh and jar upon the ears
of men who, in the nineteenth century, have been reared
under a system of government where the church and the
state, though on terms of friendly intercourse, have no forced
or arbitrary connection, can not be denied. The government organized under this constitution has been called a theocracy, but with what propriety the term has been applied to
it, I am unable to see. The free planters, without reference
to church membership, and before their church was instituted,
met together, debated earnestly the principles that were to
be embodied in their constitution, and then voted with one
consent that " church members only should be free burgesses,
and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs
of the plantation." This. is not a claim set up by the church,
to rule the people by virtue of a divine right. As yet, they
have no church. But the planters themselves designate, of
their own choice, for reasons that they deem valid, a body or
class of men whom they choose, out of which all officers of
civil trust shall be elected.  TNor are the interests of the
church and state in any way blended. No church officer, as
such, has any civil power. But we are told that these men
were surely fanatics in one respect; that they adopted the
* Trumbull, i. 104, 105.




100             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
laws of God as laid down in his revealed word.  The reader
will remember that the people of New Haven were fourteen
months deliberating what kind of constitution they would
form.  They were still more slow and cautious in coming to
a conclusion what should be the temper and spirit of the
laws passed under it.  And in order that no act of legislation
might be passed with unseemly haste, they decided to adopt
the laws of }iMoses until they could form others more applicable to the state and condition of their people.  What outrage did they perpetrate under these laws?  What injustice
did they practice either toward the wild tribes of savages
that surrounded them, or toward their own citizens?  What
was the practical working of their system?  Let their schools,
where learning, elastic and free as the air of the north, yet
substantial and well-grounded as the hills on whose summits
that air lingers to sport with the cheek of health that meets
it there-let that fair city, laid out in squares by its first founders, as if they were prescient of the beauty that was to adorn
its forehead like a chaplet of unfading flowers, long after the
gr:een mounds should be leveled and the monuments thrown
down that claimed for the leaders of the colony " the passing
Li-ibute of a sigh" -let these, and the good order that still
sprilngs up and grows upon the spot as if it were indigenous
there like the leaves of the shade trees that make the city a
bower, yet grows not old and fades like them-answer for
the spirit and the practical workings of the constitution and
laws of their commonwealth. " By their fruits ye shall know
them."  Bigotry, superstition, intolerance, are words of
wveighty significance in the mouths of wise, dispassionate
men, when applied to the history of civil and religious liberty in England and America.  But when adopted as the
catch-words of a party, ecclesiastical or political, and hurled
like thunderbolts from  army to army of the combatants to
blast and shatter their adversaries, what are they but the
implements of a blind destruction, at sight of which reason
retires from the field, and Christian charity shudders as she
turns away her face?  It is my purpose to avoid the appli



[1639.],        IILFORD SETTLED.               101
cation of those words as muchas possible in delineating the
various parties and classes of people representing different
interests in Connecticut, both before and since the American
revolution. The laws of the colony of New Haven I shall
treat of, when I come to express my views of the jurisprudence of Connecticut.
Having thus established itself at home upon safe foundations, the colony of New Haven began to send out liberal
swarms from the metropolitan hive. On the 12th of February, 1639, Wepowage (Milford) was purchased," and Mllenunkatuck (Guilford,) in September of that year. Both towns
were settled according to the New Haven plan. The Rev.
Peter Prudden led the way in the settlement of Milford. The
"seven pillars" of the Milford church were, Peter Prudden,
William Fowler, Edmund Tapp, Zechariah Whitman, Thomas
Buckingham, Thomas Welch, and John Astwood. Milford
was an independent commonwealth until 1643, when it became merged in the colony of New Haven.t Their civil
institutions did not differ essentially from  those of New
Haven. The planters of Ailford were most of them from
the counties of Essex, Hereford, and Yorik, in England.  A
part of them came first to New Haven; a still larger part
followed Mr. Prudden firom Wethersfield, where he preached
for a little while in the course of the year 1638. Among the
principal gentlemen who came from Wethersfield to Milford,
were Robert Treat, Esq., afterwards governor of Connecticut, and renowned both as a civilian and soldier, and John
Sherman, a venerable name, of whom I shall by and by give
a more extended sketch. There were fifty-four heads of
families, and more than two hundred persons in all, who first
went to Milford.j  A more substantial company of emigrants
never followed a clergyman into the wild woods of America,
than the fathers of Milford.  Guided by Thomas Tibbals,
they went through the forest from New Haven to Wepowage. An Indian trail was their only path. The territory at
that time was occupied with the Paugussett Indians, of whose
X Lamrnbrt's Eist., New Haven Colony, 85.  t Lamnbert.   l Ib. 90.




102             HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
sachem, Ansantawae, the land in the centre of the township
was purchased by these pioneers. This was a numerous and
powerful tribe, and occupied a region extending some sixteen
or eighteen miles along the coast, and reaching at least twelve
miles into the interior.C' My limits forbid that I should at
present do more than make this brief allusion to the heroic
little commonwealth at Mllilford.
The first settlers at Guilf'ord were a large proportion of
them gentlemen.  The rest wvere known as yeomen.  Both
gentlemen and yeomen were almost all planters.  There were
so ewv mechanics among thlem that they could scarcely find
carpenters to build their houses; not a blacksmith was to be
found among them, and it was with difficulty that they finally
procured one.  The early citizens of Guilford, almost without exception, emigrated from Surry and Kent.  Mr. Henry
Whitfield, their clergyman, was of an old English family, and
had preached with eminent success at Oakley in Surry.  He
was a friend of Mr. Fenwick of Saybrook.  An intimacy
also existed between him and Desborough.  Desborough was
the first magistrate of Guilford.  Indeed, he appears to have
been born to good fortune.  Some more minute account of
him may not only interest the reader, but serve to correct
some errors into which several of our antiquaries have fallen,
who appear to have mistaken him for John, his elder brother,
who was a brother-in-law of Cromwell, and a major-general.
Samuel Desborough was the third surviving son of James
Desborough, Esquire, and was born at Ellisley, on the third
of ]November, 1619.  After his return to England in 1650 he
was immediately sent to Scotland to enter upon the discharge of some public trust under the government, at the
instance of' his brother John, and of Oliver Cromwell, who
was then a general in the army.  He was soon after chosen
a member of Parliament to represent the city of Edinburgh.
On the 4th of May 1655, at a council held at Whitehall,
Oliver Cromwell, then Lord Protector, appointed him one of
the nine councilors for the kingdom of Scotland.  In 1656
e Deforest, 50.




DESBOROUGH.                     103
he was elected a member of parliament for the sheriffdom of
Midlothian.  He manifested  such singular ability in the
discharge of these several official functions, and became such
a favorite of the Protector, that on the 16th of September,
1657, swas made keeper of the great seal of Scotland.  He
continued lord chancellor of Scotland during the remainder
of Cromwell's life, and during the brief reign of his son
Richard, and after the restoration, when the royal proclamationl made at Breda, reached him, he thankfully availed himself of the clemency so graciously tendered him, and signed
his submission to king Charles II. on the 21st of May, 1660.
He was ever after treated by the king with kindness and
delicacy. None of his ample estate resulting from a lucrative office was confiscated.  He retired to his seat at Elsworth where he continued to reside in a munificent and
hospitable manner until his death, which happened on the
10th of December, 1690.  On the south side of the communion rails in the chancel of the venerable old church at
Els worth, is a black marble slab with a simple inscription
commemorative of the virtues of Samuel Desborough, lord
chancellor of Scotland.  On the north side of the comnunion rails in the same chancel is a corresponding memorial
informing the reader that Rose Pennyer, the wife, who was
proud to share his noonday honors and his later fortunes, is
resting by his side.
There are still extant a portrait of Lord Desborough, and an
excellent miniature. The latter is by Cooper. Both represent him in middle life.  The face is oval, with whiskers, a
small lock extending beneath the lower lip.  The features are
very handsome and engaging; the eye bright and piercing; and
the whole countenance, expressive of that good sense, discriminating judgment, moral courage, and quick zeal tempered by
discretion and experience that constituted the best traits of
his marked and commanding character.   Such was Desborough, magistrate of Guilford.  In naming the principal gentlemen of Guilford, we should not forget to speak
e ITob]e's " House of Cronmwell,: V1ol. ii. pp. 295,'296.




104              tHISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
in this place of William  Leete, Esq.  He emigrated from
Cambridge, where he was for some time register of the Bishop's Court. He had been bred to the law in England.  When
Desborough left the peaceful magistracy at Guilford to mingle
in the stormy civil wars that convulsed England, Leete became his successor.  He played an important part in the history of the colony at a later day-so we leave him  for the
present.  Rev. 1Mr. John  Hoadly, also, was one of the first
planters of Guilford.*  The town was at first independent of
New Haven colony, and had its own constitution and code of
laws for several years.
The year 1639 was fruitful in the birth of new plantations,
and Connecticut did her part toward peopling what might
then with propriety be called "the west."  The reader will
remember that Ludlow, the great lawyer and statesman of
the colony, had accompanied as a counselor the little army
that followed the remnant of the Pequots to Sasco swamp,
where they made their last unavailing stand against the allied
powers of Massachusetts and Connecticut.  Ludlow, who
was not only a good lawyer and an enthusiastic lover of liberty, but a man whose love of adventure fitted him for pioneer life and whose exuberant imagination asked for ampler
room in which to expand itself, fixed his sagacious eye on the
rich plains of Un-quo-wa, (Fairfield,) and saw at a glance
their natural advantages.  Indeed, he saw every thing at a
glance. His mind intuitively recognized the relations of
things the most abstract as well as those connected with the
common affairs of life.  He had that gift of insight and
love of moral beauty that forms a principal element in the
* Rev. Mr. John Hoadly, was born January, 1616-17, and came to New England, 1639, where he married July 14, 1642, Mrs. Sarah Bushnell whom he
accidentally met with on his passage to this country. I-le was one of the " Seven
Pillars" of the first church in Guilford. In 1653, he returned to England and
became chaplain to Cromwell's Garrison at Edinburgh Castle. He had several
children born in Guilford, among whom was Rev. Samuel Hoadly, born September 30, 1643, who was the father of the celebrated liberal Bishop Benjamin
Hoadly of Winchester, in the time of George I. and II., and of John Hoadly, Archbishop of Armagh. See article prefixed to Bishop Hoadly's works, Vol. I., fol.
Lond. 1773.




[1639.]           SllTRATFORD SETTLED.              10,
mind of a great poet like M.Iilton.  His views upon government more nearly resemble Milton's than those of any other
writer upon constitutional liberty of the seventeenth century.
Ludlow, such as I have represented him, could not long remain without the excitement of another removal, and selected
Fairfield as his point of destination.  Hle was an inhabitant
of Windsor, and took with him eight or ten families, his
neighbors and admirers.  This handful of adventurers was
soon joined by a party from Watertown, Massachusetts, and
not long after another accession was made to its numbers
from Concord.  Under the auspices of Ludlow, the plantation soon grew into a large town, and became, as it has ever
since remained, a part of Connecticut.  The township was
honorably purchased of the Indians.
Within the range of the same year, those parts of Stratford
called Cupheag and Pughquonnuck were purchased, and settlements commenced there under the superintendence of Mlr.
Fairchild, who was the first magistrate of the town.  John
and William  Curtis and.Samuel Hawley came from  Roxbury, Massachusetts, and Joseph Judson was fiom Concord.
These were the earliest planters and principal gentlemen
of Stratford.  Afterwards, a few heads of families arrived
firom  Boston, and Samuel Wells from  ~Wethersfield with
three sons.  The first clergyman of Stratford was Mlr. Adam
Blackman, who had preached with eminent success, first at
Leicester and then in Derbyshire, England.  He was a gentleman of such pleasant manners and so many winning traits
of character, that many of his parishioners followed him to
America.  He had been a clergyman of the church of England.  "Entreat us not to leave thee," said his weeping flock,
as they gathered about him, "for whither thou goest we will
go, thy people shall be our people, and thy God our God."
This beautiful town bordering on the Housatonic river and
Long Island sound, and commanding a pleasant view of each,
has been the scene of many stirring adventures and thrilling
incidents, and is hallowed as the residence of men whose
names are " of the treasures" not only of the State but of the
nation. It is too early in the order of events to mention them.




CHAPTER VI.
COLONEL FENTWICK ESTABLISHES A GOVERNMENT AT SAYBROOK.
WHIILE the people of Connecticut and New Haven were
thus enlarging their boundaries, there sprang up at the mouth
of Connecticut river a new commonwealth, independent of
them both; indeed, with rights paramount to theirs, even to
the very soil that they occupied, had its proprietors chosen
to assert them —for those proprietors, the Lord Say and Seal,
the Lord Brooke, and others, it will be remembered, had a
paper title to a vast region, embracing much more than the
territory now called Connecticut.  This new commonwealth
was established by Colonel George Fenwick, who, with his
wvife, sometimes known as Lady Fenwick and sometimes as the
Lady Alice Boteler, together with the other members of his
household, arrived about midsummer of the year 1639.- Colonel Fenwick had in his charge two ships, and was accomp)anied by several gentlemen of high respectability, who,
with their attendants, aided in laying the foundations of Saybrook-efor so they named the settlement in honor of two of
its principal patrons and proprietors.  Colonel Fenwick was
one of the original patentees, and acted in their behalf. There
had been a garrison kept up at the fort since its first erection
by Mir. Winthrop, in 1635,I- but no civil government was organized until the arrival of Colonel Fenwick and his company. Among the first proprietors of this town were Captain
John Mason, Thomas Tracy, Lyon Gardiner, who was the
commander of the fort, and Thomas Leffingwell. The Rev.
Thomas Peters was the first clergyman there.  Upon its
early records, also, appear the names of Huntington, Baldwin,
Backus, Hyde, Bliss, Whittlesey, Waterman, and Dudley.
Houses had been built under the superintendence of Winthrop for gentlemen of quality in connection with the fort,
* Trumbull, i. 110.  + Savage's Winthrop, i. 207, 208.




[1639.]   WETI-IRSFIELD AND MIDDLETOWAVN.          107
so that Colonel Fenwick experienced less of hardship and
privation in carrying out his enterprise than was usual with
the founders of new settlements.  Saybrook, as I have said,
owed no allegiance to Connecticut. She had her own independent government, which was administered by Colonel
Fenwick until the year 1644, when it fell into the hands of
Connecticut.
In the meantime, the citizens of Wethersfield had become
involved in a quarrel with Sowheag, the great sachem of
Mattabesett, (M{iddletown,) that threatened the colony with
another Indian war. Sowheag was originally not only the
proprietor of the present towns of Middletown and Chatham,
but his jurisdiction extended into Pyquag, (Wethersfield.)*
The inhabitants of'Wethersfield-who had never forgotten
the murders committed by the Indians in the spring of 1637,
and the theft and'abduction of the two maidens, of' whose fate
they were so long kept in doubt-had at last found out that
the Pyquag Indians, under their old chief Sowheag, had aided
the Pequots in perpetrating those outrages.  This was the
original cause of the quarrel. Sowheag protected the guilty
Indians, and carried himself haughtily towards the planters
Of Wethersfield, who complained of his conduct, and insisted
that he should give up the murderers.  The court decided,
after giving all the matters in dispute a grave hearing, that
thefWethersfield people had been the aggressors, and'therefore that they should forgive Sowheag, and continue on terms
of friendship with him. Mr. Samuel Stone and MIr. Goodwin were appointed a committee to bring about a reconciliation. But these discreet gentlemen could effect nothing. The
planters were willing to listen to fair terms; but Sowheag not
only refused to deliver up the murderers to justice, but also
added new insults and injuries to the old. In this state of
affairs, the court determined to send one hundred men to
MIattabesett to take the murderers by force, and dispatched
a messenger to New Haven to inform the authorities' there
of the proposed expedition. This project did not receive any
* Rev. Dr. Field's Centennial Address at Middletown.




108            H-IISTORY OF CONNECTICUTT,
countenance at NTew Haven.-  The governor and his council agreed to the proposition, that the delinquents ought to
be punished, but did not like that mode of doing it.  They
dreaded, they said, to be involved in an Indian war.  They
had hitherto kept aloof from all troubles with the Indians, and
meant to do so as long as they could.  They regarded war
as a horrible calamity. Connecticut followed the advice of
New Haven, and wisely abandoned the enterprise.
War, however, was resolved on in another quarter.  The
Pequots had agreed, at the close of the campaign that resulted
in the overthrow of their tribe and the partition of the wretched
remnant that survived among the three rival chiefs who were
eager for the spoils, that they would never again organize
themselves as a distinct people, would never resort to their
old haunts, rebuild their wigwams, range the hunting grounds,
or plant the fields that had been taken from them. This
agreement they had violated by taking possession of Pawcatuck, a part of the prohibited country, erecting some huts
there, and planting some fields with corn. The court therefore sent iAason with forty Englishmen, with instructions to
"drive them off, burn their wigwams, and bring away their
corn."t Uncas, with one hundred Indians and twenty canoes, went with the English leader.  On his arrival at Pawcatuck, Mason fell in with three Pequots, and sent the-n forward to inform their friends of his coming, and to advise them
to leave the place peaceably. Whether the couriers did their
errand is doubtful, for when Mason had landed his men and
surrounded the little village, the Indians were so taken by
surprise that they had no time to carry off their treasures or
their corn.  They fled in hot haste, leaving their old men to
the mercy of their enemies, who did them no harm.  Uncas
had a little skirmish with about fifty of the warriors, that resulted in the injury of neither party, but served to amuse the
English who stood still and witnessed it. Seven persons
* See J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 31, 32.
~ For some particulars of the doings of the court at this time, and the causes
that led to this second expedition against the Pequots, see J. H. Trumbull, i. 31, 32.




[1639.] SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINlST TIlE PEQUOTS.   109
were taken, whose lives were spared at the intercession of a
Narragansett sachem.  Mason and his men spent the night
on board their vessel that was anchored in the little creek.
As soon as it was light, they were surprised to see on the
shore not far off about three hundred armed Indians.  The
soldiers were ordered under arms.  The sight of the Englishmen so terrified the Indians, that some of them  fled, and
others hid themselves behind the rocks and trees.  In a
minute not an Indian was to be seen.  Mason now  called
to them.  "I desire to speak to you," said he, in a loud voice.
In an instant numbers of them rose up and timidly showed
themselves.  lMason proceeded to say, that the Pequots had
broken their covenant. He was interrupted by the Indians,
who replied with much energy, " The Pequots are good men,
and we will fight for them, and protect them." "It is not
far to the head of the creek," resumed Mason; "I will meet,you there, and we will try what we can do at fighting."
"Wre will not fight with Englishmen for they are spirits;
but Cwae will fight with Uncas," replied the sons of the forest.
The Indians were near by the whole day, while the English were destroying the wigwams and carrying on board the
rich harvest of corn that they found there, but they did not
dare to interpose.  The corn, kettles, trays, mats, wampum,
and other treasures, filled the vessel and fifty canoes. Thirty
of these canoes were taken from the Indians.In August of this year, the first steps were taken toward'"a general confederation of the colonies for mutual offense
and defense." The General Court of Connecticut appointed
the deputy governor, Roger Ludlow, Mr. Thomas Wells, and
1Mr,. Hooker, a committee to repair to'Saybrook and consult
with Colonel Fenwick on this important matter.-  Colonel
Fenwick "was in favor of a union of all the New England
colonies."  This proposed union was to guard the English
settlements against the Dutch at New Netherlands, (New
York,) who were rapidly increasing in wealth and numbers,
and whose new governor, William Kieft, had forbidden the
See Mason's History; also Trumbull, i. 113.   + Colonial Records.




110             HISTORY OF CO~NNECTICUT.
English to carry on their trade at "Good Hope," and had
made a solemn protest against the occupation of Quinnipiack by the English.  This proposal, to organize a general
confederation, was the first breaking up of the fallow ground
wherein to sow the seeds of that great confederation of the
thirteen colonies, which, more than a century and a quarter
later, gave such a fatal blow to the British dominion upon
this continent, and laid the foundations of an empire that will
soon have no boundaries more circumscribed than the polar
ice of the Arctic on the north,' and upon the east, south, and
west, the tides of those oceans, gulfs, and seas, that in their
ceaseless ebb and flow so fitly represent the inexhaustible
energies of the greatest republic of the world.
This year, also, on the I0th of October, the General Court
incorporated all the towns in the commonwealth, and authorized them  to manage their own internal affairs.-  This
amounted to little more than a recognition of rights previously existing, but was highly important, as it defined the
limits of the local jurisdictions by instituting a local tribunal
in each town.  This tribunal consisted of a body of men not
less than three nor more than seven-one of whom was to be
called a moderator.  They were called "principal men," and
were to be chosen by the votes of the respective towns.  A
majority of these "principal men," including the moderator,
who was only to have a casting vote, was to constitute a
municipal court in each town.  This court brought justice
home to the door of every man in the colony. It had jurisdiction of all matters of trespass or debt where the matter in
demand did not exceed forty shillings. It held its stated
sessions once every two'months.
At this session, our admirable system of recording all conveyances of land was instituted.  "The towns," say the
court, "shall each of them provide a ledger book with an
index or alphabet unto the same; also shall choose one who
shall be a town clerk or register, who shall, before the General Court in April, next, record every man's house and land
* J. H. Trumbull, i. 36, 37.




[1639.]          PROBATE REGULATIONS.                 11
already granted." It is made the duty of the owners of lands,
under hleavy penalties, to present to the, town clerk a description of their real estate for record.  " The like to be done for
all land hereafter granted and measured to any; and all bargains or mortgages of lands whatsoever shall be accounted
as of no value until they be recorded."
This excellent safeguard against fiaudulent conveyances
has with some modifications continued to exist in Connecticut
from that day to the present.  It is one of those monuments
of legislative wisdom erected by our fathers, of which there
are so many still standing.  A legal provision, in order to
endure the test of time, must embody a principle and teach
some great moral lesson.  It must be a commentary at once
upon the necessities that compel man to conform to the rules
of civil society, based as they are upon eternal justice and
equity, while it is no less a commentary upon that corrupt
heart and those unruly passions that are perpetually inciting
him to violate those rules.
At this session, also, the dead were remembered as well as
the living; and provision was made for taking an inventory
of the estate of deceased persons, c.arrying into effect their
wills either written or nuncupative, if they left any; or, if
they died intestate, to see that a proper administration was
had of their effects, and an equitable distribution made to the
heirs.  Wills and all proceedings in the settlement of estates
were to be recorded.  If no kindred of the deceased could be
found having inheritable blood, then his estate was to eseheat
to the commonwealth, care being taken to register a perfect
inventory of his property, so that if legal representatives
should ever appear, they might receive what justly belonged
to them.
I merely allude to these great landmarks of our jurisprudence as historical facts, that will be treated of at length
elsewhere.
It proved to be no easy matter for the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven to get the Indian title to their lands.
There Owere so many original elements among the different




112            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUTo
Indian tribes, that in some instances it became necessary, for
the sake of peace, to purchase the lands several times over.
The colony of Connecticut bought of Uncas the whole Mohegan country, and was obliged to pay for it many times in
the troubles and quarrels that were thrown upon them by
their connection with that restless chief. The inhabitants
of the towns, too, were obliged, when they made their settlements, to pay Uncas for the same land.
In 1640, the commonwealth bought Waranoke, (Westfield,)
and began a settlement there.  The  same  year, Roger
Ludlow  purchased of the Indians that part of Norwalk
that lies between the Saugatuck and Norwalk rivers.  Captain Patrick bought the central part of the town, and a few
hardy men with their families soon removed thither.  The
western part of the town was not purchased until 1651.-~
Greenwich was bought about the same time in behalf of
the colony of New Haven. But through the address of the
indefatigable governor of New Netherlands, the inhabitants
were induced to put themselves under his protection-who
with much solemnity proceeded to incorporate the new
toswn.t If his Dutch excellency was guilty of any treachery,
as the New England writers of that day charged upon him,
le was well requited for it.  The Indians drove off the planters of Greenwich. Indeed, no settlement could ever thrive
the:le until Connecticut procured her charter and took the
plantation under her protecting wing.
Connecticut further extended her limits by making a purchase of a large tract of land upon Long Island.  This territory extended from  the eastern boundary of Oyster Bay to
the western line of Holmes' Bay.  It was a large and valuable
tract, embracing the whole northern portion of the island between the limits above described.  The eager planters hastened to occupy it.
New IHaven was not to be outstripped by her older sister
in this work of planting new towns. Some of her most ene History of Norwalk.
+ De Vries, 1 52; BLrodhead, i. 294, 296; Trumbull, i. 118.




WETHERSFIELD,                  113
terprising planters were therefore not long in securing the
title to Rippowams, which they bought honorably of two
principal chiefs, Ponus and Toquanske.  This grant contained the entire town of Stamford.  Richard Denton was
their first minister. 1New Haven also took a still more adventurous flight when, soon after, she sent men under Captain Turner to buy lands on both sides of Delaware Bay, and
followed up the negotiation by sending fifty families to take
immediate possession.-*  New Haven further prosecuted the
work of colonization by obtaining a deed from the Corchaug
Indians of the eastern extremity of Long Island. The Indian name of the place was Yennicock, which the English
changed to that of Southold.  This plantation was commenced under the direction of the Rev. John Youngs of
Hingham, in Norfolk, who arrived in New Haven that summer with his parishioners, and, after reorganizing his church
after the plan of that colony, soon set sail for Long Island,
and commenced a settlement.  Some of the leading planters
were William Wells, Jeremiah Vaill, and Matthias Corwin.
Of all the towns belonging to Connecticut, Wethersfield
seems from the first to have been most involved in difficulties, civil and ecclesiastical.  The settlement had been commenced by a high-spirited and very excitable people, impatient
of control, delighting in the most daring enterprises, and stimulated rather than alarmed at the dangers that beset them.
Did the Pequots make a fierce incursion into the settlement,
murder and scalp a part of their freeholders, and carry off
their fair maidens? So far fiom striking terror into the
hearts of those who remained, it only stirred them up to a
resistance so determined and obstinate, not only against the
Pequots, but against the chief upon the Connecticut river,
who was thought to have harbored the delinquents, that the
authority of the General Court commanding them to forgive
the suspected sachem and take him into their confidence,
availed so little, that, but for the timely interposition of New
Haven the colony would have again been involved in war.
* New Haven Colony Records.
8




114            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Their conduct in leaving the jurisdiction of the iMassachusetts, in opposition to the decision of the General Court, had
elicited the remark from their friends at Cambridge, "that it
was the opportunity of seizing a brave piece of meadow,"
that led them with such precipitate haste to seek the valley
of the Connecticut-a remark not entirely disinterested, we
may infer from the fact, that these very neighbors had an
eye upon that same brave piece of meadow-land. This
restlessness of the citizens of Wvethersfield, so much spoken
of by our early writers, was attributable, among other causes,
to the fact, that they left Massachusetts without a clergyman
to lead them.
We have seen how the settlement of Hartford was begun.
Windsor had a similar origin, being led into pleasant pastures, and to lie down by the still waters, under the mild
authority of the Rev. John ~Wareham, that melancholy
shepherd, whose desponding eye, lenient and gentle towards
the faults of others, was yet so stern and austere when
turned upon his own, that he did not dare at all times to
partake of the bread and wine that he administered at the
sacrament, fearing, in the beautiful words of his biographer,
that the seals of the covenant were not for him. Aside from
the salutary influence of Mar. Wareham  upon the people of
Windsor, he was seconded by a large number of gentlemen,
at the head of whom stood Henry Wolcott and Roger Ludlow, Esquires, and Captain John Mason.  That the reader
may see of what choice materials the population of this town
was composed, I may add to these, the names of Whitefield,
Eggleston, Holcombe,. Marshall, Pomeroy, Strong, Tudor,
Parkham, Buckland, Palmer, Terry, Watson, Phelps, Griswold, Moore, Hurlbut, Williams, Denslow, Loomis, and
Thornton. The Ellsworths arrived there at a later day. The
other early towns in Connecticut and New Haven colonies
had the same advantage. But Wethersfield was without this
balance-wheel to steady her motions. Her people had left
Mr. Phillips behind them in Watertown, and in the hurry to
emigrate, (who that ever saw the Naubuc meadows, and the




FIRST SETTLERS OF WETHERSFIELD,          115
fields of Nayaug, or drank of the healing waters of the pools
of Neipsic, can blame them for it?) that they forgot their discipline, and for awhile broke their ranks, in the eager pursuit of treasures so dazzling to the eye.  Hence, the unhappy
troubles and strifes during the first few years after they established themselves there.  Hence, too, it fell out that
scarcely a new plantation was made in the colony, for a long
time, that did not receive some of its most opulent and best
planters from the discontented of Wethersfield.  The clergymen and nmore influential members of the church, both of
Hartford and Windsor, did what they could to tranquilize
those differences. At'last, in 1641, the Rev. Mr. Davenport, and other gentlemen, from New Haven, were called in as
advisers.:/Ir. Davenport, who seems to have had a quick
knowledge of the governing motives of men, and a happy facility in giving good advice in difficult emergencies, proposed
that the contending parties, as they could not well be reconciled, should separate; and that one of them should go away, and
make a new settlement by themselves. At first this council did
not avail, for they could not decide which party should go.
The church at Watertown, Mass., now took them in hand, but
without much better success. At length, as matters were all
the while growing worse, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Robert
Coe, and twenty other planters, with their families, followed
the advice of Mr. Davenport, and removed to Stamnfbrd, thus
placing themselves under the protection of New Haven
colony.  Among those gentlemen who removed were the
Rev. Richard Denton, Matthew MIitchel, Thurston' Raynor,
Richard Law, and Richard Gildersleeve.  Among the principal gentlemen of Wethersfield, who remained or soon after
arrived, were the names of Welles, Wyllys, Talcott, Goodrich, Hollister, Wright, Kimberly, Kilbourn, Hale, Treat, Belden, Deming, Smith, and Bacon.  Most of these proprietors
owned land on the eastern bank of the Connecticut, in that
part of the town now embraced within the boundaries of
Glastenbury; and several of them built upon those estates
and removed there long before the incorporation of the last




11 6            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT,
mentioned town.  Almost all of these families, before 1700,
intermarried, and from their blood have sprung many of the
brightest ornaments of Connecticut.The Dutch and English had so many difficulties during
the years 1641 and 1642, and the Indians assumed such a
hostile attitude towards our colonies, that in 1643 the old
proposition for a confederation of the New England colonies
was renewed on the part of Connecticut, and pressed with
great earnestness.t  Indeed, she had for several years previous annually appointed delegates to go to Massachusetts
to urge forward this project that appeared to be of such
vital importance to all the colonies, especially to the weaker
onles.
Massachusetts, from her independent resources and comparatively dense population, was not so much exposed as the
other colonies to foreign invasion.  She therefore felt less
anxiety to form an alliance that might impose upon her some
unpleasant burdens.  But Connecticut and New  Haven,
with their towns scattered along the coast, planted remote
upon Delaware Bay and Long Island, where the Dutch, the
Swedes, and the Indians had an easy access to them, were
warned early by their critical situation, to adopt some permanent measures for self-protection.  Massachusetts claimed
a part of the Pequot country by right of conquest.  She also
claimed Springfield and Westfield, which towns it was insisted belonged to the jurisdiction of Connecticut. By delaying to comply with the urgent request of Connecticut in
reference to the desired confederation, this powerful colony
hoped the more readily to bring her weaker sister to admit
both these claims.
But clouds now gathered darkly over all the colonies. In
May, four of them, Connecticut, New Haven, Saybrook, and
Plymouth, all sent commissioners to Boston. Connecticut
selected Governor Haynes and Edward Hopkins; New
* See Rev. Dr. Chapin's History, in which the genealogies of nearly all those
families are fully given.
t Colony Records.




[1643.]       FIRST AMERICAN CONGRESS.              117
Haven chose Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson; Governor
Winslow and Mr. Collier represented Plymouth; Col. Fenwick went in behalf of Saybrook; and Massachusetts confided her interests to the care of Governor Winthrop, Dudley, Bradstreet, associated with Hawthorne, Gibbons, and
Tyng-a body of men whom I name with pride, as worthy
to represent the American Colonies in their first association
against foreign encroachment; worthy, too, to prefigure and
typify that other body of men who, at a later day, affixed
their names to a paper which was at once a protest against
the tyranny of proscription, and a memorial of the rights of
man, that will gradually extend its benign dominion, until, of
the strong holds of despotic power, whether American, European, or Asiatic, there shall not be left one stone upon
another that is not thrown down.
These articles of confederation commence by stating the
object of all the colonies in removing to America, and then
proceed to name them " The United Colonies of New England." They go on to declare, that they do jointly and
severally enter into a firm and perpetual league of friendship
and amity, offense and defense, mutual aid and service.The distinct sovereign jurisdiction of each contracting
power is not only provided for, but it is expressly stated, that
no two colonies shall be united in one, nor any other colony
be received into the confederacy, without the consent of the
whole. Each colony, without reference to size, is to send
two commissioners, and no more.  These commissioners are
to meet once every year. They are clothed with power to
make war and peace, laws and rules for the protection and
regulation of the confederacy. In case there should be a
war offensive or defensive, involving the interests of the
whole, or any one of the allied powers, the expense was to
be borne according to the number of the male inhabitants in
each colony, between the ages of sixteen and sixty years.
When any member of the confederation was invaded, all the
* For a copy of the articles of confederation, see Hazard's State Papers, vol. ii.
first article.




118             HIiLIlSTOTR~Y OF CONNECTICUT.
others were bound to send troops to its assistance-Massachusetts, one hundred; each of the others, forty-five men.
Before more could be demanded, there must be a special
meeting of the commissioners.
In this New England Congress, the vote of six commissioners upon any measure was binding upon the whole bodyo
If those who voted for it were less than six, and yet constituted a majority, the matter should be referred to the General
Court of each colony, and should not be binding, unless the
courts unanimously ratified it. It was provided, too, that all
servants running from their masters, and all criminals flying
from justice, from one colony to another, should, upon demnand and proper evidence of their character as fugitives, be
returned-the servants to their masters, the accused to the
colonies whence they fled.
From this brief synopsis of these articles of confederation,
it will be seen how analagous they are to the articles of confederation of the thirteen colonies, as well as to the present
Coiistitution of the United States of America.
The new government was soon put in requisition. The
Pequots and Narragansetts, as will be remembered, had been
enemies long before the Pequot war. After the overthrow
of Sassacus, and the division of the little remnant of his
people among the Narragansetts, the Nihanticks and Mlohegans, the two most powerful tribes who shared the spoils,
soon began to entertain the most vindictive feelings towards
each other. Miantinomnoh represented the Narragansetts,
and Uncas the Miohegans.  Whether Miantinomoh was
angry at the unequal distribution of the Pequots, or whether
his more open and generous nature was goaded to acts of
violent recrimination by the arts of his more subtle antagonist, or whether the Narragansett sachem had become tired
of the monotony of peace, and sought an occasion to practice himself and his warriors in the old pastime, that made
life so full of pleasant incident to them, I am unable to say.
One cause of this ill blood was probably the attack made
by Uncas upon Sequasson, a Connecticut river sachem, who




[1643.]        UNCAS AND MIANTINOMOH.               119
was a kinsman of 1Miantinomoh.  It appears that Uncas
had killed several of Sequasson's warriors, and burned his
wigwams; and that the haughty Narragansett took up the
quarrel, and determined to punish Uncas for these acts of
violence.  Whatever may have been the cause of Miantinomoh's hostile feelings towards Uncas, and whether they
were justifiable or not, it is certain that the Narragansett
chief violated the very condition on which he had received
his share of the Pequots —that of maintaining perpetual
peace with all the contracting parties-and had commenced
open hostilities against Uncas.  At the same time it was
believed, that he used all his eloquence and address to
incite a general insurrection of the Indians against the
English. It was thought, too, that the Indians were employed in preparing guns and ammunition, and were making
a general preparation for war.  The people of Connecticut thought themselves obliged again to keep watch
and ward every night, fromn sunset to sunrise, in all their
towns.
Connecticut sent letters to the Court at Boston, asking for
one hundred men to be sent to Saybrook Fort, to be ready
for any emergency.  But the Court of Massachusetts was
not satisfied that it was necessary to take such a step, and
declined complying with the request.
Miantinomoh made no declaration of war against Uncas.
His preparations were all secret.  He collected a choice
army of not less than six hundred warriors, and stealthily set
forth for the Mohegan country.  It was hot summer weather,
when some of the enemy might be expected to linger in the
shade, to protect their squaws, while they were in the fields
taking care of the growing corn, others to be found loitering
under the shadows of the rocks that overhung the Yantic,
and leisurely drawing up the speckled trout from its dark
pools. The invading chief knew the habits of the Indians
too well, not to be aware that this was a season of indolent
repose to them, and that then, if ever, Uncas would be found
off his guard.  He must have known, too, the Mohegan re



120           IHISTORY CF CONNECTICUT.
treats, and places of resort, almost as well as they did themselves. He intended, therefore, to steal upon Uncas slily,
and take him by surprise.
But whatever faults the Mohegan sachem had, a neglect
to see after his own interests certainly did not constitute
one of them. His spies were on duty night and day. A
party of them, probably stationed upon a high hill within the
present limits of Norwich, discovered the Narragansetts as
they were crossing a ford in the Shetucket river, near where
it unites itself with the Quinnebaug.  This post was called
Wawekus Hill, and a path led from it to the Little Plain, a
spot hallowed as the burial place of the Mohegan sachems.
I follow the account of Miss Caulkins, as I find it in her
history of Norwich.  "A cleft or ravine from this spot, once
the bed of a rivulet, came out directly by the Indian landingplace at the foot of Yantic Falls, whence a canoe could
glide in a few minutes to Shantok Point, five miles below,
where Uncas had a fort. In this way the intelligence
may have been communicated to the sachem with great
rapidity."
In whatever way the presence of this hostile force in his
territory was detected and disclosed to Uncas, the chief lost
no time in arming himself. Nor did he merely stand on the
defensive.  With about four hundred warriors, he was soon
on the march to meet the enemy. He was not long in ascertaining that Miantinomoh had crossed the fords of the
Yantic with his men, and that he was in hot pursuit of him.
He was a mile and a half from the Yantic on the "Great
Plain," when he received this intelligence. Immediately he
drew up his warriors on a little eminence, and hastily informed them of his plan of conducting the battle.
The Narragansetts were soon visible upon a neighboring
hill, pressing on to meet him. Uncas sent forward a courier
to demand a parley with Miantinomoh. He assented to it,
and the two chiefs at once stepped forth to meet each other
upon the plain, between the two armies, while Narragansetts
and Mohegans alike stood still and awaited the result of the




[1643.]       UNCAS AND MIANTINOMIOH.                121
interview.  As Uncas had sought the parley, so was he the
first to open it.
"You have some stout men with you," said he to his adversary, with well-dissembled magnanimity; "so have I with
me.  It is a pity that such brave warriors should be killed in
a private quarrel between' you and me.  Come like a man,
as you profess to be, and let us fight it out.  If you kill me,
my men shall be yours; if I kill you, your men shall be
mine."
" My men came to fight, and they shall fight," replied the
haughty sachem of the Narragansetts.  Uncas instantly fell
fiat upon the ground, a signal well understood by his warriors, who in a breath discharged a whole flight of arrows
into the ranks of the Narragansetts, who afforded the fairest
possible mark for them, standing as they did in a listening
attitude, with their eyes fixed upon the two sachems.
Before the astonished Narragansetts could rally to defend
themselves, the Mohegans, with Uncas at their head, gave
the war-whoop, and rushed furiously upon them with their
tomahawks.`X
In such a confused state of mind, a successful resistance
was impossible.  The out-witted invaders fled toward the
fords of the Yantic.  Their lamentations mingled wildly
with the victorious shouts of the M/Iohegans, who pursued
them across the Yantic, and, like greyhounds running with
the game in sight, followed them as they sped over hills,
covered with prickly bushes, along dangerous precipices,
and across sharp ledges of rock, in their flight towards the
fords of the Shetucket.  Some of the Narragansetts were
driven down these precipices and impaled as they fell upon
the jagged corners of the rocks that bristled upon their sides.
Others were shattered to atoms in the ravines below.
IMiantinomoh had on a corselet of mail that he had procured of the English, and, encumbered by its weight, he ran
with difficulty. It was probably a part of Uncas' stratagem
* Trumbull, i. 131; Miss Caulkins' History of Norwich, 16.




122            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
to take him alive. He was accordingly singled out by two
swift-footed Mohegan captains, who followed him remorselessly until they finally came up with him near the river,
and impeded his progress by throwing themselves against
him. It was a desperate wager that he ran for, and, out of
breath as he was, he rallied and resumed his flight only to
be checked again and again by his tormentors, who were
seeking to pander to the vanity of their chief by keeping the
royal game at bay until he should arrive and claim  the
honors of the chase.
As soon as Uncas came up and laid his hand on his
shoulder, the flying sachem stopped, and without attempting
to offer resistance, when he knew it would be hopeless, sat
quietly down upon the ground, and looked his conqueror
calmly in the face; he did not deign to utter a single word.
Uncas gave the whoop of victory. His warriors gathered
around him, eager to look upon the features and figure of the
noble captive, whose scornful eye regarded them  with a
frigid apathy.
The battle, if it could be called one, was over. In the
short space of twenty minutes, thirty Narragansett warriors
had been slain, and besides Miantinomoh, many prisoners
had been taken, among whom were his brother and two sons
of his uncle, the venerable Canonicus.  Uncas affected surprise at the conduct of his prisoner.  "Had you taken me,"
said he, "I should have besought you for my life."  Miantinomoh made no reply.
Uncas now returned to his fort with his captives, whom
he treated with kindness. The chief of so powerful a tribe
was not an easy prize to keep, and Uncas hastened to Hartford, and conmitted him into the hands of the English.
Samuel Gorton, of Rhode Island, had urged him to this step,
hoping in this way to spare the prisoner's life. Uncas
agreed to be governed by the decision of the English in the
disposition to be made of the sachem, who was accordingly
lodged in jail at Hartford until the Commissioners of the
united colonies should meet in September, at Boston.




[1643.]         DEATH OF MIANTINOMOII.                123
At last the day came when the question was discussed
whether Miantinomnoh should be put to death. The charges
adduced against him were these; that he had killed a Pequot
who had testified against him in reference to his treatment
of TUncas; that he had again and again tried to take the life
of Uncas by assassination and poison; that he had broken
his league in malting war upon the Mohegans without first
taking his appeal to the English; and lastly, that he had conceived the horrible design of cutting off at a blow tile whole
English population, and had hired Mohawks and Indians of
other tribes to assist him in its execution.That Uncas imposed upon the too ready credulity of the
commissioners by acting upon their fears in this delicate
matter, and that several of these charges were sustained by
the most wicked perjury, I cannot doubt.  The story in most
of its details, I believe to have been a Mohegan fabrication
and backed up by the testimony of Mohegan witnesses. It
seems that the commissioners questioned its truth, and
hesitated to act upon it.  At last it was referred to five
principal clergymen of the several colonies, who, after a
solemn, and I doubt not an honest debate, advised that sentence of death should be passed upon the accused.  The commissioners followed this unfortunate advice, and deputed Uncas-a delightful privilege, and a good reward he no doubt
esteemed it, of all his exertions in the premises-to execute
the sentence.  Uncas repaired to Hartford, took the captive into his custody, and, accompanied by a file of English
soldiers, who were sent to protect him from the vengeance
of the Narragansetts, proceeded to execute the warrant.
Two other Englishmen were also sent to remain by the
prisoner, and see that no barbarities were practiced at the
execution.  Uncas took  Miantinomoh, and  led  him  to
the place where he had been taken.  When they had
reached the fatal spot, the brother of Uncas, who was
* Winthrop appears to give full credit to the testimony of the Mohegans, especially in regard to a conspiracy against the English, and adds that " he was a
turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at rest."




124              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
marching behind Miantinomoh, split his head with a hatchet
and killed him at a blow.
Notwithstanding  the presence of the two Englishmen,
Uncas cut a piece from  the shoulder of his fallen enemy,
and ate it in savage exultation.  "It was the sweetest meat
he ever ate," he said, and added complacently, that " it
made his heart strong."
Where the chief of the Narragansetts was taken captive,
where he was killed, there, too, they dug his grave. The
place is still memorable as the "Sachem's Plain."  A tumulus of stones was heaped high above the mound, by the pious
hands of his tribe, who, year after year, made their pilgrimages to the grave.  Regularly they came in September, and
celebrated the anniversary of their chief's death, adding
each a stone to the pile, with lamentations and gestures
expressive of the deepest sorrow.
Such was the death, and such the obsequies of the sachem
of the Narragansetts.
Two oak trees also, long after marked the spot; but even
these stern memorials are gone, as well as the stones.* But
the memory of the dead still lives, and a modern granite monument fixes the locality where a great wrong was done,
under  the  sanction  of a  judicial decision.   Had  the
commissioners, honest men as they were, viewed this act in
the sober light of history, it never would have been perpetrated. Says the historian of Norwich, whose keen sense
of right will not allow her to sanction this deed, " The sentence of Miantinomoh is one of the most flagrant acts of injustice that stands recorded against the English  settlers.
He had shown many acts of kindness towards the whites;
in all his intercourse with them he had evinced a noble and
magnanimous spirit, and only seven years before his death,
* Miss Caulkins, in her "History of Norwich," to which I have before
adverted, says: "A citizen of Norwich, still living, N. S. Shipman, Esq., remembers this tumulus in his youth, a conspicuous object, standing large and
high, between two solitary oak trees, about sixteen rods east of the old Providence road.'




[1643.]               MIANTINOAMOH.                   125
had received into the bosom  of his country, 5Mason and his
little band of soldiers from Hartford, and greatly assisted
them in their conquest of the Pequots."  For myself, were it
possible, I would gladly come to a different conclusion, and
whatever human fears, exercised at a time when their dominion was most to be excused, whatever the evil influences
of false or prejudiced testimony may do towards palliating
the decree, I shall joyfully take into the account, to qualify
but never to justify it.




CHAPTER VII.
PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENT, TROUTBLES WITH THE DUTCH AND INDIANS.
THE relations existing between the English colonies and
the Dutch of New  Netherlands, were never ofr a very amicable character.   I do not propose to follow  the example
either of the Connecticut or New York historians, in complaining of the motives or conduct of either party.  I can
only say, that the claims set up by each, being inconsistent
with those of the olther, and the blood of different nations
flowing in their veins, it was not to be expected that they
should entertain amicable feelings towards each other.  It
must be admitted, that the Dutch navigators first visited the
coast of Connecticut and Long Island.   Adrian  Block, a
spirited, daring adventurer, in a little yacht, named the Restless, that he had built on thle bank of the  iudson river, as
early as 1614,~ ventured to pass through Hell Gate, and sailed
as far eastward as Cape Cod.  He probably did not sail very
near the main-land, until he had left New  Haven to the
westward of him, as he has left us no traces firom which we
can infer that he touched upon the coast of western Connecticut.  He was, probably, the first European discoverer of
MIlontauk Point, to which, he gave the name of Fisher's Hook,
and of the little cluster of brilliants, sparkling upon the bosom
of Long Island Sound-that inland sea, that annually drifts
its smooth pebbles and pearly sands upon the Southern line
of' Connecticut.  One of these he called Fisher's Island;t another he named after himself; and it still bears the name of
- O'Callaghan's zNew ~Netherlands, p. 72.
t The historian of Long Island, (Thompson, p. 248,) states that this island was
originally called Vischer's Island, and was probably so named by Block, from one
of his companions. In the absence of any positive evidence on thiat point, the
probabilities seem altogether to favor the generally received opinion, that the
island was named from the chief occupation of its aboriginal inhabitants, or, from
the quantities of fish with which the adjacent waters abounded.




[1643.]         THE DUTCH AND INDIANS.                127
Block Island.  tie probably entered most of the principal
harbors, and explored, to a greater or less distance, most of
the navigable streams of the main-land.  After that, for
several years, the Dutch traders frequented the coast and
islands, and carried on a brisk trade, with the Indians, in
furs. In 1632, they bought of the natives, the neck of land
at the mouth of the Connecticut river, afterwards, and still
known as Saybrook, to which they gave the name of Kievit's
HIook, from the number of birds, called by the Dutch, Kieveet,
and by the English, Peeweet,that they saw  hovering about
the spot.*"  On the Sth of June, 1633, they bought of the Indians, the place known as Dutch Point, near Hartford. t
The English, who soon after arrived, disputed their right to
these places, and had covered the whole territory with their
paper titles, before the Dutch took possession.  In addition
to this, as the Cabots had discovered the main-land to the
east of the Connecticut coast, the English claimed, that this
discovery took in all the Continent, to the "South Seas."
It is foreign to my purpose to enter into a discussion, as to
the rights of these claimants. One thing is certain, the En~glish, claiming by right of discovery, by grant fronm their monarch, and by subsequent purchase of the Indians, took, and
have ever since kept possession of most of the country then
the subject of dispute; and, as the Dutch and English have
since been to a good degree, united in blood as well as in
civil and social relations, in New York, it seems to me narrow and provincial, to spend much time, at this late day, in
vexing anew the question of original proprietorship.
In 1643, a war broke out between the Dutch and the Indians, that for awhile allayed all disputes betwveen the Dutch
and English.  It fell out in the following manner: The government of New Amsterdam had not been as careful as the
colonies of Connecticut and New Haven, in enacting and
enforcing sumptuary laws, and had allowed traders to sell the
Indians strong liquors, more than was prudent, as the event
* O'Callaghan, p. 149.
t This was the claim of the Dutch, and I am willing to concede it.




128             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
proved; for an Indian, who had been subjected to the pernicious influences of this traffic, in a fit of intoxication, killed
one of the Dutch who belonged to the jurisdiction of New
Amsterdarnm.  The Dutch demanded that the murderer should
be given up to them for punishment, but he was not to be
found.  The injured party now applied to the governor at
New Amsterdam;  but the governor did not think it prudent to interfere.  About this time, the IMXohawks fell upon
the Indians, who lived near the Dutch settlements, and killed
about thirty of them.  Others fled to the Dutch authorities
for protection.  Marine, the Dutch captain, obtained leave
of the governor to kill as many of these Indians as he could.
-Iis commission certainly proved to be no farce in his hands,
for he acted under it with such zeal as to make an indiscriminate slaughter of seventy or eighty men, women, and children, at one stroke.  The enraged Indians rallied to avenge
themselves for this wholesale slaughter. In the spring of
1643, the Indians began to retaliate.  They set fire to the
store-houses of their adversaries, drove their cattle into the
barns, and then burned up both barns and* cattle. The Indians upon Long Island joined those upon the main-land, and
destroyed a great amount of property.
In this situation, the Dutch governor applied to Captain
iUnderhill, of Stamford, for assistance, which so enraged
Marine, that he pointed his pistol at his Excellency, and
would have shot him but for the interference of a friend.
One of Marine's tenants leveled his gun, loaded with ball,
and deliberately discharged it at the governor, but missed
him.  A sentinel immediately avenged this rash act, by
shooting the tenant dead upon the spot.
The Dutch do not appear to have liked a war with the
Indians as well as their executive functionary had anticipated. Indeed, so indignant were they at the conduct of the
governor, that he was obliged to keep a guard of fifty Englishmen constantly about him, to protect his person from the
violence of his subjects. During the summer and fall, the
Indians killed fifteen men of the Dutch, and for a time al



[1643.]     MURDER OF MRS. HUTCHINSON.              129
most broke up all the settlements between Stamford and
New York.  The horrors of this destructive war were felt
for many miles along the coast.#
The unfortunate Mrs. Hutchinson, who, when banished
from Massachusetts for her religious opinions and factious
conduct, had fled to Rhode Island, where she seems to have
been as persuasive and bewitching as ever before, in 1642,
and after the death of her husband, became tired of the
sceptre of authority that she wielded over a very submissive
people, and, as other monarchs had done before her, abdicated, and retired with her family and a few servants to a
place between New Haven and New York-a remote refuge
in the heart of the deep woods. Here, this mother of the
Communitarian school of politics, that has made so much
progress in America, surrounded by savages whom her bold
heart scorned to fear, and whose friendship she cultivated
with a faithfulness and assiduity deserving of a better fate,
had erected her dwelling and begun to clear a few fields beyond the supposed jurisdiction of the English. Perhaps this
ambitious woman intended to establish hqre a new empire, more transcendental than Plato's fancied Arcadia-a
spiritual superstructure upon temporal foundations, that was
to lift its fantastic battlements high into mid-heaven. More
probably, however, shocked with the illiberality of the age,
she meant to avert forever her visionary eye from what she
considered the tyranny of her fellow-countrymen, and in retirernent fix its abstracted gaze upon the wild speculations
of an ideal philosophy.  But an evil hand was upon her
wherever she went.  The children of the forest understood
her divine mission no better than the General Court of Massachusetts. They stole upon her settlement, murdered her,
together with Mr. Collins, her son-in-law, and all her children who were with her, except a single daughter, who was
carried into captivity.  Her servants, and several of her
neighbors, eighteen persons in all, shared her tragical fate.t
* SaVage's Winthrop, ii. 117.
f Winthrop 9 also Hildreth, i. 288; Trumbull, i. 139.
9




130            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The Indians kept on killing the Dutch, and burning their
houses after this unhappy affair, as before, and even extended their depredations from the main-land to Long Island.
The Dutch governor, in alarm, solicited the colony of
New Haven to send troops to assist him, but owing to the
construction put upon the articles of confederation, it was
thought necessary to confine the action of the colony in behalf of the applicants, to the furnishing of such provisions as
could be spared to them.
This war lasted for several years.  Underhill was the fast
friend of the Dutch government, and commanded the Dutch
forces, with such men as he himself could furnish. But for
him and his army of little more than one hundred men, the
Dutch settlements must have been annihilated.  He killed,
before the close of the war, between four hundred and five
hundred Indians." The people of Stamford at last began to
be alarmed at the contagious effect produced by this protracted struggle upon the Indians, who lived within their own
borders. They wrote to the authorities at New Haven, begging for protection, and added that if their houses should be
burned, on account of the remissness of the other plantations,
the negligent parties ought to sustain the loss.t
The year 1644 was an eventful one. The Narragansetts
appeared to be making ready to avenge the death of Miantinomoh. England, too, was now in a state of civil war.
These troubles at home, and in the mother country, filled
the minds of the colonists with forebodings. They appointed days of fasting and prayer to avert the impending calamities.  The Indians of western Connecticut, who had* at
first conducted themselves with so much leniency towards
the English planters, now showed all the treachery and cruelty of their nature, by committing the most unprovoked murders, as well of women and children as of men. Early in
the year they wantonly killed a man, belonging to Massachu.setts, between Fairfield and Stamford.  The murder was
* Belknap, i. 50.    ~ New Haven Colonial Records.




[1644.]       MURDER BY THE INDIANS.               131
soon made known, and the Indians promised that the author
of it should be brought into Fairfield, and delivered up to
justice, if Mr. Ludlow would appoint men to take him into
custody. Mr. Ludlow sent a company of ten men for this
purpose, but when the Indians came with the prisoner, within sight of the village, they set him at liberty, and he fled.
Mr. Ludlow, with a view of striking terror into the minds
of the Indians, took about a dozen of them  captive, one of
whom was a chief.  This enraged the savages so much, that
they assembled in such numbers as to induce Mr. Ludlow to
write to New Haven for advice.  The Court counseled him
to retain the captives, and prepared to send twenty men to
his assistance. Meanwhile, four of the sachems visited the
village, and promised to deliver up the murderer within a
month, if the English would restore their friends. Accordingly they were set at liberty. A little while afterwards, an
Indian went into a dwelling in Stamford, and, seizing a lathing hammer, which he found at hand, commenced a brutal
attack upon the mistress of the house. With this deadly instrument he struck her a violent blow upon her head, as, in
obedience to the instincts of a mother, she stooped over the
cradle to take up her infant child.  She fell senseless. He
then struck her twice with the edge of the instrument, which
penetrated her skull. After that he plundered the house, and
fled into the woods. The poor woman was restored to her
senses long enough to give an intelligible account of the
transaction, and to describe the dress and personal appearance of the Indian. But this return of reason was temporary, and, although her wounds were healed, she soon fell into a state of blank idiocy.  This outrage was followed up
by others.  The Indians refused to have any conference
with the English, but, deserting their wigwams and corn,
they assembled near the town, armed with guns, and threatened to destroy the whole settlement. In this critical condition, the towns of Fairfield and Stamford applied to New
Haven and Connecticut for assistance.  The wretch who
had worse than murdered the woman at Stamford, was




132            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
finally delivered up to justice. He was taken to New Haven, and executed.  " He sat erect and motionless, until his
head was severed from his body."`
Wethersfield was the fruitful mother of many towns. Her
difficulties still continued, and by this time another company
of the disaffected was ready to leave her borders.  William
Swaine was at the head of the party. They had long been
ready to remove, and only waited until they could obtain a
favorable place for a settlement. A few miles east of New
Haven was a place, called by the Indians, Totoket, which
had been purchased of the inhabitants as early as 1638, and
in 1640 granted to Mr. Samuel Eaton, on condition that he
would found a settlement there. That gentleman failed to
comply with the stipulations of the grant, and in 1644 the
same territory was conveyed to Mr. Swaine and his friends,
who, on their part, agreed to remove there and establish a
town that was to be under the jurisdiction of New Haven.
Soon after this conveyance was made, the Rev. Abraham
Pierson, of South Hampton, upon Long Island, with a part
of his congregation, sailed fobr Totoket Harbor, and made
common cause with iMr. Swaine's party. To this delightful
town, overlooking two clusters of lilliputian islands, and fanned by cool sea-breezes, the inhabitants gave the solid English name of Branford. t
On the 5th of September, 1644, the commissioners of the
United Colonies met at Hartford.  A claim  was set up
by those who represented Massachusetts, that they had a
right of precedence in subscribing all treaties and other documents requiring the signatures of that body, as they, in behalf of their colony, had first signed the articles of confederation. After some debate, this claim was denied as a right,
but yielded through courtesy. All the other commissioners
were to follow in the order in which they had signed those
articles.j
From north to south, the Indians were, during the year
* New Haven Colony Records; Winthrop, Trumbull, &c.
~ Barber's Conn. His. Coll., p. 198.  } Journal of the Commissioners.




[l 644.]    TROUBLES WITH TIIE INDIANS.             133
1644, unusually troublesome. In Virginia, whole settlements
were annihilated.  In some villages the inhabitants were all
murdered at one fell stroke.  It was believed that the New
England Indians, and those tribes living farther south, were
combined to destroy the whole white population.  The Na:rragansetts were particularly restive.  They encroached alike
upon Connecticut and Massachusetts.  The old quarrel between the  Narragansetts and Mohegans waxed hot and
threatening.  It was necessary to take some steps to quell it.
The commissioners, therefore, sent their old interpreter,
Thomas Stanton, with Mr. Willet, to visit the sachems of
both these nations, and inform them  that the commissioners
were then in session at Hartford, and if they would appear before that body, and state their grievances, an impartial hearing
should be had; and that all proper steps should be taken to
reconcile their differences.  These gentlemen were instructed
to offer the sachems of the two tribes, or those who might
go in their stead, a safe passage to and from Hartford, and
to enjoin on them and their people to keep the peace, not
only during these negotiations, but after they had returned
to their respective countries.
The Narragansetts sent one of their principal chiefs, and Uncas went in behalf of the Mohegans. One principal theme of
complaint alleged, on the part of the Narragansetts was, that
Uncas had taken a ransom  for Miantinomoh, and after his
death, had refused to return it. This Uncas stoutly denied
under oath. Other evidence was heard, both in support of
the charge and in behalf of the defense. The hearing resulted in favor of Uncas.
The Narragansett deputation agreed to abide by the decision, and to make no war upon Uncas, until after the next
year's planting-time-and after that, before commencing hostilities, that they would give the governors of Massachusetts
and Connecticut thirty days notice.  This stipulation was to
be binding also upon the Nihanticks, as well as upon their
own tribe.* See Trumbull, i. 145, 146.




134           HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
About this time, four sachems from Mionhausett, upon
Long Island, came over in canoes with their companions,
and humbly waited upon the commissioners with a petition.
They stated that they and the other Indians upon the island,
had paid tribute to the English ever since the Pequot war,
and that they had never done any harm, either to the English or the Dutch, but were the friends of both. They begged
that they might have a certificate given them of this friendly
relationship, and that the United Colonies would take them
under their protection. The commissioners gave them the
certificate, and assured them of protection, as long as they
remained at peace with the English, and kept aloof from all
the quarrels with the Indians. With this certificate-a cabalistic charm to them-the simple-hearted tributaries took their
leave, deeply impressed with the superiority of the English.
During the same session, the claim  of Massachusetts
to a part of the Pequot country was renewed. Col. Fenwick interposed in behalf of himself and those whose interests he represented, and begged that the consideration of this
matter might be postponed, until the Lord Say and Seal, and
the other noblemen, knights, and gentlemen, who were named
as grantees in the Warwick patent, and, who claimed this
very territory, could have an opportunity to be heard. The
commissioners decided that a convenient time ought to be
given to those noble claimants to plead their title to the
land in controversy.
Massachusetts, also, renewed her claim to Westfield, while
Col. Fenwick, on the other hand, insisted that it was the property of the same grantees. It was finally decreed that Westfield, with all its houses and lands, should be under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, until it was proved to which colony
the plantation belonged; and that all lands, not exceeding
two thousands acres, should belong to the purchasers.
South Hampton, upon Long Island, was this year taken
under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. This town had been
settled in 1640 by about one hundred families from Lynn.*
* Trumbull, i. 148.




[1645.]           THE FIRST TARIFF.                135
When the General Court of Connecticut met in the preceding April, a committee was appointed to treat with Col. Fenwick in relation to a purchase of "Saybrook Fort, and of
all guns, buildings, and lands in the colony, which he and
the lords and gentlemen interested in the Patent of Connecticut might claim." On the 5th of December, 1644, the negotiation was completed by articles of agreement, signed by
Col. Fenwick and the committee appointed by the General
Court of Connecticut. On the part of himself and the other
grantees, Col. Fenwick made over to Connecticut, the fort at
Saybrook and its appurtenances; also all the lands on the Connecticut river!  Such lands as were not sold, were to be
given out by a committee of five, of whom Col. Fenwick was
to be one. Col. Fenwick also agreed that all the lands from
Narragansett river to Saybrook fort should fall under the
jurisdiction of Connecticut, if it should come into his power
so to dispose of it. On the other hand, the committee who
represented Connecticut, agreed that Col. Fenwick should
enjoy all the houses belonging to the fort for a period of ten
years, and that a duty should be paid to him for a like term
on corn, biscuit, bacon, and cattle, which should be exported
from the mouth of the river.  The General Court ratified
this agreement in February, 1645, and passed an act to regulate the duty stipulated in the articles of agreement.*  Provision was also made that a memorandum of the landing of
each cargo passing beyond the river's mouth should be made
of all commodities, subject to this duty, and delivered to Col.
Fenwick, as a basis, from which to determine how much
tribute was due him. This was the first tariff ever sanctioned by the people of Connecticut.
The duty was as follows:
1st. Each bushel of corn of all sorts, or meal, that shall
pass out of the river's mouth, shall pay two pence per bushel.
2d. Every hundred biscuit that shall in like manner pass
out of the river's mouth, shall pay sixpence.
3d. Each milch cow, and mare, of three years or upwards,' J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 119, &c.




136             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
within any of the towns or farms upon the river, shall pay
twelve pence per annum, during the aforesaid term.
4th. Each hog or sow, that is killed by any particular person, within the limits of the river and the jurisdiction aforesaid, to be improved either for his own particular use, or to
make market of, shall in like manner, pay twelve pence per
annum.
5th. Each hogshead of beaver, traded within the limits of
the river, shall pay two pence. Only, it is provided, that in
case the general trade with the Indians, now in agitation,
proceed, this tax upon beaver, mentioned in this, and the
foregoing articles, shall fail.
It proved to be no insignificant sum that the colony paid
for this purchase, and has been estimated at sixteen hundred
pounds sterling."
The General Court now took vigorous measures to put
this important fortification in good repair. A tax of two
hundred pounds was levied on the towns for this purpose.
The Court also addressed a letter to Col. Fenwick, soliciting
him to act as the agent of the colony, and sail for England,
with a view of procuring an enlargement of the patent, " and
to furnish other advantages for the country."
In the midst of these stirring events, died George Wyllys,
Esquire, third governor of Connecticut, who, had there been
left no written memorial of his worth, could not have failed
of a traditionary fame more enviable, though less glaring,
than that of the proudest military conqueror. He came of
an old and honorable family, and was, before he left Engg
land, the possessor of an elegant mansion and a valuable estate in land, situated in Knapton, in the county of Warwick.
Few English gentlemen had less occasion to become an adventurer; none had less cause to seek his fortune in the
trackless labyrinths of the American woods.  His birth, his
wealth, his intellectual endowments, enriched by the most refined culture, entitled him, in the best of English neighbonr
hoods, to the confidence and friendship of that order of Eng* See Trumbull, i. 150.




[1645.]          GOVERNOR WYLLYS.                     137
lish nobility, whom Burke has signalized as the "best society
in the world." So that, whatever may be said of others, it
cannot truthfully be said of Wyllys, that he sought to better
his fortunes by emigration. He knew well, that as the world
understands the term, he could not improve his condition,
and that to change it, was to make it worse.  His eye was
not to be dazzled with the surfaces of things.  With the
earnestness that characterizes all noble natures, he sought
after the truth, and, by the gradually increasing light of religious liberty, saw in that early dawn, the shadows of superstition beginning to grow pale and dim. He loved the traditions, the institutions, the customs, immemorial as the green
old oaks and flowering hedges of his native island. Yet,
like John Hampden, Herbert Pelham  and Sir Harry Vane,
though he lingered over the past with a loving step,
his gaze  was still fixed  on the future.  He  was one
of the few  men  of that harsh, intolerant age, whose
large natures-incapable of bigotry, whether lurling under the folds of the surplice, or haunting the secret
chambers of the conventicle-soared above the poisonous
atmosphere of political strifes, and panted for a liberty,
religious and civil, that should strike its roots in a deep,
fresh soil, and bear those "golden apples" that in later
years, requiting the culture of such hands as his, were to
blush upon the branches of the Hesperian tree.  Perhaps, too,
he foresaw, and was not unwilling to avoid for himself and
his children, the baleful fires of that bloody conflict, so soon
to light up the English cbast-the struggle between the old
and the new, between prerogative and progress, of which all
Europe was to " ring from side to side "-a struggle destructive as the whirlwind, yet tending to purify the moral atmosphere, as all great convulsions of the elements are said to
vitalize the air.
In 1636, Mr. Wyllys sent over his steward, William Gibbons, with twenty men, to purchase and prepare for him, in
Hartford, an estate suitable to his rank, erect a house, and
make preparations for the reception of himself and his fami



138             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
ly. Two years after this, he bade adieu to the home of his
childhood, and sailed for America.  He arrived in Connecticut early enough to give to the framers of the Constitution
of 1639, the benefit of his sound judgment and elevated
views, and was elected a magistrate annually under it, from
the time when the freemen adopted it by acclamation, to the
day of his death. In 1641, he was elected deputy governor,
and in 1642 he was made governor of Connecticut.
He led a calm, pure life, far enough elevated above the
level of his contemporaries to point them where to look for
the ideal of human excellence, yet near enough to stretch
forth a benevolent hand to those whose vision was less keen,
and whose feeble steps faltered as they ascended the rugged
hill.  Peace to his venerable dust, which, without a monu.
ment, sleeps near that of Hooker, in the old cemetry of
Hartford, guarded by the piety of the thousands who inhabit
the city, and who have succeeded to the noblest inheritance
in the world-a spotless public life.
The Charter Oak Place, where he lived and died, with all
its thrilling historical associations, has none that should tempt
the lover of the heroic past more eagerly to visit its shades,
than that it was the home of Wyllys.
In the summer of 1645, the Narragansett Indians again
violated their treaty with the English, in commencing hostilities against Uncas.*  They went into the heart of the Mohegan country, and attacked Uncas at his fort. They killed
his men and threatened to annihilate both him and his tribe.
So bent were they on the destruction of their old enemies,
that Connecticut and New Haven were obliged to send each
a detachment of soldiers, to keep the Mohegan country from
being overrun by the invaders.
Governor Winthrop, in alarm, called a meeting of the
commissioners to convene at Boston, on the 28th of June.
As soon as that body had assembled, they sent couriers into
* See Bancroft, i. 211, who claims that the "temporary truce" had expired when the Narragansetts marched after Uncas. The action of the commissioners, however, seems to forbid such a conclusion.




[1645.]         GIBBONS' EXPEDITION.                139
the territories of the contending tribes, proposing that their
sachems should repair to Boston, and refer their causes of
quarrel to the decision of the commissioners, as had been
done before.  The sachems at first seemed disposed to listen
favorably to the proposal, but at last declared they would
neither go nor send. The Narragansett chiefs were highly
excited.  They insulted the messengers, and said very rough
things of the English.  One of them said " he would kill their
cattle and pile them in heaps, and that an Englishman should
no sooner step beyond his door than the Indians would kill
him; that whoever began war he would continue it, and
nothing would satisfy him but the head of Uncas."
Affairs now assumed such a threatening attitude, that
Roger Williams, who was usually the apologist of the Indians
and especially of the Narragansetts, wrote to the commissioners, that an Indian war was impending. After a careful
consultation, the commissioners made a formal proclamation of war, and ordered that three hundred men should be
forthwith levied, and placed under the command of Maj.
Edward Gibbons.  Capt. Mason had the immediate command of the Connecticut and New Haven forces.  Humphrey Atherton, with forty men, was sent forward with all
haste to meet Mason at Mohegan, and place himself under
his direction, the better to defend Uncas until the whole
army should unite their strength under Maj. Gibbons.
Gibbons was ordered not only to protect Uncas, but to invade the country of the Narragansetts and Nihanticks, and
cut off their supplies.  He was authorized, however, to offer
them peace, and to make a treaty with them, should they be
disposed to fall in with any reasonable proposals.  If they
were disposed to fight, he was to give them battle. If they
would neither fight nor come to any amicable terms, but on
the other hand fled before him, he was ordered to build forts
in the territory of both these hostile tribes, and there accumulate the corn belonging to them gathered from far and
near.~
* Records of the Commissioners.




140            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Before hostilities had been decided upon by the English,
the Narragansetts had sent a present to governor Winthrop at Boston, asking for peace with the colonies, but
begging the privilege of fighting with Uncas, and avenging
the death of Miantinomoh. The governor did not accept
this present, but allowed it to be left in his keeping. The
commissioners sent it back with a message to Canonicus,
Pessacus, and the other sachems of the Narragansetts and
Nihanticks, that they would not accept their gift, nor permit
them to be at peace until they had atoned for their past of'fenses, and given pledges for their future good behavior.
The messengers who were entrusted with this delicate commission soon returned to Boston, with tidings that Pessacus,
the great war-chief of the Narragansetts, and other sachems,
were coming to treat with the commissioners for a peace.
The Indian ambassadors, with Pessacus at their head, soon
arrived at Boston, in great state, attended by a large retinue,
and presented themselves before the commmissioners. They
denied that they had been guilty of violating their faith in
breaking the most solemn treaties, and urged their old claim
of the ransom alleged to have been taken by Uncas, with
astonishing pertinacity, if it was indeed a false claim. They
offered to bind themselves again, to refrain from waging war
with their hated enemy, until the next planting-time.
The commissioners assured them that it was idle to talk
of such a thing-that they would be trifled with no longerthat the time had come for an ultimate decision, either for
lasting peace or bloody war, and it was better that they should
at once understand each other. They said it was useless for
the Indians to pretend that they had kept faith with the colonies, as proofs of their perfidy were too glaring and abundant to be truthfully met, and that falsehoods could stand
them in stead no longer.
The Indians finally acknowledged their treachery in reference to the treaties, and one of the principal chiefs took a
stick, and humbly presented it to the commissioners, as a
symbol of submission, and a token that he only waited for




[].645.1     SETTLEMENT OF FARMINGTON.              141
the English to dictate the terms of a new treaty, at their
own discretion.
The commissioners decided that the new treaty should
be substantially upon the following terms: that the Indians
should pay to them two hundred fathom of white wampum;
restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes that they had
taken from him; that they would maintain perpetual peace
with the English, and with all their allies, and that they
would give hostages for the faithful performance of all these
stipulations.  With much reluctance  the Indians finally
signed the articles embracing these conditions.-  But fear
impelled them  to do it, as they knew that English troops
were now in the country, and ready to enforce even more
stringent demands.
As early as 1640, some of the most enterprising citizens
of Hartford commenced a settlement at a place about ten
miles west of the city, upon the alluvial meadows of the
Tunxisriver. They gaveto their little neighborhood the name
of the brimming river, that swept past their log-houses, and
enlivened the long summer days, as it wound through the
meadows, where haymakers kept it company.  It was not
incorporated until 1645, when it was called  Farmington.
Almost all the inhabitants were planters.  The township
was not far from fifteen miles square.t This territory has
been, from time to time, divided between the mother town
and its offshoots.  Out of it have sprung the towns of Southington, Berlin, Bristol, Burlington and Avon.  The pioneers
who purchased this tract of the original proprietors, the
Tunxis Indians, and begun the plantation, were among the
best families of Hartford, and their descendants have maintained to an unusual degree their marked traits of character.
In 1646, when the commissioners of' the united colonies
met at New Haven, the old difficulties between the colonies
of New Haiven and Connecticut on the one part, and the
Dutch at New Amsterdam on the other, were presented to
their consideration.  It appears that the Dutch governor,
* Bancroft, i. 313.    t Pease and Niles' Gazetteer.




142               HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Kieft, had written a spirited letter to governor Eaton, of
New lHaven, in which he took occasion to reassert the
claims of the States General to the coast of Connecticut in
very positive terms.  He charged the English with violating
ancient treaties existing between the two nations, under
which they respectively claimed, and with having acted in
defiance as well of the law of nations as of natural justice.
He called them  "breakers of the peace, and disturbers of
the public tranquillity," and threatened them with war if they
did not give up the places belonging to his jurisdiction that
they had usurped, and make amends for the losses that his
government had sustained on account of their encroachments.
Governor Eaton made answer that the colony of NTew
Haven had never dispossessed the Dutch of any of their
lands, or disturbed them  in the enjoyment of any of their
rights.  He ended by proposing to leave all differences to be
arbitrated by unbiased nen, either in Europe or America.
Connecticut also made complaint against the Dutch  of
Good Hope, charging them  with acting in opposition to the
authorities of the colony, and especially in harboring an Indian woman, who was both a fugitive from justice and a runaway servant of one of the citizens of Hartford.#The commissioners of the united colonies, in reference to
these alleged wrongs, wrote a letter to governor Kieft, not
much calculated I should think, to conciliate him.  This letter
recites at length all the claims of the two colonies, Connecticut and New Haven, and alludes in nio very gentle terms,
to the behavior of the dignitary to whom  it was addressed.
It is never pleasant to be told of one's faults, and the aversion that we all feel to it, is much enhanced when the censor' For a more particular account of this controversy, the reader is referred to
page 253, of that beautifulwork entitled "Hartford in the Olden Time," by
ScAEvA-an author who seems fiirs' to have entertained the thought that our local
histories could be invested with some other interest than that of frigid details, and
who never forgets what the Greeks taught the world, that a muse presides over
history as well as song. His work is substantially a history of Connecticut, during the first few years of her existence.




[1646.]           GOVERNOR KIEFT.                   143
is supposed to be our enemy. This epistle certainly lacked
one characteristic of a modern diplomatic paper. It could
not be said to say one thing and mean another.
Another letter was ordered to be written and sent to the
same functionary, complaining that the Dutch traders were
badly in arrears in their accounts with the English, and refused to pay, and that he had aided his subjects in withholding payment.
At the purport of these two letters, his excellency of New
Netherlands was greatly incensed.  He met all the charges
contained in them with a flat denial, couched in the very
strongest terms that he could frame, which he embraced in
two corresponding documents, and sent to New Haven by
the messenger who had been employed by the commissioners.
The affair of the Indian woman appeared to inflame him
most, for he honored that with a special traverse. With regard to the other allegations, he contented himself with saying that they were untrue, and that he would submit them to
the arbitrament of nobody in Europe or America. The
mildest thing that he would do, unless he met with better
treatment from the English, was to avenge himself by an appeal to arms.  In his excited state of mind, he used a very
bold figure of speech, likening the commissioners to "eagles
that soar aloft and despise the little fly."  He denied the right
of the English to any part of the coast of Connecticut, and
especially to New Haven, the very name of which he ignored,
adhering to the old Dutch name of "Red Mount.""  We
protest," he said in conclusion, "against all your commissioners met at Red iMount, as against breakers of the common
league, and also infringers of the rights of the lords, the
states, our superiors, in that you have dared without our express and special consent, to hold your general meeting within
the limits of New Netherlands.""
To these letters the commissioners made a very curt reply,
the substance of which was, that the exaggerated strain of his
correspondence was no more than was to be expected from him.'~ Letter of Kieft on the Records of the United Colonies.




144            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The Connecticut river Indians, this year, were unusually
troublesome.  Sequasson, one of their chiefs, conceived the
design of murdering governor Haynes, governor Hopkins,
and Mr. WThiting, one of the magistrates.  He hired a Waranoke Indian to execute the plot. The consideration to be
paid was a number of wampum-girdles. But after he had
received the price of blood, he went deliberately to Hartford,
and betrayed his employer.  The Windsor Indians at about
the same time did the inhabitants of Windsor much damage,
by burning up large quantities of their personal property.
The magistrates issued a warrant, and arrested the Indian
whom they supposed to be the author of this mischief, but
the Indians rescued him from the hands of the officers with
violence."
The commissioners in session at New Haven, sent a message to Sequasson, citing him to appear before them, and
make answer to the charges against him. But the cunning
savage thought it best to keep out of harm's way. The
Indians were subject to strange paroxysms of mischief,
that would break out suddenly and take possession of
them like physical diseases. In reading the best authenticated accounts of their behavior, the descriptions that we
meet with in the New Testament of those who were under
the influence of devils, are constantly forced upon the mind.
On such occasions, their passions led them whithersoever
they would.
The i[ohawks, now that the Pequots were exterminated,
had the field to themselves, and spent their time in waging
war with the eastern tribes, and collecting tribute from them.
They had sagacity enough to keep on friendly terms with
the English, and confined their depredations to the Indians.
Their tax-gatherers were so punctual in their annual visitations, that those who paid them tribute knew when to expect
them. They knew, too, that an armed force usually followed
these leeches, to see that none of the subjects departed from
their allegiance.
* Trumbull, i. 158, 159.




THE PHANTOM SHIP.                 145
Some years after Milford was settled by the English, a
company of Mohawks came within the borders of the town,
and secreted themselves in a swamp, where they awaited an
opportunity of making an attack upon the Milford Indians.
Some Englishmen saw  the Mohawks, and were friendly
enough to inform their swarthy neighbors of their danger.
They immediately rallied in great numbers, raised the warwhoop, and rushing suddenly upon the Mohawks, gained a
complete victory. Among the prisoners was a stout Mohawk warrior, whom the conquerors decided to kill by famine and torture. They stripped him naked, and having tied
him to a stake, left him in the tall grass of the salt meadows,
to be eaten up by the mosquitoes. An Englishman, named
Hine, who found the poor wretch in this deplorable condition,
shocked at this barbarous mode of torture, cut the thongs
from his limbs, and set him at liberty. He then invited him
to his house, gave him food, and helped him to escape. This
kind act was never forgotten by the Mohawks.  They
treated the English of Milford ever after with  marked
civility, and did many kind and friendly acts, that testified
their gratitude towards their deliverer and his family.It has been said that the principal inhabitants of New Haven were originally engaged in commerce and merchandise.
They soon found that the unpeopled wastes of New England offered little opportunity for them to pursue their old
occupations. The estates that they had brought with them,
declined in value, and left them disappointed and comparatively helpless. Their settlement at Delaware had proved
a heavy burden to them. Besides, they had long waited in
vain for the arrival of certain wealthy gentlemen, who had
given them assurance that they would soon join them and
share their enterprise. At length, despairing of any such relief, and conscious that some new steps must be taken to retrieve their sinking fortunes, some of their most enterprising
merchants united their resources to build a ship, of one hundred and fifty tons burden, and fit her out for England. They
-* Lambert.
10




146            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
freighted her with furs, corn, and plate, almost all their little
stock of merchantable wealth.  She had also seventy souls
on board, including Gregson, Lamberton, and some other
men of note in the colony.
It was in the stark month of January, and the harbor was
frozen over so firmly that the citizens were obliged to cut a
way for her through the ice, with saws, for three miles,
before she was free to float in the water.  Mr. Davenport,
and many others who were to stay behind, went out upon
the ice and bade her adieu.  As he stretched his hands towards heaven in prayer, the reverend man said, doubtingly,
" Lord, if it be thy pleasure to bury these our friends, in the
bottom of the sea, they are thine-save them!"
They watched her gallant sails and trembling keel, till
their eyes were blinded with tears.  Ships arrived one after
another from England, but they brought no tidings to the
people of New Haven, of the bark that bore from their sight
so much that was dear to them. Months passed, each dropping
its heavy plummet deeper than its predecessor, into the abyss
of mystery and gloom that shrouded the fate of the ship. At
last inquiries ceased to be whispered by the wife, the father,
the friend; and the heart spoke its agonized meaning only in
the quivering lip and the fixed eye. Still they waited for
tidings, and perhaps beneath the calm exterior of despair, there
trembled a pulse of hope, but this too, died.  Then succeeded
another long period of silence.
In November, 1647, those who embarked in the ill-starred
vessel were treated as deceased persons, and their estates
went through the due course of administration.  Not quite
two years and a half after the missing ship sailed, one pleasant afternoon in June, as the sunbeams lit up the clouds that
still lingered-the lurid curtains of a thunder storm  that had
spent its volleys in the heavens-there was seen on the level
line of the horizon, hovering over the harbor, the figure of a
three-masted ship. Shadowy at first, and without shroud or
tackle, but gradually taking on a fearful distinctness, until
her full sails swelled in the summer breeze; and on her up



[1649.]           THE PHANTOM SHIP.                   147
per deck there stood the semblance of a man, a solitary form.
Though the wind blew from the north, she made her course
bravely against it for a full half hour, until the little children
ran and cried as she drew near, "There's a brave ship."
The weird bark was the exact counterpart of the lost one.
For many minutes she remained, until the anxious and the
curious were assembled, to welcome her home. And there
upon her deck, its left hand pressed against its side, and its
right hand grasping a sword, stood the mournful shape, pointing silently towards the sea.  Finally, a cloud of smoke
arose, faint at first, but darkening as it wreathed its sombre
folds around the Phantom Ship and the armed spectre, till
both were swallowed up firom mortal sight!
It has not comie down to us what was the name of the vessel.  It is a wild legend, and is not without a stralnge interest.
The reader must settle for himself the question, whether it is
fabulous or true.*
During the year 1649, the chiefs of the'Narragansetts and
Nihanticks were again cited to appear before the commissioners at Boston, to answer for not having kept their last
treaty with the English.  Ninigret obeyed the summons,
but Pessacus sent in an excuse. He would be very glad to
go to Boston, but he was too unwell to undertake such a
journey.  He further pleaded the terms of the late treaty
were very hard upon his tribe, and that they could not comply with them. He claimed that they were void, too, fiom
having been obtained by duress, while he was in Boston, and
an armed force of Englishmen marching against his defenseless country. However, he sent two deputies to represent
him, and prepared to be bound by whatever Ninigret should
stipulate.  Ninigret pleaded the cause of the two nations
with great dignity and eloquence, and the parties at last
agreed upon terms of adjustment satisfactory to all concerned.
The tax levied upon the towns soon after the purchase of
* The Rev. James Pierpont, of New Haven, who ewas a firm believer in the
miraculous nature of the apparition, wrote an interesting account of it at the request
of Cotton Mather, who published it in his Magnalia.




148            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Saybrook fort, was not raised by the inhabitants of Springfield. The General Court of Massachusetts denied the right
of Connecticut to tax this town, as it was claimed to be
within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.   The commissioners refused at first to make any order in the matter, as it
was a very delicate one, and had not been particularly referred to them by one of the claimants, but suggested that
the money to be expended upon the fort was for the benefit
of all the towns upon the river. After the action of the
General Court of Massachusetts, and after the resolutions
had been passed, the commissioners, upon a full hearing, decided the question as well as they could by ordering, that inasmuch as Springfield enjoyed the benefit of the fort, she
" should pay the impost of two pence per bushel for corn, and
a penny on the pound for beaver;" but that the parties disputing the right to lay the impost, might have the privilege
afterwards to show reasons against it.
During this very session, John Winthrop, of Pequot, (now
New London,) laid claim to the whole country of the Western Nihanticks, embracing a large part of the present town
of Lyme, by virtue both of a deed of purchase and a deed of
gift from the Indians. Mr. Winthrop did not pretend that
he had any paper title, but offered abundant evidence of a
fair transfer by parol.  To these claims, the commissioners
who represented Connecticut made answer, that Mr. Winthrop's pretended purchase was without date, had no fixed
boundaries, and that, for aught that appeared, the grantor
had himself no title to the granted premises; that the contract was a parol one, and that at the best it was but a
vague, loose way of transferring an estate in lands; while on
the other hand, Connecticut owned the territory by right of
conquest.  The decision was, at the request of Connecticut,
postponed to a later day, and the claim was never afterwards
presented by Mr. Winthrop.
Not far from this time-at what precise date is not known,
but probably during the year 1648-died at Saybrook the
Lady Alice Boteler, since and still known as Lady Fen



LADY  FENWICK,                             149
wick.*   She  was a daughter of Sir Edward  Apsley, and
married, first, Sir John  Boteler, and  after his death became
the wife of Col. George Fenwick, with whom she sailed for
America.   Not only is the date  of her decease  unknown,
but not a circumstance alluding to so interesting a fact has
come down to us. Near the remains of the old fort, probably within its limits as it was first built, and close upon the
river-bank, where the plaintive murmurs of the Connecticut
blend with the  heavy moanings of the sea-upon supporters
that seem to stoop with the weight of their burden-rests a
table  of grey  sandstone,  bearing  a  scroll without  an  inscription or a name. Yet to me, as I looked upon it, without
a tree to droop over it in summer, or screen it from  the fierce
winter winds-without a flower  to  symbolize  the  beauty
and loveliness of the high-born sleeper-no epitaph could have
spoken with such eloquence as the silence of the monument
and the desolation of the spot. It spoke to me, as it may
have done to others, of the crowning excellence and glory of a
woman's love, who could give up the attractions of her proud
English home, the peerless circles wherein she moved and
constituted a chief fascination, to follow  her husband to this
* Lady Fenwick was a daughter of Sir Edward Apsley, of Thackham.  Sir
Edward married Eliza, daughter of Edward Elmes, of Lyford, in the county of
Northampton, and had children, (1,) Elizabeth, who married Sir Albert Norton
knight, and secretary of state; (2,) Edward, living at Thackham in 1634, mentioned in Col. Fenwick's will as the " Uncle " of his daughters; (3,) Alice, who
married, first, Sir John Boteler, and afterwards George Fenwick; and (4,) Ann,
who married Matthew Caldecott, of Sherington, in the county of Sussex. Sir John
Boteler, Lady Fenwick's first husband, was the eldest son of Sir Oliver Boteler,
of Teston, who was knighted by James 1st, in 1604. Sir John died in his father's
life time. Sir John's younger brother, William, inherited Sir Oliver's estate, and
was created a baronet by Charles Ist, in 1641. He espoused the cause of the king
in the civil war, and was killed at Cropedy Bridge in June, 1644. The wife of Col.
Fenwick appears always to have retained the name and title given her by her first
husband. The receipt given for her monument in 1679, describes it as the
"Tomb Stone of the Lady Alice Boteler, late of Saybrook."  (See Saybrook
Records.) I am indebted to the accomplished editor of the " Colonial Records of
Connecticut " for the facts above recited, as I am for many other favors of a like
character.  I shall add nothing to his reputation, though I shall do myself a great
pleasure, when I say, that I do not think there is a more accurate and at the same
time philosophical antiquarian in New England.




150             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
desolate peninsula, where the humble houses of wood within
the inclosure of the fort, opened their forbidding doors with
a grim welcome that must have chilled her heart. Here she
lingered in obscurity till she died. Perhaps when her husband was away at Hartford, or Boston, as he often was, attending to the interests of Connecticut, as she looked off upon the blue waters, her eye was dimmed with tears of disappointment as she in vain sought the long expected sail that
was to waft that noble coterie of lords and ladies, knights,
and gentlemen, to Saybrook, whither they had promised to
flee from the civic strifes that beset them at home.  But that
sail was only seen in her dreams, and the towers of the new
city that was to have sprung up under the plastic touch of
the patentees of Connecticut, were lost with the other fantasies of the night in the glimmering moon-beams that fell
upon her startled eyelids through the firosted window-panes.
She died in her place of voluntary exile. Two hundred
years have rolled away. The shrill cry of the plover now as
then pierces the ear as it flies over the spot. But the rude
fort, with its walls of wood and earth, is gone. The Connecticut swarms with vessels of every description, filled with a
free population that need no cannon at the mouth of the
river, as in that iron age, to guard them from violence. How
much can be learned from an old, solitary tomb! The dead
need no monument, but are themseves a monument of the
"dead old time."  Their names, when uttered, are vital as
their ashes shall be on the morning of the resurrection.  But
let not the sons of a state, in whose bosom sleeps the dust of
Alice Apsley, forget that the forbidding aspect of her tomb,
though it dishonors not her, disgraces them; and if she has
left no other claim upon their affectionate remembrance, let
them bear in mind that she was at least the wife of Fenwick!




CHAPTER VIII.
FOUNDING OF NEW LONDON.
As early as the spring of 1646, under the auspices of the
General Court of Massachusetts, Mr. John Winthrop, jun.,
and a few others, had already begun-to plant the fields lying
upon Pequot Harbor, and found a settlement there. Mr.
Thomas Peters,~ a clergyman, was associated with Mr.
Winthrop, and these two gentlemen were entrusted with the
authority of framing a form  of civil government, and administering it, until further orders.t  This territory was for
a long time debated ground, as has been before stated: Con.
necticut claiming both by virtue of a grant and by right of
conquest, and Massachusetts asserting a right to it as her
share of the conquered country of the Pequots.  Mr. Peters
did not stay long enough in the new settlement to lend much
aid to his associate, for in the fall of 1646 he embarked for
England, and never returned to America.  3Mr. Winthrop
did not remove his family friom Boston until the fall of 1646,
when he sailed with his wife and a part of his children, to
the country over which he claimed jurisdiction. His brother,
Dean Winthrop, accompanied him.  They had a very rough
and tedious passage.  They spent that winter upon Fisher's
Island.  In the spring of 1647, Mr. Winthrop built a house
upon the main-land at Pequot, and removed his whole family
thither. The place was also called-Nameaugs. This was the
first beginning of the now flourishing city of New London.
Although the plantation was commenced under the protection of Massachusetts, yet after the action of the commissioners upon the question of jurisdiction in July 1647, the
* This gentleman was a brother of the celebrated Hugh Peters, and was himself one of the ejected Puritan divines of Cornwall, England. He appears to
have been for some time chaplain to Mr. Fenwick, and to the garrison at
Saybrook.
+ New London Records. See Miss Caulkins' History, p. 45.




152             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
dominion over it was conceded to belong to Connecticut;
and in the following September, the court gave Mr. Winthrop
a commission "to execute justice" according to the laws of
Connecticut, " and the rules of righteousness." ~
At the session of the General Court in lMay 1649, John
Winthrop, Esquire, with Thomas Minor and Samuel Lathrop
as assistants, were authorized to hold a court in the town,
with jurisdiction over " all differences among the inhabitants
under the value of forty shillings."t  To encourage the enterprise of the first settlers of New London, and to induce
new adventurers to take up their abode there, the court at
the same session granted the inhabitants exemption from
taxation for the period of three years.  The court also advised that the town should be called "Fair Harbor."  But
the planters claimed lhe privilege of naming the place, and
finally, after some changes and debates, hit upon the name
of New London, which was sanctioned by the General
Court.
The old subject of alarm and debate, the perfidy of the
Narragansett and Nihantick Indians, could not long remain
quiet. These Indians were resolved not to pay the wampum that they had agreed again and again to do, and had
hired the Pocomtocks and Mohawks to unite with them
in exterminating- the hated Mohegans.  The Narragansetts and Nihanticks secreted their women and children in
swamps, and raised an army of eight hundred warriors, who
were to meet their allies, the Mohawks and the Pocomtocks, in or near the Mohegan country.  The governor and
council sent a deputation, at the head of whom was Thomas
Stanton, to Pocomtock. When they arrived there they
found the Indians of the place in arms and awaiting the arrival of the Mohawks.j  The Indians confessed their error,
but said they had been hired by the Narragansetts.  It was
represented to Stanton, that the Mohawks had four hundred
guns, and plenty of ammunition. This must have been a
J*. Hammond Trumbull, Colonial Records, i. 157.  t Ib. i. 186.
Trumbull, i. 171.




[1649.]        INDIAN DEPREDATIONS.               153
very exaggerated account of their resources. It is not likely
that the whole tribe were possessed of' one-fourth part that
number of guns. Stanton told the Indians that they must
not march into the Mohegan territory, and that the English
would defend Uncas against all his enemies, and would
avenge all his wrongs. This well-timed threat had the effect
to keep the Pocomtocks at home, and as the MIohawks (if indeed they had ever intended to aid in the enterprise,) were
detained in their own country by some troubles that they
had with the French, the Narragansetts dared not take it
upon themselves to chastise the Mohegans, and so the affair
was dropped for awhile. But the Narragansetts did not by
any means remain idle. They made depredations upon the
people of Rhode Island, broke into their houses, stole their
goods, and insulted the planters in every conceivable way.
At Warwick they killed an hundred cattle, and threatened
the inhabitants with the most cruel violence. In their perplexity and alarm, the authorities of Rhode Island applied to
the commissioners to be admitted into the confederacy.
That grave body, then in session at Plymouth, made answer
in substance, that the whole region occupied by the petitioners was included in the Plymouth patent, and of right ought
to be under the jurisdiction of that colony; that if the people
of Rhode Island would consent to relinquish their claims to
an independent existence, and be merged in the colony of
New Plymouth, their interests would be tenderly cared for;
but they refused to treat with them as a distinct commonwealth.~  However, the commissioners sent a new deputation
to the Narragansetts and Nihanticks, complaining among
other things of the outrages that they had committed in
Rhode Island, whose people had never wronged them, and
warning the sachems to keep their men under better
discipline.
During the same session, the old affair of the impost for
the repair of the fort at Saybrook came up for further discussion. Massachusetts complained of the former decision
* Records of the United Colonies.




154           HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of the commissioners, and the General Court of that colony
had appointed a committee to draw up an answer in writing
to the arguments and reasons of Governor Hopkins in behalf of Connecticut at the previous session. Whatever the
merits of the case might be, this answer was certainly a
very able one. It alleged that Springfield was under no
more obligation to pay for the repairs of the fort, than any
other town not within the limits of Connecticut; that if
that town derived any benefit from the fort, it was an incidental one, and was no greater than that resulting from the
same source to any of the towns of New Haven colony
that lay along the coast. It urged that New' Haven or
Stamford might with as much propriety be taxed for this
object as Springfield; and added, that the former decision of
the commissioners ought to be reviewed, as it was carried
by the votes of the members from New Haven colony, who
were interested parties; and also because it was induced in
part by the alleged provisions of the Connecticut patent, a
document which was not produced, as it ought to have
been if any claim of title was set up under it."
The committee in behalf of Massachusetts appear to have
thought it advisable to let it be known how powerful their
commonwealth was, and how little dependent it was upon
the other colonies, for in connection with this argument
they took occasion to intimate that Massachusetts could do
as she liked about complying with the order of the commissioners in this matter without any breach of faith, and complained of the inequality of the representation in a body
where such small powers as New Haven and New Plymouth
had an equal vote with Massachusetts. The committee also
said that this impost was a bone of contention that was
likely "to interrupt their happy union and brotherly love."
They greatly feared that unless this stumbling-block could
be removed, they might be tempted " to help themselves in
some other way."
In behalf of Connecticut, Roger Ludlow and governor
* See Trumbull, i. 172, 173.




l [1649.]  DEBATE OF THE COMMISSIONERS.           155
Hopkins replied, that the arguments and proofs that had
been the basis of the order at the former session, had not
been met by any thing that was set forth in the remonstrance of Mlassachusetts, and that they were indeed unanswerable. After alluding briefly to what had been said in
relation to the old claims of Massachusetts in 1638, with
regard to the exemption from impost of the plantations under
their alleged jurisdiction, and the change of circumstances
which ten years had brought about,-and after disposing
summarily of the question of a priority of right so strongly
urged by the other party, they go on to speak with some
sensitiveness of the charge made against the commissioners
of founding their decree, either in whole or in part, upon the
supposed contents of the Connecticut patent, a paper that
they had never seen. These gentlemen argued that such a
charge was unreasonable, and without foundation.  That a
copy of this patent was certainly brought forward at the
time the confederation was established; that its contents
were publicly known, and that the gentlemen of Massachusetts were the last persons in the world who could plead
ignorance of the fact that it had recently been owned by the
committee of parliament, and that it had as much vitality
and power over the territory embraced within the boundaries
named in it, as had the patents of Massachusetts and Plymouth over their own. To make good what they said, they
backed it up by producing a copy of the Connecticut patent
which governor Hopkins, who had compared it with the
original, offered to make oath to as authentic.
In regard to the appeal made by Massachusetts to the
sympathies and fears of the commissioners, that the impost
was inexpedient and threatened the existence of the amicable
relations and brotherly love that had so long bound the four
colonies together, they answered with a very delicate severity, that it was the wish of Connecticut, that in all the doings
of the confederation, " truth and peace might embrace each
other "-that it was impossible for them to see how the setting forth of the claims of truth and righteousness could be




156            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the means of breaking up the subsisting relations of peace
and brotherly love.
Upon a full hearing, the commissioners again decided in
favor of Connecticut.
Previous to this, on the 27th of May, 1647, his Excellency,
Peter Stuyvesant, governor of New Netherlands, arrived at
{Manhattan and entered upon the duties of his office." The
commissioners, in the name of the united colonies of New
England, hastened to address to him a congratulatory letter
upon his accession to the government.  In this letter they
also took occasion to inform him that the Dutch traders had
been in the habit of selling firearms and ammunition to the
Indians, and sometimes within the boundaries of the Eng.
lish plantations, and begged him to put an end to this illjudged and dangerous traffic. They also made complaint of
the imposts laid by the Dutch, which they said, fettered the
freedom  of trade.  The letter also complained of seizures
made by the Dutch of English vessels and goods.
His Excellency of New Netherlands made no answer to
these complaints, and it will appear from what followed that
he gave very little heed to them.  Perhaps he thought,
though I am not aware that he has left us any record of his
reflections on this subject, that congratulation and remonstrance might have afforded materials for two distinct communications.  Be that as it may, he evidently disregarded
the complaints, for in the year 1648 he caused a vessel belonging to Mr. Westerhouse, a Dutch merchant and planter
of New Haven, to be seized while she was riding at anchor in
the harbor.t  Westerhouse stated his grievance to the commissioners, who espoused his cause as that of the united colonies, and at once wrote a letter to governor Stuyvesant, expressing in the strongest terms their horror of this insult offered to the English colonies, and wrong done to an innocent
private citizen.  They again took occasion to "protest
against the claim of the Dutch to all the lands, rivers, and
streams from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod," while they re* See Brodhead, i. 433.   t Trumbull, i. 175; Brodhead, i. 496.




[1649.]  CORRESPONDENCE WITH GOV. STUYVESANT.   157
iterated the oft-assailed right of the united colonies to all
these plantations and domains held by the double title of
grant from the British crown, and of purchase from the Indians, the native proprietors of the soil.
The seizure of this ship from one of their own harbors
they represented to be an atrocious and unparalleled outrage,
which they neither could nor would suffer to pass without
some redress.  They thought the letters that he had written
to them  and to the governors of Massachusetts and New
Haven, were couched in a phraseology so mysterious and
equivocal that it was impossible to understand them. They
begged him to be less oracular and more explicit. They insisted upon the necessity of a meeting between him and them
for the purpose of coming to a more full understanding. Until there was some such adjustment, they said the Dutch merchants and marines should enjoy no privileges in the New
England harbors or plantations, either of anchoring, searching or seizing, more than the English did at Manhattan; and
if upon search they should find arms or ammunition on board.
any Dutch ship, which were designed to be sold to the Indians within the borders of the united colonies, they wvould
seize them "until further inquiry and satisfaction should be
made."  The epistle closed in a very high tone, from which
the governor of New Netherlands might readily infer that
unless he saw the error of his ways, it would soon be necessary for him to vindicate them by force of arms.'
Tha murder of lMrt. John Whitmore, in 1648, at Stamford, and the discovery of an old murder of Mr. Cope and
a part of his crew upon Long Island, both of which were
committed by the Indians, occasioned much uneasiness in
the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven.
In the year 1647, the old fort at Saybrook, built by Gardiner,
under the direction of Winthrop, by some unfortunate accident took fire and was burned to ashes.  In May, 1649,
the General Court ordered "that there shall be a dwelling.
house erected at Saybrook about the middle of the new fort,
* Record of the United Colonies.




158             I-IISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
at the charge and for the service of the commonwealth.'"
The building of a new fort was also prosecuted with vigor.
During the same year, 1649, the Indians upon Long Island
committed at Southold some terrible murders. The Narragansetts and Nihanticks were by no means inactive.  They
had remained quiet as long as they could restrain their diabolical passions; but at last their hatred of Uncas broke
forth. They had been thwarted so often in their attempts to
make war upon the Mohegan chief, that they now determined to assassinate him.  With this view they confided
their secret to a trusty Indian, who undertook, for a reward,
to accomplish the murder. The assassin went on board a
vessel in the Thames, where Uncas was, and stabbed him in
the breast. He meant without doubt to kill him, and for a
long time it was thought that the chief would die of the
wound.  But he at last recovered, and that too in due time
to present himself before the commissioners, exhibit his scars,
tell over again his old story about the Mohawks, reiterate his
complaints against his enemies, whom he meekly represented
as thirsting for innocent blood, and beg that as he had never
deserted the English in times of peril, they would requite his
friendly services by extending to him their protection.  All
that he appeared to want was justice, and he certainly had
much occasion to congratulate himself upon his good luck,
that his prayers in this respect were not answered. However, it cannot be denied that he told the truth when he said
that he had always been faithful to the English. Ninigret
was cited to appear and clear himself of the charge preferred
against him by Uncas, that he and Pessacus had hired the assassin. It is probable that this charge was substantially true,
as the wretched murderer himself, we are told, gave the same
account of the matter. At any rate, it was thought by the
commissioners that the Nihantick sachem made but a meagre
defense.  He was dismissed with the assurance that unless
he immediately liquidated the old arrearages, the English
would leave him to his fate.
J. IE. DTrumbufl, i. 187,




[1649.]  RUMORED ALLIANCE WITH THE PEQUOTS.    159
About this time the colonies were thrown into a convulsion by a rumor, the author of which it is not difficult to divine, that a son or brother' of Sassacus was negotiating an
alliance with Ninigret, and was about to marry his daughter,
and that the Narragansetts and Nihanticks were contriving
to gather up the scattered Pequots, and place them under
the dominion of this bugbear chief. This story is so shallow
and incredible to us of the present day, that it seems astonishing that it should have gained any credence. But the
crafty politician who devised it was a shrewd judge of character, and knew that the very word Pequot had not ceased
to be terrible to the English.  This fabrication was intended to have a double edge. Uncas knew that the Pequots
who had been assigned to his keeping had more than two
years before been induced by his tyranny to revolt from him,
and set up for themselves.  He also knew these Indians had
in 1647, presented to the English a memorial, such as they
were able to frame, against his outrageous treatment of them,
which recited a list of exactions and cruelties; and he also
knew that he was guilty of all that they charged upon him.
The English, slow to believe their favorite and ally to be
such an unprincipled wretch as he was represented, were at
last, upon frequent repetition of the accusation, beginning to
lose confidence in him. What so likely, in this pressing exigency, to divert the attention of the English from himself
and fix it where he most desired it to remain, as an appeal
to the fears of his allies, by putting in circulation this wellcontrived story of the anticipated alliance of the Pequots,
his accusers, with the Nihanticks and Narragansetts, who
were his old enemies? It would serve the double purpose of
lulling the growing suspicions against himself, and increasing
those already existing against his rivals.  The prospects held
out to him by this story were so flattering that he could not
resist them.
Meanwhile his evil deeds were sent forth upon every
wind. The insulted Pequots repeated their charges in the
ears of the English, until their frigid incredulity gradually




160            HISTORY OF CONNhECTICUT.
dissolved.  The Pequots affirmed that since they had been
put under his protection, he had exacted from them payments
of wampum forty several times.  They farther asserted that
upon the death of one of his children, the hypocritical father
made his squaw presents to comfort her, and compelled them
to give her wampum by way of adding to this extraordinary
consolation.  Whereupon Uncas expressed great satisfaction,
and gave his word that he would ever after treat them
with the same consideration as if they were of Mohegan
blood; and that, in violation of this promise, he had cheated
them and wronged them in a variety of ways. One of the
Pequot sachems in particular, insisted that Uncas had taken
away his wife from him and conducted towards her as if she
had been his own. Others testified that he had wounded and
tortured some of the Pequots, and robbed the whole of
them. This memorial was presented in behalf of more than
sixty Pequots. Uncas of course denied all the allegations
set forth in it, but they were so thoroughly substantiated that
the commissioners could not help believing them.  They rebuked Uncas, ordered him to give up the wife of the chief
whom he had stolen, make the Pequots good for all the damages he had done them, and pay a fine of one hundred fathom
of wampum.  Hie was also directed to take back his abused
subjects without inflicting any punishment upon them for
complaining of his cruelties towards them. But the poor
creatures refused to comply with this order, although they
were obedient to the English in all other respects. Year
after year, as the commissioners met, they presented their
humble petition, in which they feelingly alluded to their condition as a conquered people, and owned that their tribe had
met a just fate; but they begged to be delivered from the
rapacity and overbearing insolence of Uncas. They said
that whatever might have been the fault of their tribe, they
at least had killed no Englishmen, and that Wequash, the
guide, who had led Mason to the fort, had given them  his
word that if they would fly from the Pequot country, and do
the colonies no injury, they should be safe from  harm.




[1650.]        ATHERTON'S EXPEDITION.              161
These plaintive supplications at last had the effect to mitigate
the condition of the petitioners.  This relief was in part due
to the interposition of Mr. Winthrop, who knew Uncas too
well to take his part.  There was never any cordiality between that gentleman and the Miohegan chief.
This year, (1649,) the affair of the impost was again
brought before the colmmnissioners, and decided as before in
favor of Connecticut.  The members fronm  Massachusetts
then produced an order of their General Court, imposing a
duty upon " all goods belonging to any of the inhabitants of
Plymouth, Connecticut or New Haven, imported within the
castle, or exported from any part of the bay." This was done
by way of retaliating upon Connecticut, and upon the other
colonies, for voting in behalf of the Connecticut impost. It
was an act which the historians of Massachusetts have never
attempted to justify, and was unworthy of the high character of that noble colony-a character so steadily sustained
from that day to the present.
On the 5th of September, 1650, the commissioners again
met at Hartford. Governor Hopkins of Connecticut presided.
There was no want of topics to occupy their attention. The
Narragansetts still neglected to produce the wampum that
they had long been obligated to pay. The gallant Captain
Humphrey Atherton, of Massachusetts, was sent with twenty
men under his command to enforce the payment. He was
authorized, if the arrearages were not paid, to seize upon
such property as he could find to an amount equal in value
to the sum due, or to take possession of the person of Pessacus or of his children, and bring them away as hostages, to
insure the final liquidation of this troublesome account.
With such a liberal commission, Atherton, with his handful
of men, marched into the heart of the Narragansett country.
He had no difficulty in procuring an interview with Pessaeus, but the sachem immediately began to practice his old
arts of diplomacy. He advanced a number of propositions
with provisional clauses and conditions involved, which, in
the language of the logicians, he proceeded to argue in a cir1-1




162            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
cle, arriving at the same point whence he started, without
stating any thing in an explicit manner.  He kept the English aloof from his person during this oration, evidently " talking against time," while his warriors were gathering around
him  in formidable numbers.  The high-spirited Atherton,
who probably never knew what fear was, could control his
temper no longer.  He marched to the door of the chief's
wigwam, and there leaving his men, rushed into his presence, and in a very unparliamentary way, it must be admitted, seized his majesty of Narragansett by the hair, in the
midst of his oration, and dragging him forth from the circle
of his attendants, pointed a loaded pistol at his head, and
told him he would blow his brains out if he dared to offer
the least resistance.  Arrested, probably, in the velry flushl
of some lofty metaphor, like a falcon struchk down by an arrow while in the swiftest turnings of his airy flight, the
chief in astonishment and alarm  ended the negotiations at
once, by counting out the wampum which h hhad sworn that
he was not possessed of, and paying it over to Atherton, who
thereupon set him at liberty. 
Taking leave of Pessacus, the English ambassador hastened
to pay a visit to Ninigret. He was not long in finding him.
As he came on business, and not for the sake of enjoying the
luxuries of Indian hospitality, Atherton proceeded at once to
state to the Nihanticlk sachem the object of his mission, and
to tell him some very wholesome though unwelcome truths.
He charged upon him the intended alliance of his family with
the Pequot chief, and with his manmuvres to possess himself of the conquered country.  In the course of the conversation he demanded of him where the proposed bridegroom
was to be found, and what number of warriors he had with
him.  He insisted on having direct answers to all his questions, as he said he wanted to make a faithful report of all
that passed between them, to the commissioners.  What information he gleaned in regard to the alliance, I am unable
to say. His visit was not without its effect, and served the
* Trumbull, i. 188.




[1650.]   GOV. STUYVESANT VISITS HIARTFORD.       163
purpose for which it was intended, that of intimidating the
Nihanticks.
This expedition of Atherton is one of the boldest enterprises recorded in our annals. It has also the merit of being
entirely bloodless; and has such a happy mixture in it of
tragedy and comedy, that it leaves a very pleasant effect
upon the mind. The conduct of Atherton gives us, in a few
bold, dashing strokes, a complete portraiture of his character.
All this titne affairs were getting worse between the confederacy of New England and Peter Stuyvesant, governor of'
New Netherlands.  At last, the Dutch governor with a view
of bringing about some arrangement between the contending powers, both in reference to commerce and jurisdiction,
thought it advisable to accept the invitation sometime before tendered him by the commissioners, and take a journey
to Hartford, where that body was then in session. He arrived at Hartford on the 1lth of September, 1650. He came
in a style befitting his rank. He was invited, as he had often
been before, to attend the meetings of the commissioners.
With much stateliness he declined to accept the invitation,
and expressed a wish that the business should be transacted
through the medium of written correspondence.  This formality of putting upon paper what could be so much more
readily expressed by oral conference, did not accord with the
practical usages adopted by the other party; but as his Excellency was inflexible, they thought it best to yield the point
as one of mere etiquette.
The Dutch governor having prevailed as to the manner of
conducting the negotiation, he may have thought he should
succeed equally well as to the matter.
He commenced this diplomatic correspondence by a state
paper that struck at the root of the controversy at once.
He complained of the encroachments of the English upon the
rights of the West India company, and of the injuries done
to the Dutch, especially by the colonies of Connecticut and
New Haven. He asserted that the Dutch had an unquestionable title to all the lands upon the Connecticut river, hav



164            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
ing bought them  of the aboriginal proprietors, before the
English, or any other power had laid claim  to them. He
demanded a surrender of those lands, and a suitable remuneration for the use of them.  He entered his protest against the
act, which excluded the Dutch from the English colonies for
the purposes of trade. He spoke with indignation of the custom, which he said prevailed among the English traffickers,
of selling goods to the Indians at such ruinously low prices,
that other nations could not compete with them. He expressed a willingness to come to some understanding in relation to the boundaries of the respective claimants.  Worse
than all, and most likely to widen the breach between the
English and his government, he dated this unlucky letter at
New Netherlands.  The commissioners could with difficulty
suppress their contempt at his arrogant pretensions.  They
replied that they would not treat with him unless he dated
his epistles at some other place than New Netherlands. In
answer to this objection, he said, that if they would not date
at Hartford, he would not date at New Netherlands.  He
suggested, by way of compromise, that they should both date
at Connecticut.  The English made answer that he might
date at Connecticut if he liked, but as for themselves they
should date at Hartford.  Very reluctantly governor Stuyvesant was compelled to give way. He found that the English
were as fastidious and captious as he in relation to forms,
when those forms might be afterwards converted into substantive evidence as descriptive of a part of the territory in
dispute, and as an acknowledgment either of title or jurisdiction.
Having settled this preliminary question, the English were
not backward in stating their title to Connecticut, by possession, purchase, and discovery. They added, that the honorable West India company had set up so many claims, and
couched them in terms so ambiguous, that the commissioners
were not well advised either as to the extent of country that
the Dutch supposed themselves entitled to, or as to the title
by which it was held. After a great deal of mutual accusa



[1650.]    NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE DUTCH.            165
tion and recrimination, involving a minute recital of all the
quarrels by sea and land that had sprung up between the two
powers, it was agreed that the whole matter, including the
boundary question, should be submitted to arbitration.  Several days were spent, and numerous and tedious were the
letters that passed between them, before they came to this
result.
The commissioners chose Bradstreet of Boston, and Prince
of Plymouth; and his Excellency of New Amsterdam, chose
Thomas Willet and George Baxter, as arbitrators, with full
power to settle all differences.*
On the 19th of September, the arbitrators made and published an award, that appears to have been as satisfactory to
the parties concerned as could have been anticipated. It is
a state paper of very great ability and conciseness. It very
adroitly states at the outset, that most of the alleged grievances complained of by Connecticut and New Haven colonies,
had happened during the administration of governor Kieft,
the predecessor of governor Stuyvesant, and that they postpone a hearing upon all these questions until the Dutch
governor can find time to prepare his answer.
They pass over the controversy growing out of the seizure
of Mr. Westerhouse's vessel in a manner equally acceptable
to governor Stuyvesant, by finding that the affair happened
partly through a mistake of his secretary, and partly through
the default of Westerhouse in trading at New Haven without a license; and that the seizure was by no means ordered
or made by way of asserting title in the Dutch to New  -Iaven. It was then awarded that the colony of New Haven
should rest satisfied with this explanation, and not claim any
remuneration for the same.
Having thus bestowed the shell of the nut, these worthy
gentlemen proceeded to dispose of the boundary question,
which was the kernel, in the following words:
"I1. That upon Long Island, a line run from the westermost part of Oyster Bay, and so a straight and direct line to
Records of the United Colonies.




166            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the sea, shall be the bounds betwixt the English and Dutch
there, the easterly to belong to the English, and the westermost to the Dutch.
"II. The bounds upon the main to begin at the west side
of Greenwich bay, being about four miles from Stamford,
and so to run a northerly line, twenty miles up into the
country, and after, as it shall be agreed, by the two governments of the Dutch and New Haven, provided the said line
come not within ten miles of Hudson's river. And it is
agreed, that the Dutch shall not, at any time hereafter, build
any house or habitation within six miles of the said line; the
inhabitants of Greenwich to remain (till further consideration thereof be had,) under the government of the Dutch.
"III. The Dutch shall hold and enjoy all the lands in
Hartford that they are actually possessed of, known and
set out by certain marks and bounds, and all the remainder of the said land, on both sides of Connecticut river, to be
and remain to the English there.
"And it is agreed, that the aforesaid bounds and limits,
both. upon the island and main, shall be observed and
kept inviolable, both by the English of the united colonies,
and all the Dutch nation, without any encroachment or molestation, until a full and final determination be agreed upon
in Europe, by the mutual consent of the two states of England and Holland.
"And in testimony of our joint consent to the several foregoing conclusions, we have hereunto set our hands this 19th
day of September, Anno Domini, 1650.
SIMON BRADSTREET,;THOMAS PRINCE,
THOMAS WILLET,
GEORGE BAXTER."
In the month of June, 1650, the General Court of Connecticut granted to Nathan Ely, Richard Olmsted, and other inhabitants of Hartford, liberty to remove to Norwalk and
commence a plantation there, provided "they attend a due
payment of their proportions in all the public charges, with




[1651.]      SETTLEMENT OF NORWALK.                167
a ready observation of the other wholesome orders of the
country."~
As early as 1640, Roger Ludlow had purchased of the Indians the eastern part of the town. Captain Patrick had
also procured the title to the central part of it.  The better
evidence appears to be, that a few bold planters had taken
possession soon after these grants were made, and had continued to retain it until the arrival of the company under
Mlr. Ely and IMr. Olmsted. Of this fact, however, there is rto
record proof.
Although leave was granted to the petitioners in 1650,
they did not remove to Norwalk until 1651.  The western
part of the town was deeded to them by Runkinheage, on
the 15th of February.  It is quite probable from the date of
this instrument, that the whole company removed in January, or the early part of February, and it is not unlikely that
the tradition is true, that a part of them spent the entire winter there. As appears by a contract made by Roger Ludlow, Esquire, with this company, under date of June 19,
1650, the principal families, aside fiom  the two gentlemen
already mentioned, bore the names of \Vebb, Richards, Marvin, Seymour, Spencer, Hales. Roscoe, Graves, Holloway, and
Church. By this agreement the company became bound to
mlow the grass on the meadows, and stack the hay in the sumIner of 1650, and as early as the spring of 1651 to break up the
ground in Norwalk, preparatory to planting during the next
summer.  This agreement gives additional authority to the
legend that a portion of the inhabitants spent the winter of
1650 on the spot. The Indians would probably have burned
up the haystacks before spring, had not some of the farmers
been there to guard them. It is very probable, too, that the
hay was most of it fed out to the cattle during that winter.
This contract with Ludlow was of the nature of a quit-claim
deed of that gentleman's original purchase for the consideration
of fifteen pounds, the same price that he had paid for it ten
years before, with the interest from the date of his purchase,
* J. H. Trumbull, i. 210.




168             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
and a reservation of a convenient lot, to be laid out for Mr.
Ludlow's sons.  The name of this charming place, with its
rich lands, its excellent harbor, its unrivaled fishing-grounds,
and its most attractive river, was derived from  the tribe
of Indians  who  inhabited  it — the Norwalks, or Norwakes.  No town in Connecticut has more salubrious seabreezes or a climate more healthful and invigorating. The
Rev. Thomas Hanford, the first clergyman, began to preach
there in 1652, soon after which a church was formed and he
was ordained as its regular pastor."
Some time during the year 1651, the place called Mattabesett began to be inhabited by the English. This settlement had long been in contemplation, probably some time
before October, 1646, as we find by our record of the doings
of the General Court, that on the 30th of that month a gentleman, bearing the name of Phelps, was designated to "join
a committee for the planting of Mattabesett."  The committee made very slow progress in the settlement of the
place, but it is quite probable that a few hardy men, who
stood less in awe of Sowheag than the other Englishmen
did, soon after this began to remove into the immediate
neighborhood of' that formidable sachem; and that little
parties dropped down the river in boats from Hartford and
Wethersfield, from time to time, until the fall of 1650, when
the number of planters who had established themselves there,
seemed to call upon the General Court for their order bearing date the 11th of September, that "Mattabesett should be
a town," and should proceed to make choice of a constable.
Owing to the want of early records, some obscurity hangs
over the birth and infancy of this town. It is certain that in
the fall of 1652, it was represented in the General Court, and
that in the fall of 1653, its name of Mattabesett was changed
to that of Middletown, which it has since kept with honorable distinction. It is not surprising that a fierce tribe of
Indians should for so long a time have kept the inhabitants
- The Rev. Edwin Hall, D. D., of Norwalk, is the author of a valuable History of that town, published in 1847. It comprises 320 pages.




[1651.]               MIDDLETOWNo                  169
of Hartford and Wethersfield, as well as those who ultimately came from Massachusetts, from occupying this interesting part of the valley of the Connecticut. Indeed, the external features of the scene, as presented to the eye of those
who passed up and down the river, must have been less inviting to men who looked rather for rich lands than for
beautiful scenery, especially when contrasted with the plains
that opened up their perspective of grass-lands, lengthened
interminably by the over-arching elms that lured the eager
sight on either bank, a few miles further up the valley. The
pioneers were not tourists in search of the diversified and the
picturesque in nature, and therefore as they sailed down they
must have turned a cold shoulder to the apparently wet lands,
covered with wild bushes that lay above the site of the present city, and it could not have occurred to the most prophetic mind of all the voyagers, that the cliffs of red sandstone
rising above the water that had been fretting their base for so
many obscure ages, could contain quarries of such inexhaustible wealth, so soon to be developed by their descendants.
Below the city, too, where the swift stream, with firowning
evergreens fringing its dark borders, could be twice spanned
by the flight of the Indian's arrow, as, speeding on its errand
of mischief, it skimmed the surface of the compressed current, selecting its victims from the pinnace or the shallop,
the sun-browned traffickers must have shuddered at the sight
of the very shades that now tempt the leisure-loving on a
summer's day to lean over the sides of the boat and look back
with a kindly regret. But when once the keen English farmer had ventured to go ashore and ascend the hills that command the rich and variegated landscape, he could not long
remain in ignorance of the abundance that had been poured
from the full horn of plenty on every side.
The Indians at Mattabesett were very numerous.  A good
deal of trouble was expected to result from their being so
near the English settlement, but they were much more docile than their white neighbors anticipated.  The tribe had
a reservation on the western bank of the Connecticut, in the




170             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
place called Newfield.  Here was an old burial-ground.  A
cemetery it has been very properly called, for these Indians
indulged enough in the refinements of external mourning to
erect monuments over the graves of their dead.  On the
eastern bankl of the river was another reservation. At a
place called Indian Hill was a graveyard with rude stones
and inscriptions after the manner of the English.  Here, in a
sitting posture, with his blanket wrapped about his shoulders,
the vessel containing the food prepared by his friends, that
was to sustain him  upon his long journey, resting upon his
knee, the warrior's skeleton may still be found blackened
with the mouldering earth.  Ghastly the exhumed skull
fiowns upon the obtruding sunlight for a moment, and then
slowly crumbles beneath the corroding influences of the upper air, to which it has been so rudely exposed!The settlement at Delaware was too remote to be anything other than a burden to the colony of New Haven.  In
the spring of 1651, fifty men from New Haven and Totoket
hired a vessel and -with their effects sailed for Delaware bay.
They went provided with a commission from governor Eaton, and with two letters, one from him  and the other from
the governor of Massachusetts-both addressed to governor
Stuyvesant, informing him that these adventurers were about
to settle their own lands, and would not encroach upon the
rights of the Dutch. When Governor Stuyvesant had read
these letters, he was very much enraged. He seized the
messengers who delivered them to him, and put them under
guard. At the same time, under pretence of making some
inquiries, he sent to the master of the vessel to come ashore,
and as soon as he could get him within his reach, he caused
him to be arrested. He also got possession of the commission of the company by some feint, and refused to deliver it
up to the owners. He forced all who came on shore to sign a
paper, in which they promised very solemnly that they would
A- For a more full account of the early history of Middletown; and the adjacent
towns, the reader is referred to the Rev. Dr. Field's statistics of Middlesex County, and to his centennial address at Middletown, in 1850.




[1651.]         THE DELAWARE LANDS.                171
not pursue their voyage, but with all speed of wind and wave
would hasten back to New Haven.  He dismissed them with
direful threats of confiscation of goods, and imprisonment in
Holland, if he ever caught them attempting to make a settlement at Delaware.
On the 14th of September, the commissioners met at New
Haven.  It was not very long before Jasper Crane and William  Tuttle, smarting under the summary proceedings to
which they had been subjected at New Amsterdam, presented their petition in behalf of themselves and others, calling fervently for redress.  It was a very inflammable documient, setting forth the character of Governor Stuyvesant in a
light that he could hardly have contemplated with equanimity. It spoke of his subjects, too, in termls of great severity.
It ended with a stirring appeal to the commissioners for
protection and vindication.
The commissioners lost no time in writing to Governor
Stuyvesant a letter, charging him with breaking his faith, so
solemnly plighted at Hartford.  They told him, among other
salutary truths, that his interference with the planters who
had sailed'for Delaware, was insupportable, and that the
New England colonies had as good a right to Manhattan as
the Dutch had to these Delaware lands.
At this same session, it was resolved that if the petitioners
should begin a plantation at Delaware, numbering one hundred and fifty good men, well armed, within twelve months,
they would uphold them in the enterprise, and defend them
from all opposition, whether from the Dutch or Swedes.
While at New Haven the commissioners were also waited
upon by a deputation that must have been the fruitful theme
of conversation at New Haven for many days,-two French
gentlemen, M. Godfroy and Gabriel Druillets, agents of M.
D'Aillebout, governor of Canada.  These gentlemen presented three commissions, one from their governor, another
from the council of New France, and a third addressed to
M. Druillets himself, giving him authority to teach to the Indians the doctrines of Christianity.  They appeared in behalf




172            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of the French in Canada, and in hehalf of the christianized
Indians of Acadie, whom they represented to be suffering, on
account of their religion, the hardships and cruelties of a
bloody persecution, waged against them by the Mohawks.
A holy war, they denominated it, that was designed, in violation of the most solemn treaties, to quench in blood the last
spark of the Christian faith upon the western continent. Mo
Druillets was an orator of a very graceful and persuasive address. Hie used all the arguments at his command to induce
the colonies to declare war against the Six Nations. If
they were opposed to involving themselves in a war with
the Indians, he begged that they would allow volunteers to
go from any of the New England colonies, with a "free passage by land or water to the Mohawk country," and that the
converted Indians might be taken under the protection of
New England. Ile held out the prospect of a free trade to
be established upon a permanant basis between the French
and English colonies, as a fair requital for the favors, if they
should be granted.
With becoming politeness the commissioners, for many
good reasons, declined to add to all the evils then impending
over them, the burden of a new war.
On the 30th of June, 1652, the General Court of Connecticut met to adopt measures for the defense of the colony
against the Dutch. A war had already broken out between
England and Holland. It was ordered, that the cannon at
Saybrook should be mounted upon carriages, and that all
the families in the neighborhood should be brought within the
inclosure of the fort. The Indians in the vicinity of all the
plantations were required to evince signs of their friendship
to the English, by delivering up their arms to the governor
and magistrates.
Some time in March it became rumored abroad that Governor Stuyvesant had concerted a plan with Ninigret to exterminate the English in all the colonies, and that the sachem
of the Nihanticks had been spending the winter with his
ally, at IManhadoes, and had been sent home in a Dutch




[1652.]   CHARGES AGAINST GOV. STUYVESANT.          173
sloop in very great state, and with a large supply of guns and
ammunition. The sole evidence to support this charge, was
the testimony of Indians, who came to Hartford and other
towns, and made oath to the existence of the plot. Nine
sachems sent in their affidavits to Stamford, to the same effect.~
The story, without foundation as it was, and originating in
the malice and cunning of some one who had a motive for
giving it currency, could not fail to alarm the English. A
meeting of the Congress was called on the 19th of April, and
the commissioners proceeded to hear the allegations.  They
were presented in such an adroit manner, and backed up by
such an army of Indian witnesses, that six of the commissioners were satisfied of the existence of the conspiracy.
Those who represented Massachusetts were so remote from
the supposed scene of the tragedy, and were so conscious of the
strength of their colony, that they could look at the evidence
more calmly, and were convinced that the charges against
the Dutch and Indians were without foundation.  It was resolved to send letters to the Dutch governor before war was
declared.
When Governor Stuyvesant heard of this attack upon his
character, he was highly incensed. His conduct on the occasion was, however, dignified and becoming. He hastened to
write letters to the Congress, in which he denied that he was
guilty of the outrageous wickedness attributed to him.  His
sensibilities were so shocked at the reflection that his character could be thus misrepresented, that he generously offered
to send a messenger, or go in person to Boston, if it was desired, to establish his innocence; or if the Congress would
send a committee to Manhadoes, he would undertake to give
the colonies the most satisfactory proofs of his integrity
and honor. At the same time he expressed his astonishment
that the English could give credit to such accusations, coming from such corrupt sources.
The suggestion of Stuyvesant was adopted, and a committee was sent with plenary power to investigate the matter.
* Trumbull, i. 203.




174            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
This committee was made up of Francis Newman of New
Haven, John Leverett, afterwards governor of Massachusetts, and William Davis.*  They repaired to Manhattan, and
presented themselves for the discharge of their duties. Owing, perhaps, to the unpleasant tone of the letters sent to Manhattan in reply to the exculpatory communications of Stuyvesant, as well as owing to the offensive nature of their mission,
these gentlemen were not received with much cordiality.
The governor refused to answer any questions except such as
should be approved by men of his own appointing, and
chose two who had especially incurred the dislike of the
English at Hartford. One of these men had been put under
bonds while there, for his misdemeanors. At this, the agents
of the Congress were offended, and remonstrated against the
insult offered to the colonies and the king. Both parties
were evidently in no very dispassionate mood. The governor remained inexorable as to the mode of transacting the
business, and the agents, after demanding satisfaction for all
past injuries and indemnity against all future wrongs, took a
very haughty leave of a host who appears to have been
glad to be rid of them.
On their way home, the English agents spent some time
in gathering additional proof of the guilt of the Dutch governor; and when they arrived, they were in a favorable mood
to make an alarming report of the treatment that they had
received at his hands. Letters soon after arrived in Hartford and New Haven, giving the additional intelligence that
Stuyvesant had also hired the Mohawks to join in this execrable measure. Again Stuyvesant remonstrated and at the
same time, in a fit of exasperation, asserted his old claims of
jurisdiction to New Haven and Connecticut.
The commissioners, with the exception of Bradstreet, were
now all in favor of a declaration of war.  That gentleman
represented the wishes of the General Court of Massachusetts. His opposition led to a harsh debate, and finally to a
committee of conference between the Congress and the Gen* Hutchinson, i. 166; Trumbull, i. 203.




[1653.]   ~MASSACIIUSETTS OPPOSED TO WAR.             175
eral Court, which brought about a reference of the whole
matter to the elders.  That learned body very judiciously
advised the colonies to "forbear the use of the sword," but
to be in readiness for defense." This decision did not satisfy
the Congress.  Again they resolved on war.  Massachusetts
still remained firm in her opposition.
On the 30th of Mfay, the Rev. Mr. Norris, of Salem, sent
a memorial to the Congress, calling loudly for the war.t  It
is a paper of great ability and eloquence. After presenting
a vivid picture of the condition of the Dutch and English nations, then in a state of war at home, and warning the Congress against the loss of respect among the Indians, by pursuing such a vacillating policy, he alludes to the situation of
these colonies now  exposed to danger, who have "sent
their moan" to the Congress, and called for their assistance,
which, if they should refuse, the "curse of the angel of the
Lord against Moses would come upon them."
Still the General Court of Massachusetts continued inexorable and passed a resolve that no determination of the Congress could induce the colony to unite with the others in an
offensive war with the Dutch, which should appear to the General Court to be unjust.  This resolution led to a written controversy between Massachusetts and the other colonies, which
might have ended in the dissolution of the union, but for
the interference of Cromwell, who took the part of the weaker colonies without any reference to the supposed conspiracy,
as it best suited his stern policy to do. Massachusetts was
thus compelled to yield. The ships of the Protector were
already on their passage to America, to reduce the pride of
the governor of New Netherlands.
I have already stated it to be my belief that the story of
the plot against the English was a sheer fabrication. Who
was its author, I am of course unable to say. The fact that
the Mohawks were made parties to it, and that it resulted in
a declaration of war against Ninigret, enables me to draw an
inference that certainly exonerates the English from any
* Iutchinson, i. 167; Trumbull, i. 207.  Jt Records of the United Colonies.




176             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
blame, unless it be in the exercise of too large a measure of
credulity in a matter that appeared to them to threaten their
very existence. As regards the conduct of Massachusetts in
ignoring the resolves of a confederacy which she was solemnly pledged to support, I will only quote the language
of her own historian, who dismisses this topic with the remark that, "where states in alliance are greatly disproportioned in strength and importance, power often prevails over
right."   This is a very happy blending of the elements of
praise and blame in a simple sentence, and expresses all that
need be said upon a subject that certainly gave occasion for
much just censure on both sides.' Hutchinson, i. 168.




CHAPTER IX.
THE DEPARTURE OF LUDLOW. DEATH OF HAYNES, WOLCOTT AND EATON.
THE alarm excited by the charges against the Dutch and
Indians resulted in some unhappy contentions. Stamford
and Fairfield were in a state of excitement bordering on
phrensy. They complained that the war was not prosecuted
by the Congress, and that Connecticut and:New Haven neglected to lend a helping hand to them at a time when their
enemies were pressing upon them. These little settlements,
so near the Dutch jurisdiction, with the remembrance still
alive of bloody Indian depredations so recently brought to
their very doors, had much reason to be anxious when they
reflected upon their situation, in a remote and solitary region, where they might be murdered, and their houses burned
to ashes, long before the news could be carried to New Haven. Having demanded troops to protect her, and not receiving them from the government of New Haven, Stamford finally lost all patience and threatened to free herself
from the expensive taxes of a colony that either could not or
would not defend her, and place herself under the immediate
protection of England. It was not until the deputy governor, in company with Mr. Newman, paid them a visit, and
read to them an order of the committee of Parliament, calling upon all the towns to obey their respective colonial governments, that they were induced to yield.The citizens of Fairfield held a town meeting, and with
one consent determined to raise troops independently of Connecticut, and carry on the war themselves. They appointed
Roger Ludlow commander-in-chief.t  As the year 1654
may, for the purposes of historical narrative, be considered
as the year of his civil death, I cannot omit this occasion
* Trumbull, i. 214.    i Trumbull; Brodhead, i. 565; Allen, 548,




178            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of making a brief allusion to the character and to the personal history of this remarkable man, as far as I am able to
gather it from the scattered shreds that are left of his impulsive career. He was a lawyer of good family, and resided
in Dorchester, in the county of Dorsetshire, in the southern
part of England. On the 10th of February, 1630, he was
chosen an assistant by the General Court of Massachusetts.
In May, following, he sailed from Plymouth for America, in
the Mary and John, and entered upon the discharge of his
official duties at the first Assistant Court, held at Charlestown in August of the same year. He continued to occupy
this place for four years. In 1634 he was chosen deputy
governor of the province, and hoped to have been raised to
the rank of governor, but was disappointed by the jealousy
of the deputies, who appear to have taken offense at some
impolitic remarks made by him, probably in relation to their
growing strength and to the frequency of elections. To
show him how well they could vindicate themselves, and
perhaps to reciprocate his good advice by giving him a practical lesson upon exercising the Christain virtue of humility,
they elected John Haynes governor.  Ludlow  protested
against this appointment in terms of severity.  He alleged
that the election was void for the reason that the deputies
had agreed upon their candidate before they left their respective towns.  By way of requital for making such an accusation, which was in. all probability true, and as a further proof
of the popular power, he was left out of the magistracy for
that year.  He had not learned the art, so common in our
age, of telling the people precisely what he did not believe
to be true.
Discouraged at this decided expression of the popular displeasure, he removed to Connecticut during the summer or
fall of the year 1635, and established himself at Windsor.
Here he continued under the gentle ministrations of Mr.
Wareham, and soon became one of the most conspicuous
men in the colony. In the summer of 1637, he was sent by
the General Court as one of the advisers of the Connecticut




ROGER LUDLOW.                   179
forces in the second stage of the Pequot war.*   He was
probably the first lawyer who ever came into the colony, and
one of the most gifted who have ever lived in it.
I have already incidentally alluded to the part that he took
in framing the constitution of 1639. I cannot help regarding it as mainly his work.  The phraseology is his: it
breathes his spirit.  It must have been substantially the offspring of some one mind, that pierced like an eagle through
the clouds that shrouded the seventeenth century, and sought
the pure region of right reason, shining none the less brightly, that, like the rolling spheres of light, it is expressed in distinct forms. I have compared this paper with those written
by Milton, expressive of his views of government and of liberty.  In the political writings of the great poet I can see
the marks of unbounded genius, vast imagination and prophetic hopes, lighting up the dim horizon with the golden
promises of dawn. But I find there no well-digested system
of republicanism. He deals alone with the absolute. His
republic would befit only a nation of Miltons.  His laws
are fit only to govern those who are capable of being a law
unto themselves. But Ludlow views the concrete and the abstract both at once. He is a man of systems-such systems
as can alone be placed in the hands of frail men to protect
them against their worst enemies-their own lawless passions.
On the 11th of April, 1639, he was chosen deputy governor of the commonwealth, and was the first who ever held
that office in Connecticut.t John Haynes, whose elevation
to the place of governor in Massachusetts, in 1635, was the
cause of Ludlow's removing from that province, was elected
governor of Connecticut at the same time that Ludlow was
made deputy governor. This unlucky coincidence must
have been galling to the pride of an ambitious man, and
whether it induced him, when considered in connection with
his former defeat, to regard Haynes as his evil genius, or
whether he intended to found a new colony, rather than a: J. HI. Trumbull, i. 10.   + J. H. Trumbull, i. 27.




180             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
town, in a place that seemed remote enough for such a purpose, I cannot positively aver; yet had he been placed at
the head of the magistracy, I have no doubt that he would
have remained longer at Windsor.  Still it would have been
only a brief sojourn.  This enthusiastic, restless man could
not have been tempted to tarry long in any one place even
could he have been rewarded with a diadem.  It was not
alone the stirring of that emulation, that, like the love of fame,
belongs to all noble minds-not alone the " trophies of Miltiades," that drove sleep from his pillow; but rather the bright
visions that throbbed in the pulses of the adventurer, and
called him, not for the love of earthly goods, but to give zest
to the faculties and room for the free tides of a restless nature to ebb and flow without restraint-that led him to venture forth again into the wilderness. He had already visited
T, nquowa, and his eye had made such a pleasant acquaintance with its fields and streams, that he could not long hesitate whither to betake himself.  After his removal to Fairfield, he still continued to perform important services for
Connecticut, and in 1646 he was appointed by the General
Court to reduce her crude and ill-defined laws to a system.*
This he did as well as it could be done when we consider the
scanty materials that were furnished him for such a structure.  The code was published at Cambridge in 1673.t  He
was several times a commissioner for the colony in the New
England Congress. His connection with the Congress appears to have been the remote cause of his sudden though
voluntary exile.  Why the conduct of the citizens of Fairfield, in arming either to defend themselves or to go in pursuit of a dreaded enemy, who was every day expected to invade their settlement, should have been looked upon by Connecticut as an act worthy of animadversion, when the General Court itself admitted the existence of the dangerous
emergency that induced them to take the step, I am unable
to say. It is certain that no sedition was in their hearts.. H. Trumbull, i. 138, 154.  f Allen's Biog. Die., 548.




ROGER LUDLOW.                     181
Angry they doubtless were, and Ludlow not the least, for he
had an "infirmity of temper" that often visited him-angry
and grieved that they had been left by the government in
such a defenseless condition; but they only took up arms in
obedience to the instinct of self-preservation, that is, according to the common law of England, a divine voice, paramount in its authority to all earthly jurisdictions.  Yet their
conduct was treated  as reprehensible and seditious, and
Robert Bassett and John Chapman were charged with " fomenting insurrections," and were treated as the leaders of the
project.  Ludlow must have known that these accusations
were aimed at him, as he ewas the principal man of the town.
Hie felt that he had, without any moral guilt, incurred the
displeasure of the colony, and that unless he should make
some humiliating concessions, his behavior would not be
likely to escape public censure.  It was quite evident that
his popularity had already reached its meridian. Proud and
sensitive to a high degree, he brooded over the change that
had taken place in his prospects, as well for promotion as for
usefulness, and at last came to the conclusion, not without
many keen regrets, to leave the colony where he had held
so conspicuous a place for nineteen eventful years.
On the 26th of April, 1654, he embarked at New Haven,
with his family and effects, for Virginia, where he passed in
obscurity the remainder of his days.~"
I have been thus minute in treating of him, because I felt
called upon to do justice to the memory of a great man,
whose faults were better understood than his virtues by his
contemporaries, and who is almost a mythological character,
except as his name still keeps the brief paragraph allotted to
it in the records that load the shelves of the antiquary.  He
seems indeed himself to have courted oblivion, for he carried
away with him the entire records of the town that he had
planted, and of which he was the register at the time of his
romantic flight, as if to blot out every trace of his irregular
* I am indebted for some of the facts set forth in this sketch, to the lion.
James Savage, LL. D., President of the Massachusetts Historical Society.




182              TISTORY OF CONN-iECTICUT.
footprints from  the soil of Connecticut.  But his fame,
like that of' all other men of genius, who have labored
in the cause of the people, rests upon no such frail foundation; for genius builds its own imperishable temple, whose
worshipers are the millions of "freemen whom  the truth
makes free."-'
Just before the departure of Ludlow from the colony, died
his Excellency, John Haynes, while in the midst of his official termn.  He was as unlike Ludlow as one man could well
be dissimilar to another.  He was a native of the county of
Essex, in England, and was of good lineage.  He was the
owner of Copford Hall, an elegant seat that afforded an annual income of one thousand pounds sterling.  He was an
ardent admirer of Hooker, and, regardless of' all social and
pecuniary considerations, accompanied him to America. As
I have already stated, he was made governor of M[assachusetts in 1635. The next year he was succeeded by Sir
Henry Vane, and in the month of June, went with that large
party who traversed the glades and thickets of the primitive
forest in quest of the valley of the Connecticut.  He had the
honor of being the first governor of the little commonwealth,
an office that he held every alternate year until his death.
He was a gentleman of stately deportment, graceful manners
and great stability of character.t  With less intellectual accumen than Ludlow, and without any of his genius, he was
yet greatly superior to that wandering and whimsical man in
all the attributes that commanded the popular suffrages.
Haynes was one of the best representatives of the republicanismn of that day, which Coleridge has so justly called a
"religious and moral aristocracy."  He was one of the best
examples of the Puritan class or party.  Ludlow on the other
* The family name of Ludlow is an ancient one in England, and from it probably the famous castle of Ludlow received its name. Ludlow is celebrated as the
place where Butler wrote a portion of HI-Idibras, and there were deposited some
of the remains of Sir Henry Sidney.
f See Trumbull, i. 216, &c.; Mather's Magnalia, ii. 17; Hutchinson, i. 399
43, 55; Holmes, i. 303.




[1654.]   ARRIVAL OF SEDGWICK AND LEVERETT.    183
hand, belonged to no party, but was himself the prototype
of a different order of republicanism that has at last diffused
itself like the air over the surface of the continent.
The question of the Dutch and Indian war still agitated
the colonies. About the time of Ludlow's removal, one
Manning, master of a small armed vessel, was arrested by the
authorities of New Haven colony, for carrying on a contraband trade with the Dutch at Manhattan.  While Manning's
trial was going on at New Haven, his men took possession
of his ship, and in defiance of the government sailed out of
Milford harbor, where she had been riding at anchor. The
gallant people of Milford armed and manned a vessel, and
gave the fugitive such a chase that they came in sight of
her before she reached Manhattan, and pressed so hard upon
her that her crew betook themselves to their boat,i and left
her adrift to fall an easy prey into the hands of her pursurers,
who brought her back into the harbor, where she was condemned with her cargo as a lawful prize.
A few days after, Major Sedgwick and Captain Leverett
arrived in Boston with a fleet, sent over by the Lord Protector at the request of Connecticut and New Haven, to
carry on the war with the Dutch.- On the 8th of June,
governor Eaton received a letter from Cromwell, informing
him that he had sent the fleet for the assistance of the colonies. Major Sedgwick and Captain Leverett also sent letters, asking that each of the governments would send commissioners to consult with them as to the objects of the expedition. Connecticut and New Haven both sent commissioners, and such was the zeal of Connecticut that she authorized Mason and Cullick, whom she chose to represent
her in this important embassy, to engage in her behalf two
hundred soldiers, and, rather than that the enterprise should
fail, even five hundred if necessary.t
In Massachusetts the old opposition to the war remained
unshaken. On the 8th of June, the General Court convened
in a state of considerable excitement. They would vote to
X Brodhead, i. 582, 583.  t J. HI. Trumbull, i. 260.




184                 HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
raise neither men nor money for the war. Still they resolved that Sedgwick and Leverett might enrol five hundred
volunteers in  Massachusetts if they could.+   The  commissioners decided that an army of about eight hundred men
would be sufficient to reduce the Dutch to subjection.t   The
ships were to furnish two hundred, three hundred volunteers
were to be raised, if they could  be, in  Massachusetts; Connecticut was to send two hundred, and New Haven one hundred and thirty-three. All this bustle and preparation was
nipped in its first beginnings by the news-not very grateful
to Connecticut and New Haven —that England and Holland
were again at peace.
Major Sedgwick employed this fleet and the Massachusetts
volunteers to drive the French from Penobscot, St. John's,
and the adjacent coasts.  It is needless to say that he would
not have dared to do it had he not acted under secret instructions from  Cromwell.t
* Hazard, i. 587, 589; Hutchinson, i. 169.  ~ Records of the United Colonies.
The following letter from the renowned geologist, Professor Adam Sedgwick, of Cambridge University, England, addressed to General Charles F. Sedgwick, of Sharon, Connecticut, contains much valuable information relative to the
family of Major General Robert Sedgwick, who is the ancestor of all the Sedgwicks in New England. This letter cannot fail to interest the public. It is intrinsically a gem, aside from the great name of its author.
"SIR;                                 4" CAMBRIDGE, FEB. 26, 1837.
" After an absence friom the University of several months I returned to my
chambers yesterday, and found your letter on my study table. I first supposed
that it might have been there some time, but on looking at the date, I was greatly
surprised that it had reached me in a little more than three weeks after it had
been committed to the post on the other side of the Atlantic.  Of your patriarch,
Robert Sedgwick, I have often heard, as the active part he took during the protectorate, made him, in some measure, an historical character; and about the
same time there were one or two Puritan divines of considerable note and of the
same name; but whether or no they were relations of his, I am not able to inform you. The clan was settled from very early times, among the mountains
which form the borders of Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Westmoreland, and I believe every family in this island of the name of Sedgwick can trace its descent
from ancestors who were settled among those mountains. The name among the
country people in the valleys in the north of England, is pronounced Sigswick,
and the oldest spelling of it that I can find is Siggeswick; at least it is so written




THzE SEDGWICKS.                            185
Owing to the steady opposition of Massachusetts, the war
that had been previously declared  against Ninigret had  not
been pursued; and that Indian had become so much emr
in many of our old parish records that go back to the reign of Henry VIII. It is
good German, and means the village of victory, probably designating some place
of successful broil, where our rude Saxon or Danish ancestors first settled in the
country and drove the old Celtic tribes out of it, or into the remoter recesses of the
Cambrian mountains where we meet with many Celtic names at this duay.  [But
in the valleys where the Sedgwicks are chiefly found, the names are almost exelusively Saxon or Danish.  Ours, therefore, in very early days was a true border clan. The name of Sedgwick 1was, I believe, a corruption given like many
others through a wish to explain the meaning of a name, (Siggesxw-ick.) the real
import of which was quite forgotten.  The word Sedge is not known in thenorthern
dialects of our island, and the plant itself does not exist among our valleys, but a
branch of our clan settled in the low, marshy regions of Lincolnshire, and seems
to have first adopted the more modern spelling, and at the same time began to use
a bundle of sedge (with the leaves drooping like the ears of a corn sheaf,) as the
family crest. This branch was never numerous, and is, I believe, now almost extinct. Indeed the Sedgwicks never seem, (at least in England,) to flourish away
from their native mountains.  If you remove them to the low country, they droop
and die away in a few generations.  A still older crest, and one which suits the
history of the race, is an eagle with spread wings.  Within my memory, eagles existed among the higher mountains, visible from my native valley. The arms most
commonly borne by the Sedgwicks, are composed of a red Greek cross, with five
bells attached to the bars. I am too ignorant of heraldic terms to describe the shield
correctly —I believe, however, that this is the shield of the historical branch, and
that there is another shield belonging to the Siggeswicks of the mountains, with
a different quartering, but I have it not before me and do not remember it sufficiently well to give any account of it. All the border clans, and ours among the
rest, suffered greatly during the wars of York and Lancaster.  After the Reformation they seem generally to have leanfed to the Puritanical side, and many of
them, your ancestor among the rest, served in Cromwell's army.  From the
Reformation to the latter half of the last century, our border country enjoyed great
prosperity.  The valleys were subdivided into small properties; each head of a
family lived on his own estate, and such a thing as a rented farm hardly existed
in the whole country, which was filled with a race of happy, independent yeomanry. This was the exact condition of your clansmen in this part of England.
They were kept in a kind of humble affluence, by the manufactory of their wool,
which was produced in' great abundance by the vast flocks of sheep which were
fed on the neighboring mountains. I myself, remember two or three old men of
the last century, who in their younger days had been in the yearly habit of riding
up to London to negotiate the sale of stockings, knit by the hands of the lasses of
our own smiling valleys. The changes of manners, and the progress of machinery, destroyed, root and branch, this source of rural wealth; and a dismal change
has now taken place in the social and moral aspect of the land of your fathers.




18G                 HISTORY  OF CONNLECTICU T.
boldened by the pacific demeanor of the English towards him,
that he continued to follow up the interdicted hostilities
against the Long Island Indians, with renewed vigor. These
Indians were  allies of Connecticut, and  he well knew  that
the faith of the colony was pledged to defend them.
Connecticut now  sent Major Mason with a small number
of men, and with a supply of ammunition, as a present to the
sachem  of Montauket, which  he was not to  use to  injure
INinigret, but simply to defend  himself.*   New  Haven, also,
sent Lieutenant Seely with men to join  Mason at Saybrook,
and aid him in encouraging and defending the Montauket
Indians.t
In September, the Congress met at Hartford and soon sent
messengers to Ninigret, commanding  him  forthwith  to appear before them. Ninigret sent back a very argumentative and elaborate answer, the purport of which was, "that
he would neither go to Hartford nor send an ambassador
there to treat with the Congress, and that he owed no tribute
on account of the  Pequots."J:   The  commissioners ordered
forty horsemen and two hundred and fifty foot soldiers,~ to be
raised and sent into his country to bring him to a better frame
of mind.  The Congress nominated three gentlemen, Major
Gibbons, Major Denison, and  Ninigret's old  acquaintance,
It is now a very poor country, a great portion of the old yeomanry, (provincially
called statesmen,) has been swept away. Most of the family estates (some of
which had descended from father to son for two or three hundred years,) have
been sold to strangers. The evil has, I hope, reached its crisis, and the country
nay improve, but it seems morally impossible that it should ever again assume the
happy Arcadian character which it had before the changes that undermined its
whole social system.
I have now told you all I can compress into one sheet, of the land of your fathers'
fathers, of the ancestors of that pilgrim from whom my transatlantic cousins are
descended. A few families have survived the shock; mine among the rest. And
I have a brother in the valley of Dent, who now enjoys a property which our
family has had ever since the Reformation. I fear you will think this information
very trifling-such as it is, it is very much at your service. Believe me, Sir, your
very faithful servant,                               A. SEDGWICK."
* J. HI. Trumbull, i. 295.     f New Haven Colonial Records.: See Holmes' Annals, i. 301.
~ Records United Colonies; Hutchinson i. 172; Trumbull, i. 223.




[165t4.]        WILLARD S EXPEDITION.               187
Captain Humphrey Atherton, leaving it to the discretion of
Massachusetts to select any one of them to take the chief
command. All these nominees were gallant and skillful officers, who would soon have brought the refiactory chief to
terms.  But for reasons best known to the General Court of
MIassachusetts, they were all rejected, and Major Willard
was appointed.  Willard had orders from  the Congress to
move forward by the 13th of October, march directly to
Ninigret's quarters, and demand of him the Pequots who had
been entrusted to his care, and the unpaid tribute.  In case
of a refusal, he was to take both Pequots and tribute by violent means.  He was farther instructed to demand of the Nihantick sachem  to desist fiom waging the war with the
Miontauket Indians.  Should Ninigret fail to comply with
this order, force was to be employed to bring him to subjection.  Willard either acted under secret instructions from
Massachusetts, or he was not possessed of the courage becoming the leader of' such an enterprise. On arriving at the
principal village of the Nihanticks, he found it deserted.
The corn and other valuables had been left in the care of a
few old men, squaws and children, and Ninigret had taken
refuge in a swamp about fifteen miles distant from the village.  Without going in search of the fugitive chief, or so
much as making known to him the object of this apparently
friendly visit, the heroic Willard brought back his army
without any awkward accident of bloodshed or harsh words
to qualify the pleasure that he must have felt in the wearing
of laurels so innocently won. About one hundred Pequots,
who had suffered every thing but death from the cruelties
practiced upon them by Ninigret, took advantage of his
absence and followed the army to Connecticut, where they
put themselves under the protection of the English.The Congress did not receive Major Willard with much
cordiality. It was in vain that he attempted to excuse his
inertness by professing not to understand his instructions.
The disappointed commissioners coldly replied -"while the
* Holmes, i. 301, 302 tIutchinson, i. 172.




188            I-IISTORY OF CONN, ECTICUT.
army was in the Narragansett country, Ninigret had his
mouth in the dust." If Willard acted under private instructions from  Massachusetts, as governor Hutchinson would
seem to intimate, that colony departed for once from her
usual firank and open manner, to do what was wholly unworthy of her.
The attempt on the part of Connecticut to defend the
Long Island Indians, was honorable and necessary to the
preservation of her faith.  Besides, it was both impolitic and
unjust, irrespective of the existing treaty, to allow Ninigret,
upon false pretexts, to wage a war with those defenseless Indians.  The fact that he had d-rawn over to his interests the
Wampanoags, was of itself; as AMassachusetts learned to her
cost at a later day, no inconsiderable cause for alarm.  But
it is quite time that this old quarrel was forgotten, and I feel
no disposition to revive any discussion in relation to it.
The refugee Pequots begged so earnestly to be taken
under the protection of the English, that their prayer was at
last granted, and they had lands assigned them on the Pawcatuck and Mistick rivers.  They were allowed the privilege
of hunting on that tract of wild forest land lying west of the
Mistick, and were placed under the direction of an Indian
governor, who ruled them according to a code specially provided for them.
Ninigret was now more haughty than ever, and kept the
whole eastern portion of Long Island in commotion by his
boisterous manner of prosecuting the war against the Mlontaukets.  The inhabitants of East Hampton and SouthHampton especially complained to the Congress of his reckless behavior towards them.  The Rev. Mr. James, minister of the
former place, and Captain Tapping of the latter, both wrote
urgent letters, calling for interference.  In obedience to this
call, an armed vessel, under the command of Captain John
Youngs, was stationed in the road between Neanticut and
Long Island to watch the movements of Ninigret.:- Youngs
was authorized to draft men from Saybrook and New Lon* Trumbull, i. 225.




[1655j]      DEATH OF HENRY WOLCOTT.                189
don, if he needed them. Should Ninigret attempt to cross
the Sound, Youngs was ordered to stave in his canoes, and
to kill him, and as many of his warriors as he could.  The
most thorough measures were taken at the same time to
protect both the Indians and the English upon Long
Island.
This sanguinary order resulted in no harm  to Ninigret,
except that he was obliged to stay at home, and abide his
time for falling upon his enemies.  This he did not soon
find an opportunity to do, as Connecticut and New Haven
at their own expense continued to keep the armed vessel for
still another year cruising along his coast.  It was a very
unpleasant constraint upon his movements and power to do
mischief, but he was obliged to submit with as good grace as
he could.
It is a very trite observation, and has been found
true in human experience, with nations as with individuals, that calamities journey not alone; but by some subtle
law of affinity, are grouped together, and sustain each to
the other a mournful yet instructive relationship. So was
it with Connecticut during this interesting period of her
history.
Before the grief occasioned by the departure of Ludlow
and the death of Haynes was assuaged, she was called
to mourn the loss of still another eminent citizen.  In the
78th year of his age, but with a judgment unclouded,
and his usefulness unimpaired, the venerable Henry
Wolcott, one of the principal magistrates and advisers of
the colony, quickly followed his friend and comrade to the
grave. I cannot help making a brief mention of him, and
yet were I to speak at any considerable length of all the
bright examples of patriotism and exalted worth that have
borne the name of Wolcott in Connecticut, I should find
this work extending itself beyond the limits that I had
marked out for it.
Henry Wolcott, Esquire, the ancestor of all the Wolcotts
of this state, was of a very ancient family, and the owner




190                HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
of a large estate in Somersetshire.-   He was born  in Tolland on the 6th of December 1578, and was the son and
heir of John Wolcott of Golden Manor.   The manor-house
is still standing, and is of very great antiquity and extent.
It was originally a splendid mansion, designed, as well for the
purposes of defense against the excesses of a lawless age, as
for a permanent family residence. It is still richly ornamented with carved-work, and if left to itself unassailed by
the hand  of violence, it will stand for ages.   The familiar
motto of the family arms, borrowed from the Roman poet, is
still to be seen upon the walls of the manor-house, its bold
words informing us that the family who have adopted it as
their text of life were " accustomed to swear in the words of' Through the researches of Mr. Somerby, of Boston, in the herald's offices
among the subsidy rolls, wills, and parish records of England, the genealogy of
Henry Wolcott, Esquire, (the emigrant,) has been traced, through fifteen generations, back to Sir John Wolcott, knight, as follows:
1. Jeran Wolcott, (son of Sir John,) of Wolcott, who married Anna, daughter
of John Mynde, of Shropshire.
2. Roger Wolcott, of Wolcott, who married Edith, daughter of Sir Wm.
Donnes, knight.
3. Sir Philip Wolcott, of Wolcott, knight, who married Julian, daughter of
John Herle.
4. John Wolcott, of Wolcott, who married Alice, daughter of David Lloyd,
Esq.
5. Sir John Wolcott, of Wolcott, knight, A.D. 1382.
6. Thomas WTolcott.
7. John WVolcott.
8. John Wolcott, of Wolcott, who married Matilda, daughter of Sir Richard
Cornwall, of Bereford, knight.
9. Roger Wolcott, of Wolcott, Esq., who married Margaret, daughter of
David Lloyd, Esq.
10. William Wolcott, settled in Tolland, Somersetshire.
11. William  Wolcott, who married Elizabeth.  His will is dated A.D.,
1500.
12. Thomas Wolcott, who was living in Tolland in 1552.
13. Thomas Wolcott, who married Alice. Will dated Nov. 4, 1572.
14. John Wolcott, of Golden Manor, in Tolland. Will proved, Nov. 10,
1623.
15. Henry Wolcott, (the emigrant,) who conveyed the manor house to his son
Henry.




HENRY  WOLCOTT.                        191
no master."#   It is alike in keeping with the independent
spirit of an English gentleman of the middle ages, and with
that of a Puritan of the 17th century who spurned the
dictation of ecclesiastical dominion.
In his early life Henry Wolcott lived after the manner of
the landed gentry, at an era when the term  " country squire "
was synonymous with whatever was bold, athletic, and hardy
in the steeple-chasing, hospitable days of "merry England."
But as years stole on, and the principles of the Reformation,
making little progress at first, began to invade not only the
wrestling-ring of the yeoman, and the counting-room of the
merchant, but the hall of the country gentleman, Wolcott,
among others, was led to direct' his thoughts to more serious
topics, than the pastimes that had engrossed his earlier
manhood.  While meditations respecting a future state of
being occupied his' mind, a religious teacher, Mr. Edward
Elton, became his guide, and led him to that clear understanding of the doctrines of Christianity, and those firm convictions of its truth that remained with him to the day of
his death. Of an ardent temperament and lively sensibilities, and seeing much that needed to be reformed in the
severities practiced upon so many of the best subjects of the
realm, he soon became identified with the Puritan party,
sold a large estate in lands, including the manor-house, for
which he received about eight thousand pounds sterling,
probably much less than its value, and made preparations
to spend the remainder of his days in America.  In 1628 he
visited New England to examine the country, and returned.
" Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri.'" In relation to the Wolcott
coat of arms, the following anecdote may not be without interest to such as are
curious in matters of heraldry. John Wolcott, of Wolcott, who lived in the
reign of Henry the Fifth, and who married Matilda, daughter of Sir Richard
Cornwall, of Bereford, knight, assumed for his arms, the three chess rooks,
instead of the crow, with the " fileurs de lis," borne by his ancestors. It is recorded of him in the old family pedigree, that " playinge at the chesse with
Henry the Fifth, kinge of England, he gave hym (the king) the checke matte
with the rourke; whereupon the kinge changed his coate of arms, which was the
crowe and fleur de leues, and gave him the rourke for a remembrance."




192             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
His sympathetic nature could not fail to attach itself inseparably to the self-accusing though charitable and delicate
Wareham, and he sailed with him for the new worl&din the
same ship, and arrived in Massachusetts in Mlay, 1630.
Roger Ludlow was of the same party.  Wolcott remained
in Dorchester until 1636, when he removed to Windsor
upon the Connecticut river.  lie was, as most of our best
early inhabitants were, a planter, and was the principal one
in Windsor.  He was a member of the General Court of
Connecticut in 1639.
In 1643 he was chosen into the magistracy, and continued
to be one oi' its most safe and immovable pillars till his death
in 1655.* Hiis monument of imperishable sandstone, built by
the same hands that fashioned the one that stands over the
Fenwick tomb at Saybrook, has been always a shrine to
tempt towards it the feet of his numerous descendants, who
hlave piously guarded it, and lovingly adorned it, for two
hundred years.  Time has spared, and the'gray moss has
not obliterated, the quaint and simple epitaph, whose plain
lettering tells us that it is the resting place of" Henry Wolcott, some time a magistrate of this jurisdiction."
The colony of New Haven was regarded by Cromwell
with singular favor.  The Protector had brought Jamaica
within the power of the British government, and entertained
the hope that he should be able to people it with the inhabitants of New England, who, he thought, might be induced
to leave a sterile region in exchange for the prodigal fruits
and genial atmosphere of a more tropical clime. With this
view, in 1656, he wrote letters to his friends in New Haven,
wherein he adroitly appealed to their sense of religious duty,
telling them, in the phraseology of the day, that they had
"' as clear a call " to remove to that island, as they formerly
had for leaving their native land for New England. These
letters were laid before the Court by Governor Eaton, and
their contents made the subject of earnest debates. After a
careful discussion, the court resolved that, much as they re- Trumbull, i. 226, 227.




[1656.]        TROUBLES AT GIcEENmWICI.             193
garded the love that his highness bore them, "yet for divers
reasons they could not conclude that God called them at
present to remove thither.""
This year, from  representations previously made  at
New  Haven, that the people of Greenwich lived in a
disorderly and riotous way, sold intoxicating liquors to the
Indians, received and harbored servants who had fled from
their masters, and joined persons unlawfully in marriage,
the General Court of that colony resolved to assert their
jurisdiction over the town and bring its citizens to a more
orderly manner of demeaning themselves.  In May, the
General Court sent a letter, calling upon those living at
Greenwich to submit to its authority. They returned an
answer couched in very spirited language, declaring that
New Haven had no right to set up such a claim, and that
they never would submit to it unless compelled to do so by
parliament. But when the spirit of such men as Eaton and
Davenport pervades a legislative body, it is not easily driven
from  any position that has been deliberately taken.  The
General Court passed a resolve, that unless the recusants
should appear in open court, and make a formal submission
by the 25th of June, Richard Crabbe and some others who
were most stubborn in their opposition, should be arrested
and punished according to law. This had the effect intended; Crabbe and others, who were not ready for martyrdom,
yielded with as good grace as they could.tThe Indians in Connecticut, who had been kept in check
for some time, now found it impossible any longer to restrain
their bad passions.  With the exception of an occasional
outbreak of malice, and the constant flow of falsehood and
subtlety that could hardly be expected to rest even during
the hours of sleep, Uncas had been very exemplary in his
conduct for a long time. But as one extreme is said to lead
to another, he suddenly made amends for his good behavior
by an outrageous and unprovoked attack upon the Podunk
Indians at Hartford.  He embroiled the whole Indian popu* New Haven Colonial Records.  i Trumbull, i. 229.
13




194             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
lation wherever he could exert any influence, setting one
tribe in opposition to another, by circulating every kind of
scandal and gossip, and representing the different sachems
as speaking such haughty and impious words concerning
their neighbors, as best suited his plans.  He taunted the
Narragansetts with the loss of Miantinomoh, whom he had
himself murdered, and challenged them to fight.  HIe even
proved false to the interests of the Montauket sachem, and
espoused the cause of his old enemy, Ninigret. The Congress had enough to do to quench the flames of discontent
lighted up in so many places at once by this Indian. They
obliged him to make restitution to the tribes that he had
wronged, so far as they were able to follow the sly trail of
his mischief.  There was nothing that Uncas disliked so
much as to make an honorable restitution.  It humbled his
pride; and what was worse, it made an appeal to the most
grasping and confirmed avarice.  The English knew  his
weak points of character almost as well as he knew theirs,
and were generally able to bring him  to a temporary state
of quiesence-but keep him quiet they never could for any
considerable period of time.
The colony of New Haven, on the 7th of January 1657,
sustained an irreparable loss in the death of Theophilus
Eaton, who had been its principal patron, and who had held
the place of governor firom  the first establishment of the
colonial government until he died.  He was the son of an
English clergyman, and was born at Stony Stratford, in
Oxfordshire.  He was bred a merchant, and was carefully
educated. He was for several years the agent of the East
Land or Baltic Company, and discharged his trust with such
ability that he received fiom  that corporation the highest
expressions of confidence, and many rich presents. He was
also for some time an ambassador of the king, at the court
of Denmark.  On his return home, he established himself as
a merchant in the metropolis, where he continued to add to
his wealth, until his removal to America in 1637.
At New Haven he attempted to carry on his old pursuits,




[1657.]      DEATH OF GOVERNOR EATON.               195
but soon abandoned them for agriculture. His public duties
occupied a large portion of his time.  As a judge he was
impartial, clear-sighted, and  inflexible.  His magisterial
presence was calm and majestic, as well from an easy and
graceful bearing, the result of a native manliness, and an
extended acquaintance with the world, as from a commanding figure, and a very handsome, open countenance. He
possessed the qualities of a good statesman, and, ingenuous
as he was, he was still eminently fitted to be a diplomatist.
In private life, strict and severe in the discharge of all his
religious duties, he was yet a model of affability and gentlemanly courtesy.  He managed his large household with systematic regularity. IHe cared for the moral and religious
culture of' the humblest servants beneath his roof, and although he lost no suitable occasion to inculcate a lesson,
he did it with such well-timed  delicacy, that they regarded it as an act of affectionate condescension, rather
than as a rebuke, when he chid them for a fault.  He was
one of the few men who know how to employ an ample
fortune munificently, and yet for the benefit of themselves,
and of society.
His death was very sudden and unexpected.  He had not
been known to be ill, when, on the evening of the 7th of
January, he entered the apartment of his invalid wife to bid
her a kindly good night; "Methinks you look sad," said
Mrs. Eaton, inquiringly.  "'The differences in the church at
Hartford make me sad," replied the good man. Thinking it
a fair opportunity to press upon his mind a topic that she
had much at heart, this lady (who was a daughter of Bishop
Morton, and was ill-satisfied with her husband's abode in a
neighborhood so uncongenial to her,) resumed with much
warmth, " Let us even go back to our native country."  "I
shall die here," said the governor, and immediately left the
room.  These were the last words he ever addressed to her.
About midnight a deep groan was heard in his bed-chamber.
A member of his household, who slept near by, rushed anx



196            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
iously into the room to inquire the cause.  "I am very ill,"
said the dying man, and instantly expired.*
His funeral was deferred until the 11th of the month, and
took place, as the secretary tells us with a minuteness that
evinces the keenness of the public sorrow, and the importance of the event, at "about two o'clock in the afternoon." His death was deeply felt in all the colonies, but the
heaviest blow fell upon New Haven, where he had so long
shed such a benign example.  His great wealth, his unbounded hospitality, his christian virtues, his honesty and his
fearlessness, have still a traditionary fame in the city that
was laid out under his eye, and beautified by his hand.
Almost at the same time, died Edward Hopkins, Esquire,
son-in-law of Eaton, for several years governor of Connecticut. Like Eaton he also was a wealthy London merchant,
and from the same causes of discontent left England under
the guidance of the strong-willed, bold-hearted Davenport.
Hopkins was not pleased with the mode of government esstablished at New Haven, and soon took up his abode at
Hartford, where he was chosen a magistrate in 1639.  The
next year he was elected governor of Connecticut, and
continued to serve in that capacity every alternate year
until 1654. Soon after this, he sailed for England, where
his merits were acknowledged with equal readiness, for
he was successively chosen warden of the English fl6et,
commissioner of the admiralty and navy, and a member of
parliament. He was chiefly eminent for his solid understanding, his integrity, and for the mild exercise of the
Christian charities.  Though he left Connecticut, and did
not lay his bones in her soil, yet it is evident that his heart
was never alienated from her, for in his will he gave nearly
all that part of his property still remaining in New England
to trustees, to dispose of it for the "breeding up of hopeful
youths in a way of learning." The trustees very judiciously
gave the legacy, amounting to about one thousand pounds
* Mather's Magnalia, ii. 29; Bacon's Hist. Dis., 110.




FIRST SETTLEMENT OF STONINGTON.          197
sterling, to aid in the support of two grammar schools, one
at Hartford, and the other at New Haven. He also gave
five hundred pounds out of his estate in England to charitable purposes, but in such equivocal language that it was
finally made the subject of a decree in chancery. It was
held to belong to Harvard College, and the Grammar School
at Cambridge in Massachusetts.*
As early as 1649, William  Chesebrough, of Rehoboth,
commenced a settlement upon that tract of land lying between the Mistick and Pawcatuck rivers.  Thomas Stanton,
the interpreter, also, about the same time went there, and
was the first Englishman who settled upon the bank of the
Pawcatuck.  He did not remove his family to the place
until some time after he had been himself established there
as a trader with the Indians.  This tract of land was called
Pequot, and was considered as a part of New London.
Chesebrough was a blacksmith, and went there under the
authority of Massachusetts.  The fear that this worker in
metals would aid the savages in repairing their fire-arms,.
and provide them' with other sharp and deadly weapons,
added to the jealousy excited in the General Court of Connecticut; and the fact that the stranger had come to take
possession in the name of another jurisdiction, did not at all
conduce to Chesebrough's peace of mind.  Scarcely had
he built his little hut on the bank of the cove that lies a little
to the eastward of Stonington Point, and begun to engage in
the traffic with the Indians of Long Island, and perhaps of
the main-land, when his operations were interrupted by theconstable of Pequot, ordering him in the name of the magistrates of Connecticut to desist.  Chesebrough refused to
comply with the order, as'he claimed to belong to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.  Not long after this, he was commanded to leave'the territory or appear before the court
and defend himself. The alarmed pioneer accordingly in
March 1651, presented himself before the General Court at
Hartford.  IHe made a very able defense.  He acknowledged
" Trumbull, i. 232, 233; Holmes' Annals, i. 309, &c.




198           HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
that he had been a blacksmith, but asserted that he had recently become a farmer, and had sold all the tools that he
formerly used in carrying on his trade, and had not reserved
enough "to repair a gun lock or make a screw pin."  He
represented that he had intended to settle in Pequot with the
other planters, but that he could not suit himself so well
there as he could upon the salt marsh at Pawcatuck, where
he could find an immediate support for his cattle.  He declared that he did not go there to live alone because he was
a heretic or a heathen; and that he believed in the truth as
it was taught in the New England churches. He did not
expect when he went there, to live a great while alone, for
he supposed others would soon follow him.
His arguments did not satisfy the court, yet upon his
giving bonds for his good behavior, and with the assurance
that he would get a respectable company to live with him
before the next winter, they suffered him to remain.*  Historians have conspired with the court to wrong him.
Thomas Minor in 1653 became an inhabitant of Pawcatuck. In 1657 the General Court appointed a committee,
at the head of which was John Winthrop, Esquire, to meet
at New London, and compare the differences between that
plantation, and the people of Mistick and Pawcatuck.t  By
this it appears that considerable accessions had already been
made to the population of the disputed settlement.  In 1658
several families removed there. Captain George Denison,
Thomas Shaw, and two men of the name of Palmer, were
among the early planters.
In 1658 the commissioners decided that the river Mistick
should be the boundary line between the two jurisdictions
of Massachusetts and Connecticut.  Thus Pawcatuck became a Massachusetts town, and took the name of Southerton. It was known by that name, and continued under the
government of Massachusetts until after the royal charter
of Charles II. was granted to us, when it became a part of
Connecticut. In 1665 the General Court decreed that the
* Trumbull, i. 235; Caulkins' New London, 99, 100. tJ. H. Trumbull, i. 300.




[1660.]     DEATH OF GOVERNOR; WELLES.            199
place should be called Mistick, in commemoration of Mason's
victory. In May 1666, by a like order, the name of the
town was again changed to that of Stonington, which it has
ever since continued to bear." It has been the rugged
nurse of some of the most gallant and heroic men, who
have done honor to the State during the French and Indian
wars, and during the more bitter and sanguinary struggles
that belong to a later day.  The sons of Stonington, like
those of New London, have for several generations gone down
to the sea in ships, and done business on the great waters.
The names of Welles and Webster, at the election of
1660, no longer appear in the roll of the magistracy. During
the year, one had dropped "like ripe fruit seasonably gathered," into the silent grave. The other had sought a home
in Massachusetts, where he died in 1665.  Thomas Welles
and John Webster, venerable names, both governors of Connecticut, whose virtues are still perpetuated in those who inherit their blood.  The dust of Wrelles rests with that of
Wyllys, in the old cemetery at Hartford.  His grave is without a stone to mark the spot.
Some time during the year 1657, while the old feud
between the Narragansetts and Mohegan.s still raged with
unabated fury, Pessacus advanced suddenly upon the country of his enemy, shut up Uncas in his fort, and kept him
there in a state of siege until his situation seemed hopeless.
Hopeless it might have been to any other Indian, but Uncas
was too fruitful in expedients ever to despair. He contrived,
as a last resort, to send runners to Saybrook fort to inform
the garrison of his critical situation. I-e bade them tell
the English that famine and the sword were impending over
him and the whole Mohegan tribe, and that the most fatal
consequences would result to the English, should their old
friends be destroyed. The wily politician had hit a very
sensitive nerve.  Thomas Leffingwell, an ensign at the fort,
on learning this piece of intelligence, immediately loaded a
canoe with provisions, paddled it from the mouth of the Con* Caulkins' New London, 104, 106, &c.




200            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
necticut to that of the Thames, and, under the friendly
screen of night, passed up the river, and supplied the famishing Mohegans with food. Thus recruited the beleaguered
chief made such a sudden and furious attack upon the panicstricken Narragansetts, that he drove them  through the
woods, and down the rocks with the most complete and
terrible slaughter.
We are told, though I know not upon what authority,
that for this daring exploit of Lefiingwell, resulting in the
salvation of the Mohegan tribe, Uncas gave to his deliverer
a deed of nearly the whole of the present town of Norwich.
However this might be, and it is not unlikely, it is quite certain that in June, 1659, Uncas went to Saybrook, and there
gave to the English company, that was probably formed as
early as 1653, for the settlement of a town on the head
waters of the Pequot river, a deed of a tract of land at Mohegan, nine miles square. Nothing was said in the conveyance about any old debts of gratitude to be canceled; and
the consideration of the deed was not love and affection, but
seventy good pounds.  This was the second time that the
prudent vendor had sold it to the English, and talen the
money for it, unless he had also in a fit of gratitude deeded
it to Leffingwell.  Major Mason was at the head of. the
company formed at Saybrook for the founding of a new
town.  There were thirty-five members of this company,
who signed its articles of associationS' and thirty-eight
original settlers. A few hardy men spent the winter of'
1659 in temporary huts on the new purchase.
In the spring of 1660, the Rev. James Fitch, Major Mason,
Mr. Huntington, Gifford, and the other members of the
association, embracing the principal part of Mr. Fitch's
church and congregation, removed to the fair plain lying in
the folds of the swift Yantic, where, by the practice of their
proverbial industry, the settlers were soon surrounded by
the delights of home.  The first inhabitants were men
of rare merit, and of good family, as may be seen by their
names that have been honorable in the state. Among them




NORWICI.                      201
I may mention  Tracy, Griswold, Smith, Allyn, Howard,
Hyde, Waterman, Backus, Bliss, Reynolds, Caulkins, and
Reed. These are not all, but the genealogist and town
historian have preceded me. The high, sharp ledges of
rocks that left their sombre shadows on the vale, or sometimes hid their sternest features behind the trees that shook
their quivering leaves above the river, and its then copious
tributaries, while they lent their romantic beauty to the
town, served also to screen it from the winter winds, as the
Mohegan chief and his bronzed warriors protected its inhabitants from the Nihanticks and the Narragansetts.




CHAPTER XI
THE CHARTER.
WE have now reached a point in our journey where we
may pause for a while and take a brief retrospect.
With the year 1603 closed the reign of Elizabeth. The
remainder of the first quarter of the seventeenth century was
occupied by the bigot king, James Stuart.-*  The next quarter of a century we behold signalized at different periods by
the most whimsical tyranny and reckless violation of the
faith plighted over and over again, on the part of king
Charles I., and by acts of violence, the natural consequence
of such behavior, on the part of the people, consummated
by that awful spectacle then unknown in the civilized world,
and followed as a precedent but once from that day to the
present-that of a maddened and misguided people sitting in
judgment upon the life of their sovereign. Then follow the
few stern years of Cromwell's dominion, from whom Say and
Seal, whose aid Charles had tried in vain to buy with the
lure of tempting offices, turned away his face with equal
pride and greater loathing-a dominion that can be regarded
by the right minded as useful only in the same sense that
destructive earthquakes are, that throw down the walls of
cities, or fires that consume their old and tottering edifices,
and thus make way for more solid masonwork, and more
graceful and useful structures.
This brings us —for why should we stop to speak of the
imbecile protectorate of Richard, or the deep and secret
game played by Monk, that led the way with such caution
to a new state of things-this brings us to the long desired
restoration.
* James I. reigned fiom A. D. 1603 to 1625; Charles I., his successor, occupied the throne from 1625 to 1649, having been beheaded on the 30th of January of the last named year.




REVOLUTIONS IN ENG.LAN'Do            203
These first sixty years of the century were teeming with
events of the most momentous consideration in their bearing
upon the future destinies of mankind. No wonder, that
amid such convulsions at home, revolutions chasing one another as wave follows wave to the shore, the English government should have lost sight of that handful of men who, year
after year, under the shade of the mighty forest trees, stole
away from the provincial government at Boston, and set up
a new jurisdiction for themselves on the Connecticut river
and along the sea-shore, as well of Long Island as of the
main-land. Nor is it a thing to excite our surprise, that the
planters of' Connecticut, who sometimes turned their eyes
fronom  their absorbing employments-the taming of wild nature or wilder men-to steal a hurried glance at the dusty
arena where England struggled for the freedom  that she
finally won, should have come at last almost to forget their
allegiance to the mother country, and should have half irnagined that in the recesses of their retirement they were beyond the ken of British statesmanship and out of the pale
of British authority.
It is not likely that the framers of the constitution of 1639
ever entertained the idea of maintaining a government independent of the crown, although they did not think it necessary or expedient to take upon themselves the voluntary acknowledgment of a jurisdiction that was sure to thrust itself
upon them as soon as they could desire to bear its burdens.
It is possible, too, that they kept themselves in abeyance for
the time when England, bowed down by her calamities,
could no longer stretch her shortened sceptre across three
thousand miles of ocean.
Let these planters have reasoned as they might, the restoration of 1660, which brought tranquillity to England and enabled the king to look abroad upon the outer borders of his
empire, soon taught them to reflect upon the growing importance of Connecticut, which could not fail to tempt the cupidity of a monarch whose extravagant habits and empty
exchequer called loudly for subsidies. Besides, they were in




204             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the midst of dangers: the Dutch on one side, the Indians
on the other, and the powerful colonyof Massachusetts not
far off, of whose growing importance they had always entertained such suspicions as weak states must invariably harbor
against those that are more powerful. The king had suffered all the hardships of proscription and exile, and was now,
at the commencement of his reign, most anxious to please all
classes of his subjects.  He was a Stuart, and with increasing prosperity his love of prerogative, the ruling passion of
his father and grandfather, might grow upon him and tempt
him to trench upon their liberties.  What time so favorable
as the present?
Accordingly on the 14th of March 1661, while the goodnatured king yet bore his honors with a modest face, the
General Court of Connecticut determined to make a formal
avowal of their allegiance to the crown, and apply for a charter.  A  very humble and graceful acknowledgment they
made of it. They now very sedulously called the commonwealth that they represented, a colony, and avowed that all
its inhabitants were the king's faithful subjects.  The court
also made an. appropriation of five hundred pounds to prosecute the petition with energy.*
In May the Court again met, when a petition to his most
gracious majesty was presented by governor Winthrop for
their consideration, and was cordially approved.  But in
order that no form of respect might be wanting, and no reason that could be assigned might be left out of the paper, or
fail to have its proper weight from being imperfectly stated,
the deputy governor, Mr. Wyllys, Mr. Allyn, Mr. Wareham,
Mr. -Stone, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Whiting, and the Secretary,
were associated with the governor as a committee to amend
and still further perfect it. These gentlemen were also authorized to write letters to such noblemen and other eminent
persons as they should see fit, with the:design of procuring
aid in bringing the application to a favorable issue. The
* Colonial Records, i. 361.




[l661]     APPLICATION FOR THE CHARTER.             205
Court appointed governor Winthrop the agent of t'he colony,
to repair to England and present the petition to the king,
and to see after the general interests of Connecticut.  He was
particularly instructed how to proceed in the business, and
was especially directed to procure, if possible, the aid of
Lord Say and Seal, and the other still surviving proprietors
under the old patent.~
%With such a committee and such a mnan as Winthrop at
its head, it is not surprising that a very strong case was made
out, and stated in the petition with uncommon ability.  How
the lands had been purchased of the Indians at infinite labor
and cost, or won from them as the prize of victories gained
by the colonists at the hazard of their lives, and how they
had subdivided the territory thus obtained and reduced it
to a state of culture that made it, with the increased population that then inhabited it, a most valuable addition to the
resources of the king's empire, were all stated with such fullness and force that they could not fail to attract the royal
notice, seasoned as they were with the insinuating language
of homage and flattery.
At the same time a letter was written to Lord Say and
Seal, who, notwithstanding his dislike of Charles I. and
Cromwell, had become reconciled to Charles II. and was
known to possess the king's confidence, reminding his lordship, by an indirect allusion, of the project that he had himself once entertained of emigrating to America, and of the
influence that he had exerted upon the colonists, in holding
out such inducements as his presence and patronage would
be to them, to remove thither to prepare the way for his
coming.  They further informed him at what a dear rate
they had purchased of Colonel Fenwick the fort and lands
that he had sold to them under a threat that, if they refused
to buy upon his own terms, he would transfer his title to the
Dutch; and that they paid the exorbitant price of sixteen
hundred pounds for what they thus bought, because they
were under such restraints as placed it out of their power
GColonial Records, i. 368, 369.




206            HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
to make the contract upon any terms that were more favorable.  They called to the mind of his lordship their weakness and their exposed situation, with the powerful and grasping colony of Massachusetts on their northern border, and
how impossible it was for Connecticut to settle her boundary
lines either upon the north or upon the west without the limitations and authority of a charter. They begged him to assist governor Winthrop in the enterprise that they had so
much at heart.*
Thus commissioned and instructed, the agent of the colony set sail in August for England, to execute the important
trust that had been confided to him.  When he arrived in
England, he made immediate application to Lord Say and
Seal to aid him in gaining a favorable hearing of the king.
That venerable nobleman was at that time unable to go up to
London on account of a severe attack of the gout, that prostrated his powers and unfitted him to attend to his duties at court.
Yet, true as he ever had been to his old friends in Connecticut, for whom he always manifested the highest regard, not
more on account of their religious sentiments than because
he was himself at heart a republican, he wrote an urgent letter to the earl of Manchester, then Lord Chamberlain, the
most spotless character of that corrupt age, whose sympathies for the people of New England corresponded with his
own, desiring him to lend his powerful influence to the application.  Lord Say and Seal was the only nobleman then
surviving who had been a grantee in the original patent.
His letter to Winthrop, bearing date December 11, 1661,
evinces the kindest and most delicate interest in the welfare
of the colony.t
Say and Seal had kept aloof from public life during the
protectorate, which he abhorred more than he shrunk from
the tyranny of Charles I., and had remained for a long time
in haughty retirement at the isle of Lundy, where he lived
more in the style of a king than of a subject. But he became
X For a copy of this letter see Trumbull, i. 513, 514.
t This letter may be found in Trumbull, i. 515.




[1 6s1.]    LORD SAY AND SEAL AND WINTI-IROP.         207
at last tired of his magnificent obscurity and, like many
others who had struggled to free England from a galling
yoke, had become sated with the horrors of war, and weary
of the delays, the inefficiency and the bigotry of the parliament.  With these views he had not been idle in lending his
powerful aid to the efforts of Monk and Clarendon, in bringing back the exiled king. Nor was Charles unmindful of the
part that his noble subject had taken in the train of complicated circumstances that led to the restoration.  He rewarded him  for his fidelity by making him  Lord privy Seal.t
The interposition of such an ally in behalf of Connecticut,
seconded by the efforts of the Lord Chamberlain, could not
fail to have weight with the easy, vacillating monarch, who,
in his best estate, though obstinate, had never possessed an
independent will, and who had already begun to commit the
care of his kingdom to his ministers, while he yielded himself up a too ready victim to the soft dalliance of courtly
pleasures.t  Connecticut was also exceedingly fortunate in
the choice of her agent.  Not another man in New England
was so well fitted as Winthrop to bring this delicate mission
to a successful result.  His naturally flexible and graceful
mind had been cultivated by a careful education at Cambridge and Dublin, and his manners, in addition to the sparkling endowments of nature, had been fashioned by the then
rare accomplishment of an European tour, with abundant
leisure to observe and study the elegant refinements of the
higher circles in the various countries that he visited, and
with the noble self-control to abstain from indulging in their
vices.j  Besides, he had made himself familiar with the new
world as well as with the old. Its streams, unfettered by
commerce, save that of the canoe with its light freight of
skins, winding through woods that had already become the
theme of many an enchanting fable; the habits of the wild
men who frequented those woods.; their laws, their modes of
subsistence, of waging war, of making treaties, and their in* Camden's Imperial Hist. Eng., ii. 216; Trumbull, i. 248.
t See Wade's British Chronology, 220, 221.; Brancroft; Allen.




208              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
tercourse with the English; the game that abounded there;
the noisome serpents that startled the traveler from his lonely
trail with hiss or rattle-all afforded an inexhaustible field
whence an ingenious mind could extract, in details of anecdote and adventure, the honey of discourse; and who was
more likely to listen with a pleased ear to the agreeable narrator of such wonders, than the boyish, fun-loving king? who
more likely than Winthrop to cause the full, flashing eye of
Charles Stuart to dance with merriment second only to that
which flowed from the exhilaration of the wine-cup, or cause
it to dilate sometimes with a pleased sympathy such as could
merge for a moment the ambition of mistress Palmer in a
softer passion, or tame to a feebler fluttering the gentle heart
of  Nelly Gwynne."
An English gentleman, however accomplished, who had
lacked the interesting experience that afforded Winthrop the
opportunity to excite the curiosity and play upon the imagination of his sovereign, might have failed, as a man of unrefined manners, however well his memory might have been
stored with facts relating to American life, certainly would
have done; for the monarch had inherited not a little of his
father's fastidious refinement, though it was gradually soiled
and finally lost in the debaucheries of a later day.
With all these happy advantages, Winthrop might perhaps
have failed in accomplishing his purpose but for a simple appeal to the filial piety of the king.  He had in his keeping a
ring of rare value, that had been presented to his grandfather
by the unhappy Charles I. This ring, as if to set the seal
to the favorable impression that he had made, he humbly
proffered to his royal master. The king's heart melted at
the sight of this touching memorial that brought to his mind the
dark hours and sorrowful fate of the noble donor, who had
most need of such a loyalty as that gift betokened.  With a
gracefulness that rendered his munificence doubly wel* The influence of these artful courtesans over the opinions and acts of Charles ILo
was often observable in public affairs. See Camdenl's Imperial Hist. of England,
ii. 221.; Wade, 229.




[1662.]    THE PATENTEES AND THE PATENT.           209
come, he accepted the ring and granted the prayer of the
colony.'
On the 23d of April, 1662, letters patent under the great
seal received the royal signature, giving to the petitioners
the most ample privileges.t  They confirmed in the patentees
the title and jurisdiction of the whole tract of land granted
to the earl of Warwick in free and common socage, and to
their successors, forever.  The names of the patentees in the
charter were John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel Wyllys,
IHenry Clarke, Matthew Allen, John Tapping, Nathan Gold,
Richard Treat, Richard Lord, Henry Wolcott, John Talcott,
Daniel Clarke, John Ogden, Thomas Wells, Obadiah Bruen,
John Clarke, Anthony Hawkins, John Deming, and Matthew
Canfield-nineteen in all-to whom, together with all the
other freemen of Connecticut then existing, and who might
afterwards be admitted electors or freemen to the end of time,
were given the irrevocable privileges of being "one body
corporate and politic in fact and name, by the name of the
governor and company of the English colony of Connecticut
in New England in America, and that by the same name
they and their successors should have perpetual succession."
By these letters patent they are made persons in law, may
plead and be impleaded, defend and be defended, in all suits
whatsoever; may purchase, possess, lease, grant, demise and
sell, lands, tenements, and goods in the same unrestricted
manner as any of the king's subjects or corporations in England.  They are annually to hold two general assembliesone on the second Thursday in May, and the other on the
second Thursday in October-to consist of the governor,
deputy governor, and twelve assistants, with the more popular element of two deputies from every town or city.
The company or colonial corporation thus constituted,
might choose a common seal, establish courts for the administering of justice, make freemen, appoint officers, enact laws,
impose fines, assemble the inhabitants in martial array for the
common defence, and exercise martial law in all necessary
* Trumbull, i. 248. t A copy of the charter is to be found in the appendix (B.),
14




210              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
emergencies. It is especially provided that all. the subjects
of the king within the colony shall enjoy all the privileges of
free and natural subjects of the realm of England, and that
the charter shall be construed most favorably for the benefit
of the corporation.  John Winthrop is named in it as the
first governor, and John Mason deputy governor, and the
other patentees whose names are mentioned are to be the
first magistrates.  All these appointees are to hold  their
offices until the people shall elect new ones in their places.
Such, in its substance and main features, was the charter
granted by Charles II. to the colony of Connecticut.  Although it bore date the 23d of April, yet as nothing was
known of it in Connecticut until several months afterwards,
the regular routine of the government meanwhile went on
under the old constitution.  In May, the freemen met as
usual, and held their election.  Although the deepest anxiety
must have pervaded the public mind in reference to the
probable fate of Winthrop's mission, yet we find no traces
of it upon our colonial records.  The Court proceeds with
its usual calmness and sobriety to provide for the domestic
economy of the inhabitants, and to relieve the burdens that
appeared to fall too heavily upon the weaker towns.
The defenses of the colony were not forgotten, and effectual measures were taken to perfect its military organization.
The distribution of the Bible among widows and children
was at the same session made the subject of legislation. -'
At the General Court held on the 22d of July, the same
silence is observed as to the petition.  The king is not even
incidentally mentioned.  The people never made any confessions of loyalty unless they considered themselves likely
to reap some benefit from the humiliation.'e On page 381 of J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records will be found an order
of the General Court directing that the Bible sent to Goodwife Williams shall be
delivered to Goodwife Harrison, " who engageth to this Court to give unto ye
children of ye said TWilliams a bushel of wheat apiece as they shall come out of
their time; and John Not doth engage to give each of ye children two shillings a
piece as they come out of their tirne to buy them Bibles.1"




[1662.]        ARRIVAL OF THE CIARTEIR.                211
At wlhat pretcise time the charter arrived in Connecticut is
not known.  Doubtless it must hlave bleen early in September, as it appears that it was publicly shown to the  Tew
England Congress convTened at Boston, onl the 4th of Septem berl. -
The commissioners must have opened their eyes Sride
when' his majesty's letters patent under the broad seal of
England were presented and read."
On the 9th day of October, it was publicly read to the assembled freemen of Connecticut, and was declared to belong
to them  and their successors.  The freemen immediately
bore testimony of their gratitude to the kinDg for this mark
of his favor, and to the value that they placed upon it, by
appointing Mr. Wyllys, Captain  Talcott and Lieutenant
Allen a committee to take it into their custody, under the
solemnities of an oath administered to them by the General
Assembly, binding them faithfully to keep this palladium  of
the rights of the people. At this session, the General Assembly confirmed the old tenures of office and ratified all the
laws of the colony that were not inconsistent with the
charter.'At the same session, also, the General Assembly began to
show a bolder front than ever before, in asserting the claims
of Connecticut to jurisdiction over territories before that
time claimed by other colonies.  Notice was given to the
inhabitants of Westchester that they were embraced within
the boundaries of Connecticut, and that they would be expected to conduct themselves as peaceable subjects.  It was
also resolved, that the people of Mistick and Pawcatuck
should abstain from the exercise of all authority by virtue of
any commission from any other colony, and that they should
manage their affairs and elect their town officers in accordance with the laws of Connecticut.
The news that the charter had arrived, and the very liberal terms of it, flew upon the wings of the wind.  As Winthrop probably anticipated, it gave much additional imporSee J. I:. Tiumbul, i. 384. (note.)   t Colonial Records, i. 384, 385.




212             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
tance to Connecticut.  Here was an invaluable, sacred grant,
defining, the rights of the colony and placing them beyond
the grasp of the royal prerogative. The people of Connecticut, whatever might be the fate of the other colonies, had the
king's written pledge, under the broad seal of England, to
vouch for them that they were entitled to all the rights and
immunities of Englishmen.  One after another, deputations
from the remote border towns, upon Long Island and upon
the main-land, came flocking to Hartford to tender their persons and property to the General Assembly, and praying to
be admitted upon equal terms of citizenship. Whether these
ambassadors represented the whole population of their respective towns, or only petitioned in behalf of themselves, they
were graciously received. A large portion of the inhabitants
of Stamford and Greenwich begged to be made participators
of the privileges conferred by the charter.  A majority of the
people of Southold, and some of the principal men of Guilford, were among the applicants. The clemency and generosity of the king were upon every tongue in the colony.
All the towns upon Long Island were compelled to submit.
A Court was instituted at Southold, at which the magistrates
of South and East Hampton were members.e  Of course
the territory embraced in the charter included the entire colonv of New Haven.  Accordingly a committee was sent to
New Haven to treat with the government there for an amicable union. Matthew Allyn, Samuel Wyllys, Stone, the
chaplain of. the Pequot expedition, and Thomas Hooker,
were the gentlemen selected for this important and delicate
embassy.t
The committee repaired to New Haven with becoming dispatch, and held a long and earnest conference with the authorities and principal gentlemen there. They urged a friendly
union under the patent on some fair terms. It was too
mighty a matter to be disposed of at a single interview, and
besides it was thought necessary that the proposition should
be communicated to the freemen before any ultimate action
* Thompson's Hist. Long Island.  t Colonial Records, i. 388.




[1662.]       DIFFICULTIES WITH  NEW  HAVEN.                   213
was taken.  The committee therefore presented the authorities of New  Haven with a copy of the charter, accompanied
by a very plausible and somewhat stately declaration, wherein they were careful to speak in terms of the greatest commendation of the privileges granted by the "large and ample
patent," which they describe not as having been artfully procured by the colony of Connecticut, but as having come to
their hand.  The declaration  informs New  Haven that the
king has united the two colonies into one body politic, and
reminds the freemen to whom it is made, that they are
equally interested with the people of Connecticut in all the
provisions of the royal patent, inviting them  to a happy and
peaceable union —" that inconveniences and dangers may be
prevented, peace and truth strengthened and established,
through our suitable subjection  to the terms of the patent,
and the blessing of God upon us therein."
It is not certain who was the author of this paper.  The
conciliatory, half-reproachful reply I have no doubt was
framed by Leete, whose gentle nature never showed the decision and strength that lay hidden beneath its surface until
all persuasive measures were exhausted.*
The time had now  arrived when the fireemen of New  Haven were called upon to arouse themselves.  On the 4th of
November they convened to consult upon the best measures
to be adopted. Excited and indignant as they were, they
manifested a calm  dignity that was never exhibited, I pre* The reply of the authorities of New Haven was as follows: " We have received and perused your writings, and heard the copy read of his majesty's letters patent to Connecticut colony; wherein, though we do not find the colony of
New IHaven expressly included, yet to show our desire that matters may be issued
in the conserving of peace and amity, with righteousness between them and us, we
shall communicate your writing, and a copy of the patent, to our freemen, and
afterwards, with convenient speed, return their answer. Only we desire, that the
issuing of matters may be respited, until we may receive fuller information from
Mr. Winthrop, or satisfaction otherwise; and that in the meantime, this colony
may remain distinct, entire, and uninterrupted, as heretofore; which we hope
you will see cause lovingly to consent unto; and signify the same to us with convenient speed."




211L             IS]:$TOIRY OF CO-;NECTICUT.
sumne, under like circumstances in any State (f ancieng
Greece.  Governor Leete produced the declaration of the
Connecticut committee and the copy of the charter that they
l-ad left. The strange patent, that had thus suddenly disposed of their government and political existence, without
giving them a premonition of the fate that awcaited them, was
read aloud in the hearing of the freemlen; and then, to allow
themn time for consideration, the Court tool a recess for an
hour and a half to meet again at the beat of the dru-m.
At the sound of this primitive summons, the Court again
assembled.  Davenport-the venerable father of the colony
that had been thus summarily passed over into other handsDavenport, the man who was second to no other in New
England for straight- froward honesty and moral couragewas the first to break thel ominous silence.  He rose up
calmly, as his custom was, and though grown gray in the
hard services of his calling, and bowed under the weight of
recent bereavements, neither his hand nor his voice could
have betrayed a sign of weakness, when he unfolded the paper containing his carefully written views and reasons upon
this vital matter, and prefaced his reading with the characteristic remark, that "according to the occasion he would
discharge the duty of his place."  He did nobly discharge
that duty.  In his distinct and impressive way, he read to
theri " his own thoughts which he had set down in wiriting,
and which he said he desired should remain his own until
his hearers should be fully satisfied with them."
When he had read the paper, he committed it to the keeping of the assembly and retired.  Governor Leete prudently
forbore to participate in the discussion.  The debate was
long and earnest, and after it was ended it was agreed that
a committee made up of Mr. Law of Stamford, and the magistrates and elders, should draw up an answer to the declaration of Connecticut, that was to embrace and enlarge upon
the following distinct propositions:
I. The wrong and sin of Connecticut in thus attempting
to rob them of their independence and colonial existence.




[1662.]       REMONSTRANCE OF DAVENPORT.                      215
IIo The propriety of suspending all further proceedings
until Mr. Winthrop should return, or until they should otherwise obtain further information and satisfaction.
III. That New Haven could of right do nothing without
first consulting the other confederated colonies.~
The committee was directed to present in their answer
whatever arguments they could against the union, and if
these should fail to bring about the intended result, they were
ordered to prepare an address to the king, praying for relief
The document drawn up by this committee in obedience to
the instructions of the freemen  of New  Haven, has such
salient points and such a marked individuality, that no one
can doubt that Davenport was the author of it.t   There is a
concealed and galling irony in the document that must have
been intolerably provoking, while the facts as well as the
deductions fiom  them, are indeed unanswerable.  The committee say in substance, that whatever may be the purport
of the charter, they have looked in vain  to find in it any
clause that prohibits the continuance of a distinct colonial
government on the part of New  Haven.  The fact that not
one of the patentees named in  it belonged to New Haven,
was to their minds strong corroborative evidence that neither
they who petitioned for the patent, nor his majesty who
granted it, intended that she should be embraced in it or affected by it, and that for aught that appeared in the charter
they were still left at liberty to petition for the same privilieges that had been so recently bestowed upon Connecticut.
" Yet," say the committee, "if it shall appear (after due and
* The Nwords of the reply are not here given literally, but only in substance as
toind upon the New Haven Colonial Records.
t Davenport was remarkable in that age of verbiage, for his terse, direct manler of expressing his thoughts in writing. There is a manliness and patrician
bearing in this comprehensive state paper, that stamps its authorship upon it as
with a seal. Whoever supposes that John Davenport can be set lightly aside by
the flippant charge of narrow-mindedness and bigotry, had better study the history of those times more faithfully, before he presumes to put his crude views upon paper. There was indeed a amote in the eye of the old pioneer clergyman, but
alas! for the bcamn in that of the critic.




216            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
full information of our State,) to have been his majesty's
pleasure so to unite us as you understand the patent, we
must submit according to God." The solemn covenants entered into under the confederation are then again alluded to,
and the request urgently made, that New Haven may go on
discharging the functions of a distinct colonial government,
until "either by the honored Mr. Winthrop, by the other
confederates, or from his majesty," they may learn what
construction should be given to the patent.
The implied charge of a breach of faith contained in the
following language is exceedingly severe. "This occasion
[is] given before any conviction tendered or publication of
the patent among us, or so much as a treaty with us in a
christian, neighborly way. No pretense for our dissolution of
government, till then, could rationally be imagined. Such
carriage may seem to be against the advice and mind of his
majesty in the patent, as also of your honored governor, and
to cast reflection upon him."
This letter bore date the 5th of November, 1662. Connecticut made no reply to it, and in this she acted wisely, for
no human ingenuity could have framed a successful answer
to its stern truthfulness.
On the 11th of March, 1663, the General Assembly met,
and in a very pacific tone proceeded to appoint a committee
to treat with New Haven in relation to the terms of the
union. Deputy governor Mason was at the head of this
committee. They proceeded to New Haven and attempted
to hit upon some amicable mode of adjusting the difficulties.
But the hot haste that the General Assembly had manifested
in getting possession of Southold, Stamford and other towns
belonging to New Haven, and establishing a government
there, and the protection and fellowship that had been promised
by Connecticut to the disaffected at Guilford. had inflicted a
deep wound upon the colonial independence of New Haven,
that nothing save a full and honorable restitution could be
expected to heal.
In this crisis of affairs governor Leete called a special ses



[1663.]      [NEW HAVEN STILL RESISTS.             217
sion of the General Court to commence on the 6th of Mav.
When the freemen were convened, they were asked if it
was their pleasure, on account of relations existing between
them and Connecticut, to make any alteration in respect to
the time or manner of holding their election? With one
consent they answered "No." Had the negative been uttered by the lips of John Davenport himself, it could not
have been more resolute. They further resolved, that a reo
monstrance against the doings of the encroaching colony
should be drawn up and sent to the General Assembly of
Connecticut. This was accordingly done. This able paper,
reciting the causes that induced the people of the colony to
establish themselves in New England, and also giving a history of the wrongs that they had recently suffered at the
hands of their sister colony, protesting against those wrongs,
and calling for redress, is also the composition of Davenport.
It contains some passages of powerful and eloquent appeal,
that my limits will not allow me to quote, nor indeed ought
they to be presented in a fragmentary form.
While these disorderly proceedings were going on in
America, the agent of New Haven, sent to his majesty to petition for his interference, arrived in England.  Winthrop was
still there, and when the state of things in the two colonies
was made known to him, he undertook to be the surety of
Connecticut, that New Haven should suffer no further wrong
at her hands, and that if the union was to take place at all,
it should be a voluntary one. In pursuance of this pledge,
Winthrop, on the 3d of March, 1663, wrote a letter to the
deputy governor and company of Connecticut, informing
them of the purport of the arrangement that he had made
with the agent of New Haven, and further stating that before he prayed out the charter, he had given the people of
New Haven his assurance that their interests should in no
way be compromised by the step that Connecticut was about
to take. These pledges of his, made while he was acting as
their agent, and in a manner speaking in their behalf, he
earnestly begged them not to violate, but to abstain from all




2.13            I-IISTOit/Y OF CONNiETIC UT.
violence and fri'om all encroachments upon the rights and
territory of their sister colony.  Hte dexterously intimated
that the blame of what they had already done, was to be imp)uted rather to his own negligence in not making those engagements known to them, than to any wanton usurpation
on their part.  He added, that if the General Assembly
would wait until his return, he hoped to bring about the de-.sired union by some amicable adjustment.~
What strange infatuation had taken possession of Connecticut, I am unable to say.  The General Assembly in July
following laid claim  to Westchester, and sent out a magistrate from Connecticut with authority to lead the voters to a
choice of officers, and to administer the proper oaths when
chosen.  The chartered colony also stretched out her hand
over the Narragansett country, and appointed rulers over the
inhabitants of Wickford.  Disregarding the wishes of the
governor thus decidedly expressed, and in defiance of the remonstrance of the freemen of New Haven and their earnest
appeal to the king, she followed up the contemplated union
in the same hasty way in which it had been begun.
On the 19th of August, another session of the General Assembly was summoned, and a new committee appointed to
treat not alone with New  Haven, but also with Milford,
Guilford, and Branford, upon the terms of the union. If the
committee failed to negotiate the matter amicably, they were
instructed to read the charter publicly at New Htaven, and
proclaim to the people there that Connecticut could not fail
to resent their attempts to maintain a separate jurisdiction,
as it was clear that they were included within the limits
of the patent; and  that the  General Assembly  must
insist that  New  Haven,  M4ilford,  Guilford,  Branford
and Stamford surrender themselves to the jurisdiction of
Connecticut.  This committee, like the  preceding one,
effected nothing.
In September, the Congress met at Boston, and the New
Haven commissioners were received and acknowledged
" See Gov. Winthrop's letter in Trumbull. i. 520, 521.




[1663.]      WINTHlROP, LEE'E,:AND FENS.            219
as the represenetatives of an independent colony.  At this
session New Haven prepared a complaint against Connecticut, involving a complete history of all proceedings under
the charter that related to New Haven.  Governor W~inthrop,
rwho had now returned fronm England, and 1Mr. John Talcott,
in behalf of Connecticut, defended her course with such arguments as they could adduce.  They said the complainants
had no just grounds of accusation against the chartered colony, as she had never done them any wrong, and had always
proposed a friendly settlement of the controversy by treaty.
That this claim of W;inthrop was' at war with the matter
contained in'his own letter of the 3d of March, and not
strictly in accordance with the facts in the case, I suppose
nobody would attempt at this day to deny.  However, I am
unwilling that such a character as this great patriot has
trans11mitited to posterity, should be t hought to have left upon
its surface a stain of dissimulation.  hle was anxious to conciliate the applicants, and in attempting to persuade them
that they wiere unreasonable in their complaints, he only enmployed sthe ordinary privileges of the advocate, and stated the
views that his too parlial tlind had adopted, with such eloquence and force as was natural to him.  Besides, he may
have arrived at different conclusions, on finding himself in
the neighborhood of the excited people whom it was his duty,
as far as hte rightfully could, to justify and defend in the face
of the whole world, from those that had been the basis of the
letter that he had written from England, and of the assurances that he had then given to the agent of New Haven.
The debate was very earnest and absorbing. Governor
Leete and Benjamin Fenn-the one cautious and courtly,
the other blunt and bold —resolutely met the arguments of
the Connecticut commissioners, and did not find it a difficult
task to procure a decree that the distinct colonial existence
of New Haven should remain inviolate, that no encroachments should be made upon her juristliction, and that her
power should continue entire, as one of the confederates,
"until such time as in an orderly way it shall be otherwise




220             H-ISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
disposed of." No other decision could have been anticipated from the Congress, for the jealousy of Massachusetts
and of the other associated colonies against Connecticut,
since it had first been made known that she had become invested with privileges unknown to themselves, knew no
bounds.  Aside from  the just claims of New Haven, how
was it to be borne by the metropolitan colony of Massachusetts, who had always patronized Connecticut as her younger
and portionless sister, that she should presume all at once to
give herself such matronly airs, and place herself upon a royal
matrimonial alliance that afforded such a striking contrast to
her Arcadian manners and humble childhood?
Governor Stuyvesant, likewise indignant at the grasping
ambition of Connecticut evinced by extending her jurisdiction over Westchester and the towns adjacent, appeared at
Boston and complained of the encroachments made by her
upon his territories. Winthrop and Talcott begged that, as
no demand had been made upon the General Assembly and
consequently they were not instructed how to make answer
to his complaint, that the consideration of the affair might be
postponed until the next meeting of the Congress.  The matter was accordingly deferred.
On the 8th of October, the General Assembly of Connecticut again convened to consider and discuss the difficulties
that were impending. An act was passed, wherein the assembly declare their dissatisfaction with the plantations of
New Haven, Milford, Guilford, Stamford and Branford, because they persist in maintaining a government distinct
from that authorized by the charter. A committee was at the
same session again appointed to treat with those towns, and
debate the matters in dispute.  "If," say the assembly, " they
can rationally make it appear that they have such power, and
that we have wronged them  according to their complaints,
we shall be ready to attend them with due satisfaction."*
It will be observed that this diplomatic piece of legislation
is very far from recognizing even pretended jurisdiction on
* Colonial Records, i. 415.




[1663.]    GENERAL COURT OF NEW HAVEN.              221
the part of New Haven, as a separate colony.  On the other
hand, the plantations are individually spoken of, and severally
treated as independent of each other, and as constituting integral portions of Connecticut under the charter.
At a special session in March, Thomas Pell was authorized
in behalf of the colony and with the design of securing possession and title to all the lands included within the boundaries of the patent, to buy of the Indians all that large tract
lying between Westchester and Hudson's river, and "the
wsaters which make the Manhadoes an island."'  The General Assembly also lent a willing ear to the petitions of those
plantations that were situated upon the western extremity
of Long Island, and took them under the protection of Connecticut, for the charter included the adjoining islands within
her limits.  It was also resolved that Hammonasset should
be a town. During the same month, twelve planters, most
of them from Hartford, Windsor and Guilford, took up their
abode there. Out of respect to Mr. Griswold, one of the
principal proprietors of the town, it was afterwards named
Killingworth, a corruption of the historical name of Kenilworth, the birthplace of the Griswolds of Connecticut.
Meanwhile New Haven continued to struggle against her
fate.  On the22d of October, her General Court convened, and
Governor Leete hastened to present to the freemen the details
of all that had passed, and to take their advice.  The members
of the Court reviewed the behavior of Connecticut towards
them, the rights of government that she persisted in asserting
over them, the disturbances that she fomented in the several
towns, by giving encouragement to malcontents and by
sowing the seeds of sedition broadcast within their bordersand with unyielding courage resolved "that no treaty be made
by this colony with Connecticut before such acts of power
exerted by them upon any of our towns, be reyoked or recalled, according to the honorable MIr. Winthrop's letter urging the same, the commissioners' determination and our frequent desires."  With one consent they resolved to petition
X Colonial Records, i. 418; Brodhead, i. 733.




222             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUTo
the king for a bill of exemption from the government of Connecticut, and voted to raise three hundred pounds by a tax
to carry out this object.  They took another step of a very
decided character, that could hardly fail to hasten the crisis.
They ordered that in all the towns belonging to their jurisdiction, the proper authorities should issue warrants to attach the personal estate of those who had refused or should
thereafter refuse to pay the taxes by law imposed upon them.
In these gloomy circumstances they also sought the divine
aid, and appointed a day of fasting and prayer throughout
the colony.
I have said that the doom of this little republic was impending.      owT could it well be otherwise?   A powerful
colony in the field against her, clad in the impenetrable panoply of the royal charter, reflecting far and wide a balefill
light that struck blind for a time even the proud eye of' the
colony upon the Bay, and frightened little Plymouth "from
her propriety;" an empty treasury, and relTbellion springing
up in the midst of her own plantations-ho-w  could it be otherwise?  A more wretched state of confusion and enmitv
can hardly be imagined.  The moment that the tax-gatherers of New Haven attempted to put in force the decree of
her General Court, and attach the property of those who refused to do their part towards defraying the expenses of the
government, the reccusants fled to Connecticut for protection,
and were received by her with open arms.  The government was so poor that it could not even pay the ordinary
salaries to its officers.
W\Vhen the officers began to collect the taxes by force, civil
-war was the immediate result.
John R ossiter and his son, of Guilford, who had refused to
submit to the authorities at New Haven and who had been
punished with some severity for their offenses, now fled to
Hartford for redress.  They readily procured two mangis.
trates, a constable, and some private volunteers from Connecticut, who, armed with muskets, repaired to Guilford and
arrived there on the evening of the 30th of December. In




[1664.]      " NEW hIAVEN CASE STATED."             223
the night they fired off their guns in the town and alarmned
the inhabitants to such a degree that governor Leete was
obliged to send messengers to Branford and New Haven for
assistance.  Both these towns, startled froil their sleep in
the dead of the night by this executive summnons, immediately sent forward an armed force for the relief of Guilford.
Governor Leete and the magistrates conducted the affair
with such prudence that no injury resulted from this violence.
The Connecticut officers, who had come out upon this nocturnal errand, contented themselves with remonstrating
against the conduct of the authorities of Newo -aven, in laying taxes upon those who had placed themselves under the
protection of Connecticut.  They desired that the matter
might be postponed for further consideration."
On the 7th of January 1664, governor Leete called a
special court at New Haven.  He opened the session by
stating to the Court what troubles had grown out of the
order for the distraining of taxes, and with what earnestness
the magistrates from Connecticut had called upon INew Haven to refrain from the exercise of this authority, which,
they claimed, was in violation of the rights of the citizens of
Connecticut.'he governor asked the Court carefully to
consider this demand.  They made answer that it had proved
idle to attempt to make treaties with Connecticut, and that
they were resolved to carry on no further negotiations with
her, until she should have restored to New Haven the citizens that she had unlawfully seduced from  their allegiance,
and still continued to protect.
Mr. Davenport and Mr. Street were appointed a committee to make a new statement of the grievances of New Haven and transmit it in writing to Connecticut.  These gentlemen entered with alacrity upon the discharge of this duty.
The result was, a paper in the nature of a remonstrance of
singular ability.  It was called "The New  Haven Case
Stated," and is written in Davenport's best manner.  In all
our New England colonial papers, I have not found a more' Trumbull, i. 263.




224             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
touching and eloquent narrative, nor have I ever seen a more
convincing argument. Unlike it predecessors from the same
vigorous pen, it is free from sarcastic allusions and has a
mournful strain of accusation, such as we might suppose a
martyr at the stake would address to his persecutors.  It has
a vitality and force that is indeed refreshing to one whose
eye has been long exposed to the dull pages of records and
state documents of the seventeenth century, whose blinding
words, like clouds of sand, seem to sweep along over an interminable desert."  This paper, however, produced no change
in the policy of Connecticut.
On the 12th of May 1664, the General Assembly convened, and again asserted their claims to Long Island and.
appointed officers at Hempstead, Jamaica, Newtown, Oyster
Bay, Flushing, and all the towns upon the western extremity
of the Island.t
In the same month the freemen met at New Haven and
held a general election. They reappointed Leete governor;
William  Jones was made deputy governor.  These gentlemen were also chosen commissioners to the Congress next
to convene at Hartford.  The usual number of magistrates
was elected, but two of them, MIr. Treat and Mr. Nash, declined to accept the place, for they foresaw that the downfall of New Haven was at hand. So depressed were the
hearts of the freemen, that no business appears to have been
done at this Court, as it left no records of its proceedings.
On  the 12th of March 1664, the duke of York obtained a patent of a vast tract of country lying to the north
of New England as it was then defined; and what was more
alarming still to New Haven, including "all that island or
islands commonly called by the general name or names of
5Meitowax, or Long Island, situate and being towards the
west of Cape Cod and the narrow Nighgansets, abutting up* This state paper may be found entire in the Appendix to this volume, marked
(D.) A portion of it has been published before by the author of " Historical Disc
courses.7"
f Colonial Records, i. 428. 429.




[1664.]       ARRI-rVAL OF COL. NICHOLS.              225
on the main-land, between the two rivers there called or
known by the several names of Connecticut and Hudson's
river, and all the lands from  the west side of Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware Bay."  Massachusetts and Plymouth, too, had much occasion to be alarmed,
for IN\antucket, Martha's Vineyard, and all the islands contiguous to them, that studded the main ocean, were embraced
in the patent.
Thus was the whole territory of New Haven with a large
part of Connecticut granted out to this royal subject.
The duke lost no time in taking possession of his new estate. Doubtless a main object of this patent was the reduction of New Netherlands, and an armed fleet soon sailed for
the American coast, under the command of Colonel Richard
N7ichols, who was instructed to bring all the Dutch settlements on the continent to subjection.  lie was further authorized, in conjunction with Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick, Esquires, to visit the New
England colonies and to hear and determine all controversies
that existed between them.e:
On the 23d of July, Nichols arrived in Boston harbor.  He
made known to the colonies his errand and in the name of
the king, called upon New England to raise troops to assist
in reducing New Netherlands.  He also dispatched letters
to Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, inviting him to meet
him at the western extremity of Long Island for consultation.
Accompanying the commission of Nichols and others, came
a very gracious letter from the king, bearing date, Whitehall,
April 23, 16,4, and addressed to the governor and company
of Connecticut.  Whether it can be fairly inferred from the
tenor of this letter, that opposition to the union on the part
of New Haven had been anticipated, as an event likely to
happen, at the time when the Connecticut patent was granted,
I leave it for the reader to decide.  At any rate, the first
* Sea BrodLead, i. 726, 735, 736; Iutchinson, i. 211; Trumbull, i. 266.
This commission may be found at length in Hutchinson, i. App. XV. and in
Hazard, ii. 638, 639.
15




22  HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
sentence of the royal letter seems calculated to inspire confidence rather than terror in the hearts of those to whom it
was written. It begins as follows:
" CHARLES, R,
" Trusty and well beloved we greet you well,
having, according to the resolution we declared to Mlr. John
Winthrop at the timle when we renewed your charter, now
sent these persons of known abilities and affections to usthat is to say, Colonel Richard INichols, Sir Robert Carr,
Knight, George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq.,
our commissioners, to visit those our several colonies and
plantations in New England, to the end that we may be the
better informed of the state and welfare of our good subjects,
whose prosperity is very dear to us.  We can make no question but that they shall find that reception from you which
may testify your respect to us from whom they are sent for
your good."y
Whatever construction  governor Winthrop may have
given to this document, he readily complied with the request
of Colonel Nichols, and, in company with several of the magistrates and principal gentlemen of Connecticut, soon joined
him at the place designated.
The time had now arrived when the dominion of the
Dutch in America was about to be extinguished forever.
On the 20th of August, with a formidable English fleet and
armament to give weight to the summons, Colonel Nichols
demanded the surrender of the town and forts upon the
island of Manhadoes.  Governor Stuyvesant was by no
means prepared to obey this summons, and unable as he was
in the disordered state of his province, to make a successful
stand against the invaders, he was still resolved not to yield
without giving the British commander a taste of his well
known skill in diplomacy. Instead, therefore, of lowering
the Dutch colors, his excellency drew up a formidable statement, and I believe a truthful one, of the title of the States
General to the country then in their possession in America.
* See Appendix, where this entire letter may be found marked (C.)




[1664.]     WINTHROP AND STUYVESANT.                227
With the stately politeness that marks all his official correspondence, he said that he had no doubt that had the king of
England been aware of the claims of the Dutch, he never
would have taken such measures to extinguish them.  In
conclusion, he assured the British commissioners "that he
should not submit to his demands, nor fear any evils but such
as God in his Providence should inflict upon him."
Colonel Nichols had offered to the inhabitants the most
perfect protection of life, liberty, and property, provided the
town and fort were surrendered as he demanded.  The burgomasters explained to the people the terms proposed by
Nichols.  This did not satisfy them.  They insisted on seeing the document itself. Stuyvesant went in person and explained to the assembled burghers the impropriety of exhibiting it to the public. It would be disapproved of, he said, in
the Fatherland; it would discourage the people. But the
citizens prevailed, and finally procured a sight of the paper.
Colonel Nichols now wrote a second letter to Winthrop,
begging him to wait upon Stuyvesant and assure him that if
he would surrender, the most liberal provisions should be
made for the Dutch.  The terms of his proposal were fully
detailed in this second letter. Provided with so favorable a
chart to guide his negotiations, Winthrop, under a flag of
truce, repaired to the city, and, presenting his letter to Stuyvesant outside of' the fort, begged him to surrender.  Stuyvesant refused, but, retiring within the fort, he opened the letter
and then read it in presence of the burgomasters, who asked
that its contents might be made public.  Stuyvesant declined to comply with the request. The burgomasters grew
loud and clamorous, and at last, Stuyvesant, in a fit of passion,
tore the letter in pieces. The enraged citizens now left
their work at the palisades, and flew to the Stadt Huys.  A
committee was chosen from their number to wait upon Stuyvesant and demand the letter.  "The letter!" shouted the
burgomasters.  "The letter, the letter!" reiterated the mob.
Nothing else would pacify them. Stuyvesant was obliged
at last to gather up the fragments of the mutilated pdper,




228             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
and give a copy of it to the burgomasters for their inspection.
When it was found on what favorable terms the capitulation was proposed, solicitations poured in upon Stuyvesant
firom all quarters, begging him  to surrender.  Still he kept
his ground.  At last Nichols ordered Capt. Hyde, who commanded the squadron, to reduce the fort.  Two of the ships
now landed their forces.  The others sailed in front of the
fort, and anchored close at hand.  The undaunted Stuyvesant, while they were passing the fortification, stood upon one
of its angles and watched them.  A guard with a lighted
match in hand, stood near by, waiting the orders of the governor, who with difficulty could be dissuaded firom commencing an attack that must have resulted in the total discomfiture of the garrison and in much bloodshed.  He finally
left the fort and went into the city to oppose the landing of
the English troops.  He now, as a last resort, sent a deputation to Nichols, with a letter, in which he said, that although
he felt it to be his duty to "stand the storm," yet he was
willing to try what arrangement could be made.  "To-morrow," said Nichols, "I will speak with you at Manhattan."
"Friends will be welcome, if they come in a friendly manner," replied the ambassadors.  "I shall come with ships and
soldiers," was the stern answer-" raise the white flag of
peace a the fort, and then something may be considered."
Thus beset by his fiiends and pressed by his enemies, the
brave Peter Stuyvesant was compelled to capitulate; and
yet, said he, in answer to the supplications of the women and
children who thronged about him, " I would much rather be
carried out dead.'"-*
Thus was the Dutch power in America annihilated. I
suppose no good man, who knows the facts, will be likely to
attempt a justification of this aggressive war, condemned by
Camden, and acknowledged by Clarendon to have been
commenced " without a shadow of justice."
* Trumbull, i. 266,268; Holmes, i. 334; Brodhead, i. 738, 741; Smith's
Hist. of N. York, p. 10, 12, 14, 22, &c.




[1664.]      THE CONTROVERSY COWNTINUED.              229
Scarcely had the royal commissioners sailed out of Boston
harbor for New Amsterdam, when Mr. Whiting of Connecticut, who was at Boston during their stay at that port,
hastened to New Haven to inform the authorities there how
loftily the king's functionaries carried themselves, in what
danger the colonies all were, and urging the people of New
Haven to throw  themselves into the arms of Connecticut
without delay, to assist her in defending the liberties and
boundaries named in the charter.
Governor Leete, on the 11th of August, called a General
Court, and laid open to the freemen the intelligence thus received. A long and serious debate ensued. It was quite
obvious that the magistrates and leading gentlemen were
most of them disposed to yield, if not to the solicitations of
Connecticut, at least to the urgent necessities that' pressed
upon them. But the people generally were still averse to the
union.  It was finally resolved "that if Connecticut should
come and assert her claim, they would submit until the meeting of the commissioners of the united colonies."
On the 1st of September, the New England Congress convened at Hartford.  The commissioners from New Haven
took their seats in that body for the last time.  After a careful hearing, the Congress decided that "although the Court
did not approve of the manner in which Connecticut had
proceeded, yet they earnestly pressed a speedy and amicable
union of the two colonies."
In conformity with the advice of the Congress, governor
Leete, on the 14th of the same month, called another General Court. He placed before them  the reasons urged by
Connecticut, and the advice of the united colonies. The
struggle was protracted and bitter.  The principal opposition
came from  New Haven and Branford,*- where Davenport
and Pierson held an almost absolute sway over the inhabitants, and especially over the members of the churches, who
The Rev. Mr. Pierson of Bra-nford, and almost his entire congregation,
were so dissatisfied with the union, that they soon removed to Newark, New
Jersey. Hubbard, e. 41; Holmes, i. 338; Hazard, ii. 520.




2^30           IIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
were determined to keep the hem  of their garments pure
from the anticipated stains of the democracy in Connecticut,
that allowed men to enjoy the rights of voters and hold any
offices of trust without the qualification of church-membership. Nor could the uncompromising Davenport reflect
without tears that the city laid out by himself and Eaton,
his bosom friend, and adorned as the capital of a prosperous
republic, should thus be shorn of its metropolitan honors and
degraded into a provincial town.
Davenport had been the father of the state, and it was
like the blotting out of his own existence were he to consent
that the insignia of republican authority should be carried
from the sacred spot where he had first deposited them. Besides he had committed himself against this measure, and
Davenport was one of those men who will die rather than be
driven from a position when once they have taken it. He
held the church in his hand, and the members of the church
constituted the state.  Desperately he disputed the ground,
inch by inch, against those who contended for the union, and
again succeeded in preventing a vote in favor of the measure.
Connecticut now appears to have begun to be thoroughly
alarmed for herself.  The duke of York's claim  threatened,
notwithstanding the loyalty of Connecticut, to dismember
her territory, and the duke and dutchess of Hamilton were in
the act of prosecuting their claims to an old grant, that appeared likely to interfere with the colony. This matter was
also referred to the royal commissioners. Besides, the discussions in the New Haven plantations were like an epidemic,
that they might not always be able to confine within such
narrow boundaries.  The wise men of the colony, had therefore as much as they could well do to keep the little vessel
afloat with the most skillful pilotage.  But they were equal
to the emergency.
In October, the General Assembly, with a liberality as
bland as if it had welled up from the heart of the colony,
voted to make the king's commissioners a present of five
hundred bushels of corn. At the same time, they appointed




[i6GG6I.]      SERVICES OF WINUTHROP~              231
a committee of men of great ability to settle the boundaries
between the colony and the duke of York, and another to
agree upon the lines that were to divide them from Massachusetts and Rhode Island. They also charged these committees to give up no part of the lands included in the charter limits.- A third committee of three gentlemen, at the
head of whom was the Hon. Samuel Sherman, was appointed,
with instructions to repair to New Haven, and, "' in his majesty's name to require the inhabitants of New Haven, Milford, Branford, Guilford and Stamford, to submit to the government established by his majesty's previous grant to this
colony, and to receive their answer." This committee was
further ordered by the General Assembly to declare all the
fireemen in these towns free of the corporation of Connecticut,
and to admit such others as they should find qualified, and
administer the freeman's oath to them. They were directed
also to proclaim in the hearing of the people there, that the
General Assembly had clothed Leete, Jones, Gilbert, Treat,
Law, Fenn, and Crane, with the authority of magistrates.t
The committee faithfully executed the trust.  Whatever
alarm may have pervaded the public mind in Connecticut as
to the boundary question, I do not think that Winthrop could
have labored under any very oppressive apprehensions in regard to it. He had rendered important services to the king
and the duke of York by his presence and councils at Manhattan, and had been instrumental in bringing about without
bloodshed, an achievment that was even then understood to
contribute much to the power of the British sceptre; although no human foresight could at that time have had any
thing more than an imperfect glimpse of that peerless city
that was, within the next century and three quarters, to rise
up like a glorious vision upon the brink of the little river
whose waters, in the simple language of the General Assembly of Connecticut, " make Manhadoes an island."  Besides,
Winthrop knew the nature of the king, and perhaps was by
this time hnot without some knowedge-for he read character
* Colonial Records, i. 435.   t Colonial Records, i. 437.




232            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
with an intuitive keenness-of the views and intentions of
Nichols and the other commissioners upon the boundary
question. He had also, too, a thorough knowledge of the
coast, and too practical a turn of mind, not to be aware that
it was better for Connecticut to give up her claim to Long
Island and Delaware, and have an unbroken domain upon
the sea-shore, with fixed limits, and of sufficient size to be
active without being unwieldy, than to divide her energies
to maintain a feeble authority over a small and scattered population.  Hence, I am not sure that he was much averse to
the decision of the commissioners, when, on the 30th of November, they declared it to be as follows:
"That the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea, and that Long Island is to be under the
government of his royal highness, the duke of York, as is expressed by plain words in the said patents respectively.  We
also order and declare, that the creek or river called Mamaroneck, which is reputed to be about twelve miles to the east
of Westchester, and a line drawn from the east point or
side, where the fresh water falls into the salt, at high-water
mark, north northwest, to the line of Massachusetts, be the
western bounds of the said colony; and the plantations lying westward of that creek, and line so drawn, to be under
his royal highness' government; and all plantations lying
eastward of that creek and line, to be under the government
of Connecticut."-*
This decision put an end to the long struggle between
Connecticut and New Haven.
On the 13th of December, the freemen of New Haven,
held their last General Court. It, was very thinly attended,
but it adopted with one consent the following resolutions:
"1. That, by this act or vote, we be not understood to
justify Connecticut's former actings, nor any thing disorderly
done by their people, on such accounts.
"2. That, by it, we be not apprehended to have any hand
in breaking or dissolving the confederation.
I Trumbull, i. 273.




[1664.]          TIHE UNION EFFECTED.                233
"3. Yet, in loyalty to the king's majesty, when an authentic copy of the determination of his majesty's commissioners is published, to be recorded with us, if thereby it shall
appear to our committee, that we are, by his majesty's authority, now put under Connecticut patent, we shall submit,
by a necessity brought upon us, by the means of Connecticut aforesaid: but with a salve jure of our former rights and
claims, as a people, who have not yet been heard in point
of plea.""
Thus the colony of New Haven, having drawn the folds
of her mantle about her, as if to prepare herself to die with
the dignity that became her, found, with a pleased surprise,
that union was not annihilation, and in the arms of her elder
sister, whom she learned at last both to forgive and to love,
"lay down to pleasant dreams."
Trurmbull, i. 274,




CHAPTER XIo
THE REGICIDES.
THE restoration of Charles II. was the result of a como
promise between all the factions that had participated in the
struggles that preceded it. Indeed, some of the most disc
tinguished opposers of the tyranny of Charles I., and some
of the most faithful adherents of Cromwell, were indispensable agents in hastening a result that filled England with jubilee and awakened as lively anticipations as had ever swelled
the bosom of a nation.
Desirous of gaining the favor of all parties, Charles had
promised to be forgiving to all who were disposed to return
to their allegiance, and at Breda had proffered an indemnity
to all criminals save those whom the parliament should except.~  As far as his fickle nature was capable of gratitude,
he certainly entertained it towards those who had aided in
his return.  The presbyterians as well as the royalists were
admitted into his counsels and had their share of the gifts
that were at his disposal. He created Annesly, earl of Anglesey; Ashley Cooper, lord Ashley; and Denzil Hollis, lord
Hollis.  He also made the good earl of Manchester his lord
chamberlain; lord Say, his privy seal; and stretched his liberality  so far as to appoint two  presbyterian  clergymen,
Calamy and Baxter, to the place of chaplains;to the king.
He created Montague, earl of Sandwich; his friend Monk,
duke of Albemarle; Sir William  Maurice, secretary of state;
Sir Edward Hyde, earl of Clarendon, lord chancellor and
prime minister.  He raised Ormond from  the rank of a mar* For a full account of the restoration and of the character of Charles II., consult Camden's'CImperial History of England," chapters vi and vii. This noble
work is so difficult to be had, that few but the learned can have access to it.
Whoever among our American publishers has the courage to furnish the public
with a cheap edition of it, will be doubly paid-in the consciousness of having
done a benevolent act, and in the pleasant personal experience of having added
to his pecuniary resources.




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[1C60.]      JUDGES EXECUTED IN ENGLAND,                235
quis to that of a duke, and made him steward of the household;
while the earl of Southampton was appointed high treasurer.Policy, doubtless, held with gratitude a divided empire in
the king's breast; but he is entitled to the credit of following
good advice at first, whatever may have been the follies and
debaucheries that afterwards made his court so shamefully
eminent.
The commons were disposed to have past offences forgotten, but the lords were not so easily pacified.  In relation to
the unhappy men who had sat in judgment upon the king's
father, and who were called then, as they still are, regicides,
the lords were especially intolerant, a'nd encouraged the
king to except every one of them  from  the general pardon.
Thus advised, the willing monarch, almost as soon as he had
seated himself firmly upon the throne of his ancestors, issued
a proclamation announcing that such of the judges of Charles
I. as did not within fourteen days, surrender themselves up
as prisoners, should receive no pardon.  Of course great alarm
was awakened in the hearts of the regicides and of their
friends by this announcement. Nineteen delivered themselves up, and awaited the event with the deepest anxiety.
Others fled, and were fortunate enough to elude pursuit and
escape beyond the seas; and others were arrested in their
flight.  Ten of these unhappy men, whose worst crime-if
the'y were guilty of any-was, that they partook too deeply
of the same maddening cup that turned even the philosophic
brain of Milton, were executed, and the remains of some of
the principal actors in that too fearful tragedy, were treated
with profane indignities, such as have not since that day disgraced the name of English freedom.t  Two of these, Edward Whalley and William Goffe, arrived in Boston in July,
1660.  John Dixwell came afterwards.
* Camden's Imperial Hist. of Eng., 216.
t The judges who were executed were Harrison, Scot, Scrope, Jones, Clements, and Carew; besides Cook, the solicitor; Hugh Peters, the chaplain; and
Hacker and Axtell, who commanded the guard. The bones of Cromwell, Bradshaw, Ireton and Pride, were dug up, hanged at Tyburn, and then buried beneath the gallows! Camden, p. 217; Wade, p. 222.




236           HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
As it was not known at that time what disposition'would be
made of them, and as it was believed that they would be embraced in the general act of indemnity, they were treated by
Governor Endicott and the other principal gentlemen of Boston, with all the marks of' respect that were thought to belong to men who had filled high places in the government,
and whose venerable features and soldierly bearing cornported so well with their high reputation, as eminent civilians
anrd military leaders. They were constantly entertained at
the houses of the more  pjlent, and from the curiosity that
their presence awakened in the public mind, all their movements were watched with a lively interest.  They soon went
to Carnbridge, where they stayed until February.  While
there, they openly attended upon public worship on the Sabbath and on other days, and made no effort to diguise from
the people who and what they were.
As soon, however, as it was made known in Boston in
what light the king looked upon the official conduct of these
men, and that they were regarded as traitors, a large share of
those who had claimed to be their fiiends, avoided them as
if they had been infected with some contagious disease.
F'inding the indulgence and favor of the authorities of
3M/assachusetts thus suddenly turned into loyalty, and learning that instead of caressing them, Endicott had called a
court of magistrates to apprehend them  and deliver them
over to the executioner, they took advantage of the friendly
disposition manifested towards them by some of the magistrates and fled out of the jurisdiction of that colony, and
sought a refuge in New Haven among the old and tried adherents of Oliver Cromwell.  They passed through Hartford
on their way and arrived in New Haven on the 27th of'
March 1661, where they were received by Davenport with
open arms. Davenport entertained them at his house with
the most kindly hospitality.  They here found themselves
among congenial spirits, and went fearlessly fiom house to
house and discoursed freely of the thrilling incidents that had
been crowded into their lives, and could be reproduced at




[1661.]     THE ROYAL MAND.ATE ARPRIVES.            237
will, divested of their more forbidding outlines, as the painter
can choose the colors that best represent to his eye the image
that floats, soul-like, in the atmosphere of his mental vision.
The sieges of strong castles, the busy scenes and earnest
fears that lent their haggard expression to the fires that lit up
the camp of civil war; the awful details of the battle of Dunbar, that seem still to speak in the tides of the German ocean
as they dash against the rocky coast; the imprisonment of
Charles 1. at Hampton court; his escape from the hands of
Whalley; his subsequent captivity; his uncompromising
silence when brought to' trial by his subjects; his heroic
death; the stern and vigorous policy that followed that
event; in short, all the doublings and windings of a self-delading ambition, exemplified in the life of Cromxvell, from the
humble pleasures of agriculture to the magnificent funeral in
Westminstaer Abbev, afforded them  an inexhaustible theme
for conversation and reflection.  They were grave, sedate
men, and bore themselves with a noble self-control and a
manly cheerfulness that bespoke no secret upbraidings of
conscience.  It does not appear that they ever felt any such
accusations or entertained a doubt as to the part that they
had taken in the transactions that preceded or followed the
king's death.
Meanwhile the royal mandate reached Massachusetts, requiring the governor to arrest the fugitives.  With this
requisition, came a detailed account of the death of ten of the
regicides, and of the disposition of the court towards those
who entertained the survivors who were excluded from  the
act of indemnity.  The governor and magistrates began to
be seriously alarmed.  They had already made a feigned
search for the exiles, and failed to find them, as it was expected that they wvould do when they began. But now theyr
thought it best to evince their loyalty in earnest.  They
therefore responded to the requisition by giving to two zealous young royalists, Thomas Kellond and Thomas Kirk, a
commission in the nature of a special deputation, authorizing
them  to go through the colonies as far as Manhattan, and




238              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
search for Whalley and Goffe with diligence.~  If they found
them they were ordered to arrest them. Armed with this paper,
and stimulated with the prospects of promotion that they
counted on as certain to crown their success, these ambitious
pursuivants eagerly started in quest of the alluring game.
They hastened to Hartford and waited upon Governor
Winthrop, who, as they afterwards made report, nobly entertained them; and, as he knew that the judges were not
within his jurisdiction, he very readily gave a warrant
to Kellond and Kirk to apprehend them  within the limits of
Connecticut.  Winthrop appeared to be quite earnest in the
cause, but he assured them  that "the colonels made no stay
in Connecticut, but went directly to New Haven."
The pursuers took leave of the governor and repaired to
the colony of New Haven with all dispatch. The next day
they reached Guilford, where they stopped to provide themselves with  a new  warrant; for deputy Governor Leete
resided there, who was then the acting governor.
They soon made Leete acquainted with the object of their
visit, and informed him that they had good cause to believe
that Whalley and Goffe were then at New Haven.  They
begged him to give them a warrant similar to that furnished
them  by Governor Winthrop, and  to provide them  with
horses to speed them upon their journey and men to help
them  to make the arrest.   The governor appeared to be
much  surprised  at this request.   He had  not seen  the
colonels, he said, in  nine weeks, and  he did not believe
they were at New Haven.  He took the papers from  the
hands of the pursuivants and began to read them aloud, in a
tone so alarmingly audible that their loyalty was shocked,
* This is the form of the statement made by Stiles, Trumbull, and other authorities, and the mandate from the king unquestionably ordered the arrest of the
fugitives wherever they might be found. The governor and council of Massachusetts, however, evidently had no authority to commission Kellond and Kirk to
extend their researches beyond their own jurisdiction. That this was so understood by the pursuivants themselves, is evinced by their applying to the governors
of Connecticut and New Haven for powers to enable them to prosecute the object
of their mission in those colonies.




E1661.]     PURSUIVANTS ARRIVE AT GUILFOtRDo                      239
and they were obliged to interrupt him, and let him knowv
that "it was convenient to be more private in such concernments  as that was."   He  delayed  to  furnish  them   with
horses in season, so that they could pursue their journey
that night.  The next day was the  Sabbath, and they were
obliged to wait in Guilford until Monday morning, the 13th,
at daybreak,*
If the account that they afterwards gave of the matter is
true, (and they gave it under oath,) an Indian was sent to
New Haven in the night, and no difficulty was found in
procuring a horse for one John Meigs, who set out for New
Haven long before day, and heralded their approach with
most untimely haste. Governor Leete positively refused to
issue any warrant or send men to assist in making the
arrest, until he had consulted  the magistrates.  In order to
do this, it was necessary that he should go to ANew  Haven.
A wearisome Sunday the pursuers must have made of it. It
is quite likely that the Indian spoken of in their report to
Governor Endicott was sent off on Saturday evening to give
the alarm to 5Mr. Davenport, who on Sunday would have a
favorable opportunity to inform  the people and  put them  on
their guard. Indeed, this accords so well with the statement
of Stiles that I can not entertain much doubt that such was
the fact.t
* See Stiles, Trumbull, and Bacon.
i The more I read President Stiles' History of the three judges, the more I
am induced to trust myself to him as an authority. His diligence in searching
out details and traditionary evidence is almost without a parallel, and I find that
most of his conclusions stand the severest test. He tells us that " about the time
the pursuers came to New Haven, and perhaps a little before, and to prepare the
minds of the people for their reception, the Rev. Mr. Davenport preached publicly
from Isaiah xvi. 3, 4.'  Now if the report of Kellond and Kirk is correct, that
they reached Guilford on the 11th and New Haven on the 13th, and if the 12th
was Sunday, which, as Dr. Bacon says, is " found to be true by actual calculation," what time could have been more suitable than that 12th of May for the
preaching of such a discourse? The pursuivants must therefore have spent two
nights and one day at Guilford, and to make sure that Mr. Davenport had notice
of their coming, Meigs, the second messenger, was probably sent off before daybreak on Monday morning.




240             HISTORY OF CONINECTICUT.
At beat of drum  the worshipers assembled as usual to
listen to the teachings of their patriarch.  The alarming intelligence that the pursuers were near, was probably whispered at the outer door of the meeting-house, in the ears of
some of the principal men, if indeed it did not interrupt for
a moment the grave tranquillity of the puritan Sabbath as
it circulated among the people as they met.  However, they
would soon become composed-hushed, indeed, as statues
long before the presence of the Supreme God was invoked.
From what we klno  of the earnest character of the auditory, we may safely conclude that the silence of death
reigned throughout the humble edifice, and that all eyes
were fastened upon the face of the speaker-all ears thrilled
to the tones of his voice, as he gave out his text from the
XVIth chapter of Isaiah, verses 3 and 4: " Take counsel,
execute judgmilent, make thy shadow  as the night in the
midst of noon-day; hide the outcasts, bewray not him that
wvandereth.  Let mine outcasts dwell with thee; Moab, be
thou a covert to them fron the face of the spoiler."
I have not found upon the pages of history, a better ex-'ample of moral courage thwarting the purposes of vindictive
power, than the one afforded by this brave old clergyman
upon the remote confines of the British empire calling upon
the subjects of that empire who were gathered around him,
to resist for the sake of mercy, the vengeance of their king.
Kellond and Kirk, as early on Monday morning as the.y
found it practicable, rode into New Haven. They were not
received with much cordiality by the inhabitants. In momentary expectation of the arrival of Governor Leete, they
were obliged to wait about two hours before his excellency
came.  They then again pressed their demand for a warrant,
as they said they had received information that convinced
them that the regicides were still in New Haven.  The governor said he did not believe they were in New Haven.
The young gentlemen then begged that he would empower
them  to arrest the judges or order others to do it.  Leete
replied, that "he could not and would not make them magis



[1661.]     PUIRSUIVANTS IN NEW HIIAVEN.          241
trates." They then said if he would enable them to do it,
they would themselves make search in two houses where
they had reason to suppose that the regicides lay hid. The
governor then told them that he could take no steps in the
matter until he had called the freemen together.
The pursuivants were very much exasperated, and set
before him in a strong light the dangers that he was bringing
upon himself and upon the colony of New Haven by his
delay. They further told him, that they did not doubt, from
his reluctance to aid in the arrest, he was willing that
the traitors should escape.  This remark seemed to make an
impression upon him, for he soon after convened the magistrates and remained in consultation with them-so weighty
was the business-for a period of five or six hours. The
council at length came to the conclusion that it was necessary to call a general court. Again the pursuers remonstrated. They reminded the governor how striking was the
contrast between his conduct and that of the governors of
Massachusetts and Connecticut, who, with the alacrity of
faithful subjects, had hastened to issue their warrants in obedience to the king's mandate; they warned him against the
horrible crime of aiding and abetting traitors and regicides,
and ended by putting to him the pertinent question, "whether
he would obey the king or no in this affair."  " We honor
his majesty," replied Leete, "'but we have tender consciences." Enraged at this answer, the young men told
him that they believed he knew where the outlaws were.
This remark, implying a charge of high treason, led the
governor and magistrates into another long consultation,
that lasted two or three hours.
In the evening, Leete came to the head of the stairs of the
little inn where the applicants lodged, and taking one of
them by the hand, told him with the greatest simplicity of
manner, that "he wished he had been a plowman, and had
never been in office, since he found it so weighty."
"Will you own his majesty or no?" asked the pursuivants.                  16




242             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
",We would first know whether his majesty would own
us,"' was the guarded answer.
Thus baffled by the authorities and overawed by the
people, Kellond and Kirk hastened out of the colony of New
Haven without having dared to search a solitary house.
They repaired to Manhadoes, where Stuyvesant received
them with great politeness, and promised to aid them in
arresting the fugitives if they could be found in his jurisdiction. Soon after, they went back to Boston *
Let us now return to the exiles. It is quite probable that
they were at the house of Mr. Davenport until Saturday
night, (the 11th of May,) when the Indian messenger arrived
from Guilford, for it appears that they fled from the town
that night, and spent at least a part of it at a mill situated in
the woods two miles north-west of New Haven.  Here they
lay concealed until the 13th, when Mr. Jones with Burrill
and Sperry visited them, and, probably while those protracted
consultations were going on at New  Haven between the
governor and the magistrates, conducted them to the house
of Sperry, still another mile farther off from New Haven.
They here provided them a place that has ever since been
called " Hatchet Harbor," where they lodged two nights, and
on the 15th of the montht went to a cave upon the mountain called by them Providence Hill, but since known as
West Rock, as the cave that sheltered the regicides still
bears the name of " Judges' Cave."  Upon the very summit
of this mountain, and. towering about twenty feet above it,
on a base not more than forty feet square, stood an irregular
cluster of pillars of trap-rock like a clump of trees.  They
had been upheaved in some strong convulsion of nature, and
seemed very properly to typify the fiery billows of revolution that had drifted those sorrow-stricken men to take
refuge from the strength of the returning surf by clinging
to their gray sides. These rocks, at some distance from
* A copy of the official report of Kellond and Kirk may be found in Stiles' History of the Judges, pp. 52, 56. It bears date "Boston, May 29, 1661."
+ This is the date as given in Goffe's Journal; see Stiles, p. 77.




[1661.] THE JUDGES FRIGHTENED FRO-M THE CAVE.    243
each other upon the ground, slanted inwards towards a common center at the top, thus forming an irregular chamber,
that could, by closing the outer apertures with the boughs of
trees, be made habitable but not comfortable for two or three
persons.-   In this forbidding spot, with no companions but
the wild animals, whose voices startled them  from  their
sleep at night, and surrounded by such forest trees as could
find a footing in the barren soil, they lived until the 11th of
June.t Sperry sometimes carried them food himself, and
sometimes sent one of his sons, who left it upon the stump
of a tree that was pointed out to him, and who, with the
superstitious wonder of childhood, in vain demanded of his
father why the basins that he had carried there filled with
provisions were found empty at his next visit, and why he
was sent upon this mysterious errand.
"There is somebody at work in the woods who wants the
food," was the unsatisfactory reply.
This desolate mountain was, as I have said, the haunt of
wild beasts.  One night, as the regicides lay in bed, they saw
a panther or catamount thrust its head into the mouth of the
cave. Its blazing eyeballs and unearthly cry so frightened
the inmates, that one of them  fled down the mountain to
Sperry's house, where he gave the alarm. This intruder,
terrible to men who had proved themselves to possess true
courage when man meets man upon the battle-field, drove
them  from the cave.l
It is impossible that I should follow these outlawed men
in all their painful wanderings to elude the vigilance of their
pursuers. Tradition still points out many places along the
coast where they lingered, sometimes for a night and sometimes for a longer period, as best accorded with their real or
fancied security.  Sometimes they appear to have been
alarmed for the safety of those who had protected them, and
rather than bring them  into difficulty, they resolved more
- An engraved view of the "Judges' Caves" may be found in Barber's Hist.
Coll. of Conn., p. 151.
f Goffe's Journal.   ~ Stiles, p. 75.




244            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
than once to surrender themselves, and would have done so
but for the solicitations of those in whose behalf they proposed to make the sacrifice.
Some time between the 11th of June, when they left the
cave, and the 20th of the same month, they went to Guilford with a view of delivering themselves up to Governor
Leete. The walls of the cellar are still standing, and may
be expected to last another hundred years, where tradition
infobrms us that they lodged, unseen by the governor though
fed from his table, while the negotiations relative to their
submission were going on. It appears that they desired to
yield themselves up in order to save Mr. Davenport, who
resisted it with his usual fearlessness and magnanimity.
Endicott, who had dared to cut the cross from the king's
banner, quailed before the royal mandate. Davenport alone
remained,
" Like Teneriffe or Atlas, unremoved."
While at Guilford, the regicides also lodged at the house of
Mr. Rossiter.
From their various retreats in the woods they repaired
to the house of a Mr. Tompkins in Milford.  In this house
they remained in the most perfect concealment for two
years.  They had a private room devoted to them, and did
not so much as venture to walk out into the orchard.  The
honorable Robert Treat, Benjamin Fenn, and the clergyman, Ar. Roger Newton, were in the secret, often visited
them, and afforded them such consolation and support as
their forlorn situation demanded. The manly, sympathetic
nature of Robert Treat needed only to know that they were
friendless and sorrowful. A single grasp of' his hand, a
glance at his gallant face, was enough to assure the regicides
that their secrets were safely lodged with him.
We are not to infer from the solitude and the dangers
that all the while threatened the regicides, that they were
the victims of moping melancholy.  On the other hand,
though they behaved with a dignity worthy of their former
position, they beguiled the time not only with pleasant




[1664.]    THE JUDGES REMOVE TO HADLEY.              245
conversation, but often with that gamesome merriment that
is so strangely allied to misery. During their stay at Mlilford, there was brought over from England a ballad written
by some hair-brained cavalier rhymer, placing the regicides
in such a ludicrous light that a loyalist might be excused for
laughing or a puritan for biting his lip at the recital of it.
This ballad, a girl who was an inmate of Mr. Tompkins'
family, or who was in the habit of visiting the house, had committed to memory and had learned to sing it, which she
happened to do in the chamber above the room occupied by
the judges. They were so delighted with the song that they
used to beg their host to have it repeated by the young
ladies of the family, who little knew what an interested
auditory had been provided for them.~
On the arrival of the commissioners in 1664, and when it
became known that they were charged among other things
with the arrest of the judges, their friends were again
alarmed for their safety, and it was thought best that they
should leave Milford for some new  place of concealment.
Accordingly, on the 13th of October, 1664, they set out for
Hadley, then a frontier town in Massachusetts, a hundred
miles from Milford, and so remote from  Boston, Hartford
and New Haven, that it did not seem  probable that their
presence in such a place would be suspected. They traveled
only by night, and lay still during the day in some shady
nook in the woods, or by the bank of a brook' where the
murmuring of the water invited them  to repose.  These
stopping-places they called Harbors. The locality of one of
them is still pointed out at the now flourishing village of
Meriden, that yet retains the name of Pilgrim's Harbor.
They reached Hadley in safety, and there they were secreted
in the house of the Rev. John Russell, in a secret chamber,
probably until they died.  They kept a diary of the most
minute events that transpired, probably more to amuse themselves than for any historical purpose. This journal was in
* See Stiles, whose facts and dates I have generally followed in tracing the
history of the judges after their arrival in New England.




246             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the handwriting of Goofe. Indeed, Whalley became infirm
not long after his removal to Hadley, and fiom what I can
glean from the tender expressions in regard to him that I
find in Goffie's letters, I have no doubt that he became demented some time before his death, that is supposed to have
happened in the year 1678.
Noble tells us that the Whalleys are of great antiquity.
They were a very proud family, and were royalists.  Upon
the breaking out of the civil wars, Edward Whalley, who
had been brought up to merchandise, in opposition to the
wishes of his family toolk up arms in behalf of the people.  At
the battle of Naseby, in 1645, he fought with unparalleled
bravery.  He charged and defeated two divisions of Langdale's horse, supported as they were by that fiery cavalier,
Prince Rupert, who commanded the reserve. For his heroic
bravery on that occasion, he was made by the parliament a
colonel of horse.  He also commanded the horse at the siege
of Bristol, when Prince Rupert surrendered up the city.~
He was never popular with the more fanatical of the Independents, who hated him for his aristocratic bearing, and
envied him for his success. At the head of his accusers
was that wolfish radical, Hugh Peters, who charged him with
being a Presbyterian-a compliment that Whalley threatened
to reciprocate by caning him.t
When Charles I. fell into Cromwell's hands, he committed
him to the keeping of Whalley,4 who was charged by some
of the more zealous loyalists with severity towards his royal
prisoner. But this falsehood the king had the generosity to
deny in a letter written to Whalley after his escape.
While Charles was still in custody at Hampton Court,
Captain Sayers waited on his majesty to give back the ensigns of the order of the garter that had belonged to the
Prince of Orange.  Whalley felt it to be his duty to interpose to prevent a private interview, when the king, in a fit
of rage, pushed him away with both his hands. But this
* Noble's " House of Cromwell, ii, 143, 144; Camden.
f Noble, ii. 1441.  * Carlyle, i. 234, 235.




WITALLEY AND GOFFE.                247
passion was only momentary.  Indeed, the gallantry and
courtly demeanor of Whalley could not fail to win upon the
affections of the king.
At the terrible battle of Dunbar, Whalley, with Monk, commanded the foot forces, and had two horses shot under him."
In 1656 he was created a lord, and appears to have plumed
himself not a little upon his accession to a dignity that was
much ridiculed by the king's faction. Colonel Ashfield, who
knew that Whalley's principles would not allow him to engage in a duel, and who was aware of the keenness of his
sensibilities and the suddenness of his temper, took occasion
to speak in the hearing of the new dignitary in slighting and
very pointed terms of Cromwell's House of Lords. Whalley
was so angry that he threatened to treat him as he had proposed to deal with Peters, and doubtless would have been as
good as his word had the insult been repeated.-l With the
exception of a hot temper and those lively bubbles of vanity
that float upon the surface of almost every sparkling character, there was not a more noble nature in the world than
that of Edward Whalley. His talents as a civilian were
highly respectable; as a soldier, he was almost unrivaled in
that age of military renown.
He married a sister of Sir George Middleton, that bitter
enemy of Charles I. and ardent friend of Charles II. Their
daughter married General Goffe, and became the mother of
a numerous family.
Major General William Goffe was a son of the Rev. Stephen Goffe, rector of Stanmar, in Sussex. Like Whalley,
he drew his sword against the king in the civil wars, and
threw  away the scabbard.  He very early distinguished
himself, and was first made a quarter-master, then a colonel
of foot, and afterwards a general. He commanded Cromwell's regiment at'the battle of Dunbar, as appears from the
following extract from one of Cromwell's dispatches:-" For
my own regiment, under command of Lieut. Col. Goffe, and
my Major White, did come seasonably in, and, at the push
GCarlyle, ii. 471.  t Noble, ii. 153.




248             HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of the pike, did repel the stoutest regiment the enemy had
there.""  He was elected a member of parliament; he aided
in the accusation of the eleven members; he sat in judgment
upon the king, and signed the warrant for his execution.
He also helped White in the difficult task of purging the parliament of those members who could not be made to subserve
the purposes of Cromwell, and for this he received the appointment of major-general. To crown his honors he was
created a member of Cromwell's House of Lords. He remained faithful to the interests of the protectorate after the
death of Oliver, and signed the order for proclaiming Richard
as his successor.  MIonk knew his uncompromising nature,
and would not admit himl into his secrets or treat with him
as the emissary of the army. His great popularity, his boldness, his courage, his comprehensive intellect, the colossal
proportions of his character, above all, his disinterestedness,
made him a dangerous neighbor to royalty, and especially to
the house of Stuart.t
Some of the letters written by Mirs. Goffe to her husband
are very beautiful, and evince a delicacy of sentiment and a
depth of affection that reflect honor upon the character of
both. She wrote under an assumed name, and Goffe addressed her as " Mother Goldsmith."  In one of these letters
she writes:- "My dear, I know you are confident of my
affection, yet give me leave to tell thee, thou art as dear to
me as a husband can be to a wife, and if I knew any thing
that I could do to make thee happy, I should do it, if the
Lord would permit, though to the loss of my life."
I do not know, in all the range of female correspondence, a
more wife-like and transparent sentiment, nor one more
charmingly expressed. Crowns compress the brows of those
who wear them into wrinkles, and the fruit of ambition but
too often blisters the tongue of him who eats it, but the love
of such a woman is immortal and holy as the amaranth
that blooms in paradise. Now listen to the wife and mother
both in one.
* Carlyle, i. 470.  d. Stiles, 15.




MRS. GOFFE.                          249
"6 Frederick, with such of the dear babes as can speak, present their humble duty to thee, talk much of thee, and long
to see thee.'"When we consider that these letters were written  with
the full consciousness that they whom  God had joined together would never again look upon each other's faces, they
assume a hallowed character, as if they were the fond, unavailing words of a survivor, muttered half in hope and half
in resignation over the ashes of the dead.
" Let us comfort ourselves with this," says this noble English matron, "though we shall never meet in this world again,
yet I hope, through grace, we shall meet in heaven."t
This lady and Mrs. Godolphin, of a lineage scarcely better,
-for the Middletons were a noble family, and  Mrs. Goffe's
ancestor, Sir Henry  Cromwell,4  entertained  kings in  almost royal state  at Hinchinbrook,-are  among  the  few
women whose names have come down to us from the days
of the second Charles, whom  we regard with honor and reverence as giving promise then of that change in the social condition of their sex that is the boast of our age; a change that
has added a new link, and one of the brightest, in the chain
of evidence that establishes the efficacy and vitality of the
Christian faith.
I shall give a brief sketch of the other regicide who availed
himself of our hospitality, and then I shall leave this interesting topic to be handled with more minuteness by some writer
who has greater ability to treat of it, and more leisure for the
task.
* Noble, i. p. 624.' Noble, i. 425.
{ The story that was circulated during the civil wars, and long afterwards, that
the Cromwells were of low descent, was one of the most shameless falsehoods that
ever gained credit with the world. The ignorance or bigotry of that man who
could believe such a thing in this age, ought to make him a conspicuous object.
In verification of this remark, the reader is referred to the Rev. Mark Noble's
"House of Cromwell," a work written by a gentleman allied in feeling and in
faith to the Church of England, whose minister he was, and who was not likely to
lavish praise upon that family where it was not due. Why Carlyle has spoken in
sueh unkind terms of this author I can not say. Noble has at least the merit of
writing English.




250            HISTORY OF CONNECTICTIT.
Colonel John Dixwell, of the priory of Folkstone, in the
county of Kent, belonged to the landed gentry of England,
and was possessed of a manor and several other estates of
value.  Ie was the uncle and guardian of Sir Basil DixNwell.  He was not one of those discontented spirits who
desire political changes for the chances of promotion, but
could make his election whether he would live upon his
estates and pass his time in the elegant pursuit of letters, that
offered so many attractions to a gentleman of his tastes, or
whether he would engage in more stirring scenes. He preferred action to repose, and took up arms in the popular
cause. He soon distinguished himself, and was an officer in
the army before and during the protectorate.  Ile bore the
rank of Colonel. He was a member of parliament for Kent,
sheriff of that county, and in 1649 was one of the king's judges.
At the Restoration he is supposed to have left England, but
whither he fled, and what ministering angels supplied him
with food, are secrets that have long since passed into
oblivion. As appears by an entry made in the lost journal
of Goffe, he visited his brother regicides, during their residence at Hadley, in February, 1665. Hutchinson informs
us that he lived at lHadley for several years.  This may be
correct, but his granddaughter, I1Mrs. Caruthers, always believed that he only remained there six weeks. Thence he
again wandered we know not whither, and secreted himself
we know not where, until, under the assumed name of James
Davids, he took up his abode at New Haven. What year
he first came to New Haven is not known; but it must have
been before 1672, for he assisted in the settlement of Mr.
Ling's estate in 1673, and he had boarded in Ling's family for some time previous to the decease of his host. It
was generally understood by the inhabitants that Davids
was not the name of the retiring and quiet stranger who
had thus come among them, but they seem to have preferred to remain in ignorance upon a subject that might
have given trouble both to him and to themselves. He was
known to Governor Jones, Mr. Street, Mr. Bishop, and a




COLONEL DIXWELL,                 251
few other gentlemen who could safely be trusted with the
secret; but to none so intimately as to the Rev. James Pierpont, who became the settled minister at New Haven in
1685.  Between these two congenial spirits there existed
the most faithful friendship, until it was terminated by the
death of Dixwell.  Their lots joined, and they were in the
habit of meeting at the fence and holding long and secret
interviews together, until we are told that there was a worn
footpath leading from their respective houses to the place of
conference.  The attention of Mrs. Pierpont was arrested by
this growing and secret intimacy, and she could not forbear
asking her husband what he saw in that old man, that should
make him so attractive.  " He is a very knowing and learned
man," Mr. Pierpont would reply.
While Sir Edmund Andross was in America, he visited
Connecticut several times upon an errand not very welcome
to the people; and probably in the course of the year 1686
he spent a Sunday at New Haven and attended public worship. Sir Edmund was a soldier, and had an extensive
knowledge of the world.  His practiced eye rested upon
the erect figure and high features of the regicide, with an
earnest gaze. His curiosity was awakened. There was in
the venerable man before him, a presence and bearing that
spoke of other scenes than those that then surrounded him.
Not only did he appear to possess sterling traits of character,
but it was evident that he had been a soldier. When the
services were over, Sir Edmund made inquiry after this
mysterious man.  "Who is he, and what is his occupation?"
he asked of one of the worshipers.
"He is a merchant who resides in town."
Sir Edmund Andross shook his head —" I know that he is
not a merchacnt," replied he, peremptorily.
Mr. Davids was not present at the afternoon service!
It would give me pleasure to trace more in detail the
habits of Colonel Dixwell, and to speak more fully of his
intercourse with his reverend friend, who was worthy to be
the confidant of such an exile, and who was present to




252                 HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
support him with his countenance and strength in his last
hour.
He died in March, 1689, in the 82d year of his age.  His
remains rest in New Haven, and are in the keeping of those
who honor his memory.  Where are the graves of Whalley
and  Goffe?   Do  they, too, slumber in  the  same  soil?   Or
are the bones of Whalley still at Hadley, and did Goffe wander away and die in a southern clime?
I believe that they all sleep together, but I will leave the
antiquarian to settle this delicate question, if indeed he can
add any thing to what Stiles` has written.   I must bid adieu
to the Regicides.
X I will here put upon record a little anecdote told me by a venerable graduate
of Yale College, that may serve to illustrate at once the manners of Presidcnt
Stiles, and the reverence with which he was regarded by the students.  " I knew
him well," said my informant, " and honored him, for 1 hardly dared to love him.
He was small in stature, but when he came up the chapel aisle, and bowed to the
right and left as we all stood up to receive him, he filled up the space so that you
could not put an eighteen-pence between him and the pews!"




CHAPTER  XII.
KING PIILIP'S WAR.
WHIEN Colonel Nichols found himself master of the Dutch
settlement, he entered upon the duties of his government
and took up his abode in New York. The other commissioners proceeded to Boston and prosecuted their labors with
vigor. They first made known their instructions to the general court, and gave them a statement of what would be
required of them, that could not fail to surprise them, as it
contained many things inconsistent with the provisions of the
charter of that colony. They also insisted on a greater degree of toleration in ecclesiastical matters than the court was
willing to concede.* The commissioners also set at defiance
all the known rules of making contracts with the Indians,
and went so far as to declare that the deed obtained by the
people of Rhode Island was void for some trifling informality.
They further decided that Atherton's deed of the large tract
that he had bought in the Narragansett country, east of
Pawcatuck river, was invalid, as there was no specified sum
named in it as a consideration.  These peremptory gentlemen also held courts in Warwick  and  Southerton, and
attempted to make a new province independent of' the colonies.  This anomalous dependency upon the crown, instituted without a shadow of authority, was named by them the
"King's Province."  It embraced the entire Narragansett
country, and extended westward to the Pawcatuck river,
and northward to the southern line of Massachusetts.t
* Among the propositions made by the commissioners to the Plymouth jurisdiction was this: —" That all men and women of orthodox opinions, competent
estates, knowledge, civil lives and not scandalous, may be admitted to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and their children to baptism." Hutchinson, i. 214.
t Trumbull, i. 315.




254             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
When they had made an end of this extraordinary mission
to the Narragansett country, they returned to Boston, and in
defiance of the Massachusetts charter, proceeded to exercise
a jurisdiction there over all matters that did not accord with
their views. The general court remonstrated against such
arbitrary conduct, and thereby so offended the commissioners
that they represented the colony to the king in a very unfavorable light.~
Connecticut, on the other hand, with her boundary lines,
as she thought, forever settled, and her old troubles with New
Haven and the Dutch brought to a close, and enjoying a
large measure of the king's favor, went forward with smiling
prospects to perfect her civil organization, and to plant new
germs of population and strength in the unoccupied portions
of her domain.
At the general assembly held in M~ay 1666, it was enacted
that the towns upon the river, from the north bounds of Windsor, with Farmington, to Thirty AMile Island, should be a
county to be called the county of Hartford; that the country
from Pawcatuck river with Norwich, to the west bounds of
Hammonassett, should constitute another county, to be called
New London; and that the large territory from the eastern
bounds of Stratford to the western boundary of the colony,
should be known as the county of Fairfield.t
For about three years a settlement had been made on the
eastern bank of the Connecticut opposite Saybrook, before it
was thought large enough for incorporation.  But in the
spring of 1667, when the general assembly met, the settlement had grown so rapidly that it was deemed best to incorporate it. It received the name of Lyme,j and has been the
seat of the Griswolds and many other families of distinction
from that day to this.
As early as May 1662, a purchase had been made of the
Indians of a large tract of land called Thirty Mile Island-a
valuable township lying on either bank of the Connecticut
*' See Hutchinson, i. 228, 229.  + Colonial Records, ii. 34, 35.
+ Colonial Records, ii. 60.




HADDAMI, SIMISBURY, WALLINGFORD.           205
river, about thirty miles from its mouth.  The original proprietors were twenty-eight in number, and they began their
settlement on the west side of the river.  The plantation had
grown rapidly.  At the October session of the general
assembly, 166S, it was incorporated under the name of
Haddam."  It included the present town of East Haddam,
then known by its Indian name of Machemoodus.1-  The
first settlers, for the most part, were from Hartford, Wethersfield and Windsor.  The lands that border the river are
not alluvial, like those of Hartford and Glastenbury, but they
are very productive, the prevailing soil being a dry, gravelly
loam.  There are large tracts of forest trees still standing in
this town, and it presents some of the most picturesque views
of the Connecticut that are to be found in its whole course.
At the time of the first settlement of the town, it afforded
excellent hunting and fishing ground.
In April 1644, liberty had been granted by the general
court of Connecticut to Governor Hopkins and Governor
Haynes to sell the district lying upon the Tunxis river called.
Massacoe, to such of the inhabitants of Windsor as they
should select. In 1647, a new method was adopted towards
instituting a plantation there, as the former one had not
accomplished the object.  The court therefore resolved that
this same tract should be purchased by the " country," and a
committee should sell it at their discretion to the planters of
Windsor.  This plan resulted favorably, and although the
plantation was at first treated as a part of the old town of
Windsor, it was so thriving and grew up to be so vigorous
and hardy, that it was in May 1670, incorporated, and took
the name of Simsbury.:
As the same session, the place called "New Haven village" was made a town and received and still retains the
name of Wallingford.~  The lands embraced in it had been
bought by Eaton and Davenport of the Indians in 1638.
The settlement was projected in 1669. It was at first a part
* Colonial Records, ii. 97. + Trumbull, i. 317. t Colonial Records, ii. 127o
~ lb. ii. 127.




2 t             IHISTORY OF CONNECTICUT%
of New Haven, as Simsbury was of Windsor.  The Rev.
Samuel Street was the first minister there; and we are told
that Mr. Davenport was present and assisted in laying the
foundation of the church, and, standing at the foot of the
eminence where the village looks off so pleasantly upon the
then fair range of woods and streams, preached a characteristic discourse from the words of Isaiah:-'  My beloved hath
a vineyard in a very fruitful hill.'"
For about twenty years, the citizens of New Haven had
been trying to establish a plantation at Paugasset, on the
INaugatuck river.  About the year 1653, Governor Goodyear, in company with several other gentlemen of New
Haven, bought a large tract of land there of the Indians.  A
few feeble beginnings were made the next year towards a
settlement upon this purchase; and at the October session
of the general court of New Haven colony, in 1655, the
inhabitants of the place presented their application to be
made a town. The court granted their petition, gave them
the privilege of purchasing a still larger tract, and relieved
them from the burden of taxation.  Richard Baldwin, at the
same session of the court, was appointed moderator to call
meetings and conduct the affairs of the town. But this
piece of legislation was very displeasing to JMr. Prudden and
the other citizens of Milford, for Paugasset had been a part
of that town since it was first settled, and they looked upon
the act of incorporation as a dismemberment of their own
territory, and an encroachment upon their municipal jurisdiction.  They therefore remonstrated against the doings of
the court at its next session, and induced that body to reconsider its vote, at least so far as to order that Paugasset
should remain a part of Milford, unless the respective parties
should mutually consent to have the act of incorporation go
into effect.t
In 1657 and 1659, a further purchase was made of the
chief sagamores We-ta-na-mow  and Ras-ke-nu-te, and the
purchase was afterwards confirmed by the chief sachem,
* Lambert, 83; Barber's tist. Coill. 253.   Triumbull, i. 321.




THE NAUGATUCJK VALLEY.               257
Okenuck.  Some of the principal planters were Edmund
Wooster, Edward Riggs, Richard Baldwin, Samuel Hopkins,
Thomas Langdon and Francis French.~
Thus stood affairs with Paugasset, when in 1671 the
inhabitants preferred a petition to the general assembly of
Connecticut, the burden of which was their old prayer for
town privileges.  This oracle also responded somewhat
equivocally, by determining that their southern  bounds
should be the north line of Milford, and that they might
stretch their limits twelve miles northward, to a place called
" the notch," and that as soon as they could swell their numbers to thirty, they should be incorporated.t
For four years more, the people of this little settlement
held their peace, and then, in May of the year 1675, they
renewed their application. They represented that they then
had twelve families, and should soon have eleven more; that
they had provided a minister, built a house for him, and
made all the arrangements for permanent religious worship.
This last appeal was irresistible.  The general assembly
forthwith gave them  an independent existence, and called
them Derby.  When we think of the feeble infancy of this
eldest of inland towns in the valley of the -Naugatuck, and
see the thousands that now inhabit them, and listen to the
hum of their spindles, the rattle of their looms, with all the
_myriad voices that industry and enterprise blend in a perpetual song of development and progress along the whole
course of that swift mountain stream, the change seems
indeed astonishing, and in any other country and with any
other population in the world, would have been impossible.
A dispute of an ecclesiastical character, that will find a
place in a subsequent chapter of this work, broke out in the
church at Stratford, that ultimately led to the settlement of
another plantation still further inland. This was the then celebrated controversy between the Rev. Mr. Chauncey and the
Rev. Mr. Walker and their respective parties.  It began in
1664, and was agitated before the general assembly for about
e Trumbull, i. 322.  t Colonial Records, ii. 148.   Ib. ii. 248, 2490
17




258            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
eight years.  Governor Winthrop, following the good advice
of Mr. Davenport to the people of 1Wethersfield, with a view
of putting an end to this unhappy affair, proposed to Mr.
Walker that he and his people should remove out of the
limits of Stratford and found a new plantation by themselves,
in some convenient place that they might choose.  If this
plan should be adopted, he himself offered to lend his influence to procure a grant of land and privileges of incorporation for a town.
In pursuance of this promise, we find that on the 9th of
M~'ay 1672, there was granted to "Mr. Samuel Sherman,
Lieut. WVilliam1l Curtis, Ensign Joseph Judson, and John
M/finor, themselves and associates, liberty to erect a plantation at Pomperaug.*  There were a few reasonable restrictions in this grant, that I need not name in this connection. It was too late in the season for the planters who proposed to emigrate, to entertain the thought of breaking up
the soil of the contemplated purchase, and planting it with
corn to any great extent, yet they at once set about the task
of making ready to go the next spring; and some of the
most active men set out forthwith for the place, and planted
a few acres of Indian corn, which they harvested in the fall,
and placed in cribs made of logs.  But they derived little
benefit from it, for the Indians and the wild beasts ate it up
during the winter.tEarly the next spring, fifteen planters of Mr. Walker's
party set out with their families for the valley of the Pomperaug.  They were told to follow the Pootatuck or Great
River-now known as the Housatonick-" till they came to
a large river flowing into it from the north. They were to
follow up this stream  about eight miles, when they would
reach a large open plain."  Upon this plain they were to
stop and commence the foundations of their future town,
away from the other settlements, alone in the wilderness.
With bold hearts they began their journey, but when they
came to the mouth of the Pomperaug, the volume of water
* Colonial Records, ii, 177.  f Cothren's Hist. of Woodbury, 35.




[1673.]      SETTLEMENT OF WOODBURY.              259
that it added to the deep current of the Housatonick —that
main artery of Western Massachusetts and Connecticutlooked so scanty to them, that they passed it by, though not
without some misgivings, and continued on until they came
to the mouth of the Shepaug. The size of this stream did
not satisfy them  much better, but they ventured to trust
themselves to it, and followed it up till they became bewildered in the gorges and mountains of the present town of
Roxbury.  They now saw their mistake and hastened to
repair it. They resolved not to retrace their steps, but to
take an easterly course, and make the best of their way to
the stream that they had passed.  They journeyed over the
densely wooded hills until they came to a fair swelling ridge
of rich forest land, now called Good Hill, that looked down
upon a delightful valley threaded by a bright river, and a1ready half subdued into good plow and meadow land by the
Indians, who for generations had been preparing the way
for the race before whose more systematic husbandry they
were to vanish like the dew.
At sight of such a goodly land, whose acres they were so soon
to part out among themselves and their fellow adventurers,
the little company fell upon their knees and blessed God that
their lines had fallen to them in such pleasant places. They
encamped on the hill that night, and the next day they explored the valley with earnest diligence to find out the best
locality where they might build their log cabins, and gather
about them the first rude comforts of pioneer life. At evening they encamped under a white oak tree, far down the
river, in the present town of Southbury. The locality still
retains the name of White Oak, in commemoration of the
event; and tradition, true to the fathers of Woodbury, still
points out the spot where they slept, though the oak that
they rested under has long since mouldered like them into the
soft, warm earth of the valley.
All the large territory of this venerable town-the oldest
in Litchfield county-was amicably purchased of the Indians. It was a very extensive region, fifteen miles in length




260               HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
from north to south, and ten miles in width. It had a good
variety of hill and valley lands and was watered by many
lively streams, that for the most part helped to make up the
two large branches of the Pootatuck  river that I have
before alluded to.
The settlers, soon after their arrival, formed a constitution,* and signed it by a committee in due form. Their
friends soon followed them, and in 1674, the plantation was
incorporated under the name of Woodbury.t  The township then embraced all the territory now  included in the
towns of Washington, Southbury, Bethlem, Roxbury, and a
part of Oxford and Middlebury.  These different sections
were first set off and incorporated as ecclesiastical societies;
but as they gradually increased in population, they were
ultimately, one after another, invested  with "town  privileges."
I have mentioned the settlement of these several towns
in this chapter, not only to preserve the chronological order
of events, but because they were obliged to devote their
infancy to the prevention of the sanguinary struggle that I
now proceed to narrate.
It had been thought that for several years Philip, chief
sachem  of the Wampanoags, had used all his address to
incite a general insurrection of the Indians for the purpose
of exterminating the English. That jealousies were exciting
in his breast against his white neighbors, of a deeply-rooted
growth, is certainly true; it is also true that he kept under
arms and paid frequent visits to the tribes that owed allegiance to him.  This greatly alarmed the English colonies.
A little while before the war broke out, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to him  to demand of him
* For a copy of this constitution, and for a more minute account of the settlement of this fine old town, I must refer the reader to Cothren's ": History of
Ancient Woodbury,"' —a work that will remain a monument of the learning and
untiring perseverence of the author, as long as there shall continue to exist upon
this continent a single antiquarian library that tells a true tale of the sufferings
and privations of the earlier if not better days of Connecticut.
t Col. Rec., ii. 227.




THE INDIANS REJECT CHRISTIANITY.          261
why he would make war with the English, and requested
him to enter into a treaty with them.  "Your governor,"
said Philip to the messenger, "is but a subject of King
Charles of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I
shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother.  When
he comes, I am ready."  If he entertained any design of
making an attack upon the colonies, he evidently wished to
conceal it until he had ripened his plans. The causes of
this fierce war were many, and of slow but certain operation.
The immediate occasion of it was as sudden as the eruption
of a volcano.
Efforts had long been made by the authorities of Massachusetts, to subdue the savageness of the Indians by converting them to Christianity. No one can read the details of
the life of Eliot, the Indian apostle on the main-land, or the
still more touching story of the apostles of the isles, young
Mayhew, whose missionary zeal was quenched in the billows
of the Atlantic, and his aged father, who, by inverting the
order of nature, took the place of his lost child, and taught
the love and doctrines of Jesus to the tribes that would lend
an ear to him, not without effect, until he was ninety-two
years old; and not feel a deep reverence for the religion that
can lead its teachers voluntarily to take upon themselves
such sacrifices.  Nor will any one deny, who has dispassionately conned over those labors of love, that they had much
to do in keeping the Indians who were the recipients of them,
in proper subjection. But with the exception of the few
villages in the vicinity of Boston, and the Indians inhabiting
Cape Cod, Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket, the influence
of the Christian teacher could hardly be said to exert any
control over the aboriginal mind.* Even those Indians were
kept in check by the indefinable charm of the missionary's
life and character, rather than by any effect wrought in their
own hearts by the doctrines that he attempted to inculcate.
Beyond this narrow limit, the most benighted idolatry
reigned throughout all the tribes of New England.  The
* Bancroft, ii. 97; Mayhew's Indian Convert, &c.




262            EHIST'ORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Narragansetts were inflexible in their adherence to their old
religion, and Philip with scorn rejected the gospel faith, as
cowardly and unworthy of an Indian chief whose hereditary
glory could only flourish amid the desolation of war. Besides, his father, IMassasoit, for whom  he appears to have
cherished a deep filial regard-Massasoit, who had been the
first to welcome the houseless exiles of Plymouth to the new
world, and who had entertained Winslow and his retinue
with such munificent hospitality in his royal wigwam at Pohansket-had strictly enjoined upon his sons never to allow
the pride of the warriors of his tribe to be tamed by what he
believed to be the enervating spirit of Chrlistianity.i
What a change had taken place in the condition of the
Wampanoags since the first arrival of the English! Then,
all the wide expanse, extending for miles along the coast,
with its bays, creeks, coves, and inlets abounding in fish,
as well as the undulating wilderness that stretched away
to the very fountains of the rivers, those avenues that led
from one hunting-glade or cornfield to another, were his
realm and inheritance. By gradual encroachments during
his life time and the brief reign of Wamsutta, his elder son,
cove, cornfield, forest and stream, had passed into the hands
of the English, until, finally, upon the accession of Philip, two
small tracts of land made up the only territory that the tribe
could safely call its own, and presume to retain in its exclusive possession without fear of molestation.  Other fields,
once their own, they could still wander over, but wherever
they went in the summer, they saw the black mould where
once their eyes rested upon the green turf; the unsightly
stump and tree-top, in place of the mighty oak and shapely
pine; and the hated village, with its stone chimneys and
curling wreaths of smoke, like a moving panorama ever
advancing to meet them.
Can it be thought strange that all those changes that had
come over the familiar features of nature, should have been
so many tokens of jealousy to her sons? Once her luxuriant'e In~.mm ft, ii 99




[1675.]          ORIGIN OF THE WRAR.                263
beauty soothed their rugged natures to short intervals of
repose.  Now that she smiled on others with an altered
mein, and averted her eyes from them, the very sight of her
seemed only to inflame them with envy and madness.
When once the Indians began to hate their white neighbors, every event seemed to hasten the catastrophe.  They
were cited to appear before the authorities at Boston and
Plymouth; they were subjected to the prejudices of an English jury, and scorned to appear and defend themselves
before courts that must have been more than human if they
had in all cases done them exact justice. But I am aware
that the causes of this war have passed under the review of
the best writers of New England, and I shall prudently retire
from a field where there is little left to be gleaned.
Philip had already been ordered to give up his English
weapons, and had been fromn time to time compelled to submit to a series of interferences and examinations that could
not fail to arouse the indignation of an Indian sachem.  He
was also obliged to pay tribute to those whom he regarded
as his inferiors."  Nor was it a mere nominal tribute that
might serve as an acknowledgment of fealty to a sovereign
power, but a heavy burden that enfeebled him and helped to
enrich those who exacted it.
In a moment of passion, whether instigated by their chief
or not I can not say, a few of his tribe waylaid the informer
who had betrayed their interests, and killed him. One act
of violence led to another, and the English, perhaps in no
better spirit than the perpetrators of the first deed of blood,
seized them, empannelleda jury, made up partly of Indians
who were friendly to the English, and were doubtless known
to be so, or their services would not have been put in requisition; and, after a hasty trial that hardly served the demands of decency, found them guilty and hung them.t
This was early in June 1675, and on the 24th of that
nionth, this act, so rash and unnecessary that few will now
* Bancroft, ii. 100.
f Drake's Book of the Indians, b. iii, 23; Truinbull, i. 327.




2 64            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
attempt to justify it, resulted in the barbarous murder of at
least eight of the English at Swansey.~
It would seem that this bloody recrimination was not the
workl of Philip, for he expressed the deepest regret when he
heard the sad tidings that he must have felt to be the mutterings of the distant thunder that heralded the coming of the
destructive storm, for which, if he had anticipated it as a
future event, he was not then prepared.t  Well might he
deplore the prospects that this untimely quarrel held out to
him.  Many of the New England tribes were fast friends of
the English, as well in Connecticut as in Massachusetts.
Some of them were bound to them by self-interest, others by
fear. Even the Narragansetts, that large nation so closely
allied to his own people by blood, although Canonchet, their
chief, with his warriors, had not forgotten the death of his
father, MIiantinomoh, were kept in awe by the success and
growing power of the friends of Uncas.  He could not avoid
looking at the relative resources of those who were to mix in
the strife. He must have seen the painful contrast between
himself and his few hundred warriors, together with such
allies as could be induced for the sake of vengeance to
espouse a desperate cause, spending the summer in the
woods and snatching the scanty means of subsistence at
irregular intervals; passing the winter in lonely swamps,
with magazines uncertain as the agriculture of the squaws
was slender and unproductive; in forts that might easily be
sought out by his enemies, and where surprise and defeat
must be annihilation; I say, he must easily have seen the
contrast between such an army, fighting for the most part
with clubs and bows and arrows, and the formidable array
that could be sent out to meet it by the united colonies of!New England, who, he knew were pledged to support each
other, who lived in permanent habitations, had abundance
of food, were provided with the most deadly weapons, had
warm clothing to screen them from the cold, and who, in all
- Drake, b. iii. 24.
f Callender's Hist. Dis. at Newport, R. I. 1738.




[1675.]      PHILIP PREPARING FOR WAR.              265
battles that they had waged with the native tribes, had been
conquerors.
On the other hand, the English were not without apprehensions. They had always overrated the strength of the
Indians, and had been kept in constant fear of some sudden
surprise.  In the earliest stages of their settlements, they had
looked for total destruction at the hands of these half-naked
savages, of whom they had a superstitious horror, such as
they had of the devil, who, as they believed, loved best to
dwell in deserts and solitary places, and often took the semblance of a painted savage. I do not think the emigrants
were more superstitious than other Europeans of that age
would have been in their situation.  But there is a restless
uncertainty that follows men into new and strange conditions, and often surrenders them to the dominion of illfounded fears and false estimates of things.  Hence it was
that the Indian bow was seen in the sky, that the moon,
when laboring under an eclipse, had still light enough left to
give forth the ghostly semblance of a scalp from her darkened face.* Indeed, they had much cause for alarm. The
Indians were not destitute of fire-arms, and they could
handle them with the most fatal accuracy.
After it was made apparent to Philip that he could not
shun the conflict, he addressed himself to it with all the
earnestness and vigor of a mind naturally gifted, and now
quickened into terrible activity by the force of circumstances.  He sent his runners and ambassadors to every tribe
that he had reason to think hostile to the English, or whose
chiefs could be wrought upon by the eloquence of his orators,
to unite with him. His eager allies daily poured in, ranged
under their respective captains, and ready for battle; for the
warriors, especially the younger ones, were tired of the long
peace that had enervated their frames and relaxed their
bow-strings. As they increased in numbers, they grew more
and more intoxicated with the prospect of success. They
flew from one settlement to another, silent as the pestilence,
* Bancroft, ii. 101.




I266            IISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
swift as the lightning.  Village after village was burned to
ashes.  On the 24th of June, Swansey was destroyed, and
in quick succession, Taunton, Middleborough and Dartmouth
lit up the fair expanse of Narragansett Bay.  The English
fled for their lives before their destroyers. Messengers were
sent off by them, to give the alarm at Boston and Plymouth.
As soon as the tidings reached the former place, the drum
was beaten, and in three hours that brave old privateer,
Captain Samuel Mosely, had gathered an army of one
hundred and ten picked men, who were soon ready to
march.  The captain had about a dozen of his privateers
under his command, and there were added to the effective
forces of the expedition some blood-hounds, that were employed to track out the enemy in their concealment.A few days after that, the people of Swansey and Rehoboth sent to Boston for further aid.' Accordingly, Captain
Thomas Savage was appointed commander-in-chief of the
expedition, who, with sixty horse and the same number of
foot soldiers, marched forthwith for the camp of Philip at
Mount Hope.  On arriving there, the English made an
attack upon him so suddenly, while he was dining, that he
was obliged to run for his life. lMAosely pursued him  about
a mile, and killed a few of his warriors.  In this hasty flight,
Philip lost his cap. It fell into the hands of Cornelius, a
Dutchman, half soldier and half servant of Maosely, who kept
it as a trophy. This was on the 29th of June. On the 1st
of July, two or three more Indians were killed, and their
scalps sent to Boston.t  For the honor of those brave men,
I wish it had never been found necessary to record an incident that seems to put the contending parties upon such an
equal footing.
On the 8th of the same month, Benjamin Church and
Captain Fuller, with a small company of kindred spirits,
marched down to Pocasset Neck.  Church had tried to dissuade the English commander from building a fort at Mount
Hope Neck, as an utter waste of time.  With characteristic
See Drake's Book of the Indians, b. iii. 24.  t Drake, b. iii. 26.




[1675.]    HUTCEIINSON AND BEERS KILLED,           267
shrewdness he asked the question, that was then thought to
be so impertinent in a volunteer who had not at that time
proved his superior prowess and sagacity as he did soon
after-' Why should we build a fort for nothing, to cover
the people from nobody?"" It was a very significant inquiry, as it turned out that like a flock of pigeons, every
Indian had left the place. He advised to pursue the Indians
upon the Pocasset side.  Had this advice been followed, the
towns lying between Pocasset and Plymouth would have
been saved firom conflagration. It would be out of place,
were I to record here the hot conflict that took place at
Pocasset, even had it not been delineated with such minuteness by Church, whose pen was adequate to record whatever
deeds of daring his sword could perform, and who, retreating
backward to the boat that had saved his men from destruction, was the last man to take refuge in this ark of safety.
At this battle, Philip was present and fought with great
bravery. It was on this occasion that it was made known
how well provided the Indians were with fire-arms, as was
learned, says the lively chronicler, by their "bright guns
glittering in the sun."
On the 14th of July, five people were killed at Mendon.
They were probably shot dead while at their work in the
field, and were as ignorant as their surviving friends of the
authors of their death.
On the 2d of August, Captain Hutchinson was waylaid
and killed, with several of his men, while going to treat with
the Nipmucks. Captain Wheeler also had his horse shot
under him, and was shot through the body, but escaped
by the aid of his son, who, himself badly wounded, assisted
him to mount another horse and fly.'t
On the 3d of September, Captain Richard Beers was suddenly surprized while on his march with a company of
thirty-six men to reinforce the garrison at Northfield; he
was attacked by a large body of Indians, and after one of
the most desperate struggles recorded in our annals, was
e Hist. of Philip's War, p. 6.  + Captain Wheeler's Narrative, p. 1, 5.




268             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
killed with about twenty of his men.+  The hill to which he
fled and where he sold his life at so dear a rate, was called,
in honor of the event, "Beers' Mountain."t  The Indians,
with a view of striking terror into the breasts of their enemies, committed shocking outrages upon the bodies of the
slain. They cut off' their heads and set them upon poles
high in the air, and one "' was found with a chain hooked into
his under jaw and hung upon the bough of a tree."4
The little garrison that Beers had been sent to relieve,
suffered every extremity, and was saved only by the timely
coming of Major Robert Treat, who arrived there from Connecticut two days after the battle, with one hundred soldiers,
and conducted it to Hadley in safety.
By this it will be seen that Connecticut, whose soil was
not invaded during the war, had nobly come up to the rescue
of her sister colonies, and was found, as we shall see in the
sequel, able to do them a service that they have been grateful enough to remember.  Indeed, the people of Connecticut,
though they looked for the approach of the enemy, and took
the precaution to send troops to Stonington upon the breaking out of the war, to protect that exposed part of their frontier, bordering on the Narragansett and Nihantick country,
yet almost every step that they took was in defence of the
other colonies, in obedience to the articles of confederation.
The Narragansetts did not very cordially second the efforts
of Philip, and yet they aided him indirectly by harboring his
old men and women, and it is not unlikely that some of the
more adventurous young warriors of the tribe joined in the
exciting game. The chiefs, at the head of whom was Canonchet, had hitherto resisted the importunities of Philip, and
refused to take any open part in the conflict. It was quite.evident, however, that their sympathies were with him, and
that their pretended neutrality was only preserved until they
should be able to discover which scale of the trembling balance was likely to preponderate. There was another motive
e Bancroft, ii. 104; Trumbull, i. 334.  t Drake, b. iii. 31.
IIubbard.




THE -NARRAGANSETTS.               269
than that of mere policy, for the inaction of the Narragansetts.
When the Mayflower first anchored off the coast that has
since been so celebrated in song and story, the Narragansetts were the most wealthy and numerous of all the New
England tribes. Even the pestilence, that had a few years
before swept off such numbers of the other Indians, had
passed by their wigwams and left them untouched. They
lived in the south-western part of what is now Rhode Island,
and all the tribes that dotted the shore along the western line
of Narragansett Bay paid them tribute. Even Massasoit,
the chief of the Wampanoags, was subject to them, and as a
matter of course his tributaries at Shawmut and Neponsit,
must in some sense have acknowledged their dominion.
The pestilence had thinned the ranks of the Wampanoag
warriors to such a degree that the Narragansett sachems had
easily subdued them. Hence the readiness of Mlassasoit and
his tributaries to make an alliance with the people of Plymouth that should enable them  to throw off this irksome
bondage. To the alliance established between the English
and Massasoit, Canonicus and Miantinomoh, though it cost
them perhaps one half of their subjects, submitted in silence.
The loss that the iNarragansetts sustained when the Wampanoags thus achieved their independence, was hailed by
Sassacus, chief sachem of the Pequots, with joy, as it weakened
a powerful neighbor and rival. But Sassacus was too good a
politician not to see, after watching for a little while the
growth and policy of the English, that they would finally be
the lords of the whole country unless they could be swept
off at a single stroke.  To this end he proposed to the Narragansett sachems an alliance, and offered to merge all their
old quarrels in this last struggle for existence. But the Narragansetts had enjoyed a long interval of peace.  Their
warriors, from a disuse of their weapons and old arts, had
become enervated and disinclined to them, and had turned
their attention to the acquisition of wealth, and to the refinements of a more advanced stage of civilized life, than be



270            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
longed to the tribes contiguous to them.  The Narragansetts
were then the mechanics and manufacturers of the Indians.
At their principal village they made a large share of the
peag that passed so current among the several nations of
New England.  Here, too, was manufactured pottery on a
large scale, and other household utensils, Nor were they
negligent of agriculture, as the supplies of corn that they
furnished to those Indians who were destitute, and the vast
stores that were found deposited in their humble granaries
when their last hour of agony had come, bore witness.
On these accounts this ancient and generous tribe declined
to connect themselves with the dangerous enterprise of Sassacus, and partly for the same cause, I doubt not, they
shrunk at first from the still more adventurous designs of
Philip.
Resolved to induce the Narragansetts to settle upon some
fixed policy either of active alliance or of neutrality, the
commissioners of the colonies came to the conclusion, immediately on the breaking out of the war, that it was best to
make a treaty with them, and it was thought safest to send
the army, that had gone to the relief of Swansey, forward
into their country, to facilitate the negotiations by that most
persuasive of all arguments, military force. Accordingly,
this had been done before the fight at Pocasset Neckl, and on
the 15th of July, a treaty was concluded between the colonies and the six Narragansett sachems, in which it was stipulated that there should be perpetual peace between the
parties, that the Narragansetts should return all goods stolen
from the English, and that they should harbor neither Philip
nor any of his subjects; but if any of the Wampanoags
should take refuge among them, they should kill them.
On the part of the English, it was agreed that the Narragansetts should receive forty coats for Philip if they would
take him and surrender him alive, and twenty for his head;
for one of his warriors, two coats, and one for every head.
The Indians were compelled to give hostages for the faithful
performance of this harsh and forced treaty.  Ilad they kept




[1675.]        CAPT. LATHROP KILLED.               271
it long, it would have been more wonderful than that they
broke it as early as they did.Soon after the unhappy loss of Beers and his men, it was
thought best to establish a magazine at Hadley and garrison
the town.  At Deerfield there were three thousand bushels
of wheat in the stack, and for the use of the garrison it was
determined to transport it to Hadley.  Captain Lathrop,
with eighty-eight young men, "the flower of Essex county,"
was sent with teams to accomplish the work.  He had
loaded it in sacks and was on his way to HIadley, when, in
passing through a secluded dell, and at a moment when his
soldiers, without anticipating danger, were plucking and
eating the ripe clusters of wild grapes that hung temptingly
from the trees that shaded their path, they were attacked by
a large body of Indians so suddenly and with such ferocity
that, notwithstanding the desperate resistance that they made,
they were nearly all cut off.t Lathrop himself was among
the slain. Miosely, who was not far off with seventy men,
came to the rescue.  He found the woods filled with Indians.
He computed their number at one thousand warriors, and so
emboldened were they by their recent success, that they did
not seek to hide themselves, but came out boldly and dared
him to fight with them.
"'Come, Mosely, come," said the insulting chiefs, "you
seek Indians, you want Indians, here is Indians enough for
you.'
From eleven o'clock until almost night, the old privateer,
aided by his daring lieutenants, Savage and Pickering, contested this bloody field with them. At last the English were
compelled to retreat. With a strange mixture of savage improvidence and rage, the Indians cut open the sacks of wheat
and some feather-beds that lay scattered about among the
dead bodies, and strewed their contents upon the winds.
Then with yells they commenced the pursuit.  A woful
flight it would have been, as the Indians were acquainted
* Trumbull, i. 331, 332.
t Hubbard's Narrative, 38; Bancroft, ii.. 104; Trumbull, i. 334.




272              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
with all the passes of the woods, and night was setting darkly
in to befriend them.-:
Just at the moment when the little army seemed hurrying
to an inevitable doom, again appeared that good angel,
IMajor Treat, with one hundred Englishmen and seventy
MlIohegans from Connecticut. A sight of this hero-always
so careless of himself, always so solicitous for othersinspired the retreating English with confidence.  The tide
was turned, and the Indians now sought the double covert of
night and shade.  They had little occasion to boast at their
next war-dance, for they left ninety-six dead warriors upon
the field, whose life-blood had mingled with that of their
enemies to tinge the waters of the little stream that can not
yet lose the name of " Bloody Brook."t
About the middle of September, the congress had ordered
one thousand men to be raised for the general defense,
half of whom were to be dragoons. Of these, Connecticut
was ordered to raise three hundred and fifteen men for her
proportion. A large part of this force was placed under the
command of M3Iajor Treat, and employed in protecting the
border towns in Massachusetts.j
The Springfield Indians had for forty years kept their faith
with the English, and had long withstood the solicitations of
Philip. But when they saw that Northfield and Deerfield had
fallen before him, and that he appeared every day to gain
ground, they declared for him. Philip had resolved to attack
Springfield and burn it.  The Springfield Indians, therefore,
on the evening before the contemplated attack upon the
town, took him and three hundred of his warriors into their
fort.  The plot was discovered by Toto, a Windsor Indian,
that very evening, and messengers were sent off in haste to
inform  Major Treat, who lay at Westfield with the Connecticut troops.~  The people of Springfield, however, would
See Drake, b. iii. 32; I. Mather's Hist. of the War, p. 12.
+ In 1835, the anniversary of the sanguinary event above referred to was held
at' Bloody Brook," on which occasion an oration was delivered by his excellency
Gov. Everett.  Trumbull, i. 334-note. ~ Drake, iii. 32 33; Trumbull, i. 335.




[1675.]    DESTRUCTION OF SPRINGFIELD.             273
not believe the report, and Lieut. Cooper, who had command at Springfield, early in the morning rode out towards
the Indian fort to see for himself what was the state of affairs
there. The man who rode by his side was shot dead, and
Cooper was mortally wounded. Although shot several times
through the body, he still kept his horse, and, riding furiously
to the garrison, gave the alarm~*
Philip, with his new allies, now commenced a resolute
attack upon the place, and began to set fire to the buildings.
Never was a people in a more hopeless condition, and never
was a garrison more inadequate to the defense of a place or
to protect itself fiom destruction, than the one that had been
thus suddenly deprived of a rash but brave commander. It
seemed as if nothing could avert the ruin that hung over the
garrison and the town.
Meanwhile the news of Toto's disclosure reached Major
Treat, and he made all haste to rescue the besieged. But
for want of boats he was delayed so long in crossing the
river with his army that before he reached the scene of
action, the destruction of Springfield was consummated.
Thirty dwelling houses, and many other buildings were already in ashes.  With his usual address, Major Treat soon
drove the enemy from the place, and saved the inhabitants
from  promiscuous slaughter.  Their property he came too
late to save. Major Pyncheon and Mr. Purchas lost each
one thousand pounds, and the large and valuable library of
Mr. Glover, the clergyman, as well as his house, was
destroyed. t
On the 14th, of October, the General Assembly of Connecticut met, and, in consideration of the gallant services
rendered by Major Treat, gave him a public expression of
thanks for his brave conduct, and appointed him commander
of all the troops to be raised against the enemy.}
The Rev. Mr. Fitch, of Norwich, had informed the Assembly that a large body of Indians was approaching that town,
and had requested that troops might be sent to defend it.
* Trumbull.  t Trumbull, i. 335.  t Colonial Records, ii. 266.
18




274            EH ISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Major Treat was therefore directed to repair to Norwich at
once.*  This order was soon countermanded, and he was
sent to the relief of Northampton. For this place he immediately set off.
Philip was now in the midst of a series of brilliant successes, that elated his spirits to a high degree, and inspired
his warriors and large body of adherents with great confidence.  With a body of about eight hundred warriors, he
made a sudden attack upon Hadley.t  So well had he contrived the assault, that every part of the place felt the shock
at the same moment.  But Hadley was defended by some
brave officers and soldiers, who made a stand against the
enemy, until the arrival of several small detachments fromn
the neighboring garrisons.  Major Treat, with his little
army, hastened from  Northampton and reached Hadley
while the battle was yet doubtful.  He opened such a
deadly fire upon the Indians that they soon fled. Philip in
this action sustained a severe loss, and his warriors were so
disheartened by the blow that the main body of them retired
to the Narragansett country.  Still, little depredating parties
prowled around the scattered dwellings of the frontier settlements, and did whatever harm they could to the English.j
The intelligence given by Mr. Fitch, and coming from
other sources, that the eastern border towns of Connecticut
were in danger of being attacked, induced the General Assembly to take active measures for the protection of all the
border towns in this colony. To this end, at the October
session before alluded to, it was ordered that every county
should raise sixty dragoons, well mounted, equipped and
provisioned, to be ready when called to aid in the defense of the colony. Captain Avery was also placed at the
head of forty Englishmen from New  London, Stonington
and Lyme, with as many Pequots as he should deem necessary to protect that part of the country, and to annoy the
enemy at his own discretion.~
*Colonial Records, ii. 265.  t Drake; Trumbull.     Trumbull, i. 336.
~ Colonial Records, ii. 268.




[1675.]      SUFFERINGS OF OUR TROOPS.              275
Captain John Mason, worthy to bear the honored name
of the hero of the Pequot war, was appointed to command
another party of twenty Englishmen and the Mohegan Indians, to act with Avery, or separately fiom him, as was
found most advisable.  A  company of' one hundred and
twenty dragoons was raised to act under the immediate
command of Major Treat.  It was ordered that all the
towns should be fortified, and various other measures were
taken to protect the weak and remote settlements.i
The persuasive arts of Philip to bring over Canonchet to
his views, had by this time prevailed so far that the Iarragansett chief was induced to take into his protection the
Wampanoags and other tribes who sought shelter in his
country.  Whether Canonchet invited them, is not certainly
known, but he gave them a friendly reception, and that was
regarded by the colonies as a breach of the treaty that the
presence of an army in his country had compelled him to
sign.  Besides, the congress had by this time become well
satisfied that the young Narragansett warriors had violated
the neutrality by actually engaging in the war, as some of
them were reported to have returned home wounded. It
was feared that the old Narragansett heroism was at length
beginning to be roused. Of course, such a prospect could
not do less than alarm the English, when they remembered
that the tribe was reputed to have at least two thousand
good fighting men, and one thousand muskets.t-  I do not
believe that the Narragansetts had so many warriors, nor is
it probable that they could produce a fourth part that number of fire-arms. That the English, however, believed the
story, is quite certain.
Winter was fast pressing on.  If these warriors should be
added to those already engaged in the cause of Philip, and
should. be allowed to betake themselves to the woods the
next summer, where they could hide themselves and waylay
the English, it was feared that the horrors of war, already so
bloody and devastating, would be fearfully increased. The
Colonial Records, ii. 268.     Trumbull, i. 337.




276             IHISTORY OF COiNNECTICUT.
fate of Hutchinson, Beers and Lathrop, with their parties,
the desolation of villages, horrible murders, mutilations of
dead bodies, unparalleled in barbarity, painful captivities,
and famine worse than all, bore witness of the beginning of
the struggle. What was to be its horrid end?
After some deliberation, the Congress decided to raise an
army of one thousand men, to attack the Narragansetts in
their principal fort in the winter.  Massachusetts furnished
five hundred and twenty-seven men, made up of six companies of foot and a troop of horse under command of Major
Appleton. Plymouth provided one hundred and fifty-eight
men, in two companies, led by Bradford and Gorham. Connecticut was to have brought into the field, as her quota,
three hundred and fifteen men, but she sent three hundred
Englishmen and one hundred and fifty Mohegan and Pequot
Indians, in five companies, under the charge of Captains
Seeley, Gallup, Mason, Watts and M[arshall.  This brave
corps of soldiers was under the command of Major Treat.
Josiah Winslow, governor of Plymouth Colony, was the
commarnnder-in-chief of the expedition.~
The utmost care was taken to provide for the wants of the
troops, and after doing all that could be done to guard
against the extremes of hunger, snow, cold, disease and
wounds, the 2d of December was appointed to be observed
as a day of fasting and prayer.  Major Treat arrived with
his forces at Pattyquamscot on the 17th of December, intending to have encamped in the houses that he expected to
find there for his reception. But the Indians, only a day or
two before, had burned all the houses and barns, and killed
ten men and five women and children.  He was obliged to
pass the night without a roof to shelter his troops.
The next day he formed a junction with the forces from
Massachusetts and Plymouth.  The night of the 18th was
cold and stormy, but the army was obliged to spend it in
the open field, unprotected as before. On the morning of
the 19th, at dawn, they began their march towards the fort
* Trumbull, i. 337.




[1675.]  ATTACK UPON THE NARRAGANSETT FORT.    277
or principal residence of the Narragansetts, that was about
fifteen miles from  the place where they had encamped.
Mosely and Davenport, with the troops from Massachusetts,
led the van, followed by Major Appleton and Captain Oliver.
General Winslow, with  the two  Plymouth  companies,
marched in the center, and Major Treat brought up the
rear with the Connecticut forces.*
The army marched on resolutely through the deep snow,
without so much as taking any refreshment except what
they snatched on the way, until about one o'clock, when
they reached the fortified town of the enemy. It stood upon
an eminence in the center of a vast swamp. Philip with his
allies had erected palisades, and added as much as his means
would permit to the natural strength of the place. But by
the treachery of an Indian named Peter, who was a prisoner
in the hands of the English, the fort was discovered. It is
not likely that any one of the English could have found it in
the immense area, half marsh, half moor, weary as they were
with their march, and suffering as they did from hunger and
cold. It was already one o'clock, and they had no time to
lose, for night would soon overtake them, and the Indians
would soon be upon them. So adroitly was the fort constructed, that it could be approached only at a single point
with any chance of success, and even that avenue to it was
guarded by a block-house in front, with flankers to cover a
cross-fire. The island occupied by the fortification contained about four acres of ground, and is believed to have
been covered, as well as the swamp that surrounded it, by
primitive pine and cedar trees.  This area was not only
surrounded with high, strong palisades, but it was made still
more fbrmidable by a huge irregular hedge of fallen trees,
about a rod in thickness.  The sole entrance that appeared
at all assailable was near a large tree, that had been felled
in such a position as to form a bridge across a body of water
that lay between the fort and the main swamp, that extended
around it. This log was four or five feet above the ground.
*Hubbard's Narrative, 104.




278             1SI1sOiTY. OF CONNNECTICUT.
As soon as the English army entered the swamp, they discovered an advance guard of the Indians, and immediately
fired upon them.  The enemy returned the fire and then
retreated toward the block-house.  Without waiting to form
themselves, or reconnoitre the fort, the Massachusetts forces
followed their officers, mounted the tree, and one by one, as
many as could pass upon it, entered the fort, but were subjected to a taking fire of musketry from  Philip's marksmen,
who were stationed in the block-house, as well as at the
points most favorable to repel them.
They were totally unable to contend against such fearful
odds, and such as were not instantly killed, were driven
back out of the fort.  Yet the soldiers followed their gallant
captains again and again over this exposed crossing-place, to
make good the places of the slain, and as often the fire from
the block-house and flankers, and other points of entrance,
swept them away.-*
As it turned out, there was a good deal more courage than
prudence in this hasty attack upon the fort, for before the
main body of the army could wade through the deep snow,
and come up in aid of those who had attempted to force the
entrance, Captains Johnson and Davenport, with many of the
Massachusetts men, were beyond human help.t  Major
Treat, as he had brought up the rear of the whole army, was
the last to reach the fatal pass. Regardless of danger, the
Connecticut captains, one after another, led up their men,
inspiring them with encouraging words, the last still supplying the places of those who went before them, and keeping
good the numbers of undaunted hearts who fell before the
increasing and murderous fire of the Indians. Three of the
five Connecticut captains were killed.j  Marshall fell dead
from the fatal tree. The English had not looked for such an
obstinate defence.
While this terrible slaughter of the Connecticut troops
* Ilolmes ii. 376; iHutchinson, i. 271; Drake, b. iii. 34, 35; Trumbull, i
338, 339.
I Hutchinson, i. 271.  $ Holmes, ii. 376.




[1675.]    THE FORT TAKEN AND DESTROYED.               279
was going on, Captain Mosely forced an entrance through
or over the hedge where it was weakest, and attacked the
Indians in the rear-opening a fire upon their backs as they
stood crowded closely together, with large muskets loaded
with pistol bullets.  The Indians now  fled from their first
position, and took refuge in their wigwams, and in every
nook that afforded them a screen behind which to discharge
their shot.
" They run, they run," shouted the English captains, as
they cheered on their men.~
At this critical moment fell Captains Gallup and Seeley,
both shot dead in front of their respective companies.
About this time Mason received a wound that proved to be
mortal. At last the English gained the center of the fort,
and after a long and bloody conflict, put the Indians to
flight.  With frightful yells, they flew into the surrounding
thickets, leaving the fort in the hands of' the English, who,
at a dear rate, had bought the victory.  There were six
hundred wigwams within the fort, containing ample shelter
for four thousand human beings. There were also large
stores of corn and immense quantities of wampum, and of
those utensils that were wrought in such abundance and with
such skill by the Narragansetts.t
There had been three hundred Indian warriors slain,; and
others who were wounded died in the cold cedar swamp,
whither they had taken refuge. About the same number
were taken prisoners, besides three hundred women and
children, who afterwards drank to the bitter dregs the cup
of captivity and sorrow. Captain Church, who was present
as a volunteer, begged that the fort and provisions might be
spared for the shelter and supply of the enemy, and especially
for the protection of the wounded.  But other counsels pre* See Drake, b. iii. 35.
t Hutchinson, i. 272, 273; Trumbull, i. 339; Bancroft, ii. 105.
4 Some authorities place the number as high as seven hundred. The number
given above, however, is that contained in a letter in Hutchinson (i. 233,) attributed to Major Bradford, who was a participant in the fight.




280            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
vailed. The village was burned to ashes, and all the valuable stores that it contained, with the old men, women, and
children, whose number history has never recorded, and
whose agony, though brief, was only heard in its full significance by the ear of a mercy that is infinite.
What a commentary did that winter scene-the crackling
flames melting the snow from the cedars and pines, and
scorching their green leaves, the blackened bodies half consumed, the shivering English soldier whose blood was
staunched more by the numbing touch of cold than by the
surgeon who was himself paralyzed, the poor Indian fugitives, none the less miserable that they were savages, cowering unprotected beneath the bushes or to the leeward of the
snow-drift, to shun the wrath of such a sky as belongs to
New England in the dead months of the year —what a commentary upon the cruelty, the misery of war!
Six of the English captains had been killed, one had received his death-blow, and eighty of the soldiers had been
either killed or mortally wounded. One hundred and fifty
others, who had been injured in the action, recovered." But
the sufferings of the army might be said only to have just
begun. Night was closing around them; the only screen
that could have been afforded them in that desolate waste,
was the comfortable fort, with its six hundred houses, that
they had burned in spite of the wise admonitions of Church.
They had marched fifteen miles since day-break, and fought
a battle that had lasted for three full hours. It would be
destructive to them were they to encamp upon the upland
or upon the moor. There was then no alternative. Weary
as they were, they must again take up their line of march,
and spend the night as they had spent the morning, in
wading through the snow.
Just as the sun was going down, they gathered up their
two hundred dead and wounded men, and set out on their
return-march to head quarters, a distance of about eighteen
miles. It was a night never to be forgotten by those who
* Trumbull, i. 340.




[1675.]        THE CONNECTICUT TROOPS.              281
survived it; a cold, stormy night. The blinding snow pursued them  all the way, falling in vast quantities over the
undistinguishable woods and swamps, obeying the impulses
of the howling blast that ranged over the wide, desolate
scene.
It was past midnight when the troops reached their destination. It would be idle for me to attempt to delineate the
sufferings of the wounded soldiers. A part of them, as the
night and storm advanced, became insensible. The pulses
grew  feebler, the cheek grew  paler, and the frame, so
languid and pliable at first to the grasp of those who bore it,
stiffened into its final repose.
Of this army of one thousand men, at least four hundred
were unfit for duty.  The Connecticut troops were more
disabled than the others, partly because they had entered
the fort when the fire was deadliest, and partly from their
previous fatigue in marching from Stonington to Pattyquamscot, and then passing the night in the open air. Some of
the soldiers were frozen to death.  Of the three hundred
Englishmen from our little republic, eighty were killed and
wounded-twenty men in Seeley's company, an equal number in Gallup's, fourteen under the command of Watts, nine
of Mason's, and fourteen of Marshall's men.  Of these, about
forty were either killed on the field or died of their wounds.
Thus half of the loss of the fatal day, that broke the pride of
Philip and laid waste the city of the Narragansetts, fell upon
Connecticut.'-  Major Treat, who had been in the hottest
part of the battle, narrowly escaped death from a bullet
that passed through the rim of his hat.  The thanksgivings
that went up to heaven from the lips of our people, were
mingled, as they always have been when our State has participated in deeds of valor, with the wailings of widowhood and
the cries of orphan children. In the eloquent words employed by the General Assembly to commemorate the event,
X See Gov. Dudley's letter in H utchinson, i. 274.
f Note in Trumbull, i. 341.




282            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
"Our mourners, over all the colony, witness for our men,
that they were not unfaithful in that day."s
Under these circumstances, Major Treat thought it necessary to return home and recruit his troops.t  Indeed, this
was the only course that he could have adopted, unless he
had intended to sacrifice one half of the remainder of his
nlen.
The English now thought the opportunity would be favorable to establish peace with Philip, and various proposals
were made.  These overtures were answered by the' burning
of Lancaster and Medfield, and by the killing of Captains
Pierce and Wadsworth.:
In February 1676, a large number of Connecticut volunteers, belonging for the most part to New London, Norwich,
and Stonington, were formed into companies under Major
Palmes, Captain George Denison, Captain James Avery, and
Captain John Stanton, further to prosecute the wari against
the Indians.  With them were associated some Mohegans
under Onecho, a son of' Uncas, some Pequots under their
chief, and about twenty Aarragansetts belonging to Ninigret, who, by keeping his neutrality, doubtless saved his life.
These companies ranged the Narragansett country from one
end to the other in quest of the enemy.  Nor did they workl
in vain. Canonchet, or, as he is now commonly known in
history, Nanuntenoo, the son of Miantinomoh, and the chief
sachem of the Narragansetts, had escaped the destruction of
his principal town, and had still many brave fighting men
with him. Some time in March, he had ventured down
from the north to Seekonk, near the seat of Philip, to get
seed-corn with which to plant the towns upon Connecticut
river that had been deserted by the English. Denison, who
had been ranging the woods with his party for several days
in search of the enemy, came suddenly upon a trail near
Blackstone river, and soon learned from a squaw whom he
took captive, that Nanuntencto was in his wigwam near the
* See note in Trumbull, i. 341.  t See Hubbard's Ind. Wars, 135, 144o
t Holmes, ii. 378, 379.




[G1676.       CAPTURE OF'NANUNTENOO.               283
river.  Denison lost no time in taking measures to secure
him. The chief was apprised of his danger, as the English
approached, and ran for his life towards the river whither
Catapazet, the chief who commanded Ninigret's men, himself a Narragansett, and who thought he recognized the
fugitive, pursued him with all speed.  Other Indians and
English, who were swift-footed, followed close behind.
Finding himself hard pressed, the sachem  threw off first his
blanket and then his silver-laced coat that had been presented to him at Boston.  This garment was well known, and
as there could now be no doubt of his personal identity, the
pursuers took courage and ran with still greater eagerness.
In the company was a Pequot who outran all his companions, and who gained so fast upon Nanuntenoo, as he was
flying along the bank of the river, that the chief was comnpelled to plunge into the current before he had reached the
ford. Even as it was, he would probably have escaped, had
not his foot slipped from the smooth surface of a stone, and
in falling brought his gun under water.  So much time was
lost by this accident, that also took away the power of defending himself, that the Pequot came upon him  and seized
him without difficulty.
Like his father, whose fate he must have remembered,
Nanuntenoo made no resistance, and like him  scorned to
ask for a life that he knew was forfeit.
Robert Stanton came up, and with the forwardness of
youth ventured to ask him  some questions.  At first the
chief looked at him in silence, and then regarding his beardless face with hereditary scorn, he replied in broken English,
" You too much child; no understand matters of war. Let
your brother or chief come.  Him I will answer."  He kept
his word.When his life was tendered him on condition that he and
his nation would submit, he rejected the offer with indignation. Then they threatened him with death if he failed to
fall in with their terms.  He calmly replied that killing him
a Trumbull, i. 344, 345; Bancroft, ii. 106.




284            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
would not put an end to the war.  Some of them  taunted
him with the violation of his treaty, and with the boast that
he had made that "hle would burn up the English in their
houses, and that he would not deliver up a Wampanoag or
the paring of a Wampanoag's nail."  "Others," said the
chief, quietly, " were as forward for the war as myself, and I
desire to hear no more about it."
Denison took him to Stonington. A council of war was
held, and it was decided that he must be shot.  When the
sentence of this court-martial of volunteers was made known
to him, his only answer was, "I like it well.  I shall die
before my heart is soft, or I have said any thing unworthy
of myself."t  I find in the history of Greece and Rome no
record of heroism more striking, nor a dying speech more in
consonance with the philosophy of self-sustaining paganism,
than the last words of Nanuntenoo.  As his father was killed
by Uncas, so the son of Uncas superintended the execution
of the son of Miantinomoh.
Thus perished the last of a line of monarchs, the noblest
among the New England nations, and thus another tribe, the
best and the most cultivated as well as the most powerfulI
that inhabited the northern Atlantic coast, was swept away.
The rest of the details of Philip's war are foreign to my
purpose, and I shall here take my leave of the chief of the
Wampanoags.
One important feature of this war, however, remains to be
delineated.  At the election that took place on the 11th of
May 1676, William Leete was chosen governor, and Robert
Treat deputy governor. To carry on the war the Assembly
voted to raise a standing army of three hundred and fifty
men, who, with the friendly Indians, were to defend the
country and harass the enemy.
Major John Talcott was appointed to the chief command
of these forces; the Rev. Gershom Bulkley surgeon, and
good Mr. James Fitch chaplain.  The surgeon and chaplain
were made a part of the council of war. Norwich was made
* Trumbull; Bancroft.




[1676.]      SUCCESS OF MAJOR TALCOTT.             285
the first general rendezvous of the army, and from this place
Talcott marched about the first of June with some two hundred and fifty Englishmen and two hundred Mohegans and
Pequots, towards the Wabaquasset country, in quest of the
enemy. But not an Indian was to be found, though they
searched the woods faithfully in the old retreats of the savages.  The wigwams were all deserted, and the fortifications
made of the tops of trees were without a warrior to man
them.  At Wabaquasset, Talcott destroyed the fortress and
about fifty acres of corn, and on the 5th of June marched on
to the country of the Nipmucks.  There he killed nineteen
Indians and took thirty-five prisoners. He then marched to
Brookfield, and thence to Northampton.  The army suffered
fearfully firom fatigue and famine before it reached Northhampton, and that march was long known to the people of
our colony as the "long and hungry march."
On the 12th of June a furious attack was made upon
Hadley by about seven hundred Indians. Talcott soon
arrived and saved the garrison and the town. The Indians
were driven off with such promptness that they were prevented, as is believed, from  making attempts upon other
towns that they had in their hearts devoted to destruction.
Some time after this the Massachusetts forces arrived and
joined Talcott's troops. The army then scoured the woods
upon both banks of the river, destroying the dwellings of the
fugitive enemy, breaking up their fisheries, and despoiling
them in every way that they deemed likely to take from
them the power to do mischief.  Talcott went as far as
Deerfield Falls and then returned. After he had spent about
three weeks in that part of Massachusetts, he departed with
his army through the wilderness towards the Narragansett
country. On the 1st of July he came near a large body of
Indians and took four of them.
Two days after he surprised the main body of the enemy
on the border of a large cedar swamp, and so skillfully did he
dispose his forces and conduct the attack that he killed and
took prisoners a large number.  The rest fled into the swamp.




286            IISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
This Talcott surrounded, and after a fight of about three
hours killed and took captive one hundred and seventy-one
Indians. In this hard-fought battle thirty-four Indian warriors were killed, and after the action, ninety captives,
who were fighting men, shared the same fate.  Between
forty and fifty women and children were preserved unhurt.
That same day he marched his army to Providence and
made an attack upon the Indians on the Neck, and afterwards upon those at Norwich. In these two places he killed
and captured sixty-seven.  Thus, in a little more than a
month, he had killed and taken two hundred and thirty-eight
hostile Indians, and had done much in other respects to
cripple the resources of Philip.
On the 5th of Julv, Talcott set out on his return march,
and before he reached Connecticut took sixty more prisoners. If we add to the killed and those taken alive by this
gallant officer, those also who had fallen into the hands of
the volunteers since the Ist of April of that year, we shall
find that four hundred and twenty of the Indians had been
subdued, by Connecticut alone, in the space of about three
months.  When we add to this the depredations made upon
the country of Philip's allies, the destruction of the houses and
growing crops, and the carrying away of their corn, beans,
and other valuables that stood them in the stead of money,
we shall be able to form some adequate conception of the
aid rendered by our little colony to her distressed neighbors.
After his return, Major Talcott waited but a little while
to recruit his men, and then stationed himself at Westfield.
While there, he discovered a large party of the enemy flying
towards the west.  He pursued them, and on the third day,
about midway between Westfield and Albany, he came up
with them. They were lying upon the western bank of the
Housatonick river, in a state of fancied security, without
dreaming of the approach of the English.
It was late in the afternoon when Talcott became aware
of his proximity to them, and he deemed it unsafe to attack
them at that hour. He therefore retreated silently to a suit



[1676.]         TALCOTT'S STRATAGEJM.              287
able distance and caused his army to pass the night under
arms. As the dawn drew on he ordered his troops to form
in two divisions, the one to cross the river below the Indians,
and advance upon them from the west; the other to creep
stealthily up to the eastern bank, and there lie in ambush
until they should hear the gun that was to be fired by those
who had crossed the river, as a signal that the savages were
approaching within the range of their shot.  When they
heard this gun they were to open a deadly fire upon the
Indians.  This stratagem would have been attended with a
fearful destruction of life had it not been partly defeated by
an accident that the English could not have foreseen.  A
single Indian had left his fellows in a profound sleep, and
had stolen down the river to catch fish. As the party upon
the west bank was advancing to surprise his slumbering
companions, he saw them and cried out in alarm "Owanux,
Owanux!"  He was instantly shot dead by an English soldier. This solitary musket shot was of course mistaken by
the other party for the expected signal gun.  Too hastily,
therefore, for the success of the ambuscade, they arose and
fired upon the startled Indians as they fled towards them.
But the savages soon discovered their danger, and while the
English who were coming up from the rear were too remote
to do them much injury, they turned from the destructive
bullets of the ambushed party, and ran along the bank of the
river for their lives. Still, many of them fell victims to the
enterprise. Nothing but the dense growth of the trees and
bushes saved them from a total annihilation. The sachem
of Quobaug (Brookfield) was killed and twenty-four other
warriors.  There were forty-five in all who were either
killed or taken prisoners.  Major Talcott in this war was
second only to Major Treat in his practical, effective efforts
to reduce the power of Philip and hasten his downfall.




CHAPTER  XIII.
ANDROSS ATTEMPTS TO LAND AT SAYBROOK.
As a previous declaration of war had been made in England against the Dutch, that had caused much alarm in the
colonies, and had induced the mother country to make common cause with the people of New England, all interference
on the part of the government with our civil affairs was for
a time suspended. But no sooner were friendly relations
again established between the two contending powers, than
the old jealousy that had so long existed in England, against
our growing strength, began to be revived.  Private interest
and ambition also seconded the views of the government.
The Duke of York, who was by no means satisfied with
the tenure by which he held his property in America, on the
29th of June, 1674, procured a new patent, granting the
same territory named in the old one.  He resolved to follow
up his title thus acquired, by possession, and immediately
gave to Major, afterwards Sir Edmund Andross, a commission to be governor of New York and all the territories in
those parts.
With this paper to vouch for whatever arbitrary thing he
night think proper to do, Andross sailed to New England.
The boundaries of Connecticut, that had been so carefully
defined by the king's commissioners ten years before, were
totally disregarded by Major Andross, and he now laid claim,
by virtue of his master's new patent, to all that part of Connecticut lying west of Connecticut river.-  Unless this
outrageous demand should be acceded to, he threatened the
colony with an invasion. The astonishment and indignation
of the people of the colony, at this disregard of' their own
J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Rec., ii. 569; also see Doe. Hist. of No York,
iii. 78.




[1675.]    ANDROSS APPROACHES THE COAST.              289
prior grant, ratified by a solemn award, knew no bounds.
Although the war with Philip was impending, and the whole
country was in a state of preparation for the uncertain issue,
vet it was resolved by the governor and council of Connecticut, not to submit to a dismemberment of the colony.
It was soon made known at Hartford that Andross was
about to land at Saybrook, and that he intended, after having
taken possession of that important post, to proceed to H-a1rtford, New Haven, and other places, until lie had made himself ready to suppress the government of the people, and
establish his own upon a firm footing.
As soon as the tid.ings reached Hartford, that Andross was
approaching the coast, detachments of militia were ordered
to repair to Saybrool and New London as speedily as possible. *  Captain Thomas Bull was appointed to the command of the garrison at Saybrook.  The preparations made
to oppose his landing with a hostile force were as vigorous
as those against Philip, or the armament that had been raised
against the Dutch, during the war that had then just been
brought to a close.
On the 9th of July, the inhabitants of Saybrook, who were
ignorant as well of the intended invasion as of the measures
taken by the government to resist it, saw with alarm  an
armed fleet in the sound, making all sail for the fort.t
Thus taken by surprise, they were at first thrown into much
confusion, and were undeteramined what they should do.
But without instructions, as they were, from  Hartford, they
were not long in recovering their self-possession.  They determined to meet the emergency manfully, and treat the
invaders as enemies.
True to themselves and the popular government that they
had sworn to support, the gallant militia, who scarcely needed
to be officered, rallied as one man to defend the fort. Bull with
his company soon arrived, and with great alacrity aided them
in completing the enterprise that had been so nobly begun.
* Holmes, i. 368; Trumbull, i. 328; Bancroft, ii. 404.
~ Bancroft, ii. 403; Trumbull, i. 328.
19




290            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Meanwhile, a letter that Robert Chapman had written to
the governor and council at Hartford, informing them of the
approach of the armed force, had received a very characteristic answer, that could leave no doubt in the mind of Captain Bull what would be expected of him. Never did a state
paper issue in the name of a colonial government, that was
couched in language expressive of more loyalty or tender
regard for the king's honor. Indeed, the name and interest
of " his majestie," if we follow the phraseology of the document, make up the principal burden, and even the people of
Connecticut are lost sight of in their zeal to maintain the
royal prerogative.
The letter is addressed to Mr. Chapman and to Captain
Thomas Bull, and begins with the announcement that intelligence has just been received at Hartford of the arrival of two
sloops of war from New York, bringing troops under Major
Andross, who has been so considerate of the wants of the
garrison and the town, as to pay them a visit with a view of
lending them aid against the Indians. These gentlemen are
then instructed to inform  Plajor Andross that Connecticut
has no occasion to trouble him in this matter, as she has already provided for the defense of her own territory; but to
make him acquainted with the fact that Rhode Island is the
seat of war, and that he is desired to repair thither without
delay, "for the relief of the good people there, who are in
distress."
After making this charitable provision for the protection
of their neighbors, by generously proposing to make every
sacrifice in their favor, the governor and council, without
intimating a suspicion that the visit of Andross could have
arisen from any other than the promptings of a humane
desire to save the colony from destruction, go on to say that
if the Major shall desire to go ashore with any of his gentlemen for refreshments, they are. to be treated with all due
respect.
Here, for some mysterious purpose not named in the
letter, those to whom  it was addressed were to make a




[1675.]   DIRECTIONS OF THE GETNERAL COURT.         291
decided stand.  "And if so be those forces on board should
endeavor to land at Saybrook, you are in his majesty's name
to forbid their landing. Yet if they should offer to land, you
are to wait their landing and to command them to leave their
arms on board; and then you may give them leave to land
for necessary refreshing, peaceably, but so that they return
on board again in a convenient time." Then kindling into
an irrepressible flame of loyalty, and again losing sight of the
republic in their zeal to protect from insult the sacred banner
of the British empire, they earnestly add, "and you are to
keep the king's colors standing there under his majesty's
lieutenant, the governor of Connecticut; and if any other
colors be set up there, you are not to suffer them to stalcd.
And in general, whatsoever shall be done or attempted in
opposition to the government here established by his majesty,
you are to declare against, oppose and undo the same."
Lest these general instructions should be liable to misconstruction from  not being sufficiently explicit, they particularize as follows:
"if they make proclamations, you are to protest against
them; if they command the people to yield obedience to
them, you are to forbid it, and to command them to continue
in obedience to his majesty and his government here established; and if they should endeavor to set up any thing, yvou
may pull it down; and if they dig up any trenches, you are
to fill them up; if they say they take possession, you are to
say you keep possession for his majesty."
After thus giving expression to their enthusiastic love of
their monarch, as well in detail as in general, their habitual
caution comes to the rescue; but it will be seen from  the
context passage, that there lurks beneath the spirit of concealment, a terrible and deadly opposition.
"You are, in his majesty's name, required to avoid striking
the first blow; but if they begin, then you are to defend
yourselves."
In the whole body of this letter, not a word is said of the
claims of the Duke of York, nor is it so much as intimated



292               HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
that the governor and council are aware of the real intentions of the invader.   The postscript alone touches upon
this dangerous ground.  "You are to keep your instructions
to yourselves, and give no copies of it.  If Major Andross
desire a treaty, let him  present what he desires in that
respect. "On the 9th of July, the next day after the date of this
letter, the General Assembly convened at Hartford, and proceeded forthwith to draw up a declaration, protesting in the
strongest terms against the conduct of Major Andross.  This
paper, unlike the letter of' instructions sent to Bull, is very
explicit in its terms.  After a preamble, reciting the horrors
of Indian warfare, and the critical condition of the colony,
and after alluding to the king's charter as the basis of their
political existence, the remonstrants say, " We can do no less
than publicly declare and protest against the said Major
Edmund Andross, and these his illegal proceedings; also
against all his aiders and abettors, as disturbers of the peace
of his majesty's good subjects in this colony; and that his
and their actions in this juncture tend to the encouragement
of the heathen to proceed in the effusion of blood." They
add further that, "'they shall unavoidably lay at his door,"
whatever evil consequences may flow from his conduct, and
that they will use their utmost power and endeavor, expecting
therein the assistance of Almighty God, to defend the good
people of this colony from the said Major Andross' attempts."
After commanding all the people, in the king's name, to resist
the demands of Andross, and on no account to obey him  or
lend him  any countenance, in any proceedings contrary to
* I cannot doubt for a moment as to the authorship of this remarkable letter.
Indeed, there was but one man then living in New England who could have
firamed it. The masterly use of language, the adroitness with which conclusions
so startling are drawn from premises so innocent, its politeness, its firmness, its
childlike transparency of language giving forth a light that can neither dazzle nor
mislead-in a word, its exquisite diplomatic touch-betrays the hand of John
W'inthrop in every line. The whole letter may be found in vol. ii. of J. H.
Trumbull's Colonial Records, pp. 334, 335.




[1675.]          ANDROSS AND BULL.                  293
the charter and the laws of the colony, the protest closes
with the loyal words, "God save the king."-&
This protest was approved by every member of the General Assembly, and sent off immediately by express to Saybrook, with instructions to Bull to propose to Major Andross
that the matter in dispute should be referred to commissioners, to meet at any place in the colony that he might
choose. t
Early on the morning of the 12th of July, Major Andross
begged that he might be permitted to go on shore and have
an interview with the ministers and principal officers. This
request was granted, and he accordingly landed with his
suite.  While this was going on, the express arrived from
Hartford with the protest and letter of instructions. With
the blunt courtesy that was befitting a man of his straightforward nature, Captain Bull, accompanied by his officers
and the principal gentlemen of the town, met the major on
the beach and told him that he had just received orders to
make a treaty with him, and told him of the terms.
The object of Andross in going ashore, was to intimidate
the officers and the people, by reading the king's new patent
to the Duke of York, and the Duke's commission to himself
under that grant.  He, therefore, Mwith much haughtiness,
rejected the proposal made by the General Assembly, and as
he and his retinue had now come within hearing distance of
Bull and his companions, he commanded his clerk to read
aloud the two papers that gave him his pretended authority.
Little was Major Andross aware of the character of the
man with whom  he was dealing.  With an authority that
seemed to set at defiance both king and duke, Captain Bull
addressed himself to the clerk and imperiously commanded
him to forbear.  Balked in his first attempt, the secretary
attempted to persist in the execution of his office.
"Forbear!" reiterated the captain, in a tone that even
Andross himself did not think it safe to oppose.
* Colonial Records, ii. 261, 262.  t Trumbull, i. 330.




2914           HFTSrTOi:" OF CONNECTICUT.
Major Andross, with all his faults, was not without fine
traits of character, and was struck with a soldier's admiration at the coolness and intrepidity of the captain.
"What is your name?" he asked.
"My name is Bull, sir," was the prompt answer.
"Bull!" responded the governor, " It is a pity that your
horns are not tipped with silver."`
The governor saw that it was idle to attempt to overawe
the officers or the inhabitants, and that they would overpower
him with numbers should he resort to coercion.
With this equivocal compliment to the captain, and with
a bitter remark on the ingratitude of the colony and the
meagerness of their protest, he took a hasty leave of them.
With a politeness that could hardly have been agreeable to
him, the militia of the town escorted him to his boat.  In a
few hours, his sloops were out of sight.t
The General Assembly regarded these proceedings of Andross not only as illegal, but as a marked insult to the colony. After having read a detailed account of what had
happened at Saybrook, they sent a declaration to the several
towns, under the seal of the colony and signed by its secretary, to be published to all the inhabitants. They say that
"ithe good people of his majesty's colony of Connecticut
have met with much trouble and molestation from Major
Edmund Andross' challenge and attempts to surprise the
main fort of said colony, which they have so rightfully obtained, so long possessed and defended against all invasions
of Dutch and Indians, to the great grievance of his majesty's
good subjects in these settlements, and to despoil the happy
government by charter from his majesty granted to themselves, and under which they have enjoyed many halcyon
days of peace and tranquillity." The declaration further
informs the people that the Assembly had desired Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Richards, who were about to visit England,
to carry with them a copy of all the papers relating to the
* Trumbull, i. 330.  f Trumbull.




[1676.]    DEATH OF GOVERNOR WV INTHROP.              295
invasion of Andross, and anticipate, by a full narrative of
the affair, any false statements that he might make at court
to the prejudice of the colony."
The colony, in the midst of her successes, was destined to
suffer the keenest anguish.  One after another, her patriarchs
had departed from  her borders or found a refuge in her
bosom.  Winthrop was now to follow them.  He had been
chosen a commissioner to represent her in the Congress of
the United Colonies in May 1676, and, true to her interests
in age as he had proved himself in his youth, he had gone to
Boston early in the spring of 1676 to discharge the trust, and
to lend to New England in her darkest day, the light of his
counsels. There he was taken suddenly ill, and, after a
brief period of sickness, died.t
It is difficult for me to consider him as an individual character, so inseparably is his bright image blended with that
of the colony herself during the most doubtful and at the
same time most glorious period of her existence.  An ideal
of humanity, setting forth upon a journey that was to involve
the exploration of paths untried and wild; too full of hope
long to remain distrustful of the future; too sincere a believer
in the revealed will of God to doubt the comprehensiveness
and unfailing resources of his providence; too intelligent and
large-hearted for bigotry on the one hand; on the other, too
keenly alive to the thrill of those-finer fibers of the soul that
can alone ennoble man's nature and elevate his reason into
a faculty that may be called divine, ever to become a
sceptic; a fair ideal, rather than an individual man with the
frailties of our race binding him to the earth with chains,
does he sometimes present himself to my contemplation.
Whenever we would revive in our breasts the spirit of devotion to the cause of liberty, that better liberty setting
bounds to itself that the very laws of its being will not
permit it to pass; whenever we hallow with a sigh some
half-forgotten memory of those early days when the sons of
* Colonial Records, ii.'263, 264.
tf   i s "le  \o'siao ia, b1. ii. p. 1,15    ITolmnes, i. 387.




296                  11, PIliTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
Connecticut did not blush to own their parentage; when we
see rash youth jostling gray-haired age aside, and hot impulse blinding the eyes of wisdom  with the dust of his chariot-wheels as he drives swiftly past on his destructive career
-then, if at no  other moment, the  strong  bright eye, the
benevolent face, with its indescribable blending of caution
and  enthusiasm, reveals to us the Winthrop of the old time,
such as the poets and painters of a day yet to come will
delineate him. But this is not my task, and I return to give
a brief account of the Winthrop of history.
John Winthrop, of Connecticut, was the oldest son of the
[Hon. John  W/inthrop, governor of Massachusetts, and  was
born at Groton in England, in the year 1605.~   He was not
T the Winthrops are said to have come from Northumberland, whence they
Iemoved ihto lNottinglhaoishil,: and settled in a little village which still bears thie
namzeo of Winthrop, near Newark. From this place the ancestors of the American
branch of the family went to London.  As this has been one of the most eminent
families in New England, we here insert the Winthrop genealogy in a single
line.
1. Adam Winthrop, a lawyer of distinction, soon after the dissolution of the
monasteries by Henry VIII., was lord of the manor of Groton, county Suffolk,
where he died, and was buried Nov. 12, 1562.
2. Adam  Winthrop (his son) was also bred to the law; married Anne
3rowne, 20 Feb. 1579. His burial appears upon the register at Groton, 29
March, 1623.
3. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts, was born in Groton, 12 Jan.
1588; came to New England in 1630; died in Boston, 26 March, 1649. He
married (1st) Mary, daughter of John Forth, Esq., of Great Stanbridge, Essex,
who died 1615; (2d) Thomasine, daughter of Winm. Clopton, who died 1616;
(3d) Margaret, daughter of Sir John Tindale, Kt., who died 1647.
4. John Winthrop, F. R. S., Governor of Connecticut, was born in Groton, 12
Feb. 1606.  His first wife was Martha Fones; his second, Elizabeth Read,
daughter of a widow whom the famous Hugh Peters afterwards married. He
died April 5, 1676.
5. Fitz John Winthrop, F. R. S., Governor of Connecticut, was born in Ipswich, Mass., 14 March, 1639; died in Boston, 7 Nov. 1717. 5. Wait Still
Winthrop (brother of Fitz John) was Chief Justice of Massachusetts; he died in
Boston about 1688.
6. John Winthrop, F. R. S. (son of Wait Still,) born in New London, 26 Aug.
1681; married Anna, daughter of Gov. Joseph Dudley. He died 1 Aug. 1747.
7. John Still Winthrop, born 15 Jan. 1720; died 6 June 1776. His wife
was Jane, daughter of Francis Borland, of Boston, and granddaughter of the




CILuiACTER  OF WINTHROP.                 297
only the eldest son, but he was also the darling and idol of
his father's heart, who educated  him  at Trinity College,
Dublin.  I am able to find in the annals of that day, nothing
more lovely and confiding than the letters written by this
excellent father to a son of such promise that every eye
turned towards him with interest while the youth was still
growing in stature and wisdom, and while his character was
blossoming with sentiments that afterwards ripened into
great thoughts and noble actions.  Even if the elder Winthrop had not been a historical character, we should seem to
know him as a kindly neighbor and friend from the charming
tone of these letters.  Other fathers, in writing to their absent sons, usually pen their doubts and fears, and qualit?
their expressions of love with those of parental solicitude.
Most fathers dictate to their sons what course to pursue
when absent from home, and assume a demeanor and show
of patriarchal authority.   But Winthrop takes a different
course. He opens his whole heart to the boy as a lover
would whisper his passion in the ear of his betrothed. He
keeps nothing from his favorite. His large family, his many
expenses, the engrossing cares of business, the anxieties that
his other children give him, are all told with the charming
simplicity of affection. At the same time he bids him spend
freely whatever money his circumstances appear to indicate
as requisite to maintain the position of a gentleman's son at
a university.
" I purposed," he says in one of these letters, " to send vou
by this bearer such books as you wrote for; only Aristotle
I can not, because your uncle Fones is not at London to
buy it, and I know not whether you would have Latin or
Greek. I purpose also to send you cloth for a gown and
Hion. T. Lindall, of Salem, Judge of the Superior Court and Speaker of the Provinlcial Legislature.
8. Thomas Lindall Winthrop, LL.D., Lieut. Governor of AMassachusetts, was
born 6 March 1760; died 22 Feb. 1841.
9. Robert Charles Winthrop, LL.D., of Boston, Speaker of the United States
IHouse of Representatives; United States Senator.




2998            HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
suit; but for a study gown, you had best buy some coarse
Irish cloth."It may be interesting to the reader to know more about
the history of the suit of clothes and the gown, that were
both in danger of being outgrown by this college youth, who,
as we shall see by the following extract from another communication, had not yet attained his full stature: " You may
line your gown with some warm  baize, and wear it out, for
else you will soon outgrow it, and if you be not already in a
frieze jerkin I wish you to get one speedily; and howsoever
you clothe yourself when you stir, be sure you keep warm
when you study or sleep.  I send you no money, because you
mnay have of your uncle what you need."t
It does not require a very lively imagination in any one
who is familiar with the Winthrop portrait, to figure to himself the appearance of the future governor of Connecticut
poring over the pages of Aristotle of a winter evening, protected from  the cold by that warm  baize lining and frieze
jerkin.  The youth may be fairly presumed to have followed
his father's advice and worn out the gown at the elbows long
before he outgrew it.  The appellations, "loving son." "son
John," " well beloved," and other expressions of endearment,
abound in all these communications, not only during the
young man's stay at the university, but down to the time
when death separated them.
After he had finished his academical course with great
honor, in order that nothing might be wanting to develop
his faculties, young Winthrop was sent, (a rare accomplishment in those days,) to make the tour of Europe.  He
accordingly traveled in France, Germany, Holland, Italy and
Turkey. Thus, before he had entered upon his twenty-fifth
year, he was a thorough scholar, was possessed of liberal
* Savage's Winthrop, i. 404. In the Appendix to the first volume of Winthrop's History, Mr. Savage has given sixty-four family letters, nearly all of
which were written by the elder John Winthrop to his son.
Ib., i. 405.




CIHARACI-IE   OF WIN'TAle ROP.         299
views, a deep knowledge of the world in its varied aspects,
and the most elegant and courtly manners.
In 1631, he sailed for the wilderness of New England,* and
was chosen a magistrate of Massachusetts. He soon after went
back to England, but in 1635 returned, as I have informed
the reader in another place, with a commission to build a fort
at the mouth of the Connecticut river, and to hold the place
of governor of that river.  In 1651, he was chosen into the
magistracy of Connecticut.  In 1657, he was elected governor of the colony, and in 1658, he was made deputy governor; in 1659 he was again placed at the head of the magistracy.t
The rest of his history I have already attempted to set
forth, and can add little to what I have said.  His life and
character may be gathered from his state papers, his letters,
his counsels and his deeds.  Ile was one of the first chemists
of his age, was an excellent physician, and as a diplomatist
and statesman he had no superior in his day.
Though his bones repose in a sister colony, whither he had
gone in the service of Connecticut, yet his heart was hers to
its last beat.  It must have taken away something from the
bitterness of death, that though away from home he was not
among strangers, and that friendly hands would place his
remains in the same tomb With those of his honored father,
to await the signal that they both believed would burst the
bonds of the sepulchre, and leave them free in the enjoyment
of a new intercourse, more spiritual, more pure and delightful
than the old.
X See Mather's Magnalia, b. ii. 143; Trumbull, i. 345.
f Colonial Records.




CHAPTE11R  XIV.
ADMINISTRATION OF ANNDRIOSS,
AT the close of Philip's War, Connecticut found herself
deeply involved in debt. She had indeed kept that dangerous enemy from her borders, and her women and children
had been spared the horrors of captivity, and had been kept
safe fi-om the pitiless edge of the scalping-knife.  Still, she
had suffered much.  Her noble corps of volunteers had been
kept in constant service. A large proportion of' her brave
men had been continually on duty at home, keeping watch
and ward in their respective towns. They were obliged to
build forts, to construct palisades about their settlements and
around those houses that were selected on account of their
position or strength, as fit places of refuge for the infirm and
the old, helpless infancy and defenseless womanhood.
But heavy as was her expenditure, the republic lost no
time in regaining  her former independent position.  For
three years after the war began, her freeholders submitted to
the tedious tax of eleven pence on the pound upon the grand
list, besides paying all the customary town and parish rates.
To discharge her public debt, an additional tax of eight pence
upon the pound was now fixed for two years.'  The colony,
it was hoped, might repose upon her laurels now that Philip
was dead and the Narragansetts were crushed to the earth.
The General Assembly determined that Connecticut
should be remunerated for her services in the late war, by
taking possession of that large tract of country whence the
brave Denison and his volunteers had driven the subjects of
Nanuntenoo-a country that Rhode Island had failed to defend.  The Assembly set at defiance the decision of Nichols
* Colonial Records.




BOUNDARY QUESTIONS.                 301
and his fellow  commissioners, making  the Narragansett
country and Rhode Island a king's province, as it was
averred that these gentlemen were not clothed with power
to make such new colonies.  The agreement made between
Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Clark they also repudiated, as it was
subsequent to the charter and completed without the authority of the colony delegated to Winthrop.  Besides, it was
claimed that the charter of Rhode Island recognized but one
article of that agreement, and that all the other parts of it
had always been disregarded by the inhabitants of Rhode
Island. Many instances were speciously given, wherein it
was alleged that they had invaded the property of the settlers
named in those articles, driven off their cattle, burned their
fences, and pulled down their houses.   That Connecticut
behaved in this matter after the custom that governs powerful states in their relations with weaker ones, I have good
cause to believe.  Why should she be expected to form an
exception to a rule that has never been violated perhaps
since the foundation of civil politics in the world?
Edward Hutchinson, William  Hudson, and others, claimants of a large tract of land in the Pequot and Narragansett
country, also applied to the Assembly for relief against
Rhode Island and found a ready response to their suit.t
WMere I to go fully into the details of all the boundary
questions that from  time to time employed our comronwealth the first hundred and fifty years, I should fill a volume
that might better be devoted to documentary history. There
was doubtless blame on both sides.
Although Connecticut had made such efforts to prevent a
false construction being put upon her conduct at court in
the Andross affair, she did not succeed as she had hoped.
Winthrop, the powerful mediator between her and the king,
could no longer lend her his assistance in the hour of trial.
The charmed ring had lost its spell, the eloquent voice could
plead her cause no more.  Enemies now began to thicken
around her.  Among others who had now  learned her
* Trumbull, i. 353. t See J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, ii. 553, 5892 590.




302             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
friendless condition, was that common scourger of all the
New England colonies, the darkl, ill-boding manl-Edward
Randolph.
In 1676, he arrived in Boston and commenced a series of
vexations and interferences that only ended with his death.
He was in the habit of returning to England every autumn,
and there pouring into the royal ear the poisonous slanders
that he had so industriously distilled during the summer.  In
the spring he would return and pass the time in fomenting
dissensions among the people, and exercising over them the
tyranny that was so natural to him.  His pastime was the
lively one of writing letters to the king's ministers and favorites, complaining of the opposition that he found in New
England to the trade and navigation laws.  This ambitious
man was possessed of no ordinary abilities, and was stimulated to action by an intense desire of self-aggrandizement that
would never allow him to rest until he should, if possible, have
built for himself a monument upon the ruins of the colonies."
On account of the gloomy prospects of the colonies, the
Congress recommended a general fast, that the people might
humble themselves with prayer.  In conformity with this
request, Connecticut appointed the third Tuesday of November 1678, for a day of humiliation.
In May 1679, the General Assembly, with a view to prevent the people of Rhode Island, and others, from taking possession of lands in Narragansett, enacted that none of the
conquered lands should be taken up or laid out into farms
without special orders fiom the Assembly.
This question of jurisdiction  began now  to assume a
serious aspect.  In September 1679, Governor Cranston, of
Rhode Island, held a court in Narragansett.  The matter
kept growing worse, until, on the 7th of April 1683, the king
granted a commission to Edward Cranfield, Esq., lieutenant
governor of.New Hampshire, William  Stoughton, Joseph
Dudley, Edward Randolph, Samuel Shrimpton, John Fitz
* In a representation of his services to the committee' of council, he boasts of
having made eight voyages to New England in nine years.




[1683.]          THE HAMILTON CLAIM.                 303
Winthrop, Edward Palmes, Nathaniel Saltonstall, and John
Pyncheon, jr., Esquires, or any three of them, of whom Cranfield or Randolph should constitute one, to examine into the
claims as well of the crown as of all other persons and corporations, to the jurisdiction and title of a certain tract of'
land within his majesty's dominion of New England, called
the king's province or Narragansett country.`
On the 22d of August of the same year, the commissioners
met at the house of Richard Smith in the disputed territory.
They cited all parties interested in the subject-matter of
their commission to appear before them with their charters,
deeds, and other exhibits, under which they pretended to
have derived a title. These gentlemen, after a full hearing
of the evidence, adjourned to Boston, where they made a
report to the king, declaring that the jurisdiction of the
country was in the colony of Connecticut.t The joy that
attended this victory gained by Connecticut over the king
and the colony of Rhode Island, was qualified by the appearance of another enemy, more formidable because more
malicious.
On the 30th of June 1683, Edward Randolph had received
a power of attorney from  William  and Anne, duke and
duchess of Hamilton, and James, earl of Aran, their son, and
grandson of James, marquis of Hamilton, to sue and receive
their right of interest in lands, islands, houses, and tenements
in New England.  This representative of his betters, in the
discharge of his duties under the power, hastened to appear
before the commissioners at Boston, and in the name of his
principals claimed title to the Narragansett country by a
deed that bore date 1635.  These new parties of course had
a right to a full hearing, and had one at great length. Connecticut made an admirable defense, and one that was truly
unanswerable.  So it was afterwards found to be when investigated by the learned Trevor and that unrivaled authority, Sir Francis Pemberton.  " Marquis Hamilton," says Sir
* Trumbull, i. 358.
+ This report mayf be found in full in Trumbull, i. 359, 360.




30-            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Francis in his able opinion, "nor his heirs, or any deriving
from him, have ever had possession or laid out any thing
upon the premises, nor made any claim in said country, until
the year 1683, which was about forty-eight years after said
grant."   Mr. Trevor advised  that the grant to Rhode
Island was not valid in law, being subsequent to the grant to
C onnecticut.
The colony meanwhile received letters from the king,
giving information of a conspiracy against himself and his
brother, the duke of York.  The General Assembly replied
in a very sensible and respectful manner, that they were
omuch shocked at the tidings, and that for themselves " they
prayed for kings and all men, and especially for his majesty
and all in authority under him; that they feared God and
honored the king.""
New complaints were now framed against the colonies, a
share of which fell to Connecticut.  It was reported and
believed in England that the colonies favored piracy and
harbored pirates, and in support of this charge it was averred
that no laws had been passed in New England against that
crime.  A letter was written by the king's order to the governor and company, demanding that a law should be passed
for the suppression of that offense, so much abhorred by all
good men, and so directly in violation of the law of nations
as well as of the law of England.  On the 5th of July 1684,
therefore, a special assembly was called and a law passed
against piracy, a copy whereof was forthwith sent to the
king's secretary of state.
As early as 1673, a number of the citizens of Farmington
had presented their petition to the General Assembly, praying that a committee might be appointed to view Mattatuck,
and make their report, whether the lands there were sufficiently fertile to maintain a plantation. The committee was
sent out, and in lMay 1674 reported to the Assembly that
Mattatuck could accommodate thirty families.-t  The General Assembly then appointed a second committee to superColonial Records.  f Colonial Records.




[1686.]              wrATEs RBUR Y.                 3 05
intend the proposed settlement.  The number of planters
who owned shares in the Mattatuck lands at the commencement of this enterprise was less than thirty.  In Mlay 1686,
they were invested with corporate privileges, and exchanged
the aboriginal name for that of TIVateru-ry.  Its beginnings
were not prosperous, nor were its prospects at all flattering
for many years. Although the site of the town was not unpleasant, and the meadows that bordered the river were very
inviting, yet the people were long pursued by a variety of
calamities.
In February 1691, the town was almost destroyed by an
inundation.  The rain fell in such abundance that the Naug-tuck rose to a great height, and swept through the valley
with such terrible violence, that the soil of the meadows was
torn and washed down with the current, and the whole surthce of the fields was left rough and disfigured with loose
stones.  Many of the people, shocked at the desolation
wrought by the flood, abjured their homes and fled from the
town  forever. In the fall of 1712, the place was almost
depopulated by an epidemic, that left scarcely enough living
inhabitants to attend upon the sick and minister the last rites
to the dead."
Indeed, for many years, and until the commencement of
the present century, Waterbury was not thought to be a town
that could offer any very strong inducements to those who
were seeking a favorable situation for a permanent abode.
But a change has come over the aspect of the place, that
reminds us of the transformations that we find in tales of
Arabian enchantment.  The river,, once so destructive to
those who dwelt upon its banks, though sometimes even
now in its more gamesome moods it loses its self-control and
deluges the lands and houses of the inhabitants, is no longer
the instrument of destruction to them, but is, notwithstanding its lively looks and the racy joyousness of its motions,
their common drudge and plodding laborer in all departments of their manifold enterprises.  The difference between
* Trumbull, i. 367.
20




306            t-ISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the twenty-eight families at AJfattatuck, flying from  the
meager settlement vwhere poverty, inundation and disease
threatened their extermination, and the young city of Waterbury, with its stone church towers, its rich mansions, its
manufactories and its population that is now numbered by
thousands, affords to a reflective mind a practical illustration
scarcely equalled even upon the prairies of the west, of the
self-renewing vigor and boundless exuberance of health that
characterizes the blood of the old pioneers of' New England.
The Naugatuck valley, but a few years ago unknown, almost
unexplored even by the citizens of Hartford and New Haven,
is now one of the most interesting and busy thoroughfares in
New England.  I-low long it will be before the traveler who
takes his seat in the train at Derby, will be able to journey
its whole length to Winsted,without once losing sight of brick
stores and stone manufactories standing by the stream, and
graceful white houses perched upon the hill-sides on either
hand, let the prophetic decide. I have only to do with the
past.
The insertion of the settlement of Waterbury in this place,
according to its chronological order, will not call for an excuse.
Let us now return to the general history of that period.
During the latter years of the reign of Charles II. the king
had become so reckless of his pledges and his faith, that he
did not scruple to set the dangerous example of violating the
charters that had been granted by the crown. Owing to the
friendship that the king entertained for Winthrop, we have
seen that Connecticut was favored by him to a degree even
after the death of that great man. But no sooner had Charles
demised and the sceptre passed into the hands of his bigoted
brother, King James II., than Connecticut was called upon
to contend against her sovereign for liberties that had been
affirmed to her by the most solemn muniments known to the
law of England.
The accession of James II. took place on the 6th day of
February 1685, and such was his haste to violate the honor
of the crown, that early in the summer of 1685 a quo




[1686.]              QUO WARRANTOS.                    307
warranto was issued against the governor and company of
Connecticut, citing them  to appear before the king, within
eight days of St. Martin's, to show by what right and tenor
they exercised certain powers and privileges.*
On the 6th of July 1686, the governor of Connecticut
called a special assembly to take measures to procure the
chartered  rights of the colony.  The assembly that day
addressed a letter to his majesty, praying him, "to pardon
their faults in government and continue them  a distinct
colony"  The burden of their prayer was, that he would
"recall the writ of quo warranto."t  Never was a supplication more utterly disregarded.
On the 21st of the same month, came that old and dreaded
enemy of the colonies, Edward Randolph, and brought with
him two writs of quo warranto, which he delivered to Governor Treat. The day of appearance named in them was
passed, long before the writs were served.
On receiving these formidable documents, accompanied
with a letter from  Richard Normansel, one of the sheriffs
of London, Governor Treat called another special assembly,
that met on the 28th of July. Mr. Whiting was immediately
appointed the agent of the colony to repair to England and
present its petition before the king.  He was instructed to
inform his majesty at what a late day the writs had arrived,
so that it was impossible that the colony should have had a
hearing at the time and place named in them.  He was further directed to represent how great injuries the colony
would sustain by a loss of its charter, and more particularly
by a dismemberment of its territory.  Should the agent fail
in this matter, he was ordered to implore the king to continue inviolate the enjoyment of property among them, and
above all that he would preserve to them  their religious
privileges.:
Chalmers, b. i. 295; Trumbull, i. 367. The articles of high misdemeanors
which were exhibited against the governor and company, are in Chalmers, b. ih
301-404. They are signed by Edmund Randolph.
+ Colony Records, (MS) vol. iii. 182, 183.   t Colony Records.




308             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
In this state of uncertainty the affair rested, until, on the
28th of December, another writ of quo warranto was served
upon the governor and company of the colony. This writ
bore date the 23d of October, and required the defendants to
appear before the king " within eight days of the purification
of the Blessed Virgin."  The American lawyer of the present
day cannot help smiling at the most catholic and mystical
return day mentioned in a citation wherein puritans were
the parties summoned.  It is not at all likely that they had
informed themselves as to the time of that event, so interesting to King James, nor could they dream, even were the
day of purification fairly known to them, on what one of
those eight days the king would graciously attend upon
them.'n
The scribe might as well have said, within eight days of
the tiihe when the king's soul shall have been released firom
purgatory.  The individuality of this monarch is stamped
upon this whole proceeding.
I have hitherto in this work, attempted to speak of all
dignitaries with respect; but this piece of royal jugglery, so
unworthy of a man, not to say of a king, deserves all reprobation, and has not even the convenient cloak of bigotry and
superstition to hide its meanness.t  It is a political trick
that any one of the courtly Plantaganets or blunt Tudors
would have been incapable of practicing, and one that the
grandfather, father, and brother of King James, would have
scorned to be thought guilty of. Long before his ignominious reign, still marked in British history for its imbecility,
its cruelty, its wanton violation of every principle of the
constitution, and its disregard both'of the forms and spirit of
the law, a royal charter had been settled to be an irrevocable
thing so long as its terms were kept sacredly by the grantees;
~ The parlties summoned might also have asked with propriety whether
"within eight days " before or after the event designated, was intended by his
majesty.
f See Wade, 251, 252,




OTHER CHARTERS REVOKED.                309
and fromn immemorial time it had been the right of the subject to be duly cited to appear, before any right could be
taken from him.  Before this unoffending colony was perfidiously stabbed in the dark by the government, nearly fifty
corporations in England had been robbed of their charters,
through various pretexts, and so shallow and untenable that
an honorable barrister might feel ashamed to stand up and
show cause why they should not prevail.  Even the city of
London, herself a mighty empire, after going through the
form of a trial, had lost her corporate privileges.  The charter of Maassachusetts had ifallen a prey to the same rapacity,
and that of Rhode Island, enjoyed for such a brief space of
time, had been surrendered.*  A general government had
been appointed over all New England with the exception of
Connecticut, and even from her, the Narragpansett country,
already declared to be hers by the cornmmissioners named by
King Charles II., had been recklessly taken away.  This
general government of New England was instituted under a
commission granted during the first year of the new monarch's reign, and in it Joseph Dudley was named president
of the commissioners.  President Dudley, in pursuance of
his official duty, thereupon on the 28th of lIay 1686, had
sent abroad a proclamation " discharging all the inhabitants
of Rhode Island and Narragansetts from obedience either to
Connecticut or Rhode Island, and prohibiting all government
of either in the king's province."t
The authorities of Connecticut could not fail to be alarmed
at the threatening attitude of' affairs.  They had good cause
to believe that judgment would be entered up against them,
through default of appearance to defend, when no day had
been named in the writ of quo warranto, yet they attempted
to withstand the approaching shock, and still dared to hope
that in the midst of the fallen columns of other temples,
theirs might keep its place. Governor Treat, who has been
much commended as a warrior by all our historical writers
* Callender, 47; Adams; Hutchinson.   t Trumbull, i. 369.




310                IUrTOPY  OF CO`NNECTICUT.
who have treated of the period in which he lived, and who
was no less preeminent as a civilian, summoned up all his
resolution to meet the emergencies of that critical time.
On the 26th of January 1687, and after the reception of the
third writ of quo warranto, he called a special assembly to
decide on the steps to be taken by the colony. But the
sad  representatives  of  the  people  with  trembling  lips
begged his excellency, with the advice of his council, to do
ior them at discretion what they could not do for themselves,
and then returned to their homes.
In March the court again met and declared  by their vote
that "they  did not see sufficient reason  to vary from  the
answer they  gave Sir Edmund Andross to a motion of surrender in January  last."   A letter was ordered  to be sent
to Andross in the name of the court.*A
In May they met regularly under the charter and made
their annual choice  of officers.   Treat was again  chosen
governor.  The  General Assembly still refused  to  direct
what measures should  be adopted.  Fear paralyzed all their
energies, and despair began to cast a dark shadow  over their
deliberations.  If they yielded up their corporate immunities,
what would they get in place of them  but a reckless provincial government, heavy taxes, unsettled tenures, broken obligations, religious persecutions?   For, what faith could they
expect him  to keep with them, who  only two  years before
had written a letter to Governor Treatt filled  with  fatherly
promises and tender recognition of their corporate existence?
Colony Record1s.
v This letter, addressed by James II. to Governor Treat, bearing date the 26th
of June 1685, is one of the most bland and comforting documents to be found on
file in our Department of State. It contains also a most absolute admission of the
validity of the charter, and of our uniform observance of its terms. In it the king
is pleased to compliment his subjects in Connecticut in very gracious language,
and he promises to extend to them "his royal care and protection in the preservation of their rights, and in the defense and security of their persons and estates."
The letter still remains, and taken with the other documentary evidences to be
found in the same depository, it is a monument scarcely equalled in the annals of
the world, of the perfidy and corruption of the false and grasping monarch who is
to be held responsible for its contents.




[1687.J  ANDROSS GOVERNOR O o NEI'Nr ENGLAND.        311
On the other hand, if they resisted, how easy would it be for
the tyrant to declare them  traitors?   AVith the deepest
solicitude, the deputies again coalmmitted their distracted
affairs to the governor1 and council, and adjourned.
Meanwxhile, MIr. Whi-tin,, the agent, did vwhat he could in
England to prevent a consolidation of the  i\tew England
colonies, and especially to keep the colony that he represented fromn such a fate.  But his effrorts proved of no avail.
Accordingly, on the 15th of JanuarIy l87, he wrote a letter
to Governor Treat, informing him  of the prospects that
awaited Connecticut, and begging  that tile governor and
council would send one or more of their own number, to
defend the charter.
On the 15th of June, a special assembly vwas called to take
advice as to the propriety of adopting this course, and after
due consultation it was thought best not to send any more
agents in a matter where so skillful a diplomatist as W;hiting had failed.  He was desired to continue his services
"both in appearing for us and in our behalf' to make answer
to what shall be objected against us, and generally to do
whatever shall be needful to be done for us."  The governor,
deputy governor, and assistants, were directed to present the
thanks of the Assembly to fMr.,Wh!liting for his services.`
President Dudley had already addressed a letter to the
governor and council, advising them  to resign the charter
into the king's hands.  Should they do so, he undertook to
use his influence in behalf of the colony.  They did not
deem  it advisable to comply with the request.  Indeed,
they had hardly time to do so before the old commission
was broken up, and a new one granted, superseding Dudley and naming Sir Edmund Andross governor of New
England.
Sir Edmund arrived in Boston on the 19th of December
1686,t and the next day he published his commission and
took the government into his hands.  Scarcely had he established himself, when he sent a letter to the governor and
* Colony Records.   + WTashburn's Judicial list. Aiass., 91, 126.




312            HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
company of Connecticut, acquainting them with his appointment, and informing them that he was commissioned by the
king to receive their charter if they would give it, up to him.
I-e begged them, as they would give him a favorable opportunity to serve them, and as they loved and honored his
majesty, not to keep it back any longer.
As this communication did not bring forward the much
desired paper, Sir Edmund soon after addressed another to
Governor Treat, in which he said that he had just received
tidings from England that judgment had been entered upon
default in the writ of quo warranto brought against the colony, and that he should soon receive the king's commands
respecting them. He earnestly urged the company to anticipate any compulsory steps that might otherwise be taken,
and to receive the gratitude and favor of their sovereign, by
voluntarily yielding up what would else be plucked firom
them by force.
When this last epistle was received, the Assembly was in
session, and it was forthwith submitted to them, in connection with another from Colonel Dungan of a like import, If
caution is one trait of the people of Connecticut, the reader
has by this time learned that the most cool and persistent
courage is another that they possess in a high degree. With
one voice, the Assembly decided to stand for their rights,
and hold fast to the charter.  Still, that caution might be
duly mingled with courage, and that patience might have
her perfect work upon them, they addressed a petition to the
king, earnestly supplicating him to preserve those privileges
that had been granted to them by his royal brother, and renewed by the kind assurances in his own gracious letter to
their governor. If this, the burden of their prayers, should
be denied them, they beg that they may not be separated
from their old friends in Massachusetts, and that they may
be placed under the government of Sir Edmund Andross.*
This alternative request, wrung as it was from the heartagony of a suffering people, was artfully construed into a
e Colony:Reords.




[16S57.]   GOVEitNOR  AN)DROSS VISITS HARTFORD.                 313
voluntary resignation of their charter.-  Thus swas a supplication that had been obtained by fraud and lies, sought
to be made available by a false construction too gross to
deceive even the weakest mind.  As well might a martyr's
prayer for life uttered in the cold ears of his inquisitors,
closing with the last request that, if he must die, his features
may not be mutilated by the devilish enginery of torture, or
his limbs be broken upon the wheel, be considered  as fully
granted, because, touched with some sense of womanly remorse, they  had dexterously snatched  the immortal jewel
without shattering the perishable casket in which it had
been imprisoned.
Notwithstanding  the earnest appeal made to the king, to
do justice to her, the little colony still clung to the charter.
In October, at the time prescribed by it, the General Assembly convened as usual, and held its regular session.
On Monday, the 31st of October 1687,t' Sir Edmund Andross, attended by several of the members of his council and
other gentlemen, surrounded  by a body guard of about sixty
soldiers, entered  Hartford  with a view  of' taking possession
of the instrument that all his efforts had failed to procure
from  the reluctant authorities.  The General Assembly was
in session when he arrived.  He was received by the governor and council, and by the other members of the Assembly,
with all the outward marlrks of respect, but it was obvious
that no cordial feeling of congratulation awaited him. Andross entering the legislative hall in the presence of the
* The author of'" Will and Doom," (referring to the letter containing this
petition of the Connecticut Assembly) says: " The letter being received at
Whitehall, the king readily granted their request of being annexed to the Bay,
pursues his quo warranto no further, but sends a commission to Sir Edmund
Andross, Kt., (then governor of Massachusetts,) to take on him the government
of Connecticut."  The same writer subsequently says: " The charter government of Connecticut was laid aside by their own act, and the Iking's government
was erected by his excellency without fraud or force, but with the free consent of
all parties concerned."  He could hardly have been acquainted with the principles of the English law, or he would have remembered that " duress per minas
voids all contracts."'
t Bulkley's "Will and Doom."




14           ITIISTONY OF C N'-',-U,
PAssembly, publicly demanded the charter, and declared the
government that was then acting under it to be dissolved.
The Assembly, confionted as they were by this royal'emissary with an armed force at his heels, neither complied with
his demand to bring forth the charter, nor did they evince,
by resolve or any other expression of' their legislative will, a
determination to abandon any right or immunity that they
lhad acquired and held under it.  Tradition, never controverted by a single respectable authority, tells us that Governor Treat remonstrated against this arbitrary proceeding,
with the manliness and strong sense that characterized his
whole life; that he gave a brief narrative of the early settlement of the colony, the hardships and dangers that beset the
people for so many years; the Indian wars with their
long train of evils. He pictured, as none but a participant in
that sad drama could have done, the savages, the fire, slaughter, and captivity, that had made Philip's wvar " so memorable
and so horrible;'" and after representing in vivid colors the
part that he had himself played in that and other kindred
struggles, he said it was like giving up his life, now to give
up the patent and privileges so dearly bought and so long
enjoyed. ~
Whet-her Sir Edmund condescended to reply to this touching appeal, we are not informed, but in some way the deliberations were protracted until evening, perhaps by the choice
of Sir Edmund himself, certainly by his acquiescence, who
may have seen in the lowering brows of the citizens as they
thronged the hall and glanced silently upon him, a spirit that
suggested to his mind the prudence of obtaining if he could
a quiet submission.  I have every cause to think from the
previous and subsequent history of the colony, that Governor
Treat, who could have had little hope of making any impression upon the heart of Andross by this oration, prolonged the
debate as much as possible in pursuance of a plan of operations that had been before agreed upon, in which others less
liable to the charge of treason were to be the principal
* Trumbull, i. 3'71.




[1687.]        Tmx X..'J.I-'    D  Orre Bla:s.          1aS
actors.  i:e this as it might, the shades of evening gathered
around the legislative chamber, and still the charter had not
made its appearance.  Lighted candles waere brought in, and
the eager crowd  pressed  more and more ldesely into the
room, to Nwitness the last pang of the expiring colony.  We
may suppose  that by this tine Sir Edmund  had lost all
patience, and, as he saw no such manifestations of violence
and brutality as evince the madness of an  English mob, that
he would be still more peremptory in his denmands.  At last
the governor and assistants appear to yield. TFhe charter is
brought in and laid upon the table in the midst of' the Assembly.-  It was then that the first lesson was giveon to a creature of the British crown, teaching him  how wide is the difference between an English populace  and a body of' American  freemen.  In an instant, the lights were extinguished,
and the room  xwas wr-apped in total darkness.  Still, not a
lword was spoken, not a threat was breathed.  The silence
that pervaded the place was as profound as the darkness.
The candless were quietly re-lighted, but, strange to tell, the
charter had disappeared.  Sir Edmund, and. we may well
believe, the people's governor too, looked carefullyN in every
nook and corner where it might be thought to be hid, but
their search.was in vain.  All efforts to find the perpetrator
of this rash and sudden act, proved equally fruitless.
I' HTal he melted inl earth or vanishled in air I'
Thus robbed of the prize while it seemed already in his
grasp, Sir Edmund  Andross smothered  his resentment as
well as he could, and proceeded to assume the reins of authority.  In  the following pompous words, he announced
that the government of the people was at an end:
" The following entry in the Colonial Records doubtless has reference to this
scene: " Sundry of the court desirsing that the patent or charter might be brought
into the court, the secretary sent for it and informed the governor and court that
he had the charter, and showed it to the court, and the governor bid him put it in
the box again and lay it on the table, and leave the key in the box, which he did
forthwith. "




o I 6                 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
"At a; General Court at Hartford, October 31st, 1687, his
excellency, Sir Edmund Andross, knight, and captain-gen.
eral and  rovernor of his majesty's territories and dominions
in New  England, by order of his majesty James the Second,
King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, the 31st of
October, 1687, took  into  his hands the  government of the
colony of Connecticut, it being  by  his majesty  annexed  to
Massachusetts, and  other  colonies  under  his  excellency's
governmn ent.
FINIS.
The  new   governor  now   proceeded  to  appoint officers
throughout the colony.   His council consisted of' about fifty
persons.   Of' these, Governor  Treat, John  Fitz  Winthrop,
VWait Winthrop, and  John  Allen, were  fiom   Connecticut.
Sir Edmund, like  his master, began  his administration with' Bulkley, in his ": Will and Doom,:' gives a somew-vvhe detailed account of the
way in which Sir Edllund assumed the government, and of the humble mannner in
which Governor Treat made his resignation to his successor.  It may be interesting to tlhe reader, and I therefore subjoin  it, in that quaint author's own
language:'" Upon this not'ce, the governor summons the General Court to imeet at Hartford about the same time, who accordingly atten(led (ready to receive his excellency when he cainme,) and held a court, and some say also voted a submission to
him, though of this we are( not yet well assurled, and possibly tihey made no record
of it.
"On MIOnday, October 3, 1 687, Sil Edmund Androlss, (wit  divers of tl(h
members of his council and other gentlemen attending him, and with his guards,)
came to Hartford, where lhe was received with all respect and welcome eonaratulation that Connecticut was capable of. The troops of horse of that county conducted
hiln honorably f~romt the ferr;y through Waterfield, up to  Ialrtford, where the
trained bands of divers towns, (who had waited there some parit of the week
before, expecting his coming then, now acain being commanded by their leaders,)
united to pay him their respects at his coming.
" Being arrived at Hartford, he is greeted and caressed by the goverinor and
assistants, (whose part it was, being the heads of the people, to be mlost active in
what was now to be done,) and some say, though I vill not confidently assert it, that
the governor and one of the assistants did declare to him the vote of the General
Court for their submission to him.
"' owever, after some treaty between his excellency and them, that evening
he was the next morning waited on and conducted by the governor, deputy
governor, assistants and deputies, to the court chamber, and by the governor him



[1687.]            TYRANNY  OF ANDROS.                             3'7
many professions of tender regard  for the people.  He bade
his magistrates dispense justice with an even hand, and as
nearly as might be in consonance with the established  laws
and usages of the colony.  But these instructions were merely
the thin  disguise of his ultimate designs to plunder and oppress the people, or else, like many  a greater man, he soon
became intoxicated  by too copious draughts from  the exhilarating  cup of power, and was led  into excesses that were
foreign from  his original intentions.  Doubtless the example
of a bad kiing, whose favor he was too anxious to win, goaded
him  on to acts of blindness and lawlessness that had before
that time known no precedent in Connecticut.
One of his first acts of tyranny, and  the one of all others
most likely to awaken the indignation of a people nurtured
under the auspices of the constitution of 1639, was to put an
end to the liberty of the press.  He then proceeded to incur
the displeasure of our youths and maidens by requiring all
those parties w ho were about to form  matrimonial alliances,
first to give heavy bonds with sureties to the governor.  In
many cases, this was impossible, and amounted to an actual
prohibition.  Hle also took  away fiom  the clergy the power
of joining persons in wedlock, and confined that privilege
exclusively to  magistrates.  This was done to  deprive  the
clergy of the perquisites resulting from  the discharge of this
delicate and sacred fhinction.'`
He soon made a still more radical innovation.   The ministers, as the reader is now  well aware, had  been the patriself directed to the govelnoi's seit, and being thelre seated, (the late governor,
assistants and deLputics being presatl and the eihamber throngcetl as. fall of people:is it' was capable of,) his exe:-leney declared that his rmljesty had, according o n
their desire, given him a commission to come and talle on liana the goverlllnelnt
of Conmosetieut-and caused his comnllission to be publiely ret:ll.
T ihat being done, his excellency showed that it was s his rnaja estys pleasure to
make the late governor and Capt. John Allyn members of his council, and called 
upon them to take their oaths, which they did forthwith-and all this in that publie and great assembly, nenilze contrtadicente, only one man said that they first
desired that they might continue as they were.'"
Trumbull, i. 37.




318            IlISTSP ORY OF CONNECTICUT.
archs of the colony, and its pioneers.  They had acted the
part of Moses and Aaron, and had led the people through the
wilderness, and into the promised land.  They had smitten
the rock for the gushing forth of the waters; they had d& -
stroyed the molten images and superintended the cutting
down of the groves; their prayers had aided in driving out
the Canaanites, and in obedience to their voice the humble
tabernacle had been set up in the midst of the tents of the
people of God. Thus had the inhabitants of Connecticut been
taught by their fathers to believe, and hence the reverence
that followed the minister wherever he went was bred in
the children that composed his flock. It was a reverence
sometimes carried to an unwarrantable extent, amounting to
a sacrifice of personal independence.  But, unlike the reverence with which Sir Edmund bent the knee and bowed to
the arbitrary will of the king, it was a sentiment that had in
it little of the alloy of selfishness and none of the obsequious cowardice of adulation.  It vwas certainly hotnest and
earnest, and pervaded  the whole atmosphere of society.
The people had brought with them fiom England the belief
that it was necessary to the well-being of a state that the
clergy-and they had one of their own —should be supported
by law.  They had, therefore, grown up under a mild and
greatly modified tithing system.  lWith a view of striking a
blow most calculated to wound them, and Nwith no regard,
certainly, for the promotion of that religious liberty now
so universal in this country, Sir Edmund repealed the laws
requiring citizens to pay taxes for the support of the clergy.
If they resisted his will, he declared that he would take
their meeting-houses from them, and that he would punish
any body who should give two-pence to a non-conformist
minister.
That this movement was imprudent and unstatesmanlike,
to say nothing of its moral effect upon a people living in the
seventeenth century, and brought up with the strictness
peculiar to a Puritan education, I need not say to any reader
who knows any thing of the philosophy of human govern



[1688.]    i —AND TITLES DECL-I'tIED VOID.          3I9
ment.  It would of itself have destroyed all confidencee
between the governor and the governed, had anly existed, and
would, in the course of a few years, have resulted in resistance and bloodshed throughout New Login lad.
Another measure adopted by him was, that all estates of
deceased persons should be administered upon at Boston. The
expenses of a journey to the capital city firom the border
towns of Connecticut were very burdensome, and in the
case of widows and orphans, often amounted to an absolute denial of justice.  The fees under his government
were such as better befitted a mercantile city like London than the agricultural towns of Connecticut.  It cost
fifty shillings to prove a will, and other charuges were in
proportion.
Taxation was another sore burden.  Without any legislalative body whose sympathies were with the people, and who
knew best what weight of oppression they would bear, without even consulting the majority of his council, Sir Edmund,
with Randolph, and a few of his more congenial satellites,
taxed the colonies at pleasure.
Thus heavily did the time drag on with the citizens of
Connecticut, who had so long been fondled in the lap of freedom, that they felt more keenly than the other colonies the
yoke of a provincial tyrant.
In 1688 the province of New York was brought under the
same dominion, and shared the same degradation.  Indeed
her people for several administrations were subjected to the
tyranny of the worst rulers.
All the charters were now gone except that of Connecticut,
and the government had ceased to be operated under it.  Sir
Edmund, therefore, declared that the tenures by which the
colonists held their lands were valueless. " An Indian deed,"
he would remark with a grim pleasantry befitting the simile,
"an Indian deed is no better than the scratch of a bear's paw."
He, therefore, compelled the planters to take out new patents
for their estates, and some of them were obliged to pay a fee
to the authorities of fifty pounds apiece for these new titles




~320             TIISTORYT OF CONNECTICUT.
to lands that they or their fathers had purchased of the Indians, had reclaimed from the wilds of nature, had built houses
upon and spent many times their value in improving, not to
speak of a possession, adverse as against the whole world, of
mlore than half a century's duration, and to say nothing of
solemn charters, pledging the honor and faith of kings, of
conmmissioners that ratified, and of congratulatory letters that
hcad again and again confirmed those charters.  Some of the
principal gentlemen refused to submit to this tyrannical swindle, and  were served with  " writs of intrusion," rightly
enough named if applied to those who thus sought to eject
fi'om their patrimrony the lords of the soil." 
Not only wvere their estates taken front the people, but in
Massachusetts the personal liberty of the citizens was trampled on with the same recklessness.  All special town meetings were prohibited.  The people were imprisoned at the
will of the governor and his minions, and the act of habeas
corpus was as little regarded as in Tulkey or Algiers.  Indeed, Randolph, with the frankness of an unrestrained favorite,
did not scruple to tell the persons with whom he corresponded
in England, that Ancdross and his Council were as " arbitrary
as the great Turk."' In vain did petitions from his oppressed
subjects in New England assail the ear of the king.  Proud,
bigoted, prejudiced against the applicants, and dividing his
time between the cruelties of persecution and the seclusion
of monastic life, he turned coldly away and left them to their
fate.
It is true that most of these severe shocks of power fell
upon MIassachusetts and Plymouth.  Connecticut had not
made herself obnoxious to the government, as her sister
colonies had done, and besides she had the benefit of Governor Treat's intercessions in her behalf, who, though he could
not avert the rapacity of Andross and Randolph fiom the
other colonies, was able to protect his own from many acts
* This was not done uniformly, and happened less in Connecticut than in
Massachusetts. Had it been generally insisted on, the people would have resistede
it by force, or been brought to a state of bankruptcy by it.




[1689.]    CHARTER GOVERNMIENT RESUMIED.            321
of oppression that would otherwise have driven her to despair.
He was a member of Andross' Council, and through his instrumentality, the other rulers with whom his fellow-citizens
came more immediately in contact, were such men as would
follow as nearly in the old track of administering justice, as they
could be allowed to do. But, notwithstanding his exertions,
the affairs of the colony grew worse and worse; and when
the summer of the year 1688 was brought to a close, Connecticut was more desponding and distrustful than she had
been at the commencement of the administration. A dead
torpor reigned throughout the colony.
But this darkness only heralded the dawn of a brighter day.
The abdication of James put an end to the license of tyranny.
On the 5th of November, William, Prince of Orange, landed
in England and published his plan of conducting the affairs
of his realm.-  A copy of this manifesto soon arrived in
Boston, and when its contents were made known to Andross,
he caused the messenger who had brought it to be arrested
and committed to jail "for bringing a false and traitorous
libel into the country." The people bade the noble adventurer God-speed in his undertaking, and on the 18th of April,
1689, the popular indignation, so long repressed, broke forth
in civil war. The people of Boston, and the towns adjoining,
arose in a mass, seized Andross and the more odious members
of his Council, and re-instated the old officers of the colony.
On the 9th of May, Governor Treat, Deputy Governor
Bishop, and the old magistrates under the Charter, resumed
the government of Connecticut.  The Assembly was convened, and before the close of the same month the glad
tidings reached Connecticut that William  and Mary, of.
blessed  memory, were established upon the throne  of
the British empire.  With hearts as glad as the smiles
of the summer that was opening, the General Assembly, specially called for that purpose, hailed the new
king.  With  a  truly  epic  magnificence, the  glorious
* Wade, 261.




322               IhiSITORYB'   OF CONNECTICUT.
little colony who alone had kept her charter, told King Wrilliam  how the "Lord who sitteth King upon the floods, had
separated his enemies from him as he divided the waters
of Jordan before his chosen people." In words flattering and
sweet, she also told him that it was "because the Lord loved
his people, that he had exalted him to be king over them, to
execute justice and jztdgrient."   Her General Assembly told
him further the simple story of her wrongs, the oppression of
the provincial tyrant who had wantonly usurped the government of a people that had never surrendered their patent,
and how they had now taken the liberty to resume the reins of
government until they could learn his majesty's good pleasure. The officers who were in power at the date of the
usurpation, were re-installed into their respective places.-*
But, perhaps some one will ask me if I have forgotten to
tell what had become of the charter, and where it lay hid
during the unhappy period of Andross' usurpation? I have
not indeed forgotten it; neither have I forgotten the other
legend that has come down to us unchanged in its fair proportions, or in its power over the public mind-a  legend
more sacred than history, more veritable than a record, for
it is still represented by a living witness, whose biography,
were it written, would be read with an interest that could
invest the life of no merely human personage.
I have already said that before Governor Wyllys came to
America, he sent forward Gibbons, his steward, to prepare a
place fit for his reception.  We are told that while he was felling the trees upon the hill where Wyllys afterwards lived, he
was waited upon by a deputation of Indians from the South
* Bulkley argues that the Charter Government was extinlct, because the people
of Connecticut had " voluntarily omitted their annual election, the only means to
continue their government, in 1688,?" and that, consequently, the resumption of
the government was void,  there being no Governor or Deputy Governor to
summon a Court of Election, according to the Charter."  This would be sound
reasoning but for two facts, viz., the failure to elect -the annual officers in 1688,
was not " voluntary," and therefore did not vitiate the Charter; and as the
Charter had never been surrendered, it was still in full force.




THE CHARTER  OAK.                    323
Mfeadow. who came up to remonstrate against the cutting
down of a venerable oak that stood upon the side of the
mound now  consecrated to freedom.  With the true eloquence of nature, the brown sons of the forest pleaded in
behalf of the immemorial tree.  "It has been the guide of
our ancestors for centuries," said they, " as to the time of
planting our corn.  When the leaves are of the size of a
mouse's ears, then is the time to put the seed in the ground."'
At their solicitation, the tree was permitted to stand, and
continued to indicate the time when the earth was ready to
receive the seed corn: a vast legendary tree, that must
have begun to show signs of age a hundred years before that
day, in the cavity at its base that was gradually enlarging,
as one'generation after another of red men passed from
beneath its shadow.
As soon as the lights had been extinguished in the legislative chamber, in the presence of Andross, Captain Wadsworth
seized the precious charter and bore it from the midst of the
Assembly. Secretly he flew with it to the friendly tree, and
deposited it in the hollow of its trunk.  Thus the Charter of
Charles II., in imitation of the exile of its author, took refuge
in an oak; and thus the king and the patent, have transmitted to the trees that respectively shadowed them, an
immortal name.  But how  different the lesson taught by
them!  The one saved from  his enemies the representative
of the principles of despotic power; the other gave an
asylum to the record that bore witness to the rights of
humanity to resist that power.
But the Charter Oak has fallen at last! After having
braved the tempests of a thousand years, and for the last two
centuries cherished as a precious memorial of liberty by millions of free hearts, this venerated relic no longer stands sen* The legend, as well as the beautiful words, I have fiom the pen of Historicus,
a writer, who under several names can never hide himself from his readers. The
article is to be foiund in the Supplement to the Connecticut Courant, under date
September 13, 11845.




~]._          I:.ISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
tinel on Wyllys Hill. About one o'clock, on the stormy
morning of August 21st, 1856, it fell to the earth with a giant
crash, and henceforth it lives only in history. At noon, MIr.
Stuart, the proprietor and occupant of the adjacent mansion,
who had long guarded it with almost paternal care and solicitude, caused solemn dirges to be played over its remains by
Colt's Armory Band; and at sun down, the various bells of
the city were tolled in commemoration of the event.




CHAPTER XVo
FRONTENAC'S INVASION. ATTEMIPT UPON QUEBEC,
WHILE such important changes were taking place in New
England, New York also felt the shock of revolution.  Jacob
Leisler had taken the government of that province into his
hands, and held the fort and city in behalf of King William.
As the French and Indians were assuming a very threatening attitude towards the English on the Northern frontiers,
Leisler wrote to Connecticut, begging her to send troops to
aid in the defence of his borders. On the 13th of June, 1689,
the Assembly appointed Major Gold  and Captain James
Fitch to go to New York and confer with Leisler on that
subject, and to decide in behalf of Connecticut, how many
men she should furnishoIn accordance with the decision of this committee, the
governor and council sent Captain Bull with a company to
Albany, not only to defend that part of the country, but also
to aid in bringing about a treaty with the Five Nations, that
should secure their friendship for the English colonies. Connecticut sent another party of soldiers to protect the fort and
city of New York.t
While the Indians on the northern frontier were busy in
their preparations for war, the tribes within the limits of New
England were not idle.  They began to assemble in numbers,
and again plundered the property of the English.  This new
* Colony Records; O'Callaghan's Do. Hist. New York, ii. 15, 16, 17, 18;
Trumbull, i. 378.
t O'Callaghan, ii. 98. On the 10th of October the Assembly ordered the
recall of the troops sent to relieve the fort in New York city, but they were
directed to hold themselves in readiness to go to the relief of said fort in case of an
attack.




32 6            -IHISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
excitement among the eastern tribes was thought to be owing
to the arrogant behavior of Sir Edmund Andross towards
them.  To inquire into the causes of it, and if possible prevent bloodshed, a special assembly was called, and commnissioners were appointed to meet those of the other colonies
and consult with them as to the causes of the disturbance;
and, if it should appear that the Indians had been wronged,
to see that justice was done them. If, on the other hand, it
should be found true that the Indians were the aggressors,
then the commissioners were ordered to pledge the colony
for the furnishing her proper quota of men.',
The revolution of 1688, the best landmark in British
history, as it set the empire free from the chains of superstition and tyranny, as might have been expected, brought along
with it the indignation of France, and involved the two nations
in war. In 1689, a large number of land forces was levied,
and a fine fleet was prepared for the reduction of New York.
The undertaking was foiled by the incursions of the lMohawks, who now kept Canada in a state of constant distress
and fear.
To inspire the French colonists with a new courage, Count
Frontenac sent out several companies of French and Indians
against the frontier settlements of New York and New
England. As New Yoi'k was the least able to defend herself,
and the most exposed on account of her thin population and
remote border towns, the principal part of this hostile force
was directed against her. A detachment of between two
hundred and three hundred Frenchmen and Indians, under
the command of D'Aillebout, De Mlantil and Le Moyn, was
therefore dispatched from Montreal to lay waste the unprotected districts of New York.  These forces were provided
with food and clothing suitable for a winter campaign, and
arrived at Schenectady, after a painful march of twenty-two
days, on Saturday, the 8th of February, 1690. It was dead
winter and they had suffered so much from fatigue, cold, and
hunger, that they approached the neighborhood of this outpost
f Colony Records.




[1690.]       MASSACRE AT SCHENECTADY.               327
of civilization, with the anticipation that they should be
obliged to surrender themselves prisoners of war to the
people whom they had come to subdue. But the scouts who
had preceded them, and who had spent some hours in the
village without exciting any suspicions, returned to them
with the intelligence that the inhabitants were not prepared
for their reception, and that it would be easy to surprise the
town.Encouraged by the tidings, they resolved to make an
attack.  The ferocity of the French character was exhibited
on this occasion, as it was afterwards in the conflicts that
followed. They found the gates open and without guard.
They returned to the place about eleven o'clock at night, and,
dividing their forces into little parties, surrounded every house
at once, while the inmates were asleep.  They were aroused
fiom their slumbers only to fall into the embraces of a still
deeper repose. While yet their heads were upon their pillows,
the awful work of destruction began. The very beds were
streaming with blood, and mutilated bodies were scattered
upon the floors of the houses.  In a few minutes the whole
village was in flames, and sixty of its inhabitants were slain.
The barbarities practiced upon the dead are too sickening to
be reported. That infants were torn from their mothers'
arms, and cast as fuel into the blaze that gleamed from the
half consumed dwelling, is not the less calculated to awaken
our sympathy, when we reflect that they must have perished
in the snow-storm that swept hurriedly by, as if to avoid the
scene of murder and atrocity that outbraved the fierceness
of the elements.t
Twenty captives were secured and reserved for the gratification of savage vengeance, when it should again demand
its customary food.  The rest of the inhabitants of Schenectady fled in their night-clothes through that awful storm.
"Twenty-five of the poor wretches who thus sought to better
* Brodhead; Trumbull; Smith.  * Trumbull; O'Callaghan, ii. 71, 156.




328            HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
their condition, lost their limbs through the sharpness of the
frost."-*
In'the massacre-I can not call it a battle-Captain Bull's
Lieutenant, one of his sergeants, and three privates were
killed, and five were taken prisoners.t  The Connecticut
troops had little opportunity for the display of their valor on
this occasion, but they did all that brave men, under a brave
leader, could do in their circumstances.
As soon as the news of this midnight butchery had reached
Albany the next morning, universal dismay and horror filled
the hearts of the people.  Some of them counseled that the
place should be at once destroyed, and the whole country
abandoned to the ravages of the enemy. So panic-stricken
were the inhabitants, that they lost all discretion, and, disaffected as they were at the government of Leisler, they refused
to keep watch and ward, or maintain any regular military
discipline. This had been the case especially at Schenectady.
Had they followed the advice of Bull, and held themselves in
readiness for an attack, they might have successfully repelled
it. They had been unable to believe that the enemy could
march hundreds of miles in that forbidding season of the year,
and steal upon them in the night.
The destruction of Schenectady was only a part of the
tragedy.  On the 18th of March, another party of French
and Indians made a sudden attack upon Salmon Falls, a
settlement that had been made upon the bank of the stream
that divides New Hampshire from  Maine.  At daybreak
they entered the village, and in small parties, as they had
done at Schenectady, began the massacre from several points
at once.  The people ra!lied and nobly defended themselves,
until they were crushed  by the superior force of their
Invaders.  Thirty-six men were killed, and fifty-four women
and children were taken captive.  Of course, the dwellings
were burned, and the whole place laid waste.:
The more eastern colonies were alarmed at this near approach of the enemy, and earnestly begged that Connecticut
* Trumbull, i. 380.  t Trumbull, i. 380.  t Trumbull, i. 380, 381.




[1690.]      SETTLElMlENT OF GLASTENBURY.           32D
would send troops to protect their frontier.  M'{assachusetts,
especially, sent letters, asking for men to guard the upper
towns upon the Connecticut river." New York and Albany
also asked the further aid of our colony, not only in the continuance of Bull and his company among them, but they
prayed that fresh soldiers might be sent to reinforce them.t'
It has been one of the attributes of Connecticut always to
be true to her friends in the hour of peril, although in doing
so she has more than once been obliged to overlook some
painful negligences on their part. Consistent with herself,
she now responded to the call of her neighbors, and with one
voice her Assembly declared that the settlement of the
French at Albany must be prevented at every risk. Two
companies, each of one hundred men, were immediately sent
to the relief of Albany, and at the same time other troops
were dispatched for the relief of the Massachusetts settlements upon the Connecticut river.
Nor did the Assembly fail to provide against any encroachments upon their own territory, but compelled all the towns
to keep a constant watch within their limits. tNone of the
inhabitants except assistants, ministers, and the aged and
infirm, were exempt from  this duty, and even they were
obliged to employ substitutes to discharge it for them, provided their pecuniary condition would admit of it. Thus
every citizen in the colony was taught to spend his strength
and wealth for the general good of the people.~
Meanwhile theRAssembly was not unmindful of the municipal wants of the republic.  At the same session it was
ordered that all of that part of Wethersfield lying east of the
Connecticut river should be invested with the ordinary corporate privileges, and should be known and called by the
name of Glastenbury.~  Thus was the oldest town in the
colony, after so many moral and ecclesiastical divisions resulting in the birth of plantations near and remote, finally
allowed to follow in its municipal regulations the great land* Holmes' Annals, i. 431; Hutchinson   t Trumbull; O'Callaghan.
$ Colonial Records, MS.   ~ Colonial Records, MS.




30 0IIiSTO3.T  OF CONNECTICTTT.
mark of the valley, and divide itself for the sake of convenience into two separate jurisdictions.
I have spoken elsewhere of the beauty and fertility of the
district comprising these two towns. Both of them had their
birth in the midst of convulsions, threatened calamities and
impending wars, and each has done its part towards the support of the fame and honor of the State.
On the 1st of May, the commissioners or Congress met at
Rhode Island to consult upon the affairs of the colonies, and
to decide what measures were to be adopted in order to defend
the country against the French and Indians.  It was finally
resolved that to invade the enemy would be the best security
against a further attack from them, and it was accordingly
ordered that eight hundred and fifty men should be raised for
the reduction of Canada. It was deemed advisable, too, in
this state of affairs, to ask for the help of the mother country.
Accordingly, an express was sent to England to inform the
government of the condition of the colonies, and to implore
that a fleet might be dispatched to engage the French by
sea, while the colonies invaded them  by land.  England,
however, was unable at that time, in her unsettled state, to
render the provinces the assistance that she would gladly have
done under other circumstances.o
New England and New York, undaunted by this discouraging intelligence, resolved to prosecute the enterprise alone.
The plan of operations was of a bold and daring character.
It was determined that about nine hundred Englishmen and
more than half that number of Indians should march through
the wilderness and make an attack upon Montreal, while at
the same time a fleet and army of about two thousand men
were to sail around to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, proceed up the river with all haste, and reduce Quebec.t
Under the direction of Jacob Mdilborn, who had married a
daughter of Leisler, and who was to act as commissary, it
was expected that New York would supply the land army
with provisions and canoes to enable it to cross the navigable
H tIutchinson, i. 353; Holmes, i. 431.  t  Holmes, i. 432.




[16390.1       EXPEDITION AGAINRST CANADA.                 331
waters that were interposed between the east country and
Montreal.  The five nations, too, were counted upon as safe
allies of the English, when it was remembered how remorselessly they had fought against the French.
This army was placed under the command of Major-General Fitz John Winthrop," of Connecticut.  As soon as he
could get his forces in readiness, Winthrop set out for Canada, and arrived at the head of Wood Creek early in August.
Instead of finding at the appointed rendezvous the warriors
of the five nations assembled in readiness to carry on a war
with the French, Winthrop saw to his surprize only about
seventy Mohawks and Oneidas.  He sent a courier to the
other tribes, to know if they designed  to join him.  They
replied, evasively, that they were not yet ready to go.
This was only a polite way of informing the general that
they did not mean to go at all, as the event proved. However, he advanced about one hundred miles, until he came to
the borders of the lake where he had expected to find canoes
in readiness to give the army a safe passage. Here also he
found that this indispensable requisite was not provided.
The few canoes that he found there were totally inadequate
to perform  such a task.t  He applied to the Indians in this
emergency, and besought them to build canoes enough to
transport the whole army. They replied that the season for
peeling the bark from the trees had already gone by, and that
they could make no more canoes until the next spring.
More timid, probably, than treacherous, they told General
Winthrop, that in aiming a blow at such a strong place as Quebec, he " looked too high," and begged him to depart from his
* Fitz John Winthrop, son of Gov. John Winthrop, of Connecticut, became magistrate of Connecticut in 1689. In 1694 he was sent to England as
agent of the colony, and discharged the duties of- the appointment so satisfactorily that the Legislature made him a present of ~500. He was distinguished,
like his father, for his knowledge of philosophy, his skill in politics, and his
piety, and was honored by being elected a member of the Royal Society. In
1698 he was elected governor of Connecticut, and held the office till his death,
in 1707.
t See Secretary Allyn's letter to Lieut. Gov. Leisler in Doc. Hist. New
York, vol. ii. p. 254; also Trumbull, Brodhead, and others.




332              HISTORY OF CONIINECTICUT.
first design, and make an attack upon Chambly and the border towns upon the hither bank of the St. Lawrence. aM-il
born had also neglected to provide suitable provisions for the
subsistence of the army, so that the troops were not only
kept from crossing the river, but were now beginning to be
threatened with famine.  A  council of war was called, and
it was reluctantly decided that the army must retreat to
Albany.`
In the meantime, the fleet under command of Sir  [William
Phipps, Governor of Massachusetts, having sailed from NIantasket, made haste to reach Quebec. It was made up of
nearly forty vessels, the largest carrying forty-four guns
and two hundred men. Owing, however, to the many delays
that he experienced, the number of his vessels, the adverse
winds, and the strength of the river current, Sir William did
not reach Quebec until the 5th of October.t
On the 8th, he landed the troops and advanced upon the
town; and on the 9th, the ships were drawn up before it and
opened a full fire upon it, but did little injury to a place so
formidable from its natural position. 
Frontenac, only a few days before, had returned to Quebec, after learning that the land army which he had started
in search of had retreated to Albany, and now set himself
about the defense of the fortress with great ability.  He
opened such a deadly fire upon the English ships from his
batteries that they were obliged to withdraw, and on the 11th
of the month the troops were compelled again to embark.
The terrible winds that beset the St. Lawrence in the
autumn, and herald the approach of the dead season that
binds the noblest of all our northern streams in fetters of ice,
soon after scattered the vessels of the English fleet and
warned Sir William  to return home.  Had he arrived at
" Trumbull, i. 383; O'Callaghan, ii. 289.
H I-lutchinson, i. 354; Holimes; Trumbull.
* Trumbull, i. 384. About this time Leisler wrote to Governor Treat, "We
rejoice to understand the victorious success of Sir William Phipps at the eastward;"-alluding, possibly, to the capture of Port Royal a short time before,




[1690.]   LEISLER IMPRISONS GEN. WTINTHROP.      333
Quebec a week earlier than he did, he would have found the
town, on account of the absence of Count Frontenac, completely defenceless. But Frontenac having learned of the
retreat of WXinthrop, of whom he was in pursuit, hastened
back to the fortress in time to save it.
Had Milborn been faithful in the discharge of the duty
assigned him in the campaign, notwithstanding the timidity
of the five nations and the late sailing of the fleet, it is probable that both branches of the expedition would have proved
successful, and that the daring deeds that have since associated the brightest names of British history with that of Quebec, would never have been performed.
That the campaign was a failure was not the fault of Connecticut, whose valor has always been found equal to contend with every thing that dared to meet it, save the insuper..
able obstacles of nature.
The abuse heaped by Leisler, and by the miscreant Milborn himself, upon Winthrop and the gentlemen of Albany
who were of the council of war, was even more disgraceful
than the negligence or cowardice of those maligners that
had been the cause of the retreat of which they complained.
Several of the principal gentlemen of Albany, among whom
was Robert Livingston, Esq., were obliged to fly from New
York and take refuge in Hartford, where they were protected
from violence.*
But Leisler's arrogance did not stop with persecuting the
citizens of New York. After the main army had crossed
the Hudson river, and while General Winthrop himself was
on the west bank, and of course unprotected, Leisler brutally
seized his person and attempted to go through the formalities
of court-martialing the commander-in-chief of New England, who was in no way responsible to him, and who had
been sent out more to protect the colony that he pretended
to govern, than for any other cause. For several days Winthrop lay under arrest, and might have been murdered in
cold blood had it not been for the timely interference of a
X See O'Callaghan; Trumbull, i. 384.




334            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
party of Mohawks, who, while the mockery of the trial was
going on, crossed the river, broke through the guards that
surrounded the prisoner, and bore him off in triumph.`
When we consider the character of Winthrop and Livingston, the defenseless condition of New York, and the efforts
that Connecticut had made during the preceding winter to
save the inhabitants of Schenectady and Albany from a
doom that their recklessness seemed rather to covet than to
shun, we are at a loss whether to admire more the ruffianly
impudence or the heartless ingratitude of this transaction.
While Winthrop was in close confinement, the authorities
of Connecticut addressed a letter to Leisler, reminding him,
though in a courteous way, of the same obligations that he
must have forgotten.  "A  prison," they say, "6is not a
catholicon for all state maladies, though so much used by
you." In another place they add, "If your adherence to
Mr. Milborn (whose spirit we have sufficient testimony of,)
and other emulators of the major's honor, be greater than to
ourselves and the gentlemen of the bay, you may boast of
the exchange by what profit you find."t
The severity of this language appears, to us who know the
history of New York for the century next succeeding the
date of the letter, to be rather a prophetic warning than a
threat.  But I ought not to speak more at length upon this
topic, lest it should be thought that I am unable to make a
distinction between the profligacy of an administration and
the character of the people who are oppressed by it. New
York was not to blame for the madness of a tyrant.
In order that no imputation might rest upon the character
of Major-General Winthrop, the General Assembly, in October following, went into a full investigation of his conduct.
Evidence was heard not only from Albany, but from the
New England officers who had been of the council of war;
even the Indians who had participated in the affair, and who
could testify as to the deficiency of canoes and provisions,
* Trumbull, i. 384; see also Doe. Hist. New York, ii. 288, 289.
f O'Callaghan, ii. 289.




[1692.]           WINDEA-M INCORPOlkATED.                      335
were  examined.   Unanimously  the  Assembly  resolved,
"That the general's conduct in  the expedition  had  been
with good fidelity to his majesty's interest, and that his confinement at Albany  on  the  account thereof, demanded  a
timzely vindication." *
A  committee  of two  magistratest was also appointed in
the name of the Assembly, to thank  General Winthrop for
his services, and to assure him of their readiness on all future
occasions to avail themselves of his fidelity, valor, and
prudence. 
In May 1692, Wrindham  was incorporated.  The tract of
land embraced in it was a very fine one, and had been devised by Joshua, son of Uncas and sachem of the Mohegans,
to John Mason, James Fitch, and twelve others, many years
*before.~ The territory thus given, comprised also the towns
of Mansfield and Canterbury. Settlements were begun both
at Windham  and  Mansfield  in  1686.  Windham  has long
been a town of historical importance, and was made a county
seat in 1726.
The  Mohawks gave Count Frontenac as much trouble as
the English, and proved very destructive enemies.  After he
was relieved from  the embarrassments attending the English
expedition  against Canada, he determined  to embrace the
earliest opportunity  to  subdue  these  Indians.   With  this
view he collected an army of about seven hundred French
and Indians, and sent it forth, well provided for the hardships
Colonial Records, MIS.
+ Captain James Fitch and Captain Daniel Wetherell.
t Leisler wrote to Gov. Bradstreet (Sept. 15, 1690,) as follows: "' I have used
all arguments and means possible to reinforce for Canada; but by Major Winthropes treachery and cowardice, with the rest of his tools, hath rendered this
work altogether impracticable."  " Mr. Livingston, that betrayer of the province,
and arch-confederate with yourselves, being willing to have exposed us to the
remaining inhabitants; however, God be thanked, we had those that made early
provision against these devices."
Hutehinson, the historian of Massachusetts, justly remarks: "Winthrop's
character seems to have been made a sacrifice to Leisler's vanity and madness."
~ Colonial Records, MS.




336            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
of a winter campaign similar to the one that had resulted so
disastrously at Schenectady.
In the middle of January 1693, this army set out from
Montreal for the Mohawk country.  This warlike tribe
occupied a number of fbrtified places called by our early
records "castles." After suffering the extremest hardships,
the invading army reached the first of these strongholds on
the 6th of February.  Here they took four or five men, and
passed on to the second, where they met with the like success. Most of the Indians who ordinarily lived in it were
absent.  At the third, they were more fortunate.  Here
about forty warriors were assembled for a war-dance, preparatory to their departure upon an expedition against their
enemies. They made a stout resistance, but were overpowered by numbers, after having killed thirty of the assailants. In this expedition the French took about three hundred of the five nations. Most of them were women and
children.
Colonel Schuyler, of Albany, at the head of about two
hundred men, pursued the French army with such energy
that they were glad to retreat. His forces were more than
doubled within a few days after he took the field, by the
allied Indians who flocked to his standard.  About the
middle of February, he came to the place where the French
army was encamped. Three times they commenced a
deadly attack upon him and were driven back.
Schuyler was nearly destitute of provisions, and while he
was waiting to be supplied with them, and with reinforcements from Albany, the enemy, taking advantage of a severe
snow-storm, deserted their camp on the night of the 18th,
and set off on their return for Canada. The next day, Captain Simms, with eighty men and a good supply of provisions,
joined Schuyler, who immediately resumed the pursuit. He
pressed so close upon the French that he would have overtaken them had they not crossed the north branch of Hudson's river upon a floating cake of ice, and thus effected their




[1693.]   GOV. FLETCHERP ARRIVES IN NIEW  YORK.    337
escape.  As it was, he took from them most of the captives
that had fallen into their hands.~
Letters soon arrived at Hartford, informing Governor
Treat of the state of the western forces, and urgently calling
for two hundred soldiers to repair to Albany for the defense
of the king's dominions. On the 21st of February, a special
Assembly was called, and one hundred and fifty men, under
command of Captain John Miles, were immediately placed
at the governor's disposal, to send wherever he should deem
it most for his majesty's interest to order them.  The next
day fifty of them were on the march for Albany.t
The Assembly had scarcely adjourned, when new dispatches arrived by express from Sir William Phipps, governor of Massachusetts, asking for one hundred Englishmen
and fifty Indians, to aid in protecting the eastern settlements
both in Maine and Massachusetts.
On the 6th of March, another special Assembly was called,
and the necessities of Massachusetts were responded to by
Connecticut, by raising a company of sixty Englishmen and
forty Indians, who were placed under the command of Captain William  Whiting.  The activity of our little colony,
the alacrity with which her troops were sent to relieve the
northern, eastern, and western borders of the neighboring
colonies is in perfect keeping with her previous and subsequent history.
The halcyon days of our republic were destined again to
be interrupted by the old question of jurisdiction. The
anomalous authority of Leisler was now over in New York,4
but his successor was no less likely to prove dangerous to
the liberties of our people.  On the 29th of August 1692,
Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, the new governor, arrived from
England with a commission that vested him with full powers
* Trumbull.   t Colony Records, MS.
$ Leisler and Milborn were executed in New York city for treason, May 16,
1691; Leisler having previously been succeeded in the office of chief magistrate
of New York by Col. Henry Sloughter, who died in July of the same year. Col.
Fletcher succeeded Sloughter.
2




338             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
to command the whole militia of Connecticut and the neighboring provinces.~  This commission of course took for
granted the fact that the charter had been surrendered or
forfeited, a proposition not likely to be received with much
favor by Governor Treat and the other authorities, nor by the
excited militia who had shared so many battles, and who had
withstood the landing of Sir Edmund Andross at Saybrook;
and who already looked upon the Charter Oak with as much
reverence as the ancient nations bordering upon the Mediterranean entertained for the shrine of their favorite oracle.
As the charter had never been given up, and as the command
of the militia was given by it to the colony, the General Assembly of course could do nothing less than resist this arbitrary demand. However, out of respect to the people, the
question was referred to the freemen, whether they would
petition the king to preserve to them  the control of the
militia and their other chartered rights.
At a special Assembly held on the 1st of September 1693.
it was ordered that a petition should be presented to the
throne in relation to this vital matter.  This petition was to
be presented by Maj. Gen. Fitz John Winthrop, who was
made the agent of the colony for that purpose, and who wmas
desired to repair as soon as possible to England, and use all
his endeavors to keep the jurisdiction of the colonial government entire.t
He was instructed to tell the king what hardships the
people had encountered in the infancy of the colony, without
the help of the mother country, and what dangers still surrounded them; that if the military power should be then
taken from  them, placed under the command of strangers,
and removed out of the limits of the colony to New York or
Boston, the citizens of Connecticut would be left utterly
defenseless, and their families and property would be at
the mercy of their enemies; that an absent stranger would
- Trumbull, i. 390.? Colonial Records, MS. Mr. Saltonstall was appointed to accompany Gov,
Winthrop to England.




[1693.]    INSTRUCTIONS TO GEN. WINTHROP.           339
be but a poor judge of the wants of people who lived so
remote from him, whose sympathies were not with them, and
who could be expected to know nothing of the internal
wants of the country, whose institutions he was ignorant of,
and whose society was of a different texture, and had different
wants from that in which he had been reared; that in case
of insurrection the military power would thus be unavailable
to restore the inhabitants to their wonted tranquillity; that
the settlements in the colony, unlike the villages and hamlets
in England, were thinly inhabited and remote from  each
other, rendering it necessary to put upon the military list all
males who had arrived at the age of sixteen years, and thus,
were the militia withdrawn to some other colony, Connecticut would be left in the keeping of magistrates, professional
gentlemen, infirm  old men and helpless women, who might
hope in vain to be able to guard a line of sea-coast and frontier
wilderness formidable enough to the people in their best estate.
Winthrop was further instructed to say to the king that the
entire population of the colony was satisfied with the charter
government, and prayed that it might be perpetuated.
They bade him be sure to inform the king how unanimous
the people were in their rejoicings over that happy event,
the revolution of 1688, that had placed at the head of a new
dynasty so gracious and acceptable a sovereign, and that if
their prayer was granted, the militia should be, as it had
before been, held at the service of the crown, to defend its
honor, and the integrity of the king's empire as well in Massachusetts and New York as in Connecticut.  They further
instructed him to say, that in defense of his majesty's interests in the recent troubles in New York they had expended
more than three thousand pounds and had freely shed their
blood. 
It was also left discretionary with the agent whlether he
should venture to depart from the tone of supplication and
assume an attitude of defense, setting up the charter and the
rights vested by it in the authorities of the colony.'* Colonial Records, MS.; also Trumbull, i. 390,. 392.




340             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
At the same time, an agent was sent to New York with a
view of conciliating Governor Fletcher so far as could be
done without compromising the claims set up under the
charter.  William Pitkin, Esq., was the agent designated for
this mission. He was charged to pay his respects to Governor Fletcher, and treat with him, if possible, in relation to the
militia.  Owing to the obstinacy of Fletcher, the embassy
proved to be a failure.
Finding all his efforts to get control over the militia unavailing, Governor Fletcher resolved to try coercive measures.  On the 26th of October, therefore, he came to Hartford while the Assembly were in session, and in the king's
name demanded at their hands the surrender of the militia,
as they would answer to his majesty for their conduct.  He
insisted on receiving from them a direct answer whether
they would or would not comply with his orders. He subscribed himself as " Lieutenant to his majesty, and commander-in-chief of the militia, and of all the forces by sea or land,
and of all the forts and places of strength in the colony of
Connecticut."-!With the same pompous authority he commanded that
the militia should be summoned under arms in order that he
might beat up for volunteers. As if they designed to smooth
his path to authority, the officers complied with the order,
and called the train-bands together. Up to this point everything was encouraging.  But here to his surprise the Assem-'bly took a resolute stand.  A very favorable time it was for
the legislature to assume a bolder front, now that the guns of
the train-bands were seen to glisten in front of the Assembly
House. Governor Fletcher had invoked some troublesome
spirits that he might not be able to quell now that they were
before him. In vain did he argue and remonstrate with the
Assembly, and in vain did he expatiate upon the ample
powers given him  by his commission.  The republican
authorities either would not or could not comprehend how
those powers were consistent with the charter.
* Fletcher's Letter on file.




[1693.] CAPTAIN WADSWORTH AND THE TRAIN-BANDS. 341
In Fletcher's name, Colonel Bayard sent a letter into the
Assembly, wherein he had carefully set down the object of
his visit, and how remote it was from his intentions to interfere in any way with the civil rights of the colony. His
excellency, said Bayard, will leave you as he found you, in
the full enjoyment of your own. In Fletcher's name he also
tendered to Governor Treat a commission authorizing him
to command the militia. He insisted that he was contending
for the recognition of the mere abstract right on the part of
the king to control the military force, but that practically the
colony would have the same authority as before. This
"' inherent, essential right" existing in his majesty, he said his
excellency had come to see after, and that he would never
set his foot out of Connecticut until it was acknowledged.
He further said that he would issue his proclamation to the
people, and then he should be able to distinguish the disloyal
from those citizens who were peaceably disposed."
If he had dropped the letter into the Connecticut river, it
would have produced as much effect upon the flow of the
current as it did upon the Assembly. They reiterated that
they could not give up the command of the militia, and Governor Treat with his usual firmness, said it was impossible for
him to receive a commission from  the hands of Governor
Fletcher. This peremptory demand on the one hand and
refusal on the other, brought matters at once to an open
issue.
As the train-bands were all ranged in due order, and as
the senior officer, Captain Wadsworth, was walking up and
down in front of the companies, Governor Fletcher advanced
within hearing distance, and ordered his commission and
instructions to be read. No sooner had Bayard begun to
read, than Captain Wadsworth commanded that the drums
should be beaten. This was done with such effect that the
voice of the herald was entirely drowned in the din.  "Silence!" said Gov. Fletcher, in a tone of offended authority.
When the noise had subsided so that he could be heard, Bay* Col. Bayard's Letter on file.




342                I-ISTOmr OF CONTNECTICUT.
ard again began to read the commission.  "Drum, I say,
drum!"  said  Captain  Wadsworth, and  in  an instant the
voice was again lost in the thunders of martial music. " Silence, silence!" shouted  the provincial governor.  "Drum,
druna, I say!" repeated Wadsworth; and  then, turning  to
Fletcher and fixing his sharp resolute eyes upon him, he said
— "If I am  interrupted  again, I will make the sun shine
through you in a moment I"   The tone in which these words
were  spoken was unmistakable.  Governor Fletcher knew
that death would be the consequence, if he should attempt a
third time to enforce his orders. He prudently forebore, and
as he saw the people constantly pouring  into  Hartford  and
thronging about him and his suite with lowering brows and
angry gestures, he retired from the field, and adopting for
himself the silence that he had in vain sought to restore to
the ranks of the Connecticut militia, departed for his own
jurisdiction.s
This lively episode in our history, like the hiding of the charter, rests upon
tradition; but it has been transmitted through such hands and with so little variation, that its accuracy was never for a moment questioned. Such a tradition as
this, is as worthy of trust as a record, and takes a much stronger hold on the imagination. The story is in perfect keeping with the traits of our people. As
usual, the authorities were only passive, while the active resistance came from a
less responsible source. (See Trumbull, i. 393; also Holmes, i. 449.)




CHAPTER XVI.
CONSPIRACY OF DUI)ILEY AND CORNBURY.
CONNECTICUT, thus set free from the presence of another
provincial tyrant, kept on in her old way under the charter.
She soon had an opportunity of' showing her loyalty to King
William, and lost no time in making amends for what the
senior captain of the train-bands had done to Governor
Fletcher.  How then could it be presumed for a moment
that Governor Treat and the Assembly had approved of such
lawless conduct?
On the 7th of February 1694, a special Assembly was convened on account of a requisition that had been received
from the king calling upon the colony to raise money for the
defense of Albany.  With much apparent alacrity, the legislature voted to comply with the demand, and accordingly a
tax of one penny on the pound was laid to raise the sum of
five hundred pounds.*  The money was paid over into the
hands of Colonel Fletcher. The magistrates were also directed to issue their warrants for the impressment of fifty
bushels of wheat in each county, which was forthwith to be
made into biscuit, and kept for the use of the soldiers in case
of any sudden emergency.
In due time Major-General Winthrop, the agent of the
colony, arrived in England and hastened to present her
claims to his majesty.  He drew up in writing a statement of
the whole subject matter of his mission, embracing the instructions under which he acted, together with such reasons
and arguments as occurred to his own mind. After a full
hearing, the king's attorney and solicitor-general gave an
opinion favorable to the claims set up by the agent, and on
* Colonial Records, MS.




344            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the 19th of April 1694, his majesty in council graciously decided in accordance with the report thus made. It was
determined that Connecticut should place at the disposal of
Governor Fletcher, during the war, one hundred and twenty
men, and that the rest of the militia of the colony should be,
as they ever had been, under the control of the popular
governor.* This arrangement was perfectly satisfactory
to Connecticut, as it virtually recognized the existence and
authority of the charter.
The aid rendered by Connecticut in the war was constant
and effective.  The whole amount of taxes during the continuance of hostilities, amounted to the enormous burden of'
about twenty pence on the pound; so that at the close of the
year 1695, the colony had drawn from the pockets of the
people and paid out seven thousand pounds in the defense of
New York and Massachusetts. When we consider that the
ratable polls in the whole jurisdiction numbered less than two
thousand four hundred, and that the grand list amounted to
only ~137,646, we can not but admire the self-sacrificing
spirit of the citizens; and especially when we remember that
they submitted to this heavy drain from their resources
from the most magnanimous and unselfish motives that
ever actuated a people. To this ~-7,000 is to be added
~3,000 for the untoward expedition against Canada under
Winthrop.
For two years more, until the close of the war in September 1697, she submitted still further to the arbitrary demands
of Fletcher, who took the ignominious revenge of harassing
the governor or the assembly in every possible way, to compensate for the wound that had been inflicted on his dignity
at Hartford. Again and again he sent out his expresses
to the governor, representing the advance of the enemy
towards some exposed place, giving false estimates of their
numbers and movements, and calling for troops or other
assistance that involved the necessity of convening the
Assembly. After the forces thus demanded had set out
* Trumbull, i. 394, 395.




[1697.]         THE EARL OF BELLAMONT.                       345
upon their march, another messenger would  arrive in hot
haste, informing  Governor  Treat that the  exigency had
passed  by, and  that he might recall his forces.  In this
way the governor and council were kept almost constantly on duty, and the deputies did little else than ride to
and from the seat of government to attend these special
assemblies. However, the inhabitants were only too happy
that in this way they could neutralize the malice of' a vindictive  and  cowardly spirit, and divert its attention from
the charter.
Had the war lasted much longer, the people must have
become  bankrupt, as they had  paid  at the  date  of the
peace  of Ryswick~- above  alluded  to, the  almost ruinous
sum  of ~1C2,000.  But as in the case of Andross and Leisler, tyranny was destined at last to have an end.
On the 18th of June 1697, Richard, earl of Bellamont,
received a commission to be governor of New  York  and
Massachusetts.  In order to maintain a good footing with
the king, the Assembly at its October session appointed
General Winthrop, Major  Sellick  and  the  Rev. Gurdon
Saltonstall, a committee to wait upon the new functionary
as soon as he should arrive in New  York, and  pay their
respects to him in the name of the colony.-j- It was not
until the spring of the next year that his excellency came
over to America.  He was very much gratified at receiving
the congratulations of the committee, who were all gentlemen  of good  address  and  highly cultivated minds.  His
lordship pronounced  Mr. Saltonstall to  be  the most ele* The treaty of peace was signed at Ryswick, in September 1697, between
France, England, Spain, and Holland, and was proclaimed at Boston on the 10th
of December following. WTade, 288; Holmes, i. 464. " And the English colonies had repose from war." Hutchinson, Smollet, Holmes, Blair.
~ Colony Records. " Captain Nathan Gold to fill any vacancy that may occur
in this committee."'
At the same session (Oct. 1697,) the Assembly ordered, "That for the future
there shall be three or four, at least, of the most able and j udicious persons in each
county appointed Justices of the Peace for the year." This is the first appointment of Justices of the Peace as distinct from the office of " Magistrate."




34-6           HISTORY OF CO~N-NECTICUT.
gant man whoml he had seen in America, and one whose
appearance most resembled that of an English nobleman.
Owing to the happy termination of the war and the promise of a new state of things, now that Fletcher was no longer
in the way of their advancement, the inhabitants of Connecticut again looked forward to thile future with new
anticipations.
Grateful to General Winthrop for his faithfulness in the
discharge of his trust in England, the people elected him
governor in the place of M5r. Treat, who was now far advanced in life.  Still, to show their unabated confidence in
the former executive, while they relieved him of the more
cumbersome burdens of office, they appointed him deputy
governor.
At the October session for the year 1698, it was decided
that there should be two distinct legislative houses in the General Assembly. The governor, or, in his absence, the deputy governor, and magistrates, were to constitute the upper
house; while the deputies, the immediate representatives of
the people, were to make up what was called the lower
house.  The action of these two branches of the legislature
was to be independent, and no new law was to be enacted nor
was any old one to be repealed or altered without the separate
action and consent of both these powers.  The deputies
were to choose a speaker and other officers much as is now
done in the house of representatives.%This new organization first went into effect at the May
session 1699.  Mr. John Chester, of Wethersfield, was the
first speaker of the lower house, and Captain William Whiting was the first clerk. They were both gentlemen of high
character, and of great experience in public affairs.
In June 1659, Governor Winthrop had received permission
from the General Court to purchase a tract of land at Quinibaug. He had also bought another valuable estate of Allups and Mashaushawit, the native proprietors, lying on
either bank of the quinibaug river.  A few families had
* Colonial Records, MS.




PLAINFIELD AND DURI-TAM INTCORPORATED.    347
already settled upon these lands before he obtained the title;
but the population did not increase to any considerable
extent until after the death of the governor. In 1689, a
number of planters-a large share of whom came from Massachusetts-bought of the heirs of Governor Winthrop the
northern portion of this territory., and began to plant and
build upon it. The settlement gradually increased in population for about ten years, and in the spring of 1699, it
became a town. In the year 1700 its name was changed
from Q uinibalug to Plainfield.
At the October session 1698, it was enacted that there
should be a new plantation made at "Jeremy's Farm."*
The settlement began in 1701, and in 1703 the land was
confirmed to the planters by a patent.  The Rev. John
Bulkley, Samuel Gilbert, Michael Taintor, Samuel Northam,
John Adams, Jonathan Kilborn, Joseph Pomeroy, and John
Loomis were among the principal proprietors.
At the same session, leave was granted to certain inhabitants of Guilford to begin a plantation at a place called
Cogingchaug.  The settlement had a feeble infancy, although there were thirty-one original applicants who signed
the petition. The two first planters who actually removed
and settled upon the tract, were Caleb Seward and David
Robinson. Others soon followed them. In May 1704, it
was named Durham. Its population still continued small for
several years. In 1707, it contained but about fifteen families. In May 1708, it was incorporated, and after that it
began to thrive. Northampton, Stratford,'Iilford, and other
old towns, lent to it, soon after its incorporation, some of
their best inhabitants.
The boundary between Connecticut and New York had
long been a fiuitful theme of dispute and controversy.  The
line agreed upon by the royal commissioners in 1683, was
confirmed by the king in council, March 28, 1700. The
government of New York, however, being dissatisfied with
* Colony Records, MS. The town was named Colchester.




348            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the bounds as thus determined, refused to unite with Connecticut in running the line, and designating it by proper
landmarks. The General Assembly of this colony, after
making repeated applications to Lord Cornbury and Governor Hunter without avail, finally appealed to the king.
In consequence of this, the legislature of New York, in
1719, passed an act empowering their governor to appoint
commissioners to run the line parallel to Hudson's river, to
re-survey the former lines, and to erect the necessary monuments to distinguish the boundary. It was not, however,
until M~ay, 1725, that the commissioners and surveyers of
the two colonies actually commenced operations. Meeting
at Greenwich, and agreeing upon the manner in which they
should proceed, the survey was commenced and executed in
part, when, as is alleged, in consequence of some disagreement, the work was suspended, and each party made a report to its respective legislature. It was not until May,
1731, that a complete settlement of the boundary was perfected. By the bounds, as finally established, Connecticut
very unwisely ceded to New York a tract of territory extending along the line of her western frontier, estimated at
about sixty thousand acres-comprising some of the most
fertile and beautiful lands within her ancient domain.  This
territory, from its peculiar shape, is still called Oblong. The
pretended consideration -for this summary sale, was the surrender to Connecticut by New York of a few additional miles
of sea-coast and the lands adjacent, embracing the town of
Greenwich, and perhaps a part of Stamford-both of which
townships had long been recognized as belonging to this jurisdiction.
About this time the settlement of Voluntown on the extreme eastern border of the colony was commenced. The
greater part of the territory comprised within the limits of
the town, was granted in 1696, to the volunteers of the Narragansett war, from which circumstance its name is derived.
The township was originally six miles square, and was
surveyed out of the tract known as the "conquered land."




[1702]      WAR WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN.                 349
In 1719, the Assembly granted a large addition on the north,
and incorporated the town'.
Nawbesetuck was set off from 5Windham in 1703, and incorporated as a distinct town by the name of Mansfield.
The names of some of the early settlers were, Storrs, Fenton, Porter, Rogers, Hall, and Barrows.
A settlement had been made at Danbury as early as 1685,
and eight years afterwards the township was surveyed. The
town patent bears date, Aiay 20, 1702.t  The first settlers
and principal proprietors were James Beebe, of Stratford,
Thomas Barnum, Thomas Taylor, Francis Bushnel, James
Benedict, John  Hoyt, Samuel Benedict, and Judah Gregory, all of Norwalk. This fine old town has since been
the scene of tragic interest, which has indissolubly linked its
history and its fame with those of the State..
At the October session of the Assembly, 1703, it was enacted that the town of Plainfield should be divided, and that
the territory on the west side of the Quinibaug river should
form a distinct township by the name of Canterbury. Major James Fitch and MIr. Solomon Tracy from  Norwich,
IMr. Tixhall Ellsworth and Mr. Samuel Ashley from  Hartford, and lMessrs. John, Richard, and Joseph Woodward,
William, Obadiah, and Joseph Johnson, Josiah and Samuel
Cleveland, Elisha Paine, Paul Davenport, and Henry Adams,
from Massachusetts, were among the principal settlers.~
In May, 1702, war was declared by England, Germany,
and the Netherlands against France and Spain; of course
the American colonies were soon involved in the conflict.
At its October session (1703) the Assembly once more took
into consideration what could be done for the common safety.
A requisition, made by Governor Dudley and the General
Court of Massachusetts, for one hundred men to be sent
*Colony Records, MS; see also Barber, 443. iColony Records, MS.
$ Trumbull i. 404.
6 At the October session, 1702, it was ordered that Town Clerks should
u" call the roll at each town meeting, and such freemen as were found to be absent should be subjected to a fine of two shillings," &c,




350               H-IISTORY OF COhNNECTICUT.
from Connecticut to aid them  in the war with the eastern
Indians, wasexhibited at this session, and a committee of war
was appointed, with plenary powers to send troops into Massachusetts and  into  the  frontier  towns of Connecticut.
Troops were also ordered forth to defend our towns bordering on the province of New Y6ork.
The Indians grew more and more restive during the winter. They felt the irksomeness of peace. Even the friendly Indians were ill at ease.
On the 15th of March 1704, a special Assembly was called.
The civil and military officers in all the towns were ordered
to take especial care of the friendly Indians, and keep them
from yielding to the bribery and solicitations of the enemy.
As these Indians were of little use at home and very serviceable in ranging the woods and tracking out the enemy, it
was thought best to employ as many of them as could be engaged in active service.  To facilitate this object, gentlemen
were appointed to beat up for Indian volunteers and enlist
them.t
Aside fiom  the one hundred men sent to the eastern frontier in answer to the requisition from  Massachusetts, four
hundred men were raised for the protection of the county of
Hampshire, and for the defense of Connecticut.
The fears of Governor Dudley of Massachusetts, and the
exactions of Lord Cornbury, governor of New  York and
the Jerseys, kept our colony in constant employ.   Lord
Cornbury, as Fletcher had done before him, made demands
for more money than a weary people, and almost empty treasury, would Wvarrant.  His lordship appears to have been terribly frightened, and whenever his timidity abandoned him
* At the same session, the Town Office of Lister was established. An act
was passed, that persons convicted of selling liquors without a license, or keeping
a tippling house, should be publicly whipped if the fines, costs, and security for
good behavior, were not paid within twenty-four hours after such conviction.
t These friendly Indians were not to go beyond certain prescribed limits without a written order; they were forbidden to have any thing whatever to do with
the " enemy Indians," but were to seize and deliver up such as they could capture,
for which they were to receive ten pounds apiece.-Colony Records, MS.




CHARACTER OF DUDLEY AND CORNBURY.          351
for a brief interval, his malevolence towards Connecticut,
and his ambition to unite her to his other dominions, rushed in
like air into an exhausted receiver, to supply its place. Governor Dudley was very useful to Lord Cornbury in suggesting things to say to the authorities in England that would be
most likely to poison the mind of Queen Anne against Connecticut, and induce her majesty to make an effort, as two of
her predecessors had done, to pluck the charter out of the
hands of the people.
Of these two colonial governors, Dudley was possessed of
much the larger share of shrewdness and intrigue.  He had
been a member of Sir Edmund Andross' council,~ and had
shared in the bitterness of his prejudices against the colony.
Besides, he was even then looking forward to the time when
he should fill the executive chair in place of Andross, and was
anxious to further his prospects for promotion, by showing as
much zeal as possible in this shameful war waged by a king
against the rights of his subjects.
This darling object of his ambition, so long entertained,
Dudley pursued with the steadiness of aim that belongs to
all keen-sighted, intriguing men, who lay their plans quite
beneath the calm surface of society, as well-skilled anglers
play their hooks in the eddies and under-currents that circle
the depths of a shaded pool. With this view he had, before
the death of King William, taken all possible precautionary
measures against the promotion of men who were thought
to be friendly to the liberties of New England.  Hence,
when he found that Sir Henry Ashurst had been appointed
agent for Connecticut, he used all his influence to induce so
good a friend of the colony as he knew him to be, not to accept the trust. He made repeated attacks upon the New
England charters, and employed force as well as fraud to get
possession of them or render them inoperative.
He had already attained the first object of his ambitionhe was governor of Massachusetts; but this was only a single round in the ladder that he had proposed to himself to
* Ilutchinson.




352             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
climb. Connecticut was fast increasing in population and
wealth.  From the fact that she spent her resources so freely in defense of the other colonies, she appeared to be much
more opulent than she really was.  How desirable to add all
this rich taxable domain to the resources of a colonial exchequer! Besides, was she not arrogant and impertinent in
persisting to keep her charter and pretending to exercise under it rights that had been relinquished by her neighbors?
How pleasant to strip the plumage from this wild game-bird,
and feast his revenge with a morsel that had eluded his appetite so long!
So industrious had Dudley been, and so adroitly had he
played his game, that towards the close of William's reign
he had succeeded in having a bill prepared to re-unite all
the charter governments to the crown. Scarcely was Queen
Anne seated upon the throne, when it was brought into parliaiment. This bill aimed not only at the New England charters,
but also at those of East and West New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the Bahama and Lucay Islands, because
it averred that these charters were injurious to the trade of
the kingdom, discouraging to the other plantations, and tended to cut off the revenues of the crown.  It went on to
charge the charter governments with encouraging piracy
and every mode of contraband trade, and declared "That
all and singular, matters, and things, contained in any charters or letters patent, granted by the great seal of England,
by any of his royal predecessors, by his present majesty, or
the late queen, to any of the said plantations, or to any persons in them, should be utterly void, and of none effect. It
further enacted, that all such power, authority, privileges,
and jurisdictions, should be, and were re-united, annexed to,
and vested in his majesty, his heirs and successors, in right
of the crown of England, to all intents and purposes, as
though no such charters or letters patent had been had or
imade."$
*Bill on file. Dudley continued in the office of Governor of Massachusetts
until 1715.  ITe had previously been President of Massachusetts and New




AS-IU, ST DEFENDS THE COLONY.            353
This blow was well understood by Sir Henry Ashurst, the
agent of the colony, to be aimed mainly at Connecticut.
His honorable and manly nature revolted at the injustice
thus attempted to be practiced under the sanction of legislation. He therefore hastened to prefer his petition to the
HI-ouse of Lords, wherein he set forth the objects of the bill,
and prayed that it might not have the sanction of parliament.  The petition stated at full length the condition of
Connecticut, and the wrong that would be practiced upon
her inhabitants were the charter of Charles II. to be annulled; that her institutions were peculiar to herself; and that
all the relations of her people, the very tenures by which
they held their property, their religious privileges, and their
social texture, were all the growth of the charter; and if
that should be taken from  them, they would be exposed to
the most radical changes, and perhaps involved in utter
ruin; that the charges of piracy and contraband trade, recited at length in the bill, whatever might be true elsewhere, could not be truthfully brought against this colony,
whose people were agricultural in their habits, and whose
authorities administered their offices with great simplicity
and purity.
This petition finally obtained a hearing before the House of
Lords. It was well presented in behalf of the colony. As
at other times, the history of the people in whose behalf it
was made was briefly recited; their hardships in commencing
the settlement; their efforts to defend it; their long-tried
loyalty; the sacrifices that they had made of time, money
and life, to keep inviolate the honor of the British flag against
so many enemies; and many other reasons, were urged with
great earnestness.
The general effect that the bill would have upon the enterprise of the nation, the dishonor that would be brought
upon the royal name, were it once understood that no faith
Hampshire; Chief Justice of AMassachusetts and New York; Agent of Massachusetts in England; and Lieut. Governor of the Isle of Wight. He died in.
Boston, 1720, aged 72. Blake's Un. Biog. Die.
c>< 




354               HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
could be put in the grants made by the crown, and the unsettled state of affairs that would prevail throughout all the
business relations of the empire, were old titles thus to be
torn up by the roots, were not left out of view. Beset with
such powerful weapons, the bill was defeated.
Enraged at the failure of this favorite method of accomplishing his ends, Dudley now set himself to the task of
playing upon the prejudices and ill-concealed ambition of'
Cornbury.  He affected to take the part of his brother governor, and to favor his views.  He assured Cornbury of his
own disinterestedness and of his willingness to aid him in
bringing Connecticut under his government. He was only
too happy to serve his lordship in any way.  Independent of
personal considerations he was actuated by a sense of justice.  Not only should Connecticut be joined to New  York,
but the southern colonies should be added to them.
Cornbury, weak man as he was, could hardly be expected to
resist these flattering promises nor did the chances of success
seem doubtful.  He was himself a near relative of Queen
Anne,* and had a circle of aristocratic fiiends who were allied to him by blood and who possessed the confidence of her
majesty.   Connecticut, also, as all the  other states  have
done, cherished some unhappy sons, who, from disappointed
political hopes or from  pecuniary motives, were only waiting
for sufficient vitality to fasten their poisonous fangs into the
bosom  that had warmed them.  These malcontents,-I will
not name them in my textt-could of course be made useful
to Dudley in any enterprise that was likely to advance their
fortunes or feed their revenge.
As Dudley had failed in one attempt upon the liberties of
Lord Cornbury (Edward Hyde) was a son of the Earl of Carendon, and a
first cousin of Queen Anne. (See Agnes, Strickland's "' Lives of the Queens of
England,"' Vol. xii. p. 43.) Hie was a bigot in religion, and oppressive and unjust in his administration of the government. He was removed from loffice in
1708, and died in England in 1723. Blake's Un. Biog. Die.
+Perhaps the most conspicuous of these ambitious and restless spirits was
Major Edward Palms, a son-in-law of Governor Winthrop. His disaffection
with the colonial government seems to have arisen mainly from the fact that,




[1704.]         BULKLEY S  "'WILL AND  DOOM."'                        355
the colony, he determined to lay the foundations of his second  scheme with greater solidity.   It was obvious that the
bill to rob Connecticut of her charter had failed mainly from
the  fact  that  none  of the  specific  charges  named  in  it
had been previously laid against her and substantiated by
legal evidence. It was decided, therefore, to convict her authorities of mal-administration, contraband trade, piracy, and
the other crimes named in the bill of abominations whose
fate had cost its authors so many keen regrets.
With the aid  of Cornbury, therefore, Dudley lost no  time
in filing his charges of complaint against the colony. False
witnesses were procured to establish these charges, and all
the  customary modes of making evidence, were  resorted to
with a perseverance that evinced how resolute and unscrupulous were the principal actors in the scene. Even the
blandishments of letters were brought to delight the English
mind with one of the most remarkable fictions that has ever
had its origin in the human brain. I need hardly say that I
refer to Bulkley's  "Will and Doom,"-previously  alluded to
-a  work that has made  indeed  all other American historithe General Assembly decided against his application to annul the will of Gov.
Winthrop. It seems that Palms had not been named in the will of the governor,
as he claimed he ought to have been; but the Assembly declared in favor of the
will because the wife of Palms had previously deceased.  Palms appealed to
the king in council, and proceeded to England to prosecute his case.  The council,
however, confirmed the decision of Connecticut. iMlaj. Palms died in New London, March 21, 1714, aged 78.
Nicholas Hallam, also a leader in the crusade against Connecticut, became disaffected with the colony in a similar manner.  His step-father (Mr. Liveen,) had
bequeathed most of his property to " the ministry of New London," and Hallam
determined to break the will.  The case was tried before the county court and
the court of assistants, both of which decided that the will was valid. The suit
was carried to England, where after a delay of more than four years, the decision
of the Connecticut courts was sustained.  See Caulkins' History of New London,
pp. 222-228.
Palms and Hallam, excited as they were, stood ready to take sides with any one
who might be brought in collision with Connecticut from whatever cause. Hence,
Cornbury and Dudley found in them  efficient friends; hence, too, their active
sympathy in behalf of the Mohegans and their zeal for the " Mason heirs," as will
hereafter appear.




35a6                  HISTORY  OF  CONNECTICUT.
cal extravagances, save  Peters' "History of Connecticut,"
of which it was the type and herald, tame and cold.
This book had been written soon after the close of Sir
Edmund  Andross' administration, and was now  resuscitated
and sent over from New York by Lord Cornbury, with some
other documentary evidence against the colony.   It was received in England on the 16th of January, 1705."
Aside from  the accusations before made against the colony,
the complaint alleged that it was a place of refuge for seamen, servants, malefactors, and other fugitives from justice
who fled from  the other colonies, that it also  took under its
protection young men who went there fiom New York and
Massachusetts  to  avoid  taxation  resulting  fiorn  the  wars,
that had  thrown such  heavy burdens upon  all the northern
colonies except Connecticut; that this colony had refused to
aid  in  the  fortification  of New  York and  Albany, and  had
failed  to  send  men  to  defend  Massachusetts  against  the
5 This siungular,work, though anonymous, is supposed to be from the penl of the
Rev. Gershom  Bulkley, who graduated at I1arvard College inll 1659; was settled
in the ministry at New London from 1661 to 1666, and in WVethersfield fiom the
latter date until 1677. He then removed to Glastenbury where he practiced
medicine for over thirty years, and died in 1713. As a politician, he was opposed
to the assumption of the government by the colonial authorities in 1689, after the
arrest of Andross.  In 1689, he published a pamphlet on the affairs of Connecticut, but no copy of it is now known to exist.  (See Dr. Chapin's Hist. of Glastenbury.)  "Will and Doom" was doubtless written soon after.  December 15, 1692,
Major Palms, Gershom Bulkley and Win. Rosewell appended to the MS. volume
their certificate, in which they say, that to their " best knowledge of things, the
state of afftirs in Connecticut is therein truly represented,' and they " doubt not but
every material passage in it may easily be proted by them."  To be sure, it is not
often that an author volunteers a formal certificate of the probable truth of his
own work; but in this case, Mr. Bulkley may have done so for the purpose of
better concealing the authorship of the volume, which was not calculated to increase his popularity in New England.  The MS. was indorsed as follows, on its
arrival in England:    " Mr. Bulkley's'W ill and Doom,' relating to grievances and
irregularities in the Province of Connecticut."  " Received with Lord Cornbury's
of the 6th of November 1704.  Vide New York, Bundle X, 18."    Received
16 January i read 1st. February 1704-5. Entered Proprieties, fol. 126. No. 20."
Some have supposed that the book in question was written by the Rev. John
Bulkley, of Colchester-but the improbability of this is apparent from  the fact,
that he did not graduate until 1699, and " Will and Doom" is not the work ofa boy.




[1705.]            OWANECO'S PETITION.                    357
French and Indians.* All this time Dudley smiled blandly
upon the colony that he was thus plotting to destroy, and in
a letter that bore almost an even date with these infamous
allegations, he thanked the General Assembly for the liberal
supplies that they had bestowed upon Massachusetts, and
the readiness with which they had responded to his requisitions.
I have said it was a part of the plan of operations to conciliate certain malcontents who lived in Connecticut.  These
men now  aided Dudley in furnishing evidence against the
colony, by giving currency to a ridiculous story that the
General Assembly had abused Owaneco, chief of the M3lohegans, and had driven his tribe from  their planting grounds.
Whoever knows any thing of the history of that tribe and of
the sacrifices made by Connecticut to protect it fiom  enemies that would have annihilated it long before this conspiracy was made, can judge what credit should be given to
a tale that contradicts all the records that have been transmitted to us relating to the affairs of that expensive and
burdensome tribe.  Yet, inconsistent as was the accusation,
it was penned into a petition  to the queen, ostensibly in
behalf of the Mohegans, but really with no other motives
than avarice and revenge on the part of the applicants, representing the General Assembly in such false colors that it
could not fail to deceive the ears for which it was intended,
especially when presented and advocated by such men as
Dudley.   Had the complaint charged the colony with unkindness towards the Pequots after the strength of their
tribe had been broken, and with yielding to the solicitations
of Uncas, or submitting to the cruel robberies that he was
allowed to perpetrate upon that suffering people; or had it
X Nothing could surpass the uwicked falsehood of these two charges, unless it
were the ingratitude that could allow the governors of these invaded colonies to
deny the services of our troops in saving their inhabitants from the tomahawk
and the ruinous taxes that our people paid with cheerfulness to answer pecuniary
demands, sometimes entirely unnecessary and often greatly exaggerated —services
rendered and taxes paid, as in the else of New York under Leislerls administration, in behalf of a people who either could not or would not help themselves.




358             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
charged Connecticut, in common with the rest of New England, with the guilt that often accompanies a too easy credulity, because she had lent a willing ear to Mohegan prejudices,
and consented to the judicial murder of Miantinomoh; or
because her fears had led her to sacrifice Nanuntenoo, there
might have been some show of justice in the arraignment.
But it has always been the fate of Connecticut to be put
upon her deliverance for imaginary crimes, for the reason
that her faults in. some cases were too slight, and in others attended with too palliating circumstances to justify the malice
of her enemies or afford a palpable ground of conviction.
The sympathies of the queen were touched at the supposed sufferings of the Mohegans, so wantonly inflicted by
her English subjects, and, without waiting to allow Connecticut a hearing, she granted, on the 19th of July 1704, a commission to  Dudley and  Palms, the arch-enemies of the
colony, and others, their instruments-twelve in all-to hear
and try the cause of the afflicted Owaneco against Connecticut.~
Preparatory to this farcical court, on the 5th of July 1705,
John Chandler, in behalf of Owaneco-whose ancestors had
received the consideration-money more than twice over
for all the lands that had ever gone out of their possessionand Mason, and the other claimants, in behalf of themselves,
began a survey of the Mohegan country.  They ran out the
lines in accordance with their own claims, and having completed the perambulation, they made a map of the territory
such as suited well enough the uses of a hearing before a
tribunal that was understood to have pre-judged the case.
The lines as run by Chandler and his assistants had for
their southern boundary a large rock in Connecticut river
near Eight-Mile-Island, in Lyme, and thence took an easterly course through Lyme, New London, and Groton, to a lit* The Court of Commissioners consisted of the following persons, viz.:-Joseph
Dudley, Esq., President, Edward Palms, Giles Sylvester, Jahleel Brenton,
Nathaniel'Byfield, Thomas Hooker, James Avery, John Avery, John Morgan,
and Thomas Leffingwell. The other two appear to have been absent.




[1705.]      THE MOHEGAN CONTROVERSY.               359
tle lake in the north-eastern part of Stonington, called Ahyo-sup-suck; thence northerly, to another lake called Mahman-suck, thence to a place called the W~hetstone hills, and
thence to TMan-hum-squeeg, or the Whetstone country.
From this last named point (if indeed it was a point) the
line veered off in a south-westerly course, a distance of
several miles, to the upper falls in the Quinibaug river;
here, taking a new track, it darted away to the north-west
through Pomfret, Ashford, Willington, and Tolland, to the
Notch of Bolton mountain, and thence, "instinct with fire
and nitre," the liberal-minded surveyors took wing in a
southerly course, across Bolton, Hebron, and East Haddam,
to the place of beginning.
Having completed his survey, his map, and all his other
enginery of self-conviction —and who could judge so well as
his excellency of the machinery best calculated to subdue
his scruples —Governor Dudley carried his court into Connecticut, and planted it in a convenient place within the
limits of Stonington.
As Connecticut had not been allowed a hearing as to the
propriety of creating this special court, so did the court fail
to serve her with a copy of the commission that was to try
the question of title and jurisdiction to some of the most
valuable lands within her boundaries;-so that she remained
in ignorance till the day of the hearing, whether the cornmission merely authorized a court of inquiry, or whether it
was to determine the title to the lands.
She therefore sent a committee to be present at the opening of the court, and find out what was the extent of its
powers.  If it was a court of inquiry, they were instructed to defend; if it was designed to try the title, they were
commanded to enter their solemn protest in behalf of the
colony, and withdraw in silence. At the same time, all the
inhabitants of Connecticut who claimed any interest in the
controverted lands, were forbidden to put in any plea or
make any answer before the court.  The names of the gentlemen composing this committee, were William Pitkin, John




360                HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
Chester, Eleazer Kimberly, Esqrs., Maj. William  Whiting,
Mr. John Elliott, and Mr. Richard Lord.
Governor Winthrop, on the 21st of August, wrote a letter
to Dudley, in which he is careful to speak of the commission
as authorizing only a preliminary court.
When the committee had arrived at the place of trial and
had learned that it was the intention of the tribunal to settle questions of title, they tendered to Dudley their written
protest.  After sketching, with a few hasty strokes, the folly
and wantonness of the charges brought against Connecticut,
the committee go on to say, " We must declare against and
prohibit all such proceedings as contrary  to law  and to the
letters patent under the great seal of England granted to this
her majesty's colony." In conclusion they add, " It seems
strange to us that your excellency should proceed in such a
manner, without first communicating your commission to
the General Assembly of this her majesty's colony."
After an ex parte hearing of a single day, in which the
Indian, Owaneco, who probably did not care a whiff of tobacco smoke about the controversy, aside from the paltry
presents that he might have expected for allowing his name
to be used in it, and the other applicants, had it all their own
way, and procured a judgment in their favor.e
If' ever there was a piece of judicial villainy it was this,
by which the property of hundreds of persons, and the jurisdiction of a colony, were disposed of without serving any
notice upon the respondents by the adverse party in interest,
who had caused themselves to be constituted  a tribunal to
sit in judgment upon their own untenable claims.
* The Court adjudged to Owaneco and the Molhegans a tract of land in New
London, called Massapeac; and another tract in the northern part of the same
town, containing about eleven hundred acres; also, a tract in Lyme, two miles in
breadth and nine miles in length, together with the whole tract contained in the
town of Colchester. These lands had been obtained by conquest, purchase treaty,
and other lawful means, and had been settled upon by persons who held their
deeds or patents fiom the Assembly. The court ordered Connecticut immediately to restore all these lands to Owvaneco; and also prohibited all her majesty's
subjects firom settling upon or improving certain other large tracts, until a further hearing and determination of the case.




[1705]            TRIAL OF CONNECTICUT.                      361
I have said that this Mohegan affair, as far as Dudley
was interested in it, was designed to prejudice the mind of
the queen against Connecticut, so that she might be the
more readily induced  to regard the people as outlaws, who
had forfeited their charter privileges, and were entitled to no
mercy at her hands.  The fact that the hearing was not had
until after the trial of the principal allegations against Connecticut before the queen in council, made little difference.
The charge having been made, the chief mischief was accomplished, as the colony was in much the same condition
that an accused person is while awaiting his trial for the
commission of a crime. It is true that theoretically the law
presumes him innocent till proved guilty, but no legal
maxim  or presumption  can do away  with  the impression
made upon the public mind even by a false accusation.*
On the 12th of February, 1705, after the last bundle of
evidence that had been shipped by Cornbury  from  America
was received in England, the trial of Connecticut for her
charter, which had been postponed at the solicitation of Sir
Henry Ashurst, in order that he might receive further evidence and further instructions from  the General Assembly,
came on before the queen in council.
Dudley had prepared his case with great address, and Cornbury had seconded him  with an equal amount of industry
and  spite.  The former had dug up fiom  the archives of
King William's reign a precedent in favor of the proposition
that the crown had power to appoint a governor over Connecticut.  He had also attempted to get an opinion from
the then acting attorney-general favorable to his case; but
* This famous " Mohegan case," after having agitated Connecticut more than
seventy years, was finally determined in favor of the colony in 1743. The lands
in dispute, or some part of them, had been aequired by Major Mason, as agent
of Connecticut-who, in a somewhat informal manner, surrendered them  to
the colony in March, 1661. (See J. II. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 359.)
The heirs of Mason, and certain other designing persons, subsequently instituted
a claim for the lands, and prosecuted it with great tenacity. The pretense that
the Mohegans were oppressed or driven off by the English settlers, was simply
designed for effect,




962            HIISTORY OF COihNNECTICUT.
the best that he could induce the guarded functionary to do
for him, was to make the statement "that if it were as Governor Dudley had represented, there was a defect in the Governnent, that the colony was not able to defend itself and
in imminent danger of being possessed by the queen's enemies; and that in stch case, the queen might send a governor
for civil and military government, but not to alter the laws
and customs."  Nobody could find any fault with this opinion. It would have been equally tenable had he said, "'if
the authorities harbored pirates and carried on contraband
trade," as Governor Dudley had represented, "they ought to
be adjudged guilty of felony without the benefit of clergy."'
There is much significance in a legal opinion that is heralded
with an "if."  It implies at least that the facts have not
yet been passed upon.
As had been the case in the Mohegan affair, so in this most
vital matter, the grounds of the accusation and the arguments that would be set up by the complainants, had been
kept secret from the agent of the colony. True, however,
to the interests of his principals, as on former occasions he
had proved himself, Sir Henry Ashurst* nobly stood his
ground.  IHe knew  that this was a desperate struggle for
colonial existence against injustice and oppression, and that
it called for all the address of which he was master, and all
the influence that he could command.  He was a brother-inlaw of Lord Paget, a nobleman of fine abilities and powerful connections. His lordship, whose sense of justice was
outraged by the behavior of the applicants, magnanimously
espoused the cause of Connecticut, and threw into the scale
that he desired should preponderate, the full weight of his
disinterested influence with the queen's favorites and the
members of the council.  He procured the professional aid
of two of the best advocates in England, who  met the
X This gentleman was a son of Henry Ashurst, Esq., member of parliament,
and a firm friend to New England. Sir Henry had previously been the agent of
Massachusetts at the Court of Great Britain; but accepted the agency of Connecticut in 1704, and continued to act in that capacity until his death in 1710.




[1 0O5]       DEFENSE OF CONNECTICUT.             363
sophistries and exposed the false statements of Dudley,
Cornbury, Congreve, and the whole host of assailants,
who argued the cause for an hour and a half before the
council with great eloquence and force. I need not go over
the grounds urged by these gentlemen, as they will suggest
themselves to the reader who has had the patience to peruse
the preceding chapter.
After exposing the intrigues of Dudley and his fellow conspirators, the counsel in behalf of the colony went on to
say, that whatever might be the real truth in relation to the
allegations, it was a sacred right extended to all British subjects by the constitution itself, that all persons and corporations should have an oportunity to be heard, before any
legal proceeding against them could be the basis of a judgment. The advocates powerfully pressed upon the minds of
the council the consideration, that as this necessary pre-requisite had not been complied with in relation to the governor and company of Connecticut, it would be doing them a
great and unprecedented wrong to take from them their most
precious rights-nay, their very political life, without giving
them the opportunity of confronting their accusers. Then a
well-timed allusion was made to the motives that led to the
accusation, and a very striking portraiture was drawn of
the overshadowing growth and noxious qualities of executive ambition in a remote part of the empire, beyond the
conservative influences of her majesty's personal supervision.
The patronage attending such a position as that held by
Dudley, the facility of procuring witnesses who, from interested motives, could be induced to falsify their testimony,
were dwelt upon as so many facts that should put the council upon their guard while the limited power of the governor
of Connecticut under the charter, watched as he was by the
other branches of the government and amenable to the annual suffrages of the freemen, afforded a very strong presumption in his favor, and seemed to call still more loudly
for a public hearing of the evidence that might be within




364            HISTORI OF CONCNECTICUT.
reach of the corporation.  Waxing warm  as they dwelt
upon the contrast between such men as Dudley and Cornbury on the one hand, and Treat and Winthrop on the other,
these gentlemen boldly urged, that in the case of a provincial governor who held during the pleasure of the crown, and
who was liable to lose nothing but his office, avarice often
tempted the incumbent to perpetrate the most barbarous
cruelties, and that it might be found upon investigation of
the evidence, that Governor Winthrop was better fitted to
govern Connecticut, than Cornbury was to rule in New York,
or Dudley in Massachusetts.  In conclusion, they begged that
a copy of the complaint might be sent to the governor and
company of Connecticut, that they might prepare themselves
at a future day to defend the corporation.
So reasonable was this request that the council could not
fail to comply with it. It was therefore ordered that copies
of the principal charges in the complaint should be made out
and sent, one to the governor of Connecticut, and one to
Dudley and Cornbury, the chief complainants; that Connecticut should make her answer to each allegation, and establish such answer if she could, by evidence legally taken
and duly sealed with the seal of the colony. Dudley and
Cornbury were in like manner to forward their proofs in
proper legal form.
Nothing could have been more unsatisfactory to Dudley
and Cornbury than this just decision. They saw at once
that their schemes were ruined and their intrigues exposed.
They saw the castles that they had built upon the crumbling
foundations of calumny and lies, already beginning to topple
down upon their heads. For did they not know that of all
the accusations so pompously paraded in their complaint, not
one of them could stand before the array of unimpeachable
testimony that would be sent out against it by the outraged
and insulted colony? Poor Dudley, the cunning artificer of
this fraud, had need of all his fortitude to sustain him, for
the General Assembly were able to prove, that instead of




[1705.] THE CAUSE OF CONNECTICUT TRIIUMPHIANTo    365
neglecting Massachusetts and New York in their day of
peril, as he had attempted to make the queen believe, and
that instead of leaving the inhabitants of those provinces
without men and supplies, Connecticut had during that year
and the preceding one, kept six hundred troops in constant
requisition, and that two-thirds of that number had been engaged in actual service in those provinces. She could prove,
too, that while her people had scarcely two thousand pounds
of money in circulation in the whole colony, they had in
three years expended a much greater sum in defending New
York and Massachusetts. What was still more mortifying
to Dudley, they had in their keeping a most flattering letter
under his own hand, in which he thanked them for the generous aid that they had given him, and for their services during the war. To corroborate even his admissions against
himself, they had also on file, ready to be produced, letters
of commendation and thanks from the officers who had commanded in Massachusetts, and from the principal gentlemen
there, all speaking the language of gratitude for services
rendered by Connecticut. As to the cowardly charges of
disloyalty to the government, contraband trade, harboring
fugitives from justice or taxation, and that more infamous
one of piracy, who knew better than the author of them, how
vain would be the attempt to prove them, and with what
triumph the evidence that was within the reach of the colony
could sweep them away?
No wonder, then, that he gave up the complaint as hopeless, and set himself, as I have already detailed, to execute a
commission in regard to a matter that was, before the date
of the instrument, a foregone conclusion in his own mind;
nor need I tell the reader, that when the proofs adduced by
the governor and company arrived in England, the loyalty and honor of Connecticut shone but the brighter
when placed in contrast with the wickedness of her accusers.
I need not say that Dudley and Cornbury did not forwvard
their testimony, nor appear to prosecute their complaints;




366            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
nor is it necessary to add, that in due time a letter arrived
from  Sir Henry Ashurst, informing the people that it was
the opinion of the best men in the realm that they alone, subject to the requisitions of the crown, had a right to command the militia of the colony and dispose of its money under The Charter.








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CHAPTER  XVII.
DEATH OF TREAT. SURRENDER OF PORT ROYAL,
EARLY in the year 1707, the colonies were again alarmed
with rumors of another French and Indian invasion.  On
the 6th of February, a council of war, made up of the governor and most of his council with the principal military
gentlemen of the colony, convened at Hartford. Robert
Treat, then deputy governor, too infirm by reason of his
great age to be present, wrote a letter and sent it in by a
messenger to aid the deliberations of the council.  This letter gave intelligence confirming these rumors. Major Schuyler sent in similar communications.  It was thought that the
Pootatuck and Owiantuck tribes had been consulted, and
were ready to join with the French. As these Indians were
within our borders, and in a position to expose our western frontiers to great hazard, it was ordered that Simsbury, Waterbury, Woodbury, and Danbury, should speedily be fortified.
As Waterbury had not yet recovered from the effects of the
floods alluded to on a former page of this work, the council promised to use their influence with the General Assembly to get the country rates of the town abated by way of
encouraging the inhabitants to place their houses in a defensible condition.  Two gentlemen from Woodbury, Captain
John Minor, and Mr. John Sherman, were selected to remove
the Pootatuck and Owiantuck Indians from the places then
occupied by them, to Stratford and Fairfield, where they
would be in the midst of a vigilant English population
and could be more easily watched.  It was ordered, further,
that some of the chiefs of each tribe should be carried down
to those towns, and there kept as hostages for the good behavior of their people.  On the second of April, a special




368            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
assembly was called on account of the receipt of letters
from Governor Dudley, who proposed to send one thousand men
against Acadie, and requested (he could not command) Con.
necticut to join her forces with those of Massachusetts in
the expedition. The duplicity of Dudley towards the colony
was by no means forgotten, and the recollection of it aided
the Assembly, I have no doubt, in coming to a conclusion not
to respond to the call. It was argued that Connecticut had
not been consulted as to the propriety of taking this step,
and that she was not yet sufficiently recovered from the burden of defending the county of Hampshire, to be able to assist in an enterprise where her hand and not her counsels
were in request.
On the 27th of INovember 1707, while in the discharge of'
his duties as governor of the colony, died the Hon. Fitz
John Winthrop, in the 69th year of his age. I have already
given a history of his public life in my account of' the expedition against Canada, and of his services in England in
1694, as the agent of the people to vindicate the right of the
governor to command the militia. He was as zealous in defending that strong hold of popular liberty as his father, John
Winthrop, had been in establishing it. Though maligned by
some of the worst enemies that have ever beset a good man,
he lived to see them, like Leislei and Milborn, suffer the
penalties awarded to traitors, or like Dudley and Cornbury,
baffled in the cross-currents of politics. He still keeps an
honorable place in the gallery of our colonial governors, as a
gentleman of great fidelity in all his public relations, and of
unblemished private life.
To fill the vacancy occasioned by his death, Deputy Governor Treat convoked a special assembly on the 17th of
December, at New Haven. It was ordered that the votes
of both houses should be mixed and then sorted and counted,
and that the candidate who received a majority of votes,
should be declared governor.  The ballot resulted in the
election of the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, who then had charge
of the church at New London. On the 1st of January




GOVERNOR Tr7ET'EAT.                 3 69
1708, he signified his acceptance of the place and took the
oath of office.  The regular election that took place on the
13th of the following May, confirmed the choice. At the same
time, as the deputy governor, then eighty-six years old, hlad
made known his desire to withdraw from the cares of public
life, it was thought best to excuse him  from  further service.
Nathan Gold was elected to fill his place.
As the infirmities of age soon confined Governor Treat to
the narrow circle of his own neighborhood until his death,
that took place about two years after his resignation, I have
thought this a proper occasion to give a slight sketch of his
life and character.
Robert Treat, the third governor under the charter, and
son of Richard Treat, one of the patentees named in it, was
born in England, in the year 1622.  At an early age he accompanied his father to America.  Richard Treat-(always
designated in our early colonial records, by the title of
Mr. or Master,) was a gentleman  of high character, and
was among the first planters of Wethersfield.  He held
several important places of trust in the colony.  Robert,
from what cause it does not appear,, did not long remain
with his father, but left Connecticut for Milford, during the infancy of that settlement, while yet it was a republic independent of New Haven. At the first meeting of the planters
of Milford, and when Treat was only eighteen years old,
he was chosen to aid in surveying and laying out the lands
of the -new plantation. Soon afterwards he was appointed
one of the five judges that constituted the "particular court"
of the Commonwealth.  After Milford was joined with NTew
Haven in 1644, he soon became known in the colony as a
gentleman of good culture and marked abilities. In 1661,
he was elected a magistrate and remained in the magistracy
* It is probable that Mr. Prudden, who preached in Wethersfield during a part
of the year 1639, and had proved very acceptable to a ptart of the people there,
may have induced Mr. Treat to remove to Milford, as he did some other planters.
Certain it is that Treat was in Milford as early as 1639, as appears by the Milford
records.
24




370             HI3STORYI OF C'ONNECTICIJT.
until 1664, when he declined any longer to hold office under
a government that he felt to be already tottering to its fall,
crushed by the weight of debts and taxes, and hemmed in by
a troop of adverse circumstances that, like a beleaguering
army, cut off at once all supplies and all hope.  It was rnainly through his influence that Milford left the jurisdiction of
New Haven, and placed herself in the keepinDg of Connecticut.  He was the only man then living in the colony of
New Haven, Nwho had at the same time the moral courage'and the resolute nwill successfully to meet the unabated opposition of' Davenport to the union, that could hardly have been
effected as it was, had he failed to unite his fearless counsels
with the persuasive admonitions of Winthrop.
In 1670, he was appointed major of the Connecticut troops,
then the highest military officer in the colony. His gallantry
and bravery-evinced throughout the whole course of Philip's
war, from  its first stages, in which he was again and again
chiefly instrumental in saving from total destruction some of
*the finest border towns in Miassachusetts, down to the fatal
hour when, with the Connecticut troops, he passed from the
rear to the van of Winslow's army, and led the forlorn hope
across the bridge and in front of the block-house whence the
murderous fire of Philip's sharp-shooters had more than once
driven the forces of Massachusetts-are without a parallel
in our history, save in the life of Mason who preceded him,
or Putnam who came after him.  In 1676, he was elected
dleputy governor, and in 1683, governor of the colony. He filled
the executive office for fifteen years, when he declined any
longer to act in that capacity, and Gen. Fitz John Winthrop
was chosen to supply his place.  There existed between
Treat and John Winthrop the most cordial friendship, growilng out of' the admiration that each felt for the character and::bilities of the other, and also on account of the part that
th}ey respectively took, the one in procuring the clarter, the
other in vindicating its jurisdiction and in preserving it from
the violence of its enemies.
Winthrop died before the clouds that had begun to gather




GOVERNOR TREAT.                        371
in his day had darkened into the storm; Treat lived to withstand the fiercest bolts of delegated power.
Governor Treat was not only a man of high courage, but
he was one of the most cautious military leaders, and possessed a quick sagacity united with a breadth of understanding
that enabled him to see at a glance the most complex relations that surrounded the field of battle.  Nor did he excel
only as a hero: his moral courage and his inherent force of
character shone with the brightest lustre in the executive
chair or legislative chamber, when stimulated by the opposition and malevolence of such men as Andross. In private
life he was no less esteemed. He was a planter of that
hospitable order that adorned New England in an age when
hospitality was accounted a virtue, and when the term gentlemen was somethilng more than an empty title.  His house
was always open to tlhe poor and friendless, and wherever
he gave his hand he gave his heart.  IHence, whethelr marching. to the relief of Springfield, or extending his charities to
Whallev and Goffe, while he drowned a tear of sympathy in
the lively sparkle of fun  and of anecdote, he was always
welcome, altways beloved. His quick sensibilities, his playful
humor, his political visdom, his firmness in the midst of dangers, and his deep piety, have still a traditionary fame in the
neighborhood where he spent the brief portion of his time
that he was allowed to devote to the culture of the domestic
and social virtues.  He died at liilford, in the 89th year of
his age.*
- Governor Treat married Jane Tapp, the daughter of Edmund Tapp, Esq., of
MIilford, who died April 8, 1703. He then married the widow Elizabeth Bryan,
who died in about three months after their union. The children of Gov. Treat
were, (1.) Jane; (2.) Robert, who settled in Milford, and was a magistrate; (3.)
Samnuel, who graduated at Harvard College in 1669, was settled in the ministry
at Eastham, Mass., and died in 1717, leaving a numerous family; (4.) John, who
d., young; (5.) lMary, who m. Azariah Crane, in Newark, N. J.; (6.) Sarah, who
d. young; (7.) Sarah; (8.) Hannah, m. Rev. Samuel Mather, of Windsor. Conn.:
(9.) Joseph, of Milford, who became a Justice of the Quorum; (10.) Abigail,
in. Rev. Samuel Andrew, of Milford; (11.) Anne, m. Rev. Thomas Paine, of
WAVeymouth, Mass., and became the mother of the celebrated Robert Treat Paine,
a Signer of the Declaration of Independence.




372            IIISTCinT OF CONNECTICUT.
His eventful life, that began in the early part of one century, and ended in the first quarter of another, was mild and
tranquil at its close, beaming smilingly upon the world as a
summer sunset lingers upon the horizon to light up with its
warm blending of colors the vapors that herald the coming
of darkness.
The refusal of Connecticut to furnish her quota of troops
in answer to the call of Governor Dudley, delayed the contemplated expedition against Canada, but did not defeat it.
At the  lay session of the General Assembly, 1709, a letter
from the queen was presented and read, advising the colony
of the plan of the campaign. It was resolved to reduce the
French in Canada, Acadie, and Newfoundland.  The contents of letters from the Earl of Sunderland, were also made
known to the legislature, in which the number of troops and
the amount of supplies to be provided by each of the colonies
were specified.  Connecticut was ordered to raise 350 men,
and the other colonies lying east of Connecticut, were to provide an aggregate of 1,200 men, with transports, pilots, and
provisions, for three months' service. The earl acquainted
the colonies with her majesty's design to send a squadron of
ships to Boston by the middle of May.  This armament was
expected to resume the old attempt upon Quebec. But
this was not the full burden that was to be placed on the
shoulders of the colony.
It was fulther proposed that Connecticut, New York, and
New Jersey, and the southern colonies should raise 1,500
men to cross the country and take possession of Montreal.
With her usual alacrity, Connecticut raised her share of the
troops for the land army, and placed them under the command of Colonel Whiting.  The Assembly, by a formal vote,
also thanked the queen for her kind care of the colonies, in
taking such active measures to remove a dangerous enemy.
As early as the 20th of May, the provincial armament was
ready to sail for Quebec. Francis Nicholson was placed at
the head of the land army. He was directed to march as
far as Wood Creek, and there await the comingtof the fleet




[1709.]            FIRST BILLS OF CREDIT.                       373
that was expected at Boston, when he was to press forward
and reach Montreal, so that the attack upon that place might
be made simultaneously with that upon Quebec.  Not only
did the colonies raise their respective quotas of men, but
such was the zeal of the inhabitants to engage in the war, that
many volunteer companies were raised and sent on to join the
regular troops, and  more than  one hundred  batteaux and
as many birch canoes were constructed to transport the army
across the lake.  Three forts, several block-houses and storehouses, were built for the protection of the army and of the
frontier.  All these preparations only resulted  in a useless
expense to the colonies. The fleet, so long and anxiously
waited for, did not come from England, and in the fall, after
disease had thinned the ranks of his army and threatened
utterly to depopulate his camp, Nicholson marched back
to Albany.  One quarter of those who had been placed under his command were dead. Connecticut alone lost ninety
men. The colony was so straightened for means by this
bootless enterprise that the Assembly was compelled to issue
Bills of Credit" to  the amount of eight thousand pounds.
This was the first time that Connecticut ever resorted to an
issue of paper money, though she has since done it more than
once, not merely for her own protection, but for the salvation of the Union, for which she afterwards fought with such
valor. Although the colonies were deeply disappointed at
* it may interest the reader to know the form of these Bills of Credit, and 1
subjoin an exact copy of one, taken from the Colonial Records:
" No.              (          )              20s.
"This Indented Bill of Twenty Shillings due from the colony of Connecticut,
in New England, to the possessor thereof, shall be in value equal to money, and
shall be accordingly accepted by the Treasurer, and Receivers subordinate to him,
in all public payments, and for any stock at any time in the Treasury.
"Hartford, July the Twelfth, A.D., 1709.
" By order of the General Court."
In connection with this provision, it was enacted, that these bills should be issued from the treasury as money, but should be received in payments at one shilling on the pound better than money. One half only were to be signed and issued
at first, and the other half were to remain unsigned, until it should be found
necessary to put them in circulation.




H ISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the failure of a scheme that had thrown upon them such
heavy burdens, yet their situation was too critical to allow
themn timre to brood over the past.  The French still retained
their old Indian alliances, and were making all the efforts
that they could to alienate from  the English the waning
affections of the five nations. Could the enemy but bring
about this result they well knew that the whole English firontier would be in their power, and the settlements along its
entire line would be again exposed to the sickening atrocities of an Indian border war. These the colonies had already experienced, and the recollection was enough to stimulate themn to the most vigorous exertions.
That they might hit upon some uniform plan of operation,
a congress of governors was held at Rehoboth, Massachusetts, in the beginning of October, to deliberate upon the condition of the country and advise what should be done.
General Nicholson, Colonel Vetch, and other experienced
military gentlemen, were invited to attend upon the Congress, and give it the benefit of their advice.  The result
of their deliberations was an address to the queen, setting
forth the harmonious relations that subsisted between the
colonies, the loyalty that prevailed among the people, and
the necessity of adding the  French  colonies in  North
America to the other dominions of her empire. The address
ended with a petition that her majesty would send out an armament which, withll the provincial troops, would be equal to
such an enterprise.
At the session of the General Assembly in October, Governor Saltonstall made known the doings of the executive
convention  and  caused  the address to be read.  The
legislature approved of its terms and adopted a similar
one in behalf of Connecticut. Governor Saltonstall was
appointed agent for the colony to present it to the queen.*
In 1708, twenty-five inhabitants of Norwalk united in
purchasing of Catoonah, the chief sachem, and other Indians,
a large tract of land lying between that town and Danbury.
* Colonial Records, MS.




[1, 1.]   QUEL3ENT ANSl AN  TIlL. Pl: I -,LL.L  IA-iES.  3   5
Tihe deed is dated on the 30th of SeIptembe r of that year,
and at the ensuing session of the General Assembly, it was
incorporated as a town by the name of Ridgefield.  John
Belden, Samuel Keeler, Matthew  Seymour, and ML\atthias
St. John, were among the chief proprietors and settlers.
That the queen might be more easily induced to send the
aid that was so much sought for, Colonel Schuyler, one of'
the most wealthy gentlemen in the province of New York,
whose whole heart was in the project, resolved to approach
her majesty's confidence by exciting her curiosity and playing upon her imagination. At his own expense, therefore,
he fitted out a vessel, and, with five Indian sachems in his
charge, representing the five nations who had withstood the
tempting offers of the French, he sailed for England.*  He
carried also an address from  the Assembly of New York,
begging for the interposition of the crown.
The queen readily granted an interview to Colonel Schuyler, and the swarthy deputation that had accompanied him,
and the chiefs were received with such ceremonials as
suited the rank of the respective parties.  These children
of the forest, erect and unabashed in the presence of royalty, made a very favorable impression upon the mind of the
queen. In their simple, wild way, they gave her a history
of the part that they had taken in the struggles with the
French, and what faithful allies they had proved to her children across the water; with what readiness they had submitted to the loss of their best warriors, and with what delight they had received the intelligence that so great a sovereign as she was, was about to send ships and men to subdue
the common enemy. They said that as one man they had
hung up the kettle and taken up the hatchet in aid of Nicholson; but when they found that their great queen, on account
of some weighty matters at home, had kept back her ships,
their hearts were heavy, lest the enemy, who had before
feared them, should now think that they were too weak
to make war upon them. They said that the reducX Bancroft, Trumbull, Brodhead.




376             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
tion of Canada was very necessary to them, as they could
not occupy their hunting-grounds with any security as things
then were; and intimated that, should the queen be unmindful of them, they must either quit their country and seek
other places of abode, or remain neutral-neither of which
alternatives would accord with their inclinations.*
This deputation, with the several addresses before alluded
to, met with a gracious reception, and the applicants were
led to hope that an armament would at once be sent to reduce Canada.
In July 1710, advices arrived in New England, that a fleet
under the charge of Lord Shannon was soon to set sail;
and in anticipation  of it, Nicholson, with  several armed
ships and some transports, left England in the spring for the
American coast.
These preparations, however, proved not to be designed
fbr the reduction of Canada, but only to get possession of
Port Royal and Nova Scotia.
On the 14th of August, a special assembly was convened
on account of a letter addressed by the queen to the colony,
calling for troops and supplies. In debt as she was, and suffering as her people still were from the heavy loss of life that
befell the army at NWood Creek, Connecticut voted to raise
three hundred men in obedience to the requisition.  No time
was lost in procuring vessels and sailors for the expedition,
and in four weeks our quota of troops were safely transported to Boston.
By the 18th of September, the provincial fleet was ready
to sail.  It consisted of thirty-six ships of war and transports, under command of General Nicholson. On the 24th,
the armament reached Port Royal, and landed without opposition.  On the 21st of October, three small batteries of two
mortars, and twenty-four cohorns,were brought to bear upon
*Smith's IIist. New York, i. 121, 123; I-lolmes, i. 501, 502. Trumbull, io
437. These Indian sachems attracted great attention in England. -Sir Charles
Cotterel conducted them, in two coaches, to St. James's; and the Lord Chamberlain introduced them into the royal presence.




[17T1 1.]  CONNECTICUT THANKS THE QUEEN,            377
the fort, assisted by a bomb ship named the Star that proved
very effective. The next day, the commander of the fort
capitulated.  Thus, unaided by the English fleet, Port Royal
fell into the hands of the provincials with the loss of only
about forty men, twenty-six of whom were drowned by the
wreck of one of the transports in the service of Connecticut.
Flushed with the anticipation of new conquests, Nicholson sailed for England in the fall, to renew his solicitations
for a fleet to prosecute the war. In June 1711, he again art.
rived in Boston with new requisitions from the queen, commanding the several colonies to raise fiesh troops, and with
the assurance that an English fleet was about to sail for
America.
A convention of governors was convoked at New London, on account of this intelligence.  Sixteen days after the
arrival of Nicholson, the expected fleet made its appearance;
but strange to say, it was almost totally destitute of provisions. This fact added to the suspicions before entertained
by the colonies, that the object of the English government
was not the reduction of Canada.  It appeared doubtful
whether the requisite supplies could be procured in the short
space of time that would be allowed for that purpose. On
the other hand, should the preparations come short of the
demand, and the expedition prove unsuccessful, it was
thought that the whole blame of the failure would fall upon
New England.  The colonies, therefore, put forth the utmost exertions to provide for the armament.
The General Assembly of Connecticut was in session
when the fleet arrived at Boston, and speedily voted to raise
three hundred and sixty men, to procure four months provisions for them, and a vessel to transport them to Albany.
At the same time a letter was addressed  to the queen,
proffering the thanks of the colony for her tender care of its
interests, and expressing a great deal of gratitude for all
that her majesty had done, and, so far as can now be seen,
for much that she had neglected to do.*
Colonial Records, MS.




I-IISTORLY OF CONNECTICUT.
WMith such alacrity did the colonies address themselves to
the preparation of this two-fold enterprise, that in about a
month the land army and the fleet were both in readiness.
On the 30th of July, the armament, consisting of fifteen
men-of-war, forty transports, six store-ships, and a train of
artillery, such as had never before been sent to the American
coast, sailed out of Boston harbor for Canada.  Aside from
the naval forces, it carried a land army of seven thousand
men, made up of five regiments from England and Flanders,
and two regiments from Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and
New  Hampshire.  Sir Hovenden Walker was admiral of
the fleet, while the land forces were under command of
Brigadier General Hill, brother to Mrs. Masham, the favorite of the queen. On the same day, General Nicholson began his march for Albany. His army consisted of four
thousand men from Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey. Colonel William Whiting  had the immediate command of the Connecticut forces;* Colonel Schuyler those
of New York, and Colonel Ingoldsby, those of New Jersey.
Admiral Walker reached the mouth of the St. Lawrence
with his fleet on the 14th of August. That he might wait
for transports to come up, he put into the Bay of Gaspe on
the 18th, where he lay at anchor until the 20th, when he
sailed out of the bay.  On the 22d, a dismal prospect presented itself. With a high south-easterly wind to contend
against, without soundings, out of sight of land, and enveloped in a thick f6g, the fleet appeared to be at the mercy
of the elements. With the hope that the wind would drift
them into the channel, the pilots advised that the ships
should be brought to, with their heads to the southward.
Even after this precaution was taken, the ships still drifted
toward the dangerous rocks of the north shore.
Just as the admiral was going to retire for the night, the
captain of his ship went below and told him in alarm that he
could see land. As if not satisfied with the speed that was
already hurrying the fleet to perdition, Walker gave orders
* Colonial Records, LMSP




[I; I. ]        OBSTINACY OFi; iLlE.                  379
that the heads of the ships should be brought to the north.
Captain Goddard, of the land army, flew to the cabin and
begged the admiral to go on deck and see for himsef.  Walker only laughed. As the ships drew nearer the gulf that
yawned for them, Goddard again sought the cabin.
"For the Lord's sake," cried he, "come on deck, or we
shall certainly be drowned. I see breakers all around us!"
Walker, with as much leisure as if he had been preparing
to write one of his own stupid dispatches, put on his gown
and slippers, "and coming upon deck," to use his own language, "I found what he told me was true!"
He might easily find out the truth of it by the light of the
moon that just then pierced through the mists and showed
the Egg Islands to the leeward, with the white waves breaking over them.
The admiral then, for the first time, opened his eyes and
consented that the advice of the pilots should be followed.
Eight of the British transports were cast away, and of the
seventeen hundred English officers and soldiers that were on
board of them, eight hundred and eighty-four were lost. Admiral Walker, and the other principal officers, were saved,
by trusting to their anchors, from being dashed against the
rocks.*
As soon as the fleet could be extricated it sailed for Spanish river bay, but as the wind had shifted and blew  stifly
from the east, it was eight days before the entire armament
arrived there.  Here a council of war was held, the result of
which was, that the admiral soon after weighed anchor for
Portsmouth, England.  Of course, General Nicholson had
nothing to do but to retrace his steps.t
The failure of this third attempt to subdue the Canadas
was of course charged upon the American pilots, who afterwards made oath that their advice was not followed, and,
with equal propriety, upon the tardiness of the colonies, who' See Hutchinson, ii. 180; also, Bancroft and Trumbull.
i Smith's New York, ii. 128, 130; Belknap's New Hampshire, i. 335; Trumbull, i. 441, 442; Hutchinson, ii. 190, 198; Holmes, i, 505.




380             IIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT,
in five weeks had raised and provisioned two armies of their
own, besides providing supplies for the English fleet. Although the loss of life had fallen chiefly upon the English
soldiers, the colonies still reflected with chagrin that the
French flag yet floated from the heights of Quebec.
During the period covered by this chapter, several new
townships were settled and organized, in addition to those
already noted.
At the M{ay session  of the General Assembly, 1707,
Hebron was incorporated.  The settlement of this place was
begun about three years previous to the above date.  The
first settlers of the town were William  Shipman, Timothy
Phelps, Caleb Jones, Samuel Filer, Stephen Post, Jacob
Root, Samuel Curtis, Edward Sawyer, Joseph Youngs, and
Benoni Trumbull.  They were from  Windsor, Saybrook,
Long Island, and Northampton.~
In May of the following year, it was ordered that a township should be laid out south-east of Woodstock, eight miles
in length and six in breadth.  The inhabitants on this tract
were vested with town privileges, and the town was named
Killingly.  Among the early settlers whose descendants still
inhabit the vicinity, were Messrs. Joseph Cady, James Danielson, Sampson Howe, and Ephrairn Warren.
Newtown, in the present county of Fairfield, was incorporated at the October session, 1711.
A tract of country formerly granted by Joshua, sachem of
the Mohegans, lying north of Lebanon and west of Mansfield, was laid out about this time, and the town was incorporated by the name of Coventry at the October session, 1711.
A settlement was commenced in 1707, at a place called
Weatinoge, on the Housatonick river.  The Boardmans,
Bostwicks, Gaylords, Nobles, Canfields, Camps, Hines, Bucks,
Warners, &c., were among the early families who still retain
* Hebron is noted as the birth-place of many eminent men, among whom I
may name, Dr. Benjamin Trumbull, the venerable Historian of Connecticut,
Governor Peters, of this State, Governor Palmer, of Vermont, and Lieut. Governor Root, of New York.




[1713.1           POMFRET INCORPORATED.                  381
an honorable position in the place.  The town was incorporated and named New  Milford, in October 1712.  The
famous Moravian missionary, Count Zinzendorf, established
a mission among the Indians at this point.
Pomfret, was incorporated in 1713.  Some of the lands
here had been settled upon as early as 1686.  Among the
early proprietors were Major James Fitch, Lieutenant William  Ruggles, Messrs. John Gore, John Pierpont, Benjamin
Sabin, John  Grosvenor, Nathan  Wilson, Samuel Craft,
Samuel and  John  Ruggles, and Joseph  Griffin.   Major
General Israel Putnam, of the revolutionary army was a resident of this town.s
* For a more particular account of the above towns —and indeed of all the
towns in the State, I take pleasure in referring the reader to Barber's " Historical
Collections of Connecticut."




CHAPTER  XVIII.
WAlR WITH THIE EASTERN INDIANS.
ALTHOUGH the Treaty of Utrecht, bearing date April 1st,
1713,~ had restored peace to the European powers, yet it did
not entirely put an end to the troubles existing in America.
The French Jesuits, who had extended their influence into
the region lying to the eastward of New England, lost no
opportunity to intensify the prejudices and hatred of the Indian tribes who were under their control.  On the other
hand, the encroaching spirit of the English colonies, impelling their people to make new acquisitions of territory by
means that could not always be justified, helped to quicken
the embers of discontent into a flame.
Sebastian Ralle, the spiritual father of the Indians at Norridgewock, and who had established a large Indian church
there, was accused by the English who lived on the frontiers
with fermenting disturbances among the natives, and especially in relation to that most delicate matter, the tenure of
their lands.  Soon after Governor Shute entered upon his
duties as governor of 5Massachusetts, he was induced, from
the complaints that he heard from the eastern border settlements, to try what could be effected with the Indians there
by treaty.'With this view, he met the chiefs by appointment
at Arrowsick Island, and after some delays succeeded in renewing the treaty of 1713.t
This settlement of their hostilities does not seem to have
been acceptable to Father Ralle, who was supposed to have
done what he could to render it inoperative, and to incite the
By this treaty between Great Britain and France the latter surrendered to
the British government, the Bay and Straits of Hudson, the island of St. Christopher, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland.
i A printed copy of this treaty is in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical
Society. It bears date (as renewed) " George Town, in Arrowsick Island, Aug.
9, 1717."




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[1720.]       SHUTE AND THE PEOPLE.                   383
Indians to acts of violence.  Whether this is true or false, it
is certain that the Indians were constantly depredating upon
the English settlements, and it appears to be equally so, that
they acted not without provocation.
In the vear 1720, a party of Indians made a sudden attack
upon Canso, a settlement in Nova Scotia, killed several of
the inhabitants and plundered the place.  A  number of
Frenchmen fiom Cape Breton, acted in concert and carried
off the booty in their vessels. A reprisal followed, and this
was succeeded by other depredations.  The English were
said to have sustained a loss of about ~20,000, which the
government at Louisbourg refused to make good, on the
ground that the plunderers were not French subjects.*
The troubles at Canso  alarmed the people of eastern
Massachusetts, and Colonel Walton, with a party of soldiers,
was sent out to defend that part of the country.  But as the
disturbances still continued, Governor Shute, who had been
in favor of an amicable settlement of these difficulties that
had grown doubtless out of a disturbance of land titles during the war ending in the capture of Port Royal, now
ordered Walton to inform  the Indians that commissioners
should be sent to determine all differences.  The popular
sentiment in Massachusetts was, however, opposed to a negotiation, and before the terms could be agreed on, the General
Court was called and the house resolved that one hundred
and fifty men should march forthwith to Norridgewock, and,
sword in hand, compel the Indians there to make full restitution fol all the mischief that thev had done.  It swas also resolved that the sheriff of York county should have a warrant to arrest Father Ralle and bring him to Boston; and
that if that officer could not find him, the Indians should
take him and deliver him up.  It was also, radically enough,
determined that if the Indians should refuse to betray their
friend in this way, they should themselves be apprehended
and brought as prisoners to Boston for punishment.t  The
- Hutchinson, ii. 217, 218i Trumbull, ii. 60.
i lIutchinson) ii. 218.




384            IIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
governor and council, foreseeing that this summary proceeding would end in a vexatious war, refused to concur with
the house.Thus the matter remained unsettled, until the next year,
when about two hundred Indians with two French Jesuits,
came down to Georgetown, on Arrowsick Island, and left a
letter for the governor, filled with bitter complaints against
the English.  The old subject matter of complaint, the title
to their lands, was the burden of the letter.  Father Ralie
was understood to be the author of the charges contained in
it, and was said to have filled the hearts of the Indians with
resentment.
While affairs remained in this uncertain condition, the
sachem  of the Norridgewocks died, and a new chief succeeded him of a more pacific character. Through his influence and the advice of the old counselors, hostages were
soon after sent to Boston as pledges for the future good behavior of the tribe, and as a guarranty for the liquidation of
the old demands for damages. Still Ralle was thought to be
active in fermenting disturbances and instigating the Indians
to war.  Mutual accusations followed, until at last the English were so inflamed that at a meeting of the General Court
of Massachusetts, on the 27th of August, it was resolved that
three hundred men should be sent to the Indian head-quarters, to demand that the Jesuits should be surrendered up to
the English. This demand was to be enforced by severe
penalties.  The council concurred and the governor reluctantly consented.  Still, as he had the Indian hostages in
keeping at the castle, he issued no order for the raising of'
the troops.  Not long after this, however, the hostages escaped, and the governor gave orders for levying the soldiers.
These orders were countermanded as soon as the hostages
were taken and sent back to Boston.t
In November, the General Court again met, when the
house complained loudly of the governor for these delays.
* Trumbull; IHutchison; Bancroft.
+ Trumbull.




[1722.]   UNION OF THE EASTERN TRIBES.              385
Reluctantly the council again consented that a party of soldiers should be sent to Norridgewock to enforce the demands
of the court.
When this party arrived at the principal village occupied
by the tribe, not an Indian was to be found. They had been
apprised of the coming of the English, and had fled into the
woods, with Father Ralle, the chief object of pursuit, under
their protection. Although disappointed in not obtaining
possession of his person, the invading party succeeded in
finding his books and papers, which they seized and carried
off with them.
The Indians did not forget this act of violence, and in
June of the next year a party of sixty warriors with twenty
canoes, dropped suddenly into Merry Meeting Bay, and took
nine families prisoners.  Several incursions of a like character, though wanting the horrors usually attending a savage
invasion, followed at brief intervals, and still showed how
restless was the spirit of revenge that prompted them.  Other
Englishmen were taken captive from time to time.  Finally,
emboldened by success, the Indians burned the village of
Brunswick, near Casco Bay. This led to a formal declaration of war on the part of Massachusetts.
The Penobscots, the Cape Sable Indians, and those at St.
John's, and St. Francois, now joined with the Norridgewocks, and mustered their braves for a bloody war.  United
as they were, they seemed likely to prove a terrible enemy.
In July, they made a descent upon the coast, surprised Canso and other harbors, and seized seventeen English fishing
vessels.  The Indians had learned to manage a sail with skill,
and could use fire-arms. They now began to kill and scalp
their prisoners in cold blood. They gathered in larger numbers, too, as the war advanced.  In September about five
hundred of them made an attempt upon the village and fort
at Arrowsick Island. The inhabitants flew from the village
to the fort only to see their houses laid in ashes.  It was not
an easy task to defend the fort itself.-' Holmes; Hutchinson; Trumbull.
25




386             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Now that war was declared, and its terrible signals began
to beacon up along the coast and river settlements, shedding
a baleful light upon the fortifications that even French valor
had not been able to keep from the English, the people of
the eastern border forgot their hatred of Father Ralle for
awhile to reflect upon their own dangers. New York, too,
began to be alarmed.  Governor Shute, anxious to avert the
calamity that he had used his best efforts to prevent, now
addressed a letter to Governor Saltonstall, asking for men
and supplies to carry on the war. He was imprudent enough
to suggest, that if Connecticut declined to act in the matter,
a portion of her militia should be put under his command.
Nothing could have been more impolitic than such an allusion. It brought the images of Joseph Dudley and Lord
Cornbury in a moment before the General Assembly.  Unluckily, too, Governor Burnet of New York had sent a letter seconding the request of Shute.
With great unanimity, both Houses resolved that the mischief done by a few eastern Indians, was not worthy to be
dignified with the name of an invasion, and did not call for
a general rally of the colonies from New Hampshire to Virginia, to defend it.  With much stateliness the legislature
therefore declined to render any assistance beyond that of
sending a detachment of fifty men into the new county of
Hampshire, and putting the border towns of Connecticut in
a posture of defense.-  The Assembly was by no means satisfied that the existing state of affairs was at all necessary, or
that the part that Massachusetts had taken in it was lawful.
In November, the General Court of Massachusetts convened, and appointed commissioners to treat with the six
nations.  They were instructed to offer these Indians a premium for the scalps of the eastern Indians.  The court resumed at this session the old quarrel with the governor, and finally
succeeded in making him so unhappy that he embarked for
England. He does not appear to have been a very astute' Colonial Records, MS.




[1725.]     CONNECTICUT REFUSES TO FIGHT,              387
politician, but was certainly insulted and abused for doing
what in all probability was right, in regard to a war that
would not have broken out had his pacific and equitable
counsels been followed.* 
I pass by the details of Colonel Westbrook's expedition,
the destruction of the church, castle, and village upon the
Penobscot river, too like an Indian depredation to have owed
its origin to a christian people, and the equally painful recital
of the destruction of the village of Norridgewock, by Mloulton, where only fifty of the inhabitants escaped the general
massacre that resulted in the wanton murder of Father Ralle,
the fruit of bigotry and revenge, and in the cruel butchery
of the. wife and helpless children of an Indian chief whose
worst crime was, that he had killed a Mohawk while invading his dwelling; nor need I speak of the shameful maraud
of John Lovell, desecrating the balnks of the Penobscot, and
the shores of WV7innepesiaukee in quest of scalps, for every one
of which, the General Court of MItassachusetts had offered the
the stimulating reward of one hundred pounds.  I will only
say, Connecticut regarded the war itself as unnecessary, and
shrunk withl horror from  the barbarities that their too excited and deluded neighbors permitted to be perpetrated.
That she did nothing in this unhappy war beyond the defense of her own frontiers, and those of the county of
Hampshire, solicited, as she was, again and again, affords an
excellent illustration of the temperance of her statesmen,
and the christian spirit that dictated her counsels.
The war cost her several thousand pounds, but as she
acted solely on the defensive, not a single life was sacrificed
in the colony.
Notwithstanding the continual excitement and alarm, and
the exorbitant taxation, consequent upon these expeditions,
the older towns in the colony continued to send out fresh re* Gov. Samuel Shute had served as ieut:. colonel under the duke of Marlborough. He arrived in Boston with his commission as governor of Massachusetts,
Oct. 4, 1716; and sailed for England, Jan. 1, 1723. He died in 1742, aged.
88 years.




388            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
cruits to subdue the forests and form new settlements in the
more remote wilderness.
In 1706, a few pioneers had established themselves upon
certain lands in Ashford; and the number of settlers had so
increased, that the town was incorporated in 1714.  The
brave Colonel Thomas Knowlton, of revolutionary renown,
was a native of Ashford.
Tolland was incorporated in 1715.  It was laid out six
miles square. The township was rough, and a large part of
it was claimed by persons who were legatees of Uncas, the
Mohegan sachem.  These circumstances retarded the growth
of the settlement, so that there were but twenty-eight families in the town in 11720. The names of some of the early
settlers were, Stearns, Chapman, Grant, West, Carpenter,
Dimock, and Aborne.
The township of Stafford, was surveyed in 1718, and the
settlement began during the next spring.  At the May session of the Assembly, 1719, the unsold lands in that town
were ordered to be disposed of, " and the proceeds to be paid
into the treasury of Yale College." The principal settlers
were, PMr. Robert White and Mr. Matthew Thompson, from
Europe; the Warners, from  Hadley; the Blodgets, from
Woborn; Cornelius Davis, from Haverhill; Daniel Colburn,
from Dedham; John Pasco, from Enfield; Josiah Standish,
from  Preston; Benjamin  Rockwell, from  Windsor; and
Joseph Orcutt, from Weymouth.
The settlement at Bolton, commenced in 1716, but the
first town meeting was not held until 1720. In October of
the last mentioned year, the town was incorporated.
The first settlers were of the names of Pitkin, Talcott,
Loomis, Bissell, Strong, Olcott, and Bishop.
In 1720, a few settlers took up their abode upon the "western lands," at a place called "Bantam." During the following year, several purchasers moved on to the tract from
Hartford and Windsor. The town was surveyed, and laid
out into sixty equal divisions or rights, three of which were
reserved for public uses. The act of incorporation was




[1724.]               LITCHFIELD.                    389
passed by the General Assembly at the'lTay session, 1724.
Among the first settlers whose descendants still remain in the
town, were those bearing the names of Mailsh, Buel, Baldwin,
Birge, Beebe, Culver, Catlin, Goodwin, Gibbs, Garrett, Griswold, Kilbourn, Mason, Phelps, Peck, Stoddard, Sanford,
Smedley, Webster, and  Woodruff.  This town at the time,
of its incorporation, took the name of Litchfield, and has
since 1751, been the shire town of a large county.  It has
also a history of its own that will unfold itself during
the progress of this work.  Its future reputation could
hardly have been prophesied from its humble infancy in the
midst of a wilderness hardly yet subdued.




CHAPTER XIX
WAR WITH FRANCE AND SPAIN. CAPTURE OF LOUISBOURO.
THE reign of' George I. was now over, and his son, one of
the most able monarchs of modern times, was just beginning to evince the strong intelligence and keen love of war
that was in a few years to add so much to the territory and
renown of the British empire.
In the fall of 1739, it appeared obvious to the General
Assembly of Connecticut, that certain differences then disturbing the amicable relations of England and Spain, must
soon lead to a war between the two powers. The Assembly,
therefore; took speedy measures to place the colony in an
attitude of defense. It was ordered that ten cannon, with
suitable ammunition, should be provided, to increase the
strength of the battery at New London, and that a well
armed sloop of war should be employed to guard the coast.
An order was further made to supply the feeble and remote
towns with the means of protecting themselves, and the
militia were formed into thirteen regiments-each regiment
being officered by a colonel, a lieutenant-colonel, and a
major.`
War meanwhile was declared against Spain, and the ministry, glad to be rid of a clamorous and by no means insignificant opponent, and to assail the enemy in a weak point,
resolved on sending Admiral Vernon upon an expedition
where he would have an opportunity of making good some of
his stately declarations as to the exploits that he could perform  if he were but invested with the command of a few
ships. The Spanish West Indies, Porto Bello, Carthagena
*At the same session (Oct., 1739,) the governor was made captain general,
and the deputy governor was made lieutenant-general of the militia of Conneeticut.




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[1740.]    PREPARATIONS AGAINST SPAIN.              391
and Cuba, were to be the principal objects aimed at by the
government, and requisitions were made upon the colonies
to furnish troops for this exciting theatre of naval operations. The design was to raise four provincial regiments to
be transported to Jamaica, where they were to be united
with the main body of the British forces. The colonies
were to provide all necessaries for the men thus raised by
them, until they should reach this rendezvous.  They were
further expected to pay all the expenses of the transportation.  As the House of Brunswick owed its accession to the
throne,' and its perpetuity, to the fact that it was understood,
to be the champion of protestantism, it is quite probable that
the zeal manifested by England as well as by Connecticut in
this war, was in part owing to the fact that Spain was a
catholic power.
In July, 1740, a special assembly was called, and measures
were very readily taken to answer to his majesty's demands
to help forward the "expedition against the territories of' the
catholic kinz-, in the West Indies."As soon as the requisition reached the governor of Connecticut, lie issued his proclamation  making known the
will of the crown, and calling upon those who were willing
to volunteer for the service, to hold themselves in readiness.
Committees were now appointed to superintend the rmilitary
preparations, and to take the names of such as had decided
to enlist. That every inducement might be offered to the
citizens to join the expedition, the Assembly resolved that
the governor and council should speedily appoint the officers
for the troops, and that volunteer soldiers should have
the privilege of selecting those under whom they would
serve. His excellency was requested by the Assembly to
issue a second proclamation, malting known to the people
with more particularity the will of the king, and again
inviting those who were able-bodied to hand in their namles
to the committee in each county. That there might be no
delay, the governor and committee of war were authorized
* Colonial Records, MS.




892              TSISTORY OF CONNECTICIT.
to draw on the public treasury for such sums as they should
deem necessary for the outfit. A sloop of war of six hundred tons burthen was ordered to be procured for the further protection of the coast.
At the preceding session, bills of credit had been issued
to the amount of ~30,000; and at the July session, the issue
was increased ~15,000 more —making in all ~45,000;~ an
enormous sum, when we consider the object of the war, and
the limited resources of the colony.
The preparations in England were pushed forward with
singular dispatch.  Money was appropriated without stint
to fit out a fleet and armament that should at the same time
satisfy the national pride and silence the clamors of the
opposition.
In October, the armament sailed from  England under the
command of Lord Cathcart, whose talents and great popularity added something to the good auguries that seemed to
attend the enterprise. His lordship was conveyed by twentyfive ships of the line, with a corresponding number of frigates, fire-ships, bomb-ketches, tenders, hospital ships, and
all the other enginery of mischief that even then attended
the British flag, wherever it floated in hostile array over
the ocean.
After the union of this large force, with that of Vice Admiral Vernon at Jamaica, the whole fleet amounted to twentynine ships of the line, and as many frigates.
There were fifteen thousand seamen. The land army,
including the provincial troops, amounted to twelve thousand effective men.  No fleet that could compare with it in
size or perfect equipment had ever visited the West Indian
seas. It is not surprising that Vernon, who had, with his
few ships, as early as November, made good a part of his
prophecy by taking and plundering Porto Bello and demolishing its fortifications,t should have felt his heart beat with
pride when he saw himself at last at the head of such an
armament. But he was doomed to bitter disappointment.
* Colonial Records, MS. t Univ. Hist. xii. 412, 416; Holmnes, ii. 12.




[1741.1   TIlTE FLEiET DRITVEXN -FROM3 CARTIIAGEN-A.  393
Lord Cathcart suddenly died before the union of the fleets
was fully effected. His death threw the command of the
army upon General Wentworth, who proved to be little
more than an instrument in the hands of Vernon.
Intoxicated with his success at Porto Bello, and inflamed
with the true English hatred of France, Vernon, instead of
embracing the favorable moment to take possession of Carthagena while it was in no condition to withstand his attacks,
obtained a vote of the council of war to beat up against the
wind to Hispaniola, with the hope of meeting with a French
squadron that had been sent from Europe under the Marquis d'Autin to reinforce the Spaniards.  This search ended
in nothing but chagrin and disaster.  The squadron that the
British admiral was in quest of, was already far on its way to
France, and before the fleet could again be in readiness to
attack Carthagena, the garrison there had been so reinforced by the French that it amounted to four thousand
men.
After consuming two months in this romantic pastime,
Vernon and Wentworth set themselves busily to the task of
subduing Carthagena. They began the attack on the 10th of
March, by assailing the forts and castles that guarded the
harbor, and succeeded at length in demolishing them so that
t'he admiral could effect an entrance. Wentworth now made
a demonstration upon the town, but was driven back with
the loss of about five hundred men.  Discouraged at this
rebuff, Vernon and Wentworth appear to have joined in the
conclusion that it was idle to look any longer for laurels at
Carthagena. About the 1st of April, therefore, the army
and fleet were withdrawn, and spent some time in the pleasant recreation of beating about the islands in quest of Spanish ships. Six Spanish men of war, eight galleons and some
smaller vessels were thus caught while fluttering between
their respective ports.t  But the' assailants soon tired of
such profitless amusement.
X Trumbull, ii. 267.
t Trumbull, ii. 268; see also, Iolmes, ii. 15; Univ. [list. xii. 429, 445.




394                HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
In July, fired with a new  passion for glory, they made an
attack upon Cuba, and without much resistance appropriated to the fleet one of the fine harbors with which that noble
island abounds. But misfortune followed hard upon them in
the shape of a sudden and mortal disease that, in the burning
tropical air, preyed frightfully upon the vitals of the army
and the seamen who had been accustomed to the invigorating influences of a northern climate. The ravages of this
enemy were like those of the plague, or of that more modern disease, cholera. For nearly a week, every day oflbred
up its sacrifice of one thousand  men; and at the  height of
the malady, during forty-eight hours, three thousand four
hundred and forty men fell victims to it. Of the thousand
athletic  soldiers  who  went from  New   England, not one
hundred returned.~
Thus ended this inglorious scheme, but the war still continued; and it was resolved that it should never be brought
to an end until some treaty stipulations could be forced from
Spain, that would place the southern  colonies upon a safer
footing and would prevent the future interruption of British
trade.
Thus, year after year, war, like a slow and poisonous
humor in the blood, continued to waste the vitality of the
American  colonies.   In vain did Governor Oglethorpe  of
Georgia rally the brave men under his command, seconded
by Virginia and the Carolinas, and countenanced by the
fickle favors of the few Indians that could be induced to
* Though few had perished by the enemy, it was computed, on a moderate
calculation, that before the arrival at Jamaica 20,000 English subjects had died
since their first attack on Carthagena. To this desolating mortality the poet,
Thomson refers, in his admirable description of the " Pestilence:" [" SEAasoNs"
— SU aER, I., 1040, 1050.]
"Such ats, of late, at Carthagena quench'd
The British fire. You, gallant Vernon! saw
The miserable scene, y6u heard the groans
Of agonizing ships from shore to shore;
Heard nightly plunged, amid the sullen waves,
The frequent corse."
Admiral Vernon, who seems to have been held in high esteem by'the opposition in England, died suddenly, 29th of October, 1757, aged 73.




[1744.]  WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.             395
follow him. Without the help of the mother country, and
with the savages that lurked in the hideous swamps of the
south, malignant as the  serpents that are generated in
the hot air of those latitudes, skulking upon his trail, he still
did what human valor could do to deliver the south from
the commercial interference and arbitrary exactions of'
Spain.  But for want of a sufficient naval force he was
unable to take possession of St. Augustine, and with the
exception of two Spanish forts that he succeeded in taking,
the expedition failed.-*
France, meanwhile, though affecting to maintain her neutrality, did every thing that she could to assist Spain in prosecuting the war; secretly at first, and at last more openly,
until, on the 4th of ~March, 1744, she had the frankness to
make a formal declaration of war against England. Soon
after England made a like announcement.t
Before the tidings of either declaration reached the shores
of New England, an expedition had been prepared by
Duvivoir, a French officer of some merit, who sailed from
Louisbourg, and on the 13th of May, surprised and took possession of Canso.j  He then made a similar attempt upon'Annapolis, (formerly Port Royal,) and would doubtless have
succeeded there also had not the place been just before reinforced by troops fron  Massachusetts.  Louisbourg was also
the central point whence there radiated a large number of
French privateer ships and men-of-war, that hovered along
the New  England coast and seized upon our trading and
fishing vessels in great numbers.  It thus became impossible
for the eastern colonies to carry on any maritime business
whatever, without a convoy, and such a necessity involved
an expense that amounted to a prohibition.  The fishermen
must renounce their employment, and the coasters must
keep within port, or run the risk of captivity and a forfeitture of their goods and vessels.~
With one consent the people of New  England resolved
* IIolnes, ii. 14, 15. f March 31.. Holmes, ii. 23; Hutchinson, ii. 364. ~ Hutchinson; Trumbull.




896           ZHISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
that Louisbourg must be taken; yet at first no one appears
to have thought that it could be done without the co6peration of a naval force from England. But as the summer
and fall passed away, and as winter drew on, it began to be
whispered at Boston, that Louisbourg might be taken by
surprise, and by New England valor alone. These intimations at last began to take some definite form, and it was
believed by many that the fortress might be successfully
besieged at a season of the year when the garrison was probably but poorly provisioned, and when it could not hope to
be relieved by any large supplies from  French ships, that
would hardly venture in great numbers to commit themselves to the rough handling of the Atlantic coast winds in
the stormy months. It was suggested, too, that a naval
force adequate to keep off such few ships as might attempt
to bring supplies for the relief of the garrison, could be found
to cruise off the harbor, until the enterprise was completed.
Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, meanwhile, did what
he could to learn what was the condition of the fortress, and
how long it would be likely to withstand a siege. Those
who had traded at that post, and those who had been confined there as prisoners, were alike consulted for information. Shirley had also written to England, begging that
armed sloops might be sent to protect Annapolis; and should
these arrive in season, he hoped to avail himself of them to
defend the provincial troops while they were employed in
besieging Louisbourg.  Commodore Warren, who was at
the West Indies with a little squadron, might also reasonably be expected, either to arrive with his whole force, or to
send a portion of it to the relief of New England, when
once he had been made acquainted with the wants of the
colonies.
The design was to send four thousand troops, in transports, to Canso, and as soon as practicable land them in
Chapeaurouge Bay. This army was to be provided with
cannon, mortars, and whatever else was necessary for the
siege. As soon as the winds had subsided so that the small




[1745.]  GOVERNOR SHIRLEY'S PLAN OF ATTACK.         397
vessels that the colonies could muster might be expected to
live in the coast waters of the Atlantic, a number of them
were to be sent to hover near the harbor of Louisbourg, and
cut off all supplies or reinforcements from the fortification.
A minute calculation was made of the probable naval force
of New England. It was found that the aggregate of their
armed vessels could not exceed twelve, and the largest of these
only mounted twenty guns. Yet with such a force it was
believed that there was more than an even chance for success. If the ships from England, or those from the Indies,
should arrive, the result might be regarded as almost certain.
Early in January, 1745, Governor Shirley made known
this plan to the General Court. The most solemn secresy
was eijoined upon all the members of the two houses.*
Although most of the principal men of the colony were
doubtless aware of the scheme, and although the necessity
that Louisbourg should be taken, was a common topic of
discourse throughout New England, yet the details of the
plan, and the hurry with which it was proposed to attempt
it, without the help, and even without the sanction of England, was appalling to the minds of the country representatives.  With dispassionate calmness they debated the matter
for several days.
By those who favored the measure it was argued, that if
this fortress should remain in the hands of the French, it
would be the Dunkirk of New England; that the French
were already tired of attempting to compete with the colonies in fishing, and that if this stronghold was allowed to
remain in their possession, it would soon be the rendezvous
of a knot of pirates and privateers, who would find it easier
to rifle the fishing vessels of the English than to trouble
themselves with the details of a business they did not find
congenial to their habits of life.
In addition to this calamity, it was quite probable that
Nova Scotia, won with such toil from  the dominion of
* Holmes, ii. 28; Hutchinson, ii. 366.




398             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
France, and still inhabited in part by disaffected Frenchmen, would be liable at any time to make a successful revolt,
so long as the garrison  at Louisbourg continued to give
countenance to such a project.  This reprisal, could it be
effected, would of itself add at least six thousand to the number of active enemies, that were already so powerful and so
unscrupulous.
Besides, it was urged that the garrison, ill-provisioned as
it was, could not be expected to  make a very vigorous
resistance; that the walls of the fort were dilapidated, its
barracks out of repair and scarcely tenantable, and its governor ari old and infirm man, unused to the arts of war.
If' a favorable blow was to be struck, it must be done then.
Such were a few  of the arguments made use of by the
advocates of the expedition.)5
In reply, it was urged with great force, that the rumors
so freely circulated, of the condition of the works and the
garrison at Louisbourg, could not be safely relied on; that
appearances were  not to be trusted; that the garrison,
though small, was made up of well disciplined soldiers, who
wvere a match for many times their number of raw provincial troops; that the chances were as great, to say the least,
that ships of war would arrive from  France to relieve the
fort and augment its garrison, as that armed vessels would
come fromn England or the West Indies to protect the provincial army; and that at the best such a calculation, based
upon probabilities and contingencies, was too vague and
speculative to be made the basis of a military campaign,
that might involve the dearest interests of the colonies.  It
was said that prudent men should look at both sides of the
question, and estimate the chances of failure as well as those
of success; that if, while the siege was in progress, there
should appear off the harbor a single French man-of-war,
it could put to flight the whole naval force of the colonies,
small as were their crafts, and unaccustomed as their sailors
were to the dangers of naval warfare. Further than this,
* Hutchinson, ii. 366, 367.




[1745.]      THE MEASURE IS APPROVED.               399
who could vouch for the cooperation of the other colonies,
or even for their ability to furnish the men and the ships that
were admitted by the most enthusiastic advocates of the
scheme to be requisite to carry it on?  More than all, who
but the ruler of the wind and the storm  could foresee or
guard against the treacherous dangers of the deep, at a season of the year when the coast was white with breakers,
and the caps of the waves towered above the masts of the
little vessels that were expected to contend with them?
Finally, even should the attack result favorably, would it
not redound to the glory of England, while it proved a
thankless labor for the colonies, which might ask in vain to be
remunerated for the heavy expenses that they had incurred
in the war.*"
Such arguments as these prevailed, and the measure was
lost in the house.  In this decision the council acquiesced,
and for some days the project appeared to have been forgotten.t  Governor Shirley himself seemed to have been convinced of his error by the cogent reasoning of the opposition. But Shirley was a man not easily baffled. He
secretly set himself at work to bring external influences to
bear upon the recusant members. All at once, as if by
a spontaneous movement, the merchants and other rich and
influential men of Massachusetts began to petition the General Court to revive and pass the defeated measure.  The
petition set forth all the reasons that could be suggested in
favor of the expedition. The flagging of commerce, especially the destruction of the fishing and coasting business,
were the main considerations that were pressed upon the
court.
A committee was appointed to investigate the matter
anew, and was finally prevailed on to recommend the measure. For another day the subject was debated, and when the
question was taken in the house, it was carried by a single
vote.j  Entire unanimity prevailed in both houses as soon
Hutchinson, ii. 367, 368.   t Hutchinson, ii. 368; HI-olmes, ii. 25.
* Holmes, Hutchinson, Trumbull, Balclroft.




400             HISTORY OF CONNNECTICUT.
as the determination of the court was made known, and all
parties now addressed themselves with vigor to the work of
preparation.  Dispatches were sent to the neighboring colonies, soliciting their assistance.  All the colonies, except
those of New England, refused to participate in the dangers
of the undertaking. It was determined that Mlassachusetts
should raise three thousand two hundred and fifty men;
that Connecticut should be required to furnish five hundred;
and Rhode Island and New Hampshire, each three hundred.
As soon as this request was made known to Governor Law,
he called a special session of the Assembly, which convened
at Hartford on the 26th of February, and immediately voted
to raise five hundred men for the service.  A bounty of ten
pounds was voted to each soldier who should provide himself with arms, knapsack, and blanket. These troops were
divided into eight companies.  Roger Wolcott, the Lieutenant Governor, was appointed commander-in-chief of the
Connecticut forces; Andrew Burr, colonel; Simeon Lathrop,
lieutenant-colonel; and Israel Newton, major."  It was
ordered that the sloop of war, Defense, should sail as the
convoy of the regiment.  New  London was to be the
place of embarkation.  The most liberal measures were taken
to furnish supplies and munitions of war, under the direction
of coTmmissioners, while Jonathan Trumbull and Elisha Williams, Esquires, constituted a separate board, who were to
repair to Boston and treat with the gentlemen whom they
should find there representing Massachusetts or the other
New England colonies, as to the general plan and details
of the undertaking.t  Only three days were spent in this
most important matter.
The mildness of' the weather, so unusual in March, made
the task of getting the men together, and furnishing them
with necessaries, remarkably easy.
The popularity of colonel, afterwards Sir William Pep* Elizur Goodrich, David Wooster, Stephen Lee, Samuel Adams, and John
Dwight, were appointed captains at the same session.
f Colony Records, MS.




[1745]    TIDINGS OF, COMMODORE WARREN.             401
perell, commander-in-chief of the army, and of Roger Wolcott, the second in command, induced the better sort of
people to enlist. Massachusetts and Connecticut sent out
some of their best freeholders, and the ranks were filled
with the sons of wealthy farmers.  The merchants of the
principal towns, the clergymen, and other educated gentlemen, made great sacrifices to render the armament as complete as possible.  The whole naval power of New England
that could be made available in this emergency, consisted of
only twelve vessels, viz., the Connecticut sloop of war, another fine sloop of war belonging to Rhode Island, a privateer
ship of two hundred tons burthen, a snow belonging to
Newport, a new snow under the command of Captain Rouse,
another commanded by Captain Smethurst, a ship under the
command of Captain Snelling, a brig under Captain Fletcher,
three small sloops under Captains Saunders, Donehew,
and Bosch, and a ship of twenty guns, under Captain Ting,
who commanded the whole force.~
All that New York could be induced to do in aid of the
enterprise, was to yield a very tardy assent to the solicitations of Governor Shirley for the loan of ten eighteenpounders.
The special assembly of Connecticut, that had been convoked by Governor Law on the 26th of February, stood
adjourned until the 14th of March, when it met and
appointed five more captains, whose names were James
Church, Daniel Chapman, William Whiting, Robert Denison,
and Andrew Ward.  The Rev. Elisha Williams, who had
been rector of Yale College, was selected to accompany the
Connecticut troops as chaplain.t
By the 23d of ATarch, the other Massachusetts troops
were all embarked and ready to weigh anchor.  The express
boat from the West Indies arrived with tidings from Commodore Warren.  The purport of his answer was, that he
had lost one of his ships, and was thereby much disabled;
and, further, he did not deem it prudent for him to intermedH* utchinson, ii. 3G9; Trumbull, ii. 275.  t Colony Records, MS.
26




402            HIISTORY OF CO-NNECTIC'UT.
dle in a matter that seemed to want the sanction of the
British government.  This discouraging information was not
made known, however, by Governor Shirley to the army, and
the fleet immediately sailed.  About the same time the Connecticut troops and those from  the two other colonies set
sail.
The New Hampshire forces arrived at Canso on the 1st
of April; those from  Massachusetts, on the 4th, and those
from Connecticut, on the 25th.  The land army consisted of
four thousand able bodied men, well officered and in excellent spirits."
Scarcely had the Massachusetts express boat taken leave
of Commodore Warren, when dispatches from England
reached him, commanding him to sail for Boston with such
ships as'could be spared, to assist Governor Shirley in concerting and carrying out measures for the king's general service in America. Relieved from the restraints, that had before
embarrassed his mind,  Warren sent out an express to such
ships as were to be found in the western seas, to join him
as speedily as they could, and with joy hastened to fulfil the
king's commands.  On his passage he learned that the fleet
had sailed for Canso, and without putting in at Boston harbor,
he made all haste to reach Canso, where he arrived in the Superb, a ship of sixty guns, in company with the Lanceston and
Mermaid, of forty guns each.  On the same day, the Eltham,
of forty guns, from Portsmouth, reached the same port. The
pulses of the provincial soldiers beat quick and high, like the
waves of that northern sea, when the British flag' was seen
floating from  the mast head of those sturdy ships.  Conmmodore Warren, after a short conference with General Pepperell, sailed for Louisbourg harbor.t
Already the few colonial ships and vessels, that had been
cruising there, had rendered important services by seizing
several vessels bound to Louisbourg with provisions.  They
had also fallen in with the Renomme, a French ship of
The three hundred soldiers fi'on Rhode Island did not reach Louisbourg
until after its capture.
i Hutchinson,




[1745]        LANDING OF THE TROOPS.              403
thirty-six guns, bearing dispatches. She kept up a running
fire for awhile with the cruisers, that resisted her entrance
into the harbor, and then giving up the attempt as hopeless,
she commenced her return voyage. As the Connecticut
and Rhode Island troops, having farther to sail than those of
the other colonies, were yet on their passage, the Renomme
met them under convoy of their two small sloops, either one
of which a single broadside of her metal might have sunk;
yet, after saluting with a few coy shots at a distance, and
doing some damage to the Rhode Island sloop, she prudently
resumed her regular course.  She must have easily divined
that something besides the coasting trade had set in motion
the sails that swarmed along the coast in such defiant
array.
The fleet and army followed the men-of-war, and arrived
safely in Chapeaurogue Bay on the 30th of April.
All this time the enemy had remained in ignorance of the
attempt that was about to be made upon the garrison.
Even the cruisers had not alarmed them, as they supposed them to be engaged in the old business of privateering
for fishing and trading vessels.  But when early on the
morning of the 30th of April, they looked off from the
heights that commanded the town, and saw the transports
beating into the bay, their eyes were opened. The governor
immediately sent out Bouladrie, with one hundred and fifty
disciplined troops, to oppose the landing of the enemy. General Pepperellwith much address kept him employed while
he was effecting a landing at another point. This small
detachment of brave men was sadly cut in pieces at the
first fire. Bouladrie soon found himself a prisoner, and the
remnant of his men flying, from the invaders easily effected
a landing.*
Four hundred men, on the following morning, screened by
the hills, marched to the north-east harbor, laying in ashes
the houses and stores that they found in their way, until they
had arrived within a mile of the general battery. From this
* Trumbull, ii. 279.




404             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
indiscriminate conflagration such dense volumes of smoke
arose, enveloping the soldiers who kept close beneath its
shadow, that the enemy, who could only be aware of the
advance of the English by the line of fire and vapor that
was gradually lengthened out below them, and who believed
that the whole invading army was approaching, hastily threw
their powder into a well and fled in dismay from  the battery.  With steady hands and bold hearts, this handful of
undisciplined provincials moved forward, and took possession
of it without the loss of a man.  They soon brought the
cannon that the enemy had left, to bear upon the town, but
as the guns were forty-two pounders and consumed too
much powder, the firing was soon discontinued.*"
Thus far every thing had been easy; the labor was now
to begin.  The heart of the fortification was still sound and
secure.  In order to bring guns to bear upon the main
Twoorks, it was necessary to drag them a distance of two
miles, before they could make them available by means of
fascine batteries.  To add to the almost unsurmountable dilEiculties that attended this task, a deep morass that would not
sustain the weight of oxen or horses, stretched like a
Serbonian bog between them  and the spot where it was
necessary that these temporary batteries should be erected.
Ignorant of the ordinary approaches of a besieging army,
untaught, except in the rude way that nature teaches her
hardiest sons, the provincial troops set themselves about the
work with surprising energy, performing, under cover of
darkness, the drudgery fit only for beasts of burden, dragging heavy forty-two pounders, mortars, and timbers over
the trembling surface of the swamp, carrying shot and shells
along difficult places, with the same persistency that had
leveled the forests of their fields and committed them to the
crackling fire, and with as little military education as they
had been in the habit of employing in erecting cedar palisades around their border houses.
Under such discouraging auspices, waging against nature
Hutchinson, ii. 374; Trumbull, ii. 277, 278; IHolmes, ii. 26.




[1745.]      ARRIVAL OF ENGLISH SHIPS.               405
and struggling against a fortified and disciplined enemy, in
less than twenty clays they had erected five fascine batteries,
one of which mounted five forty-two pounders.
While this almost unheard of labor was going forward on
shore, the fleet was by no means inactive.  While cruising off
the harbor, the Vigilant, a French sixty-four gun ship, was
met by the Mermaid whom  she engaged.  As the Mermaid
was a forty-four gun ship, Captain Douglass suffered himself
to be chased until he had drawn his adversary within the
range of the commodore's guns.  As soon as the Vigilant
discovered her hopeless condition she struck her colors
without firing  a shot.*   Her fate was decisive of the
fate of Louisbourg. She was under the command of the
Marquis de la Maison Forte, a very gallant officer, and had
on board five hundred and sixty men, with stores that would
have enabled the fort to hold out until a sufficient naval
force could have arrived from  France to have made it
impregnable.  This easy victory, while it emboldened the
provincial army, discouraged the garrison and hastened
the capitulation.
Just before the arrival of the Vigilant, it had been proposed that the men-of-war should anchor in the bay, and
that the marines, and such of the sailors as could be spared,
should go ashore and help to complete the batteries.  Had
this measure been adopted, the Vigilant would have entered
the harbor, and the fortune of the expedition would have
been changed.t But every circumstance seemed to favor
the success of the invading army. Four days after the Vigilant had struck her colors, the English fleet was augmented
by the arrival of two ships, the Princess Mary of' sixty,
and the Hector of forty guns. Shortly afterwards came the
Canterbury and the Sunderland, each of sixty guns, and the
Chester of fifty guns-in all, eleven men-of-war, viz., one'of sixty-four, four of sixty, one of fifty, and five of forty
guns.j
* Hutchinson, ii. 374, 375.
t Hutehinson; Trumbull. $ Hutchinson, ii. 375, 376.




40G            I-IISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Looking off upon the waters, the garrison watched these
vultures of the sea, one after another spreading their white
wings along the line of the horizon, and pointing their beaks
towards Chapeaurouge Bay. Already the island battery had
ceased to make a regular response to the shot and shells of
the besiegers, and was only heard to reply at long intervals,
while the melancholy boom of its cannon, like a signal of
distress, echoed ominously over the ocean.
Already the western gate of the town was shattered in
pieces, and breaches had begun to be visible in the wall.
The north-east battery was no longer defensible, and the circular battery of sixteen guns, the only one that could command the sea and defend the town against ships, was a ruin.
Besides, they had every cause to expect that a general attack
by sea and land would soon overwhelm the garrison and the
town.  With these necessities staring them in the face, the
enemy, on the 15th of June, begged for a cessation of hostilities that the parties might agree upon some terms of
capitulation. This was granted, and on the 17th of June,
1745, after a siege of forty-nine days, the city of Louisbourg,
and the Island of Cape Breton, were surrendered into the
hands of King George II.*
It is impossible to say what would have been the fate of
the expedition had the garrison held out a little longer. The
provincial army was already much in want of ammunition,
greatly reduced from the hardships that it had encountered
in constructing and afterwards manning the fascine batteries, and in lying upon the damp cold ground at night
without tents that could protect them from  the rains or
even from the dews.
General Pepperell had sent off dispatches to New England
for recruits, and fresh supplies of ammunition. The demand
had been answered by the colonies as well as they were able,
and about eight hundred men, and such munitions as could
be purchased, had been sent forward. Connecticut voted to' Bancroft, Hutchinson, Holmes, Trumbull.




[1745.]     IMPORTANCE OF THE VICTORY.              407
raise three hundred additional troops upon the same terms
that had induced the first regiment to enlist.-  Still, it is
doubtful whether this reinforcement could have reached
Louisbourg in time to relieve the army.  Nature, too, would
have conspired with the enemy to make the situation of the
besiegers most dismal had the capitulation been postponed
for a single day.
On the 18th of June, there came on a violent and protracted storm.  For ten tedious days, it rained almost without intermission.  Had the soldiers been left to the frail covering
of their tents, they must have been exposed to the most extreme hardships, and would perhaps have been compelled to
take refuge on board the ships. But the houses of Louisbourg afforded quite a different shelter, where the weary
farmers had an opportunity to look off upon the storm with
nothing to interrupt their serenity, except an occasional
twinge of recollection that forced too vividly upon their
minds the images of their absent wives and daughters, and
the neglected corn-fields that should supply them with food.
The steadiness and coolness manifested by the colonial troops
during this long siege, afforded a commentary upon the institutions under which they had been reared, that, had it been
treasured up by the British government as a lesson, might
have saved the more bitter lessons of experience that were
to follow.
The intelligence of this wonderful victory reached Boston on the 3rd of July, and was received with the most
marked demonstrations of joy throughout the colonies.
Even those provinces that had thought the project chimerical, and had refused to join in it, now generously offered t6
share in the expenses incurred in prosecuting it.  Pennsylvania appropriated four thousand pounds, New  Jersey two
thousand, and New York three thousand in money and
provisions.t
Well might the capture of Louisbourg be regarded as an
* Colony Records, MS.     d Trumbull, ii. 2S0.




408           HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
important achievement. It was a fortress of great strength,
and France had expended vast sums of money upon it, with a
view of making it the stronghold of her power upon the Atlantic coast. The town was encircled by a wall about eighty
feet wide, and its ramparts were thirty feet in height, and
mounted with sixty-five cannon which presented no slight
obstacle to the approach of a besieging army. The e mouth
of the harbor was commanded by the grand battery with
thirty forty-two pounders, and by the island battery, with an
equal number of twenty-eight pounders. There were also
in the fortress, sixteen mortars, and ammunition and stores to
withstand a six months' seige. The garrison was made up
of six hundred regulars and thirteen hundred militia-all
well trained troops.*
Thus fortified, France had not dreamed that Louisbourg
could fall a prey to her old and hated rival, before she could
send a fleet and armament to relieve it. Much less had it
entered the imagination of her most cautious statesman or
military leader, that without the firing of a shot from a British
ship, and without the aid of a British engineer, an army of
provincial troops, undisciplined, and not even acting in accordance with the expressed wishes of the English government, should have conceived and executed a plan that would
have been thought so impracticable even in the hands of that
government itself.
From the first commencement of those bloody wars between the two powers for dominion over the western hemisphere, no blow that France had received had penetrated
so deeply, or inflicted such a rankling and immedicable
wound.
The value of the prizes alone, amounted to about one
million pounds sterling. Several rich merchantmen were
taken during the siege, and to add to the mortification
resulting from the loss, some of these ships were known to
have been decoyed into Chapeaurouge Bay by the French
flag that had been kept floating from the fort, in the vain
5 Hutchi nson.




[1745.]          SERVICES OF CONNECTICUT,                      409
hope of gathering together a sufficient number of armed vessels to relieve the garlison.~
New   England  not only  captured  Lotuisbourg, but for
eleven months the place was entirely defended by New
England  men.  MIore  than  five  thousand  colonial troops
shared the honor either of capturing or of keeping
possession of the fortress; and the disease that invaded
the English garrison a few months after the capitulation, fell with  the  heaviest hand  upon  the  colonies.t
Connecticut furnished for the undertaking about eleven
hundred men. The expenses incurred in fitting out these
men, and the wages that were paid them, came fiom  the
treasury of the colony. Connecticut petitioned the king to
make her good for the money thus laid out, or to allow  her
to share in the prizes that had been taken during the expedition.  Her prayer was disregarded, and she submitted to the
loss in silence.,
The effect of this enterprise upon the two nations interested in it, was what might have been readily anticipated.
England, anxious to shun the burden while she claimed the
glory of the victory, again resumed her old scheme-the reduction of Canada-and resolved to sweep from the western
continent the last vestige of French dominion.  On the other hand, France, stung to madness at the blow, determined
to retrieve what she had thus ingloriously lost, and to add to
her self-vindication, the consolations of revenge, by ranging
the whole coast from Nova Scotia to Georgia.
* Holmes, ii. 27; Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., i. 4, 60; Douglass, i. 336; Belknap's
Hist. N. Hamp., ii. 193, 224.    i HIutchinson.
Our records contain frequent requests to the colonial agent in England, to
petition for, and receive the money to reimburse the colony for her heavy expenses in said expedition; and in October, 1748, the agent is desired to obtain "a
speedy payment of the money GRANTED to us by Parliament" for that purpose.
It would seem, however, that the money was never received. This is more to be
wondered at from the fact that ~183,649, 2s, Id, granted by Parliament for the
purposes of reimbursement, arrived in Boston. It consisted of 215 oheste, each
containing 3,000 pieces of eight, and 100 casks of coined copper. There were 17
cart and truck loads of silver, and 10 truck loads of copper. Mass. Ilist. Soc. Coll.
This may have all been designed for Massachusetts, and used by her.




410              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Animated by such motives, the two powers set themselves
to perfect the enterprise that each had planned.
It was decided by the British government, that eight battalions of regular troops should meet at Louisbourg the
forces to be raised in New  England, and with a squadron
under Admiral Warren, proceed up the St. Lawrence  to
Quebec; while another army from New York and the other
colonies, as far south as Virginia, should rendezvous at Albany, and under the command of Governor St. Clair, march
across the country to Montreal.  No specified number of
soldiers was required to be raised by any of the colonies, but
it was thought best, in a cause where all were interested, to
leave it to the magnanimity and emulation of each.  It was,
however, intimated that the proportion of troops to be furnished from the provinces, should be at least five thousand
mien.  New England herself raised five thousand three hundred soldiers; NTew York and the other colonies, two thousand nine hundred.  Of the number raised by New England, Connecticut furnished one thousand fighting men."
Such was the anxiety to accomplish this darling project, that
the General Assembly of Connecticut was convokaed immediately after the intentions of the government had been made
rknown, and a bounty of thirty pounds was voted to every
soldier who would enlist.  It was also resolved, that if provisions could not be had without, they should be impressed.t
When we reflect that the members of the assembly were,
by such a vote, exposing their own property to the same liabilities as that of their neighbors, and that the public sentiment
Awould sustain such an order without compromising the popularity of the members, we see the reverence for law, and the
manly spirit of self-sacrifice that has always characterized
our people.
* The numbers of soldiers voted to be raised by the different colonies were very
unequal, (as follows:)-New Hampshire, 500; Massachusetts, 3,500; Rhode
Island, 300; Connecticut, 1,000; New York, 1,600; New Jersey, 500; iMaryland, 300; Virginia, 100; Pennsylvania, 40)0.
t Colony Records, MS.




[1746.]        PREPARATIONS FOR WAR.                411
In six weeks from the time when the preparations began,
our troops were ready to embark.
At the same time, a formidable armament was being prepared at Portsmouth, under the command of Richard
Lestock, admiral of the blue, with transports carrying six
regiments to act in concert with the colonial army; but suchl
was the delay that attended the fitting out of the fleet, that
when it was ready to sail, it was too late in the season to
venture upon the Atlantic coast.  It sailed to the coast of
Brittany, in the hope of surprising the port of L'Orient, and
taking possession of the military stores and ships of the
French East India Company, but was able to do but little
harm to the enemy."
France made every exertion not to be outdone in the
magnitude of her preparations.  The Duke D'Anville, the
leader of the enterprise, and a nobleman of high character
and courage, soon sailed for the north Atlantic coast, with a
fleet consisting of eleven ships of the line, thirty smaller
ships and vessels, and transports, with more than three thousand land forces on board, who were to meet at Nova Scotia,
with sixteen hundred French and Indians from  Canada.
The fleet and armament sailed from  France on the 22d of
June.  An express was dispatched to Monsieur Conflans,
who had been sent to Carthagena, with three ships of the
line and a frigate, as a convoy of some trading vessels, ordered him to join the Duke at Chebucto.t
On account of adverse winds and other causes of delay,
the Duke D'Anville, did not pass the Western Islands until
the 3d of August. On the 24th of August, while yet three
hundred leagues from Nova Scotia, one of his largest ships
proved so unseaworthy that he was obliged to commit her to
the flames. On the 1st of September, there came on a terrible storm, that so deranged the Mars and the Alcide, (both
eighty-four gun ships,) that they were compelled to retire
to the West Indies.  Pestilence aided the winds; and soon
after, the Ardent, another sixty-four gun ship, put back into
* Hutchinson.     t Hutchinson; Trumbull; Bancroft, &c.




412             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
Brest, on account of an epidemic that prevailed among the
crew.
On the 12th of September, the Duke finally reached
Chebucto in the ship Northumberland, with only one ship of
the line, the Renomme, and three or four transports.  A
single ship had arrived there before him, and the rest had
been scattered, he knew  not where, by the fury of the elements. Monsieur Conflans, who had, according to orders,
arrived there in August, and had looked in vain, for the fleet
had already sailed for France.*
Little did the colonies dream, while they were making
such active preparations to invade Canada, that France was
fitting out such an armament to overwhelm the whole coast.
Therefore, when the fishermen who had fled fiom Chebucto
on the appearance of Conflans, reported at Boston the arrival of a French fleet, their story gained little credence.
Early in September, however, it was reported at Boston,
from a source that could not be questioned, that a large
French fleet had sailed for America. Soon after, there were
flying rumors that a great fleet had been seen to the westward of Newfoundland.  Still, it was hoped that this was
the English fleet.  On the 28th of September, an express
boat brought intelligence that it was the French fleet.  It
was said to consist of fourteen ships of the line, and twenty
smaller armed vessels, and that it had on board eight thousand
troops.t
Ignorant of the injuries that the Duke D'Anville had sustained at sea, and believing that he had come with his entire
fleet and armament, the colonies were thrown into constornation by this intelligence. They soon, however, recovered
their self-possession and exerted themselves to the utmost to
defend the coast. In a few days, more than six thousand of
the inland militia were brought into Boston to reinforce the
town. As many more were in readiness to go as soon as
their presence might be required. Anxiously did the colonies
await the coming of the English fleet.
* Hutchinson, ii. 383, 384.  + Hutchinson, ii. 382.




[1746.]  DEATH OF D'ANVILLE AND D'ESTOUIRNELLE.   413
The proud Duke D'Anville meanwhile looked with a vain
longing for the scattered members of his fleet. After remaining for four days at Chebucto in a state of intense feverish excitement, and finding himself still in the same hopeless
condition, he took leave of a world that appeared to have
disappointed the hopes that made existence dear to him.
Whether he died of apoplexy occasioned by chagrin, or from
poison administered by his own hand, was never satisfactorily ascertained.  He died in the morning, and in the afternoon of the same day, his Vice Admiral, D'Estournelle, with
four ships of the line, came into port. His men were feeble
and unfit for duty. After he had learned the sudden death
of his superior officer, the departure of Conflans, and the loss
of some of the best ships belonging to the fleet, he called a
council of the officers, and proposed that they should return
to France. But Monseiur de la Jonquiere, the Governor of
Canada, who was on board, and the next in command, firmly
opposed the proposition. Fresh air and wholesome food, he
said, would soon recruit the men, and they had still force
enough left to reduce Annapolis and Nova Scotia, and that
there would be time enough to decide whether they should
spend the winter in Canso Bay, or return home. This counsel prevailed after a debate of eight hours. Enraged at this
rejection of his advice, D'Estournelle was thrown into a
malignant fever, and in the delirium occasioned by the malady, he stabbed himself.~
Jonquiere, now chief in command, bent all his energies to
carry out the plan that had resulted in the death of the Vice
Admircal.  The better to recruit his troops, he ordered them
to go ashore, where the Acadians and Indians did everything
in their power to relieve their sufferings.  But dysenteries
and fevers swept off hundreds of them. It was estimated
that one-third of the Nova Scotia Indians died of the diseases communicated by the French troops.
A singular incident defeated the plan of Jonquiere. Gov* Belknap, N. Hamp. i. c., 20; Adams, N. Eng. 210; Hutchinson, ii. 384;
Holnmes, ii. 30.




414            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUTo
ernor Shirley, in the belief that he had received positive intelligence of the sailing of the English fleet, sent off an express to inform Admiral Lestock, at Louisbourg, of the state
of affairs in America. On the 11th of October, the expresspacket was captured by the French and carried into Chebucto. Her errand was made known to the French officers,
and so alarmed them that it was thought advisable to
sail immediately for France, without attempting to strike a
blow.-%
On the 15th of October, another fearful storm came on,
and again the fleet was scattered. Only about one half of
the army ever returned, and several of the ships were destroyed.t  Thus ended in shipwreck and chagrin  this
haughty attempt upon the British colonies.
The capture of Louisbourg and the discomfiture of the
French fleet by our army, that could not be subdued by
human enemies, had thus prepared the way for the peace of
Aix la Chapelle, that gave Englandan opportunity to recover
from the effects of the rebellion that had now ended in the
defeat of the Pretender, and gave her colonies liberty to
throw off again the shackles of debts that they had incurred
in the war.
Connecticut had been compelled to issue bills of credit to
the amount of eighty thousand pounds. It was many years
before she could redeem them.  The existence of troubles
at home, was the alleged cause of the neglect with which the
British'government treated the colonies at a time when
they were threatened with total destruction. Thus robbed
in peace, and left to the tender mercies of their enemies in
times of danger, the hearts of the colonists were gradually
alienated from the mother country.
* Hutchinson, ii. 384, 385.  + Hutchinson, ii. 385.




CHAPTER XX.
EARILY iTANINERS AND CUSTOMS OF CONNECTICUT.
IT may be a relief alike to the reader and the author to
take a short leave of the more rapid current of historical
narrative, and linger awhile where the waters, without losing their vitality, sleep tranquilly with the image of bank
and tree resting upon  their surface.  When  we  read
over a detailed account of the stirring events that make up
what is ordinarily called history, we are apt to attribute to
those events, and to the principal men who participated in
them, an importance that does not belong to them.  No one
man, whatever may be his natural endowments, is so far
in advance of his age, as his contemporaries believe him to
be.  Let us say, rather, that he is the expression, the utterance, of that deep, unconscious power that quickens the
bosom and animates the features of his generation, as the
wind-harp gives out to the ear the rich harmonies that before
floated voiceless in the elements. The fibre of silk that you
suspend in your window-frame, in the one case, and the hero,
the great poet, the lawgiver who discloses new principles of
civil polity, in the other, are each the accident that makes
audible the musical cadences that are always waiting to be
revealed to man.  Hence, Shakspeare and Bacon are the
voices that express the magnificent era in British history that
united so much of the grandeur of the middle ages with the
demonstrative, analytical power that was to follow it.
Hence, Milton and Cromwell, as unlike each other as men
could well be, spoke, shall I not rather say, prophesied-the
one of the elevated tone of philosophy, polity, and religion,
the other of the revolutionary tendencies of the century that
was to build the fabric of society upon a new basis, that at
the end of two hundred years still remains unshaken.




416            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
If these remarks are correct, it becomes us to turn our
attention not only to the Ludlows, the Winthrops, the Wolcotts, and the Wyllyses, of Connecticut, but to those men,
equally manly and bold, many of whom left homes as comfortable, though less known to history, and associations as
tender as theirs, to accompany them into self-exile and submit to hardships such as are not known to our day, and
magnified ten-fold by the dark uncertainties that attended
them. Nor should we lose sight of those noble-hearted English women, who found in their natures room for the cultivation of the domestic virtues and for the devoutest love of
God, who spurned the weaknesses that seem to add to the
charms of the sex in times of peace, who met the worst
dangers with calmness, and who shed no tears except for
others.
In the lives of these fearless men and women who have
left no marks to distinguish them beyond the few letters that
designate upon the records when they were born, when they
were married, and when they died; or beyond the brown
slab placed over the spot where long ago their bones crumbled into the mould-a slab with its rough symbols and
"shapeless sculpture"-are we to look for the courage that
subdued the forest and its terrible inhabitants, the fortitude
that bore up against the heavy burdens of life, the spontaneous sentiment of liberty that aroused them to resist the
aggressions of the French and the insolence of Cornbury
and Andross. In raising the monumental stone that is to
bear the name of some great hero or statesman, let us look
upon the shaft as commemorating not so much the virtues of
an individual as of a whole people.
It has been thought by many who have had little opportunity or desire to form correct estimates of the people of
Connecticut, that they sprung from a low and vulgar parentage. The want of monuments over the graves of most of
them, the humble houses that they dwelt in, the plain clothing that they wore, and strange to tell, the fact that they
almost all labored with their hands, have been seized upon as




FIRST PLANTERS OF CONNECTICUT.                417
so many marks that they came from  the undistinguishable
crowd of English peasantry, whose fathers, from age to age,
had been the lowest subjects of feudal villeiny. Never was a
conclusion more hastily formed, or supported by so few facts.
Indeed, all the analogies that are within our reach tend to
a contrary result. The early planters of Connecticut were
neither serfs nor the sons of serfs.  So far from this were
many of them, that they could trace their descent backward
through the line of the knights and gentlemen of England,
by means of the heralds' visitations, parish records, and
county genealogies, to say nothing of those family pedigrees
that were often transmitted, as heirlooms, from generation to
generation, particularly in the line of the eldest sons, to a
remote day, and some of them to that wavering horizon where
history loses itself in fable.  Thus it turns out upon investiogation, that many a tomb that holds the dust of some
pioneer whose memory is now cherished by a numerous posterity, yet cannot be distinguished from the surrounding earth,
simply because no monument was placed above it to mark
the spot, was entitled from the birth of its tenant, to be garnished with a coat of arms among the most honorable of
those that swell the volumes of heraldry, with devices to
modern republican eyes so quaint and strange.+   But what
had they, who had spent their lives in waging war with
the formularies of the past time that appeared so irksome to
them-what had men who made it a part of their education
to discard the factitious distinctions of the world,-to do with
the gauntleted hand, the helmeted brow, the griffins, the
lions, the strawberries and the storks of the herald's college?
The very fact that most of these symbols suggested to the
mind the myths of paganism  and idolatry, would of itself
X From actual examination it appears that more than four-fifths of the early
landed proprietors of Hartford, Wethersfield, and Windsor, belonged to families
that had arms granted to them in Great Britain. Other settlers in various parts
of Connecticut, at an early or later day, bearing family names that appear never to
have borne arms, are believed to have been descended from the landed gentry or
other genteel English families, such as Chittenden, Ingersoll, Pitkin, Silliman,
Lyman, Olmsted, Upson, Cullick, Treadwell.
27




418             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
make them objects of suspicion to many of the more strict
order of puritans.
Besides, not only their religion, but their very physical
condition, made it difficult for them  to cherish with much
care any thing that was not obviously connected with the
great business of life. The ax of the planter, as its biting
edge penetrated deeper and deeper into the vitals of the forest, letting in the sunbeams to scare away the deer that
roamed over the parks that had no palings or gates, other
than the natural barriers of river, mountain, or ocean, while
it strengthened the hand of him who wielded it and carved
his individuality upon the stumps of oak or pine, to remain
there after he should have been laid to rest, was yet no fitting instrument to record the vanity of the past time.  What
had he to do with the past?  The grim  present was lowering upon him with all its sharp and angular realities. Indians, wild beasts, famine, cold, the diseases that lurk alona
the borders of new settlements, the French, the Dutch, the
devil, and all the other calamities, actual or imaginary, that
kept his faculties constantly stretched to their highest tension, gave him little time to look backward. Life, to a puritan, was a warfare, commencing with the dawn of his own
existence, to be waged with a stout heart and steady hand
until that existence should be lost in a future, boundless and
eternal.  Little time had he for the soft reverie and daydreaming that belong to a stage of society that blends internal culture with  easy  circumstances  and leisure-lovin!g
retirement. His business was to work.  Othen men retreated
from the world to avoid its cares; he fled to the solitudes of
nature to begin life anew. I do not mean to say that this
was universally true. A few families from old ties, not
easily sundered, binding them to the country of their birth,
still kept up a communication with the past; but even in
these exceptional instances it was lost in a few generations,,and has only been revived within the last century, by resorting to the English repositories of such facts.  I know this
to be the case in all families now in New England that are




THE FIRST PLANTERS OF CONNECTICUT.        419
able to give any accurate history of their lineage, extending beyond the first emigrants. Even the most illustrious
names in our history, though readily traced in England, have
been neglected to a degree that could not be accounted for
by'any one who should fail to keep in view the motives that
actuated the emigrants, the necessities that surrounded them,
the almost incredible amount of labor that they performed,
and the estimate that they placed upon this life and the next.
I have said that the first English planters of Connecticut
were of no vulgar origin. Many of them were poor, many
of them when they sailed for America were in the more
humble walks of life; but the planters, the substantial land
holders, who began to plant those "three vines in the wilderness," sprung from the better classes, and a large proportion of them from the landed gentry of England. This fact
is proved not only by tracing individual families, but by the
very names that those founders of our republic bore. Any
one who choses to look at the catalogue of good old English names that will be found at the close of this voulme, and
compare it with any well arranged book of general heraldry,
will see that they had either stolen their names, or that they
were honorably descended.  The first emigrants, it is true,
brought with them  many servants, but most of them were
so from temporary causes, and were as unlike the stolid
English laborer who then tilled, as his father and grandfather had done before him, the fields of the opulent English
landholder, as the seventeenth century was unlike the
twelfth.
This large infusion of the blood of the better class of
English families might lead, were it philosophically considered, to an explanation of much that has been thought to be'
new and peculiar in our institutions and our people. I
should hardly expect to be contradicted by any well informed
genealogist either in England or America, were I to express
my belief that there is hardly a man now living whose
descent can be traced to the early planters of Connecticut,
who will not be found to be derived, through one branch or




420            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
another of his pedigree, from those families who helped to
frame the British constitution, who elaborated by slow
degrees the common law, who advocated the doctrines of
both with their tongues and their pens, or defended them
with their swords.
But it may not be clear to every mind how it happened that
the early planters, if they were of such good descent, should
have submitted to the most menial labors in an age when
the gentry were, much more than now, a non-producing
class.  I reply that they were driven to it by the sternest
necessity. They were poor; many of them had made great
sacrifices to remove their families and their friends to America. Laborers were fewr, and they had no money to transport them in such numbers as were needed in a new country, to subdue the lands and render them habitable. Most
of all, they were in want of mechanics. They needed
houses to screen them from the weather, they must be provided with cloth, which they could not import, and that
cloth must be made into garments. Their horses could not
go afield, or from town to town unshod; nor could their sons
and daughters live without shoes. From these stern necessities they learned the dignity of labor. If they could not
procure carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers, weavers, and
clothiers, in any other manner, it was evident that they must
learn these several employments themselves, and teach them
to their children. They found themselves obliged to fell the
trees and till the grounds, that they might have bread. The
best planters, therefore, could find nothing degrading in the
use of the ax or the plow. Besides, their religion and habitudes of mind taught them to look with reverence rather
than with scorn upon all the useful occupations of life, as
tending to help forward the human soul upon a journey, at
the close of which it was to be invested with a robe of
white and adorned with a crown of gold.
Some of them had anticipated this, and had learned to practise some useful art or mystery, either before leaving England,
or while in Holland or Germany. Hence, Henry Wolcott,




THE EARLY GOVERNORS.                 421
whose ancestors could be traced back as far as the reign of
William the Conqueror, does not appear to have withheld his
daughter's hand from  Mathew Griswold, because he was a
stone-cutter and made monuments for the few who chose to
retain a custom  that Welles, Leete, and the whole Wyllys
family appear to have despised.  Roger Wolcott, too, a
grandson of the emigrant, and himself the first of the line of
governors bearing that name, a man of letters and elevated
views, was proud to labor in the field as a husbandman, and
on rainy days and in the long winter evenings, to fill up the
intervals of study in plying the shuttle that his bright-eyed
sons and rosy-cheeked daughters might be warmly clad.
Governor Webster, and GovernorWelles,if they did not labor with their own hands, taught their sons to toil. Governor
Leete, at the very time that he discharged the duties of chief
magistrate of the colony, and while he was secreting the regicides at his house, kept a country store for the accommodation of his neighbors, and for many years earned a livelihood
by keeping the records of Guilford.  His sons-were, it is believed, all taught to work in the field.  Governor Treat was
as well skilled in the mysteries of plowing a corn-field, or
mowing a hay-field, as in fighting the battles of the colony,
or defending her charter.  His father, Richard Treat, a
patentee named in the charter, and one of the first gentlemen in the colony, daily crossed the Connecticut river in a
boat, and lent his strong muscles to the task of breaking up
the fallow land of Glastenbury.  Winthrop submitted to the
severest hardships in removing from  Boston to Pequot (now
New London,) in going from place to place to exercise the
functions of a magistrate, in acting as mediator between contending parties, in procuring land titles and defending them
for himself and for others, in purchasing mines, in performing the office of physician, to say nothing of the burdens of
public life. For these services he did not scruple to receive
a fair compensation. If he did not labor with his hands, we
may presume from what we know of his character, that it
was from no fear of soiling them, but merely because his




422            IIISTO1'Y OF CONNECTICUT.
time was worth more in other departments of usefulness.
Governor Law spent a portion of his time in the cultivation
of his plantation.
I could multiply instances of names and individuals whose
fame will not die while history has a niche still remaining
for the statues of the fathers of the republic.   I need only
say, that high or low, through all the grades of society, labor
Swas respectable, while idleness and vice were, as they have
always been in every well regulated government, looked
upon with suspicion.
Thus frugal, industrious, honest, the fathers of the colony
were unconsciously laying the foundation of a structure, imperishable because built in accordance with the eternal laws
of God's truth-imperishable, I mean, unless the indolence
and hollow pretensions of their descendants shall dismantle
its walls, and leave its solid frame-work to the injurious action of the elements.  No people that hold labor in derision
can maintain its position for three centuries.  No servitude
is so debasing, as that which nature is keeping in reserve for
the descendants of a people who studiously inculcate in the
minds of their children that it is better to be idle and hungry
than to earn an honest livelihood by work.
Are we to infer, then, from the fact that physical labor was
cherished by all classes of our ancestors with such careare we to infer that they had no grades, no distinctions, in
their social fabric? So far was this from being the case,
that I have found in the records of no people worthy to be
called civilized, the internal evidences of grade and rank adjusted more carefully than can be traced in the files and
books of the early documentary history of our own colony. It
may be interesting to the reader to know into what classes
and grades society was divided.
1. The title of " Honorable" was entirely unknown in our
colonial records until 1685, and was subsequently for many
years applied only to the governor, and seldom to him. Previous to that date, however, the chief magistrate was sometimes designated as "our Worshipful Governor," and "our




EARLY TITLES IN CONNECTICUTo               423
Honored Governor."  Similar titles were also occasionally
given to the Deputy Governor."
The next title was that of " Esquzire," employed very
sparingly for the first century after the emigration, and having about the same signification that it had in England, in
the times of Elizabeth and James 1.  Those who had been
possessed of landed estates in England, and had been liberally educated, younger sons of the nobility, and the sons of
baronets and knights, were addressed in writing by the addition of esquire, placed after the name and before or after
that of the place of residence.  When addressed colloquially, the title was a prefix usually abbreviated into the monosyllable, "Sqzuire."  In Connecticut, this title was confined
almost exclusively to the governor and deputy governor,
until  the  union with New Haven colony was effected in
1665. The only exceptions found upon our records, are in
the cases of Colonel Fenwick, of Saybrook, and John Winthrop, who was subsequently chosen governor. Indeed, it
would seem that office of whatever grade did not necessarily
make the official an esquire. Mr. ThomasWelles,was a magistrate for seventeen years, deputy governor for one year, and
was chosen governor for the second time, before he was dignified with that honorable title.t
The next title to be noticed is that of " Gentleman" or, as
it was usually abbreviated " Gent." This designation, which
occurs but seldom upon our early records, is essentially an
English title, is placed at the end of the name, and, like
esquire, either before or after the place of residence. Aside
from its general application, it was used in England especially to designate that class who hold a middle rank between
esquires and masters. This distinction seems to have been
soon discarded in Connecticut.
* This title appears to have been first applied in Connecticut to Major Andross;
and by him to Governor Winthrop.
f Such titles as the following sometimes occur on our records, or in letters addressed to the individuals named, and others, viz: " the Honored Major Talcott,'
"the Worshipful Captain John Allyn," "the Worshipful and much Honored
John Winthrop," &c.




424             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The prefix of "iiMaster" (Mr.) belonged to all gentlemen,
including those designated by the higher marks of rank that
have been  mentioned above.  Master corresponds very
nearly in meaning to the English word, gentleman. In Connecticut, it embraced clergymen, and planters of good family
and estate who were members of the General Court; those
bred up at a university, and those of sufficient education to
manage the general affairs of the colony, either in a civil or
ecclesiastical way, and who had been sufficiently well born.
Comparatively few of the representatives from the several
towns, even though they might be returned year after year,
were honored with this title.  To be called master, or to
have one's name recorded by the secretary with that prefix,
two hundred years ago, was a more certain index of the
rank of the individual as respects birth, education, and
good moral character, than any one of the high-sounding appellations with which many men of no merit whatever, in
our day of swift locomotion, are content to cajole others in
order that they may be enriched in their turn with the same
spurious currency.  It may be observed, by reference to our
colonial records, that there were scores of men of good
family and in honorable stations who still did not possess all
the requisite qualities of masters.  It was seldom that young
men, of whatever rank, were called masters.
The appellation of "Sir," besides its ordinary use, was employed in a technical and limited sense to designate young
gentlemen who had graduated at a university or college, but
had not taken their MlWaster's degree.  It was formerly appended to the names of the members of the graduating class of
Yale College, on the schemes used at the annual commencement, thus Sir Swift, Sir Wolcott, Sir Barlow, &c.
" Goodman," was also a term  of civility, and in a certain
qualified sense might be called a title.  Its application predicated of him to whom it was given, a humble origin, and
it comprehended the better sort of yeomen, laborers, tenants,
and other dependents above the grade of servants, who owned a small estate, and who sustained a good moral character.




3ITLITARY AND ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES.       425
Our colonial records afford several instances of deputies to
the General Court who were signalized by this mark of the
public regard.  The corresponding term  as applied to the
other sex, was Goodwife.
Mlilitary titles were considered of a very high order, as we
should naturally expect to find them in a colony that was in
an almost uninterrupted state of war from the time of the
burning of the Pequot fort, until the close of the American
revolution. These titles, therefore, abound in our early
colonial records, from that of captain down to that of corporal, and usually took precedence of the ordinary terms of
address. These gradations of official rank were expressed by
the usual abbreviations, and were seldom omitted, Previous to
1654, the highest military office in the colony was that of
captain; and previous to 1652, the only captain in the colony
was John Mason, whose jurisdiction extended throughout
Connecticut.  Captain Mason, and especially in later years,
Major Mason, when he visited the militia of the different
towns, as he did at stated intervals, was gazed at by the boys
and girls of the settlement with eyes of wide wonder, as a
man to be reverenced, but not approached.
Those titles of an Ecclesiastical nature were of course
held in high esteem by our Puritan fathers, both in Old England and in New England. The clerical prefix of Reverend,
does not occur upon our colonial records until about 1670;*
the members of the profession bearing the simple titles of
Mr., Pastor, Teacher, or Elder.  Deacons were regarded with
reverence, and were often employed in civil as well as in ecclesiastical affairs. The title frequently occurs in the list of
deputies and commissioners.  In New Haven colony, where
all the freemen were church members, the term or title of
" Brother," was often used as a prefix to the names of persons appointed to civil office.
I have said that many of the principal emigrants brought
over servants with them from England. Such was the scarcity
of laborers that, with the exception of the clergy, nearly all
* The general term, " the Reverend Elders," occurs much earlier.




42  HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the original proprietors toiled earnestly upon their plantations, and frequently in the same field with their servants.
But after the fibres of the state became more firmly knit, after
the lands were partially cleared, when corn and money began
to be more abundant, and after the tide of emigration, checked for awhile, had brought a liberal supply of working-men
who were willing to till the fields and make new conquests
over the still abounding forests, society began to assume
its old English features, and distinct generic orders were formed upon a somewhat stable basis long before the revolution.
These orders were distinguished by the terms gentlemen,
yeomen, merchants,- mechanics, and  servants, or domestics.  The lines drawn around these respective classes were
not so strict as to be in the way of personal merit when it
sought to rise; but were sufficiently so to characterize the
several grades. By this time the name of planter had almost
entirely disappeared from our records, and that of farmer
had been partially substituted.
The term, Yeoman, was applied to that class of freeholders and planters who stood next in rank to gentlemen, of
whose position  I have spoken elsewhere.  Some of the
yeomen bore the title of master, and they were frequently
called to discharge important public trusts. By this time,
too, from the want of the guards that in England had always
proved so favorable to the growth and continuance of privileged classes, very many of the descendants of the best
families who emigrated to Connecticut, had glided imperceptibly from their position at that time, and had taken the
middle stage.  Many of the yeomen were as well born, and
had as much pride of family, as the educated class. Indeed,
the latter class was to a good extent made up from the yeomanry of the more cultivated sort, who could easily resume
the place that their ancestors had filled with such honor.
e The early traders, especially in the small settlements and towns, of course
did but a small business in that line, and'were often freeholders and planters in
addition. They subsequently became a distinct and very respectable class.




THE ARISTOCRACY.                   427
The last remark is true of many of the merchants and
mechanics of those times.
The educated class filled the pulpit, the bench, the magistracy, the bar, and the medical profession, and constituted
much the largest portion of the aristocracy, which grew
more rapidly than ever before, from the time that the slavetrade first gave it nutriment, until it reached its zenith about
twenty years after the close of the revolution. MIany of
the officers of the army, who were regarded with deep reverence by the people, were the principal pillars of the aristocracy. But the most thoroughly patrician body of men in
Connecticut was the clergy, who exercised an almost unlimited authority over the inhabitants. I do not believe
there ever was an aristocracy more deserving of respect, as
well from the high tone of its morality as from the stateliness
and general decorum that distinguished its members; nor do
I believe there ever was a yeomanry more independent and
manly or less the victims of envy.
This state of things continued, with such variations as belonged to the gradual development of society, down to the
close of Governor Sim-ith's administration, when the freemen
voluntarily laid aside the charter that they had never surrendered to the crown.
With all this respect paid to orders and officials, growing
partly out of their religious belief, that taught them to reverence all powers and dignitaries except such as they believed
to be wrongfully applied, and partly out of those English prejudices that they brought with them, in favor of gentle lineage and established authorities, they were obliged to live
in a very humble and simple way for many years.  Their
dwellings were at first mostly constructed of logs.  The
planters who spent the first winter in Hartford, Wethersfield,
and Windsor, had no better houses than the wretched huts
that colliers now use upon our mountains as a temporary
shelter while they are watching their coal-pits and drawing
their coal.  After Hooker and Wareham, with their companies, arrived in the valley, better dwellings were construct



428             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
ed, and in all the old towns a few frame houses were soon
reared for the more wealthy and respectable citizens. The
houses of the ministers were made as elegant and comfortable as the circumstances of the people would afford. The
dwellings of the governor and more wealthy magistrates and
gentlemen, were some of them expensive. The house built
by the Rev. Henry Whitfield, at Guilford, was of stone,
with very solid and massive walls, that have withstood the
action of the frosts and the other harsh influences of the
climate, and will do so yet for hundreds of years, if man,
that worst of all destroyers, will permit it to remain.  It is
the oldest house now standing in the United States, and is a
fit memorial of the enduring fame of Whitfield, the founder
of Guilford.* The house of Desborough was also of stone,
but the walls were long ago thrown down.
Most of the buildings in the colony, however, were constructed of wood, and the better classes, after the first thirty
years, lived in framed houses. These frames were made of
heavy oak timbers, some of them eighteen inches in diameter. The rafters were larger than the plates, sills and beams
of our modern country houses, and supported slit sticks
called, in the rude architectural language of the day, " ribs,"
that were laid across them at regular distances, and to which
long rent shingles of cedar were fastened with tough wrought
nails. The sides of the building were covered with oak
clapboards rent from the tree and smoothed with a shavingknife. These outer boards lapped over each other, and were
fastened to the upright and horizontal timbers by nails much
larger than those now used in the roof-eaving.  Within, the
sides of the rooms only were plastered, while the sleepers and
the upper floor were exposed to view.  The floors were of
oaken plank.  The windows consisted of two small leaden
frames set with diamond-shaped panes, secured by hinges
that opened outward, and were fastened against the side of
* This venerable structure was built about the year 1640, and, on account of
its impregnable walls, was sometimes used as a block-house or fort by the
settlers.




THE DWELLINGS OF THE PIONEERS.           429
the house. When closed, the two sashes formed nearly a
square. The outer doors of the mansion were of double
oaken planks, made as solid as a single piece of timber by
nails or spikes driven into them in the angles of diamonds.+
When these gates of his domestic paradise were secured at
night by the heavy wooden bars that had stood throughout
the day leaning against the wall, the planter and his family
had little cause to fear the entrance of wild beasts or Indians,
and other burglars for many years there were none in Connecticut. Indeed, after the Indians had been tamed and the
wolves and bears driven farther off by the gradual destruction of their old haunts, the tenants of these humble Areadian castles slept peacefully from one year to another without even barring or bolting their doors.
The rooms of the early habitations were seldom more than
seven feet in height, so that the sturdy emigrants, and their
sons, who had rather added to the stature of their fathers
than substracted from it by athletic and wholesome exercise,
in wood and field and camp, during the period of life when
the bones are enlarging, and the muscles are assuming a
hardened and fibrous texture, could hardly stand upright upon
the kitchen floor without brushing the fur of their bear-skin
caps against the timbers overhead.
The most indestructible part of the whole edifice was the
huge stone tower that occupied the centre, rising out of the
ridge, and called a chimney. Its foundations were about
twelve feet square. The fire-places, as they were very properly termed, especially the ones most in use, were of such
dimensions that the wood could be brought from the forest,
taken from the cart, and heaped upon the ponderous andirons
in great quantities. In the coldest weather, a large log of
maple, oak, or walnut, was placed at the back of the fireplace, and other smaller ones laid upon it. The andirons
were brought in front of this formidable battery, that was
made still more durable by a log about eight inches in diameter, called a fore-stick. The smaller wood was then care" See Lambert,'01.




430            HISTORY OF CON=NECTICUT.
fully put on with pine knots, birch bark, or other dry fuel, in
the middle. The quantity of wood consumed in a single day
in the more severe winter weather, was enormous; and the
ventilation caused by the keen currents of air that found a
free entrance through the crevices of the building, would be
terrific to a housewife of modern days. The fire was by no
means small even in summer, and after the toils of the day,
the family would gather around it even while the doors were
wide open, and the cry of the frog from the marsh, and the
whippowill from the home-meadow, stole upon their seclusion with associations cheerful or sad as suited the temperaments and moods of the various members composing the
circle. 
Conversation was sometimes startled and chilled into sudden silence, in the early and more superstitious days, by the
gleam of a meteor seen through the diamond-shaped window
panes or open door, as it lit up the little patch of sky that
lay clear and open behind the branches of the trees. If,
when the free laugh was ringing from the heart of the boys
and girls at some grotesque account of adventures, old or
new, a malicious screech-owl, seizing the loved opportunity
when the face of the moon was veiled by a cloud, chanced
to mingle his mocking merriment with theirs, what wonder
if a shivering sigh bore quick witness how well they remembered that the devil was as fond as ever of his old pastimes
in solitudes and desert places? I much doubt if King James
I., had he been living in such extreme retirement, would not
have found his teeth chattering and his hair bristling at a
like signal from the father of lies. Even Sir Walter Raleigh
would have knocked the ashes out of his pipe and mused;
and my Lord Coke, would have forgotten for a moment, how
necessary it was to his own proper development to ruin Sir
Francis Bacon. In a much later age, Dr. Johnson himself
might have found his hand arrested in the act of conveying
to his mouth the thirteenth cup of tea, and might have been
strangled in the midst of a sentence in which the oat-meal
Lambert, 202.




BREAKFAST AIND DINNER.                 431
cakes of Scotland, or the unfortunate Chesterfield, formed
the theme of vituperation.  Possibly the reader's nervous
equilibrium might be shaken at a much less provocation, even
in the midst of a hearty fit of laughter at the bigotry and
superstition of the puritans.
There were a few houses in the colony of a more aristocratic type than the one that I have selected to represent
the dwellings of the early inhabitants. Among these, I can
only stop to name Governor Eaton's of New Haven, built in
the form of a capital E, with its numerous windows, its stack
of chimneys with their twenty-one fire-places; and that of his
friend, Mr. Davenport, scarcely less imposing.+
The meals of the early planters were such as befitted Englishmen who were remote from all commercial relations, in a
new country, where nature, with few exceptions, reduces all
her sons to the common necessity of providing for their own
sustenance.  They ate and drank what she provided for them,
and thanked God that it was so bountiful and so nourishing.
The breakfast of the farmers often consisted mainly of a
soup made of salt meat and beans, and seasoned with savory
herbs. This dish was called " bean porridge," and has long
been the fruitful subject of verse.  Tea and coffee they had
none during the seventeenth century. Their drink was chiefly
beer and cider, after their orchards were sufficiently grown
to afford them such a luxury.t
The dinner was a much more substantial meal. A large
Indian pudding, with an appropriate sauce, often constituted
the first course; and after that, boiled beef and pork; and then
wild game, with potatoes; and then succeeded turnips and
other vegetables native to the climate.  They had succatosh
in the season of it; and in the fall, samp. Pumpkins were
cooked by them into various dishes. Dinner was served at
noon.
* The residence of Governor Eaton stood upon the north corner of Elm and
Orange streets; that of Mr. Davenport was on the west side of Elm street, near
State street, New Haven. The latter was built in the form of a cross.
+ As early as 1654, laws were passed regulating the sale of " strong beer and
cider."




432                HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
At supper-afterwards called tea-they also ate very substantial food. It was almost always cold, with an occasional
variation of cakes made of corn-meal, rye, or buckwheat.
These cakes, however, were oftener prepared for breakfast.
Their table furniture was plain. Pewter was the more
ordinary metal in use, but silver was often seen  glittering
upon the same table with the baser metal. Silver tankards
and beakers were to be found in the houses of nearly all the
wealthy planters of good family.The tables of the clergymen and magistrates, not excepting the governor, were furnished  with similar fare to that
above described, with various shades of difference in the arrangement; and the mode of serving it up, indicated more or
less refinement.  In after times, the tables of genteel families had more ambitious furniture  and  better viands, and
never was food more wholesome and never did it better do
its office of nourishing and strengthening the body, than during the period of New  England history that preceded the
revolution.
They had no wheeled carriages or wagons until the middle of the eighteenth century, and very few until the revolutionary war was closed.t   The bridegroom  who went to a
neighboring town to be united with a partner whom  he hoped
to find through life a "help meet for him," whether he was
gentleman or yeoman, rode on horseback, and carried her
home on a pillion behind him.
The first inhabitants of Connecticut, as we have seen, were
for the most part a very industrious, honest, and religious
* From an examination of the early inventories, I infer that most of the articles used for culinary and domestic use were made of pewter-such as spoons,
platters, pitchers, cups, plates, pans, bottles, &c. The silver articles named in
these inventories, are flaggons, beakers, tankards, spoons, cups, knee buckles, and
shoe buckles. Tin and crockery are seldom spoken of, The Rev. J. B. Felt, of
Boston, in his excellent work, " The Customs of New England," gives a description and history of hundreds of articles of household use, and of many other
things tending to illustrate pioneer-life in New England.
T The first pleasure carriage (a chair) ever brought into Litchfield, was owned
by Mr. Matthews, the English Mayor of New York, who was confined in that
town as a prisoner of war in 1776.




EXTREMES.                    433
people. They have been accused of narrow-mindedness and
bigotry. To a certain extent this must be allowed to be
true. Their bigotry was of the peculiar kind that often
springs up suddenly in minds naturally enthusiastic and self:
sacrificing.  When they rebel against customs and practices
so long established, they are often considered by those who
are wedded to them to be a part of the moral and social constitution of man. Reformers always show their horror of
the evils, real or imaginary, from which they have emancipated themselves, by going to another extreme so radical and
marked as to constitute a boundary-line that may be readily
seen. Indeed, such extremes are sooner or later the very
badges and colors distinguishing the party that wears them.
If the cavaliers wear long hair, the Cromwellians must of
course be shorn. As soon as the cavaliers have discovered the bald heads of their opponents, they begin to apply unguents to their long locks and use all the stimulants that will be likely to give them, as nearly as possible,
the appearance of so many Absaloms. When once it was
known that many of the clergy had resolved not to conform
to some part of the church ritual which they thought exceptionable, Queen Elizabeth proceeded to take measures at
once to make still more stringent requisitions.  Such is man's
moral organization that he must correct extremes by other
extremes. A similar law appears to prevail in the physical
creation.
The bigotry of puritanism  differed from  the established
bigotries of England not so much in degree as in kind. Both
the great parties that divided that country were, so far as I
can discover, equally intolerant, but their intolerance aimed
at different things.  The adherents of one abhorred a conventicle as if it had been a pestilence; those of the other,
fled from the sight of the surplice as if it had been a mask of
leprosy. One party, in seeking to discard the forms that it
regarded as the relics of idolatry, came at last to shudder at
the sight of the Cross, and in mockery quartered troops of
soldiers in sacred chapels and fed the horses of the dragoons
28




434            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
from  the altars of venerable churches; the other, with a
holy horror, sacrificed human victims to appease its wrath.
The narrow-mindedness of the one party, drove it to spurn
the elegancies of classical learning, and to turn away firom
Shakspeare with loathing; while that of the other, looked
askance at the grandest epic in the whole treasury of letters,
because it had been bequeathed to the world by a puritan.
The puritans abhorred profanity and debauchery, and
hence, associating the vices of the cavaliers with the dresses
that they wore, they assumed a new costume as unlike the
old as their imaginations could devise; the cavaliers, in selfvindication, and to show how defiant they were of the puritans, placed their chapeaus upon their heads with a still more
jaunty air, and curtailed their already short cloaks still the
more.
Whoever sees anything to worship in any or all of these
evidences of human imperfection, is at liberty to choose from
the temple of prejudice the idol that he deems most worthy
of his adoration. For my part, I can see nothing to admire
in them, but much to shun. In doing so, I condemn not the
cavaliers for clinging to the past, nor the puritans for breaking away from its thraldom; but rather the bad passions of
our common nature that have so long resisted the influences
of reason and the benign charities of the christian faith.
They are to be treasured up as lessons.
The inhabitants of Connecticut, from the enjoyment of a
larger liberty than could exist in Massachusetts under the
administration of a more aristocratic and strictly provincial
government, were thus taught to bestow upon those who differed from them a greater measure of liberality. Still they
were not free from the taint of superstition.  They had left
England with a main design to enjoy their own religious
tenets.  With this view they had bought their wild lands;
with this view they established a peculiar form of government. They looked with extreme jealousy upon the encroaching power of popery, and many of them regarded
episcopacy as only a modified form of catholicism. As they




FAST AND THANKSGIVING.                 435
had been at' such pains to enjoy their own opinions, they
knew no other rule than the characteristic one of that age,
exclusiveness, or, if that would not avail, coercion. They
resolved to keep out all religious sects from their limits, or, if
they ventured to cross their border, to compel them to conform. They determined, too, that if it were possible the
very festivals as well as modes of worship that were associated in their minds with oppression and arbitrary power,
should be suppressed, and that other public days should be
substituted.
The public days of the people of Connecticut were two,
viz., Fast, and Thanksgiving.
The Fast was appointed at irregular intervals, usually on
account of some special or threatened calamity which was
designated by the General Court, or by the governor at the
time of the appointment, care being always taken not to
have it on Good Friday. On fast day, no food was cooked
in the houses of the inhabitants, nor did the more exemplary
church members eat any regular meals until after the sun
went down. They had public worship on that occasion as
they did on Sunday, and spent the time in self-examination,
humiliation, and prayer. The sins of the people were made
the burden of the minister's discourse, and most earnestly
did he pray that he and his flock might be delivered from
temptation.~
But the grand festival of the people, and the one in which
they took the liveliest interest, was Thanksgi'ving.t  For
many years it was appointed only on occasions of special interest; but subsequently the legislature fixed upon November of each year, after the crops had all been gathered
in, and  during  that shadowy and  hushed  season, the
twilight of the year, when the veil of the Indian summer
*In Jan. 1644, it was ordered that there should be a day of fasting and
humiliation observed throughout the plantations every month. A similar order
was issued in August, 1676. The regular annual fast was not appointed until
after the revolution.
tThe first Thanksgiving Day ever appointed in Connecticut, was on the 18th
of September, 1639.




436            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
heightened by partly concealing the beauty of the southwestern hills.  It is difficult to conceive at this remote day,
when the fruits of their labors alone remain, while the hardships that they endured are forgotten, what happy associations clustered around this festival.  After the first forty years
had passed by, and it had begun to assume the character of an
established institution, the hearts of the old and the young throbbed with anticipation as it drew near. The preparations for the
dinner were very substantial and bountiful. It was usually
celebrated at the old homestead and in the house of the patriarch of the family. It was held on Thursday, and generally late
in the month.  Thanksgiving week taxed the energies of the
whole family. The stalled ox and the fatted calf were killed.
The plumpest chickens and turkeys and geese were selected
from the barn-yard, the yellowest pumpkins from the barn, and
the finest potatoes and turnips fiom the cellar. The children of
the pioneers, who were scattered throughout the colony, now
turned their thoughts and faces homeward. The son who
had left his father's roof in early manhood, and who longed
once more to see the apple-trees that he had planted, and to
receive the paternal blessing, now commenced his journey,
with his wife and a whole swarm of sun-browned boys and
ruddy girls. The brothers and sisters all met and all brought
their children.  Sometimes there were so many that the
house would scarcely hold them; but the dear old grandmother, whose memory could hardly keep the constantly
lengthening record of their births, and whose eye, dim with
tears and age, could never see which child to love the best, welcomed each with a trembling hand and an overflowing heart.
The early part of the day was spent by the male members
of the family in attendance upon public worship, where the
old emnigrant, with the white frost of his eightieth winter in
his hair, sat more erect than he was wont, and could not,
with all his humility, refrain from dividing his attention between the discourse and the long row of boys, who, in spite
of the strictness of puritan discipline, waited impatienly for
the "Amen," that was to set them at liberty.




THANKSGIVING.                  437
On their return from the meeting-house, dinner awaited
them. It may be presumed that there was not a single dyspeptic in the whole group, and that they did good justice to
the viands.
After their repast, the family gathered around the blazing
hickory fire, the children adding to its volume the shells of
the walnuts and butternuts that they threw into it, without
disturbing the conversation of their parents, who recounted each in his turn the incidents that had given variety to
the year.  Indian wars; the depredations of the Dutch; the
plot of that wretch, Peter Stuyvesant, to exterminate the
whole English population; the wolf and bear hunts; the mar
velous stories of rattlesnakes; and, I must admit, sometimes
still more marvelous manifestations from the spiritual world,
apparitions, ghosts, visitations from the devil; the execution
of Goodwife Knapp, and the scorn with which she looked
upon her accusers, were fruitful themes to while away the
evening.  Games, too, helped to divert the attention of the
children from subjects likely to disturb their sleep.
As the evening deepened, and the little ones began to nod
upon their benches in the chimney corner, the old family
bible was brought, and, after a portion of it had been read,
the voice of the grandsire, tremulous with emotion rather
than with age, was heard returning thanks to Almighty God
for his infinite mercy in times past, in preserving the lives
and health of the circle gathered around him, and supplicating
him to keep them from temptation, and to multiply their descendants as the stars of the sky and the sands of the sea.
ouch was Thanksgiving, a time-honored, venerable custom, that has gradually extended itself into the most distant
part of our great republic.  The occasion of it, only remembered now by the antiquarian, its more forbidding features
worn away as the years have left behind them in their flight
the noxious shades of superstition, its genial warmth, its hallowed domestic and historical associations, still survive in the
bosom of him who can trace his descent from the fathers of
Connecticut, whether his foot presses her soil, or whether on




438              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the borders of the great lakes and rivers of the west, in the
vast forest, or in the billowy grass of the prairies, he joins
with the voices of nature in returning thanks to the author
of his being.
Though Thanksgiving was the only general festival, the
reader is not to conclude that there were no other occasions
of festivity and rejoicing among the people of Connecticut.
Among the more primitive and rural portions of the population, there were husking, apple-pearing, and quilting parties;
the social, neighborly gatherings around the great winterfires; and the sleigh-rides, balls, and weddings, which were
not confined to any particular class or locality.
I shall not attempt to describe a wedding-party among our
ancestors. Indeed, the ceremony and its accompanying congratulations and rejoicings on the part of attendants and
friends, were as varied then as now. True, the era of bridestealing+ has gone by; and the rustic serenade of horns and
kettles is becoming an obsolete entertainment.  Yet, amidst
all the artificial forms and polite blandishments which modern
taste and refinement have thrown around this most interesting ceremony, it were well to ask if there has been a corresponding advance in the motives and purposes that influence
the union of heart and hand in bonds indissoluble? Formerly,
at least, it was understood by both parties that the wife was
to be'" a help meet for her husband."  On this point the minister who joined them was wont to be very emphatic.t
I have intimated that balls were among the amusements of
the past in this colony.  This, it is to be presumed, was ordinarily confined to the young people; and did not always
meet with the hearty concurrence of the elder and more
sedate portion of the community.  The expenses attending
such gatherings, were made to conform to the condition and
circumstances of the people as they then were, and certain* A Poem, by Mrs. Emma Willard, entitled, " Bride-Stealing, a Tale of New
England's Middle Ages," is preserved in Everest's " Poets of Connecticut." It
gives a poetical account of one among many instances of " stealing the bride" that
occurred in the early days of the colony.
f Bushnell's Discourse.




FUNERAL CUSTOMS.                      439
ly would not be thought extravagant in these days.*  It was
long the custom in Connecticut, for the young men and women of a parish to celebrate the occasion of the settlement
of a new minister by a ball on the evening following the day
of his ordination or installation.  This was termed the "ordination ball," and was sometimes conducted with such pro.
priety and decorum that church-members and even the new
pastor would honor the ball with their presence. They ultimately came to be regarded as a scandal, and were at last
suppressed by public sentiment.
The customs at funerals in different parts of New England
were for many years somewhat peculiar, and were long since
modified or abandoned. The distribution of gloves, rings,
and scarfs at funerals prevailed to such an extent, that in
1721, the Legislature of Massachusetts passed a law against
the usage. Town authorities complied with the fashion so
far, that they distributed these articles at the burial of their
paupers, and the expense was charged over to the town. At the
funeral of the wife of Governor Belcher of Massachusetts, in
1736, more than one thousand pairs of gloves were distributed
among the attendants.t In the form of an association recommended by the Continental Congress, in 1774, the articles of
mourning for both sexes are specified; with the pledge that they
"c will discountenance the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals." In Connecticut, or rather in certain parts of the colony,
these and other practices, now obsolete, were long continued.
It has doubtless often puzzled those who are curious in
such matters to shape to their imaginations what fashioned
clothes their early ancestors wore, and how they looked in
them. This is not an easy task, and yet something can be
* Morris, in his "Statistical Account" of Litchfield, speaks of a dance in that
town in 1748, where a violin was used for the first time in the place, and adds" The whole expense of the amusement, although the young people generally attended, did not exceed one dollar, out of which the fiddler was paid." Yet the
parents and old people declared they should be "' ruined by the extravagances of
the youth."
+ " Customs of New England.'




440             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
said upon costume that may not be uninstructive to the
general reader.
I have said that some of the emigrants brought with them
from England silver-plate and articles of' household furniture
that betokened their rank in England. The same remark
will apply to wearing apparel. Yet, except on public days,
even the best planters must have dressed with great simplicity during the first twenty or thirty years after the colony
began to be settled.  I have also stated that labor was the
common lot, and that even gentlemen did not shrink from it.
As soon as they could, they raised their own sheep. In this
way a staple material was provided for the winter clothing of
males and females.  The wool sheared by the hands of the
planters, his sons, and servants, was, by his wife, daughters,
and female domestics, spun and woven into cloth, and then cut
into garments by the skillful matron for the members of her
household. Flax, too, and hemp were cultivated with much
care, and supplied them with materials that they were obliged
to shape into garments that would serve them for the
warmer months of the year.
I do not mean to assert that our fathers were indifferent
in matters of dress and personal appearance.  The gentry
indulged in silks, velvets, and beavers, and there are still preserved many specimens of their taste in the shape of rich
lace ruffles, elegant embroidery,. silk and velvet caps, and
costly ornaments of gold and silver.
Small-clothes were worn by our forefathers from  the earliest times, and were made of sheep and deer skin, as well as
of cloth.)   Until within the last sixty years, boys were
dressed in these stiff habiliments as soon as the attire of their
childhood had been laid aside. These small-clothes underwent various modifications of fashion. They were usually
fitted very closely to the person, and those men were thought
to be very fortunate whose forms were such that they could
wear small-clothes above the hips without appurtenances and
stockings above the calf of the leg without garters.
" Felt's " Customs of New England," 137.




COSTUME.                        41
Shoes with silver or brass buckles were worn with the
stockings or hose; and buckles of the same materials secured the small-clothes and stockings at the knee.
The coat was in partial use at the time of the emigration,
but the doublet was more generally worn. The coat then in
fashion came down directly in front below the knee, and was
fastened to the very bottom  with buttons or clasps, and
sometimes with hooks and eyes. The skirts were very full,
and were made to hang off from the person by being stiffened with buckram.- In 1715, and perhaps earlier, this garment was made with pockets opening from  the outside, protected by ample flaps.  The coat worn by wealthy gentlemen, and persons of official rank, was profusely decorated
with gold lace. Instead of the broad collar of the present
day, it had only a narrow hem that exposed to view the
plaited stock of fine linen cambric, with its large silver
buckle at the back of the neck.t The close-bodied coat,
with its short waist and flexible skirts, was not introduced
until 1790, or about the middle of the reign of George III. 1
Cloaks were also used by the fathers of New  England.
They were of a variety of colors, but the most fashionable
were red.
Hats were at first for the most part made of wool, but
beaver hats soon came into use, and prevailed for many
years. Of whatever material, they were high-crowned, and
in the form of a sugar-loaf. The brims were so broad as to
make it necessary for the wearer to hold them on firmly with
the hand when the wind was blowing. This fashion continued until about 1700, with some slight changes.  The graceful hat worn by Charles I., and his cavaliers, with its plume,
was sometimes seen even in New England.  The military
cocked hat, called also the Monmouth hat, began to be worn
* Lambert's Hist. New Haven Col., 198.  f Lambert, 198.
t The skins of animals were much used for garments among the early settlers.
In the inventory of Mr. William Whiting, one of the wealthiest citizens of Connecticut, (who died in 1649,) are the following items: "' two raccoon coats, one
wolf skin coat, four bear skins, three moose."




442              HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
in this country about the year 1670. The average width of
the brim  at that date was six inches.  This inconvenient
width probably suggested the plan of cocking it or turning it
up and fastening it against the side of the crown. It was
first cocked on one side only, then on the opposite side also,
and in the reign of queen Elizabeth a third side was turned
up-making the three-cornered cocked hats worn by gentlemen in New England from the year 1732 to 1779. Even
gentlemen's sons of the age of fourteen years, wore the triangular hat.  When gentlemen paid their respects to ladies, or to
each other in public, they took it off, or in the language of
the day, "vailed it."
Watches were worn by gentlemen in New  England as
early as 1655; but this did not become general until about a
century later.
Rings were worn as ornaments in Connecticut from the
earliest times. Ear-rings and thumb-rings were also in use.*
The authorities of New England were originally opposed
to the fashion of wearing long hair.  In Massachusetts, long
hair was made the subject of legislative enactments.  But
throughout New England, it is believed that laws regulating
dress were not usually enforced as other statutes were. The
beard was at first worn in New England by the upper classes, but gradually diminished until 1685, when it was closely
shaven except in particular instances.
Wigs were worn in New England soon after the middle
of the seventeenth century. They appear to have been of
various colors, patterns, and dimensions, according to the
taste of the wearer or the fashion of the particular era or
locality. Judges, magistrates, lawyers, and gentlemen generally, were among the first to adopt the custom. Many of
* The ring presented by Charles I., to the grandfather of the elder Winthrop,
was, it will be remembered, dexterously used by the son of the latter in procuring the charter of Connecticut from Charles II. In the inventory of the widow
of Colonel John Livingston of New London, (1736,) are mentioned, " four gold
rings, one silver ring, one stoned ring, a ring with five diamonds, a pair of stoned
ear-rings, a stone drop for the neck, and a red stone for a locket." Caulkins'
Hist. of New London, p. 365.




FEMALE COSTUME.                   443
the clergy subsequently fell in with it and carried it to extremes; though others talked, preached, and prayed most
earnestly for the suppression of the "unchristian habit."s
To a man of commanding person and features, passed middle age, the full flowing white wig often gave a venerable
and dignified appearance. Such appendages, however, when
donned by young men and lads, as they fiequently were, became mere caricatures of their original design.  Wigs were
often powdered, and fell in long luxuriant curls upon the
shoulders.  Of course the supply of human hair of light
color, or indeed of any color, was far fromn being equal to
the demand.  Hence, horses and  goats were shorn of
their superfluous appendages, and the flaxen locks of children were cut off, and the hair thus obtained was washed in
a peculiar kind of bleaching suds and then spread upon the
grass to whiten like linen.t  This singular fashion seems to
have gradually died with the waning of the last century,
though a few  individuals retained the use of their wigs
until a more modern date.
The early costume of the women of Connecticut seems to
have exhibited as great a variety in style and taste as that of
the other sex. Ever ready to conform to the peculiar circumstances in which Providence may have placed them, the
mothers and daughters of New England cheerfully submitted
to the privations incident to their condition. Here, in a
primitive wilderness, with little or no society except that of
men and women as earnest and self-sacrificing as themselves,
we may readily infer that for many years the punctilious
forms of etiquette, and the spirit of fashionable display, were
almost entirely undeveloped. Still, even in what has been
characterized as the "home-spun age," the matrons and
maidens were not wanting either in taste or skill in fitting
and perfecting their own garments.  Their natural love of
* Mr. Felt says of Eliot, the celebrated apostle to the Indians-" He imagined
it [the use of wigs] to be an abundant source of calamities which had befallen our
land."
f Felt, 184.




4:44           HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
neatness, order, and beauty. would of itself enable them to
impart elegance and grace to the most rustic costume.
As the outward circumstances of the planters gradually
improved, and the proportion of wealthy emigrants increased, the wings of commerce were proportionably extended to
supply theiri' growing wants.  Many of the superfluities and
luxuries of the old world were brought to our shores for such
as were able and disposed to purchase them.  The fashions
of the father-land were in a measure revived. Silks, satins,
laces, and other costly fabrics, were among the articles imported, and were in great demand among the rich and fashionable ladies of those times.
I design to speak only of some of the peculiarities of dress
among the women of Connecticut in former times.
Trailing gowns, were more or less in use both in England
and America for upwards of a century, ending some sixty
years ago. These gowns were liberally set off with flounces
and furbelows, with a trail from half a yard to a yard and a
half in length, sweeping the floor or street when allowed to
have its full course. They were, however, often " trolloped"that is, fastened up at each side by loops; frequently however, the trail was carried by the lady upon her arm.*
Among the most exclusive class, especially in England, one
or two pages were employed to carry the trail. Thus the
poet Cowley, remarks-" They cannot stir to the next room
without a page or two to hold it up."
During the last century, "hooped skirts" were common.
The form of them varied at different periods. In 1735, they
projected all around the bottom of the skirts like a wheel;
and in 1745, they were increased at the sides and lessened in
front. During the latter year, a pamphlet was published in
England, entitled, "The enormous abomination of the Hoop
Petticoat, as the fashion now is." In 1757, after some depression, they expanded on the right and left. We are informed that they were exceedingly inconvenient for entering
pew doors; in fact, they could have no ingress or egress at
* Lambert, 200.




FEMALE COSTUME.                    4-45
such narrow apertures, except by taking a slight of hand advantage of their form, which was no doubt very gracefully
done. 
Towering head deresses appear to have been in use in England long before the emigration. It is stated that in 1416,
the state apartments were enlarged to accommodate such
kinds of attire.  When reformed under Edward IV., in the
fifteenth century, it was a cone two or three feet high, with
a silk streamer hanging down behind. Somewhat similar
head dresses, though probably not so tall, and varying in
shape, were worn by the ladies of Connecticut down to the
period of the revolution. They consisted of muslin, crape,
lawn or lace, and constituted a chief item of ornamental
attire.
Other articles of female dress might be mentioned, that
would be regarded as unique at the present day, but the
limits of the work will not afford room for any very extended
treatise upon a topic in itself so interesting.; See "Customs of New England," pp. 168, 169.
E OL WHITFIEOUSE.
THE OLD WHITFIELD HOUSE.




CHAPTER XX1,
THE ESTABLISHED RELIGION OF CONNECTICUT.
VWHiLE the religious opinions of the early founders of the
colony of Connecticut, cannot with propriety be left out of
its history, still, these topics have been treated of at so great
length  by other authors, that I shall give in this work only
a brief outline of such facts as appear to be necessary  to a
thorough understanding of the character of our institutions.
It has been said in a preceding chapter, that the main
motive that led to the settlement of New England, was a
desire on the part of the emigrants to worship God, in a way
that they believed would be most acceptable to Him.  The
doctrines held by at least a large number of the divines, who
lived and died in the faith of the established church of England, and whose writings are among the brightest ornaments
of biblical literature, did not differ materially from those that
formed the basis of puritan belief. There were many as
strong Calvinists in the episcopal church of that period as
the emigrants were.+ The grand points of dispute, the
wedges that split off the emigrants from the main English
trunk, took their shape and edge not so much from differences in doctrine, as in the forms of church government.
The English church had the arm of the nation to enforce
conformity, and those puritans who could not yield to the
demands made upon them, had no refuge but in flight.
The organization of the churches in Connecticut was
very simple.  The ministers, as has been stated in a preced* Brande (Encyclopedia, p. 88,) says-" The articles of the English church
have been represented by different parties, as inclining both to Arminianism and
Calvinism." Bishops Davenport, Sanderson, Hall, and the archbishops Usher
and Leighton, were Calvinistic in their doctrines, though among the staunchest of
episcopalians. (See Coleridge's "Aids to Reflection," pp. 208, 209.) Bishops
TaylorrWhitby, Ward, and others, maintained the Arminian tenets, and wrote
and preached against Calvinism.




THE CLERGY OF CONNECTICUT.            447
ing chapter, were the leaders each of his own people. Most
of the pastors brought their churches with them from England, and of course had a personal acquaintance with their
members and  with  their families.  This was true of
Hooker, Davenport, Whitfield, Blackman, Wareham, and
others of the principal divines of this colony. These captains of hundreds and captains of fifties were men of no
ordinary mould. Every one of them possessed some striking traits of character, that have left their impress upon the
age in which they lived; not distinctly defined to the eye of
the careless observer, but to him who has familiarized himself with the figures that people the cloud-land of the past,
these shepherds, standing upon the eminences whence their
flocks could be seen and called by name, as they fed
upon the green slopes, and cropped with the sweet nutriment, the herbs medicinally bitter that grew close by the
poisonous flowers of temptation, these good shepherds, no
longer shadowy, are seen through the long twilight of history to retain their characteristics of form and feature, as if
they were still in the midst of those labors that ripened them
for immortality. So subtle and keen is the vision of the
true and faithful scholar, whose whole heart is in his work,
that it can pierce beyond the curtain that darkness lets
down before the eyes of other men; can penetrate through
the vapors of prejudice and ignorance, as the rainbow
seems to penetrate the less ethereal sphere of the stormcloud that it illuminates.  To him, and to him alone, is it
given, to see as in a mirror, the great and the good pass in slow
review before him, so that he shall be able to distinguish
them and sketch them upon a canvass that shall be imperishable. To him they are not all to be set down in the dead
and despised catalogue of fanatics. On the other hand, to
him  the fearless Davenport, with his noble bearing and
unshaken resolution; Hooker, with his beautiful face, deeptoned voice, and hand that " could put a king in his
pocket;" Wareham, whose self-accusing, shrinking eye was
often averted from  the battlements of the heavenly city,




448             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
whither his finger pointed the way for others; Blackman, at
the sound of whose farewell the sensibilities of his people
gushed out in sparkling tears, as the rock that was smitten
by the prophet; Whitfield, whose clear, contemplative soul
resembled a mountain lake, reflecting all the objects, wild or
tame, that help to form its solitary margin, yet never darken
it, so as to conceal its calm  depths from  the dreamer who
wanders there; and Stone, who alternately disputes upon
points of church discipline, and prays for more copious showers of God's grace; to such a scholar, and to him alone, all
these and many more who might be named as conspicuous
members of the great household of faith, are seen as individual men setting up the standard of civil liberty, by the
entrance-gate of the temple that they reared to the Most
High.  It is difficult to estimate the influences of such men,
as the early clergymen of Connecticut, in laying the
foundations of a nation like ours.
In every church organized according to the old puritan plan
that prevailed from the first in Connecticut, there was a pastor,
a teacher, a ruling elder, and deacons.*- In some of their
churches there were exceptions to this rule, growing out of the
necessities or peculiar situation of the people; but the principal settlements all had a full complement of these several
functionaries. If the church had only a few members and
very limited resources, it was sometimes obliged to content
itself with a ruling elder and deacons.  The pastor, teacher,
and elder were all ordained with equal solemnity.
The specific duty of thie pastor was to exhort or preach
to the people; or, in the language of that day, "to work
upon the will and the affections." He was expected to
possess the gift of eloquent speech, and to cultivate the winning graces of oratory; most of all, the sinewy, athletic
strength that could make effective use of the fire and the
hammer to break the flinty heart.t
* Owen's " Gospel Church," pp. 86, 116,120, 128, 129; Hooker's' Survey,"'
part ii. pp. 4, 20.
t Hookers Survey, part ii. pp. 19, 21 Cambridge Platform, chap. vi,




CHURCH OFFICERS.                  449
The teacher, on the other hand, was the private expounder
of the divine law, the counselor whose learning, deep piety,
calm judgment, and refined experience could be depended upon
in doubtful matters.  He had immediate charge of all complicated and knotty doctrinal questions, and difficult cases
of conscience. He was the nursery teacher, who prepared
the feeble reason and illuminated the darkened understanding for the school of church-fellowship. He also recalled
the backsliding christian, and set his face toward Zion. If
there was no teacher in any particular church, the pastor
supplied the offices of advocate and counselor. ~
The ruling elder represented that part of the executive
power that did not fall specifically within the province of
the pastor. He was a kind of vice-executive officer. His
business was to keep strict watch over all the brethren and
sisters, and see that they demeaned themselves in an orderly
and godly manner. It was his duty to warn the careless,
admonish the wayward, and to present the incorrigible before the proper tribunal for discipline.  He was also to go
from house to house like a ministering angel, and visit the
sick and the afflicted, and pray with them. In the absence
of the pastor and teacher he was also to pray with the congregation on the sabbath, and other stated days of worship,
and expound the scriptures to them.
The office of deacon is frequently alluded to in the new
testament,t though different denominations have differed as
to the position and duties of the officer called by that title.
Among the English puritans and their successors in New
England, the specific duties of the deacons were, as stated
by Owen, to provide for the poor of the parish, and to manage all other affairs of the church of a secular nature; such
as providing for the place of the church assemblies; procuring and distributing the sacramental elements; "keeping,
collecting, and disposing of the stock of the church, for the
maintenance of its officers, and incidences, especially in the
e Owen's " True Gospel Church~ll 1'21, &.
t. Acts, vi; 1 Tim. iii. 8, 13, &c.
29




450            ]HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
time of trouble or persecution."' It was furthermore the
duty of these officers, according to the same author, "to
acquaint the church of the present necessity of the poor;
to stir up particular members of it into a free contribution
according to their ability; to admonish those who are negligent herein, who give not according to their proportion;
and to acquaint the elders of the church with those who persist in a neglect of their duty."t
In regard to the qualifications of persons for this office,
those specified in 1 Tim. iii. 8, 13, were deemed requisite
and indispensable.  The candidate having been duly approved, was solemnly set apart by prayer and the imposition of hands, according to the directions contained in Acts
vi. 6.
The number of deacons was not uniform, but was regulated mainly by the size of the church and congregation. Two
or four were the more usual numbers; though in some of
the churches there were seven-usually styled the "se-en
pillars," whose duties appear sometimes to have partaken of
those of elders as well as of deacons.
During the first twenty years after the settlement, there
was little or no difference of opinion among the ministers
and churches of Connecticut, as to the requisites and terms
of church-membership.   The  applicant  was  not only
required to give his solemn public assent to the confession
of faith, and to enter into covenant with God and His people faithfully to discharge all public and private christian
duties, but he must give a minute account of his religious
experience, and of the radical change that had taken place
in his heart and life.
About 1655, however, a strong party began to manifest
itself, who were for admitting all persons of regular life to a
full communion in the churches: upon their making a general public confession of their belief' in the christian religion,
without any inquiry with respect to their experience, and
* " The True Nature of a Gospel Church and its Government," by Rev.
John Owen, D.D.,p. 184.
f Owen, 185.




OWNING THE COVENANT.                451
were for treating all baptized persons as members of the
church, upon their "owning the covenant." "
This subject was carried to the General Assembly, and
that body applied to the General Courts of the several neighboring  colonies for advice.  The result was, a general
council was called, which assembled at Boston, June 4, 1657.
This council gave an elaborate answer to the twenty-one
questions that had been propounded to them concerning the
matters in controversy-the principal of which had special
reference to church-membership and baptism.t  The substance of their decision was, that it was the duty of adults, who
had been baptized in infancy, "to own the covenant they
made with their parents, by entering thereinto in their own
persons;" that the church was obligated "to call upon
them for the performance thereof;" and in case of refusal,
they were liable to be censured by the church. Those "owning the covenant," and not scandalous in their lives, were
allowed to have their children baptized.:
This decision seems not to have been acceptable to the
churches of Connecticut, and certainly did not end the controversy. In 1662 the General Court recommended the
same measures to the churches; and many of them subsequently adopted the practice, though others opposed it steadfastly to the last.
This was the origin of what has since been known by
"the half way covenant," which a hundred years later was
so powerfully opposed by Edwards, Whitefield, Buel, and
other eloquent "reformers" of that day.
The churches of Connecticut acted upon the belief that
the bishops and presbyters were only different names for the
same office, and that all pastors who were regularly devoted
to the ministry of the gospel were bishops in a scriptural
sense. They also held that in accordance with the early
* Trumbull, i 297, 298.
t These answers were afterwards printed in London with the title, "A Disputation concerning church members and their children."
t Trumbull, i. 303, 3040




452            HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
practice of the church, every pastor was for the most part
confined to his own church and congregation, whom he
could keep under his own eye, and who might have the benefit of his personal example. This rule, however, did not
prevent the pastor of one church from exchanging with his
neighbor of the next settlement at convenient intervals; but
even this exchange was only for the ordinary religious services. It was for some time after the emigration held to
be irregular for any minister to administer the sacrament or
the rite of baptism, except in his immediate jurisdiction.,
The churches of Connecticut did not look upon ordinations as constituting the essentials of the ministerial office.
Ordination was nothing more than inducting the pastor elect
into office, or recommending him and his spiritual labors to the
blessing of his Divine Master.  The form of ordination was
very simple.  If there was a presbytery in the church
where the ceremonial was to be performed, the laying on of
hands was done by them; if not, the church selected fiom
its members a number of the most venerable and exemplary
to act as elders for the occasion.  This mode of ordination
and these views as to its relative importance and significance, were by no means peculiar to the Connecticut
churches.  They were supported by the high authority of
St. Augustine, St. Chrysostom, Zanch, Bucer, and even by
the great Melancthon himself, an interpreter of the scriptures unsurpassed since the days of Paul for close ratiocination, and dispassionate, calm judgment.t
The Connecticut churches were congregational. In other
words, they held that the right to choose and to settle its own
minister, discipline its own members, and to perform all juridical functions, was vested in each individual church, and
that no external organization, whether under the name of
presbytery, synod, geperal council, or assembly, had any
power to interfere with the exercise of that right. They
might advise and counsel, and their opinions were held to.be entitled to reverence; but they could neither command
* Hooker, Trumbull, Owen.  t Hooker's Survey.




THEIR REGARD FOR THE BIBLE.             453
nor compel.  The individual church, through its regular
channels of communication, and with the bible for its guide,
was, under God, to be the ultimate arbiter of all matters
arising within its own jurisdiction."  Whether they always
rightly interpreted the bible, is to be settled by men who are
most competent to judge of matters too mysterious and
solemn for the pen of the historian. However this may be,
I suppose it will not be questioned, even by their bitterest
enemies, that they read, it with as much avidity as any class of
men ever did, and earnestly sought to follow its teachings.
Indeed, the bible was the constant companion of the
early inhabitants of Connecticut. The emigrant studied
it by day and by night. He taught it to his children
with the same constancy that supplied them with daily
food, and the burden of his prayers was, that they might
understand it in its deepest, most spiritual significance.
The bible was the pole-star of the colony. Its precepts are
written in letters of light upon our early records. Its doctrines were discussed in the field where the laborers bent over
the ridges of the corn; and: in the heart of the great forest,
while the woodman sat in the still noon leaning against the
trunk of the oak that he had felled, he pondered its precepts
in secret.  It was carried into the battle field by the soldier,
and with an honest joy when the victory was won, its
promises were read anew. Children were named from its
great prophets, poets, and heroes.
At the time of the union of New Haven and Connecticut
there were in the colony only seventeen hundred families, or
between eight thousand and nine thousand inhabitants. To
preach to this small number, the services of about twenty
ministers were put in constant requisition.  This would
make on an average one preacher to eighty-five families. In
several of the new plantations, thirty families maintained a
minister; and out of the large towns, forty families was
thought to be a good congregation.t  When it is remember* Trumbull, i. 284; Cambridge Platform, ch. xvi.    t Trumbull.




454            HIISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
ed that most of these clergymen were gentlemen of uncommon powers of mind, of elegant manners, and thorough-bred
scholars, in an age when scholars were rare, it will be seen
that no people have valued religious instruction more than
our fathers did, and that seldom if ever in the history of the
world has a people been more faithfully taught. At no time
since that day has there been such a class of educated gentlemen in New England as were the emigrant pastors of
Connecticut. The generation of clergymen who succeeded
them, were of course their'inferiors in education, as the
institutions of a new country are less thorough than those of
an old one.
I have said that the qualifications for church-membership
caused many dissensions among the churches. As it has
been thought important to give these disputes a prominence
in times past, that seems not to have belonged to them originally, I am hardly at liberty to pas' them by without some
notice.  They possess an interest to the antiquarian that the
general reader has never yet found in them, and those honest
men who have collected and perpetuated them in books, as
they were known to be friendly to the fame of the state,
have evinced, it must be admitted, not only a desire to tell
the whole truth, but a noble indifference to the opinion of
the world and a confidence in the greatness of those men
whose characters could bear to be set in so unfavorable a
light and still elicit the admiration of posterity. I doubt if
there can be found in the history of any other people so
many industrious proclaimers of the ecclesiastical bickerings
and neighborhood, nay family quarrels, of the founders of its
institutions, as have been set forth by respectable writers,
who have spent their lives in trying to do honor to Connecticut in this apparently equivocal way. I say, apparently
equivocal, for doubtless the time will come when such minute
details of the imperfections of human nature will be regarded
with more indulgence than now, as they will be seen to have
indicated a'transition from the dead calm  of formalism, to




REV. HENRY SAMITH.                    455
the lively, healthful atmosphere of religious toleration, and
philosophical inquiry.
The first of these controversies, as has been stated in a
former chapter, originated at Wethersfield, and might never
have happened had Mr. Phillips, the pastor of the first emigrants, been induced to accompany them to Connecticut.
They had at first no settled minister, and for several years
were in a state of confusion that was beyond the reach of
their best spiritual advisers, until the sagacious Davenport
suggested that as they could not live,together they should
separate.  This good counsel led to the settlement of Stamford, and could not have been continued beyond the spring
of 1641, when Mr. Coe and Mar. Ward, with their party, removed from Wethersfield.'The particulars of this quarrel
can hardly be known at this remote day, as no documentary
memorial of it is known to exist.
In 1641, and after Prudden, Sherman, and Denton had all
preached to the people, and in time had sought other and
more quiet fields of labor, the Rev. Henry Smith entered
upon his duties as the first regular pastor in Wethersfield.
He was a gentleman of good family, and he is, aside from the
interest that he excites in us as the patriarch of one of the best
sustained and most accomplished families in New England,
entitled to our regard as a gentleman of uncommon culture,
refinement, and firmness. He probably arrived in Boston in
1637, as he and Mrs. Smith were admitted into the communion of the church at Watertown on the 5th of December,
of that year.i At what precise period he removed to Connecticut, is not certainly known, but he was a resident there at
the time of the division of the lots on the east side of the Connecticut river, in 1639-'40, as he received a farm of consider* Mr. Smith brought over from England, among other articles of value, a silver
tankard with his family coat of arms, beautifully engraved upon it. This venerable
piece of silver, probably two hundred and fifty years old, is still in excellent condition, and is now in the hands of his great, great, great grandson, Win. Mather
Smithll Esq(uire, of Sharon, the only son of His Excellency, John Cotton Smith,
the last charter governor.




4b6               EHISTORY  OF CONNECTICUTo
able size at that time, which descended to his son Samuel."
He did not find his task in Wethersfield a very easy one, as
there were still left some restless spirits in his church and
congregation. He was, from the beginning of his ministry,
the victim of suspicions the most unfounded, and accusations
the most bitter.
In 1643, an application was made to the General Court,
involving charges against him that were found on investigation to be false.t  His ministry terminated with his death in
1648.
Just before the decease of Mr. Smith, died Mr. Thomas
Hooker, the pastor of the church in Hartford.  No minister
in New England possessed such unbounded sway over popular assemblies as did this truly wonderful man. He was born
at Marshfield, in  the county of Leicester, England, in the
year 1586, and graduated  at Emanuel College, Cambridge,
at a very early rage.  He was soon promoted to a fellowship
there, and was not long in acquiring a high reputation for
learning and ability. He was called " the light of the New
England churches," and well merited the appellation; for in
his clear manner of setting forth the truth, his intimate acquaintance with the doctrines of the bible, his bold eloquence
and the pungency of his illustrations, he had few equals and
no superiors in New England. Hooker was to Connecticut
what Cotton was to Massachusetts, and what Davenport was
to New  Haven.  They were all men of such marked traits
*Dr. Chapin's Hist. of Glastenbury, p. 34.
+ The committee appointed by the General Court to investigate these charges,
reported on the 13th of April, 1643. This committee, among other things, say," We find also that many of those who put up their names for removal, were not
induced thereunto by any dislike or engagement they have in the present quarrels,
butfor want of lots and other considerations."
On the 10th of November of the same year, the General Court ordered that" Mr. Chaplin, for divulging and setting his hand to a paper called a declaration, tending to the defamation of Mr. Smith, is fined ~10.
"Francis Norton, for setting his hand to the said writing, is fined ~5.
"John Goodridge, for setting his hand to said writing, 40s.
"Mr. Plum, for preferring a roll of grievances against Mr. Smith, and failing of
proof in the prosecution thereof, is fined ~10."




REV. THOMAS HOOKER.               457
of character, that perhaps no one could assign to any one of
them the highest place. Davenport might be compared, in
his opposition to the passions of the people and in the solidity
of his character, to one of those sheer promontories that the
mariner sees as he sails along the New England coast, defying the storms and frowning down upon the white waves
that recoil from its base; Cotton, to a limpid river flowing
between steep hills that feed its current with the unfailing
resources of bubbling springs gushing out of the natural fissures of the rocks, while they crowd it into a channel that
allows it more depth than surface, with here and there a
basin among the more lofty and retreating mountains, that
expose, indeed, a broader area where the warm beams of the
sun-light may bathe themselves, yet take away nothing from
the boldness of the shore; Hooker, to the same river further
on in its course, its volume increased by the tributaries that
drain larger and wilder regions-sometimes turbid, too, with
the added violence of the spring floods, having a strength
and vastness of sweep always self-sustained and convincing.
Hooker was not only the most attractive pulpit orator in
New England, but he was equally distinguished by the fervency and pathos of his prayers, which, we are told, were
like Jacob's ladder " wherein the nearer he came to the end,
the nearer he drew to heaven."  He was well skilled in the
governing motives of men, and on that account was much
consulted in matters relating to church discipline and the
general' management of ecclesiastical affairs. In his charities he was very munificent.  His chief conflict was with
himself, in striving to subdue the irregularities of a temperament naturally vehement and impetuous. In his domestic
and social relations he was very happy, and few men have
been more deeply loved.
In person, Hooker was tall and elegant, his features classical, his eye thoughtful yet piercing,: his voice rich and of
great compass, and his manner graceful and majestic.  He
possessed physical as well as moral courage in a high degree.
Even Mason was overawed by the noble bearing of this




458             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
soldier of the cross when following the little army, that was
about to go in search of the Pequots, to the brink of the
river that he might dismiss them with his benediction, his
eye flashed as he bade them "in martial power to fight the
battles of the Lord and of his people."
He died at Hartford, of a fever, on the 7th of July, 1647,
in the 61st year of his age.  "I am going to receive mercy,"
said the patriarch to a friend who stood by his bedside;
then closing his eyes tranquilly, a smile playing about
his lips, he took hi, leave of a world that satisfies least
of all a soul of such boundless energies and such an ethereal
mnould.~
Aside from Davenport, the founder of New Haven, that
place was for many years distinguished for the wisdom and
ability of its clergymen. Of theseHooke, Street, and Pierpont are among the most eminent. James Pierpont was
born at Roxbury, Massachusetts, in 1659, graduated at Harvard in 1681, and was ordained at New Haven in 1686.
Descended from an illustrious family, and gifted to a high
degree with intellectual endowments, eloquent speech, a
graceful person, handsome features, and manners the most
courtly and winning, he appears to have been from early
youth too intently occupied with the. mission of saving the
souls of his fellow men, ever to think of himself.  I suppose,
of all the clergymen whose names belong to the early history
of New England, Pierpont was the most lofty and pure in
his aspirations, and of the most spiritual temper.  With none
of the sternness of Davenport, without the despondency of
Wareham, and free from the impetuous moods that proved
such thorns in the pillow of Hooker, his words, like the live
coals from the altar in the hand of the angel, "touched and
purified the lips" of those who listened to his teachings.
His moral nature was so softly diffused over his church
and people, that they appeared to lose themselves in
the absorbing element, as dark forms seem sometimes in
* See Biography of Rev. Thomas Hooker, by Rev. E. W. Hooker, D.D.




REV. J3AMES PIERPONT.                             459
pleasant summer days, to dissolve in an atmosphere of liquid
light.-"
1. Robert de Pierrepont, who came to England with BWTilliam the Conqueror,
and possessed estates in Suffolk and Sussex, amounting to ten knights' fees-all of
which he held of WTilliam, [Earl of Warren.
2. William de Pierrepont, son and heir, (time of William II.)
3. Hugh de Pierrepont, son and heir, (time of Henry II.)
4. William de Pierrepont, owner of the Lordship of Halliwell, in Lancashire.
5. Sir Robert de Pierrepont, knight.
6. Henry de Pierrepont, of Holbeck, Woodhouse, county of Nottingham.
7. Sir Henry de Pierrepont, of Holme Pierrepont, in the right of his wife,
Annora, sole daughter of Michael Manvers, Lord of Holime.  He died A. D.,
1291.
8. Sir Robert de Pierrepont, of Holme Pierrepont, governor of New Castle,
married Sarah, daunghter of Sir John Hering, knight, of Derbyshire, 1308.
9. Henry Pierrepont, of Holme Pierrepont, only son and heir, married Margaret, daughter of Sir WYm. Fitz Williams of Emly, knight.
10. Sir Edmund Pierrepont, son and heir, knight, married Joan, only daughter of Sir John Monboucher, of Nottinghamshire, knight.  He died in 1370, and
was buried at Holme Pierrepont.
11. Sir Edmund Pierrepont, son and heir, married Frances, daughter of
Thomas Kingsman.  He was knighted in 1422.
12. Sir Henry Pierrepont, son and heir, married Ellen, daughter of Sir
Nicholas Langford, knight.
13. Henry Pierrepont, only son and heir, married Tomasin, daughter of Sir
John Melton, of Ashton, Yorkshire.
14. Sir Francis Pierrepont, knight, son and heir, married Margaret, daughter
of John Burdon, Esq.
15. Sir William  Pierrepont, son and heir, married Jane, daughter of Sir
Richard Empson, knight.  He was knighted in 1513.
16. Sir George Pierrepont, son and heir, married Winnifred, daughter of William Thwaites, of Essex.  He was knighted in 1547, and died 1564.
17. William Pierrepont, of Brereton, Lancaster county, son and heir, married
Elizabeth.
18. James Pierrepont, who died at Ipswich, Mass.
19. John Pierrepont, born in London in 1619; admitted a freeman in Massachusetts in 1652; representative in 1672; died Dec. 7, 1682.  He married
Thankful Stow, and had five sons, viz., Benjamin, Joseph, Ebenezer, James, and
John.
20. Rev. James Pierpont, of New Haven, born in 1659; and died in 1714.
* Sir George Pierrepont, had a son Robert (older than William,) who was created Earl of Kingston in 1628. His lordship's last male descendant, Evelyn Pierrepont, second duke of Kingston, died
in 1773 without issue, when the honors and estates ousght to have descended to the heirs of William,
who were then and still are in America. Instead of this, however, they went to the nephew of the
Duke, Charles Meadows, Esq., who assumed the surname of Pierrepont, and was. created Earl
Manvers.




460           I-IISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
The next great controversy in order of time, and one of
the most important that ever occurred in New England on
account of its duration, the bitterness of feeling by which it
was characterized, and the exalted character of the men who
participated in it, was that which commenced in the first
church in Hartford about the middle of the seventeenth
century. It appears to have originated in a difference of
opinion between the Rev. Samuel Stone, pastor of that
church, and Mr. William Goodwin, its ruling elder, on some
nice points of congregationalism. It was claimed that persons had been baptized and admitted to the church in an
informal manner, and without the proper qualifications;
though Dr. Mather intimates that it was difficult, even at
the time of the controversy, to ascertain what were the precise points of variance. The dispute, however, spread like
a contagion, until nearly all the churches in the colony became more or less affected by it. The local and secular
affairs of societies, towns, and of the entire commonwealth,
were to a great extent influenced by the all-absorbing topic
of thought and conversation.  The General Court frequently
interposed its advice and orders, with a view to quiet the
agitation, and ecclesiastical bodies as often met to consider
and decide upon the merits of the controversy; but for a
long time without avail. About the year 1660, in consequence of the death or removal of many of the principal belligerents, both the church and state, so long the victims of discord, were again restored to comparative good
order.
Among those who were disaffected with Mr. Stone and
steadfastly adhered to Elder Goodwin throughout the controversy, were Governor Webster, Mr. Cullick, Mr. Bacon, and
3Mr. Steele, all leading men both in the church and in the
colony.*
By this time the church at Wethersfield had again become
ripe for dissensions. Probably within two years after the
death of Mr. Smith, but at what precise date is not known,; Trumbull, i. 296, 301.




[1656.]    CONTROVERSY AT WETHERSFIELD.           461
the Rev. John Russell was called by the church and ordained
there, so far as appears, without opposition. The first part
of his ministry was quiet and seemed to promise well for
the future.. But the Hartford controversy gradually extended into his church, and some other elements of a very
combustible character, were made to feed the flam'e.  Among
other things, Mr. Russell appears to have been a witness
in a law suit, and to have testified in a way that was severely
animadverted upon by Lieutenant John Hollister, a prominent member of his church.  Mr. Russell held the same
views with Mr. Stone of Hartford in relation to church government and discipline, and without giving the offending
member an opportunity to have a hearing, or even the benefit of a vote of the church, he privately excommunicated
him in 1656, and afterwards refused to give his reasons for
such a summary proceeding when they were demanded by
Mr. Hollister.*  Had Mr. Russell been anxious to test the
practical workings of his plan of church government, he
could hardly have chosen a more favorable subject than one
of Captain Mliason's military officers —a gentleman of undoubted probity, an experienced member of the General
Court, and a man not likely to be outdone by Mr. Russell, in
the steadiness of his purposes and the obstinacy of his resistance. Besides his own natural force of character, Hollister had married a daughter of Richard Treat, Esquire,t one
of the most formidable opponents in the colony, and could
bring into the quarrel an array of names that the General
Court would hardly treat with contempt.
The whole town was of course thrown into a state of
excitement at this unusual war waged by a clergyman
against a member of his church. A petition was prepared
and signed by the excommunicated member, four other male
and six female members of the church, and thirty-eight
others, probably all members of the society, many of whom
(as will be seen by referring to the subjoined note and docu* Dr. Chapin's Hist. of Glastenbury, p. 35; Cothren's Hist. of Woodbury.
i Chapin, 185.




462                 HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
ment,~ ) were men of high position-praying  the  Court to
relieve the applicants from  the burden of a minister who had
"taken a scandalous and grievous oath, acknowledged by
X In this singular paper, a copy of whieh is here given, it wvill be seen that the
church members signed by themselves, first the individual aggrieved, followed by
the other male'members; then the female members, with Mrs. Treat, the wife of
Richard and mother of Governor Treat, at the head, and next to her, Mrs. Hollister,
her daughter, the wife of the principal applicant. These male and female names are
separated with as much decency as their owners would have observed in the meeting house on the Sabbath. The remaining signers were not church members.
" To the right Worshipfufl, the Governor and Deputy Governor, the Worshipfulf Magistrates, and Deputies, assembled at Hartford in This Honored Court,
your humble petitioners wish increase of all felicity. August 17th, 1658.'" We inhabitants of Wethersfield, are necessitated to implore the aid and
assistance of this Honored Court, and thereafter by right of an order made last
March; for Mr. Russell, as we conceive, is not our settled and approved minister:
First, He having sent us a writing, in the Spring, to provide for ourselves lest we
be destitute, and we having professed, we look upon ourselves as free by answer
of our committee, nor can we close with him, and are afraid to venture our souls
under his ministry, he having given so great a scandal to the Gospel of our Lord
Jesus Christ by such a grievous oath, acknowledged by himself to be ambiguous,
rash, and sinful, and what more may be made evident.  Therefore, we, your
humble petitioners, humbly crave that we may not be held in bondage, but may
use our liberty in procuring a minister who may be faithful in the administrations
of the Gospel, and inoffensive in his conversation; otherwise, we, your humble petitioners, shall be forced to undergo whatever inconvenience or damage may come
upon us or ours, for we think him altogether unfit for our comfort. And we,
your humble petitioners, humbly crave your help, for we profess it lies as a heavy
burden upon our consciences, and we know no rule that he should compel us to
it. And if your humble petitioners find acceptance and relief, you will more
engage us to all loyal subjection to you, so humbly we take our leave of you, and
rest yours to be commanded.
[Members of the church.]   [Not members of the church.]  [Not members of the church.]
John Hollister.           Thomas Curtis.            John Deming, Jr.
Thomas Wright, Sr.        John Chester.             Thomas Gilbert.
John Deming, Sr.          Samuel  eoardman.         Thomas WTilliams.
John Edwards, Sr.         Thomas Standish.          John Sadler,
Richard Smith, Sr.        John Kilbourn.            John Belden.
Richard Treat.            Emanuel Buck.
Alice Treat.              John Nott.                Hugh Wells.
Joana Hollister.          Thomas Lord.              John Harrison.
Mary Robbins.             Thomas Wright, Jr.        Benjamin Crane.
Margaret Wright.          John Riley.               Mathias Treat.
Rebeccah Smith.           Richard Smith, Jr.        William Colefoxe.
Dorothy Edwards.          James Wright.             Philip Goffe.




[165S.]       THE  WETHERSFIELD  CONTROVERSY.                        463
himself to be ambiguous, rash, and sinful," who  had  himself
cut asunder the ties that had  bound him  to  the church, and
who still remained" a heavy burden upon their consciences."
[Members of the church.]   [Not members of the church.]  [Not members of the church.]
James WVakeley.           James Treat.
Joseph Smith.             Samuel Wright.
Michael Griswold.         Jonathan Smitb.
George Wolcott.           John Curtis.
Thomas Wickham..          James Boswell.
Nathaniel Graves.         Henry Crane.
John Wadhams.             Lewis Jones.
Mr. Hollister was a native of Bristol, England, and emigrated to New England about the year 1642.  In 1643, he was admitted a freeman at Weymouth,
Massachusetts, and was a representative in the General Court of Massachusetts, at
the session immediately following. In June, 1644, he was a member of the jury
of a particular court held at Hartford, he having a short time previous to that date,
become a resident of Wethersfield.  He attended as a deputy to the General Court
of Connecticut for the first time, at the September session of the last named year,
a post to which he was subsequently re-elected fourteen times. In October, 1654,
Mr. Hollister was appointed by the legislature a member of a committee " to press
men and necessaries in each town,' for the expedition to the Narragansett country
against Ninigret. Three years after, he was placed on the committee with the
deputy governor and magistrates, " to attend any occasions as to the state of the
commonwealth in reference to the Indians."  Divers other legislative and popular appointments evince  the high respect with which he was regarded both by
the people and by the authorities of the colony.  When he first came to Connecticut he bore the prefix of " Mr.," which was superseded in 1657 by the
military title of " Lieutenant."  He died in 1665.
Mr. John Deming, Sen., was ajuror of the particular court at Hartford in March
1643, and in December, 1645, was a member of the General Court from Wetlhersfield, an office to which he was chosen at twenty-five semi-annual elections.
He was one of the patentees named in the charter of 1662.  Among his descendaits, who are numerous and highly respectable, I may name with honor
the late Julius Deming, Esq., of Litchfield.
Thomas Wright, Sen., was descended from John Wright, Bishop of Bristol,
Winchester, and Litchfield.  He was a cousin of Mr. Nathaniel Wright of London, one of the assistants of the first General Court of Massachusetts, before the
government was removed to Boston. He first appears in New England, at
Swamscott, (now Exeter,) in company with Col. John Wheelwright, 1629. It
appears by the deed given by the Sagamores to Col. Wheelwright and others,
that Mr. Wright was one of his company.  In 1640 lie was admitted a fieeman
at Exeter. In 1643, Sept. 4th, his name next occurs as one of the jurors of a
particular court at Hartford. For some years previous to his death, he was a deacon
in the church. The descendants of Thomas Wright are very numerous.  He




464                  HISTORY  OF CONNECTICUT.
Meanwhile that nothing might be wanting to the success of
the petition, Hollister was again returned a member of the
Court," that he might present it and advocate it with such
earnestness as only  an  interested  party  could  be expected
to do.
At the session of the Court held  on  the 18th  of August,
1658, Hollister presented the petition and obtained  an  order
that Mr. Russell should  give the reasons for his conduct
towards "ye Lieut. Hollister." Those reasons were to be
delivered to Hollister or be placed in the hands of a messenger of his who should call for them at the elder's house.
In case this order should not be complied with, Messrs. Samuel Wells and Samuel Boardman were ordered  1" seasonably
was the ancestor of the Wrights of Hartford and Litchfield, and of most of the
name in the Western and Middle States. There are now living, of his descendants
two senators, three members of Congress, three governors, and two judges of
the supreme court.
John Edwards, Sen. was often a juror of particular courts, and was a deputy
in 1643.
Captain John Chester was frequently a deputy and commissioner, and was one
of the most eminent citizens of Wethersfield.
Samuel Boardman was a leading man in the colony for nearly thirty years;
he was " custom-master," colonial grand juror, and member of the General
Court.
Sergt. John Kilbourn emigrated from  Cambridgeshire, England, with his
parents in 1635, at the age of ten years. He was occasionally a deputy to the
General Court, was a colonial grand juror from  1662 until the organization of
the counties in 1666, and was appointed to run the boundary line between Hartford and Wethersfield, and between Middletown and Wethersfield. He died in 1703.
Richard Treat was often a deputy and magistrate, and was one of the patentees of the colony. He was the father of Governor Treat.
Sergt. John Nott was a juror of the particular Court at Hartford as early as
1640, and was subsequently a member of the General Court at twenty semiannual sessions.
John Riley was on the jury of the particular court in May 1649; was on
the list of freemen in Wethersfield in 1669, and in 1675 was'"postman"
between Hartford and Saybrook.
James Treat (a son of Richard,) was a deputy from Wethersfield in May,
1672, and at several subsequent sessions.
Henry Crane was a deputy from Killingworth in May 1675, and at other
times.
* J1. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 323.




[1659.]    THE WETHERSFIELD CONTROVERSY,                 465
to repair unto Mr. Russell in behalf of Lieutenant Hollister,
and in the name of the court, desire and if need be require
of him and the church of Wethersfield the particular charges
or offences for which Mr. Hollister was censured, and having received the  said charges from  Mr. Russell and the
church, forthwith to deliver them  to MIr. HEollister for his
help and conviction,'"`  and inasmuch as "Mr. Treat, Mr.
IHollister, and John Deming, were desirous and willing to
attend some regular way for the composing their differences,"
the Court desired  the church  at Wethersfield  to  devise
some way of reconciliation between the parties, if that were
possible. t
When the court met in October 1659, it was found that
the same  "tedious differences and  troubles still existed
between Mr. Russell and the lieutenant," and that some more
decisive measures must be taken.
The court therefore desired the churches of Hartford and
IWindsor " to send two or three messengers apiece to meet in
Wethersfield, on the 1st Tuesday in November 1659, to give
such advice in the premises as God shall direct them unto by
the light of scripture and reason." Even this expedient
failed.j
The quarrel ended with the removal of Mr. Russell to
Hadley, with his adherents, where he spent the remainder of
his days.~ At this remote day it is impossible to say who
was most in fault in this unhappy controversy. The more
charitable conclusion is the one that has been arrived at by
all the authors who have written upon it, that the conduct of
neither party could be justified, and that each was too rash
and unforgiving in his behavior.~ This was certainly the
opinion of the General Court at the time.
* J. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 330, 331.  t Ibid.
tJ. H. Trumbull's Colonial Records, i. 342.
~ Mr. Russell was a graduate of Harvard College, and was highly esteemed by
his cotemporaries for his learning and piety. It was at his house that Whalley
and Goffe, two of the Judges of Charles I., were concealed for several years, and
there, it is supposed, at least one of them died. Mr. Russell died Nov. 10, 1692.
~t Vide Trumbull, Chapin, Cotton, Mather, and others.
30




466             HISTORY OF CONiNECTICUT.
In 1659, a violent feelilng began to manifest itself in the
church at MIiddletown against their pastor, the Rev. Mr.
Stow, which resulted in his dismissal.
In October 1666, the General Court, in order "to consider
some way or means to bring these ecclesiastical matters, that
are in difference in the several plantations, to an issue,"
ordered that a synod should be called, to which all the pastors
in the colony, and certain  clergymen in 5Massachusetts,
should be invited."  The rninisters, however, objected to
meet as a synod, and in consequence, the legislature at a
subsequent session judged it expedient to alter the name of
the council, and to call it an assembly of the ministers of
Connecticut.  The assembly met early in the summer of
1667, and, after conversing upon the subjects and appointing committees, adjourned to meet again in the fall and make
their report.
In the meantime, it was ascertained that a decision was
not likely to b& obtained in unison with the wishes of a
majority of the legislature, and an effort was commenced to
prevent the re-assembling of the ecclesiastical council.  This
was accomplished by procuring an order from the commissioners of the united colonies, that "all questions of public
concernment about matters of faith and order, should be
referred to a synod or council of messengers of churches,
indifferently called out of the united colonies, by an order of
agreement of all the General Courts; and that the place of
meeting should be at or near Boston."t
The general convention was never called, and no furither
attempt was made to bring the questions in dispute into a
public discussion.  The great point at issue between the two
parties appears to have been, the conditions of church membership.
The people of Windsor had for a long time been in an
unquiet state respecting the settlement of a colleague to
assist /iMr. Wareham in the work of the ministry, he having
become advanced in years.  Mr. Chauncey, who was invited
* J. H. Trumbull, ii. 53, 54.  t Trunbull, i. 357, 358.




DIFFICULTIES IN WINDSOR.             467
to preach there, met with bitter opposition.  The General
Court finally interfered, with the hope of bringing matters
to a crisis. It enacted that " all the freemen and householders in Windsor and Mfassacoe," should assemble at the meeting house at a given day and hour, and express their minds
by ballot for or against Mr. Chauncey.  The result was,
eighty-six for, and fifty-five against, Mr. Chauncey.  The
legislature then decided that the majority might settle their
favorite, and that the minority had liberty to call and settle
an orthodox minister among themselves, if they thought
expedient..
The minor party thereupon immediately called Mr. Woodbridge to preach among them.  Both of these ministers continued to preach in Windsor, one to the one party and the
other to the other, from 1667 to 1680. Several councils were
called to consider the matter.  One in 1677, and another in
1680, advised that Messrs. Chauncey and Woodbridge should
both leave the town,: and that the two parties should unite in
calling one minister-but without effect.
In October of the last mentioned year, the legislature confirmed the advice of the council, and called upon all the good
people of Windsor to assist therein, " and not in the least to
oppose or hinder the same, as they will answer the contrary
to their peril."t
The Rev. Samuel Mather was soon after called to preach
in Windsor, and in 1682, he was ordained to the pastoral
office over the whole town.  He gave good satisfaction to all,
and the affairs of the society flourished under his ministry
until his death in 1726.
The fruitful topics of controversy, which had disturbed
the harmony of so many churches in the colony, again began
to agitate the church in Hartford.  Stone and Goodwin;
were no more; but a like difference of opinion seems to
have characterized their successors.  Mr. Whiting and a
part of the church zealously. adhered to the opinions and practices of the congregational churches since the emigration to
* Trumbull, i. 460.       t Col. Records, MS.




468             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
New  England.  On the other hand, Mr. Haynes and a
majority of the congregation claimed to have adopted more
liberal views.  The difference became so great, that a division of the church was effected in 1669.-  Contentions
also occurred in the church in Stratford about the same
time,which resulted in a division, and in the removal of
one of the contending parties to Pomperaug (now Woodbury.)t
Previous to 1708, the Cambridge Platform had been the general plan of church fellowship and discipline in New England. Divers opinions had long existed as to the policy and
efficacy of some of its provisions and omissions. In obedience to repeated requests and memorials, the legislature, at
their May session, 1708, passed an act requiring the ministers and churches of Connecticut to meet and form  an
ecclesiastical constitution.: They accordingly assembled at
Saybrook, on the 9th day of September 1708, and after due
deliberation adopted the celebrated "Saybrook Platform,"
together with a confession of faith.  A uniform standard of
faith and action being thus agreed upon, a period of harmony
and good feeling followed, such as had not been before experienced for many years.
The first serious ecclesiastical disturbance after the union
thus effected, occurred in Guilford in 1728.  Mr. Thomas
Ruggles, the minister of that place, had died, and the church
and society proceeded to call his son of the same name to
preach for them, and finally procured his ordination and settlement, much to the dissatisfaction of a respectable minority
who had opposed him from the beginning.  The minority,
consisting of about fifty members of the church and many
others belonging to the society, separated; they declared their
dissent to the Saybrook Platform, invited a young clergyman, Mr. Edmund Ward, to preach for them, and petitioned
the legislature to make them a distinct ecclesiastical society.
The legislature denied their request; whereupon they
appealed to the court at New Haven to be qualified, according
* Trumbull, i. 461.    + Col. Records, i. 177.    t Col. Records, MS.








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[1735,]            THE GREAT REVTIVAL.                 469
to the act of William  and Mary, for the ease of sober consciences, to worship by themselves.  The court deferred the
matter until their next meeting, in April-on which day
several of the dissenters, together with BMir. Ward, appeared
in court and qualified themselves according to the act of
parliament and the laws of the colony.
They now renewed their request to the legislature to be
freed from paying taxes to the first society, and to be made
a distinct ecclesiastical body.  On a full representation of
the facts in the case, their first request was granted.  Efforts
were now renewed to effect a reconciliation between the
parties, but they proved unavailing. The breach grew wider
and wider, until, on the 30th of June 1731, the church under
the care of MIr. Ruggles, suspended from communion fortysix of the dissenting members.
The contention continued with unabated violence until
May 1733, when the friends of Mr. Ward were finally made
a distinct ecclesiastical society by the legislature.s
In 1735, there began a most remarkable religious awakening under the preaching of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards,
at Northampton, which has since been designated as the
6" great revival."t  It spread into many towns in Connecticut,
and the feeling and interest manifested on the great themes
of religion were intense and absorbing. This appears to
to have been followed by a period of great religious declension and formality until 1740; when a still more general and
extraordinary revival commenced, which spread throughout
New England and some of the more southern and western
colonies.  Childhood, manhood, old age-the learned and the
ignorant-the moralist and the skeptic-men of wealth and
the highest official position, as well as paupers and outcastswere numbered among its converts.  We are told that even
* Trumbull, ii. 115, 134.
t At the request of Dr. Watts and other English divines, Mr. Edwards wrote
a narrative of the " great revival," which was published in London, and has since
been frequently republished.




470               HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
the  Indians, on whom no  impression could previously be
made, became humble inquirers after the truth."
Among the most zealous and efficient laborers in the work,
were Whitefield, Edwards, and Tennant, from  abroad; and
Wheelock, Bellamy, Pomeroy, Mills, Graham, Meacham,
Whitman, and Farrand, among the pastors of Connecticut.
Many of the clergy of the colony, however, strenuously
opposed the measures employed and the effects produced;
and many of the magistrates and other leading men joined
with them in denouncing the "itinerating clergy" and their
converts as enthusiasts, new lights, and ranters. Laws were
passed, with severe penalties, against any clergyman or
exhorter who should attempt to preach in any parish or town
without the express desire of the pastor or people thereof.t
It is not to be denied that many gross errors and irregularities followed in the train of this remarkable moral revolution.  Many of the most enthusiastic of its subjects forsook
their pastors and their usual places of worship, and followed
the "itinerants" from parish to parish and firom town to town.
Some of the preachers and exhorters encouraged the most
boisterous manifestations of feeling during the public worship,
on the part of the audience, and sought to arouse them by
raising their own voices to the highest key, accompanied by
violent gestures and the most unnatural agitations of the
body. Some claimed to know, by a divine instinct, who
were christians and who were sinners; and in particular
cases, took it upon themselves to declare openly that their pastors
and other christian friends were hypocrites or self-deceivers.
They grew pharisaical, uncharitable, censorious, bitter, selfsufficient, and finally claimed that they had been regenerated
* Trumbull, ii. 144.
t Any person not an ordained or settled minister who should attempt publicly
to teach or exhort without the express desire and invitation of the pastor or a
major part of the church and congregation, should be bound in the sum of one
hundred pounds lawful money not to offend again.
Any foreigner or stranger not an inhabitant of the colony, whether ordained or
not, who should so offend, was ordered " to be sent as a vagrant person, from
constable to constable, out of the bounds of the colony."




OPPOSITION  TO THE " NEW  LIGHTS."                 471
and could not szi.  Some of them took delight in denouncing
and vilifying the established religion and its ministers, as
well as the civil government and  all in authority  under
it.c
The assembly not only passed laws against these alleged
irregularities, but the several ecclesiastical bodies interposed
their authority to check the innovations of the ";' new lights."
After numerous attempts to discipline the refriactory preachers,
the consociations and association  proceeded to suspend or
expel all the " new light" pastors in the colony.  The pretexts
for this summary action were various.  In some instances
the offenders had repudiated the Saybrook platform, in others,
they were charged with violating the statute which prohibited
them  from  preaching in other parishes without the requisite
consent; while in other cases they were suspected of dangerous heresies.t  The trial of the Rev. Philemon Robbins of
Branford, who was charged  with  all these offenses, commenced in 1742 was continued till 1747, and resulted in his
deposition from the ministry. He, however, continued to
preach to his people as before, to their general satisfaction;
they increased his salary, and encouraged him by various
acts of public and private liberality.
The difficulty arising out of the settlement of Mr. Whittlesey at Milford, partook largely of a personal character, and
deserves little notice fiom  the historian.  It resulted  in a
division of the church in that town, and in the settlement of
Mr. Prudden by the minority.
Mr. Noyes, pastor of the first church in New  Haven, had
e Rev. John Owen of Groton, and Rev. Benjamin Pomeroy of Hebron, were
brought before the legislature in May 1744, for scandalizing the laws and officers
of the government, &c. The former made some concessions, and was dismissed
on his paying the costs of prosecution; the latter was bound to keep the peace, in
a bond of fifty pounds, and was made to pay the cost of prosecution, amounting
to -32: 10: 8.
+ In 1744, the Rev. Messrs. Leavenworth of WVaterbury, Humphreys of Derby,
and Todd of Northbury, were suspended by the consociation for assisting in the
ordination of the Rev. Jonathan Lee, at Salisbury, because he and his church had
adopted the Cambridge platform.




472             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
been one of the violent opposers of the religious excitement
of the times. He excluded the "revival preachers" from his
pulpit, and openly approved of the laws that had been passed
to suppress or regulate  the extravagances and  alleged
fanaticism  that had grown out of that excitement.  As a
consequence, many of his parishioners became disaffected
towards him; and, as they failed to secure that redress from
the consociation, to which they felt themselves entitled, they
withdrew, organized themselves under the "toleration act,"
and were formally recognized as a distinct and independent
church and society by a council called for that purpose.~
For several years the new church was without a pastor, but
in the meantime enjoyed the ministrations of many able
preachers.  In 1751, an ecclesiastical council met at New
Haven and installed to the pastoral office the Rev. Mr. Bird.-;
This is still known as the second or north church in New
Haven.
The "Wallingford controversy" agitated the churches of
Connecticut from 1758 to 1763, and was frequently the subject of comment long thereafter. It commenced in a spirit
of hostility to the Rev. James Dana, who was called to
preach in that town, and was finally settled there in opposition to a large proportion of the members of the society. It
was contended by his opponents that he was not orthodox in
sentiment; that he had evaded the enquiries of the committee as to his views on important doctrinal points, and
finally replied impertinently; and, after his alleged ordination, it was claimed that the ordination was not valid inasmuch as it was not done in accordance with the provisions
of the Saybrook platform.  The members of the ordaining
council were excluded from the association and were never
restored.  The individuals who withdrew from the church in
* The council convened at New Haven in Sept. 1751, and consisted of the
Rev. Messrs. Philemon Robbins, Joseph Bellamy, Eleazer Wheelock, Samuel
Hopkins and Benjamin Pomeroy, together with lay delegates from their respective
churches.
+ Trumbull.




RELIGIOUS TOLERATION.                    473
~Wallingford formed a new society, which was incorporated
at the  May  session  of the legislature, 1763.  The  Rev.
Simon Waterman had become their pastor some time before
that date.*
The religion of the colony was established by law at an
early date. In October 1644, the General Court adopted the
proposition of the united colonies relative to the support of
ministers. This proposition, which was enacted as the law
of the colony, provided that each individual should " voluntarily set down what he is willing to allow to that end and
use;" and if any man refuse or neglect to pay his proportion,
he should be rated by authority, and the amount collected by
due course of law as in the case of other just debts.  This
principle was borrowed in part from the institutions of England, though it was greatly modified and softened in its practical application. Here, it will be seen, as in the fatherland, all adults, whatever may have been their own religious
views, were obliged to contribute to the support of the
established church. Instead, however, of a system of tithes,
taxation was resorted  to.  In addition  to this, the whole
population was obliged to attend the regular meetings on Sundays, fasts, and thanksgiving days.
At the same time, with a liberality not at all in accordance
with the example set them in England, provision was made
for those who dissented from the mode of worship thus established, and "all sober, orthodox persons" who did not fall in
with the usages of congregationalism, were allowed, after
having made their wishes known in a public manner to the
General Court, peaceably  to worship in their own way.t
The practical operation of this.system was much more
lenient than one would infer even from  the statutes them* Trumbull.
t In May 1669, after expressing their full approval of congregationalism, the
General Court say —" Yet forasmuch as sundry persons of worth for prudence
and piety amongst us are otherwise persuaded, This court doth declare that all
such persons being also approved according to law as orthodox and sound in the
fundamentals of the christian religion, may have allowance of their persuasion
and profession in church ways or assemblies without disturbance."




474             HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT.
selves. A sedate, calm people growing up under institutions
that every individual in the republic had helped to frame,
and for which he consequently felt a personal responsibility,
the general desire was that there should be a sober and
equable exercise of authority throughout the colony.
The difficulties growing out of a new church government,
several of which have been delineated in this chapter, are
just what we should have anticipated as likely to follow in
the train of those struggles in the early part of the sixteenth
century, when 3Martin Luther and his contemporaries,
v"wielding the hammer of the Word, wrought upon the hard
metal of human unbelief, till the world rang,"* and extended
down to the time when the blood, that was at once the most
vital and the most conservative that then flowed in English veins, rebelled against the arbitrary exactions of the old
world and warmed with the promises of the new.
Thus I have attempted, in a very humble way, to describe
the beginnings of our venerable republic. The reader has
seen the seeds sown by the whirlwind taking root in the
desert and growing up and blossoming with hope while
"winter lingered in the lap of May."  I-loping that something of the fragrance of their young growth has been distilled upon the last page of this volume, I close it. only to open
another that shall describe the glorious fruit that those seeds
have borne.
* Hoppin's " Notes of a Theological Student.
LADY FENWICK'S TOMB.




APPENDIX.
A.
PATENT OF CONNECTICUT-1631.
To all people vnto whome this present writeing shall come, Robert, earle of
Warwick, sendeth greeting, in our Lord God everlasting:  Know yee, that the
sayd Robert, earl of Warwick, for divers Good causes &  considerations him
therevnto moueing, hath giuen, Granted, Bargained, sold, enfeoffed, Aliened &
confirmed, & by these presents doth giue, grant, Bargain, sell, enfeoffe, Alien &
confirme vnto the Right Honourable William, Viscount Say d&  Seale, The Right
Honourable Rob't, Lord Brooke, The right honourable Lord Rich, & the Honourable Chatlies fines, Esq'r, Sr. Nathaniel Rich, Knight, Sr. Richard Saltonstall,
Knight, Richard Knightly, Esq'r, John Pim, Esq'r, John Hamdclen, Esq'r, John
Humphrey, Esq'r &  Herbert Pelham, Esq'r, theire heires & assignes &  their
associates foreuer, all that part of New England in Americah, which lyes & extends
it selfe fiom a Riuer there called Narrogancett Riuer, the space of forty leagues
vpon a straight lyne neere the sea shore towards the Sowth west, west and by sowth
or west, as the coast lyeth, towards Virginia, accounting Three English Miles to
the league; & allso all & singuler the lands &  hereditaments what soeuer, lyeing & being with in the lands afoarsayd, North &  South in Lattitude & bredth,
& in Length & Longitude of &  with in all the bredth afoarsayd, through out
the Maine lands there, from  the westerne oscian to the sowth sea; & all lands
&  grounds, place &  places, soyle, wood &  woods, Grounds, hauens, portes,
creeks & Rivers, waters, fishings &  hereditaments what soever, lying with in the
sayd space & every part & parcell thereof; & allso all Islands lying in Americah
afoarsayd, in the saydl seas or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts or
parts of the sayd Tracts of lands by these pr'sents mentioned to be giuen, granted,
Bargained, sold, enfeofied, aliened & confirmed; & allso all Mines, Mineralls,(as well Royall mines of Gold & Siluer as other mines & mineralls) what euer in
the sayd lands & premises, or any part thereof; & allso the several Riuers with
in the sayd limits, by what Name or Names soever called or known; & all Jurisdictions, rights & Royalties, liberties, freedomes, Immunities, powers, priuiledges,
franchizes, preheminencies &  comodities what soever, which the said Rob't
earle of Worwiclk, now hath or had, or might vse, exercise or injoy, in or within
[the said lands and premises or within*] any part or parcell thereof, excepting &
reseruing to his Ma'tia, his heirs & successors, the fift part of all Gold & Silver
oare that shall be found with in the sayd premises or any part or parcell thereof:
to baue & to hold the sayd part of New England in Americah which lyes &
* The portion in brackets is found only in an early copy made by Mr. John Talcott, "of that
Coppy which was in Mr. Hopkins his Custody." [Towns and Lands, Vol. 1. No. 5.]




476                           APPENDIX.
extends & is abutted as afoarsayd, and the sayd severall Riuers, & euery part &
parcell thereof, & all the sayd Islands, Riuers, portes, Hauens, waters, fishings,
Mines, Mineralls, Iurisdictions, powers, franchizes, Royalties, liberties, priuiledges,
commodities, hereditaments & premises whatsoeuer, with the appurtenances, vnto
the sayd William, Viscount Say & Scale, Robert, Lord Brooke, Robert, Lord
Pich, Charles fines, Sr. Nathaniel Rich, Sr. Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly,
John Pim, John Hamden, John Humphery &  Herbert Pellam, theire heirs &
assignes & their associates, to the onely proper & absolute vse & behoofe of
them the sayd William, Viscount Say & Seale, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord
Rich, Charles fines, Sr. Nathaniel Rich, Sr. Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly,
John Pim, John Hamden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and
assignes and their associates for evermore. In Wit;ess whereof, the sayd
Robert Earle of Warwick hath herevnto set his hand & seale, the Nineteenth
day of March, in the Seventh yeare of the Reigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles,
by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, fiance and Jreland, Defender
of the fayth, &c. Anno Dom. 1631.
ROBERT WARWICK.  [L. S.]
Signed, Sealed & deliuered hi the presence of
WValter Williams,
Thomas Howson,
Hartford, August 6, 1679.
Vera Copia, JOHN ALLEN, Secrsy.*
B.
CHARTER OF 1662.
Charles the Secoaid, By the Gr, ace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the Faith, &c.; To all to whome
theis presents shall come, Greetinge: VWhereas, by the severall Navigatons,
discoveryes and successfull Plantatons of diverse of our loveing Subjects of this our
Realme of England, Severall Lands, Islands, Places, Colonies and Plantatons have
byn obtained and setled in that parte of the Continent of America called New
England, and thereby the Trade and Comerce there hath byn of late yeares
much increased, And whereas, wee have byn informed by the humble
Petiton of our Trusty and welbeloved John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuell
Willis, Henry Clerke, Mathew Allen, John Tappen, Nathan Gold, Richard
Treate, Richard Lord, Henry Woolicott, John Talcott, Daniell Clerke, John
Ogden, Thomas Wells, Obedias Brewen, John Clerke, Anthony Haukins, John
Deming and Mathew Camfeild, being Persons Principally interessed in our
Colony or Plantaton of Coneeticutt in New England, that the same Colony or the
greatest parte thereof was purchased and obteyned for greate and valuable Con* Towns and Lands, Vol. 1. No. 2. The original Patent is supposed to be lost.




APPENDIX.                             477
sideratons, And some other part thereof gained by Conquest and with much
difficulty, and att the onely endeavours, expence and Charge of them and their
Associats, and those vnder whome they Clayme, Subdued and improved, and
thereby become a considerable enlargement and additon of our Dominions and
interest there, — ow    i'nowV   yea, that in Consideraton thereof, and in
regard the said Colony is remote from other the English Plantatons in the Places
aforesaid, And to the end the Affaires and Business which shall fiom tyme to
tyme happen or arise concerning the same may bee duely Ordered and mannaged,
Wee have thought fitt, and att the humble Petiton of the Persons aforesaid
and are graciously pleased to Create and Make them a Body Pollitique and Corporate, with the powers and Priviledges herein after mentoned; And accordingly Our
will and pleasure is, and of our especiall grace, certeine knowledge and meere
moton, evee lhare Ordeyned, Constituted and Declared, And by theis presents
for vs, our heires and Successors, Doe Ordeine, Constitute and Declare That
they, the said John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuell Willis, Henry Clerke,
Mathew Allen, John Tappen, Nathan Gold, Richard Treate, Richard Lord,
Henry Woolcot, John Talcot, Daniell Clerke, John Ogden, Thomas Wells,
Obadiah Brewen, John Clerke, Anthony Hawkins, John Deming and Mathew
Camfeild, and all such others as now are hereafter shall bee Admitted and made
free of the Company and Society of our Collony of Conecticut in America, shall
from tyme to tyme and for ever hereafter, bee one Body Corporate and Pollitique
in fact and name, by the Name of Governour and Company of the English
Collony of Conecticut in New England in America; And that by the same name
they and their Successors shall and may have perpetuall Succession, and shall and
may bee Persons able and capable in the law to Plead and bee Impleaded, to
Answere and bee Answered vnto, to Defend and bee Defended in all and singuler
Suits, Causes, quarrelles, Matters, Actons and things of what kind or nature
soever, And alsoe to have, take, possesse, acquire and purchase lands, Tenements or herditaments, or any goods or Chattells, and the same to Lease, Graunt,
Demise, Alien, bargaine, Sell and dispose of, as other our leige People of this our
Realme of England, or any other Corporaton  or Body  Pollitique within
the same may  lawfully  doe.  Aid  fulrther,  that the  said  Governour and Company, and their Successors shall and may for ever hereafter have a Common Sceale to serve and vse for all Causes, matters,
things and affaires whatsoever of them and their Successors, and the same
Seale to alter, change, breake and make new from tyme to tyme att their
wills and pleasures, as they shall thinke fitt. Anid  further, wee will and
Ordeine, and by theis presents for vs, our heires and Successors Doe Declare
and appoint, that for the better ordering and manageing of the affaires and businesse of the said Company and their Successors, there shall bee one Governour,
one Deputy Governour and Twelve Assistants, to bee from tyme to tyme Constituted, Elected and Chosen out of the Freemen of the said Company for the tyme
being, in such manner and forme as hereafter in these presents is expressed;
which said Officers shall apply themselves to take care for the best disposeing and
Ordering of the Generall busines and affaires of and concering the lands and
hereditaments herein after mentoned to bee graunted, and the Plantaton thereof




478                            APPENDIX,
and the Government of the People thereof. And for the better executon of our
Royall Pleasure herein, wee doe for vs. our heires and Successors, Assigne,
name, Constitute and appoint the aforesaid John Winthrop to bee the first and
present Governour of the said Company; And the said John Mason to bee the
Deputy Governour; And the said Samuell Willis, Mathew Allen, Nathan Gold,
Henry Clerke, Richard Treat, John Ogden, Thomas Tappen, John Talcott,
Thomas'Wells, Henry Woolcot, Richard Lord and Daniell Clerke to bee the
Twelve present Assistants of the said Company; to contynue in the said severall offices respectively, vntill the second Thursday which shall bee in the Moneth
of October now next comeing.  And further, wee will, and by theis presents for
vs, our heires and Successors, Doe Ordaine and Graunt that the Governour of
the said Company for the tyme being, or, in his absence by occasion of sickness,
or otherwise by his leave or permission, the Deputy Governour for the tyme
being, shall and may from tyme to tyme vpon all occasions give Order for the
assembling of the said Company and calling them together to Consult and advise
of the businesse and Affaires of the said Company, And that for ever hereafter,
Twice in every yeare, That is to say on every second Thursday in October and on
every second Thursday in May, or oftner, in Case it shall bee requisite. The Assistants and freemen of the said Company, or such of them (not exceeding twoe
Persons from each place, Towne or Citty) whoe shall be from tyme to tyme
therevnto Elected or Deputed by the maior parte of the freemen of the respective Townes, Cittyes and Places for which they shall bee soe elected or Deputed,
shall have a generall meeting or Assembly, then and their to Consult and advise
in and about the Affaires and businesse of the said Company; And that the Governour, or in his absence the Deputy Governour of the said Company for the
tyme being, and such of the Assistants and freemen bf the said Company as shall
bee soe Elected or Deputed and bee present att such meeting or Assembly, or
the greatest Number of them, whereof the Governour or Deputy Governour and
Six of the Assistants at least (to bee Seaven) shall be called the Generall Assembly, and shall have full power and authority to alter and change their dayes and
tymes of meeting or Generall Assemblies for Electing the Governour, Deputy
Governour and Assistants or other Officers, or any other Courts, Assemblies or
meetings, and to Choose, Nominate and appoint such and soe many other Persons as they shall thinke fitt and shall bee willing to accept the same, to bee free of
the said Company and Body Politique, and them into the same, to Admitt and to
Elect, and Constitute such Officers as they shall thinke fitt and requisite for the Ordering, manageing and disposeing of the Affaires of the said Governour and Company
and their Successors.  And wee doe hereby for vs, our heirs and Successors,
Establish and Ordeine, that once in the yeare for ever hereafter, namely, the said
Second Thursday in May, the Governour, Deputy Governour, and Assistants of the
said Company and other Officers of the said Company, or such of them as the said
Generall Assembly shall thinke fitt, shall bee in the said Generall Court and Assembly to bee held from that day or tyme newly Chosen for the yeare ensueing, by
such greater part of the said Company for the tyme being then and there present. And if the Governour, Deputy Governour and Assistants by these presents appointed, or such as hereafter bee newly Chosen into their Roomes, or any




APPENDIX.                              479
of them, or any other the Officers to bee appointed for the said Company shall
dye or bee removed from his or their severall Offices or Places before the said
Generall day of Electon, whome wee doe hereby Declare for any misdemeanour
or default to bee removeable by the Governour, Assistants and Company, or such
greater part of themn in any of the said publilue Courts to bee Assembled as is
aforesaid, That then and in every such Case itt shall and may bee lawfull to and
for the Governour, Deputy Governour and Assistants and Company aforesaid,
or such greater parte of them see to bee Assembled as is aforesaid in any of their
Assemblies to proceede to a New Electon of one or more of their Company in the
Roome or place, Roomes or Places of such Governour, Deputy Governour, Assistant or other Officer or Officers soe dyeing or removed, according to their discretions; and imediately vpon and after such Electon or Electons made of such
Governour, Deputy Governour, Assistant or Assistants, or any other Officer of
the said Company in manner and forme aforesaid, The Authority, Office and
Power before given to the former Governour, Deputy Governour or other
Officer and Officers so removed, in whose stead and Place new shall be chosen,
shall as to him  and them  and every of them  respectively cease and determine.
Provid~edg alsoe, and our will and pleasure is, That as well such as are by
theis presents appointed to bee the present Governour, Deputy Governour and
Assistants of the said Company as those that shall succeed them, and all other Officers to be appointed and Chosen as aforesaid, shall, before they vndertake the Executon of their said Offices and Places respectively, take their severall and respective
Corporall Oathes for the due and faithfull performance of their dutyes in their several
Offices and Places, before such Person or Persons as are by these Presents hereafter
appoynted to take and receive the same; That is to say, the said John Winthrop,
whoe is herein before nominated and appointed the present Governour of the
said Company, shall take the said Oath before one or more of the Masters of
our Court of Chancery for the tyme being, vnto which Master of Chancery wee
doe, by theis presents, give full power and authority to Administer the said
Oath to the said John Winthrop accordingly.  And the said John Mason, whoe
is herein before nominated and appointed the present Deputy Governour of the
Company, shall take the said Oath before the said John Winthrop, or any twoe
of the Assistants of the said Company, vnto whome wee doe by these presents, give full power and authority to Administer the said Oath to the said John
Mason accordingly.  Anad the said Samuell WTWillis,  ienry Clerke, Mathew
Allen, John Tappen, Nathan Gold, Richard Treate, Richard Lord, Henry Woolcott, John Talcott, Daniell Clerke, John Ogden and Thomas Welles, whoe are
herein before Nominated and appointed the present Assistants of the said Company, shall take the Oath before the said John Winthrop and John Mason, or one
of them, to whome lwee doe hereby give full power and authority to Administer the same accordingly.  Aaid our further will and pleasure is, that all and
every Governour or Deputy Governour to bee Elected and Chosen by vertue of
theis presents, shall take the said Oath before two or more of the Assistants of
the said Company for the tyme being, vnto whome wee doe, by theis presents,
give full power and authority to give and Administer the said Oath accordingly.
And the said Assistants and every of them, and all and every other Officer or




480                            APPENDIX.
Officers to bee hereafter Chosen from tyme to tyme, to take the said Oath before
the Governour or Deputy Governour for the tyme being, vnto which said Governour or Deputy Governour wee doe, by theis presents, give full power and authority to Administer the same accordingly.  Amid 1urtlDtlre   of our own
ample grace, certeine knowledge and meere moton wee Caer given and
Graunted, and by theis presents, for vs, our heires and Successors, @Doe give and
Graunt vnto the said Governour and Company of the English Colony of Conecticut in New England in America, and to every Inhabitant there, and to every
Person and Persons Tradeing thither, And to every such Person and Persons as
are or shall bee free of the said Collony, full power and authority from tyme to
tyme and att all tymes hereabter, to take, Ship, Transport and Carry away, for and
towards the Plantaton and defence of the said Collony such of our loveing Subiects and Strangers as shall or will willingly accompany them  in and to
their said Collony and Plantaton; (Except such Person and Persons as are
or shall bee therein restrayned by vs, our heires and  Successors;) And
alsoe to Ship and Transport all and  all manner of goods, Chattells, Alerchandizes and other things whatsoever that are or shall bee vsefull or
necessary for the Inhabitants of the  said Collony and may lawfully bee
Transported thither; Neverthelesse, not to bee discharged of payment to vs, our
heires and Successors, of the Dutyes, Customes and Subsidies which are or ought
to bee paid or payable for the same. And fularnae     Our will and pleasure
is, and ywee dee for vs, our heires and Successors, Ordeyne, Declare and
Graunt vnto the said Governor and Company and their Successors, That all and
every the Subiects of vs, our heires or Successors which shall goe to Inhabite
within the said Colony, and every of their Children which shall happen to bee
borne there or on the Sea in goeing thither or returneing from thence, shall have
and enioye all liberties and Immunities of free and naturall Subiects within any
the Dominions of vs, our heires or Successors, to all intents, Constructons and
purposes watsoever, as if they and every of them were borne within the Realme
of England.  Aand  wee doe authorise and impower the Governour, or in
his abscence the Deputy Governor for the tyme being, to appointe two or more of
the said Assistants att any of their Courts or Assemblyes to bee held as aforesaid,
to have power and authority to Administer the Oath of Supremacy and obedience
to all and every Person and Persons which shall att any tyme or tymes hereafter
goe or passe into the said Colony of Conecticntt, vnto which said Assistants soe
to bee appointed as aforesaid, wree doe, by these presents, give full power and
authority to Administer the said Oath accordingly.  Andl wee doe ffurther, of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge and meere moton, give and
Graunt vnto the said Governor and Company of the English Colony of Conecticutt in New England in America, and their Successors, that itt shall and may bee
lawfull to and for the Governor or Deputy Governor and such of the Assistants
of the said Company for the tyme being as shall bee Assembled in any of the
Generall Courts aforesaid, or in any Courts to bee especially Sumoned or Assembled for that purpose, or the greater parte of them, whereof the Governor or
Deputy Governor and Six of the Assistants, (to bee all wayes Seaven,) to Erect and
make such Judicatories for the heareing and Determining of all Actons, Causes,




APPENDIX.                               481
matters and thinges happeing within the said Colony or Plantaton and which shall
bee in dispute and depending there, as they shall thinke fitt and convenient; And
alsoe from tyme to tyme to Make, Ordaine and Establish All manner of wholsome
and reasonable Lawes, Statutes, Ordinances, Directons and Instructons, not contrary to the lawes of this Realme of England, aswell for setling the formes and
Ceremonies of Governement and Magestracy fitt and necessary for the said Plantaton and the Inhabitants there as for nameing and Stileing all sorts of Officers,
both superior and inferior, which they shall find needfull for the Governement
and Plantaton of the said Colony, and distinguishing and setting forth of the
severall Dutyes, Powers and Lymitts of every such Office and Place, and the
formes of such Oathes, not being contrary to the Lawes and Statutes of this our
Realne of England, to bee Admninistred for the Execaton of the said severall
Offices and Places; As alsoe for the disposeing and Ordering of the Electon of
such of the said Officers as are to bee Annually Chosen, and of such others as
shall succeed in case of death or removall, and Administring the said Oath to the
new  Elected Officers, and Graunting necessary Comisslons, and for impositon
of lawfull Fines, Mulets, Imprisonment or other Punishment vpon Offenders and
Delinquents, according the Coulse of other Corporatons within this our Kingdome
of England, and the same Lawes, fines, Mulcts and Executons to alter, change, revoke, adaull, release or Pardon, vnder their Comon Seale, As by the said Generall Assembly or the maior part of them shall bee thought fitt; And for the
directing, ruleing and disposeing of all other matters and things whereby our said
people, Inhabitants there, may bee soe religiously, peaceably and civilly Governed
as their good life and orderly Conversaton may wynn and invite the Natives of
the Country to the knowledge and obedience of the onely true God and Saviour
of mankind, and the Christian faith, which in our Royall intentons and the Adventurers free profession is the onely and principall end of this Plantaton;'WY[Hing, Commanding and requireing, and by these presents, for vs, our heires
and Successors, Ordaineing and appointeing That all such Lawes, Statutes and
Ordinances, Instructons, Impositons and Directons as shall bee soe made by the
Governor, Deputy Governor' and Assistants, as aforesaid, and published in writeing vnder their Comon Seale, shall carefully and duely bee observed, kept, performed and putt in executon, according to the true intent and meaning of the
same.   madn  these our letters Patent, or the Duplicate or Exemplificaton
thereof, shall bee to all and every such Officers, Superiors and inferiors, from
tyme to tyme for the Putting of the same Orders, Lawes, Statutes, Ordinances,
Instructons and Directons in due Executon, against vs, our heires and Successors,
a sufficient warrant and discharge.  Andd  ree doe ffunrte tr9 for vs, our
heires and Successors, give and Graunt vnto the said Governor and Company and
their Successors, by these presents, That itt shall and may bee lawfull to and for
the Cheife Commanders, Governors and Officers of the said Company for the
tyme being whoe shall bee resident in the parts of New England hereafter mentoned, and others inhabiting there by their leave, admittance, appointment or directon, firom tyme to tyme and att all tymes hereafter, for their speciall defence
and safety, to Assemble, Martiall, Array and putt in Warlike posture the Inhabitants of the said Colony, and to Commissionate, Impower and authorise such Per31




482                            APPENDIX.
son or Persons as they shall thinke fitt to lead and Conduct the said Inhabitants,
and to encounter, expulse, repell and resist by force of Armes, as well by Sea as
by land.  And alsoe to kill, Slay and destroy, by all fitting wayes, enterprizes and
means whatsoever, all and every such Person or Persons as shall att any tyme
hereafter Attempt or enterprize the distructon, invasion, detriment or annoyance
of the said Inhabitants or Plantaton, And to vse and exercise the Law Martiall
in such Cases onely as occasion shall require. And to take or surprize by all
wayes and meanes whatsoever, all and every such Person and Perlsons, with their
Shipps, Armour, Ammuniton and other goods of such as shall in such hostile
manner invade or attempt the defeating of the said Plantaton or the hurt of the
said Company and Inhabitants; and vpon iust Causes to invade and destroy the
Natives or other Enemyes of the said Colony.  Ner e    thllellese  Our Will
and pleasure is, And Free doe hereby Declare vnto all Christian Kings, Princes and States, That if any Persons which shall hereafter bee of the said Company or Plantaton, or any other, by appointment of the said Governor and Company for the tyme being, shall att any tyme or tymes hereafter Robb or Spoile by
Sea or by land, and doe any hurt, violence or vnlawfull hostillity to any of the
Subiects of vs. our heires or Successors, or any of the Subiects of any Prince or
State beinge then in league with vsE our heires or Successors, vpon Complaint of
such iniury done to any such Prince or State, or their Subiects,  tec,  our heires
and Successors, will make open Proclamaton within any parts of our Realme of
England fitt for that purpose, That the Person or Persons commitinge any such
Robbery or Spoile, shall within the tyme lymitted by such Proclamaton, make full
restituton or satisfacton of all such iniuries done or committed, Soe as the said
Prince or others soe complayneing may bee fully satisfied and contented.  And if
the said Person or Persons whoe shall committ any such Robbery or Spoile shall
not make satisfacton accordingly, within such tyme soe to bee limitted, That then
itt shall and may be lawfull for vs. our heires and Successors, to putt such Person
or Persons out of our Allegiance and Protecton.  And that it shall and may bee
lawfull and free for all Princes-or others to Prosecute with hostility such Offenders
and every of them, their and every of their Procurers, ayders, Abettors and
Councellors in that behalfe.  ]Pnovr  ed   alsoe, and our expresse will and
pleasure is, Aand   ree doe  by these presents for vs. our heires and Successors, Ordeyne and appointe that these presents shall not in any manner hinder
any of our loveing Subiects'whatsoever to vse and exercise the Trade of Fishinge
vpon the Coast of New England in America, but they and every or any of them
shall have full and fiee power and liberty to contynue and vse the said Trade of
Fishing vpon the said Coast, in any of the Seas therevnto adioyning, or any Armes
of the Seas or Salt Water Rivers where they have byn accustomed to Fish, Amd
to build and sett vpon the wast land belonging to the said Colony of Conecticutt,
such Wharfes, Stages and workehouses as shall bee necessary for the Salting,
dryeing and keepeing of their Fish to bee taken or gotten vpon that Coast,-any
thinge in these presents conteyned to the contrary notwithstanding.  And'Knorwe yee futg.e ert  That W7ee, of our more abundant grace, certaine
knowledge and meere moton ihave given, Graunted and Confirmed, And by
theis presents, for vs, our heires and Successors, LDoe give, Gfaunt and Con



APPENDIX.                              483
firme vnto the said Governor and Company and the'r Successors, All that parte
of our Dominions in Newe England in America bounded on the East by Norrogancett River, comonly called Norrogancett Bay, where the said River falleth
into the Sea, and on the North by the ly3ne of the Massachusetts Plantation, and
on the South by the Sea, and in longitude as the lyne of the Massachusetts Colony, runinge from East to West; that is to say, from the said Narroganeett Bay
on the East to the South Sea on the West parte, with the Islands thereunto adioyneinge, Together with all firme lands, Soyles, Grounds, Havens, Ports, Rivers,
WTaters, Fishlings, Mynes, Myneralls, Precious Stones, Quarries, and all and singuler other Comodities, Iurisdictons, Royalties, Priviledges, Francheses, Preheminences and hereditaments whatsoever within the said Tract, Bounds, lands and
Islands aforesaid, or to them or any of them belonging, To  1have and to
hlolEd the same vnto the said Governor and Company, their Successors and Assignes, for ever vpon Trust and for the vse and benefitt of themselves and their
Associates, freemen of the said Colony, their heires and Assignes, To  bee
holden of vs, our heires and Successors, as of our Manor of East Greenewich,
in Free and Comon Soccage, and not in Capite nor by Knights Service, Yieldiag and  ]Ptay inge therefore to vs, our heires and Successors, onely the
Fifth parte of all the Oare of Gold and Silver which from tyme to tyme and att
all tymes hereafter shall bee there gotten, had or obteyned, in liew of all Services, Dutyes and Demaunds whatsoever, to bee to vs, our heires or Successors,
therefore or thereout rendered, made or paid.  A td lastly,, Wee doe for vs,
our heires and Successors, Graunt to the said Governor and Company and their
Successors, by these presents, that these our Letters Patent shall bee firme, good
and effectuall in the lawe to all intents, Constructons and purposes whatsoever, accordinge to our true intent and meaneing herein before Declared as shall bee
Construed, reputed and adiudged most favourable on the behalfe and for the best
benefitt and behoofe of the said Governor and Company and their Successors,
Althougla E11xpreges       e nmegton  of the true yearely value or certeinty of the premises, or of any of them, or of any other Guifts or Graunts by vs
or by any of our Progenitors or Predecessors heretofore made to the said Governor and Company of the English Colony of Conecticutt in New England in America
aforesaid in theis presents is not made, or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Provision,
Proclamaton or Restricton heretofore had, made, Enacted, Ordeyned or Provided,
or any other matter, Cause or thinge whatsoever to the contrary thereof in any
wise notwithstanding.  ]in avitnen    whereof, wee have caused these our Letters to bee made Patent: wvitnee  our Selfe, att Westminster, the three and
Twentieth day of Aprill, in the Fowerteenth yeare of our Reigne.
By writt of Privy Seale.                                 Howa rd.




484                           APPENDIX.
C.
LETTER of ]H]is Majesty CHARLES II. to CONNECTICUT, April 23rd, 1664,
CHARLES R.,
" Trusty and well beloved, we greet you well, having, according to the resolution
we declared to Mr. John Winthrop at the time when we renewed your charter,
now sent these persons of known abilities and affections to us-that is to say, Colonel
Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, knight, George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel
Maverick, Esq., our commissioners, to visit those our several colonies and plantations in New England, to the end that we may be the better informed of the state
and welfare of our good subjects, whose prosperity is very dear to us. We can
make no question but that they shall find that reception firom you which may testify
your respect to us from whom they are sent for your good.
" We need not tell how careful we are of your liberties and privileges, swhether
ecclesiastical or civil, which we will not suffer to be violated in the least degree;
and that they may not be, is the principal business of our said commissioners, as
likewise to take care that the bounds and jurisdictions of our colonies there, may be
clearly agreed upon; that every one may enjoy what of right belongeth unto them,
without strife or contention; and especially that the natives of that country, who
are willing to live peaceably and neighborly with our English subjects, may receive
such justice and civil treatment from them, as may make them the more in love
with their religion and manners; so not doubting of your full compliance and submission to our desire, we bid you farewell.  Given at our Court, at Whitehall, the
23d day of April, 1664, in the sixteenth year of our reign.
"By ]His Majesty's command,               HENRY  BENNIT."
D.
"NEW  HAVEN'S CASE STATED.
" Honored and beloved in the Lord,-We, the General Court of New Haven
colony, being sensible of the wrongs which this colony hath lately suffered by your
unjust pretenses and encroachments upon our just and proper rights, have unanimously consented, though with grief of heart, being compelled thereunto, to declare
unto you, and unto all whom the knowledge thereof may concern, what yourselves
do or may know to be true as followeth.
" 1. That the first beginners of these plantations by the sea-side in these western
parts of New England, being engaged to sundry fiiends in London, and in other
places about London (who purposed to plant some with them in the same town, and
others as near to them as they might) to provide for them and themselves some
convenient places by the sea-side, arrived at Boston in the Massachusetts, (having
a special right in their patent, two of them being joint purchasers of it with others,
and one of them a patentee, and one of the assistants chosen for the New England




APPENDIX.                              485
company in London,) where they abode all the winter following; but not finding
there a place suitable to their purpose, were persuaded to view these parts, which
those that viewed approved; and before their removal, finding that no English
were planted in any place from the fort (called Saybrook) to the Dutch, proposed
to purchase of the Indians, the natural proprietors of those lands, that whole tract
of land by the sea-coast, for themselves and those that should come to them; which
they also signified to their friends in Hartford in Connecticut colony, and desired
that solme fit men from thence might be employed in that business, at their proper
cost and charges who wrote to them.  Unto which letter having received a satisfactory answer, they acquainted the Court of magistrates of Massachusetts colony
with their purpose to remove and the grounds of it, and with their consent began
a plantation in a place situated by thle sea, called by the Indians Quillipiack;
which they did purchase of the Indians the true proprietors thereof, for themselves
and their posterity; and have' quietly possessed the same about six and twenty
years; and have buried great estates in buildings, fencings, clearing the ground,
and in all sorts of husbandry; without any help from Connecticut or dependence
on them. And by voluntary consent among themselves, they settled a civil court
and government among themnselves, upon such fundamentals as were established
in Massachusetts by allowance of their patent, whereof the then governor of the
Bay, the Right Worshipful Mr. Winthrop, sent us a copy to improve for our best
advantage. These fundamentals all the inhabitants of the said Quillipiack approved, and bound themselves to submit unto and maintain; and chose Theophilus
Eaton, Esq. to be their governor, with as good right as Connecticut settled their
government among themselves, and continued it above twenty years without any
patent.
"2. That when the help of Mr. Eaton our governor, and some others from
Quillipiack, was desired for ending of a controversy at WTethersfield, a town in
Connecticut colony, it being judged necessary for peace that one party should
remove their dwellings, upon equal satisfying terms proposed, the governor?
magistrates, &c. of Connecticut offered for their part, that if the party that would
remove should find a fit place to plant in upon the river, Connecticut would grant
it to them, and the governor of Quillipiack (now called New Haven) and the
rest there present, joined with him, and promised that if they should find a fit
place for themselves by the sea-side, New Haven would grant it to them, which
accordingly New Haven performed; and so the town of Stamford began, and became a member of New Haven colony, and so continueth unto this day.  Thus
in a public assembly in Connecticut, was the distinct right of Connecticut upon
the river and of New Haven by the sea-side, decllred, with the consent of the
governor, magistrates, ministers, and better sort of the people of Connecticut at
the time.
"3. That sundry other townships by the sea-side and Southold on Long Island,
(being settled in their inheritances by right of purchase of their Indian proprietors,) did voluntarily join themselves to New Haven, to be all under one jurisdiction, by a firm engagement to the fundamentals formerly settled in New Haven;
whereupon it was called New Haven Colony.  The General Court, being thus
constituted, chose the said Theophilus Eaton, Esqc., a man of singular wisdom;




486                           APPENDIX.
godliness, and experience, to be the governor of New Haven Colony; and they
chose a competent number of magistrates and other officers for the several towns.
Mr. Eaton so well managed that great trust, that he was chosen governor every
year while he lived. All this time Connecticut never questioned what was done
at New Haven; nor pretended any right to it, or to any of the towns belonging
to this colony; nor objected against our being a distinct colony.
" 4. That when the Dutch claimed a right to New Haven, and all along the
coast by the sea-side, it being reported they would set up the Prince of Orange's
arms, the governor of New Haven, to prevent that, caused the king of England's
arms to be fairly cut in wood, and set upon a post in the highway by the seaside, to vindicate the right of the English, without consulting Connecticut or
seeking their concurrence therein.
" 5. That in the year 1643, upon weighty considerations, an union of four distinct colonies was agreed upon by all New England, (except Rhode Island,) in
their several general courts, and was established by a most solemn confederation;
whereby they bound themselves mutually to preserve unto each colony its entire
jurisdiction within itself, respectively, and to avoid the putting of two into one by
any act of their own without consent of the commissioners from the four United
Colonies, which were from that time, and still are, called and known by the
title of the four United Colonies of New England.  Of these colonies, New
Haven was and is one. And in this solemn confederation Connecticut joined
with the rest, and with us.
" 6. That in the year 1644, the general court for New Haven colony, then sitting in the town of New Haven, agreed unanimously to send to England for a
patent; and in the year 1645, committed the procuring of it to Mr. Grigson,
one of our magistrates, who entered upon his voyage in January that year, from
New Haven, furnished with some beaver in order thereunto as we suppose. But
by the providence of God, the ship and all the passengers and goods were lost at
sea, in their passage towards England, to our great [grief] and the frustration of
the design for the time; after which the troubles in England put a stop to our
proceedings therein. This was done with the consent and desire of Connecticut
to concur with New Haven therein. Whereby the difference of times, and of
men's spirits in them, may be discovered. For then the magistrates of Connecticut with consent of their General Court, knowing our purposes, desired to join
with New Haven in procuring the patent, for common privileges to both in their
different jurisdictions, and left it to Mr. Eaton's wisdom to have the patent framed
accordingly. But now they seek to procure a patent without the concurrence of
New Haven; and contrary to our minds expressed before the patent was sent for,
and to their own promise, and to the terms of the confederation, and without
sufficient warrant from their patent, they have invaded our right, and seek to involve New Haven under Connecticut jurisdiction.
" 7. That in the year 1646, when the commissioners first met at New Haven,
Keift, the then Dutch governor, by letters expostulated with the commissioners,
by what warrant they met at New Haven without his consent, seeing it and all
the sea-coast belonged to his principals in Holland, and to the lords the States
General. The answer to that letter was framed by Mr. Eaton, governor of New




APPEN DIX.                              487
Haven, and then president of the commission, approved by all the commissioners,
and sent in their names with their consent to the then Dutch governor, who never
replied therennto.
"' 8. That this colony in the reign of the late King Charles the First, received a
letter from the committee of Lords and Commons for foreign plantations, then
sitting at WVestminster, which letter was delivered to our governor, Mr. Eaton,
for freeing the several distinct colonies of New England from molestations by the
appealing of troublesome spirits unto England, whereby they declared that they
had dismissed all causes depending before them fiom New England, and that they
advised all inhabitants to submit to their respective governments there established,
and to acquiesce when their causes shall be there heard and determined, as it is to
be seen more largely expressed in the original letter which we have, subscribed,'Your assured friends,'PEMBROKE,' MANCHESTER,             WARWICK,' W. SAY AND SEAL,'FR. DACRE, &C.' DENBIGH.'
"In this order they subscribed their names with their own hands, which we
have to show, and they inscribed or directed this letter-' To our worthy friends
the governor and assistants of the plantations of New htaven in New England.'
Whereby you may clearly see that the right honorable, the Earl of Warwick, ard
the Lord Viscount Say and Seal, (lately one of his majesty King Charles the Seeond's most honorable privy council, as also the right honorable Earl of Manchester still is,) had no purpose, after New Haven colony, situated by the sea-side, was
settled to be a distinct government, that it should be put under the patent for
Connecticut, whereof they had only framed a copy before any house was erected
by the sea-side from the fort to the Dutch, which yet was not signed and sealed
by the last king for a patent; nor had you any patent till your agent, Mr. Winthrop, procured it about tswo years since.
" 9. That in the year 1650, when the commissioners for thte four united colonies
of New  England, met at Htalrtford, the now Dutch governor being then and
there present, 1Mr. Eaton the then governor of [New Haven colony, complained of
the Dutch governor's encroaching upon our colony of New Haven, by taking under his jurisdiction a township beyond Stamford, called Greenwich. All the commissioners, (as well for Connecticut as for the other colonies,) concluded that
Greenwich and four miles beyond it belongs to New Haven jurisdiction; whereunto the Dutch governor thenl yielded, and restored it to New I-haven colony.
Thus were our bounds westward settled by consent of all.
" 10. That when the honored governor of Connecticut, John WTinthrop, ]Esq.,
had consented to undertake a voyage for England to procure a patent for Connecticut in the year 1661, a friend warned him by letter, not to have his hand in so
unrighteous an act, as so far to extend the line of their patent, that the colony of
New Haven should be involved within it. For answer thereunto, he was pleased
to certify that fiiend, in two letters which he wrote from tuwo several places before
his departure, that no such thing was intended, but rather the contrary; and that
the magistrates had agreed and expressed in the presence of some ministers that
if their line should reach us, (which they knew not, the copy being in England,)




488                            APPENDIX.
yet New Haven colony should be at liberty to join with them  or not. This
agreement, so attested, made us secure, who also could have procured a patent for
ourselves within our own known bounds according to purchase, without doing any
wrong to Connecticut in their just bounds and limits.'" 11. That notwithstanding all the premises, in the year 1662, when you had
received your patent under his majesty's hand and seal, contrary to your promise
and solemn confederation, and to common equity, at your first general assembly,
(which yet could not be called general without us, if we were under your patent,
seeing none of us were by you called thereunto,) you agreed among yourselves, to
treat with New Haven colony about union, by your commissioners chosen for that
end within two or three days after the assembly was dissolved.  But before the
ending of that session, you made an unrighteous breach in our' colony, by taking
under your patent some of our's from  Stamford, and from Guilford, and fiom
Southold, contrary to your engagements to New Haven colony, and without our
consent or knowledge. This being thus done, some sent from you to treat with
us, showed some of ours your patent; which being read, they declared to yours
that New Haven colony is not at all mentioned in your patent, and gave you some
reasons why they believed that the king did not intend to put this colony under
Connecticut without our desire or klnowledge; and they added that you took a
preposterous course, in first dismembering this colony, and after that treating with
it about union; which is as if one man proposing to treat with another about
union, first cut off from him an arm, and a leg, and an ear, then to treat with him
about union.  Reverend Mr. Stone also, the teacher of the Church at Hartford,
was one of the committee, who being asked what he thought of this action, answered, that he would not justify it.; 12. After that conference, our committee sent, by order of the General Court,
by two of our magistrates, and two of our elders, a writing containing sundry
other reasons for our not joining with you; who also, finding that you persisted
in your own will and way, declared to you our own resolution to appeal to his
majesty to explain his true intendment and meaning in your patent, whether it
was to subject this colony under it or not; being persuaded, as we still are, that it
neither was nor is his royal will and pleasure to confound this colony with yours,
which would destroy the so long continued and so strongly settled distinction of
the four United Colonies of New England, without our desire or knowledge.
"13. That, accordingly, we forthwith sent our appeal to be humbly presented
to his Majesty, by some friends in London, yet out of our dear and tender respect
to Mr. Winthrop's peace and honor, some of us advised those friends to communicate our papers to tHlonored Mr. Winthrop himself, to the end that we might
find out some effectual expedient, to put a good end to this uncomfortable difelrence between you and us, —else to present our humble address to his Majesty.
Accordingly it was done; and Mr. Winthrop stopped the proceeding of our appeal, by undertaking to our friends that matters should be issued to our satisfaction, and in order thereunto that he was pleased to write a letter to Major Mason,
your deputy governor, and the rest of the court of Connecticut Colony, from
London, dated March 7, 1663, in these words:




APPENDIX.                              489
"Gentlemen: I am informled by some gentlemen who are authorized to seek
remedy here, that since you had the late patent there hath been injury done to
the government at New HIaven, and in particular at Greenwich and Stamfo'rd, in
admitting several of the inhabitants there unto fieedom with you, and appointing
officers which hath caused division in the said towns which may prove of dangerous consequence if not kindly prevented. I do hope the sin of it is firom misunderstanding and not from design of prejudice to that colony; for when I gave
assurance to their friends that their lights and interests should not be disregarded
or prejudiced by the patent, but if both governments would with unanimous
agreement unite in one, their friends judge of advantage to both.  And I must
further let you know that testimony here doth affirm that I gave assurance before
authority here, that it was not intended to meddle with any town or plantation
that was settled under any other government. Had it been otherwise intended
or declared, it had been inj urious in taking out the patent, not to have inserted a
proportionable number of their names in it. Now upon the whole, having had
serious conference with their fiiends authorized by them, and with others who are
friends to both, to prevent a tedious and chargeable trial and uncertain events here,
I promise them  to give you speedily this representation how  far you are
engaged.  If any injury hath been done by admitting of freemen or appointing
officers or other unjust intermeddling with New Haven colony, in one kind or
other, without the approbation of the government, that it be forthwith recalled,
and that for the future there will be no imposing in any kind upon them, nor ad-,
mitting of any members without mutual consent, but that all things be acted as
loving neighboring colonies as before such patent was granted, and unto this I
judge you are obliged. I have engaged to their agent here that this will be by
you performed, and they have thereupon forborne to give you or me any further
trouble; but they do not doubt that upon future consideration there may be some
right understanding between both governments, that a union of friendly joining
may be established to the satisfaction of all, which at my arrival I shall endeavor
(God willing,) to promote, not having more at present in the ease, I rest your humble servant,.                                     JOHN IVINTHROP."'
The copy of this letter was sent to Mr. Leete, unsealed, with Mr. Winthrop's
consent, and was written with his own hand; and the substance of this agreement between some of our friends in London is fully attested by them in their
letters to some of us. Say not that Mr. Winthrop in acting in this agreement is
nothing to you, for he acted therein as your public and common agent and plenipotentiary, and therefore his acting in that capacity and relation are yours in him.
" 14. That after Mr. Winthrop's return, when some from you treated again
with our committee about union, it was answered by our committee that we could
not admit any treaty with you about that matter till we might treat as an entire
colony, our members being restored to us who have been unrighteously withheld
from us, whereby those parties have been many ways injurious to our government
and disturbers of our peace-which is and will be a bar to any such treaty, till it
be removed, for till then we cannot join with you in one government without a
fellowship in your sin.




490                           APPENDIX.
" 15. That after this, nothing being done to our j ust satisfaction, at the last meeting of the commissioners fiom the four colonies of New England, at Boston, on
the - day of November 1663, the commissioners from New Haven colony
exhibited to the Commissioners their confederates a complaint of the great inj uries
done to this colony by Connecticut in the presence of your commissioners, who
for answer thereunto showed what treaties they had with New Haven; but that
plea was inconsiderable, though you persisting unrighteously in withholding our
members from us, whereby our wounds remain unhealed, being kept open and continually bleeding. The result of the commissioners' debates about that complaint
was in these words:
"The commissioners of Massachusetts and Plymouth, having considered the
complaints exhibited by New Haven against Connecticut for infringing their power
of jurisdiction, as in the complaint is more particularly expressed, together with
the answer returned thereto by Connecticut commissioners, with some debates
and conferences that have passed between them, do judge meet to declare that
the said colony of New Haven being owned in the articles of confederation as
distinct firom Connecticut, and having been so owned by the colonies in their
present meeting in all their actings, may not, by any act of violence, have their
liberty of jurisdiction infringed upon by any other of the united colonies, without
breach of the articles of confederation; and that where any act of power hath
been exerted against their authority, that the same ought to be recalled, and their,power reserved to them entire until such time as in an orderly mway it shall be otherwise disposed of, and for particular grievances mentioned in the complaint, they
ought to be referred to the next meeting at HIartford, &c."' Now we suppose that when they speak of disposing of it otherwise than in an
orderly way, they mean with our free consent, there being no other orderly way;
by an act or power of the united colonies for disposing of the colony of New
Haven, otherwise than as it is a distinct colony, having entire jurisdiction within
itself, which our confederates were bound by their solemn confederation to preserve
inviolate.
" 16. That before your General Assembly in October last, 1663, our committee
sent a letter unto the said assembly, whereby they did request that our members
by you unjustly sent from us, should be restored to us according to our former
frequent desires and according to Mr. Winthrop's letter and promises to authority
in England, and according to justice and the conclusion of the commissioners at
their last session in Boston, whereunto you returned a real negative answer, contrary to all promises, by making one Brown your constable at Stamford, who hath
been sundry ways injurious to us, and hath scandalously acted in the highest
degree of contempt not only against the authority of this jurisdiction, but also of
the king himself, pulling down with contumelies the declaration which was sent
thither by the court of magistrates for this colony in the king's name, and commanded to be set up in a public place that it might be read and obeyed by all his
majesty's subjects inhabiting our town of Stamford.
" 17. That thereupon at a General Court held at New Haven for this jurisdiction the 22d day of October 1663, the deputies for this General Court signified
the minds of our freemen as not all satisfied with the proposals of the committee




APPENDIX.                               491
from Connecticut, but thought there should be no more treaty with them unless
they first restore us to our right state again. The matter was largely debated,
and this General Court considering how they of Connecticut do cast our motion
in the forementioned letter and gave us no answer but that contrary thereunto as
is reported, have farther encouraged those of Guilford and Stamford, therefore this
court did them order that no treaty be made by this colony with Connecticut before such acts of power exerted upon any of our towns, be revoked and recalled
according to Hon. Mr. WVinthrop's letter enjoining the same common advice and
our frequent desires.
"18. That in this juncture of time we received two letters from England mentioned in the following declaration published by the court of magistrates upon that
occasion in these words:
" Whereas, This colony hath received one letter under his majesty's royal hand
and seal manual in red wax annexed, bearing date the 21st of June 1663, from
his Royal Court at Whitehall, directed to his trusty and well beloved subjects, the
governor and deputy governor and assistants of the Massachusetts, Plymouth,
New Haven, and Connecticut colonies in New England; and one other letter
from the Lords of his Majesty's most Mon. Privy Council, bearing date the 24th
of June in the year aforesaid, superscribed for his majesty's special service, and
directed to our very loving fiiend, John Endicott, Esq., governor of his majesty's
plantation in New England, and to the governor and council of the colony of
Massachusetts, &c. respectively, and by order of the General Court at Boston
recorded in the court records, it is particularly directed to the colony of New
Haven, in which letters his majesty hath commanded this colony many matters of
right very much respecting his majesty's service and the good of this county in
general, expecting upon displeasure the strict observance thereof, which this court,
his colony being situated by the sea side and so fully accommodated to fulfil his
maj esty's commands are resolved to their utmost to obey and fulfil; but in their
consultation thereabouts, they find through the disloyal and seditious principles
and practices of some men of inconsiderable interests, some of his majesty's good
subjects in this colony have been seduced to send themselves from this colony, by
which decision his majesty's affairs in these parts are like to suffer, the peace of
this country to be endangered, and the heathen among us scandalized, in case
some speedy course be not taken for the prevention thereof, the which, if we
should connive at, especially at this time, his majesty having so particularly directed his royal commands, to this colony as aforesaid, we might justly incur his displeasure against us. This court doth, therefore, in his majesty's name, require all
the members and inhabitants of this colony heartily to close in with the endeavors
of the governor and assistants thereof for fulfilling his majesty's commands in the
said letters expressed, and in order thereunto to return to their obedience, and
paying their arrears and -rates for defraying the necessary charges of the colony
and other dues within six days after the publication hereof, unto such person or
persons as are or shall be appointed to collect the same in accordance to the laws
and order of this colony, all which being done, this court will forever pass by all
former disobedience to this government; but if any shall presume to stand out
against his majesty's pleasure so declared as aforesaid concerning this colony, at




492                            APPENDIX.
their peril be it. This court shall not fail to call the said persons to strict account
and proceed against them as disloyal to his majesty and disturbers of the peace of
this colony, according to law.
" This declaration being grounded in general upon his majesty's command, expressed in these letters, and in special in order to the prevention of his majesty's
colonies, the letter of our governor requiring Strict observance of the same under
penalty of displeasure, of one thousand pounds fine, and therefore in case any difference should arise to his majesty on these accounts we must be enforced to lay
the cause of it at your door, because when it was sent to the several towns of that
colony and set up in public places to be seen and read of all that all might obey it,
it was at Stamford violently plucked down by Brown, your constable, and with
reproachful speeches rejected, though sent in his majesty's name and authority of
our court of magistrates; and aftel it was published at Guilford, Bray Rossiter
and his son hastened to Connecticut to require your aid against this government,
which accordingly you too hastily granted, for on the 30th day of December 1663
two of your magistrates with sundry young men and your marshal came speedily
to Guilford accompanied with Rossiter and his son, and countenancing them and
their party against the authority of this General Court, that you knew to be
obnoxious they were formerly to this jurisdiction for contempt of authority
and seditious practices, and that they have been the ring-leaders of this rent, and
that Bray Rossiter, the father, hath been long and still is a man of turbulent, restless, factious spirit, and whose design you have cause to suspect to be to cause a
war between these two colonies or to ruin New Haven colony, without sending a
writing before to our governor to be informed concerning the truth in this matter.
Sundry horse, we are informed, accompanied them to Guilford, whither they came
at an unseasonable time, about 10 o'clock in the night, those short days when you
might rationally think that all people were gone to bed, and by shooting sundry
guns, some of yours of their party in Guilford alarmed the town, which, when the
governor took notice of, and of the unsatisfying answers given to such as inquired
the reason of that disturbance, he suspected that, not without cause, hostile attempts
were intended by their company; whereupon he sent a letter to New Haven to
inform  the magistrates there concerning matters at Guilford, that many were
affrig.hted; and he desired that the magistrates at New Haven would presently
come to their succor, and as many of the troopers as could be got, alleging for a
reason his apprehensions of their desperate resolutions.  The governor's messengets all excited to haste as apprehending danger, and reporting to them at Branford, they went up in arms, hastening to their relief at Guilford which the governor
required with speed. I-Iereupon New Haven was also alarmed that night by beating the drum, &c. to warn the town militia to be ready. This fear was not causeless, for what else could be gathered from the preparations of pistols, bullets,
swords, &c. which they brought with them, and by the threatening speeches given
out by some of them, as is attested by the depositions of some, subscriptions of
others, which wre have by us to show when need require; and your two magistrates themselves, who ought to have the king's peace among their own party in
their own speeches, threatened our governor that if any thing was done against
these men, viz., Rossiter and his party, Connecticut would take it as done against




APPENDIX.                              493
themselves, for they were bound to protect them; and they iose high in threatenings. Yet they joined therewith their design of another conference with New
Haven, pretending their purpose of granting to us what we should desire, so far
as they could, if we would unite with them; but they held our members from us
and upheld them in their animosities against us. Is this the way to union? And
what can you grant us which we have not in our own right within ourselves, without you? Yea, it is the birthright of our posterity which we may not barter
away from them by treaties with you. It is our purchased inheritance, which no
wise man would part with upon a treaty to receive in lieu thereof a lease of the
same upon your terms who have right thereunto.  And why, is our union with
you by coming under your patent urged now as necessary for peace, seeing we
have enjoyed peace mutually while we have been distinct colonies for about twenty
years past? And why do you separate the things which God hath joined together
in righteousness and peace-seeing you persist in your unrighteous dealing and
persuade us to peace? It is true we all came to New England for the same ends,
and that we all agree in some main things, but it doth not follow fiom thence we
ought therefore to unite with you in the same jurisdiction, for the same may be
said of all the united colonies which nevertheless are distinct colonies.
" 20. That upon a more diligent search of your patent we find that New Haven
colony is not included within the line of your patent, for we suppose that your
bounds according to the expression of your patent may be, in a just grammatical
construction, so cleared that this colony and every part of it, may be mathematically demonstrated to be exempted from it.
" 21. That the premises being thoroughly weighed, it will be your wisdom
and way to desist wholly from endeavoring to draw us into a union under your
patent by any treaty for the future, and apply yourselves to your duty towards
God, the king and us.  1st. Towards God, that you fear him  and therefore
repent of your unrighteous dealings towards us and repair what you have done
amiss by restoring our numbers without delay unto us again, that you may escape
the wrath of God which is revealed from heaven against all unrighteousness and
against all that despise his holy name, especially among the heathen, which you
have done thereby. 2d. Towards the king, that you may honor him by looking
at us as a distinct colony within ourselves as you see by the premises his majesty
doth, and by restoring to us our former entire state and our numbers in obedience
to his majesty, who hath commanded us a distinct colony to, serve him in weighty
affairs, and wherein if you hinder us, (as you will if you still withhold our members from us as much as in you lieth,) you will incur his majesty's just and high
displeasure,.who hath not given you in your patent the least appearance of just
grounds for your laying claim to us. 3d. To us, your neighbors, your brethren,
your confederates by virtue whereof it is your duty to preserve unto us our colony,
state power, and privileges against all other that would oppose us, therein or
would impose upon us. Is Rossiter and his party of such value with you, that
what this jurisdiction doth against them your colony will take it as done to themselves? But if it be done as one of your committee is reported to have expressed
it, that you must perform your promise to them as Joshua and the elders of Israel
did to the Gibeonites, do you not see the sundry disparities between that vow and




494                              APPENDIX.
yours? or do you indeed make confidence of your vow to Gibeonites if you term
them so; and without regard to your conscience break your promise and most
solemn confederation to Israelites. Doubtless it will be safe for this colony to join
in one government with persons of such principles and practices, and treaty will
be able to bring us to it.
We believe that our righteous God to whom we have solemnly commended and
committed our righteous cause, will protect us against all that shall do any wrong
or oppress us, neither will he at all doubt the justice of his majesty our king as
well as yours, and of his most honorable council, but that upon leaving the business
open before them they will effectually relieve against your unjust encroachments
as the matter shall require.
"' We desire 5peace and love between us and that we may for the future live in
love and peace together as distinct neighbor colonies, as we did about twenty years
before you received and misunderstood and so abused your patent that your uncomfortable and afflictive exercises would issue herein. We have so long suffered
for peace sake, now it is high time to bring that unbrotherly contest wherewith
you have troubled us, to a peaceable issue. In order thereunto we do offer you
this choice, either to return our members unto us voluntarily, which will be your
honor and a confirmation of your mutual love, or to remove them to some other
plantation within your own bounds and free us wholly from you for we may not
bear it that such seditious, disorderly persons shall continue within the towns of
this colony to disturb our peace, disperse our government and disquiet our members, and disable us to obey the king's command.  But if they stay where they
now are, we shall take our time to proceed according to justice, especially with
Brown for his contempt of the declaration and [his disregard] of the king's commands and authority in this jurisdiction, and with Bray Rossiter and his son for all
their seditious practices. Lastly, for preventing any misapprehension, we come
here to explain our meaning in any passages in this writing which may seem to
reflect censure of unrighteous dealing with us upon your act in General Assembly,
that we may mean only such as have been active against us therein.
"For the commonwealth, by order of the General Court of New  Haven
Colony.
"JAMES BISHOP, Secretary.
6'NEW  HAVEN, March 9, 1663-4."
NOTE.-The above interesting document was transcribed from a copy of the original in possession of a gentleman of New Haven County. A comparison of this copy with the original, since
made, shows that its language has in some instances been modernized, or otherwise altered by the
copyist. The meaning of the writer, however, is generally well conveyed in the language as here
given; consequently it has not been deemed advisable materially to alter the plates as cast for the
first edition.
Connecticut made a spirited and pointed answer to this plea of New Haven, which is still preserved among our archives.




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
ANDROSS, SIR EDMlUND, the only royal governor of Connecticut, first came to
America in 1674 bearing a commission fiom the Duke of York, as governor of
the territory which had then recently been granted to him by the king. He
commenced his administration in New York by the exercise dl a liberal and
lenient policy; which, however, was soon exchanged for the most tyrannical and
unjust measures. In 1686, he was appointed " Governor of New England,1"
and arrived in Boston on the 29th day of December of that year. On the following day he published his commission, and formally took the government into his
own hands. As Connecticut still retained possession of king Charles' Charter, he
saw the necessity of securing it before his commission could have a moral as well
as legal force in that colony. He accordinogly wrote to Governor Treat, notifying
him of his appointment, and stating that he was authorized by the king to receive
their charter.  As this and subsequent applications failed, Andross at length
visited Hartford in person, while the legislature was in session, and made a
formal demand for the charter in the presence of the assembly. The summary
manner in which the debate was terminated, and the charter secreted, has been
so fully detailed in the body of this work as to require no repetition here. Though
he failed in the accomplishment of the specific object of his mission, he proceeded
to declare the old government of the colony dissolved and his administration established in its stead. With the aid of his secretary, Randolph, he now proceeded
in the adoption of a series of oppressive and vindictive acts, which were particularly obnoxious to the people of Connecticut, as they had previously enjoyed
the privilege of selecting their own rulers, and making their own laws.  In
1688 the province of New York was added to his jurisdiction.  But his triumph
was of short duration.  On the arrival of the intelligence that WTilliam and
Mary had been proclaimed king and queen, in April 1689, the inhabitants of
Boston and vicinity rose en masse, seized and imprisoned Andross, and re-instated
the former officers of government.  In Connecticut, the colonial government was
also immediately re-established.  Complaints were made against him tlllhougli the
agents of Massachusetts and Connecticut; and he retaliated by charging the
colonies with rebellion, in treating with indignity the king's governor, &c. After
a full hearing by the king in council, the complaints on both sides were dismissed.
Andross was afterwards made Governor of Virginia, and arrived there in February 1692. Experience may have taught him wisdom, and age doubtless had
softened the asperities of his nature. At all events, his administration appears
to have been popular, and advantageous to the people. Agriculture, manufactures, and the arts, were encouraged, mills of various kinds were erected,
and the cultivation of cotton was particularly recommended and fostered by




496                  BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
him. ISe was succeeded by Francis Nicholson, Es., in 1698. Sir Edmund
Andross died in London, February 24, 1713-14.
ASIIURST, SIPR HENRY, Agent of the colony at the court of Great Britain, was"
as I have elsewhere stated, a son of I-Ienry Ashurst, Esq., a member of parliament and distinguished for his zeal in establishing missions among the American
Indians.  Both father and son were dissenters, though the latter appears to have
been a favorite of Charles II., and was created a baronet by him. Sir Henry
married a daughter of Lord Paget.  He possessed great influence at court, which
was often employed in relieving dissenting clergymen when they were fined or
imprisoned.  tHaving always manifested a deep interest in the SNew England
colonies, he was first chosen agent of MIassachusetts, and subsequently of Connecticut. HIe Rendered important services to both, and received various acknowledgments Of their gratitude. In Massachusetts, however, a personal and partizan influence was at length brought to bear against him, and he was dismissed
from the agency without receiving a just pecuniary reward. -Ie died in 1710.
hIis brother, Sir WVillialn Ashurst, was subsequently chosen agent of Massachusetts, but he declined the office, " being well acquainted with the slights put upon
his brother."  The latter became Lord Mayor of London and member of Parliainent.
BPACKUS, REV. CHARLES, D.D.. an eminent Congregational clergyman, was
born in Norwich, in 1749, and graduated at Yale College in 1769. Three years
from the last date, having in the meantime pursued the study of theology, he was
ordained to the pastoral charge of the church in Somers, where he remained till
his death, December 30, 1803. He opened a theological school, by means of
which he assisted in the education of nearly fifty young men for the ministry.
Dr. B]ackus, besides several occasional sermons, published " Five Discourses on
the Truth of the Bible;" and a volume on Regeneration.
BACKUEs, REV. ISAAC, the historian of the Baptist denomination, was born inl
Norwich in 1724, and became pastor of the Congregational church in Middleborough, Mass., in 1748. About eight years afterward, he became a convert to
the sentiments of the Baptists, and succeeded in forming a church of that persuasion, of which he was installed pastor.  He preached extempore, and with great
power. The electors of Middleborough chose him a delegate to the convention
which adopted the Constitution of the United States, in 1788. Besides a history
of Middleborough, and various sermons and essays, he published a history of the
Baptists, in three volumes. He died in the pastoral office in Middleborough,
November 20, 1806.
BAYLEY, RICHIARD, M.D., an eminent physician, and professor in Columbia
College, N.Y., was born in Fairfield in 1745, and received his medical education
in London. In the spring of 1776, he returned to this country in the capacity
of Surgeon in the British army under Howe; but he soon relinquished his place,
and settled in the city of New York in the practice of his profession. In 1792,
he was elected professor of anatomy in Columbia College; and during the following year, he was transferred to the department of surgery, in which he particularly excelled. In 1795, Professor Bayley was appointed Health Officer of the
port of New York. In August, 1801, in the exercise of his official duties, he




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                         497
boarded an Irish emigrant ship in which the fever prevailed. He was instantly
seized with an intense pain in his head and a sickness at the stomach; and on the
seventh day he expired, August 17, 1801, aged 56. He was a man of fiery temper, strong in his attachments, invincible in his dislikes, and of perfect integrity
and chivalrous in his feelings. The state quarantine laws originated with him.
He published an Essay on the Croup, in 1781; Essay on the Yellow Fever, in
1797; Letters on the Yellow Fever, in 1798.
BEACH, ABRAHAM, D.D., an Episcopal clergyman of high repute, was born in
Cheshire, September 9, 1740, and graduated at Yale College in 1757. IHe was
episcopally ordained by the Bishop of London in June 1767; and for seventeen
years, including the period of the Revolution, he was rector of a church in New
Brunswick, N. J. HIe was subsequently called to New York, as assistant minister of Trinity church, where he remained for about thirty years. He passed the
evening of his days on a farm at Raritan, where he died September 11, 1828, aged
88 years. He published a Sermon on the Hearing of the Word; and a Funeral
Sermon on Dr. Chandler.
BIRDsEYE, REV. NATHAN, remarkable for longevity, was born August 19, 1714,
graduated at Yale College in 1736, and was ordained the fourth pastor of the
Congregational church in W5Vest Haven, October, 1742. In June 1758, he was
dismissed, and took up his residence on his patrimonial estate in Stratford,.where
he spent sixty years. He died January 28, 1818, aged one hundred and three
years and five months. The whole number of his descendants had been 258, of
whom 206 were then living. In his latter years he occasionally preached, and
once with great acceptance, at Stratford, after he was 100 years old. According
to his account of the Indians near Stratford, there were sixty or eighty fighting
men among them at the commencement of the eighteenth century; while in 1761,
there were but three or four men left.
BISHOP, JAMES, was one of the most eminent men in the colony of New Haven,
at the date of its union with Connecticut, he having there held the offices of magistrate, commissioner, and secretary.  New Haven was for the first time represented
in the General Court of Connecticut in May, 1665, on which occasion her deputies
were James Bishop, and John Nash; and at the same session these gentlemen
were chosen commissioners. To each of these offices, Mr. Bishop was often reelected, until 1668, he was chosen an assistant or magistrate. From 1683, until
his death, June 22, 1691, he held the office of Deputy Governor of the colony.
He was also clerk of the courts, and colonial auditor. A descendant of his,
Samuel Bishop, Esq., was town clerk of New Haven for fifty-four years; a representative for twenty-six years; a member of the committee of correspondence and
of the council of safety during the Revolution; besides being judge of probate,
chief judge of the county court, and mayor of the city. He died in New Haven,
in 1803, aged 80 years.
BissiOP, REV. JOHN, successor of Mr. Denton as pastor of the church in Stamford, was a native of Great Britain, and came to New England in early manhood.
Soon after the removal of Mr. Denton to Hampstead, in 1664, the people of Stamford, hearing of Mr. Bishop in the neighborhood of Boston, dispatched two of
their number, Messrs. George Slauson and Francis Bell, to give him a call to set32




498                   BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
tie among them  in the gospel ministry.  Although the country was filled with
hostile Indians, they went on foot, carrying their provisions. They succeeded in
finding Mr. Bishop " to the eastward of Boston."  He accepted their call, and
returned with them on foot to Stamford, bringing his Bible under his arm. This
Bible is still preserved as an interesting relic by one of his descendants in Stamford.  Mr. Bishop continued in the ministry for nearly fifty years, and died in
Stamford in 1693. Ile was succeeded by the Rev. James Davenport, a grandson
of the Rev. John Davenport of New Haven, and who became famous as a " revivalist " or itinerant.
RBISSELL, JOHN, (says Farmer,) " came from England with the Rev. Ephraim
lewett, and settled at Windsor, as early as 1640."  His name first appears upon
our colonial records, July 2d, of that year, when he was a juror at a " Particular
Court" in Hartford, in which honorable capacity he was often afterwards called to
the seat of government.  In May 1648, he attended the meeting of the General
Court for the firet time, as a representative fiom Windsor. To this office he was
re-elected at fifteen times-but, including the terms specially called, he was present
at forty-six sessions of the colonial legislature.  In addition to these repeated tokens
of the public confidence, he was frequently appointed by the town and colony, on
important committees. In 1648, the General Court granted him the exclusive
right to the Ferry over the Connecticut River at Windsor, on certain conditions.
He died October 3d, 1677.  He is believed to be the ancestor of all bearing the
name of Bissell, in the United States.
BLINMAN, REV. RICHARD, the first minister in New London, had previously
been settled as pastor of a church in Chepstow, Monmouthshire, England.  He
came to New England in 1642, and after spending a few years at Gloucester, on
Cape Ann, he removed to New London in 1648.  In 1658, he left the latter
place and became a resident of New Haven; but soon after returned to England.
The remainder of his life he spent in the city of Bristol, where he published a
volume of 674 pages, entitled, " An Essay tending to issue the Controversy about
Infant Baptism."
BOSTWICK, REV. DAVID, pastor of the first Presbyterian church in New York,
was born in New Milford, January 8, 1721, and graduated at Yale College in
1740. He was settled in the ministry at Jamaica, Long Island, from 1745 to
1756, when he accepted a call from the first Presbyterian church in the city of
New York.  He died in the latter place, November 12, 1763, aged 42 years.
MIr. Bostwick was an eloquent and instructive preacher, speaking without notes,
and with great freedom and fluency. He published a sermon entitled, " Self
Disclaimed, and Christ Exalted;" and "; An Account of the Life, Character, and
Death of President Davies," in 1761.  Soon after his death, a small volume was
issued from the New York press entitled, "A Fair and Rational Vindication of
the Right of Inflants to the Ordinance of Baptism.  By David Bostwick, A. M.,"
&c.  An edition of this work was re-published in London in 1765, and another
fiom the press of Robert Carter, New York, in 1837.
BREWSTER, JONATHAN, an early settler of New London, was a son of Elder
W'illiam Brewster, of the "May Flower," in which ship his wife Lucretia Brewster, also came passenger. Jonathan Brewster, came over in the Fortune% which




BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.                          499
arrived, November 10th, 1621. IIe first settled at Duxbury, and was several
times a representative from that place. He commanded a coasting vessel, which
plied between Plymouth and Virginia, and in this way probably became acquainted
with Pequot Harbor (New London), of which place he became a resident, in
1648, and the first Town Clerk in 1649.  He was often a representative and commissioner, and in 1657, was appointed an assistant; and during the same year,
he was a commissioner on the subject of the difficulty between the Mohegan and
Podunk Indians.  He died in 1661. His children were, Lucretia, Mary, Benjamin, Elizabeth, Ruth, Grace, and Hannah. Benjamin Brewster was also often
a representative.
BRUCE, REV. DAVID, a Moravian Missionary, died in Sharon in 1749. He
was a native of Scotland, and came to reside as a teacher and preacher among
the Indians in the Housatonie valley, with whom he labored for many years. The
Scaticokes at Kent, and the tribes residing at Stratfield, Derby, New Milford,
Cornwall, and Sharon, were the objects of his especial care, and many were
baptized and added to the church as the fruits of his ministry. As he was dying,
he called his Indian brethren to him, and entreated them to remain faithful to the
end. A  stone with a suitable inscription still marks the place where his ashes
repose, on the eastern border of " Indian Ponder in Sharon.
"BUCKINGIIAM, REV. THOMAs, was born in Milford, in 1646, was ordained
pastor of the church in Saybrook in 1670, and died April 1, 1709, in his 63d
year.  His nephew  of the same name was born in Milford, March 1, 1671,
graduated at Harvard College in 1690, and became the pastor of the second
church in Hartford.  He was one of the most eminent ministers in Connecticut,
being distinguished for his ability as a preacher, his pleasant temper, and his
engaging manners. He published an election sermon in 1728; and died November 19, 1731. He was a son of Elder Daniel Buckingham, of Milford.
BUELL, REV. SAMUEL, D.D., was born at Coventry, September 1, 1716, and
graduated at Yale College in 1741. On being licensed to preach, he officiated
as an itinerant " revivalist," in different parts of New England, for about two
years, with great ability and success. He was esteemed as a faithful co-laborer
with Edwards and Whitefield in the great revivals of religion which characterized
the middle of the eighteenth century. Mr. Buell was installed pastor of the
church in East Hampton, Long Island, September 19, 1746; and died in that
town, July 19, 1798, aged 81. His life was an eminently useful and laborious one. In 1776, when the British took possession of Long Island, lie remained
with his people, and did much toward administering to their temporal and spiritual
wants.  During this period, there was but one other minister within forty miles
of him able to preach, and the care of all the churches in the vicinity fell upon
him. He published a narrative of the religious revival among his people in 1764,
and fourteen occasional discourses-all of which evince the vigor of his intellect
and the ardor of his piety.
BULKLEY, REV. JOHN, first minister in Colchester, was a son of the Rev.
Gershom  Bulkley, who had been pastor of the churches in New London and
Wethersfield.  His mother was a daughter of President Chauncey, of Harvard
College. He graduated at Cambridge in 1699, was ordained in 1703, and died




500                   BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
in June 1731. He was regarded as one of the ablest and most learned men in
New England. Law, medicine, theology, and science, were studied and thoroughly
investigated by him. He wrote a preface to Roger Wolcott's Meditations; and
published an election Sermon in 1713, and a tract on Baptism in 1729. In 1724,
he published " An Inquiry into the Right of the Aboriginal Natives to the Lands
in America" —in which he contended that the Indians had no just claims to any
lands but such as they had subdued and cultivated, and that consequently the English were under no moral obligation to purchase the right of soil from them-but
were at liberty to use it as their own.
CANFIELD, (or Campfield,) MATTHEW, one of the patentees named in the
charter of King Charles II., was an early settler of Norwalk. He was often a
representative and commissioner; was chosen an assistant in 1655, and custommaster in 1659. In 1654, he was deputized by the General Court, to assist the
magistrates in the execution of justice, and was empowered to " examine misdemeanors, to grant out summons, or bind over delinquents to courts in this jurisdiction, to marry persons, and to press horses by warrant for the public welfare." In
1662, he was appointed with Messrs. Gold and Sherman, " to hold courts in Fairfield."  He removed to Newark, N. J., previous to 1669.
CHAPLIN, CLEMENT, whose name frequently occurs on our early records, was a
ruling elder in the church at Wethersfield, a deputy in 1642, and is stated by the
late Judge Goodwin to have been the first treasurer and secretary of the Colony
in 1637. This, however, was before the colonial government was fully organized,
and consequently his name is not included in the lists of colonial officers. He was
an educated man, and came to New England in 1634. In 1636, he constituted one of Mr. Hooker's company, who traversed the wilderness from the
vicinity of Boston to Hartford, and soon after settled in Wethersfield, where he continued to reside until his death. He left no children, and by his will, bequeathed
his entire estate to his wife, Sarah Chaplin, who returned to England-where she
executed a general power of attorney to William Parks, of Roxbury, Mass., in
which she calls herself " of Edmondsbury, in the county of Suffolk, in the Kingdom of England, widow and relict of Clement Chaplin, late of Thetford, in the
county of Norfolk, in said Kingdom, Clerk, deceased. "`By virtue of the power
thus granted, Mr. Parks, on the 24th of September 1661, sold to Henry Wolcott,
of Windsor, several tracts of land and buildings "situated in Wethersfield, and
lately belonging to Mr. Clement Chaplin, deceased."
CHESEbROUGH, WILLIAM, the first permanent settler of Pawcatuck, (now Stonington), came to New England with Governor Winthrop's company, and first
settled in Boston, where he was made a freeman in 1631. In 1632, he was
chosen by the citizens of Boston to attend the next General Court, to advise with
the Governor and assistants " about the raising of a public stock."  He and his
wife Anna, were members of the first church in Boston. After holding several
offices of trust in that place, he removed to Braintree, (now Quincy,) in 1640, and
thence to Reboboth, in 1644. In,1649, he settled in Stonington, where he spent
the remainder of his eventful life. His controversy with the Connecticut government has been sufficiently detailed on pages 197 and 198 of this volume. A
remarkable document exists in the Library of Yale College, in his hand-writing,




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                          501
headed —"The Asotiation of Poquatuck people-June 30, 1658."  He was a
man of energy and of the highest respectability, and enjoyed the confidence of his
fellow-townsmen, and of the General Court of Connecticut, for a long series of
years. He was often a representative, selectman, and commissioner; and in 1664,
was appointed by the colonial legislature, (in connection with Messrs. Minor and
and Stanton,) " to determine cases to the value of forty shillings, to grant sunmons according to law, to summon men to appear before him or before any court
in the colony, to marry persons, and to punish for criminal matters to the value
of forty shillings, or the stocks." lie died, June 9, 1667. He had five sons,
viz.: Nathaniel, Samuel, Elihu, Elisha, and Joseph. The two first named were
born in Boston, Lincolnshire, England. Miss Caulkins informs us that Mr. Chesebrough, and all his sons were buried on the banks of the Wicketequack Creek,
which flowed past their lonely residence.
CHEEvER, EZEKIEL, "' the Father of Connecticut Schoolmasters, and the Pioneer
and Patriarch of classical culture in New England," was born in London on the
25th of January, 1614. He came to this country in June, 1637, landing at Boston,
but proceeding in the same year with Theophilus Eaton and others to Quinnipiac,
where he assisted in planting the colony and church of New Haven, his name
appearing in the " Plantation Covenant," signed in " Mr. Newman's barn," on
4th of June, 1639, among the principal men of the colony. In 1646, he was elected a Deputy to the General Court, and there is reason to believe he was deacon
of the Church from 1644 to 1650. In 1638, within the first year of the settlement
of the town, he commenced his career as a schoolmaster in a Free or Grammar
School, which he continued at New Haven till December, 1650, when he removed
to Massachusetts, pursuing his vocation at Ipswich till November, 1661, at Charlestown till 1670, and at Boston in the Latin School till his death, on the 21st of
August 1708, at the advanced age of 94 years —" venerable," says Gov. Hutchinson, "' not only for his great age, but for having been the teacher of most of the
principal men of Boston," and he might have added of other sections of New
England. For further particulars see Barnard's Life of Ezekiel Cheever, with
Notes on the early FREE SCHOOL of New England.
CLAP, REV. THOMAs, President of Yale College, was born in Scituate, Mass.,
in 1703; graduated at Harvard College in 1722; was ordained as pastor of the
church in Windham in 1726, where he continued for fourteen years. In 1740, he
was chosen President of Yale College to succeed Mr. Williams, who resigned his
place the preceding year. He was one of the most learned theologians of the new
world, a rigid Calvinist in doctrine, and a firm adherent to the discipline and mode
of church government then prevalent in New England. Regarding Whitefield
and his itinerant followers as innovators and schismatics, he bore open testimony
against them from the pulpit, and wrote several pamphlets on the subject. He
afterwards published a book which he styled "A Defense of the New England
Churches against the Arminians, who are spreading their doctrines over Connecticut."  In 1752, he drew up the scheme of the " new divinity," as he termed itin which he sums up the errors of several theological writers, controverts them
with great ability, and then proceeds to expound the Calvinistic view of original
sin, special grace, regeneration, and justification by faith. By the general associa



502                   BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
tion of ministers ill 1755, this book was cordially approved and recommended.
He published an Essay on the Nature and foundation of Moral virtue and obligation, in 1765; a History of Yale College, in 1766; conjectures upon the nature
and motion of meteors which are above the atmosphere, in 1781; and several letters and sermons. President Clap constructed the rfist orrery, or planetarium,
made in America; and had collected a mass of materials for a history of Connecticut, which were plundered or destroyed, with his other papers, in the expedition
against New Haven under General Tryon. He resigned the office of President
in 1766, and died January 7, 1767, aged 63.
COLLINS, REV. NATHANIEL, was born in Cambridge, Mass., and graduated at
the college in that place in 1660. He pursued the study of theology, was ordained as pastor of the church in Middletown, and died December 28th, 1684.
He united in his character all the qualities of exemplary piety, extraordinary
ingenuity and obliging affability, and was a very excellent preacher.  Cotton
Mather, in his "'Magnalia," says in reference to him-" There were
more wounds given to Connecticut by his death, than Caesar received in the
Senate-house."
CUTLER, REV. TIMOTHY, D.D., Rector of Yale College, was a son of Maj. John
Cutler, of Charlestown, Mass., graduated at Harvard College in 1701, and was ordained January 11th, 1709, as minister of Stratfordv where he remained ten years.
He was the most celebrated preacher in the colony, and was highly esteemed for
his learning.  In 1719, he succeeded Mr. Pierson in the office of President of
Yale College, and presided over that institution with dignity and reputation for
about three years, when he conformed to the Episcopal Church.  This defection
from the established religion of the colony created much surprise and alarm.
His high position, his wide spread reputation for talents, eloquence, and profound
scholarship, and, above all, his acknowledged piety and zeal in the cause of his
Divine Master, led the Congregational clergy to apprehend that serious consequences might follow to the denomination whose prosperity they had so much at
heart. The trustees of the college passed a vote "excusing him from farther
service " in his official capacity, and requiring of future rectors satisfactory evidence of the " soundness of their faith in opposition to Arminian and prelatical
corruptions." He sailed for England with Mr. Johnson in November 1722, where
he took orders, first as a deacon, and then as a priest. The University of Oxford
conferred upon him the degree of doctor of divinity.  Toward the close of the
year 1723, he became rector of Christ Church, in Boston, where he continued
until his death, August 17th, 1765, aged 82.  Eliot describes him  as haughty
and overbearing in his manners; while others represent him as dignified and
stately in his intercourse with strangers, but courteous and cordial to those who
enjoyed his acquaintance or friendship. He spoke Latin with fluency, and Allen
assures us that he was one of the best oriental scholars ever educated in this
country.
DAGGETT, REV. NAPTHALI, D.D., President of Yale College, was a native of
Attleborough, Mass., and a graduate of Yale in the class of 1748. He was first
settled in the ministry at Smithtown, Long Island, whence he removed to New
Haven in 1756, to fulfil the duties of his appointment as professor of divinity in




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCtHES.                        503
the college, an office which he held during' the remainder of his life. In connection with his professorship, he officiated as president from 1766 to April 1777,
when he was succeeded in the latter office by Dr. Stiles. He died November
25th, 1780. He was a good classical scholar, and a sound divine. Dr. Wales
was appointed his successor in the professorship.
DAVENPORTo RIEV. JOHN, the first pastor in New Haven, and afterwards minister of the first church in Boston, was born in Coventry, England, in 1597. We
are told by Eliot that at the age of fourteen he was a student of Brazen Nose
College, Oxford, where he received the degree of B. A., and though but a youth
immediately began to preach, and at length became minister of St. Stephen's
church, in Coleman street, London. He preached constantly in that city during
the plague, and continued to visit his flock regularly when the pestilence was at its
height. He subsequently received the degrees of master of arts and bachelor
of divinity. About the year 1626, Mr. Davenport united with Dr. Sibs, Dr.
Gouge, and several laymen, among whom was the lord mayor of London, in a
plan devised to mlake a purchase of impropriations, and with the profits of the same
to maintain a number of ministers who would assist in reforming abuses. Archbishop Laud condemned the proceeding as favoring non-conformity, and the money
was confiscated to the king's use. Toward the close of the year 1633, he had
become so much of a non-conformist, that his connection with the establishment
was merely nominal, and he resigned his pastoral charge in Coleman street and
retired to Holland that he might enjoy that liberty of conscience which he so
much desired. In Amsterdam he was invited to become the colleague of the venerable Mr. Paget, pastor of the English church there, but as he differed with the
Dutch divine, relative to the baptism of the children of unbelievers, he was, at
the end of two years, compelled to desist from the public ministry, and returned
to England. A letter from Mr. Cotton, induced him to embark for Boston, in
New England, where he arrived June 26, 1637, in company with Mr. Eaton and
Mr. Hopkins. In the following spring, he sailed with his company to Quinnipiack,
or New Haven, and on the 18th of April preached the first Christian sermon
ever heard in that then wilderness. He remained as pastor of the church in New
Haven for a period of thirty years, and exerted an almost unbounded influence in
the civil as well as ecclesiastical affairs of the colony. So high was his reputation
as a preacher and theologian, that he was invited to become a member of the
famous Westminster Assembly of Divines.  For his humanity in harboring the
Regicides, he was threatened with the vengeance of the crown. Disappointed and
chagrined at what he deemed the annihilation of his little republic, by the union
with Connecticut, he left New Haven in 1667, and succeeded Mr. Morton as pastor of the first church in Boston. He died of apoplexy, March 15, 1670, aged
72 years. Mr. Davenport published a Sermon on 2 Samuel i. 18, in 1629; a Letter to the Dutch Classes, directed " against the tyrannical government and corrupt
doctrines of Mr. John Paget," in 1634; several pamphlets of a controversial
character; a discourse about Civil Government in a new Plantation, whose design
is Religion; The Saint's Anchor Hold; Demonstration of Jesus Christ to be the
True Messiah; Election Sermon, in 1669; a Treatise on the Power of Congregational Churches; The Knowledge of Christ, wherein the Types, Prophecies, &c.,




O04                   BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
are opened; God's call to his People to turn unto Him, in two fast-day sermons,
1670; and other sermons and pamphlets.
DAY, THOMAS, LL.D., the third son of Rev. Jeremiah Day, was born in New
Preston Society, town of Washington, Conn., July 6th, 1777. He was a descendant, in the sixth generation, from Robert Day, who came to America among the
first settlers in Massachusetts, and joined the company of one hundred persons,
who, in 1638, under the lead of Rev. Thomas Hooker, first settled the town of
Hartford, Coln.
Thomas Day graduated at Yale, in 1797, read law with Judge Reeve, at
Litchfield, and afterwards with Judge Dewey, of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, at Wvilliamstown, where Mr. Day was a tutor in Williams College. In
September, 1799, Mr. Day came to Hartford, read law with Theodore Dwight,
Esq., was admitted to the bar in December 1799, and immediately entered on
the practice of law in Hartford, where he continued to reside. In October,
1809, he was appointed Assistant Secretary of State, (George Wyllys being the
Principal Secretary) and in 1810 he was elected Secretary of State by the people,
and so continued for twenty-five successive years, by annual re-election, until
May, 1835.
In May, 1815, he was appointed Associate Judge of the County Court, for the
County of Hartford, and annually afterwards, except one year, until May 1825, in
which year he was made Chief Judge of that Court, and was continued in that
office by successive annual appointments, until June, 1833.
In 1818, as one of the senior aldermen of the city of Hartford, he became one
of the Judges of the City Court, and continued such by successive annual elections,
until March, 1831.
HIe was one of the Committee who prepared the Statutes of 1808, and by him
the notes were compiled, the index made, and the introduction written. He was
also one of the Committee who prepared the Statutes of 1821 and 1824.
In 1805 he commenced regularly reporting the Decisions of the Supreme
Court of Errors; but he took notes of cases in the latter half of the 18th century,
and his reports cover a period ranging through more than half a century.  At
the June Term, 1853, he declined a re-appointment, and the Supreme Court of
Errors were pleased to express their high respect for his eminent services and
exalted character, and to thank him for his advancement of juridical science,
through his numerous reports, and other legal productions, and for his uniform
kindness and courtesy in all his intercourse with the bench and the bar. He
edited several English law works, in all about forty volumes, in which he introduced notices of American decisions, and made other improvements.
He was one of the Commissioners to distribute the stock, at the formation
of the Phaenix Bank, and remained closely connected with that institution,
as stockholder and director to the day of his death.  He was for many years
one of the Trustees of the Hartford Grammar School, of the Hartford Female
Seminary, of the American Asylum  for the Deaf and Dumb, and of the
Retreat for the Insane. lIe was Director of the Connecticut Bible Society: President of the Hartford County Missionary Society, auxiliary to the Am. B. C. F.
I.; President of the Connecticut Branch of the American Education Society;




BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.                           505
President of the Goodrich Association, &c. He was an original member of the
Connecticut Historical Society, and aided in its organization, in 1825, being at
that time its Recording Secretary. On the revival of the Society in 1839, he
became its President, and so continued till within a few months of his death.
He was a liberal contributor to the  funds of the  Wadsworth Atheneum.
and its first President.
Mr. Day was married on the 18th of March, 1813, to Sarah Coit, daughter of
Wheeler Coit, of Preston, (now Griswold), who was a grandson of the Rev.
Joseph Coit, of Plainfield, one of the first class that graduated at Yale College.
The Corporation of Yale College, in 1847, conferred  on Judge Day, the
honorary degree of LL. D.
It is not known that he ever made or left an enemy. He died at Hartford, 1st
March, 1855.
The Superior Court heid by Hon. Wim. W. Ellsworth, being in session, at the
time of Judge Day's death, the members of the Hartford Bar, convened, and the
Hon. Martin Welles, by request of the bar, moved the court to direct a complimentary resolution to be entered on the Records, and after speaking in high terms
of Mr. Day's skill as a Reporter, grasping the precise point decided, and presenting that point clearly; as a Judge, upright, impartial, and fearless in the administration of justice; as a lawyer learned and accurate; he says:
Of him as a man, it is unnecessary for me to speak.  Here in this city, where
he resided so long, and discharged so many important public trusts; he was
known and read of all men, and by all approved.
His has been a favored lot. Spared the exhausting and wealing contests which
attend the active duties of the profession, he stood by, a calm intelligent spectator
of the conflict, recording the result.
While others have been assailed in the ferocity of party spirit, or wounded by
the shafts of calumny, he has passed smoothly on, " by gentle wings upborne.."
Enjoying the consolations of friendship, and possessing an easy fortune and an
extensive reputation, blest with all that is valuable in possession for earth, and all
that is cheering in prospect for heaven, he has been kindly-calmly brought to
the " consistent close of a consistent life,"-" content to live, yet not afraid to
clie."
And when the appointed hour came, he left us: to use the words of the just
and beautiful eulogiumn of Dr. Hawes, at his funeral, as " one who had passed
through life-without a cloud upon his sun, or a spot upon his character."
I move that these Resolutions now presented, be entered upon the Records of
this Court.
Judgle ELLSWORTH saida GENTLEMEN OF THE BAR:-I most cheerfully grant the motion.  It is wholly
unnecessary to say that I most heartily concur in the sentiments of these resolutions. They express nothing too much in eulogy of that respected man, whom
we all reverenced-in whom we all placed the most unbounded confidence. His
abilities and his judicial knowledge, were of the highest order.  When I came
into active life in this county, in 1813, there was already no superior guide, no
one whom I could more freely and safely consult in relation to any question before




506                   BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.
the Court. He would have done honor to any judicial station that could have
been assigned him in the State."
DENTON, REV. RICHARD, the first minister of Stamford, had been a minister in
Halifax, Yorkshire, and came to New England previous to 1635.  He was among
the first settlers of Wethersfield, and occasionally exercised the duties of his profession while there.  Hie removed with part of the church to Rippowams, (Stamford,) in 1641, where he remained for a few years in the pastoral office, and then,
in connection with some of the principal men of that plantation, again removed,
and commenced the town of Hampstead, on Long Island.  He was the minister
of that place until the year 1658.  Cotton  Mather, in his Magnalia, thus
speaks of Mr. Denton-" First at Wethersfield, and thefi at Stamford, his doctrines dropped as the rain, his speech distilled as the dew, as the small rain upon
the tender herb, as the showers upon the grass. Though he was a little man,
yet he had a great soul; his well accomplished mind in his lesser body was an
Iliad in a nut-shell.  I think he was blind of an eye; nevertheless he was not the
least among the seers of our Israel; he saw a very considerable portion of those
things'which eye hath not seen.'  He was far from cloudy in his conceptions
and principles of divinity; whereof he wrote a system entitled'Soliliquia Sacsra.
so accurately considering the fourfold state of man-1-st, in his Created Purity; 2d,
Contracted Deformity; 3d, Restored Beauty; and 4th, Celestial Glory-that judicious persons who have seen it, very much lament the churches being so much
deprived of it.  At length he got beyond clouds, and so beyond storms; waiting
the return of the Lord Jesus Christ, in the clouds of heaven, when he will have
his reward among the saints."
It has generally been stated that Mr. Denton died in Hampstead. This is a mistake.  He returned to England in 1658, and spent the remainder of his life in
Essex.  His epitaph is in Latin, of which the following is a free translation:
" Here sleeps the dust of RICHARD DENTON:
Over his low peaceful grave bends
The perennial cypress, fit emblem
Of his unfading fame.
On Earth-His bright example, religious light,
Shone forth over multitudes,
In Heaven-His pure-robed spirit shines
Like an effulgent star."
EATON, TeIEOPHILUS, first governor of the colony of New Havens was born at
Stony Stratford, in Oxfordshire, England, his father being at that time rector of
the church there, but subsequently became the minister at Coventry. An intimacy
was thus early formed between young Eaton and John Davenport, the father of
the latter being mayor of the city-an intimacy which was never interrupted until
they were separated by death. Eaton became a merchant, and his friend studied
divinity. Says Eliot-" The one was diligent, and grew rich, and the other made
a shining figure in his profession. This friendship, which began in the old
country, was increased by the circumstances which led them both over to the
American wilderness."  Though he had been a patentee of Massachusetts, he
determined, on reaching Boston, to assist in founding a distinct colony; and
accordingly he accompanied Mr. Davenport in his first expedition to New Haven,




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                          507
where he remained until his death in 1657. For nineteen successive years he
was chosen governor of the colony, and was honored and esteemed as an upright
magistrate, a courteous and benevolent citizen, and as a practical christian.  He
was, perhaps, the wealthiest and most eminent personage that had then become a
citizen of the new world. Aside from his success as a merchant, he had been
governor of the East Land Company, and Ambassador from the King of England
to the Court of Denmark. The arrival of such a man, with a determination of
becoming a permanent resident in these western wilds, was hailed with gratitude
by the people. The government of Massachusetts, desirous of retaining him and
his company within their jurisdiction, immediately appointed him a magistrate.
The various towns in the vicinty of Boston made them liberal offers of land as an
inducement for them to settle there. But, as has been stated, he preferred to
unite his fortunes with those of his friend Davenport. Though he had been reared
in affluence, and was a favorite with the king, he endured with fortitude and
dignity the perils and privations incident to the life of a pioneer. WThatever may
be thought of the basis on which that colony was established, all historians agree
in commending the wisdom and integrity of his administration.
EDWARDS, REV. TIMOTHY, first minister of East Windsor, was a son of Richard
Edwards, a worthy merchant of Hartford, who was the only child of William
Edwards, a first settler of the latter place. He graduated at Harvard College in
1691, and was ordained at East Windsor in May, 1694. After a ministry of sixtythree years, he died January 27, 1758, aged 88 years. The Rev. Joseph Perry
was his colleague for the three years preceding his death. Mr. Edwards married
a daughter of the Rev. Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton, and lived to see his
son, Jonathan Edwards, the most distinguished divine in America. He was a
faithful and successful preacher, and was universally esteemed by his cotemporaries
for his exemplary life and genial manners. He published an Election Sermon in
1732.
ELIOT, REV. JARED, pastor of the church in Killingworth, was a son of the
Rev. Joseph Eliot, of Guilford, and a grandson of the Rev. John Eliot, who was
styled " the apostle to the Indians." He was born November 7, 1685; graduated
at Yale College in 1706; was ordained October 26, 1709; and died April 22,
1763, aged 78. Like many other pastors of his day, he was a practitioner of medicine; and such was his fame in the treatment of chronic complaints, that he was
sometimes called to Newport and Boston, and was more extensively consulted
than any other physician in New England. Allen says of him-" Maniacs were
managed by him with great skill. In the multitude of his pursuits his judgment
seemed to be unfailing. His farms in different parts of the colony were well
managed. Living on the main road from Boston to New York, he was visited by
many gentlemen of distinction. Dr. Franklin always called upon him, when
journeying to his native town."  He was a skillful botanist at well as a scientific
and practical agriculturalist.  The white mulberry tree was introduced by him
into Connecticut.  He published a volume of " agricultural essays," which passed
through several editions; also, Religion supported by Reason and Revelation, 1735;
Election Sermon, 1738; Sermon on the taking of Louisbourg, 1745. Notwithstanding his labors in so many departments of usefulness, he did not neglect his duties




508                 1BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
as a minister of the gospel; and, for a period of forty years, preached every Sabbath.
FENWICK, COL. GEORGE, a native of England, became a joint proprietor of
Saybrook, and the country adjacent thereto, in 1636, and erected a fort there. He
went back to England; but came again to this country in 1639, bringing his
family with him. As the agent of Lord Say and Seal, who claimed the territory
by grant fiom  Robert Earl of Warwick, he commenced the settlement at the
mouth of the Connecticut river, and made extensive preparations for the reception
of several gentlemen of wealth and distinction whom he expected would join with
him in the establishment of a new colony. Being disappointed by their nonarrival, and saddened by the death of his wife, he sold out his rights to the Connecticut government in 1644, and returned to England, where he was chosen a
member of parliament. He died in 1657.
FITCH, COL. ELEAZER, son of Joseph and grandson of the Rev. James Fitch,
was born in Lebanon, August 29, 1726, and entered the public service at an early
age as an officer in the French and Indian wars. He rose to the rank of colonel,
and was particularly distinguished in the war with the French in Canada, gaining
the love and admiration of his fellow-officers and soldiers, by his patriotic and
honorable conduct and his noble bearing. He was an accomplished and remarkable man, and was very popular not only as an officer but as a citizen and neighbor.  Unfortunately for his fame, he sided with the British in the Revolution, and
of course lost his influence with his countrymen, and was persecuted, abused, and
imprisoned. After the war, he received a grant of land in Canada, whither he
went, and died there.
FITCH, REV. JAMES, first minister in Saybrook, and Norwich, was born in the
county of Essex, England, December 24, 1622, and came to New England in
1638, at the age of 16 years. Though he had progressed far in his studies in
England, he spent seven years under the instruction of Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone
in Iiartford. In 1646, he was ordained at Saybrook, where he remained fourteen
years, and then removed with a greater part of his church to Norwich. In his
old age, he went to reside *with his children at Lebanon, where he died November 18, 1702, aged 79. He was distinguished for the penetration of his mind, the
energy of his preaching, and the sanctity of his life. He made himself perfectly
familiar with the Mohegan language, and preached with success to the Indians in
the vicinity of Norwich. To encourage them to abandon their savage life, he gave
them land and taught them the arts of husbandry. The first wife of Mr. Fitch
was Abigail Whitfield, daughter of the Rev. Henry Whitfield, of Guilford; his
second wife was Priscilla, daughter of Major John Mason. He left a large family.
His brother Thomas of Norwalk was the father of Governor Fitch.
FITCH, SAMUEL, brother of Colonel Eleazer Fitch, was born in 1723, graduated at Yale College in 1742, and settled as a lawyer in Boston. He was a very
eminent man, and rose to the rank of Attorney-General of Massachusetts. In
the contest which resulted in the revolutionary struggle, he sided with the mother
country; and during the war he went to England to reside, where he died in
1784. He received the honorary degree of Master of Arts at Harvard College
in 1766. Mr. Fitch married Elizabeth Lloyd, of Boston, and had three children,




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                         509
viz., William, Sally, and Ann. The daughters were pensioned by the British Government.  Colonel Trumbull saw them  in London, and described them as very
beautiful and accomplished ladies. The son, William Fitch, was a colonel in the
British Army, and was massacred by his own troops in the Waest Indies.
GILBERT, MATTHEW, an early and distinguished citizen of New Havens accompanied Messrs. Eaton and Davenport, in their expedition to that place in 1638, and
was constituted one of the " seven pillars" of the first church organized there. In
October, 1639, he was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony, and continued
to be reelected until he was promoted to the office of deputy governor. Soon after
the union of New Haven colony with Connecticut, by the charter of 1662, Mr.
Gilbert was invested by the General Court " with magistratical powers to assist in
the government of these plantations, and the people thereof, according to the laws
of this corporation." In April, 1665, he was for the first time nominated.as an
assistant, or member of the upper house of the Connecticut legislature, but appears
not to have been elected to that office by the people until 1677. He was a Commissioner of the United Colonies; and in May, 1673, he was one of the Committee appointed to define and establish the bounds of New Haven.
GOODYEAR, STEPHEN, an early magistrate of New Haven colony, and one of
its wealthiest and most enterprising citizens, became a resident there in 1637. He
was chosen deputy governor in 1641, and continued to hold the office until 1650.
In 1653, he united with others in the purchase of a large tract of land on the
IIousatonic River, at a place called Paugasset, (now Delrby). His wife embarked
for England on board Mr. Lamberton's ship, in January, 1647, and was never
heard of afterwards.  Governor Goodyear died in London, in 1657.
GooDWIN, WILLIAM, was admitted a freeman at Cambridge, Massachusetts, in
1632; and was a representative from that town in the first General Court of Massachusetts. In 1636, he was associated with the Rev. Samuel Stone, in effecting
the purchase of Hartford, (then known by the aboriginal name of Suckiage,) of
Sunkquasson, the Indian sachem and proprietor of the soil. He was one of the
wealthiest and most prominent men in the colony, and was long the ruling elder
of the church in I-Iartford. In 1638, he was on the committee appointed by the
General Court to negotiate a treaty of peace and amity with Sowheag, the Chief
Sachem at Wethersfield. At the October session of the following year, the legislature of the colony designated him, in connection with Deputy Governor Ludlow,
Capt. Mason, and others, to gather up " those passages of God's Providence which
have been remarkable since the first undertakings of these plantations," and deliver
them to the General Court, in April next ensuing, that they might be recorded.
He was one of the executors of the Will of Governor Hopkins, who died in London in 1657, bequeathing large sums of money to purposes of education in New
England.  Elder Goodwin remained in Hartford until the celebrated controversy
between him and Mr. Stone, in 1658, when he removed to Hadley, and was chosen
ruling elder in the church there. He was subsequently a principal proprietor of
Farmington, Connecticut, where he died in 1673. His wife, Susannah, died in
1676. He left but one child, Elizabeth, who married John Crow, of Hartford.
GRAHAM, REV. JOHN, first minister of Southbury, a descendant of the Duke of
Montrose, was born in Edinburgh, Scotland, in 1694, and graduated at Glasgow.




510                   BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.
He came to America about the year 1725, and was settled at Southbury in 1733,
where he died in 1773, aged 79 years.  He was an eloquent preacher, and was
much beloved as a pastor. Three of his sons were graduates and clergymen, and
two others were physicians.  His daughter, Love, married the Rev. Jonathan
Lee, of Salisbury.  Mr. Graham, in 1732, wrote a ballad against the church of
England in Connecticut.  He also published a tract on the same subject, and a
rejoinder to Johnson's answer.
HAMLIN, GILES, was born in England in 1612, and was one of the early settlers and principal proprietors of Middletown.  He was long engaged in foreign
commerce, " partly by himself and partly with John Pyncheon, of Springfield,
his brother-in-law John Crow, Jr., who dwelt in Fairfield, and elder Goodwin, of
Hartford, afterwards of Farmington."  Though we are informed by his epitaph
that he was " near fifty years crossing the ocean wide," he was often honored by
his fellow-townsmen.  He was occasionally a commissioner of the United Colonies, was a representative at twenty-two sessions of the legislature, and from
1685 until his death he was a member of the Upper House. He died in 1689.
The family retained a remarkable degree of influence in the town for a period of
more than an hundred years. John Hamlin, a son of Giles Hamlin, was a
representative at seven sessions and an assistant or member of the Upper Ilouse
for thirty-six years.  Col. Jabez Hamlin, son of John Hamlin, graduated at Yale
College, and settled as a lawyer in his native town, where he died in 1791. Ile
was a justice of' the peace for about fifty years, a judge of the county court for
nearly forty years, a representative at forty-three semi-annual sessions, and was
repeatedly speaker of the House. He was a member of the Council of Safety in
the Revolution; was judge of the court of probate for thirty-seven years, and
mayor of the city of Middletown, from  1784, until his death. In this country,
honors are not hereditary; and it is seldom indeed that three such men are found
thus succeeding each other, in a single family. Jabez Hamlin, (a son of Col.
Jabez Hamlin, graduated at Yale College in 1769, was a captain in the Revolutionary army, and died in the service of his country in September, 1776, aged 24
years. He was a young man of much promise, and was confidently looked to as
one who, by his talents, acquirements, and ambition, seemed destined to succeed to
all the honors of the family.
IIEWETT, REV. EPHRAIM, minister at Windsor, came from England and was
settled as colleague with Mr. Wareham  in 1639.  He was eminent for talents
and usefulness, and was highly esteemed by his people and by his cotemporaries in the ministry.  In 1643 he published, in a quarto form, "The Prophecy of Daniel explained."  He died September 4, 1644, leaving a widow and
four daughters, with a large estate.
HOOKE, REV. WILLIAM,  minister at New  Haven, had been a preacher at
Taunton, England. In 1644, he was settled at New Haven as the colleague of
Davenport, where he remained about twelve years. He returned to England in
1656, and was chaplain to Cromwell; and died March 21, 1677, aged 76. He
published, among other works, " New England's tears for Old England's fears,'
a fast sermon at Taunton, July 23, 1640.
HOOKER, REV. THOMAS, one of the founders of the colony of Connecticut, was




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                           511
born in Leicestershire, England, in 1586, and was educated at Emanuel College,
Cambridge, of which he was elected a fellow. After preaching for some time in
London, he was chosen lecturer and assistant to Mr. Mitchell, at Chelmsford, in
1626. Though an eloquent and powerful expositor of the divine word, he was
soon silenced for non-conformity, and became a teacher, having for his usher, John
Eliot, who came to America and was a missionary among the Indians. As he was
still harassed by the spiritual court, in 1630 Mr. Hooker went over to Holland,
where he was an assistant to Dr. Ames, preaching sometimes at Rotterdam and
sometimes at Delft. He arrived in Boston, September 4, 1633, in the GriffinGovernor Haynes, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Stone being among his fellow-passengers;
and during the following month was ordained pastor of the church at Newtown,
now Cambridge. In June, 1636, he made his famous journey through the wilderness to the Connecticut river, accompanied by his church and congregation, where
he assisted in founding the settlement at Hartford. In this place he remained until
his death-July 7, 1647, aged 61. He was one of the most eloquent men of the
age in which he lived. Says Allen-" With a loud voice, an expressive countenance, and a most commanding presence, he delivered the truths of God with a
zeal and energy seldom equalled.  He appeared with such majesty in the pulpit,
that it was pleasantly said of him,'he could put a king in his pocket.' He has
been called the Luther, and Mr. Cotton the Melancthon of New England."  He
preached without notes, and with remarkable fervency and fluency. Yet on one
occasion, when preaching at Boston in the presence of Governor Winthrop, after
proceeding for about fifteen minutes with his usual power of utterance and felicity
of: thought, he suddenly came to a pause and could think of nothing more to say.
After several ineffectual attempts to proceed, he remarlied that what he had
intended to say was taken from him, and desired that a psalm might be sung. He
withdraw for half an hour, and then resuming his discourse he proceeded for two
hours in a strain remarkable for its pertinacity and eloquence. After the service,
he remarked to his friends-" We daily confess that we can do nothing without
Christ, and what if Christ should prove this to be the fact before the whole
congregation?"  He was noted for his benevolence, freely bestowing upon
benevolent objects a large part of his income. On one occasion, when there was
great scarcity of provisions at Southampton, on Long Island, he and a few friends
fitted out a vessel loaded with corn and sent it to them. One day in every month
he devoted to private prayer and fasting. A memoir of him in Dr. Mather's
Magnalia, stiles him " the light of the western churches.'  The publications of
Mr. Hooker are numerous. His most celebrated work, " A Survey of the Sum of
Church Discipline," was published in London, in quarto form, in 1648. About
one hundred of his discourses, which were transcribed by Mr. John Higginson,
were published in London. Some of them have since gone through several
editions.
JARVIS, RT. REv. ABRAHAM, D.D., the second bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of Connecticut, was born in Norwalk, May 5, 1739, and graduated
at Yale College in 1761. In November 1763, he sailed for England, where he
was ordained deacon by the Bishop of Exeter, and priest by the Bishop of Carlisle. On his return, he became rector of Christ Church, Middletown, in the




012                  BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.
autumn of 1764; and was consecrated bishop in 1797, as the successor of Bishop
Seabury. In 1799, Bishop Jarvis removed from Middletown to Cheshire; and
from thence to New Haven in 1803. He died May 3, 1813, aged 73. He published a sermon on the death of Bishop Seabury, and another an the Witness of
the Spirit.'" The principal characteristics of Bishop Jarvis," says Dr. Blake,
" were integrity and sincerity of purpose, and firmness and inflexibility of conduct."  He received the degree of doctor of divinity from Bishop Seabury, who
claimed the right to confer degrees in divinity as inherent in the episcopal office.
The same honor was subsequently bestowed upon him by Yale College.
JOHNSON, REV. SAMUEL  D.D., President of King's (now Columbia) College,
was born in Guilford, October 14, 1696. Though I have given a somewhat extended sketch of him in the body of this work, there are some additional facts in
his life which deserve a place here. As the " father of Episcopacy in Connecticut," he exerted an important influence upon the history of the colony during his
life-an influence which did not die when he left the earth, but which has been
diffusing and strengthening itself until the present time. As a student and tutor
in college, as a preacher of the gospel, and finally as president of one of the oldest
and most respectable institutions of learning in America, he fully sustained his
reputation for profound learning, unwearied industry, superior talents and devoted
piety. Having visited England and received Episcopal ordination as missionary
at Stratford, in 1722, he devoted himself earnestly to the doctrines and forms of
worship of the denomination with which he was connected. After the removal
of his friend and predecessor, Mr. Pigot, to Rhode Island, he was the only Episcopal minister in Connecticut, and there were but few families in the colony that
sympathized with him in his efforts. He was regarded as an innovator and as a
disturber of that peace and unity that had so long prevailed among the established
churches of New England.  Amidst much opposition, he continued his missionary labors, and had the satisfaction in due time of knowing that his sacrifices had
not been made in vain. According to Mr. Hobart, divers petty quarrels among
the members of the Congregational churches in the vicinity, and the desire of
some to escape the payment of their ecclesiastical taxes by joining a church
whose minister received a salary from a foreign society, at first contributed not a
little to swell the number of his congregation. Gradually, however, a class of
intelligent, conscientious and zealous christians joined his communion, and his
church became large and prosperous. Mr. Johnson was remarkable for the
kindness and urbanity of his disposition, and the cheerfulness of his piety.
Though he was often engaged in controversy with the clergy of his day, he never
lost his temper or degraded himself by a resort to personalities. He was loved
by his people and respected by all. In addition to the works referred to in the
sketch of Mr. Johnson heretofore given, he published "Plain Reasons for conforming to the church;" two tracts in the controversy with Mr. Graham; a
Letter from Aristocles to Anthades; a defense of it in a letter to Mr. Dickinson;
a demonstration of the reasonableness of prayer; a sermon on the beauties of
holiness in the worship of the church of England; a short vindication of the
society for the propagating of the gospel. He died in Stratford, January 6, 1772,
aged 75. Mr. Leaming preached his funeral sermon, and Mr. Beach printed a




BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.                         513
liscourse in which he attempted to do him justice. His son, the Hon. William
Samuel Johnson, LL. D., was one of his successors as president of Columbia
College.
JONES, WVILLIAMI, of New Haven, was a son of Colonel John Jones, one of the
judges of Charles I., and was born, A. D., 1624. He was a magistrate and
deputy governor of New Haven colony; and, after the union, was an assistant of
Connecticut for thirty-three years. He died October 17, 1706, aged 82 years.
Mrs. Hannah Jones, his widow, (a daughter of Governor Eaton,) died May 4,
1707, aged 74.
LEAMINGO REV. JEREMIAH, D. D., a distinguished Episcopal minister, was born
at Middletown in 1719, and graduated at Yale College in 1745. IHle was settled
in the ministry in Newport, R. I., eight years, at Norwalk twenty-one years, and
at Stratford eight years. He wrote and preached with great ability, and published sesveral works of acknowledged merit-among which were, A Defense of
the Episcopal Government of the Church, with remarks on some noted sermons
on Presbyterian ordination, 1766; a Second Defense of the Episcopal Government of the Church, in answer to Rev. Noah Welles, 1770; Evidences of the
Truth of Christianity, 1785; dissertations on various subjects, 1789.
LYMSAN, GENERAL PHINEAS, Was born in Durham in 1716; graduated at Yale
College in 1738, and settled in Suffield as a lawyer, after having served as a
college tutor for three years.  He was chosen a representative for several
years, and fiom 1752 to 1759 he was an assistant or member of the Upper,
House of the Connecticut Legislature.  In 1755, he received from the General
Assembly the appointment of major-general and commander-in-chief of the Connecticut forces in the northern expedition.  When Sir William Johnson was
wounded in the battle of Lake George, the entire command devolved on him;
and for five hours, in the thickest of the fight, and in front of the breastwork,
he issued his orders with wisdom  and coolness. But Johnson, who was
anxious for all the glory of the achievement, made no mention of General
Lyman in his official account of the battle.  It was for the victory achieved
on this occasion that Johnson was knighted, and received from  parliament
5,0001. In 1758 he served with Abercrombie and Howe, and was with the
latter wlhen he was slain. I-Ie was also with Amherst at the capture of
Crown Point, and at the surrender of Montlreal. In 1762 General Lyman
commanllded the provincial troops in the expedition against Havanna, and acquired a high reputation for his skill and courage. A company called "Military Adventurers," under the authority of Connecticut, lead purchased of the
Six Nations of Indians a large tract of land on the Susquehannah river. As
the government of Pennsylvania claimed the same tract, General Lyman was
sent to England in 1763, to obtain from the king a confirmation of the company's purchase. Another object of the company and their agent is stated
by Dr. Dwight to have been, to obtain lands on the Mississippi and the Yazoo.
Being deluded by idle promises, he remained in England for eleven years,
until his mind sank down into imbecility. His second son went over in 1774
to solicit his return-a tract having about that time been granted to the petitioners.  Soon after his arrival in this country, he embarked with his eldest
33




514                      BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
son for the Mississippi.  Both died soon after their arrival in West Florida in
1775. Mrs. Lyman, and all her family, except her eldest surviving son, accompanied by her only brother, Colonel Dwight, and others, proceeded to the
vicinity of Natchez, in 1776, with a view of settling upon the lands purchased
by her husband; but in a short time Mrs. Lyman, her two daughters, and
Colonel Dwight, died; and the Spanish war completely broke up the settlement.  The four sons of General Lyman joined the British in the Revolution.
MARSH, JOHN, was born in Hartford, in 1668, where he passed the principal
part of his life.  Through a long series of years he enjoyed, in a remarkable
degree, the respect and confidence of his fellow-citizens.  Ile was a representative
from IIartford at about forty sessions of the General Assembly of the colonly, and
was an acting magistrate up to the date of his death.  Being a man of wealth, lihe
united with John Buel and others, in 1719, in the purchase of the township of
Litchfield, then called Bantam, to which place he subsequently removed, though
he remained there but a few years.  While a resident of Litchfield, he was town
clerk and selectman.  Returning to H-Iartford, he died there in 1744, aged 76
years.  His sons Ebenezer, William, and Isaac, settled in Litchlfield.  The first
named of these, Colonel Ebenezer Marsh, was a representative from Litchfield, at
forty-eight sessions; judge of the probate court for twenty-five years; and anil
associate judge of the county court for twenty-one.  His descendants are numerous and highly respectable, embracing the names of Skinner, Seymour, Beebe,
Pierpont, and other prominent and respectable families.
MASON, MAJOR JouN, the military leader of our fathers in the early settlement
of the colony, was born in England about the year 1600, and was bred to arms in
the Netherlands under Sir Thomas Fairfax.  His merit as an officer may be
judged from the fact that during the civil disturbances in England in Cromlnell's
time, Fairfax addressed him a letter, requesting him to join his standard and give
his assistance to those who were contending for the liberties of the people. Mason
was one of the first settlers of Dorchester, Massachusetts, being a member of the
company of the Rev. Mr. Wareham, in 1630. In 1635, he became an inhabitant
of Windsor, Connecticut.  The history of the part he acted in the Pequot War,
which took place in 1637, I have given with a sufficient degree of minuteness in
the early part of this volume. He was successively the commander-in-chief of
the militia of Connecticut, a magistrate from 1642 to 1660, and Deputy Governor
of the Colony from the latter date until he retired from public life in 1670. He
had removed from Windsor to Saybrook in 1647, and thence to Norwich, where
he died in 1672 aged 72 years.  Major Mason was in person tall and portly, and
in his manners dignified. He was wise and prompt in planning, and energetic in
executing; and was equally distinguished for the purity of his morals and for his
fearlessness in defending and maintaining the right. At the request of the General Court, he drew up and published a brief history of the Pequot WBar, which
has since been friequently reprinted.  An edition, with an introduction and
explanatory notes, was published by Thomas Prince in 1736.
MINOR, COLONEL JOSEPH, a son of Captain John, and grandson of Thomas
Minor, of Stonington, was born in Stratford, March 4, 1672-3, and accompanied
his parents to Woodbury, when a child, where he spent the remainder of his long




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                          515
and useful life. I-le rose to the rank of colonel in the militia, and was very
efficient in preparing men for service in the French and Indian wars. He was a
representative from Woodbury, thirty-two sessions, town clerk twenty-eight years,
justice of the quorum fourteen years, and judge of the probate court thirty years.
IIe died October 20, 1774, at the advanced age of 102 years.
MINOR THOMAS, an early settler of New London and Stonington, was born in
England, April 23, 1608; came to New  England in 1630; married Grace,
daughter of Walter Palmer, April 23, 1634; and was one of Winthrop's company who settled at Pequot, (now New London,) in 1647. In May, 1649, he was
appointed by the General Court, in connection with John Winthrop and Samuel
Lathrop, as justices of the court at New London, " to decide all differences among
the inhabitants under the value of forty shillings."  He was a representative in
1650, and was often reelected. In 1653, he removed to that part of the plantation called Pawcatuck, (now Stonington,) where he spent the remainder of his
days. He was one of the committee appointed in 1663, "to hear the case
depending between Uneas and the inhabitants of New London, respecting lands,
and to make report to the General Court." At the October session, he was again
commissioned as a judge, with power, in addition to those before designated, " to
grant summons according to law to any that might desire it, to summon men to
appear before him or any court in the colony, to mlarry persons, and to punish for
criminal matters to the value of forty shillings, or by stocks:" and was often afterwards appointed " to keep court at New London,' in connection with Mr. Winthrop. During the war with the Dutch, in 1665, the northern colonies are greatly
alarmed by the intelligence that De Ruyter, the Dutch Admiral, with a considerable force, was on his way to New England. The legislature of Connecticut
appointed a committee, with ample powers, to take such measures as they might
deem expedient, for " aid and relief."  Of this committee Mr. Minor was a inember. The Admiral, however, was diverted from hlis course, and never reached
our coasts. In May, of the same year, Mr. Minor was appointed a commissioner;
and was re-appointed for several years. Pawcatuck was long a " disputed territory," being claimed by the government of Rhode Island, as well as by Connecticut. In May, 1670, commissioners were appointed by the two colonies to negotiate a settlement of the question of jurisdiction   They met in New London,
according to agreement, in June following, but their deliberations resulted in nothing. The Connecticut commissioners then proceeded to Wickford, on the east
side of the Pawcatuck river, and there read the King's charter; and, in compliance with the powers vested in them, they proceeded to appoint officers for Wickford and Paweatuck. For the latter place, they appointed Thomas Minor, Thomas
Stanton, and Tobias Saunders, commissioners, " invested with magistratical powers."  Massachusetts had also, formerly laid claim to the same tract of country,
and made a grant of land there to Harvard College. As that colony had surrendered her claim to jurisdiction, in May, 1674, the General Court of Connecticut, in compliance to an application from officers and friends of the college, confirmed to them certain lands; and appointed Captain Minor, and others, a committee to lay out the same. In October, 1676, Captain Minor was member of the
committee appointed to treat with the Pequot, Narragansett, and Mohegan Indians;




51 6                  BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.
and in next session, he was appointed to explore the iNarragansett country with a
view of ascertaining what localities were fit for plantations, to define and establish the boundaries between the several plantations, and to consult with such
gentlemen as might be appointed by the government of Massachusetts on the subject of jurisdictioni.
Captain Minor was also an efficient officer in the Indian wars.  In February,
1676, when intelligence reached the Council of War, that the enemy were gathering in the Wabaquassett country, he, in conjunction with Captains Avery and
Denison, was ordered to enlist as many soldiers as possible, and taking with him
the Mohegans and Pequots, march forthwith against the enemy.  In March, the
council decreed that such soldiers as should go forth under the command of Captains Denison, and Avery, Leiutenant Minor, and Ensign Leffingwell, " shall have
all such plunder as they shall sieze, both of persons or corn or other estate."  In
January, 1677, the council directed that all captives and plunder taken fi'om the
enemy, should be first tried and condemned by a court martial.  The court marshal established for New  London county, consisted of Major Palmes, Captain
A very, Lieutenant Samuel Mason, and Lieutenant Thomas Minor.  Captain
Minor was a son of Clement Minor, and grandson of WVilliam Milor; who died at
Chew-:Magna, England, February 23, 1585.  The first of the name was IHenry,
who died at Mendippe IIills, Somersetshire, Eingland, in 1359. The name, with
armorial bearings, was given hin by King Edward, in acknowledgement of his
loyal service in providing an escort for his majesty on his way to embark for France.
His business was that of a mninert-hence the name.  Captain Minor died in Stonington, October 23, 1690.
MITCHELLT  MATTHEW, a principal settler of Stamford, came from Halifax, England, to New England, in 1635, and spent his first winter in Charlestown, Mass.
I-Ie removed to Saybrook in the summer of 1637, and thence to Wethersfield in
the succeeding spring.  He was a man of wealth, but suffered a series of losses,
until he became comparatively reduced in his circumstances. Two or three times
his property was destroyed by fire, the Indians killed his cattle, a shallop that he
had sent to the river's mouth was captured and burned by the Pequots, and three
men in charge of her, together with his son-in-law, were killed.  Dr. Mather
says, " The Pequot scourge fell more on this family than on any other in the
land."  " Afterwards," continues Dr. Mather, " there arose unhappy differences
in the place where he lived, wherein he was an antagonist against some of the principal persons in the place; and hereby he that had lived in precious esteem with
good men wherever he came, now suffered much in his esteem among many such
men, as is usual in such contentions."  Mr. Mitchell was a member of the General Court in 1637 and 1638; but an influence was subsequently brought to bear
against him in that body, so that when he was returned as " Recorder for Wethersfield," in April 1640, he was declared ineligible to the office in consequence
of " lying under the censure of the court."  He was fined twenty nobles for
undertaking the office; and those who had voted for him were fined five pounds.
In July of that year, however, the censure of the court was remitted in the case
of Mr. Mitchell, in consideration of the " extraordinary charges which he hath
formerly borne for public service at the fort."  In consequence of these distur



BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.                         517
bances, he removed to Stamford, where he died in 1645, in the 55th year of his age.
He was the father of the Rev. Jonathan M(litchell, who graduated at Harvard College in 1647, succeeded the Rev. Thomas Shepard as pastor of the church in
Cambridge in 1650, and died July 9, 1668, aged 42.
MIIx, REV. STEPHEN, minister at Wethersfield, was ordained in 1694, and
died August 28, 1738, aged 66 years. He was the youngest child of Thomas
Mlix, of New  Haven, and of his wife Rebecca, a daughter of Captain Nathaniel
Turner, who was lost at sea in the famous " Phantom Ship.;"  Mr. Mix was born
November 1st, 1672, and graduated at Harvard College, in 1690. He was
remarkable for his wisdom, piety, and influence.
MULFORD, SAMUEL, son of John Mulford, Esq., a magistrate and commissioner
at East Hamnpton, Long Island, (when that town was under the jurisdiction of
Connecticut,) was born at East Hampton in 1645. " He was," says Mr. Hedges,
in his centennial address, " attached to the government of Connecticut, and
remonstrated against the annexation of the town to New York."'  For a period of
twenty years-from  1700 to 1720-he represented the county in the Provincial
Assembly of New York.  He was a persevering opponent of the administration
of Governor Hiunter, watching the abuses of the government with a jealous eye,
and no combatant ever maintained his post more unflinchingly than he. In 1716,
the Assembly, subservient to the wishes of the governor, ordered a speech of Mr.
Mulford's to be put into the hands of the speaker.  Mulford thereupon boldly
published the speech and circulated it. It denounced the corruption and governmental mismanagement of the finances, and the usurpations in collecting and disbursing the revenue. The governor commenced an oppressive and harassing
suit against him in the supleme court, whose judges he himself had appointed. The
suit, however, was suspended at the solicitation of the house. He now determined
to petition the King in person, for redress.  Among other grievances, the towns
of East Hampton and Southampton complained bitterly of a duty of one-tenth on
all the whale-oil brought into port by their enterprising mariners.  Captain Mulford desired to obtain a bounty for the encouragement of the whaling business in
place of this tax upon its industry.  He crossed the Sound to Newport, walked
thencee to Boston, and there embarked for Eng]and-a self-constituted. Envoy to
the Court of St. James. He obtained access to the floor of the House of Commons, and was then permitted to read his memorial, which is said to have attracted
much attention.  The tax on oil was " ordered to be discontinued," and Captain
Mulford returned home, triumphant, at the age of 71 years.  He again took hia
seat, in the House of Representatives, and again the old question of his speech was
called up. Perhaps his excellency was stung by his bold exposition, in England,
of his cupidity and injustice. The compliant House called upon him for his reasons for printing the speech. He gave them, and withdrew. A vote of expulsion was immediately passed; but his constituency, true to themselves, re6lected
him as their representative.  In 1720, Hunter was succeeded in office by Governor Burnet.  But as many of the evils complained of, still continued, the bold
denunciations of Captain AMulford again drew down upon him the censure of the
government omieiers. On the 26th of October, of that year, having refused to act
with the old Assembly, then convened, on the ground that a new one should have




518                  BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
been chosen, he was once more expelled from the House. Thus ended his public
life. Hiis advanced age deterred him from further service. He died August 21,
1725, aged 81 years.
NEWMAN, FRANCIS, second governor of New Haven colony, was a native of
Great Britain, and one of the earliest settlers of the colony. In 1653, when the
commissioners of the united colonies determined to make war upon the Dutch at
Mlanhadoes, Mr. Newman was one of the agents appointed to examine the matters
in dispute in a conferelnce with Governor Stuyvesant, and to demand satisfaction.
HI-is colleagues were Capt. John Leverett, afterwards governor of Massachusetts,
and Mr. William Davis. The Dutch governor avoided the examination, and the
agents returned without obtaining the object of their mission. The next year, he
was chosen a Commissioner to the New England Congress. Having been Secretary of the colony for several years, during the administration of Governor Eaton,
when that gentleman died, in 1657, Mr. Newman was elected his successor. I-e
continued in the office of governor until his death, in 1661.
NOYES, REV. JAMES, the first minister in Stonington, was a son of a distinguished
clergyman of the same name in Newbury, Massachusetts, and was born March 11,
1640. hIaving graduated at Yale College in 1659, he prepared himself for the
ministry and was ordained at Stonington, September 10, 1674. He died in the
latter place, December 30, 1719, aged 80. He was a very fervent and zealous
preacher, and in his daily walk and conversation breathed the spirit of his Divine
Master. He was often consulted in civil affairs; was one of the first Trustees of
Yale College; and was esteemed as a skillful physician. His brother, the Rev.
Moses Noyes, was the first minister in Lyme, where he died November 10,1729,
aged 85. The Rev. Joseph Noyes, minister at New Haven from 1716 to 1761,
was a son of the subject of this paragraph.
OccoM, SAMSON, an Indian Preacher of the Mohegan tribe, was born near Norwich in 1723, and received his education from Mr. Wheelock, at Lebanon. From
a roving, wild, and haughty savage, he became a humble christian, and for ten or
eleven years was a teacher among the Indians on Long Island. He lived in a house
covered with mats, changing his abode twice a year, to be near their planting
grounds in summer, and the woods in winter. lIe was expert with his fish-hook
and gun, and became an adept in many of the arts of civilized life. He bound
old books fol the people of East Hampton, made wooden spoons, cedar pails,
churns, and gun-stocks. In August, 1759, he was ordained by the Suffolk Presbytery.  In 1766, Mr. WNheelock sent him to England with Mr. W5hitaker, the
minister at Norwich, to promote the interests of Moor's Indian Charity School.
As he was the first Indian preacher who had ever visited England, great curiosity
was manifested to hear him, and immense throngs of people, of all classes, flocked
to his meetings. Between February 16, 1766, and July 22, 1767, he preached in
various parts of the kingdom between three hundred and four hundred sermons.
Large contributions were made to the school, which was soon transplanted to Hanover, New Hampshire, and formed the germ of Dartmouth College. He was often
employed as a Missionary among different tribes of Indians. In 1786, he removed
to Brotherton, near Utica, New York, where the Oneidas gave him a tract of
lands and where he died in July 1792, aged 69 years. His funeral was attended




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                          519
by upwards of three hundred Indians. An account of the Montauk Indians,
written by Occum, is preserved in the Historical Collections of Massachusetts;
and he published a Sermon preached at the execution of Moses Paul, an Indian,
at Newr  Haven, September 2, 1772. President Dwight says-" I heard Mr.
Occum twice.  His discourses, though not proofs of superior talents, were decent,
and his utterance in some degree eloquent. His character at times labored under
some imputations. Yet there is reason to believe, that most if not all of them,
were unfounded; and there is satisfactory evidence that he was a man of
piety."
PAnSONS, RETV. JONATHAN, minister in Lyme, graduated at Yale College in 1729,
and soon after began to preach.  He was settled in Lyme for several years, but
spent the last thirty years of his life in Newburyport, Mass., where he had charge
of one of the largest congregations in the country.  tIe was a distinguished and
successful preachtlor and an eminent scholar.  His publications were numerous;
among tmhe1ln wlere s;xty-six sermons on various subjects in two octavo volumes.
He died July 19, 1776, aged 66 years.
PArSONS, GEN. S3AMUEL HIOLDEN, son of the preceding, was born in Lyme and
graduated at Htarvard College in 1756. I-Ie soon after established himself as a
lawyer in his native town, and was chosen a Representative for ten or twelve suecessive years.  Having been appointed King's attorney for the county of New
London, lie removed to New London in 1774. This office his patriotism induced
him to resign at the commencement of the Revolution. He early entered the service of his country, was appointed a colonel in 1775, and marched his regiment
to Roxbury, where he remained until the enemy evacuated Boston. He was appointed a Brigadier-General in 1776, and was an efficient officer during the whole
of the war.  In 1780, he was one of the judges on the trial of Andre, and about
that time received a commission as Major General. For his successful attack on
the British troops at Morrisania, in 1781, Congress requested the commander-inchief to express to him their thanks. Upon the establishment of peace, General Parsons opened a law office in Middletown, from which place he was sent to the Legislature at both the sessions of 1784, and again in 1785, and was more active and
influential than any other man in the formation of the county of Middlesex.  In
the year last named, in fulfillment of his appointment as Indian Commissioner, he
held a treaty with the Indians in Ohio, in connection with General Richard Butler and General George R. Clark, near the mouth of the Great Miami. By
this treaty, the Indians ceded to the United States a large and valuable tract of
country. In October, 1787, he was appointed one of the Judges of the territory
north-west of the Ohio. Previous to entering upon the duties of this appointment
he took part in the Convention of Connecticut, which in January 1788, adopted
the Constitution of the United States. In 1789, the government of Connecticut
appointed General Parsons, Oliver Wolcott, of Litchfield, and James Davenport,
Jr., of Stamford, Commissioners to negotiate a treaty with the western Indians.
But in that treaty he did not take a palt; for, in returning to his residence in
Marietta, he wras drowned while descending the rapids of the Great Beaver Creek,
Nov. 17, 1789, aged 52.
PIIELPs, WILLIAM, an early settler at WT5indsor, came to New Enuglandc in 1630,




520                   BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES.
was admitted a freeman at Dorchester, Massachusetts, in 1631, and was a representative in the first General Court of that colony in 1634. He was also a member of the first court in Connecticut, holden April 26, 1636, and of the first board
of magistrates in 1639. He was a deputy, or member of the lower house, at about
twenty sessions. George Phelps, also of Windsor, was much in public life, and
was chosen into the magistracy in 1658.
PIERPONT, REV. JAMES, foulth minister in New Haven, was born in Roxbury,
Mass., in 1659, graduated at Harvard College in 1681, and was ordained at New
Haven, July 2, 1685, as the successor of Mr. Street. On pages 458 and 459 of this
volume, I have given a sketch of his character, together with a genealogy of the Pierpont family.  He died in New Haven, November 22, 1714, aged 55, and was succeeded by the Rev. James Noyes.  His daughter, Sarah, married the celebrated
Jonathan Edwards.  The articles of discipline, adopted with the Saybrook Platform, in 1708, were from the pen of Mr. Pierpont.  He was one of the first
trustees of Yale College, and was an efficient friend of education as well as
of religion.
PIERSON, ABRAHAM, first President of Yale College, was the son of a distinguished
clergyman of the same name, who came over from Yorkshire, England, previous
to 1640, and was successively settled in the ministry in Southampton, Long Island,
Branford, Connecticut, and Newark, New Jersey. The subject of this paragraph
graduated at Harvard  College  in 1668, was ordained as colleague with his
father at Newark, March 4, 1672, and was installed pastor of the church in Killingworth, Connecticut, in 1694.  On the establishment of Yale College in 17 01,
he was chosen its first President, and continued to discharge the duties of the office
with great ability and acceptance until his death, May 6, 1707, at the age of 60
years.  He was a man of great learning and piety, an impressive preacher and
a powerful writer.  He wrote a system of natural philosophy, which was used as
a text-book in the college for many years.
PRUDDEN, REV. PETER, was born in Yorkshire in 1601, and was a preacher
in England before he came to this country. He arrived in Boston, July 26, 1637,
and in the following spring sailed for New Haven, followed by many-" that they
might enjoy his pious and fervent ministration."  After exploring the country
around New Haven, he finally decided to settle at Milford, with his followers.
While negotiations for that place were going forward, Mr. Prudden supplied the
pulpit in Wethersfield.  He was installed pastor of the church in Milford, April
18, 1640, and died in that town in July 1656, in the 56th year of his age. He
had made such an impression on the people of WVethersfield during his short stay
there, that many of his hearers went with him to Milford and were among the
principal settlers in the town.  Mr. Prudden was greatly beloved and reverenced
by his people.  " His death " says Cotton Mather, " was felt by the colony as the
fall of a pillar, which made the whole fabric shake."
PYNCHEON, WILLIAM, came to New  England in 1630; settled in Roxbury,
Massachusetts, and was chosen an assistant and treasurer of that colony.  In 1636,
he became a resident of Springfield, which was for a few years recognized as a par;llt
of Connecticut.  He was a member of our General Court in November, 1.636,
and a member of the Upper House in Malrch, 1637. In Alay, of the year last




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                            521
named, his vessel was pressed into the service of the colony, to transport men and
munitions of war in the expedition against the Pequots.  When famine threatened
the towns upon the river, in 1637, he was deputed to purchase five hundred
bushels of corn of the Indians, which lie accomplished.  " IIe was," says Mr.
Hinman,   " a thorough business man, and as a civilian, he ranked among the most
prominent and efficient settlers."  lIe at length refused to let the people of Spring'.
field pay the Saybrook fort tax which had been laid by Connecticut, and in the
controversy growing out of that subject, he espoused the cause of Massachusetts.
I-Ie returned to England with the Rev. George:oxon, in 1652, and died at
Wraisbury, on the Thames, in Buckinghamshire, in October, 1662, aged 74. Iiis
first wife died in New England; his second, died in Wraisbury, October 10, 1657.
HIis children were-John, Joseph, William, Mary, and Mehitabel.  The first of
these, Colonel John Pyncheon, settled in Springfield; married Amy, daughter of
Governor Wyllys, of Connecticut; was chosen a representative and assistant; and
was a member of Sir Edmund Andross' council in 1687.  He died in 1703,
aged 77.
RICHARDS, JAMES, of Hartford, was admitted a freeman in October, 166 I-, and
at the same time was declared by the General Court to be chosen an assistant in
the place of Mr. Daniel Clarke, who refused to accept the place.  This office he
held, by annual reelections, for fourteen years. In April, 1665, he was appointed,
with Mr. Wyllys, to draw up an answer to the petition of the Duke of IHamilton,
and present it to the next court; and was also placed upon the committee to go to
New York for the purpose of congratulating Iis AIMajesty's honorable commn'ss oners, and to treat with them concerning the claims of the Duke of York. IIe was a
commissioner of the united colonies; colonial auditor; member of the govelnor's
council; a commissioner at sundry times to treat with Rhode Island, ifassachusetts, New Plymouth, with the commander of the Dutch fleet in New Yolk,r with
the Mohawks, at Albany, &c., and agent of the colony in England.  I-Ie died in
Hartford, June 29, 1680, leaving a large estate, including lands and buildings in
England.  Among his bequests were-~10, in silver plate to the South Church
in Hartford; ~50 to the Latin School in Hartford; ~20 to the Poor in Hartford;
and ~15 to his pastor, the Rev. John Whiting.  His wife was Sarall, daughter of
William Gibbons, of Hartford; his children were —Thomas, Mary, Jerusha, and
Elizabeth.  The last named, married Gurdon Saltonstall.
SHERMIAN, DANIEL, born in Woodbury, August 14, 1721, and spent his entire
life in his native town.  He was clerk of the probate court for sixteen years, judge
of the probate court thirty-seven years, justice of the quorum twenty-five years,
judge of the county court five years, and a representative at sixty-five sessions.
He was also a delegate to the convention which adopted the Constitution of the
United States, in 1788.
STANTON) THOMAS, the " Indian interpreter,~ was long a useful and important
man in the colony.  The first mention made of him on our records is in April,
1638, when the General Court appointed him on a committee to treat with the
Warronake Indians.  At the same session he was appointed a " public officer" to
attend upon all the meetings of the court and magistrates, " to interpret between
them and the Indians," and his salary was fixed at ~10 per annum. This salary




522                  BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
was continued until April, 1646, when, " by reason of his long absence,' it was
suspended; but was restored to him in January, 1648. In February, 1649, liberty
was granted him to erect a trading-house at Pawcatuck, and he was guaranteed
the exclusive right to trade there for three years. In 1664, he was appointed by
the General Court a commissioner at Pawcatuck and Mistick, and was often reappointed; and was a representative at several sessions.  The first county court
ever held in New London, convened September 20, 1666; on which occasion the
judges in attendance were Major Mason, Thomas Stanton, and Lieutenant Pratt.
Mr. Stanton was also a commissioner to treat with the governor and council of
Rhode Island, relative to the Narragansett country, in 1668.  The Historian of
New  London, says —" On the Pawcatuck river, the first white inhabitant was
Thomas Stanton.  His trading establishment was probably coeval with the farming operations of Chesebrough, but as a fixed resident, with a fireside and a family,
he was later upon the ground.  He himself appears to have been always upon the
wing, yet always within call.  As interpreter to the colony, wherever a court, a
conference or a treaty was to be held, or a sale made, in which the Indians were
a party, he was required to be present.  NIever, perhaps did the acquisition of a
barbarous language give a man such immediate, wide-spread and lasting importance.  From the year 1636, when he was Winthrop's interpreter with the Nihantic Sachem, to 1670, when Uncas visited him with a train of warriors and captains to get him to write his Will, his name is connected with almost every Indian
transaction on record." He died in Stonington, in 1678; Anna Stanton, his
widow, died in 1688. He had nine children, viz.:-Thomas, John, Mary Hannah,
Joseph, Daniel, Dorathy, Robert, and Sarah.  His daughter, Dorathy, became
the wife of the Rev. James Noyes.
In the list of passengers registered in England to sail for Virginia, in 1635, is
found the name of Thomas Stanton, aged twenty. If this was the future interpreter, as there is little doubt, he was certainly an adept in acquiring the language
of the aborigines, for he was Winthrop's interpreter at Saybrook in 1636.  It may
reasonably be doubted if he ever actually sailed for " Virginia" as that was a term
often used to designate " America."
STEEL, JOHN, of Hartford, was a proprietor of Cambridge, Massachusetts, as
early as 1632, and was a representative fiom that town in 1635.  He was one of
the board of magistrates appointed by the General Court of Massachusetts, March
3, 1636, " to govern the people of Connecticut for the space of a year (then) next
ensuing;7 and he was a member of the first General Court that ever convened
in this colony, April 26, of the year last named.  I-le was a member of the Upper
House in 1636 and 1637; and was a deputy from  Hartford and Farmington, at
about forty regular semi-annual sessions, and was recorder of both of those towns.
Hle died in Farmington, in 1665-leaving a son Samuel, who married Mary Boosy,
and two daughters who married William and Thomas Judd.
STONE, REV. SAMUEL, one of the first ministers of Hartford, was a native of
Englnd,and a graduate of the university of Cambridge. He came to New Englaind
with Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, and was settled as an assistant to the latter in
Cambridge, Massachusetts, October 11, 1633. VThen Mr. Hooker passed through
the wilderness to Hartford, in 1636, Mr. Stone accompanied him, and was teacher




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                                   523
of the church in the latter place until his death, July 20, 1663.  He was one of the
most brilliant and accomplished divines of the new world, and was alike distinguished
for ability as a preacher and controversialist, his pleasing manners,, and for his wit
and eminent social qualities. I3e was a leader both in church and state. He was
chaplain of the expedition against the Pequots in 1637, and was one of the three
commissioners, appointed to negotiate a settlement of the difficulties between
Sowheag, the Sachem of Pyquog, and the English settlers, in 1638. In October
1639, he was one of the persons designated by the General Court to collect and
present to the assembly " those passages of God's providence which have been
remarkable since the first undertaking these plantations."   The colonial legislature, after his decease, granted to his widow and son five hundred and fifty acres
of land. Ile published a volume relating to the congregational church in London, 1652; and left some valuable works in manuscript.
TREAT, RICHARD, one of the patentees named in the Charter of Charles II.,
was a distinguished citizen of Wethersfield, where'le was a resident as early as
1640.  In 1642, he was appointed by the General Court, in connection with Governor Wyllys, Messrs. Haynes, Hopkins, Whiting, and others, to superintend
building a ship, and to collect a revenue for that object.  During the following
year, he served as a colonial grand juror, and in 1644, he was for the first time a
member of the General Court, a post of honor to which he was several times reelected.  From  1658, until 1665, he was an assistant or magistrate of the colony,
and was one of the collectors of the Fenwick tax, and of the fund for the support
of students in the College at Cambridge.  He died in 1669.  The following is a
copy of his Will, viz.:' The last Will and Testament of Richard Treat, Senr., of Wethersfield, in the Colony of Connecticut, in manner and forme as followeth.
Imprimis. I being weak and infirme of body, but of sound understanding and of competent
memory, doe resigne my Soule to the Lord, hoping to be justified and saved by the merrit of Christ
& my body to be buryed.
Item. I give and bequeath to my loving Wife, Mrs. Treat, after my deceasse, all the Lands of
what kind soever I stand possessed of within the Bownds of Wethersfield, viz.: five Acres of Land
lying in the dry swamp, which I have Improved and prepared for use, lyeing next my Sonn James.
his land.
Item. One peace of Meadow lyeing in the great Meadow, comonly called By the Name of send
Home.
Item. The one half, or Eight Acres next Home of that peice of Meadow land comonly called
fill barne.
Item. The Home lott, By the playne barn side.
Item. The dwelling housse that I formerly lived inll, with convenient yard roome, and that end
of the Barne on this side of the thrashing floore next the dwelling house with the one halfe of that
Lott belongning to the said dwelling house lyeing next his Sonn Richards house & Lott, Except
my wife and Son James shall agree other wise.
Item. All my pasture land fenced in beyownd my daughter Hollister's Lott.
Item. The use of two of my best Cowes which she shall chusse which is, they shall continue
& stand longer than my loveing wife liveth, they shall be my eldest Sonne Richard Treats. I give
to my loveing Wife, the standing bed, bedding, bedsted wth all the furniture thereto, belonging witlh
the use of so much of the' house hold Goods, during her life time, as she shall judg needfull for her
comfort of what Sort Soever.
Item. I give and bequeath to my eldest Son Richard Treat, the full possession & comfirnmaticn




524                     BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
of the farme of Nayog, with all the respective priviledges thereto, belonging with Three of my
youngest Heifers.
Item. I give to my seconn Sonn RobertTreate, Tenn pownds.
Item. I give to my youngest Sonn, James Treate, besides the Lands all ready made over to him,
my Mill and grinding Stone, farm Timber, chaines, stillyards & my little Bible.
Item. I give unto my Sonn in law, Mathew Campfield, Twentie pownds for that which is remayneing of his portion.
Item. I give to my daughter Hollister, Forty Shillings.
Item. To my daughter Johnson, Tenn Shillings.
Item. My debts being payd, I give to my lovening Sons John Demon, and Robert Webster,
equally, all the rest of my Goods and Chattles, what soever, except, Mr. Perkin's Booke, which I
give to my Sonn John Demon, and my great Bible to my daughter Honour Demon, and that money
in mny Cousen Samuel Wells his hand unto my Cousen David Demon, Son of John Demon, Senr, &
my desire is, that my Sonns in law, John Demon, Robert Webster, & Richard Treat, would be my
overseers for their mutuall helpfullness to my loveing Wife, & endeavoure to see the accomplishment, this my last Will and Testament, & for the rattifycation hereof, I have this Thirteenth of
February, 1668 set —to my hand & Seale.
RICHARD TREAT, SEN.'"  SEAL. 
UNDERHILL, CAPTAIN JOHN, of Stamford, a' soldier of fortune " was long conspicuous in the military affairs of the New Haven Colony.  James I. sent him
with the forces to aid the Dutch in the Low Countries in casting off the yoke of
an oppressor, and he returned to England with the title of captain, bringing with
him "' a Dutch wife and a Dutch language.' He subsequently came to Boston,
where he was well received; and in a short time he took up his abode in Stamford, on the Sound.  He soon became famous as an Indian fighter, and for years
was engaged in war either in behalf of the English or Dutch.  At one time he
tells us that he received " a shot in the left hip through a sufficient buff-coat, and
if he had not been supplied with such a garment, the arrow would have pierced
through him,"  At another time he received an arrow between the neck and
shoulder " hanging in the lining of his head-piece." According to his own aecount, he and his soldiers fought the Indians, armed with swords and muskets,
and " clad in corslets, helmets, and bandoliers."  He was in the Pequot war, and in
the attack on the Indian fort at Mistick he was deputed to force the south entrance,
and Mason the western.  In describing the slaughter of that day he says-" Great
and doleful was the sight to the view of young soldiers, who had never been in
the war."  But Underhill had been accustomed to such scenes, and though evidently conscience-stricken at the remembrance of the events described by him,
he endeavors to justify himself by a resort to the Bible. " The Scriptures declareth," he says, " that women and children must perish with their parents;" and
adds-" We had sufficient light from  the W~ord of God for our proceedings; we
must contend valientlyfor the truth."  I-Ie, however, rendered the colonies many
important services.  He was a man of untiring energy, activity, and courage, and
such was the rapidity of his movements that his enemies were generally surprised
and defeated. He died at Oyster Bay, on Long Island, in 1671. Captain Underhill was an author as well as soldier.  The Massachusetts Historical collections
contains a reprint of a work entitled-" News from America, or a new and experimental Discovery of New England, containing a true relation of the warlike proceedings these two years past, with a view of the Indian Fort or Palisado; by




BIOGRIAPHICAL SKETCHES...                         525
Captain John Underhill, commander in the wars there.  London, printed for
Peter Cole, 1668." He took an active part in the civil affairs of Stamford, was a
representative, and an assistant judge of the court established there.
WADSWORTH, GENERAL JAMIES, a son of Colonel James W\ adsworth, of Durham, graduated at Yale College in 1748, and settled in Durham  as a lamwyer.
He rose to tile rank of major-general in the Revolution, and was almost constantly in the public service, either in the field or as a member of the Council of
Safety.  In 1783, and again in 1785, he was elected a member of the Continental
Congress; and was subsequently an assistant, comptroller of the state, and a
delegate to the convention which adopted the Constitution of the United States.
He died in September, 1816, aged 87.
WATswoRTH, COLONEL JEREMIAH, a son of the Rev. Daniel Wadsworth, of
H-Iartford, was born in 1743, and was early chosen a representative.  At the
commencement of the revolution he was appointed by the General Assembly of
the state to the office of commissary of supplies; and in 1777, he received from
Congress the appointment of commissary-general of purchases.  He was elected
a member of the Continental Congress in 1.787; and was an assistant friom 1795
to 1801.  Colonel W;Nadsworth was a delegate from Hartford to the Convention
which ratified the Constitution of the United States.  He was an intimate friend
of Washington, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and Putnam, all of whom he frequently
entertained at his hospitable mansion.  He died April 30, 1804, aged 61.  The
ate Daniel Wadsworttl, Esq., of Hartford, the founder of the " Wadsworth
Atheneum)"' was his only son.  Catharine the only daughter of Colonel Wadsworth who lived to mature years, became the wife of General Nathaniel Terry, a
lawyer and member of Congress.
WAADSWORTH, r WJILLIAM, an early and prominent citizen of Hartford, was at
Cambridge, Mlassachusetts, as early as 1632, and came to Hartford with Mr.
Hooker in 1636, where he was appointed collector in the year following.  He
was often chosen a deputy, was a member of the colonial grand jury, and on a
committee to treat \with the Indians.  He died in 1675.  His wife was Elizabeth
Stone, a sister of the Rev. Samuel Stone.  His son John Wadsworth, Esq., of
Farmington, was an assistant or magistrate from  1679, until his death in 1690.
Another son, Captain Joseph Wadsworth, of Hartford, is famous in history for
the part he took in preserving the charter from the grasp of Andross, and for
silencing the attempt to read Colonel Fletcher's commission when that officer came
to usurp the command of the Connecticut militia, in 1691.  Captain aWadsworth
was often a representative from Hartford, and seems to have retained his popularity to the last, notwithstanding the impetuosity and rashness of his nature.
His acts above referred to, and more fully detailed in this volume, show him to
have been ready for any emergency that might occur. On one occasion he was
formally repremanded before the Assembly for declaring that certain acts of
that body were inconsistent with the Charter; at another time he was fined
ten pounds for "'using reproachful words against Mr. Pitkin," one of the
assistants.  On still another occasion, he was brought before the court of
assistants for having threatened, in a certain contingency, to "knock down
Mr. Ichabod Wells, Sheriff of Hartford County."  He died in 1729, at an
advanced age.




52 6                  BIOGRAPIHICAL  SKETCHES.
WVHITE, NATHANIaEL, a soI of John White, of l-Iartford, and  Iladley, was a
distinguished citizen of Middletown, where he died in 1711. Ite was one of the
first magistrates in the town, and was elected a representative to the General
Court at eighty-five semi-annual sessions.
WHITING, REV. JOHN, second son of William Whiting, sen., was born in 1635,
graduated at Harvard College in 1653, and preached for three or four years ill
Salem, Masachusetts, where he was invited to settle, but declined the call. In
1660, he removed to Hlartford, and became the pastor of the first church in that
place. In 1670, a division occurred in his society, and a new church was formed
of which Mr. Whiting was installed pastor, and continued such until his death,
September 8,1689.  He nmarried first, Sybel, daughter of Deac. Edward Collins,
of Cambridge, Massachusetts, and had seven children, viz.: Sybel, John, William,
Martha, Sarah, Abigail, and Samuel. His second wife was Phebe, daughter of
Thomas Gregson, Esq., of New IIaven, who was lost in the "' Phantom Ship " in
1643, by whom  he also had seven children, viz.: Thomas, Mary, Elizabeth,
Joseph, Nathaniel, Thomas, and John.
WHITING, JOSEPH, youngest child of William Whiting, sen., was born in Hartford, October 2, 1645;  married, August 6, 1670, Mary, daughter of John Pynchen,
Esq., of Springfield, Mlassachusetts, and had Mary and John. His second wife was
Anna, daughter of Colonel John Allyn, by whom he had seven children, viz.:
Anna, John, Susannah, William, Anna, (2d,) Margaret, and John, (2d.)  Mr.
Whiting vwas Treasurer of Connecticut from 1679 until his death in 1718; and
was succeeded in that office by his son, John Whiting, Esq., who was Treasurer
for thirty-one years.
aWHrITING, JoszPH, also a son of the Rev. John Whiting, was born in 1680,
settled in New Haven, and became a leading man there. After having been frequently a representative, he was chosen a member of the Upper House in 1725.
and was annually re-elected for twenty-one years.  I-e married Hannah, dalughter of Thomas Trowbridge, and had seven children.  His eldest daughter, IIannah, married Jared Ingersoll, Esq.,the stamp-master; another daughter, Elizabethb became the wife of the Rev. Chauncey Whittlesey, of New Haven.
mWHITING, REV. SAMUEL, third son of the Rev. John Whiting, was born April
22, 1670, and was ordained and settled as the first pastor of the church in Windham, December 4, 1700. He married Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. William
Adams, of Dedham, Massachusetts, and great grand-daughter of Governor Bradford, of Plymouth.  He was esteemed as a learned and eloquent divine. He wvas
the father of Colonel William  Whiting, (born January 22, 1704,) and of Colonel
Nathan Whiting, (born May 4, 1724,) both of whom commanded regiments in the
French war. His eldest daughter, Anna, (born January 2,1698,)married Joseph
Fitch, and was the mother of Colonel Eleazer Fitch, also an officer in the French
War.
WHITING) WILLIAM, one of the most prominent and respectable of the Connecticut pioneers, first becomes known to us in 1632, at which date he was
associated with Lords Say and Brooke, and George Wyllys, in the purchase of
the Piscataqua country.  He settled in Hartford, and was a member of the General Court in 1637. In 1642, he was elected a magistrate of the colony, and in




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.                          527
1643, he was chosen colonial treasurer-both of which offices he held until his
death in July 1647. His children were-William, John, Samuel, Sarah, Mary,
and Joseph. Among his bequests was one to Mr. Hooker, of ~20, toward printing " his work on the 17th of John;" also the following-~10 to Mr Stone; ~5
toward mending the highway between his house and the meeting-house; and
~5 " to the godly poor in the town."
WHITING, WILLIAIM, eldest son of the preceding, was for some years a resident
of Hartford, and was sent to New Haven to urge upon that colony the expediency
of uniting with Connecticut under the charter of 1662. He returned to England, and became a merchant in London; and in 1686, the assembly appointed
him agent of the colony, to present their petition to the King relating to the writs
of quo warranto that had been issued against the governor and company. He continued in the office of agent for several years, and received from the Assembly
frequent expressions of thanks for his services.  He died in London in 1699.
WHITING, COLONEL WILLIAM, second son of the Rev. John WThiting, was
born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1659; settled in Hartford, where he married Mary, daughter of Colonel John Allyn, and had three children.  Colonel
Whiting represented Hartford in the General Court at eleven sessions, and was
speaker of the house in 1714. As early as 1693, he was appointed by the General Assembly to the command of the Connecticut troops sent to aid Sir William
Phipps in protecting the eastern settlements of Massachusetts and Maine. In
1705, when Governor Dudley attempted to wrest from the jurisdiction of Connecticut the Mohegan country, and had induced the crown to appoint a court of
commissioners, of which he was chief, to assist in carrying out his project, the
legislature appointed Colonel Whiting one of the committee to attend the meeting of said Court, with instructions either to defend the interests of the colony, or
to enter their protest against the action of the court, as the circumstances might
require.  In 1709, and again in 1711, he commanded the forces raised in Connecticut, to cooperate with General Nicholson in reducing the French in Canada,
Acadia and Newfoundland, He was chosen sheriff of Hartford county in 1722,
and acceptably performed the duties of various other civil offices until his death.
WHITTLESEY, REV. SAMUEL minister at Wallingford, graduated at Yale College in 1705, was ordained as colleague with Mr. Street in May 1710, and
died April 15, 1752, aged 66. " I-e was, " says Dr. Allen, " one of the most
distinguished preachers and faithful ministers of the colony. Such was the vigor
and penetration of his mind that he easily comprehended subjects that presented
great difficulties to others."  He published a sermon on the death of John I-Tall,
in 1730; an election sermon, 1731; a sermon on the awful condition of impenitent
souls in their separate state, 1731; and a sermon preached at the ordination of
his son, Samuel, at Milford, 1737. The Rev. Chauncey Whittlosey, an eminent
scholar and pastor of the first church in New Haven from 1758 to 1787, was his
son.
WOODBRIDGE,   REV. TIMOTHY, minister at Hartford, son of the Rev. John
Woodbridge, of Andover, Massachusetts, graduated at Harvard College in 1675
and was ordained as the successor of Mr. Haynes, November 18, 1685. In 1696
he introduced into Connecticut the practice of baptizing the children of those who




528                    BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.' owned the covenant "' without being received into full communion, a practice
which led to a long and bitter controversy among the clergy of Connecticut.
IIe was tall and of majestic aspect, and was one of the most famous men of his
day.  He preached the election sermon in 1727, which was published.  Mr.
Woodbridge died April 30, 1732, aged 50 years. His brother, Rev. John 1WToodbrid.ge, (Jr.,) graduated at Harvard in 1664, was ordained as pastor of the church
in Killingworth, in 1666, but subsequently removed to Wethersfield, where he
was pastor from 1679 till his death in 1691.
MVYLLYS, GEORGE, son of HI-Iezelaih Wyllys, was born in 1710, graduated at
Yale College in 1729, and succeeded his father as Secretary of State in 1735.
To this important office lie was annually elected by the people for a period of
sixty years. During this whole time, he attended every session of the legislature and performed his official duties in a satisfactory manner.  He died April 21,
1796, aged 85. Ils son, General Samuel Wyllys, graduated at Yale in 1758,
and was a highly popular and meritorious officer during the whole of the revolution.  After the war lie was chosen to various civil offices in his native town, and,
from the death of his father in 1796, was elected Secretary of State until 1809.
IHe also rose to the rank of major-general of militia.  The office of secretary
was held by this family in uninterrupted succession for ninety-eight years.
WYLLYS, SAMUEL, son of Governor Wyllys, a sketch of whom I have given on
p ages 136-138 of this volume, was born in England in 1632, came to New England with his parents in childhood, and graduated at Harvard College in 1653.
lie was chosen an assistant, or magistrate, in 1654, and was annually re-elected
for thirty-four years. He died MIay 30, 1709. The famous charter-oak, in which
the charter of King Charles II, was secreted during the usurpation of Andross in
1678, stood and still stands in front of his house, in Hartford. His son, Hezekiah
Wryllys, Esq., was secretary of the colony from1712 until his death in 1735.




APPENDIX.                                   529
STATE AND COLONIAL OFFICERS,
FROM 1639 Tro 1818.
GOVERNORS.    First  Last No.  D       RL.GVROS  First Last INo.
cGOVER.hORe. s.ch     yrs.  DEP, OR LT.-GOVERNORS. chosel. clos's. lyrs.
John Havnes,....  1639 1653  8  Roger Ludlow,..1.. 639 1648  3
Edward Hopkins,......     1640 1654  7  John Haynes.........   1640  1652   5
George W5yllys........- 1642         1  George WVyllys.......,  1641           1
Thomas XWelles%....    1655 71658  2  Edward Hopkins,......1643 1653  6
John Webster,.........'1656        1  Thomas Welles,.......  16541 1659  4
John Winthrop,........ 1657 1676 18  John Webster,......... 1655               1
yWilliam  Leete,........ 1676 1683  7  John Winthrop,...         1658        1
Robert Treat...          1683 1687  4  John Mason,.1660 1669  9
[Sir Edmund Andross,l. 1687 1689  2  William  Leete,.......   1669 1676  7
Robert Treat,..........1689 1698  9  Robert Treat,......... 1676 1708 17
Fitz John Winthrop.....     1698 1707  9  James Bishop,......... 1683 1692  7
Gurdon Saltonstall,..... 1707 1724 17  William  Jones.......1692 1697  5
Joseph Talcott,........  174117741 17   Nathan Gold,..........  1708 1724 16
Jonathan Law,             1741 1750  9  Joseph Talcott,........ 1724 1724
Roger Wolcott,........1750 1754  4  Jonathan Law,.... 1724 1741 17
Thomas Fitch,.....      11754 1766 129  Roger WTolcott,....... 1741 1750  9
William Pitkin,........   1766 1769  3  Thomas Fitch,......... 1750 1754t 4
Jonathan Trumbull,.... 1769 1784 15  William Pitkin,..,.., 1754 1766 129
Matthew Griswold,....  1784 17 86  2  Jonathan Trumbull,.... 1766 1769  3
Samuel Huntington,....11786 1796 10  Matthew  Griswold,.... 1769 1784 151
Oliver Wolcott,           1796 1798  2  Samuel HIuntington,.... 1784 1786  21
Jonathan Trumbull,.... l798 1809 11  Oliver Wolcott...........1786 1796 10
John Teadwell,....... 1809 111  [ 2  Jonathan Trumbull,... 11796 1798  2
Roger Griswold,           1811 1812    1  John Treadwell,....... 1798 1809 11
John Cotton  mith.. 1813 1817.... Roer Griswold,....... 1809 1811  2
John Cotton Smith,....  1811 1813.
Chauncey Goodrich,.... 1813 1815  2
Jonathan Ingersoll,+t...  1816 1818i 2
First  Last No.                           First Last No.l
SECRrETARIES OF STA'rE. ~noICS' yLas,         TREASURERS..>   C 
chos    s's. yrs.r    ThoR      S          C.ohos..s'.yrs.
Edward Hopkins,......  1639 1640- 1 Thomas Welles,....... 1639 1652  5,
Thomas Welles,......   1640 16481  81 William  Whiting,...... 164111648  7
John Cullick,..........  1648 1658 101 John Talcott,.......... 1652 1659  7
Daniel Clark,........ 1658 1667  8 John Taleott,.......   165911678 19
John Allen,........... 1664|1696 128  WilliarnPitkin,.         1678 1679  1
Eleazer Kimberly,..... 1696 1709 13 Joseph Whiting,......    1679 1718 39
Caleb Stanley,.........  11709 171921 3! Jolin Whiting..........   1718 1749 31"
*The successors of Governor Smith, under the Constitution, have been, Oliver Wolcott, Gideon
Tomrnlintson, John S. Peters, Henry W. Edwards, Samuel A. Foote, William WV. Ellsworth, Chauncey F. Cleveland, Roger S. Baldwin, Isaac Toucey, Clark Bissell, Joseph Trumbull, Thomas H
Seymour, Charles H. Pond, Henry Dutton and William T. Minor.
t The Lieutenant-Governors under the Constitution have been-Jonathan Ingersoll, David Plant,
John S. Peters, Thaddeus Betts, Ebenezer Stoddard, Charles Hawley, Wm. S. Holabird, Reuben
Booth, Noyes Billings, Charles J. McCurdy, Thomas Backus, Green Kendrick, Charles H. Pond,
Alexander H. Holley, William Field and Albert Day.
34




530                                 APPENDIX.
First Last No.                              First  Las, No
SECRETARIES OF STATE.            chos n. yrs      TREASURERS            Firt  Lato'.
os'n..h. chos'. 
Hezekiah Wyllys,.......   1712 1735 23 Nathaniel Stanley,...... 1749 1755  6
George Wyllys,.........  1735 179661  Joseph Talcott,......... 1755 1769 14
Samuel Wyllys.........   1796 181l 14 John Lawrence,.......1769 1788 19
Peter Colt,............ 1189 1794  5
Andrew  Kingsbury,t.... 1794i 1818 24
COMPTROLLERS.          First  Last No.       COMPTROLLERS.          First  Last No.
chos'n. c tos'. yrs.                        chos'n. ehosss. yrs.
iJames Wadsworth,..... 1786 1788  2 Andrew Kingsbury,.....  1791 1794  3:Oliver Wolcott,.......    1788 1789  1 John Porter,...........1794 1806 12
jRalph Pomroy,.......... 1789 1791  2 Elisha Colt,+..........1806 181  1
ASSISTANTS.'                        Nom.   Elec.         Retired.
JOHN  HAYNES, Hartford,..............                  1639  1639  1653, died.
ROGER LUDLOW, W~Vindsor and Fairfield,......             1639  1639  1654, to Va.
GEORGE  WYLLYS, Hartford,...........                   1639  1639  1644, died.
EDWARD HOPKINS, Hartford,...........                   1639  1639  1657, to Eng.
THOMAS WELLES, Hartford,...........    1639  1639  1659, died.
JOHN  WVEBSTER, Hartford,.............                 1639  1639  1659, to Mass.
William  Phelps, WVindsor..................         1639  1643.
William  Whiting, Hartford,................            1639  1641  1648.
Matthew Allen, Hartford,..................    1641                   (below.)
William  Hopkins, Stratford.................           1641  1641  1643.
JOHN MASON, Windsor, Saybrook, & Norwich,                      1642      71,  died.
William  Swaine, Wethersfield.............           1643  1643  1645.
Henry W~olcott, Windsor,..................                    1643  1655, died.
George Fenwick, Saybrook................               1639  1644  1649.
John Cullick, Hartford,....................                   1648  1658, to Bost.
JOHN  WINTHROP, New London,........                    1649  1651  1676, died.
Henry Clarke, Windsor...................                 650  160  1662.
John Talcott, Hartford,....................    1654  1654  1659, died.
Samuel Wyllys, Hartford,.................    1654  1654  1685, (below.)
Nathan Gold, Fairfield,....................                   1657  1658. (below.)
George Phelps, Windsor,................1658  1658  1663
tMatthew  Allen, Windsor,..1651............ 1658  1668.
[Richard Treat, Wethersfield.,....1658  1658  1665.
* The Secretaries of State, since the adoption of the Constitution, have been the following, viz.,
TLhomas Day, Royal R. Hinman, Noah A. Phelps, Daniel P. Tyler, Charles W. Bradley, John B.:Robertson, Roger H. Mills, Hiram Weed, John P. C. Mather, Oliver H. Perry and Neh. D. Sperry.
t The successors of Mr. Kingsbury, in the office of State Treasurer, have been-Isanac Spencer,
Jeremiah Brown, Hiram Rider, Jabez L. White, Joseph B. Gilbert, Alonzo W. Birge, Henry D.
Smith, Thomas Clark, Edwin Stearns, Daniel W. Camp, Austin B. Calefand Frederick W. Coe.
t The Comptrollers since the adoption of the Constitution, have been-Elisha Colt, James Thomas,
E lishla Phelps, Roger Huntington, Gideon Welles, William Field, Henry Kilbourn, Abijah Carrington, Malson Cleveland, Abijah Catlin, R. G. Pinney, John Dunham, Alex. Merrill and Ed. Prentis.
+ List of magistrates, generally called Assistants, who constituted the Upper House of the Assembly; and in early times were the Supreme Court of the State. They were the leading men of their
times. The list is copied from the Connecticut Annual Register, for 1848.
The CAPITALS indicate the Governors, and the SMALL CAPITALS the Deputy or LieutenantGovernors, Those marked "died " deceased in office.




APPENDIX.                                 531
ASSISTANTS.                     Nom.   Elec.      IRetired.
John Wells, Stratford..............*......        658  1658  1660.
Alexander Knowles, Fairfield,..............       1658  1658  1659.
Nathan Gold, Fairfield,....................  (above) 1659  1694, died.?
Thurston Rayner, Wethersfield,.............              1661  1662, (below.)
John Talcott, Hartford.............    1661  1662  1688
Daniel Clark, Windsor,.................... 1661  1662  1664, resigned.
John Allyn, Hartford..................            1661  1662  1696, died.
Henry Wolcott, Windsor.1661  1662  1665, (below.)
Samuel Sherman, Fairfield,............ 1664 1662 1664, (below.)
Thurston Rayner, Wethersfield,.............       1664  1663  1664.
James Richards, Hartford,.................. 1664  1666, (below.)
WILLIAM  LEET, Guilford,..............            1665  1665  1683, died.?
WILLIAM JONES, New Haven,..............    1665  1665  1698, died.?
Benjamin Fenn, Milford,..................    1665  1665  1673.
Jasper Crane, Branford...................         1665  1665  1668.
Henry Wolcott, Windsor..................  (above)  1665  1681.
Samuel Sherman, Stratford,................  (above) 1665  1668.
Daniel Clark, Windsor,....................      1666  1666  1668.
Alexander Bryant, Milford.................    1665  1668  1679.
JAMES BisiOP, New Haven,................    1667  1668  1692, died.
Anthony Howkins, Farmington,........    1664  1668  1674, died.
Thomas Welles, Hartford,.................         1665  1668  1669.
James Richards, Hartford,................  (above) 1669  1681.
John Nash, New Haven...              1670  1672  1688, died.?
ROBERT TREAT, Milford...                           1665  1673  1708.
Thomas Topping, Branford.                          1670  1674  1685.
John Mason, Norwich,....................          1672  1676  1677.
Matthew Gilbert, New Haven,........               1665  1677  1678
Andrew  Leet, Guilford,.................          1677  1678  1703.
John Wadsworth, Farmington,.............    1675  1679  1690) died.
Robert Chapman, Saybrook..    1669  1681  1685
James Fitch, Norwich...............               1678  1681  1698, (below.)
Samuel Mason, Stonington,.................        1681  1683  1703.
Benjamin Newbury, Windsor,..........,             1664  1685  1690, died.?
Samuel Talcott, Wethersfield,...............    1669  1685  1692, died.?
Giles Hamlin, Middletown,................    1667  1685  1690, died.
Samuel Willis, Hartford,..............I   (above) 1689  1693, (below.)
[Fitz] John Winthrop, New London,.........         1689  1689  1690, (below.)
John Burr, Fairfield,......................       1685  1690  1695,
William Pitkin, Hartford,..................    1690  1690  1694, died.
Daniel Wetherell, New London,............         1677  1690  1710.
Nathaniel Stanly, Hartford................     1690  1690  1713.
Caleb Stanly, Hartford...................    1692  1692  1701.
Moses Mansfield, New Haven,..............    1683  1692  1704, died.?
JOHN  WINTHROP, New London,.,...  (above) 1693  1707, died.
John Har -iI Middletown,................. 7ae -     1         1730.
John Hari,Middletown,,i.                          1693  1694  1730.
Jonathan Sellick, Stamford,................    1694  1695  1701.
NATHAN GOLD, Fairfield,..................       1694  1695  1723, died.
William Pitkin, Hartford,.....1............       1696  1697  1723, died.
Joseph Curtice, Stratford,..................    1696  1698  1722.
Samuel Willis, Hartford,...................  (above) 1698  1699.
Richard Christophers, New London,........        1694  1699  1700, (below.)
James Fitch, Nowich,...................... (above)  1700  1709.
John Chester, Wethersfield,................    1685  1701  1 712.
Josiah Rossiter, Guilford,..................    1700  1701  1711.
Peter Burr, Fairfield,................    1701  1703  1725.




532                              APPENDIX.
ASSISTANTS.                     Nonm.   Elec.     Retired.
Richard Christophers, New London,...   (above) 1703  1723.
John Alling, New Haven,.................         1703  1704  1717.
GURDON SALTONSTALL, New London,..  not no,. 1707  1724, died,
John Haynes, Hartford,..................    1696 1708  1714.
Samuel Eells. Milford,.....................      1683  1709  1740, died.
Matthew Allyn, Windsor.................          1706  1710  1734.
JOSEPH  TALCOTT, Hartford,.......    1709  1711  1741, died.
Abraham  Fowler, Guilford,................    1705  1712  1720.
John Sherman, Woodbury................           111  1713  1723.
Roger Wolcott, Windsor,.............    1712  1714  1718, (below.)
JONATHAN  LAW, Milford.............    1710  1717  1750, died.
James Wadsworth, Durham,...............    1716  1718  1752.
ROGER WOLCOTT, Windsor,...........  (above)  1720  1754,
John Hall, Wallingford...................    1719  1722  1730.
Christopher Christophers, New London,.....,.    1718  1723  1729.
Hezekiah Brainard, Haddam,                         12     737......... 7.. 1723  1 died.
John Hooker, Farmington.................         1709  1723  1734,
Josh.Wakeman, Fairfield,..................           115  1724  1727.
Nathaniel Stanly, Hartford,....      1723  1725  1749.
Joseph Whiting, New Haven..............    1722  1725  1746.
Ozias Pitkin, Hartford,.....                      1725  1727  1747.
Timothy Pierce, Plainfield,.................    1725  1728  1748.
John Burr, Fairfield,......................    1724  1729  1740.
Samuel Lynde, Saybrook..................         1729  1730  1754, died.
Edmund Lewis, Stratford,..................    1729  1730  1739.
WILLIAM  PITKIN, HIartford............    1731  1734  1769, died.
Thomas Fitch, Norwalk,..                1730  1734  1736, (below.)
Roger Newton, Milford,.1729  1736  1740, (below.)
Ebenezer Silliman, Fairfield,................    1736  1739  1766.
THOMAS FITCH, Norwalk,.......(above).1740  1766.
Jonathan Trumbull, Lebanon,...............    1739  1740  1751, (below.)
Hezekiah  Huntington, Norwich..............    1739  1740  1743, (below.)
John Bulkley, Colchester,..................    1735  1743  1753, died.
Andrew Burr, Fairfield,...................        1734  1746  1764.
Roger Newton, Milford....................  (above) 1742  1762.
John Chester, Wethersfield,................    1741  1747  1766.
Hezekiah Huntington, Norwich.............  (above) 1748  1773,
Gurdon Saltonstall, New London,............    1746 1749  1754,
Thomas Welles, Glastenbury,...............       1749  1751  1761.
Benjamin Hall, Wallingford,................     1749  1751  1766.
Phineas Lyman, Suffield...................       1751  1752  1759.
JONATHAN  TRUMBULL, Lebanon,.....  (above) 1754  1784, declined.
Roger Wolcott, Windsor,..................    1747 1754  1760, died,
Jonathan Huntington, Windham...........          1751  1754  1758.
Daniel Edwards, Hartford.................    1751  1755  1765, died.
Jabez Hamlin, Middletown,...........    1754  1758  1766, (below.)
MATTHEW  GRISWOLD, Lyme,.........                 1755  1759  1786.
Shubael Conant, Mansfield................        1754  1760  1775, died.
Elisha Sheldon, Litchfield,.........     1758 1762  1779, died.
Eliphalet Dyer, Windham................          1758 1762 1784, died.
Jabez Huntington, Windham,...............         1761 1764  1781, died.
William Pitkin, East Hartford..............       3 1 766  1785, resigned.
Roger Sherman, New Haven.                         1761 1766  1785, resigned.
Robert Walker, Stratford..................    1760  1766  1772, died.
Abraham  Davenport, Starmford.............    1764  1766  1784.
Win. Samuel Johnson, Stratford....             1765   766  1776, (below.)




APPENDIX.                                 533
ASSISTANTS.                     Nomr.   Elec.     Retired.
Joseph Spencer, East Haddam.,.........           1765  1766  1778, (below.)
Zebulon West, Tolland,....................    1766  1770  1771.
|OLIVER WOLCOTT, Litchfield..........             1768  1771  1797. died.
Jabez Hamlin, Mitiddletown,.(above) 1773  1785.
James A. Hillhouse, New I-Iaven,...........      1771  1773  1775.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Norwich,.....    1773  1775  1796.
Richard Law, New London,.............           1774  1776  1784, Judge.
William Williams, Lebanon,................    1774  1776  1780, (below.)
iTitus Hosmer, Middletown,................    1775  1778  1780, died.
Oliver Ellsworth, Windsor,........... (below,)    1778  1 780  1785, Judge.
Joseph Spencer, East Haddam,.............  (above) 1779  1789.
Adams, Andrew, Litchfield,................    1779  1781  1790.
Benjamin Huntington, Norwich,...........    1779  1781  1790, (below.)
Joseph Platt Cooke, Danbury,............         1783  1784  1803.
Stephen Mix Mitchell, WVethersfield,........  1783  1784  1793.
William WTilliams, Lebanon,.................  (above) 1784  1803.
William Hillhouse, New London,............    1783  1785  1809.
Erastus WVolcott, East Windsor,..........    1772  1785  1790.
JOHN  TREADAWNELL, Farmington,                    1783  1785  1811.
Jonathan Sturges, Fairfield..............        1784  1785  1789.
James Wadsworth, Durham.,............         1776  1785  1788.
Winm. Samuel Johnson, Stratford,............  (above) 1786  1789.
John Chester, WVethersfield,..........    1786  1788  1792, (below.)
James Hillhouse, New Haven,..............    1785  1789  1791.
Jedediah Strong, Litchfield,................    1786  1789  1791.
Jesse Root, Coventry,......................    1780  1789  1789, Judge.
James Davenport, Stamford,...............    1789  1790  17977 died.
Roger Newberry, W*indsor,...............    1789  1790  1809.
Heman Swift, Cornwall,...............    1789  1790  1802.
John Chandler, Newtown,..............  1789  1790  1795, died.
Benjamin Huntington, Norwich,..,.........    (above) 1791 1793, Judge.
Amasa Learned, New London,.............    1790  1791 1792.
Jonathan Ingersoll, New Haven,............     1790  1792  1798, (below.)
Tapping Reeve, Litchfield,..........8.......179  1792  1793.
Asher  iller, Middletown,...............    1791  1793  1793, Judge.
Thomas Glrosvenor, Pomfiet,...............    1789  1793  1802.
Thomas Seymour, Hartford,................        1791  1793  1803.
Aaron Austin, New Hartford,.............    1792  1794  1818.
Jeremiah Wadsworth, Hartford,.............    1787  1795  1801.
JONATHAN  TRUMBULL, Lebanon,.....                 1788  1796  1809, died.
David Daggett, New Haven,...............    1794  1797  1814, Sen. C.
Jonathan Brace, IHartford,.                       1797  1798  1799, (below,)
Zephaniah Swift, Windham,................        1791  1799  1800, (below.)
Nathaniel Smith, Woodbury,...............    1798  1799  1805, Judge.
John Allen, Litchfield,....................      1794  1800  1806.
Zephaniah Swift, Windham,................     (above) 1801  1801, Judge.
Oliver Ellsworth, Windsor,................   (above)  1802  1808.
Jonathan Brace, Hartford,.................      (above)  1802  1819.
Chauncey Goodrich, Halrtford,..............    1793  1902  1808, (below.)
John Chester, Wethersfield,................  (above) 1803  1809. died.
William Edmund, Newtown,.............    1793  1803  1806, Judge.
Elizur Goodrich, New Haven,..............    1801  1803  1818.
Matthew Griswold, Lyme,.................    1802  1805  1818.
Stephen T. Hosmer,Middletown,.............    1798  1805  1815, Judge.
Asher Miller, Middletown,..............  (above) 1806  1817.
Henry Champion, Colchestere...............    1803  1806  1818.




534                            APPENDIX.
ASSISTANTS.                   Nom.    lec.      Retired.
Calvin Goddard, Norwich,.................      1806  1808  1815, Judge.
Isaac Beers, New Haven,.............    1804  1808  1809.
John Cotton Smith, Sharon,................      807  1809 1810, Judge.
[Judson Canfield, Sharon................. 1804  1809  1815.
Theodore Dwight, Hartford................      1808  1809  1816
ROGER GRISWOLD, Lyme,.............    1793  1809  18127 died.
Frederick Wolcott, Litchfield.............    1808  1810  1819.
JOHN  COTTON  SMITH, Sharon..                 (above)  1811  1817.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICI1, I-artford............. (above)  1813  1815, died.
Roger M. Sherman, Fairfield,...............    1808  1814  1818.
Samuel W. Johnson, Stratford,.............    1810  1815  1818.
Noah B. Benedict, Woodbury,.........  1810  1816  1818.
William Perkins, Ashford,...............    1810  1816  1818.
Samuel B. Sherwood, Fairfield,.............    181   1816  1817.
JONATHAN INGERSOLL New Haven,.......... (above)  1816  1819.
Asa Chapman, Newtown,.............    1809  1817  1819.
Elias Perkins, New London,................    1813  1817  1819.
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Litchfield,............               1817  1819.
William Bristol, New HIaven,...............    1817  1818  1819.
Elijah Boardman, New Milford,............   1817  1818  1819.
David Tomlinson, Oxford,..................   1817  1818  1819.
Sylvester Wells, Hartford,..................    1817  1818  1819.
JOHN  S. PETERS, Hebron,..............    1817  1818  1819.
James Lanman, Norwich,.................. 181   1818  1819.
Enoch Burrows, Stonington.                      1817  1818  1819.
Peter Webb, Windham....................    1817  1818  1819.
ROLL OF DEPUTIES
TO THE GENERAL COURT OF CONNECTICUT
FROM APRIL 1640, TO THE UNION WITH NEW HAVEN COLONYI APRIL 1665.
NAMES OF DEPUTIES.    First  No.       NAMES OF DEPUTIES. elFirted.t  No.
elected.   ses.                        elected,   see.
Mr. Allyn,........    1648  14  Mr. Jonathan Brewster,.... 1650   7
Lieut. John Allyn.          1661        John Burr,.............  1641   1
Thomas Allyn,...........  1656   1  Mr. Jehu Burr,........... 1645   7
Ensign James Avery,...... 1659   6  Lieut. John Budd,........ 1664   1
Richard Butler,...........   1656   8
Andrew Bacon,........... 1642  25
Mr. John Banks......... 1651   6  Mr. Matthew Canfield,..... 1654  12
Joshua Bartes............ 1663   1  Nath. Canfield............  1655   1
William Beardsley,......... 1645   7  lugh Caulkins....1652  11
MIr. James Bishop,........ 1665   1  Mr. Robert Chapman,          1652  17
Thomas Birchard,......... 1650   2  Thonlas Chapman,........ 1652   2
Samuel Boardman,........ 1657  17  Mr. Chaplin,.......1642   2
lMr. John Bissell,......... 1648  16  Mr. William Chesebrough,.. 1653   5
Lieut. James Boozey,.......  1640  14  William Cheeney,......... 1660   5
John Bronson,..... 1651   4  Mr. George Clark,...... 1665   1




APPENDIX.                                  535
First  No.                                 First No.
NAMES OF DEPUTIES,    elected. ses.        NAMES OF DEPUTIES.   elected. ses.
Mr. Daniel Clark.......    1653   5  Josias Hull.                        1659  4
Henry Clark,...........   1642   2  Mr. HIull................ 1640 15
Mr..John Clark...........  1649  21  Thomas Hunt............ 1664   1
Mr. Clarke............. 1641   9  John HIurd.............. 1649  4
John Cooper,...  1665  1
Thomas Coleman..........   1651   9  John Jessop............. 1664  1
Sergt. William Cornwell,...  1654   3  Thomas Judd,............           1646 14
Thomas Cook.......... 1665   1  Ensign Joseph Judson....  1658  9
Richard Crabb,........... 1640   2
Mr. Cullick,............. 1644   3  William  K(enney,.........      1662   1
John Cowles...........   1653   2  John Ketchurn,............  1664  1
Sergt. John Kilibourn,....     1660  4
Mr. John Deming........   1646  19
Capt. Denison........    1653   3  John Lattimner,...........   1654  1
Nathaniel Dickerson-..  1646  19  Cary Latham............ 1664  1
Samuel Drake............          1616   Thomas Leffingwell.......  1662   1
John Edwards........... 1643   2  Mr. Lord............... 1656  8
Nath. Ely..............  1656 i I
Mr. Thomas Fairchild..... 1646  11  Matthew Marvin,...   1654  1
Mr. Joseph Fitch,..         1654  10  Captain Mason........... 1641  2
Nathaniel Foot,......... 1641   2  Good. Meads............   1653   1
Thomas Ford.........  1640   4  Mr. Thomas Minor....... 1650  3
John Fowler,........... 1665   1  Thomas Morehouse.......  1653  1
Lieut. Waiter Fyler.......   1661   3  Isaac Moore.............   1657  1
Mr. John Moore..........    1653  6
Mr. William Gaylord......    1640  36  James Morgan...........   1557  5
George Graves............ 1656   4  Joseph Mygatt...........   1656 11
William Goodrich.........1660   3
John Gregory,........... 1659   3  Capt. Benjamin Newbery,.   1656   7
Francis Griswold,..          1664   1  Thomas Newton....... 1645  i
Edward Griswold,.........  1656   9  Mr. Isaac Nichols......... 1662   3
Matthew Griswold.            1649   3  Sergt. John Nott......... 1662   7
Nath. Griswold......... 1650   1
Philip Graves,............    1642  14  Lieut. Richard Olmsted....       1653   9
Henry Gray,....              1642   2
William Parker..........   1652   1
Samuel Hale,........... 1656   3  Mr. Parks..............   1642  2
John IHall, Jr............ 1653   1  Mr. Phelps...........              1645  20
Samuel HIall............. 1660   1  Mr. Plumb.............. 1642   1
Mr. Hall................ 1661   1  John Pratt..............   1641  3
Thomas Halsey Jr........ 1664   1  Mr. Porter.............. 1646  2
Joseph Hawley...........  1658   1  Mr. Thomas Pell......... 1664   1
John Hart............... 1659   2
Stephen Hart,.........       1646  13  Thomas Raynelr..........   1640   1
Ed. Harvey......... 1646   1  Nath. Richards.......... 1658   1
Mr. Hill............ 1641  10  John Robbins............ 1643  2
William Hill............. 1651   3  Mr. Robbins............            1656  3
Mr. John Hollister........ 1644  14  Mr. James Rogers........ 1661   7
Mr. IHosford                  1652   1  Robert Rose............. 1641  2
Mr. Anthony Hawkins..... 1657  13  Mr. Rossiter............. 1643  2
Mr. John Howell,.....       1662   2  Robert Royce.............    1661   1
Walter Hoyt,.....   1658   3  Captain Seely............ 1664   1
George Hubbard...   1640   3  Samuel Sherman......... 1660   1
Mr. Cornelius Hull........ 1656   9  Thomas Sherrat.......... 1649   2
Mr. Geo-ge Hull,..........    1649   1 1Thomas Sherwood,........ 1645




53G6                             APPENDIX.
NAMES OF DEPUTIES.       l First Noe.   NAMIES OF DEPUTIES.    elected. ses.
WVilliam  Smith,.........   1  652  4  Mr. William WVadsworth,..  1652  17
Samuel Smith......           1641 21  Ens. William Waller.....    1663   2
ArI. Specer                  15640   1  Mr. Andrew WTard,             1648  13
Sergt. John Stanley,.......  1659  4  Nath. Ward,............ 1656   1
Ed. Stebbing,............  1640 16  Robert Warner,.                 1660   7
Thomas Staunton.........   1651   1  Robert WVebster,.........1653   9
Thomas Staples.......... 1649  3  Richard Webb,.                      1655   1
John Sticklin.               1641  I  John We5lles.............   1656   4
Mr. Steele............... 1640 34  Mr. Samuel Wells......... 1657   8
Samuel Stocking......... 1658  3  Mr. Thomas Wells,.....  1662   1
Mr. Stoughton,........... 1640  8  John Wheeler,                     1657   4
Mr. Swayne,.............  641  3  Mr. Westwood......... 1642  21
Lieut. Samuel Swayne,.       1665   1  Nathaniel White,........   1659 
Thomas Whitmore,........  1654   1
Mr. Taintor.                 1646  2  William  Wilcoxson              1646   1
Mr. Talcott......           1640 30  Anthony Wilson........... 1646   1
John Tinker.                 1660  2  David Wilton............ 1646  11
Daniel Titterton....    1646  4  Andrew Winard.1653   1
Thomas Thomson,.........  1650  1  Barnabas Wines,....... 1664   1
Thomas Thornton,.........  1651   1  Mr. Henry Wolcott,.......  1655   3
Thomas Tracy........... 1662 23  John Wilford,...... 1664   1
Mr. Treat,          1644  5  Mr. Richard Woodhull,            1664...
Michael Try,.......   1657   1
CATALOGUE
OF THE CONGO:EGATIONAL CLERGYMIEN IN CONNECTICUT
AND NEW HAVEN COLONIES,
DOWN TO 1665~ VIZ.
NAMES.            From.  To.             NAMES.            From.  To.
Thomas Hooker, Hartford, 1633  1647  John Higginson, Guilford,. 1650 1659
Samuel Stone, Hartford,... 1633  1663  Joseph Elliott, Guilford,..  1660
Ephraim Hewett, Windsor, 1639  1644  Samuel Russell, Branford,. 1644 1665
Sam'l Hooker, Farmington, 1661  1697  Rd. Blynman, N. London,. 1650 1658
John Davenport, N. Haven, 1639  1668  N. Russell, Middletown.    1658 1713
Wm. Hook, New Haven,. 1644  1656  Henry Smith, Wethersfield 1641 1648
Nicholas Street, N. Haven, 1659  1674  Jona. Russell,    "           1648
Peter Prudden, Milford,... 1640  1656  Joseph Haynes, Hartford.           1679
Roger Newton, Milford,.. 1660  1683  Samuel Whiting,........
Henry Whitfield, Guilford, 1639  1650  Thos. Buckingham, Sayb'k  1660
* From May, 1637, to April, 1640, the popular branch of the General Court or General
Assembly, as it was afterwards called, was composed of " Committees." The following gentlemen served in that capacity between these dates, viz.:-Mr. Whiting, Mr. Webster, Mr. Williams,
Mr. Hull, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Hosford, Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Sherman, Capt. Mason, Mr.
Hopkins, Mr. Steel, Mr. Ford, Thomas Marshall, Mr. Andrew Ward, George Hubbard, John Gibbs,
Thurston Raynler, Mr. Moxam, Mr. Burr, Mr. Spencer, John Pratt, Edward Stebbing, Mr. Gaylord,
Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, James Boosey, Richard Crabb, Mr. Porter, Mr. Tappan, and
Mr. Hill. Many of the deputies above named, were frequently elected after the union.




APPENDIX                                     537
NAMES.             From.  To.              NAMES.              Fromn.  To.
Gershom Bulkley, "....  1 661 1666  Richard Denton, Stamford, 1641  1644
James Fitch, Norwich,... 1660 1694  John Bishop, Stamford,... 1644  1694
Mr. Jones, Fairfield                        Adam Blackman, Stratford, 1640  1665
Samuel Wakeman,  do...  1665 1692  Israel Chauncey, Stratford, 1665  1722
ZechariahWalker,Stratford           1670  Thomas Hanford, Norwalk, 1654
MASTERS.
List of gentlemen who are designated upon the Colonial Records of Connecticut,
with the prefix of Master (or " Mr.") previous to the union of that colony with
New Haven, 1665-including those who bore military titles of a nearly equal
rank, viz:
NAMES.                 Year.                NAMES.                 Year.
Mr. Ludlow,......... 1636   Mr. Holmes................. 1638
Mr. John Steele,.............. 1636  Mr. Moxam................. 1638
Mr. Winm. Swayne,.......... 1636  1Mr. Burr,................... 1638
Mr. Vm. Westwood,......... 1636  M1r. Stephen Terry..........    1638
Mr. Andrew Ward,..........  1636  Mr. Samuel Stone,..........                  1638
Mr. Wim. Phelps,.......... 1636  Mr. William  Goodwin......... 1638
Mr. Winm. Pyncheon,..........  1636  Mr. George Wyllys,...........  1639
Mr. Thomas Allen..       1636  Mr. William Gaylord,                  1639
Mr. John Oldham,............        1636  Mr. Spencer.................  1639
RMr. John Plumb,.........   1636  Mr. Stoughton,........   1639
Mr. Francis Stiler.,..........  1636  Mr.  enry Wolcott...........            1639
Mr. Seely,........... 1636  Mr. Moore,........... 1639
Mr. Strickland,.......... 1636  Mr.   eed.................. 1639!Mr. Mitchell,................. 1636  Mr. Skinner,....               1639
Mr. Clement Chaplin,........ 1636  Mr. Porter,................. 1639
Mr. Thomas Welles,......  1637  Mr. Tappan................. 1639
Mr. William  Whiting.......... 1637  Mr. Hill,....................   1639
Mr. John WVebster............ 1637  Mr. Fenwick...............   1639
Mr. Williams,............... 1637  Mr. Hooker,................ 1639
MAIr. Hull,.................... 1637  Mr. John Woodcock,..........    1639
Mr. Talcott,.................. 1637  Mr. Prudden........a... 1639
Mr. John Sherman,........... 1637  Mr. Matthew Allen,........... 1639
Mr. Hosford,................. 1637  Mr. Ephraim Hewett,.......... 1640
Mr. John Mason,............. 1637  Mr. Arthur Williams,....... 1640
Mr. John Ilaynes............ 1637  Mr. Parks,..................1. 640
Mr. Smith,................... 1638  Mr. Moody..................   1640
Mr. Edward Hopkins,......... 1638  Mr. Edward Hopkin s......... 1640
Mr. Thomas Ford,............ 1638  Mr. Rossiter.................    1640
* These names are gathered mainly from J. Hammond Trumbull's " Colonial Records." It will be
observed that many eminent names in our Colonial history, are not found in the roll here given.
The reasons are obvious. The period covers only the first thirty years of our existence as a colony.
]Many gentlemen who were in Connecticut during that time, afterwards became prominent; others
did not arrive from England until a later date. I have not been able to obtain anything like a complete list of those who bore this title in New Haven Colony. A very few only of the names here
given, belonged to other jurisdictions.




538                                 rrAPPENDIX.
NAMIES.              Year.               NAMES.                 Year.
Mr. Robert Saltonstall.... 1641  Mr. John Wells,............. 1658
Mr. Deynton,............ 1641  Mr. Alexander Knowles,....... 1658
Mr. Clark,............. 1641  Mr. Baker,.................. 1658
Mr. Cogogen.1641  1Mr. Mulford,................  1658
Mr. Fowle         r..1641   Mr. Cobbett..................  1658
MTr. Astwood................ 1641   Mr. Danforth,...............  1658
Mr. Tapp,...................  1641  Mr. Brown.................  1658
Mr. Phcenix,................. 1642  Mr. Norton,.                         1658
Mr. Cihek.....I.        1642.Mr. Mnatthew  Canfield,.          1659
Mr. Tylei,..................    1642  Mr. Walter Hoyt............         1659
Mr. Eidridg................  1642  Mr. Samuel Wells,...........   1659
Mr. Chester,................. 1642  Mr. Thomrnas Fairchild,.......   1659
Mr. Treat,...                     1642  Mr. Wilton............... 1659
Mr. Robbins,................ 1643  Mr. Barrett,................ 1659
Mr. Branker,.............. 1643  Mr. Josiah Stanborough,.       1659
Mr. John Hollister,...            1643  Mr. Bruen,.................   1660
Mr. Andrews........... 1644  IMr. John Cotton,.......  1660
Mr. Gilbert,......1646 Mr. Varlet.                              1660
Mr. Graves.............   1646  Mr. Stow.................. 1660
Mr. Cosmore,................ 1647  Mr. Rayner...1660
Mr. Taintor...,1647  Mr. Bond,...................  1661
Mr. Boozey............ 1647  Mr. Baker.................. 1661
Mr. Howell,..         1647  Mr. Hall., 1661
Mr. Pinney,............   1648  Mr. Richard Woodhull,........   1661
Mr. Olcott................    1648  Mr. Thomas Pierce,...........        1661
Mr. Blackleach:...                1649  Mr. Halsey................. 1661
Mr. Blackman....       1649  Mr. Palms................... 1661
Mr. Jonathan Brewster,.......  1650  Mr. Thomas Bull,..........    1661
Mr. Blinman,......             1651  Mr. Joseph Willard,..........  1661
Mr. Augustine...............  1651  Mr. Win. Pratt..............       1661
Mr. Win. Lewis,............ 1651  Mr. Wm. Waller.............  1661
Mr. Wheeler,...         1651  Mr'. Win. Bushnell,...........  1661
Mr. John Steele, Jr.,........ 1651  Mr. Reynold Marvin,....      1661
Mr. Thomas Barnes,.......... 1651  Mr. Jonas Wood.....         1662
Mr. Richard Olmsted,........   1651  Mr. Wadsworth,............  1662
Mr. Daniel Clark,............   1653  Mr. Thomson................   1662
Mr. Denison,............   1653  Mr. Joseph Haynes,...........   1662
Mr, Cook,............. 1653  Mr. James Rogers,....       1662
Mr. Samuel Wyllys,.......... 1654  Mr. Samuel Smith,...........  1662
Mr. Samuel Mayo............   1654  Mr. James Avery............   1662
Mr. Bryant............   1654  Mr. John Young.............         1662
Mr. Fitch,...................    1654  Mr. Glover,.................  1662
Mr. John Whiting,......... 1654  Mr. Elton...................  1662
Mr. Wm. Whiting, Jr.........  1654  Mr. Tucker.                            1662
Mr. Baxter,................. 1654  Mr. William Pitkin,......  1662
Mr. John Russell,............   1654  Mr. Samuel Talcott,...      1662
Mr. Ogden,...             1656  Mr. Rickball................  1662
Mr. Benj amin Newbury,.,,,,, 1656  Mr. Sylvester,............... 1662
Mr. Nathan Gold...        1656  Mr. Gardiner,................  1662
Mr. Wareham.............   1656  Mr. Tyler,................... 1663
Mr. Thomas Pell,...  1656  Mr. Anthony Howkins,......          1663
Mr. Lord,.......... 1656  Mr. Robert Chapman.........   1663
Mr. Kilbourn,................ 1657  Mr. Burr,...................  1663
Mr. John Betts,............ 1657  Mr. Thomas Minor...........  1663
Mr. Dickerson........... 1657  Mr. Jones,.                          1663
Mr. Nott,................... 1657  Mr. Samuel Sherman,.........   1663




APPENDIX.                             539
NAMES.             Year.             NAMES.              Year.
Mr. Hanford.............     1663  Mr. Wood,............. 1664
Mr. Wakeman,..............1663  M.. Barton,................. 1664
Mr. Richard Mills,........  1663  Mr. Thomas Benedict..             1664
Mr. John Budd,.............1663  Mr.. Richard Betts........... 1664
Mr. Richard Smith, Sr.........       Mr. William Noble,..........  1664
Mr. Joseph Hews,............  1663  Mr. William  Hallett.           1664
Mr. Edw. Hutchinson            1663.. Mr. James Hubbard,.          1664
Mr. Richard Smith, Jr.........663  Mr. William Wilkins,........  1664
Mr. Bourne,.........         1663..... 1663  Mr. James Richards,.......... 1664
Mr. Dallye.....1...........    663  Mr. Fordham............... 1664
Mr. Tracy,................   1663  Mr. Walker,...... 1664
Mr. John Scott,...........    1664  Mr. Loveridge,........... 16641
Mr. Bissell,...... 1664  Mr. Hagborn,...............  1664:
Mr. Hamlin.1664  Mr. Douglass...............  1664
Mr. John Hicks,........ 1664  Mr. John Moore,............. 1664
Mr. Robert Coe,.............1664  Mr. John Stanley......          1664
Mr. John Coe............. 1664  Mr. Cornelius Hull,...........  1664
Mr. William Clark,.......1664  Mr. John Banks.............  1664
Mr. Jessup.....166.............4  Mr. Robert Treat........         16641
FAMILY NAMES
OF S}OME OF THE PLANTERS OF THE COLONIES OF CONNECTICUT
AND NEW HAVEN,
PrEVIOUS'ro THEIR UNION IN 1665.
ABBE,             Atkinson,         Barnes,            Belden,
Abbott,           Atwater,          Barnurn,           Bell,
Abel,             Atwood,           Barrett,           Bellingham,
Abernethy,        Austin,           Barrows,           Beaumont,
Ackley,           Avery,            Bartlett,          Bement,
Adams,            Axtell,           Bateman,           Benedict,
Addis,            Ayres,            Bates,             Benham,
Adgate,                             Bascomb,           Benjamin,
Adkins,           B ackus,          Bassett,           Bennett,
Aiken,            Bacon,            Baxter,            Benton,
Alcock,           Bailey,           Beach,             Benson,
Alexander,        Baker,            Beacham,           Betts,
Allen,            Baldwin,          Beale,             Bidwell,
Alsop,            Bamster,          Beard,             Bigelow,
Alvord,           Bancroft,         Beardsley,         Birchard,
Andrews,          Banks,            Beaucamp,          Biggs,
Andrus,           Barber,           Beebe,             Billings,
Armstrong,        Barden,           Beecher,           Bingham,
Arnold,           Barker,           Beers,             Bird,
Ashley,           Bailey,           Beckley,           Birdseye,
Astwood,          Barlow,           Beckwith,          Birge,
Atkins,           Barnard,          Belcher,           Bishop,




540                            APPENDIX.
Bissell,           Buckingham,        Clough,             Dummer,
Buckland,          Buel,               Carbitt,
Blachford,         Bulkley,           Cadman,             East,
Blackleach,        Bull,              Cadner,             Eaton,
Blackman,          Bunce,             Coe,                Edwards,
Blakesley,         Bunnell,           Cogswell,           Edmunds,
Blinman,           Burden,            Coit,               Eggleston,
Bliss,             Burgess,           Cole,               Elderkin,
Bloomer,           Burnham,            Cone,              Eldred,
Blomfield,         Burroughs,          Constable          Eldridge,
Boardman,          Burr,               Cowles,            Ellis,
Bolles,            Burrett,           Colfaxe,            Ellison,
Boltwood,          Burwell,           Coleman,            Elliott,
Bolt,              Bush,              Collier,            Elmore,
Bond,              Bushnell,           Collins,           Elsing,
Boosy,             Butler,             Coltman,           Ellsw6rth,
Bordain,           Butterfield,       Colt,               Elton,
Booth,                                 Colton,            Ely,
Bostwick,          Cabell,            Comstock,           Everts,
Boswell,           Cadwell,           Conklin,            Evans,
Botsford,          Calder,            Coker,
Bowe,              Camp,               Cooke,             Fairchild
Bowers,            Canfield,          Cooley,             Farrand,
Boughton,          Carr,               Cooper,            Fellowes,
Boyd,              Carrington,        Cornelius,          Fenn,
Boyes,             Carrier,            Cornwell,          Fenner
Boykin,            Carter,            Cary,               Fenwick,
Brackett,          Case,               Cosmore,           Ferman
Bratfield,         Castle,            Colton,             Ferris
Brace,             Catlin,             Crane,             Filley,
Brawley,           Cattell,            Craddock,          Finch,
Bradley,           Caulkins,           Cross,             Fish,
Bradstreet,        Chalker,            Crowell,           Fisher,
Brainerd,          Chalkwell,         Crumb,              Fitch,
Bramfield,         Champion,          Cullick,            Fletcher
Branker,           Chauncey,          Curtis,             Foote,
Brattle,           Chappell,           Curwin             Ford,
Breed,             Chapin,                                Foster,
Brewster,          Chaplin,            Daniels,           Fowler,
Bruen,             Chapman,           Davenport,          Franklin,
Bridgeman,         Charles,           Davis,              Frost,
Brigden,           Charwell,           Davies,            Fugill,
Briggs,            Chalfield,          Dawes,             Freeman,
Brinsmade,         Chatterton,         Day,               Fuller,
Bristol,           Chidsey,            Demning,           Fyler,
Brockett,          Cheeney,           Denison,
Brodwell,          Chapperfield,       Denslow            Gager,
Brockway,          Cherry,            Desborough,         Gaines,
Bronson,           Cheener,           Dewey,              Gaylord,
Brooke,            Chester,           Dibble,             Galpin,
B3rooks,           Cheseborough.    Dickinson,            Gardner,
Brown,             Chichester,         Douglass           Garrett.
Browning,          Chittenden,        Dowd,               Gibbons,
Brundish,          Christophers,      Drake,              Gibbs,
Brush,             Church,            Dyer,               Gibbud,
Bryan,             Churchill,         Dixon,              Gilbert,
Budd,              Clark,              Dix,               Gildersleeve,
Buck,              Clemons,           Dudley,             Gillett,




APPENDIX.                             541
Glover,           Horton,           Lines,             Odell,
Gold,             Hosmer,           Livermore,         Ogden,
Goodman,          Hoyt,             Lobdell,           Olcott,
Goodrich,         Howard,           Lockwood,          Oldham,
Goodwin,          Hubbard,          Loomis,            Oldridge,
Goodyear,         Hubbell,          Lowe,              Olmsted,
Grannis,          Hudson,           Lord,              Orton,
Grant,            Husted,           Lucas,             Orvis,
Graves,           Humphrey,         Ludlow             Osborne.
Gray,             HIull,            Lupton,
Green,            Itungerford,      Lyman,             Packer,
Gregson,          Hurd,             Lyon.              Paine,
Gridley,          Hutchinson                           Palmer
Griffin,                            Mygatt,            Palmes,
Griswold~         Ireland,          Mapes,             Pantry,
Gunn.             Ives.             Marsh,             Parker,
Marshall,         Parks,
Hale,             Jackson,          Marshfield,        Parkman,
Hall,             Jacox,            Martin,            Parsons,
Hallett,          James,            Marvin,            Partridge,
Halsey,           Jenner,            Mason,            Patterson,
Hamlin,           Jennings,         Maynard,           Patton,
Hanford,          Jessup,           May,               Peck,
Hardy,            Johnson,          Mayo,              Peacock,
Harrison,         Jones,            Mead,              Pell,
Harris,           Jordan,           Meigs,             Perkins,
Hart,             Judd,             Mercer,            Perry,
Hartley,          Judson.           Merrick,           Pettibone,
Iharvey,                            Merwin,            Phelps,
Hazard,           Keeler,           Merrill,           Phillips,
Hawkins,          Kellogg,          Miles,             Pierce,
Hawkes,           Kelsey,           Mills,             Pinney,
Haynes,           Kenney,           Minor,             Pinckney,
Hayward,          Kirby,            Mitchell,          Pitkin,
Hayes,            Kitchell,         Moody,             Pincheon,
Heaton,           Ketchum,          Moore,             Platt,
Hewett,           Kilbourn,          Morehouse,        Plumb,
Hicks,            Kimberly          Morgan,            Pomeroy
Higginson,        King,             Morton,            Pond,
Higley,           Kirkham,          Moses,             Potter,
Hill,             Knowles.          Moultlrop,         Porter,
Hills,                              Mudge,             Post,
Hillyar,          Langdon,          Mulford,           Powell,
Hine,             Larribee,         Munson.            Pratt,
Hitchcock,        Lamberton,                           Prentice,
Hickok,           Lathrop,          Nash,              Pritchard,
Hoadley,          Latham,           Newbury,           Preston,
Houghton,         Latimer,          Nettleton,         Prindle,
Holbrook,         Lane,             Newman,            Prime,
Holbridge,        Lay,              Newton,            Provost,
Holcomb,          Law,              Nichols,           Prudden,
Hollister,        Lawrence,         Noble,             Pierson,
Holt,             Lee,               North,            Pine,
Hopkins,          Leete,            Northam,           Putnam,
Hook,             Leffingwell,      Northrop,          Purdy,
Hooker,           Leonard,          Norton,            Punderson,
Hoskins,          Leverett,         Nott.
Hosford,          Lewis,                               Quicke,




542                          APPENDIX.
Quinly.          Skidmore,         Tong,             Westcott,
Skinner,         Tracy,            Wesley,
Randall,          Smith,           Treat,            Weston,
Rayner,          Southmayd,        Trowbridge,       W;estwood,
Read,            Spencer,          Trumbull,         Wetmore,
Reeder,          Stillson,         Try,              Wheeler,
Reeves,          Stoddard,         Tucker,           White,
Reynolds,        Stanton,          Tudor,            Whitehead,
Riggs,           Staples,          Turner,           Whitfield,
Rice,            Starks,           Turney,           Whiting,
Richards,        Stebbing,         Turrell.          Whitman,
Riley,           Stedman,                            Whitmore,
Risley,          Steele,           Uffoot,           Wyatt,
Robbins,         Stephens,         Underhill,        Wicks,
Roberts,         Stephenson,       Upson,            mTickham,
Robinson,        Stillwell,        Usher.            Wilcox,
Rogers,          Strickland,                         Wilcoxson,
Rossiter,        Stocking,         Vaill,            Wilkinson,
Rowland,         Stone,            Vincent,          Wilkins,
Royce,           Stoughton,        Veare.            Willard,
Rudd,            Stowe,                              Willis,
Russell.         Strong            Wade,             Williams,
Stiles,          Wadhams,          Willett,
Sadler,          Sultan.           Wadsworth,        Willey,
Salter,                            Wakely,           Wilson,
Saltonstall,     Tallcott,         Wakeman,          Wilton,
Sanford,         Tallman,          Waller,           Winchell,
Sawyer,          Tallmadge,        Waples,           Wines,
Savage,          Tapp,             Ward,             WVinthrop,
Scott,           Tapping,          Wareham,          Wolcott,
Scranton,        Taylor,           Warner,           Wood,
Scudder,         Tench,            Warren,           Woodruff,
Seager,          Terry,            Waterhouse,       Woodford,
Seldon,          Thorp,            Waters,           Wooster,
Selleck,         Thompson          Watson,           Woodcock,
Sension,         Thornton,         Watts,            Works,
Seymour,         Thrall,           Wainwright,       Wright.
Shepard,         Tibballs,         Webb,
Sherman,         Tillton,          Webster,          Yale,
Sedgwick,        Tinker,           Weed,             Yates,
Seeley,          Titterton,        Welch,            Young,
Shute,           Titus,            Wellman,          Youngs.
Sherwood,        Tomlinson,        Welles,
Sill,            Tompkins,         West,
Simpson,         Torrey,           Westall,




INDEX OF NAMES.
VOL. I.
ABORNE, 388.                         Baldwin, Richard, 256, 257.
Adams, Henry, 349.                   Baldwin, 106, 389.
Adams, John, 347.                    Bancroft, 90.
Adams, Samuel, 400.                  Barrow, 79.
Ah-yo-sup-suck, 359.                 Barrows, 349.
Allen,and (Allyn,) John, 316, 317, 423. Barnum, Thomas, 349.
Allen, and (Allyn,) Matthew, 209, 212, Bassett, Robert, 181.
476, 477, 478, 479. Baxter, George, 165, 166.
Allen, Lieutenant, 211.              Baxter, 234.
Allups, 346.                         Bayard, Col., 341.
Allyn, Mr. 204.                      Bayley, Dr. Richard, 496.
Allyn, 201.                          Becket, Thomas ti, 75.
Andross, Sir Edmund, 301, 310-316, Beach, Rev. Dr. Abraham, 497.
318, 319-323, 326, 338, 345, 351, Beebe, James, 349.
356, 395, 495.                     Beebe, 389.
Aristotle, 298.                      Beecher, Rev. Dr. Lyman, 94.
Anne, Queen, 351, 354.               Beers, Capt. Richard, 267, 268, 271,
Appleton, Maj., 276, 277.              276.
Apsley, Sir Edward, 149.             Belcher, Gov., 439.
Aran, James, Earl of, 303.           Belden, John, 375, 462.
Ashfield, Col., 247.                 Belden, 115.
Ashley, Samuel, 349.                 Bellamy, 470, 472
Ashurst, Sir Henry, 351, 353, 361, Bellamont, Richard, Earl of, 345.
362, 366, 496.                     Benedict, James, 349.
Astwood, John, 101.                  Bird., Rev. Mr., 472.
Atherton, Humphrey,139, 161,162, 187. Birdsey, Rev. Nathan, 497.
Avery, Capt. James, 274, 275, 282, 358. Birge, 389.
Avery, John, 358.                    Bishop, Dep. Governor, 321, 497.
Axtell, 235.                         Bishop, Rev. John, 497.
Bishop, 250, 388, 494.
Backus, Rev. Charles, D. D., 496.    Bissell, 388.
Backus, Rev. Isaac, 496.             Bissell, John, 498.
Backus, 106, 201.                    Blackman, Rev. Mr., 105, 477, 488.
Bacon, Sir Francis, 415, 430.        Bliss, 106, 201.
Bacon, 115, 460.                     Blinman, Rev. Richard, 498.
Bacon, Rev. Dr. Leonard, 89, 97.     Block, Adrian, 106.




544                    INDEX  OF NAMES.
Blodget, 388.                       Cady, Joseph, 380.
3Boardman, Samuel, 462, 464.        Calamy, 234.
Boardmnans, the, 380.               Camden, 228, 234.
Bolingbroke, 22.                    Camp, 380.
Boleyn, Anne, 75.                    Canfield, (Campfield,) 209, 476, 477,
Bosch, Capt., 401.                                                  500.
Borland, Francis,'296.             Canfield, 380.
Bostwick, Rev. David, 498.          Canonchet, 264, 268, 275, 282.
Bostwick, 380.                      Canonicus, 46, 123, 140, 269.
B1oswell, James, 463.               Carew, 235.
Boteler, Lady Alice, 148, 149.       Carpenter, 388.
Boteler, Sir John, 149.              Carr, Sir Robert, 225, 226.
Bouladrie, 403.                     Cartwright, George, 225, 226.
B3radford, 276.                     Caruthers, Mrs., 250.
B3radshaw, 235.                     Cataparet, 283.
Bradstreet, Simeon, 117, 165, 166 174. Cathcart, Lord, 392 393.
3Brenton, Jahleel, 358.             Catoonah, 374.
Brewster, Jonathan, 498.             Catlin, 389.
Bruen, Obadiah, 209, 476, 477.       Caulkins, Miss, 120.
Brodhead, 18, 63.                    Caulkins, 201.
Brooke, Lord, 20, 21, 106, 475, 476.   Chandler, John, 358.
Brown, 79, 490, 492.                 Chaplin, Clement, 456, 500.
Browne, Anne, 296.                   Chapman, Daniel, 401.
Bucer, 452.                         Chapman, John, 181.
Buck, Emanuel, 462.                 Chapman, Robert, 290.
Bruce, Rev. David, 499.             Chapman, 388.
Buck, 380.                          Charles I., 80, 202, 205, 206, 208, 234,
Buckingham, Thomas, 101.                                   235, 237, 246.
Buckingham, Rev. Thomas, 499.       Charles II., 198, 205, 234, 306, 309,
Buckland, 114.                                                 353, 484.
Buell, Rev. Samuel, 499.            Chauncey, Rev. Mr., 257, 466, 467.
Buel, 389, 451.                      Cheever, Ezekiel, 501.
]Bulkley, Rev. Gershom, 284, 316, 322, Chesebrough, WVilliam, 197, 500.
355, 356. Chester, John, 346.
]Bulkley, Rev. John, 347, 356. 499.  Chesterfield, 22, 431.
Bull, Capt., 289, 290, 292-294, 325, 328. Chittenden, William, 97.
Burdon, John, 459.                  Church, Capt. Benjamin, 266, 269, 279.
Burnet, Gov., 386.                  Church, James, 401.
Burr, Andrew, 400.                  Church, 167.
Burrill, 242.                       Clap, Rev. Thomas, 501.
Bushnell, Francis, 349.             Clarendon, 207, 228.
Bushnell, Rev. Dr., 89.             Clarke, Daniel, 209, 476, 477, 478, 479.;Bushnell, Sarah, 104.              Clarke, Henry, 209, 276-279.
Butterfield, 49.                    Clarke, John, 209, 276, 277.
Clark, Mr., 301.
Cabot, 127.                         Clements, 235.




INDEX  OF  XNAMAIES.                      545
Cleveland, Josiah, 349.             Curtis, Samuel, 380.
Cleveland, Samuel, 349.             Curtis, Thomas, 462.
Clopton, Wrilliam, 296.             Curtis, Li'eut. William, 258.
Coe, Robert, 115.                   Curtis, William, 105.
Coe, Mr., 455.                      Cutler; Rev. Dr. Timothy, 502.
Coke, Lord, 78.
Colburn, Daniel, 388.               Dacre, 489.
Colefoxe, William, 462.             Daggett, Rev. Napthali, 502.
Coleridge, 182.                     Dana, Rev. James, 472.
Collier, Mr., 117.                  Danielson, James, 380.
Collins, Mr., 129.                  D'Aillebout, 171, 326,
Collins, Rev. Nathaniel, 502.       D'Anville, Duke, 411-413.
Conflans, Monsieur, 411, 462.       D'Autin, Marquis, 393.
Congreve, 363.                      Davenport, Bishop, 446.
Cook, 235.                          Davenport, Rev. John, 93, 94, 96-99,
Cooper, Ashley, 234.                     115, 146, 193, 196, 214, 215, 217,
Cooper, Lieut., 000.                     223, 229-231, 236, 239, 242, 244,
Cooper, 103.                             255, 256, 258, 277, 278, 370, 431,
Cope, Mr., 157.                          447, 455, 456, 458, 503,
Cornbury, Lord, 348, 350, 351, 354- Davenport, Capt., 277, 278.
356, 361, 363-365, 368, 386, 416. Davenport, Lieut., 69, 70.
Cornelius, 266.                     Davenport, Paul, 349.
Ceornwall, Sir Richard, 190, 191.    Davids, James, 250, 251.
Cornwall, 415.                      Davis, Cornelius, 388.
Cothren, William, 260.              Davis, William, 174.
Cotterel, Sir Charles, 376.         Day, Thomas, 504.
Cotton, Rev. John, 23, 456, 457     Deforest, 34.
Corwin, Matthias, 113.              D'lMantel, 326.
Crabbe, Richard, 193.               Deming, John, 209, 462, 463, 465,478.
Cranmer, 76.                        Deming, John, Jr., 462.
Crane, Benjamin, 462.               Deming, 115.
Crane, Henry, 463, 464.             Denbigh, 487.
Crane, Jasper, 171.                 Denison, Capt. George, 1987 282, 284,
Crane, 231.                                                         300.
Craft, Samuel, 381.                 Denison, Maj., 186.
Cranfield, Edward, 302, 303.        Denison, Robert, 401,
Cranston, Gov., 302.                Denslow, 114.
Cromwell, Sir Henry, 249.           Denton, Rev. Richard, 113, 115, 455,
Cromwell, Oliver, 97, 102, 103, 175,                               506.
183, 184, 192, 202, 205, 234-236, Desborough, James, 102.
246-248.                        Desborough, (Lord) Samuel, 97, 102,
Cromwell, Richard, 103, 202.                              103, 104, 428.
Cromwells, the, 249.                D'Estournelle, Vice Admiral, 413.
Cullick, 183, 460.                  Duvivoir, 395.
Culver, 389.                        Dimock, 388.
Curtis, John, 105, 463.             Dixon, Jeremiah, 99.
35




546                      INDEX  OF NAMES.
Dixwell, Sir Basil, 250.            Fenwick, Col., 102, 106, 107, 117, 134,
Dixwell, Col., 235, 250, 251, 252.    136, 149, 205, 508.
Donehew, Capt., 401.               Fenwick, Lady, 106, 147.
Donnes, Sir William, 190.           Filer, Samuel, 380.
Douglas, Capt., 405.               Fines, Charles, 475, 476.
Drake, 48, 68.                     Fisher, Bishop, 75.
Druellets, 171,1721,17.            Fitch, Col. Eleazer, 508.
Dudley, Gov. Joseph, 296, 350-352, Fitch, Capt. James, 225.
354, 355, 357-365. Fitch, Maj. James, 349, 381.
Dudley, 106.                       Fitch, Rev. James, 200, 273, 274 284,
Dungan, Col., 312.                                                508.
Dwight, John, 400.                 Fitch, James, 335.
Dwight, President, 71.             Fitch, Samuel, 508.
Fitzwilliams, Sir William, 459.
Edward IV., 445.                    Fletcher, Capt., 401.
Edward VI., 76, 77.                Fletcher, Col., 106, 337, 340, 344, 350.
Eaton, Gov., 93, 94, 96, 99, 117, 142, Forth John 296.
183, 192, 193, 194, 196 2955, 431, Fowler, William, 101.
485, 486, 487, 506.            Fones, Martha, 296.
Eaton, Mrs., 195.                   French, Francis, 257.
Eaton, Samuel, 132.                 Frontenac, Count, 326, 332, 333, 335.
Edwards, Dorathy, 462.             Fuller, Capt., 266.
Edwards, John, Sen., 462, 464.     Fugill, Thomas, 99.
Edwards, Jonathan, 451, 469, 470.
Edwards, Rev. Timothy, 507.         Gallop, Capt. John, 45, 46,'276, 281,
Eggleston, 114.                       284.
Eliot, 261.                         Gardiner, Lieut., 47, 49, 51-53, 55, 506,
Elizabeth, Queen, 75, 77, 79, 80, 202, Gardiner, Lyon, 106, 157.
423, 433, 442.                   Garrett, 389.
Elliot, John, 360.                  Gaylord, 380.
Eliot, Rev. Jared, 507.             George I., 390.
Ellsworth, Tixhall, 349.           George II., 406.
Ellsworths, the, 114.               George III., 439.
Elmes, Edward, 149.                 Gibbons, Maj. Edward, 139, 149, 186.
Elton, Edward, 191.                 Gibbons, William, 137, 322.
Ely, Nathaniel, 166, 167.           Gibbons, 117.
Endicott, Gov., 46, 48, 49, 53, 72, 236, Gibbs, 389.
239, 244, 491. Gifford, 200.
Everett, Gov., 272.                Gilbert, Matthew, 94, 99, 231, 509.
Empson, Sir Richard, 459.          Gilbert, Samuel, 347.
Gilbert, Thomas, 462.
Fairchild, Mr., 105.                Gildersleeve, Richard, 115.
Farrand, 470.                      Glover, 273.
Felt, Rev. J. B., 432, 443.         Goddard, Capt., 379.
Fenton, 349.                        Godfroy, 171.
Fenn, Benjamin, 219, 231, 244       Godolphin, Mrs., 249,




INDEX  OF NAMES.                           547
Goffe, Gen., 235, 238, 246, 247, 250, Harrison, 210, 235.
252, 37 1. Hawkins, Anthony, 209, 476, 477.
Goffe, Mrs., 248, 249.               Hawes, Rev. Dr., 89.
Goffe, Philip, 462.                  Hawley, William, 105.
Goffe, Rev. Stephen, 247             Hawthorne, 117.
Gold, Nathan, 209, 325, 369, 478, 479. Haynes, Gov. John, 89, 92, 116, 1449' Goldsmith, Mother,') 249.                        178, 179, 182, 189, 255.
Goodrich, Capt. Elizur, 400.         Hayden, William, 61.
Goodrich, 115.                       Haynes, Rev. Mr., 4680
Goodridge, John, 456.                Henry V., 191.
Goodwin, Elder William, 107, 460, 467, Henry VIII., 74, 75.
509. Hering, Sir John, 459.
Goodwin, 389.                        Herle, John, 190.
Goodyear, Gov., 256 509.             Hewett, Rev. Ephraim, 510o
Gore, John, 381.                     Hill, Gen., 378.
Gorhaml, 276.                        Hine, 195, 380.
Gorton, Samuel, 122.                 "Historicus,' 323.
Graham, Rev. John, 509.              Hoadlys, the, 104.
Graham, 470.                         Holcomb, 144.
Grant, 388.                          Hollis, Sir Denzil, 234.
Graves Nathaniel, 463.               Hollister, Lient. John, 461-465.
Graves, 167.                         Hollister, Joanna, 462.
Greenwood, 79.                       Hollister, 115.
Gregory, Judah, 3490                 Holloway, 167.
Gregson, 94, 117, 486.               Holmes, Capt. William, 18, 19.
Griffin, Joseph, 381.               Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 22-24, 29, 31,
Griswold, Matthew, 421.                  89, 92, 108, 182, 205, 212, 258,
Griswold, Michael, 463.                  427, 447, 456-458, 510,
Griswold, 114, 201, 221, 254, 389.   Hooker, Mrs., 29.
Grosvenor, John, 381.                Hooke, Rev. Mr., 458, 510.
Gwynne, Nelly, 205.                  Hopkins, Gov. Edward, 92, 93, 116,
144, 154, 155, 161, 177, 196, 255,
Hacker,  235~
475, 476, 508, 509.
Hale, 115. 
Hales, 167.                      Hopkins, Samuel, 257, 472.
Hales, 167o
Howard, Catharine, 75.
Hall, Robert~ 22.
Hall, 349.op, 3460Howard, 201.
Hall, 349.
HoweI Sampson, 380.
Hall, Bishop, 346.
I  Howson, Thomas, 476.
Hallam, Nicholas, 355.
Hoyt, John, 349.
Hamilton, Duke and Duchess of, 230, Hudson William  301
303. Hudsou, William,,301.
Hamilton, Marquis of, 203.           Humphrey, John, 475, 476.
Hamlin, Giles, 510.                  Humphreys, Rev. Mr., 471.
Hampden, John, 20, 137, 437,  475, Huntington, 106, 200.
476. Hurlbut, 114.
Hanford, Rev. Thomas, 168.           Hutchinson, Capt. 267, 276.
Harrison, John, 462.                 Hutchinson, Edward, 301.




548                     INDEX  OF NAMlES.
Hutchinson, Gov., 188.              Lathrop, Simeon, 409.
Hutchinson, Mrs., 129.              Law, Gov. Jonathan, 400, 401, 422.
Hyde, Capt., 228.                   Law, Richard, 115, 214, 231.
Hyde, Sir Edward, 234.              Leaming, Rev. Dr. Jeremiah, 513.
Hyde, 106, 201.                     Leavenworth, Rev. Mr., 471.
Ledyard, 48.
Ingoldsby, Col., 378.               Leffingwell, Thomas, 106,199,200,358.
Iretoln, 235.                       Leete, Gov., 97, 104, 213, 214, 219,
James, Rev. Mr., 188.                   221-224, 229, 231, 238-241, 244,
James I., 799 80, 202, 423, 430, 439.   421, 489.
James II., 306, 308, 310, 316, 321j 323. Lee, Rev. Jonathan 471.
Jarvis, Rt. Rev. Abraham, 511.      Lee, Stephen,400.
Johnson, Capt., 278.                Leo  G., 75.
Johnson, Dr., 430.                  Leisler, Gov., 325, 328, 330, 333,337,
Johnson, Joseph, 349.                                         345, 357.
Johnson, Obadiah, 349.              Leighton, Archbishop, 446.
Johnson, Rev. Dr. Samuel, 512.      Le Moyn, 326.
Jones, Caleb, 380.                  Lestock, Admiral, 411, 414.
Jones, Lewis, 463.                 / Leverett, Capt., 174, 183, 184.
Jones, Deputy Gov. William, 224, 231, Lindall, 297.
242, 250. 513. Livingston, Col. John, 442.
Jones, 235.                         Liveen, 355.
Jonquiere, Gov. de la, 413.         Livingston, Robert, 333-335.
Joshua, 335.                        Lloyd, David, 190.
Judson, Ensign Joseph, 258.         Loomis, John, 347.
Judson, Joseph, 105.                Loomis, 114, 388.
Lord, Richard, 209, 360, 476-479.
Keeler, Samuel, ~375.               Lord, Thomas, 462.
Kellond, Thomas, 237, 238, 242.     Lowell John 387.
Kieft, Gov., 108, 142, 165, 486.
Ludlow, Roger, 29, 54, 67,89, 104,105,
Kilbourn, John, 462, 464.               108, 112, 114, 131, 154, 167, 168,
Kilbourn, Jonathan, 347. 
Kilbourn, 115athan, 389.        177-179, 182, 183, 192, 416.
Kilbourn, 115, 389.
Luther, 75.
Kimberly, Eleazer, 360.             Lyman Gen Phineas 513
Lyman, Gen. Phineas, 513.
Kimberly, 115.
Kingsman, Thomas, 459.
Kirk, Thomas, 237, 238, 242.        Mackintosh, 22.
Kitchel, Robert, 97.                Mah-man-suck, 359
Knapp, Goodwife, 4397         Maison Forte, Marquis de la, 405.
Knapp, Goodwife, 437.                           1            1
Knightly, Richard, 475, 476.        Manchester, Earl of, 206-234, 497.
Knowlton, Col. Thomas, 388.         Manning, 183.
Manvers, Michael, 459.
Lamberton, 146.                     Marine, Capt., 128.
Langdon, Thomas, 257.               Marsh, John, 514.
Langford, Sir Nicholas, 459.        Marshall, 114, 276, 278, 281.
Lathrop, Capt., 271, 276.           Marvin, 167.
Lathrop, Samuel, 152.               Mary, Queen, 17, 76.




INDEX OF NAMES.                            549
Masham, Mrs., 378.                   Nanuntenoo, 282, 254, 300, 358.
Mashaushawit, 346.                   Nash, Mr., 224.
Mason, Capt. John, 51, 53-64, 70, 92, Newman, Francis, 174, 177, 518.
106, 109, 114, 125, 139., 183, 186, Newman, Robert, 97, 99.
199, 200, 209, 275, 276, 279, 335, Newton, Israel, 400.
361, 370, 389, 425, 457, 461, 478, Newton, Roger, 244.
488, 514.                        Nichols, Col., 225-228, 232, 253, 300.
Massasoit, 41, 262, 269.             Nicholson, Gen. Francis, 372 374-376,
Mather, Dr., 460.                                                378, 379.
Mather, Rev. Samuel, 467.            Ninigret, 147, 172, 175, 185-189, 199.
Mathews, Mayor, 432.                 Noble, 246, 380.
Marsh, 389.                          Normansel, Richard, 307.
Maurice, Sir WVilliam, 234, 448.     Norris, Rev. Mr., 175.
Maverick, Samuel, 225, 226.          Northam, Samuel, 347.
Mayhew, 261.                         Norton, Sir Albert, 149.
Meacham, 470.                        Norton, Capt., 43.
Meigs, John, 239.                    Norton, Francis, 456.
Melancthon, 452.                     Nott, John, 462, 464, 210.
Melton, Sir John, 459.               Noyes, Rev. Mr., 471, 518.
Miantinomoh, 57, 58, 71, 7, 72, 118-1247
133, 140, 194, 264, 269, 282, 284, Occum, Samson, 518.
358.                             Ogden, John, 209, 476, 477, 478, 479.
Milborn, 333, 334, 337, 368.         Oglethorpe, Gov., 394.
Miles, Capt. John, 337.              Okenuck, 257.
Middleton, Sir George, 247.          Oldham, John, 45, 46, 47.
Middletons, the, 249.                Oliver, Capt., 277.
Milton, 21, 104, 179, 235, 415.      Olmsted, Richard, 166, 167.
Mills, 470.                          Onecho, 282.
Minor, John, 258, 367.               Olcott, 388.
Minor, Col. Joseph, 514.             Oreutt, Joseph, 388.
Minor, Thomas, 152, 198, 515.        Orange, Prince of, 246, 486.
Mitchell, Matthew, 115, 516.         Ormond, 234.
Mix, Rev. Stephen, 517.              Owen, Rev. John, 449, 471.
Monboucher, Sir John, 459.           Owaneco, 357, 358, 360.
Monk, Gen., 202, 207, 234, 247, 248.
Montague, 22, 234.                   Paget, Lord, 362.
Mononotto, 53, 67, 68, 71.           Paine, Elisha, 349.
Mo-man-gu-in, 97.                    Palmer, 114, 198, 208.
More, Sir Thomas, 75.                Palms, Major Edward, 282, 303, 354Morgan, John, 358.                                               356, 358.
Moore, 114.                          Parkham, 114.
Morris, 439.                         Parr, Catharine, 75.
Mosely, Capt. Samuel, 266, 271, 277, Parsons, Rev. Jonathan, 519.
279. Parsons, Gen. Samuel II., 519.
Morton, Bishop, 195.                 Pasco, John, 288.
Mulford, Samuel, 517                 Patrick, Capt., 58, 70, 112, 167.




550                      INDEX  OF NAMES,
Peck, 389.                          Pyncheon, William, 520.
Pelham, Herbert, 137, 475, 476.
Pell, Thomas, 221.                  Raleigh, Sir Walter, 430.
Pemberton, Sir Francis, 303.        Ralle, Sebastian, 382-384, 386.
Pembroke, 487.                      Randolph, Edward, 302, 303, 307, 319,
Pennyer, Rose, 103.                                                 320.
Pepperell, Sir William, 400-403, 406.  Ras-ke-nu-te, 256.
Pessacus, 140, 158, 161, 162, 199.   Rayner, Thurston, 115.
Peter, 277.                          Reed, 201.
Peters, Rev. Hugh, 235, 246, 247, 296. Reynolds, 201.
Peters, Rev. Thomas, 106, 151.      Rich, Lord, 475.
Peters, 356.                         Rich, Sir Nathaniel, 475, 476.
Phelps, Timothy, 380.                Richards, James, 521.
Phelps, William, 519.                Richards, 167, 294.
Phelps, 114, 168, 389.               Ridley, 76.
Philip, 260, 262, 264-274,277, 281-285, Riggs, Edward, 257.
287, 289, 300, 370. Riley, John, 462, 464.
Phillips, Mr., 114, 355.            Robbins, Mary, 462.
Phipps, Sir William, 332, 337.       Robbins, Rev. Philemon, 471, 472o
Pickering, Lieut., 271.              Robinson, David, 347.
Pierson, Rev. Abraham, 229, 520.     Rockwell, Benjamin, 388.
Pierce, Capt., 282.                  Rogers, 349.
Pierpont, Revo James, 147, 251, 458, Root, Jacob, 380.
520. Roscoe, 167.
Pierpont, John, 381.                 Rosewell, William, 356.
Pierpont Genealogy, the, 459.        Rossiter, Bray, 492, 494.
Pitkin, William, 340, 359.           Rossiter, John, 222.
Pitkin, 388.                         Rouse, Capt., 401.
Plantagenets, the, 308.              Ruggles, John, 381.
Plum, Mr., 456.                      Ruggles, Samuel, 381.
Pomeroy, Joseph, 349.                Ruggles, Thomas, 468, 469~
Pomeroy, 114, 470, 471.              Ruggles, William, 381.
Ponus, 113.                          Rupert, Prince, 246.
Porter, 349.                         Russell, Rev. John, 245, 461, 462, 464,
Post, Stephen, 380.                                                 465,
Pride, 235.
Prince, Thomas, 165, 166.            Sabin, Benjamin, 381.
Prudden, Rev. Mr., 94, 101, 256, 369, Sadler, John, 462.
455, 471, 520. St. Augustine, 452.
455, 4717 520.
Punderson, John, 99.                St. Chrysostom, 452.
Purchas, Mr., 273.                   St. Clair, Gov., 410.
Putnam, Gen., 370, 381.              St. John, Matthias, 375.
Pym, John, 20, 475, 476.            Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 20, 475, 476.
Pyncheon, John, Jr., 303.           Saltonstall, Gov., 368, 374, 386.
Pyncheon, Major, 273.                Saltonstall, Rev. Gurdon, 345, 368.
Pyncheon, Mr. 91.                    Saltonstall, Nathaniel, 303.




INDEX  OF NAMES.                          551
Sanderson, Bishop, 446.             Smith, Joseph, 463.
Sanford, 389.                       Smith, Rebecca, 462.
Sassacus, 35, 43, 44, 48, 55, 59, 60, 64, Smith, Richard, 462, 303.
66, 67, 118, 119, 159, 202, 205, Smith, Mrs., 445.
206, 234, 269, 270.             Smith, 115, 201.
Saunders, Capt., 401.               Snelling, Capt., 401.
Savage, Hon. James, LL. D., 181.    Somerby, H. G,, 190.
Savage, Lieut., 271.                Sowheag, 107.
Savage, Capt. Thomas, 266.          Spencer, 167.
Sawyer, Edward, 380.                Sperry, 242.
Say and Seal, Lord, 20, 25, 106, 135, Standish, Joseph, 388.
475 487. Standish, Thomas, 462.
Sayers, Capt., 246.                 Stanton, Capt. John, 282.
"Scaeva," 142.                      Stanton, Robert, 293.
Schuyler, Col., 336, 337, 375, 378.  Stanton, Thomas, 52, 69, 133, 152, 153,
Scott, 235.                                                         521.
Scrope, 235.                        Starr, Thankful, 459.
Sedgwick, Major, 183, 184.          Stearns, 388.
Sedgwick, Prof., 184.               Steele, 54, 89, 460, 522.
Sedgwicks, the, 184-186.            Stiles, President, 239, 252
Seely, Lieut., 61, 186.             Stoddard, 389.
Seeley, Capt., 276, 279, 281        Stone, Capt., 43, 44, 47, 48.
Selleck, Major, 345.                Stone, Rev. Samuel, 22, 29, 54, 57, 89,
Sequasson, 18, 118, 119,144.             107, 205, 212, 448, 460, 467,
Sequeen, 18.                             522.
Seward, Caleb, 347.                 Storrs, 349.
Seymour, Matthew, 375.              Stoughton, Col. Henry, 337.
Seymour, 167.                       Stoughton, William, 302.
Shakspeare, 415.                    Stoughton, 67.
Shannon, Lord, 376.                 Stow, Rev. Mr., 466.
Shaw, Thomas, 198.                  Street, Rev. Samuel, 223, 250, 256, 458.
Sherman, Daniel, 521.               Strong, 114, 388.
Sherman, John, 367.                 Stuart, House of, 248.
Sherman, Samuel, 231, 258.          Stuyvesant, Gov., 156, 163, 165, 170Sherman, Mr., 54, 89, 424, 455.          174, 220, 226, 227, 228) 242, 437.
Shipman, 380.                       Sunderland, Earl of, 372.
Shirley, Gov., 396, 397, 399, 401, 402, Swaine, William, 132.
413. Sylvester, Giles, 358.
Shrimpton, Samuel, 302.
Shute, Gov., 382-384, 386, 387.     Taintor, Michael, 347.
Simms, Capt., 336.                  Talcott, 101, 115, 259, 211, 219, 220,
Smedley, 389.                            284, 423, 476, 477, 479.
Smethurst, Capt., 401.              Talcott, 54, 388.
Smith, Gov. John Cotton, 427, 455.    Tapp, Edmund, 101.
Smith, Jonathan, 463.               Tappan, John. 209, 476-479.
Smith, Rev. Henry, 455, 460.,Tapping, Capt., 188.




552                      INDEX  OF NAMES.
Taylor, Bishop, 446,                 Van Twiller, Gov., 18-20.
Taylor, Thomas, 000,                 Vaill, Jeremiah, 113.
Tennant, 470.                        Vane, Sir Harry, 137, 182.
Terry, 114.                          Vernon, Admiral, 392-394.
Thornton, 114                        Vetch, Col., 374.
Thompson, Matthew, 388.
Tibballs, Thomas, 101.               Wadhams, John, 463.
Tindale, Sir John, 296.              Wadsworth, Gen. James, 525.
Ting, Capt., 401.                    Wadsworth, Col. Jeremiah, 525.
Tilly, Capt., 50.                    Wadsworth, Capt., 223, 241, 242, 282.
Todd, Rev. Mr., 471.                 Wadsworth, William, 525.
Tompkins, 244, 245.                  Wah-qui-ma-cut, 17.
Toquanske, 113.                      MVakeley, James, 463.
Toto, 272, 273.                      Walker, Sir Hovenden, 378.
Tracy, Solomon, 349.                 Walker, Rev. Mr., 257, 258.
Tracy, Thomas, 106.                  Walton, Col., 382.
Tracy, 201.                          Wamsutta, 262.
Treat, Alice 462.                    Ward, Andrew, 115, 401.
Treat, Richard, 209, 219, 220, 421, 461, Ward, Bishop, 446.
462, 464, 465, 478, 479, 523.    Ward, Edmund, 468, 469.
Treat, Gov. Robert, 101, 224, 231, 244, Ward, 446, 455.
268, 272-276, 278, 281,282, 284, WVareham, Rev. John, 25, 114, 178, 192,
307, 310-312, 314, 316, 320, 321,              205,427, 447,458,466.
367-371, 337, 338, 341, 343, 345, Warren, Admiral, 410.
346, 364 424.                    Warren, Commodore, 396, 401, 402.
Treat, James, 463.                   Warren, Ephraim, 380.
Treat, Matthias, 462.                Waterman, Rev. Simon, 473.
Treat, 115.                          Waterman, 106, 201,
Trevor, 304.                         Warner, 380, 388.
Trumbull, Benoni, 380.               Watson, 114.
Trumbull, Jonathan, 400.             Warwick, Earl of, 20, 22, 475, 476, 489.
Trumbull, 63.                        Webb, 167.
Tudor, House of, 77, 308.            Webster, Gov., 199, 421, 460.
Tudor, 114, 303.                     Webster, Noah, 97.
Turner, Capt., 113.                  Webster, 389.
Tuttle, William, 171.                Welch, Thomas, 101.
Wells, Hugh, 462.
Uncas, 35, 52, 54, 55, 59, 60, 71, 72, Wells, Samuel, 105, 464.
108, 112, 118-124, 133, 138, 140, Wells, Thomas, 109, 209, 476-4770
141, 153, 158-160, 194, 199, 200, Wells, William, 113.
335.                            Welles, Gov., 199, 421, 460.
Underhill, Capt. John, 53, 55, 63, 65, Welles, 115.
128,130, 524.1 AWentworth, Gen., 393.
Usher, Archbishop, 446.              Wequash, 60, 160.
Westerhouse, 156, 165.
Van Curler, John, 18.                West, 388.




INDEX  OF NAMIES.                        553
We-ta-na-mow, 256.                 I Winslow, Gov.,, 178: 20 41, 117, 262,
Whalley, Gen. Edward, 205-210, 216,                                276.
217, 219, 238, 246, 247, 252, 465., Winthrop, Gov. John, 25, 26, 63, 106,
Wheeler, Capt., 267.                    138, 148, 151, 152, 157, 161, 168,
Wheelock, Rev. Eleazer, 470, 472.       918, 204-211, 213, 215-217, 219,
Wheelwright, Col. John, 463.            220, 221, 225-227, 231, 238, 301,
Whitley, Bishop, 446.                   306, 370, 416, 423, 424, 476-479,
White, Nathaniel, 526.                  485-491.
White, 248.                         Winthrop, Wait, 316.
White, Major, 247.                  Winthrop, Dean, 151.
White, Robert, 388.                 Winthrop, (Gen. and Gov.) Fitz John,
Whitefield, 22, 114, 420, 451.          303, 316, 331, 333-335, 338, 339,
Whitfield, Rev. Henry, 97, 102, 428,    343, 345-347, 360, 364, 363, 370.
447, 448. Woodbridge, Rev. Timothy, 527.
Whiting, Rev. John, 204, 467, 526.    Woodbridge, Rev. Mlr., 467.
Whiting, Joseph, 526.               Woodruflf 389.
Whiting, Rev. Samuel, 526.          Wordsworth, 89.
Whiting WVilliam, 144, 441, 526.    Wooster, Edmund, 257.
Whiting, William, 229, 307, 311, 527.  Wolcott Genealogy, 190.
Whiting, Col. William, 346, 360, 372, Wolcott, Henry, 114, 189-192, 209,
378, 527.                           476-479.
Whiting, Capt. William, 401.        Wolcott, John, 190, 191.
Whitman, Zachariah, 101.            Wolcott, George, 463.
Whitman, 470.                       Wolcott, Roger, 400.
Whitmore, John, 157.                Wolcott, 89, 96.
WVhittlesey, Rev. Mr., 471.         Wolcotts, the, 416.
Whittlesey, Rev. Samuel, 527.       Wright, Bishop, 463.
Whittlesey, 106.                    Wright, James, 462.
Wickham, Thomas, 463.               Wright, Samuel, 463.
Willard, Mrs. Emma, 438.            Wright, Margaret, 462.
Willard, Major, 187, 188.           Wright, Thomas, Sen., 462, 463.
Willet, Thomas, 133, 165, 166       Wright, Thomas, Jr., 462.
Williams, Elisha, 400.              Wright, 115.
Williams, Roger, 67, 139.           Wyllys, Gov., 136-138, 199,
Williams, Thomas, 462.              Wyllys, George, 528.
Williams, Walter, 476.              Wyllys, Samuel, 209, 211, 212, 476Williams, 114, 210.                                           479, 528.
WVilliam the Conqueror, 421.        Wyllys, 115.
William and Mary, 469.
WVillis, (see Wyllys.)              Youngs, Capt. John, 188.
Wilson, Nathan, 381.                Youngs, Rev. John, 113.
Wilson, Mr. 67.                     York, Duke of, 224, 230-232.




ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
VOL. I.
ACADIE, proposed expedition to, 372; Annihilation of the Dutch power in
the christianized Indians of, 172.    America, 228.
Agents from the Dutch in Canada, 171, Annual election of governor, &c., 28,84.
172.                               Annual celebration of the death of MianAix la Chapelle, peace of, 414.         tinomoh, 124.
Albany, Capt. Bull sent to, 325; panic Apple-pearing parties, 438.
in, 328; troops for, 337; money raised Arbitration between the Dutch and Engfor the defense of, 343.             lish, 165.
Allegiance to the King, not specified in Arbitrators, names of, 165.
the Constitution, 203; at last avowed, Arguments against the union, 215.
204.                               Aristocracy among the early settlers,
Alternatives, 65, 312.                  427.
Ambassadors, Indian, 140.             Arms and ammunition not to be sold to
Ambush of the Indians, 51.             Indians, 29.
Andross arrives in New England, 288; Arrival of ships of war from England,
his claims, 288; indignation of the    175.
people of Connecticut, 288; his in- Arrowsick Island attacked by Indians,
tended invasion, 289; letter from the    385.
Governor and Council, 290-292; pro- Articles of confederation, purport of the,
test of the Assembly, 292, 294, 295;   117, 118.
he lands at Saybrook, 293; his inter- Ashford incorporated and settled, 388.
view with Capt. Bull, 293, 294; his Ashurst, Sir Henry, defense of the colony
escort, 294; appointed Governor of   by, 353, 354.
New England, 311; arrives in Hart- Assistants, list of, 496-500.
ford, 313; he demands the charter, Atherton's expedition, 161-163.
314; the debate, 314; disappearance  Awkward situation, 19.
of the charter, 315; he assumes the
government, 316; his council, 316; Balls, 438; their cost, (note,) 439~
his arbitrary conduct, 317-320; New  Bancroft's tribute to Connecticut, 90.
York added to his government, 319; Barbarities at Schenectady, 327.
special town meetings prohibited by  Barons, subjugation of the, 74.
320; close of his administration, 321; Barrow hanged for non-conformity, 79.
Gov. Treat's influence with him, 320, Becket, burning of the bones of, 75.
321.                               Beers, Capt., killed by Indians, 267, 268.




ALPHABETICAL INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
Bellamont's commission, 345; commit- Cambridge Platform, 468.
tee to wait upon him, 345.          Canonchet, (or Nanuntenoo,) capture of,
Bible, the, among the settlers, 453.     283; he rejects an offer of life, 283;
Bigotry, charge of, considered, 433.     his sentence and death, 284.
Bills of Credit issued by Connecticut, Canonicus disclaims the murder of Old373, 392; amount of, 414.             ham, 46; endeavors to find the murBlackman, Rev. Adam, first minister in    derers, 46.
Stratford, 105.                     Canoes, Indian, 39.
Block, Adrian, discoveries of, 126.   Canso attacked by French and Indians,
Block Island Indians' chastized,' 46, 47.   383, 385, 395.
BlockIsland, 127.                     Canterbury set off and named, 349;
Bloody Brook, fight at, 272.             names of the first settlers, 349.
Boardman, Samuel, sketch of, 464.    1 Cape Breton surrenders to the English,
Boastings of the Pequots, 52, 53.    1  406.
Bodies of the English mutilated, 51, Captain, title of, 425.
268; suspended over the river, 51; Captives sold as slaves, 71.
heads cut off and set upon poles, &c., Catalogue of the Congregational clergy
268.                                  to 1665, 502, 503.
Bolton settled and incorporated, 388.   Cattle die of starvation, 27.
Boston, settlements in the vicinity of, 21; Causes of the Pequot war, 72
not land enough there, 21; all estates Cavaliers, long hair of the, 433.
to be settled in, 319.              Charles I., reign of, 202.
Boteler, Lady Alice, death of, 148-150. Charles II., application to, for a charter,
Boundary between the Dutch and Eng-    204, 205; reign of, 234; his princilish possessions, 165, 166; between    pal officers, 234; his reellessness,
Connecticut and New York, Massa-   306; letter from, to Connecticut, 484.
chusetts and Rhode Island, committee Charter, application to Charles II., for a,
on, 231; between Connecticut and    204; granted by the  king, 209t
New York, 347, 348.                   main features of, 209, 210; its arBranford settled, 132.                   rival in the colony, 211; effect proBreakfast among the early settlers, 431.   duced by it, 212; Dudley's advice
Bride stealing, 438.                     in regard to, 311; Andross' efforts to
British constitution referred to, 87, 88.    obtain it, 312-315; hiding of, 323.
" Brother," title of, 425.            Charter of 1662, history of, 202-233;
Brunswick burnt by the Indians, 385.     copy of, 476-483.
Burials among the Indians, 170.       Charters annulled by King James, 309.
Bull, Capt., and Major Andross, 293, Charter Oak, 323; legend concerning
294.                                  the, 322, 323.
Burning of villages, by the Indians, 266. Charter Oak Place, 138.
Burning of the fort at Mistick, 62, 63.  Charter-governments, attempted union
Bushnell, Rev. Dr., sketch by, 92.       of all the, 352, 353.
Butterfield roasted alive, 49, 50.     Charter-government of Connecticut resumed, 321.
Cabots, discoveries by the,127.       Chesebrough settles at Stonington, 197;
Canada, expeditions against, 330-332,   charges against him, 197; his defenses
372-379.                               197.




556            ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Chimneys of the early dwellings, 429.   Congratulatory epistle to Gov. StuyveChristianity among the Indians, 171,   sant, 156.
172, 261.                           Congregationalism, 452, 453.
Church-membership, requisites of, 450, Congress of New England, meetings of
451.                                  the, 116, 132, 138, 141, 161, 171,
Civil government organized, 28.          186, 218, 229.
Civil liberty in England, 74.         Congress of governors at Rehoboth,
Clergymen forbidden to join persons in    374; their petition to the queen, 374.
mnarriage, 317; reverence of the peo- Connecticut, Indians of, 34; laws of,
ple for, 318; laws for their support re-   compared with those of England, 90;
pealed, 318; their position, 427; their    Gov. Stuyvesant complains against,
number, 453; their characteristics,    220; New Haven annexed to, 232,
454.                                   233; slaughter of her troops, 278,
Clergymen  silenced, imprisoned  and    281; mourning among the survivors,
exiled, 79.                           281, 282; the colony in debt, 300;
Clergymen, catalogue of, 502, 503.       her heavy expenditures, 300; she
Clothing of the pioneers, 440, 441.      claims the Narragansett country, 300,
Coat, fashion of the, 441.               301; alarm  of, 309, 310; she reColchester settled, 347.                 sponds to calls for aid from  abroad,
Colonial troops, courage of the, 407     268, 325, 329, 337; loyalty of, 339;
Collins murdered by Indians, 129.        defense of, by Sir Henry Ashurst,
Commissioners of the United Colonies    353; complaints filed against, 355meet at Boston, 116, 138, 139, 147,   357; trial of, before the queen, 361211, 218; they declare war against   365; case postponed, and prosecution
the Narragansetts, 139; they meet in   abandoned, 364, 365; her part in the
Hartford, 132, 161, 186, 229; they    expedition against Canada, 372, 373,
meet in  New  Haven, 141, 144,   376-378, 410; part of, in the expedi171.                                  tion  against Louisbourg, 400-403,
Commissioners, names of the first, 116,   406, 407, 409; she petitions the king
117.                                  for a remuneration of expenses, in
Commissioners of the king, arrival of,   vain, 409; early manners and cus225; their authority and jurisdiction,   toms of her people, 415-446; estab225, 226; present to. 230; abitrary   lished religion of, 446-474; patent of,
conduct of, 253, 254.                 475, 476; charter of, 476-483; letter
Commissioners  on  the Narragansett   from Charles II., to, 484.
claims, 302, 303.                   Connecticut River and Valley, described
Committee of war appointed, 391.         by Wah-qui-ma-cut, 17; visited by
Committee to treat with New Haven    Gov. Winslow, 17; explorers from
about union, 212, 216, 231.           Plymouth visit them, 18; embraced
Committee visit the Dutch governor at   in the Warwick patent, 20; proposed
Manhadoes, 173, 174.                  settlement there, 21; the subject
Confederation  of the  colonies, pro-   debated, 23, 24; arrival of Hooker
posed, 109, 110; accomplished, 116,   and his company in the valley, 30;
117.                                  the valley as it was, 30, 31.
Confiscation of Monastic property, 75.  Connecticut, old patent of, referred to,
Conformity required, 78.                 20; copy of, 475, 476.




ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.                         557
Connecticut, old constitution of, 83-87, Debate on the union of New HIaven
179.                                  with Connecticut, 213-219.
Connecticut, charter of, 476-483.     Debt, the colony in, 91, 300.
Conservatism and progress, 80.        Deacon, title of, 425; office of, 449,
Constitution of 1639, 83-87, 179; first   450.
of the new world, 87.               Deerfield, 271, 272.
Constitution of New Haven colony, 98, D'Estournelle, suicide of, 413.
99; its provisions considered, 99, Delaware Bay, lands purchased at, 113.
100.                                Delaware, attempted settlement of, 170;
Contrast between the past and present,   emigrants for, arrested by Stuyvesant,
32, 33.                               171; their appeal, 171.
Controversy between Massachusetts and  Deming, John, sketch of, 463.
the Commissioners, 175.             Deplorable condition of the Pequots, 72.
Cooper, Lieut., gallant conduct of, 273. Depredations by the Indians, 50.
Corn purchased of Indians, 27, 91; Derby settled and incorporated, 256,
destroyed by Endicott, 47; carried off   257.
from the Pequot country, 49; rotted  Desborough, Samuel, sketch of, 102 103.
in the glound, 95.                  Deputies, number of, 28, 86; how
Cornbury, Lord, demands and malevo-    chosen, 86; Roll of, to 1665, 500lence of, 350, 351, 354; a relative of   502.
Queen Anne, (note,) 354.            Destruction of temples and shrines, 80.
Corn-fields of the Pequots, 47.       Dignity of labor among the settlers, 420Cotton, Mr., arguments of, 23.. 422.
Council of War, 56, 57, 67, 367.      Dinner, 431.
Counties organized, 254.              Dispersion of the Pequots, 67.
Court of High Commission, 20, 78.     Divine right of kings, 79.
Courts of Election, 28, 83.           Division of booty and captives, 71.
Coventry incorporated and settled, 380. Dixwell, Col., sketch of, 250-252; susCows killed by Indians, 50, 53.          picions of Andross concerning him,
Cromwell, administration of, 202.        251; his death, 252.
Cromwellians, 433.                    Doors, mode of constructing, 429.
Cromwells, the, (note,) 249.          Dragoons for the frontier towns, 274,
Cunning of the savages, 48.             275.
Dragoon-horses stabled in churches,
Danbury settled and named, 349; names   433, 435.
of the first settlers of, 349.      Dudley's intrigues, 351, 352, 354, 357,
Davenport, Rev. Mr., arrival of, 93;   363; his discomfiture, 364, 365.
his opposition to a Union of New  Durham settled and named, 347.
Haven with Connecticut, 214-217, Duke D'Anville's fleet, 411-413; des223, 229, 230; he protects the regi-   truction of, 411, 412; his death, 413.
cides, 236; his sermon previous to Dutch, the, at Hartford, 18; their salutheir arrival, 239, (note,) 240; he   tation to Holmes, 18; they invest the
preaches at Wallingford, 256.         trading-house at Windsor, 19; their
Davenport, Lieut., rashness of, 69, 70.    retreat, 19; they pre-occupy ConnecDebate between Hooker and Cotton, 22-   ticut, 20; troubles with, 141-143;
24.                                   comqlaints against, 142, 156i claims




058            ALPHABETICAL INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
and complaints of, 163, 164; defenses England, civil disturbances in, 203; help
against, 172; war with, resolved upon,   from, implored, 330; she shuns our
174, 175, 183, 184; prevention of,   burdens, but claims our victories, 409;
184.                                  she resolves to annihilate the French
Dutch governor, exploits of the, 19, 20;    power in America, 309 i; fleets arrive
his astonishment, 19; solicits the aid   from, 183, 376, 377.
of New  Haven, 130; a committee  Episcopalians persecuted, 79, 80.
wait upon him, 173, 174.            Episcopacy not responsible for the acts
Dutch and Indian war, 127-130.           of James and Elizabeth, 79.
Dutch navigators, discoveries of, 126.   Escape of Pequots from the swamp, 70.
Dutch ship approaches Saybrook, 26.    Esquire, title of, 423.
Dutch Point, 127.                      Established religion of the colony, 473.
Dutch power in America, end of, 225.   Estates, settlement of, 111.
Dutchman killed by an Indian, 128.     Execution of an Indian, 132.
Execution of Leisler and Milborn, (note,)
Eaton, Gov., arrival of, in New England,   337.
93; correspondence of, with Kieft, Expenses of the war, 345.
142, 143; death of, 194; life and  Extraordinary consolation, 160.
character of, 194-196.
Earthquake in New England, 95          Fairfield, an exposed frontier, 177; she
Ecclesiastical council called, 466.      determines to wage war against the
Ecclesiastical quarrels, 454-469.        Dutch, 177.
Ecclesiastical titles, 425.            Fairfield Indians, 69,
Educated classes, 427..             Fairfield County established,, 254.
Edward VI., reign of, 76, 77.          " Fair Harbor," (New London,) 152.
Effects of Mason's victory, 65.        Family Devotion, 437.
Elizabeth, Queen, reign and character Family Names, list of, 505-508.
of, 77, 78; close of her reign, 202.   Famine during the winter of 1635-'6,
Eloquence, Indian, 37.                   27.
Embarkation of Mason's troops at Hart- Farmington, settlement, incorporation,
ford, 54.                              and extent of, 141; character of her
Emigrants to New England, objects and    pioneers, 141.
motives of, 81; character of, 82.   Fast Days appointed, 130, 302; how
Emigrants lose their way, 259.           observed, 435; appointed monthly,
Encampment of Mason, 60.                 (note,) 435.
Endicott's expedition to Block Island, Fatal Pass, the, 277, 2780
47; he visits the Pequot country, 48; Female costume, 443-445.
his parley with the Indians, 48; he Fenwick, Col., arrival of, 106; duty paid
destroys their wigwams and corn, 49;   to, 135, 136; price paid for his fort,
results, 49.                          205.
English, claims of tle, 127.          Fenwick, Lady, death and grave of, 148English captives killed, 278-280.        150; sketch of her family, (note,) 149.
English, flight of the, from the Indians, Feudalism in England, 74.
266; complaints of Indians against Fire-places, old fashioned, 429, 437;
the, 384.                             conversation at the, 437.
England, emigrants from, 21.          Fire-side of the pioneers, 430.




ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                      5509
Fisher, Bishop, execution of, 75.     Gardiner commands the fort at SayFisher's Island, 126; Winthrop spends   brook, 47, 55; he is wounded by Ina winter on, 151.                     dians, 51; his dialogue with the PeFishing-ground of the Pequots, 59.      quots, 52, 53.
Fleet arrives from  England, 183; its General Courts at Hartford, 29, 50, 53,
objects, 183.                         67, 82, 172, 204, 216, 218, 220 292,
Fleet, arrival of, from  England, 376,   316, 321, 337, 343, 400.
377; transport ships wrecked, 379; General Courts at New  Haven, 217,
the return, 379.                      221, 223, 224, 229, 232.
Fleet sent against the TWest Indies, 392. General Courts, (or Assemblies,) how
Fletcher, Col., commission of; 337, 338;   constituted, 28, 83, 209; first held in
agent sent to, 340; he visits Hart-   the colony, 29; powers of, 86, 87;
ford, 340; his encounter with Capt.   when to be held, 83; how convened,
W,~adsworth, 341, 342; demands of,   85.
344; money paid to, 343.          Genealogy and Heraldry among the
Forest, the original, 28, 30, 31.       pioneers, 220, 417-419.
Fortified, towns ordered to be, 367.  Genealogy of the Pierreponts, 459; of
Forms of church government, 446, 448,   the Winthrops, 296; of the Wolcotts,
449, 451.                             190.
France and Spain, war with, 349, 390.  Gentleman, title of, 423, 426.
France declares war against England, Gibbons, Major Edward, commander-in395.                                  chief in the Indian war, 139.
Freemen of the commonwealth, 84.      Gibbons, William, sent to Connecticut
French East India Company's ships,   by Mr. Wyllys, 137.
destruction of, 411.               Glastenbury incorporated, 329.
French fleet, sailing of the, 411; inci- Goffe, Gen., sketch of, 247-249.
dents connected with, 411; its return  Goffe, Mrs., letters from, 248, 249.
to France, 414; shipwreck, 414.    Gold, Nathan, elected deputy governor,
French and Indian war, 325-337; re-   367.
treat of the land army, 333; failure Goodman, title of, 424.
of the campaign, 333.              Goodwife, title of, 425.
French, incursions of the, 326, 327.    " Good Hope," (name of the Dutch fort
French  privateers, depredations  of,   at Hartford,) 18.
395.                               Goodwin controversy, 460.
French, the, driven from  Penobscot, Governor, how elected, 85.
184.                               Governments, origin of, 82.
French war, 390-414.                  Great Revival, 469; principal laborers
"Fresh River," (the Connecticut,) 18.    in, 470.
Frontier, troops for the, 350, 386.   Great Spirit, the, 40.
Funeral customs, 439.                 Greenwich, disorderly proceedings in,
Future, a glance at the, 31.            193; contest with the colonial government, 193.
Gallop's encounter with the murderers Greenwood hanged for non-conformity,
of Oldham, 45; he commits the body    79.
of Oldham to the deep, 46.         Griswold, Fort, site of, 48.
Gardiner and Endicott, 47, 49.        Guilford, purchase and settlement of;




5 60            ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
101, 102; alarm  in, 222, 223; visit Hostages, Indian chiefs as, 367.
of the regicides to, 244; the regicide- House, oldest in New England, 428;
hunters detained at, 328, 329; ecele-    Governor Eaton's, 431; Mr. Davensiastical disturbances in, 468, 469.   port's 431; Mr. Desborough's 428.
Houses of the first settlers, 427, 428.
Haddam incorporated, 255.              Houses, first framed, in the colonies,
Hadley, the regicides secreted in, 245,   428; how constructed, 428, 429.
246; attacked by Indians, 274, 285.  Houses of the Legislature, upper and
Ilalf-way Covenant, 451.                  lower, 346.
Hamilton, duke of, claims of the, 303, Howard, Catharine, 75.
304.                                 Husking-parties, 438.
Hampshire County, troops for the pro- Hutchinson, Capt., killed by Indians,
tection of, 350, 386.                  267.
Hand-to-hand fight, 70.                Hutchinson, Mrs., settles near Stamford,
Hanged for distributing tracts, 79; for    129: she and her children killed by
non-conformity, 79.                    Indians, 129.
Hartford, settlement of, 25, 30.
Hartford controversy, 460; renewal of, Impost, trouble  concerning the Say467, 468.                              brook, 161.
Hartford County organized, 254.        Indians, number of, in Connecticut, 34;
Hats, fashion of, 401, 402.               their dialects, gestures, domestic habHaynes, Gov., projected murder of, 144;    its, traditions and laws, 34; their
death and history of, 182.             formls, features, dress, eloquence, and
Haystacks burnt by Indians, 50.           other characteristics, 37, 38; their
Head-dresses, style of, 445.              power of endurance, their employHebron incorporated and settled, 380.     ments and manufactures, 39; their
Henry VIII., character of, 74, 75.        deities, 40; their government, priestHideous spectacles, 51.                   hood, and curiosity, 41;'their treat"' Hobbomocko," (the Indian's spirit of    ment of the English, 27, 41, 42; they
evil,) 40.                             court an alliance with the English, 42;
Hollister controversy, 461-465.           first depredations and murders by, 42,
Hollister, Lieut. John, sketch of, 463.   43, 45; their sarcasm and grimace,
Holy Sepulchre, the, 74.                  51; acts of cruelty and murder near
Honorable, title of, 422.                 Stamford and Fairfield, 130, 131;
Hooker, Rev. Thomas, sketch of, 22-24;    whole settlements destroyed by them
his journey to Hartford, 29, 30; death   in Virginia, 133; supposed league to
of, 456.                               exterminate the whites, 133; they
Hooker, Mrs., borne on a litter, 29.      acknowledge their treachery, 140;
Hooped-skirts, 444, 445.                 attempts to christianize them, 261,
Hopkins, Gov., arrival of, 93; attempt   262; villages burnt by, 266; shockto murder, 144; death and sketch of;   ing barbarities, 268; continued depre196, 197.                              dations, 325, 326.  [See Pequots,
Hostages, Pequot children demanded as,  fNarragansetts, Mohegans,.c.]
47.                                  Indian brutality, shocking cases of, 51,
Hostages sent to Boston by Indians, 384;    131, 268.
their escape and surrender, 384.     Indian IHill, graveyard at, 1700




ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                        561
Indian titles to land, difficulty of procur-   sketch of, 104; governor of New
ing the, 111, 112.                     Haven colony, 97, 214; chosen govIndian symbol of submission, 141.        ernor of Connecticut, 284; entertains
Indians, superstitious fear of the, 265.  the regicide-hunters, 239; he delays
Indian warriors slain, three hundred,   their progress, 239-441.
52~79.                               Leisler, Gov., committee to confer with
Itinerating  clergy  denounced, 470;    325.
fanaticism  of some of them, 470; Letter to Lord Say and Seal, substance
laws passed against, 471; excluded    of, 206.
friom the pulpits, 472.              Library of the Rev. Mr. Glover destroyed by Indians, 273.
Jamaica, proposed settlement of, 192.   Lister, office of, established, (note,) 350.
James I., reference to the reign of, 202. Litchfield settled and incorporated, 388,
James II., tyrannical conduct of, 306-    389.
309.                                 Liturgy in the English tongue, 76.
Jesuits, charges against the, 382; the  Lords, House of, refuse to pardon the
English demand their surrender, 384.   regicides, 235.
Jealousy of Connecticut, 220.          " Long and hungry march," 285.
Jonquiere, defeat of the plans of, 413, London, charter of, revoked, 309.
414.                                 Long Island, land  purchased on, by
Judges' cave, 242, 243.                  Connecticut, 112, 113; towns on,
Justices of the peace, first appointed,   annexed to Connecticut, 212; Con(note,) 345.                           nectiout re-asserts her claim to, 224.
Long Island Indians, defense of, 186,
Kieft, Gov., protests against the occupa-    188.
tion of Quinnipiack, 110; his corres- Louisbourg, projected capture of, 396;
pondence with Gov. Eaton, and the    the subject debated, 397-399; decommissioners, 142,143.                feated in the Massachusetts General
Kievit's Hook, 127.                      Court, 399; project renewed and carKilbourn, Sergt. John, sketch of, 464.   ried, 399, 400; sailing of the expediKing, the, not recognized in the Consti-   tion, 402; arrival of an English fleet,
tution, 89;                            403; the attack and capture, 403King, conspiracy against the, 304; peti-   406; demonstrations of joy, 4307;
tion to the, 312.                      extent of the triumph, 408; Pennsyl-' King's Province," the, 252, 309.       vania, New York and  TNew. Jersey
Kritchtan, (the Indian's Good Spirit,) 30.   share in the expense, 407;;'value of
Killingworth settled and named, 221.     the prizes taken, 407; strength of the
fortification, 408; share of ConnectiLand titles declared void by Andross,   cut in the capture, 409.
319.                                 Lovell's maraud, 387.
Land records established, 110, 111.    Ludlow, Roger, 104, 105, 131; sketch
Lands purchased several times of In-    of, 177-180; he embarks for Virginia,
dians, 115.                            181.
Last night of festivity, 60.           Ludlow  and Milton, writings of, eomnLathrop, Capt., killed by Indians, 271.    pared, 179.
Leete, William, Esq., arrival of; 97; Lyme named, 254.
36




5 62            ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
Magistrates how nominated and elected, " Mermaid," capture of the French ship,
84, 85; the number of, 84.            405.
Magistrates for New  Haven first ap-   Merry Meeting Bay,'9 English taken
pointed by Connecticut, 231.          prisoners at, 385.
Maidens captured by Indians at Wetl- Miantinomoh, Mason's interview with,
ersfield, 53; protected by the wife of   57, 58;. treaty with, 71, 72; pursuit
Mononotto, 53; restored by the Dutch,   and capture of, 122; charges against.
53..                   123; his fate left with five clergymen,
Manhadoes, surrender of the forts at,   123; they adjudge him  worthy of
228.                                  death, 123; execution of, 123, 124;
Manners and customs, 415-445.           Uncas eats his flesh, 124; annual celeManning arrested for smuggling, 183.    bration of his death, 124; his place of
Mansfield  incorporated  and  named,   burial, 124; his death an act of injus349.                                  tice, 124, 125; character and services
Marine, strange commission of, 128; he    of, 124, 125.
attempts to shoot the governor, 128; Miantinomoh and Uncas, 121.
indiscriminate slaughter by, 128.   Middletown settled, 168; aspect of the
Mason appointed commander-in-chief,   country at, 169; Indians at, 168-170.
92; Hooker presents him  with the Ministry, laws for the support of 473.
staff of office, 92; the scene described  Milford, settlement of, 101; the regicides
by Dr. Bushnell, 92, 93; sent to   concealed there, 244; gallant conduct
Saybrook, 51; he returns to Hart-   of her sons, 183.
ford, 53; sails for the mouth of the Militia, right of the colony to command
River, 54; his march through the   the, 366.
enemy's country, 58, 59; he destroys Military titles, 425.
the Pequot fort, 61-63; his return to Mistick fort, destruction of, 62, 63.
Hartford, 65; he prosecutes the war, Mistick claimed by Connecticut, 211.
67.                                 Mockery of the English by savages, 51.
Massachusetts, claims precedence of the Mohawks behead Sassacus, 71.
other governments, 132; power and Mohawk, wars of the, 144; defeated by
threats of, 154; her complaints against   the Milford Indians, 145,; hired to fight
the Saybrook fort tax, 154; retaliation    the Mohegans, 152; they are detained
of, 161; conduct of, 176; charter of,  in their own country, 153; their
surrendered, 309; Connecticut sends   arms and ammunition, 152, 153.
troops to aid, 350.                 Mohawk captive, attempt to torture a,
Massasoit warns his son against embrac-   145; he is rescued by Hine, 145.
ing christianity, 262.              Mohawk country invaded by the French,
Masters, list of, 503-505.              336.
Mattabesett settled, 168; name changed Mohegans join the standard of Mason,
to Middletown, 168.                   58.
Mattatuck (Waterbury) committee sent Mohegan country, purchase of the, 112.
to view, 304, 305.                  Mohegans and Narragansetts, war beMeadow-lands, scarcity of, 21, 22.      tween, 118-121; Mohegans victoriMechanics, scarcity of, 420.            ous, 121; the quarrel renewed, and
Mendon, Indian murders at, 267.         referred to the commissioners, 133  a
Merchants, 426.                         temporary truce effected, 133.




ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                       563.Iohegans, 34, 35; alledged abuse of   Rhode Island, 153; continued troubles
the, 357; court established to investi-    with, 159-162; they adhere to their
gate the charge, 358, 359; the case    heathenism, 262; their manufactures
pre-judged, 358; decision againstCon-    270; treaty of peace with, 270;
necticut, 360; remonstrance against   trouble anticipated from, 275; Conthe action of the court, 360; protec-    gress declares war against, 276; their
ted by New Haven and Connecticut,   principal fort described, 277; trium138.                                  phant attack upon the fort, by the
Mohegan country, survey and map of,   English, 278, 279; a dear-bought
358, 359.                             victory, 279; extent of the destrucAIonastaries, destruction of, 75.       tion and slaughter, 279; 280; the war
Mlonhausett, sachems from, 134; they    continued, 282, 283.
implore the protection of the English, Narragansett country claimed by Con134; protection guaranteed, 134.      necticut, 300; enactment concerning
Montauket, present to the sachem of,   the lands of, 302; commissioners on
186.                                  land claims there, 303; decision in
iMontauket Indians, measures for their   favor of Connecticut, 303; the decisdefense, 186.                         ion reversed, 311.
Montauk Point discovered, 126.        Naugatuck Valley and River, 305, 306.
Montreal, contemplated  attack  upon, New England, Andross appointed gov330; expedition against, 372, 373;    ernor of, 311.
failure of, 373; disappointment of the New Haven, founding of the colony of,
colonies, 373, 374.                   91-105; New Haven, settlement of,
Morning march, the, 60.                  93; first Sabbath in, 94, 95; purchase
More, Sir Thomas, execution of, 75.      of lands of the Indians, 96; constituMosely's fight with the Indians, 271.    tion adopted, 98; " seven pillars " of
Mount Hope, 266.                        the church, 99; the workings of their
Mourning and Thanksgiving, 281, 282.   system, 100; pacific counsels of, 108;
" Mr.l" title of, 424.                  commissioners meet in, 144; business
Murder of Captains Stone and Norton,   of the people of, 145; they fit out a
43; their murderers demanded, 47.    ship for England, 145, 146; her deMurder of Mr. Oldham, 45.                parture and fate, 146, 147; commitMurders by Indians, 50, 51, 53, 388.    tees to treat with, 212, 216, 231; action of the General Court of, on the
Narragansetts and Mohegans, 133, 199,   subject of Union, 213, 214, 218; re200.                                  port of committee, 215, 216; agent of
Narragansetts and Pequots, 43.           New Haven arrives in England, 217;
Narragansetts, 58, 59; cowardice of, 60,   Winthrop's pledges to him, 217; the
61; defeat of, 121, 122; they violate   charter to be read publicly in New
their treaty, 138; they attack Uncas,   Haven, 218; committee to treat with
138; their threats against the Eng-   the towns, 220; commissioners decide
lish, 139; declaration of war against,  in favor of New Haven, 219, 220;
139; present from, to Governor Win-   complaints of, against Connecticut,
throp, 140; they are cited to appear    221; resistance to the tax-gatherers,
before the commissioners, 147; per-    222; special court at, 223; statement
fidy of, 152; their depredations in   of her grievances, 233; her territory




564         ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
claimed by the Duke of York, 224,   187  his conduct on Long Island,
225; last election of her colonial offi-   188; Young's expedition against him,
cers, 224; last meeting of the General   189.
Court, 232; she is annexed to Con- Northampton, Maj. Treat sent to the renecticut, 232, 233                    lief of, 274.
"New Haven case stated," 223, 484- Norridgewock, expedition to, 385; des494.                                  truction of, 387.
New Haven county organized, 254.      Norwalk purchased, 112; settlement of,
New Haven, division in the church at,   167; derivation of the name, 167.
272.                                Nott, Sergt. John, sketch of, 464.
New London, site of, desolated, 49.   Norwich purchased of Uncas, 200; the
New London, settlement of, by Win-   settlement and first settlers of 200,
throp, 151; disputed territory of,   201.
151; the jurisdiction of, conceded to Nova Scotia Indians, disease among the,
Connecticut, 152; the people exempt   413.
from taxation, 152.
New London county organized, 254.    "Oblong," how formed, 348.
New Milford settled and incorporated, Ordination balls, 439.
380, 381.                           Ordination, form of, 452.
New  Netherlands surrenders to Col. Owning the Covenant, 451.
Nichols, 228.                       Oldham, John, murder of, 46.
Newman's barn, meeting in, 97; constitution there adopted, 98.        Palisades of Mistick Fort, extent of, 62.
Newtown incorporated, 380.            Paniese, or Indian priests, 41.
New  York protected by Connecticut Panther, the regicides frightened by a,
soldiers, 325.                        243.
New York Boundary, 347, 348.          Parley with the Pequots, 48.
Nichols' expedition, 225-228.         Parley, an Indian, 120, 121.
Nichols, Col., interview of, with Gov. Parliament grants money to the colonies,
Stuyvesant, 228.                      409.
Night watch at Pequot swamp, 70.      Palr, Catharine, the sixth wife of Henry
Nihanticks, bravado and cowardice of,   VIII., 75.
59; they are cited to meet the com- Pastors of Connecticut, characteristics of,
missioners, 147; perfidy of, 152.     447, 448; list of, to 1665, 502, 503.
Ninigret meets the commissioners, 147; Pasturage, scarcity of, 21, 22.
he pleads the cause of his people, Patent of Connecticut, of 1631, 475,
147; rumored alliance with the Pe-   476; names of the Patentees therein
quots, 159; his interview with Ather-   named, 476.
ton, 162; his alledged league with Patentees named in the charter of 1662,
Gov. Stuyvesant, 172, 173; his hos-   209, 477.
tility to the Long Island Indians, 186; Patrick, Capt., commands the Massahis summons to meet the Congress,   chusetts forces, 58; sends a messenger
186; his response, 186; his country   to Mason, 58; attacked by Pequots,
invaded, 186, 187; he takes refuge in   70.
a swamp, 187; the invasion abandon- Paugassett (Derby,) settlement of, 256,
ed, 187; his cruelty to the Pequots,   257.




ALPtHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                      565
Powaws, (an Indian priesthood,) 41.    Pierpont, Rev. James, sketch of, 458;
Pawcatuck, settlement of, 197, 198;    his intimacy with Col. Dixwell, 251.
annexed to Massachusetts, 198; again  Pierpont, Genealogy, (note,) 459.
becomes a part of Connecticut, 198, Pioneers of Connecticut, 416; their or211; name changed to Stonington,   igin and social rank, 416-419.
199.                                Pioneers, perils and labors of,
Pell, Thomas, commission of, 221.      Piracy, the colonies charged with favorPequot ambassador visits the governor   ing, 304; law passed against, 304;
of Massachusetts, 44; his credentials   the charge renewed, 352.
not satisfactory, 44; two others sent, Plainfield named, 347.
44.                                 Plan of attack at Mistick, 61.
Pequot captives killed, 67.            Plantation Covenant, of New Haven, 95.
Pequot fort destroyed, 63;             Plunder and trophies taken froil the
Peqout Harbor, settlement at, 152; En-    Pequots, 109.
dicott's expedition to, 47, 48; Mason's Plymouth Company, the, 20.
march toward, 64.                   Pocasset, conflict at, 267.
Pequot sachems put to death, 68.       Pomfret incorporated, 381; principal
Pequot War, 54-73.                       proprietors of, 381.
Pequot country, claim to, 134.         Pomperaug (Woodbury,) settlement of,
Pequots, 34, 35; treaty with, 45; Endi-   258, 259.
cott marches against them, 47-49; Pootatuck and Owiantuck Indians, to be
murders and depredations by them,   removed 367.
49-51; Connecticut declares war "Porter's Rocks,' 60.
against, 54; dreadful slaughter of, 62, Port Royal, capture of, by the provin63; their bravery, 69; their nation    cials, 377; attack upon,by the French,
extinct, 71, 72; the survivors distri-   395.
buted among their enemies, 72; they  Pocumtock hired to fight the Mohegans.
violate their treaty, 108; another war    152; they are induced to remain at
with, 108,109; plunder taken from  - home, 152.
them, 109; ill-treatment of, by Uncas, Prediction of Uncas, 59.
159-161; they are taken under the Principal men of the colony, 94, 96,47.
protection of the English, 187, 188.   Puritanism, 79.
Penobscots, and other tribes, muster for Puritans, the  progressive  party, 79;
war, 385.                              outrages against, 79-81.
Persecuted, both parties in their turn, Puritans and Cavaliers, 434.
80.                                 Philip, chief of the Wampanoags, 26;
Persecutions for non-conformity, 78-81.   his attempt to exterminate the EngPestilence and storms reduce the French    lish, 260; he rejects the Gospel, 2622;
fleet, 411, 412.                       causes of the war with, 263, 264;
Pessacus visits the commissioners, 140;   activity of, 265; his allies, 265; war
excuses of 147; acts of, 161; seizure    with, 265-~87; he is secretly aided
of, by Atherton, 162.                 by the Narragansetts, 268; the EngPetty chiefs, limited power of, 46.      lish offer a reward for his head, 270;
Petition to the king, 204.               he destroys Springfield, 273; he is
Pewter table furniture, 432.             driven thence by Maj. Treat, 273;
"Phantom ship," 146, 147.                success of, 274; he retires to the




566            ALPHABETICAL  INDIEX  OF SUBJECTS.
Narragansett country, 274; his in-   English, 42; the warriors of, 64;
trigues with  Canonchet, 275; in-   their assault upon Mason, 64; his
genious construction of his fort, 277;   people charge him with their ruin,
fearful destruction of life, 278-282;    66; he takes refuge among the Mosix hundred wigwams burnt, 279;   hawks, 71; is slain by them, and Ihis
attempts to negotiate a peace with,   scalp sent to Boston, 71.
282.                                Savage's expedition, 266.
Savage mockeries, 51.
Quebec, attempt upon, 330-333, 372, Say and Seal, Lord, services and charac373.                                  ter of, 206, 207.'Quinnipiack, (New Haven) settled, 93. Saybrook, fort erected at, 26; sufferings
Quobaug, the Sachem of, killed, 287.     of the garrison at, 26; settlers from
Quo. Warranto, writs of, 306-310.       the river towns arrive there, 27.
Saybrook fort attacked by Pequots, 49;
Ralla, Father, treatment of, 382-385.    besieged through the winter, 50; reRandolph's commission and claims, 303.   inforeed by Mason and Underhill, 51,
Reformation1 progress of the, 75-80.     53; purchased by Connecticut, 135;
Regicides, the, 234-252.                 articles of agreement, 135, 136; tax
Rehoboth, council of Governors at, 374.   laid to keep it in repair, 136; the fort
Religion established by law in the colony,   burnt, 157; re-built, 157, 158; de446-474.                              fense of; 172.
Religious characteristics of the puritans, Saybrook fort tax and Springfield, 153,
433-435.                               154.
Reply of Philip to the Massachusetts Saybrook Platform established, 468.
Ambassador, 261; of Nanuntenoo to Saybrook, founding of, 106; first proRobert Stanton, 283.                   prietors of, 106; an  independent
Retreat of Gen. Winthrop, 332.           government, 107; Andross attempts
Ridgefield settled and incorporated, 374,   to land at, 289; official letter and
375.                                  action of the General Assembly, 290Romanism, 75~                            293; Andross  permitted to  land,
293; interview between Andross and
Sabbath, the first, in New Haven, 94,   Bull at, 293, 294.
95.                                 Sedgwick's expedition, 183, 184.
Saclem's Head, origin of the name, 68. Sedgwick, Prof. Adam, letter from
Sachem's Plain, 124.                     (note,) 184-186.
Sachems of the river tribes, 19; driven Scarfs and gloves, use of, at funerals,
off by the Pequots, 19; brought back    439.
by Holmes, 19; land purchased of Scalps, premium offered for Indian, 386.
them, 19.                           Schuyler's novel excursion to England,
Sachems visit England, 375; their inter-   375.
view with the queen, 375, 376.      Schuyler's expedition, 336.
Salmon Falls, slaughter at, 328.       Schenectady, destruction of, 326-328;
Saltonstall, Gurdon, elected Governor,   awful scenes at, 327.
368.                                Servants, 425, 426.
Sarcasm of the Indians, 51.           Sequasson cited to appear before the
Sassacus` devises means to destroy the    commissioners, 144.




ALPHABETICAL  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                        567
Seven pillars of the church in New    referred to him, 57; his decision
Haven, 99; in Milford, 101.            acquiesced in, 57.
Shallop captured by Indians, 51.       Stonington named, 199; character of
Shoe Buckles, 441.                       her sons, 199.
Shute, Gov., embarks for England, 387. Stoughton's expedition against the PeSimsbury incorporated and named, 255.    qucts, 67.
Silver plate, 432, 440.                Stow, Rev. Mr., opposition to, 466.
Sir, title of, 424.                    Stratford settled, 105; ecclesiastical disSocial distinctions, 422.                putes at, 257, 258; they result in the
Soldiers furnished by the colonies, num-    settlement of WVoodbury, 257, 258,
ber of, (note,) 410.                   468.
Smith, Rev. Henry, sketch of, 455.     Stuyvesant, Gov., arrives in New NethSongs of exultation, 60.                  erlands, 156; congratulatory letter to,
"South Seas," 127.                        156; he visits Hartford, 163, 164;
Southampton annexed to Connecticut,   complains of the encroachments of the
134.                                   English, 163; his claims and arroSowheag's quarrel with Wethersfield,    gance, 163, 164; the Delaware set107; extent of his jurisdiction, 107;   tlers,  170, 171; serious charges
he  protects murderers, 107; war   against, 172-174; a committee visit
against, determined on, 107.           him, 174; he treats them coldly, 174;
Spain, war between England and, 390.    his negotiatiations of, with Colonel
Spanish West Indies, expedition against,   Nichols, 227, 228; he capitulates, 228.
390, 391; action   of Connecticut Superstition among the early settlers,
therein, 391, 392; failure of, 393.    265, 430, 431.
Speaker of the House, first election of, Supper, 432.
346.                                 Swamp-fight, the, 69.
Springfield refuses to raise the Saybrook
fort tax, 148, 153, 154.             Talcott's expedition, 284, 285.
Springfield. debate concerning the juris- Talcott, Maj., extent of his services, 286,
diction of, 154, 155.                  287; his victory at the Cedar Swamp,
Springfield Indians join Philip, 272.    285, 286.
Springfield destroyed, 273.            Tariff, first in Connecticut, 135.
Spy, terrible execution of an Indian, 55. Tax, first levied in: the colony, 91.
Stafford settled, 388; principal settlers, Taxes to be levied by the General Court,
of, 338.                               87.
Stanton, the interpreter, at Saybrook, Taxes, enormous amount of, 344.
52; his dialogue with the savages, Terrible slaughter, 278-280.
52.                                  Thanksgiving Day, 435-438.
Stamford, purchase of, 113; settlement Theatrical entertainment, 51, 52.
of, 115, 455.                        Tilley tortured  by savages, 50; his
Stamford threatens to withdraw  from     heroic fortitude, 50.
New Haven colony, 177.               Titles among our ancestors, 242-425.
State and Colonial Officers, list of, 495, Toilsome march, 60.
496.                                 Tolland incorporated and settled, 388.
Stone, Rev. Samuel, chaplain in the  Tomahawks, how made, 39.
Pequot war, 54; a case of conscience  Torture of an Indian spy, 55.




568            ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Tortures, how borne by the Indians, 38. Wabaquassett country, 285.
Towns first incorporated, 110.        WTadsworth, Capt., and Col. Fletcher,
Trading-house at Windsor, 18, 19; in-    341, 342.
vested by the Dutch, 19; retreat of Wagons and carriages of the settlers,
the enemy from, 19.                   432.
Trailing gowns, 444.                  Wah-qui-ma-cut visits the governors of
Treaty with the Eastern Indians, 382;    Massachusetts and Plymouth, 17; he
with the Pequots, 45; with the Nar-    describes the Connecticut Valley, 17;
ragansetts, 141.                      he desires the English to settle there,
Treachery of the Indians, 130, 131.      17.
Trophies taken from the Indians, 71.    Wallingford controversy, 472, 473.
Troops quartered in churches, 433.    Wallingford incorporated, 255.
Treat, Maj., narrow escape of, 281; vote  Wampanoags, the, 188; change in their
of thanks to, 273.                    condition, 262; their ranks thinned
Treat, Gov. sketch of, 369-371.         by pestilence, 269.
Treat, Richard, a farmer, 421.        Wampum to be paid the English, 141;
the Indians refuse to pay it, 152; a
Uncas, treaty with, 71, 72; vigilance of,   gift of consolation, 160; payment of,
120; surrenders Miantinomoh to the    enforced, 161, 162.
English, 122; his quarrel with the  Wareham, Rev. Mr., removes to WindNarragansetts, 133; decision of the    sor, 25; character of, 114.
commissioners in  his favor, 133; War between Miantinomoh and Uncas,
attacked by the Narragansetts, 138;    118-122; against the Dutch decided
attempt to assassinate him, 158; he    upon, 175; with the Eastern Indians,
appears before the commissioners, 158;   386; between England and France,
character and conduct of, 159, 160;    349.
vile conduct of, 194; he is beseiged  Warwhoop, horror inspired by the, 73.
by Pessacus, 199; sends to Saybrook  Waterbury incorporated  and  named,
for aid, 199; Leffingwell, goes to his   305; inundation and pestilence in,
relief, 199, 200.                     305; the contract, 305; proposed
Underhill, Capt., joins Mason's expedi-   abatement of the taxes of, 367.
tion against the Pequots, 55; his ser- Webster, Gov., removal of, 199.
vices, 61, 65; aids the Dutch against Welles, Gov., death of, 199.
the Indians, 130.                   Wequash acts as Mason's Guide, 60.
Union of New Haven with Connecticut, Westbrook's expedition, 387.
112-233; opposed by Mr. Daven- Westchester claimed by Connecticut)
port, 214; debate on, 219, 220; de    211, 218.
cision in favor of New Haven, 220; Westerhouse's vessel, seizure of, 156,
commissioners finally decide in favor   157, correspondence concerning, 156,
of union, 229.                        157; reference to, 165.
Westfield, disputed claim to, 134; jurisVernon, Admiral expedition of, 390-   diction to, surrendered to Massachu394; failure of, 393; ravages of the    setts, 134.
pestilence on board his fleet, 394.    WTethersfield, settlement of, 24, 115;
Virginia, Indian depredations in, 133.  murders by the Indians at, 53; charVoluntown, origin of the name, 348, 349.   acter of the people of, 113-115; dif



ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF SUBJECTS.                        569
ficulties in, 132; their results, 132;   appointed agent to England, 205; his
quarrel of, with Sowheag, 107.        arguments with the king, 207, 208;
Wethersfield controversy, 455.           his mission successful, 208; he preWhalley, Col., sketch of, 246, 247.      sents the king with a ring, 208, 209;
Whalleys, the, 246.                      his pledges in behalf of New Haven,
Wheeler, Capt., escape of, 267.          217; his defense of Connecticut, 219;
Whiting, Mr., attempt to murder:, 144;    his death, 295; sketch of, 295-299.
appointed agent of the colony, 307; Winthrop Genealogy, (note,) 296, 297.
his instructions, 307; vote of thanks  Winthrop, Gen. Fitz John, commands
to, 311.                              the expedition against Canada, 331;
Whiting and Haynes controversy, the,   sketch of, (note,) 33; is court-mar467, 468.                             tialed by Leisler, 333; is rescued by
Whittlesey controversy, 471.            the Mohawks, 333, 334; his conduct
Whitmore, John, murder of, 157.          approved by Connecticut, 335; vote
Wigs worn in New England, 442, 443.   of thanks to, 335; appointed agent to
Wigwams burnt on Block Island, 47;   England, 338; his instructions, 338,
of the Pequots burnt by Endicott and    339; result of his mission, 344;
Mason, 48, 63, 109; six hundred    elected governor, 346; his death, 368.
destroyed, 279, 280.                Wolcott, Henry, death of, 189; his life
Wilderness, dangers of the,23,24, 27,28.   and services, 189-192 i; monument of,
WTild Game, 33.                          192.
"'Will and Doom," Bulkley's, 355, 356. Wolcott manor-house in England, reWillard's  expedition, inefficiency  of,   fered to, 190.
187; his private instructions, 188.    Wolcott Genealogy, (note,) 190.
Wilson, Rev. Mr., chaplain in Stough- Wolcott family arms and motto, (note,)
ton's expedition, 67.                 191.
Windham incorporated, 335.            Wolcott, Roger, a weaver, 421.
Windows of the early dwellings, 428, Wolves, depredations of 33.
429.                                Woodbury, settlement of, 258, 259;
Windsor settlement of, 25; principal   emigrants for, lose their way, 259
settlers of, 114; ecclesiastical troubles   incorporation of, 260; original extent
at, 466, 467; two pastors settled at,   of the township, 260.
467.                                Women and children destroyed, 63.
7Tinslow, Guyov., visits the Connecticut Women, pioneer, sacrifices of, 29, 416,
Valley, 1 7; his favorable report,   443.
17.'Woodstock  incorporated  and settled.
Winter, first, in the Connecticut Valley,   380.
27.                                 Wright, Thomas, Sen., sketch of, 463,
WVinter scene, 280, 281.             TWyllyg, Gov., death of, 136; sketch of
Winthrop, John, arrives in America,136-138.
25; his commission as governor of
Connecticut River, 25, 26; claims of, Yeoman, title of; 426.
148; he settles New London, 151;  Yeomanry, character of the 426, 427.




INDEX OF QUESTIONS.
VOL, I.
NoTE:.-[The figures in the margin denote the pages in the history to which the questions refer.1
Q UESTIONS.
CHAPTER I.                 By whom was their removal to Connecticut opposed?
(17.) When did WVah-qui-ma-cut visit (22.) Who was the principal advocate
the Governors of Massachusetts and   for removal?
Plymouth?                          Where had Hooker been settled in EngMWhat was his object?                  land?
What inducement did he hold out to Why was he silenced?
settlers?                          Who petitioned the Bishop in his behalf,
How was he received?                    and with what result?
Who visited the Valley of the Connec- With what expectation did his parishticut?                               ioners embark for America?
(18.) What report did Winslow make? Where did they settle?
Where was the first English trading- When did Messrs. Hooker and Stone,
house in the valley established?     arrive in Massachusetts?
By whom was it erected?              (23.) Who was the chief opponent of
Who opposed his passage up the river?   removing to Connecticut?
(19.) From whom did Holmnes purchase What were the arguments of Hooker?
the land at Windsor?               What were Mr. Cotton's arguments?
Who were enraged at the conduct of (24.) What was the result of the disHolmes?                               cussion?
Who attempted to drive the English  What is said of Hooker's views?
from the river?                     By whom and when was the order of
What was the result of the attempt?     the General Court of Massachusetts
(20.) To whom and how did the Ply-   set at defiance?
mouth Company convey the territory  Where did they settle?
of Connecticut?                    When did Massachusetts grant the appliTo whom and when did Warwick con-   cation to remove, and with what provey it?                              viso?
What was the character of the new pro- (25.) Who next removed from Massaprietors?                            chusetts?
(21.) What did Milton say of one of  Where did they settle?
them?                              By whom were they followed?
By whom was the soil pre-occupied?    How many persons passed through the
Why did the settlers in Massachusetts    wilderness in October, 1635?
seek for new quarters?             With what obstacles did they meet?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                           571
Where did they settle?               IHow  did their new home appear to
What distinguished man came to New    them?
England this year?                 I How is the scene described?
What were his instructions?           (31.) What results are to follow?
(26.) What was the title given him in
his commission?                               CHAPTER II.
Who were preparing to anticipate him? (32.) How does the present age differ
Who erected a fortification at the mouth   from that of which we are speaking?
of the river?                     | What is said of our woodlands?
What did the Dutch do when they saw  What were the  peculiarities of the
the new fortress?                     original forests?
Hlow had the settlers on the river for   33  What were some of the animals
(33.) What were some of the animals
warded their effects from Massachu-   sheltered by them
setts?                             What depredations did they commit?
(27.) VWThat became of them?         What measures were taken against these
How did they procure corn?               ofenders?'What other misfortunes attended them?  What is said of the varieties of wild
Where did many of the settlers go?      fowl?
iIow did those who remained provide  (34.) What kinds of fish abounded?
for themselves?                   l What number of Indians inhabited ConH-Iow did the cattle fare?              necticut?
(28.) What was the government of the What peculiarities indicated a common
colony?                                origin?
When were the General Courts to In what towns did the " river Indians"
meet?                                live?
How  many  magistrates were to  be How many sovereignties and bondmen
chosen?                               were there in Windsor?
IHow many deputies were to be elected  (35.) What was the extent of the Mohefrom each town?                      gan and Pequot country?
How were the special courts to be con-     e they distinct tribes 
stituted?                          What was the position and character of
*What were the powers of the General    Uncas?
Court?                             What was the character and power of
(29.) MThen and where was the first   Sassacus?
court held?                        (36.) What were his familiar haunts?
What prominent statesman was present? Where was his principal fort?
What act was passed?                 What was the extent of his power and
Who started for Connecticut?            wealth?
What number of persons was there in  How and where was his other fort situthe company?                         ated?
How did they proceed on their journey? What were the peculiarities of form and
How was Mrs. Hooker borne?              feature in the red man?'What was the character of the emigrants? (37.) How were the Indians dressed?
(30.) What were the characteristics of  What were some of their peculiar traits?
the route?                         1 (38.) What is said of their power of
How long were they on the journey?  i  endurane?
iendurance I




572                    INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
How  were the males accustomed to What requests did they make?
spend their time?                 (45.) What were the terms of the treaty
What were the usual labors of the   established?
females?                          Did the Indians abide by it?
What were their physical character- Who was murdered by the Indians?
istics?                           Who rescued Oldham's vessel from the
(39.) What were the principal manufac-   murderers?
tures of the aborigines?           What were the circumstances of the
How was the tomahawk constructed?     rescue?
What was their mode of making canoes? (46.) In what condition was Oldham's
(40.) What were their objects of wor-   body found?
ship?                             Who committed the body to the sea?
What was the name of their'" Good What was done with Oldham's vessel?
Spirit? "                          Who were concerned in the murder?
What was the name of their spirit of By whom was the murder disclaimed?
evil?                             What measures were devised to avenge
Which did they worship most?          the death of Oldham?
(41.) What was their priesthood called? (47.) Who commanded the expedition
What was their civil government?      against Block Island?
I-ow were the aristocracy bred?      What was the Island called by the
How did they contrive to exalt them-   savages?
selves?                           What did Endicott accomplish?
What motives induced Massasoit to  Whence did he sail from Block Island?
welcome the English?              What did Gardiner tell him?
(42.) What were the plans and motives (48.) Where did Endicott next land?
of Uncas?                         What did he tell the Indians?
What were the purposes of Sassacus?   With whom did he demand an interWhat was the speed of an Indian run-   view?
ner?                              What was the object of the Indians in
What representations did the couriers   keeping him in parley?
make?                             How was Endicott outwitted?
What depredations did the agents of What did he accomplish?
Sassacus commit?                  (49.) Where did he land the next day?
(43.) What Englishmen were murdered  What did he do there?
by Indians?                       Whence did he then sail?
What were the particulars of these mur- What was Gardiner's advice to him and
ders?                               his men?
What events immediately followed?    With what were they loading their shal(44.) Who began to be alarmed?        lops?
To whom did the Pequots send a mes- What reception did the Indians give
sage, and for what object?          them?
What reception did he meet with?    What were the results of the expedition?
Who were afterward sent?             Where was the next attack of the InWhat charges did the Governor make    dians?
against the Pequots?              (50.) What was done with Butterfield?
What defence did the agents make?    Who was the next victim?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                           573
What was the result of their tortures?  How was the Indian spy executed?
How were the Indians employed?        How long was Mason wind-bound at
What further depredations did they    Saybrook?
commit?                            (56.) What were Mason's instructions?
(51.) Where was Mason sent?           Why did he conclude it best to disobey
WMhat murders were committed at Say-   these instructions?
brook?                             What did he urge upon the Council of
IHow did the Indians attempt to insult   War?
the English?                       (57.) Why did his men hesitate?
What murders and mutilations are menc- What was to be done?
tioned?                            Who was desired " to commend their
What efforts were made to terrify the    condition to the Lord?"
English?                           What was the result?
IHow was the sarcasm of the English  To whose residence did they march?
manifested?                        What was Miantinomoh's opinion?
(52.) Who was the Indian interpreter? (58.) What was Capt. Patrick's request?
What conversation passed between him  Why was it not complied with?
and the savages?                   When did the army begin their march
Who did the Indians acknowledge them-    for the Pequot forts?
selves to be?                      With what reception did he meet from
What threats did they make?             a Narragansett sachem?
What reply did Gardiner make?         What did Mason do?
(53.) What did the Indians do at Weth- To what was the conduct of the Nihanersfield?                            ticks attributable?
To whom did the captive maidens owe IHow many Indians had joined Mason?
their lives?                       (59.) I-low did they behave as they apWho was sent from  Massachusetts to    proached the seat of Sassacus?
reinforce the garrison at Saybrook?  What did Uncas say?
How many English people did the colony  What intelligence did Mason now recontain?                             ceive?
(54.) How was the General Court con- (60.) How was the prediction of Uncas
stituted?                            verified?
What important act was passed?       Who was Mason's guide?
What is said of its phraseology?     Where and how did the English pass
How many troops was each town to   the night?
furnish?                           How did the enemy pass the night?
How soon were the troops ready to sail? When  did they  re-commence their
Where and when did they embark?        march?
How many English and Indians were How far did the fort prove to be from
embraced in the army?                their place of encampment?'Who was the commander?              (61.) What passed between Mason and
Who was the chaplain?                  the chiefs?
(55.) How long were they in reaching  What was the order of attack?
Saybrook?                          How did the assailants succeed in enterWho joined with Mason?                 ing the fort?
What had Uncas accomplished?         What incidents occurred?




574                    INDEX  OF  QUESTIONS.
(62.) How many acres did the palisades 1 Who commanded the new expedition?
embrace?                          Who was its chaplain?
How many houses did they enclose?  What was its object?
What exclamation did Capt. Mason  What did it accomplish at Pequot harmake?                                bor?
What followed?                       What did Connecticut do?
(63.) What did the savages do?       Who  commanded  the  Connecticut
How is the scene described?           troops?
W5hat number of wigwams were burnt? Who went with the army as advisers?
Now many of the enemy were destroy- What did the Council of War determine
ed?                                 upon?
What treasures were consumed?       (68.) What traces did they discover of
How many escaped?                      the fugitives?
How many were taken prisoners?      What was done with the Sachems taken
How many of the English were among    by Stoughton?
the killed and wounded?            Where did their execution take place?
(64.) What was the situation of the What is the place still called?
victors?                          Why did the English prolong their stay
What circumstance did they hail with   at New Haven?
joy?                              What tidings did the Pequot spy bring?
What followed when the tidings reached  (69.) Where was the swamp situated?
the fort of Sassacus?             fHow many Pequots were there con-.
Why did Mason commence his march    cealed?
toward Pequot harbor?              What was the result of the skirmish?
How many men had he to engage in What did the Fairfield Indians say?
battle?                           What Indians were offered life?
What point did the Pequots reach?    Who accepted the terms?
(65.) How did they manifest their grief? Who continued the fight?
Who defended the rear during Mason's (70.) What plan was finally agreed upon
~~~return ~? ~by the English?
How did the Pequots seek revenge?      ow did they pass the?
Were any slain during the return march? Whose  quarters       the ene   firs
n. Whose quarters did the enemy first
How long was Mason absent from Hart-   attack?
ford?                             Who relieved Capt. Patrick?
CHAPTER III.               How many Pequot warriors fled?
How many were killed?
(66.) How was Sassacus treated by his How many were taken prisoners?
people?                           (71) What became the property of the
What charges and threats did they    conquerors?
make?                             What became of the captives and booty T
What were the results of their consulta- Who were among the captives?
tions?                            What was done in their behalf?
(67.) Who fled to the westward?     How did those captives fare that fell to
What did Roger Williams do?           Connecticut?
What did the Governor and Council of What was the fate of Sassacus?
Massachusetts do?                  What was done with his scalp?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONSo                           575
Who met the magistrates of Connecti-  (79.) For what were men hanged?
cut?                               What was the result of these harsh.How many of the Pequots survived?      measures?
What were the terms of the treaty en- How was the accession of James, I.,
tered into?                          recieved by the puritans?
(72.) What was done with the survi- Had they cause to be disappointed?
vors?                              How many clergymen were silenced ill
What was the primary cause of the    a single year?
war?                               What was the conduct of the kinfg
What can be said in its justification?  toward the puritans?
(73.) How may the reader come to a Who were the progressive party?
just conclusion?                   Wherein were they like the members of
the established church under ElizaCHAPTER  IV.                  beth?
(80.) What is said of those who were in
(74.) What had England borrowed from    power?
feudalism?                         What was the nature of the struggle?'What kept her in a state of unrest?  What did the extreme measures of the
What sentiment prevailed?              two parties evince?
What is said of the progress of liberty? In what respects were they alike?
What was the character of Henry VIII.? To what alternatives were the puritans
(75.) What were his religious senti-   driven?
ments?                             (81.) Whither did they fly?
What were some of his cruel acts?    What was their leading motive?
What was the result of his alliance with  What secular motives had they?
Catharine Howard?                  Why did the fathers of Connecticut leave
What is said of Catharine Parr?          Massachusetts?
(76.) What were the King and his sub- (82.) What was the origin of human
jects doing?                         government?
Was the spirit of the reformation pro- What were the characteristics of the
gressing?                            powers of the government of ConnecWho composed the reformation party?    ticut?
What was accomplished  during  the How shall we judge of them impartially'?
reign of Edward?                   (83.) What may be said of the mirror
(77.) What were the position and policy    provided for us?
of Elizabeth?                      How does the preamble of the ConstituWhat was her character?                tion begin?
(78.)'Who were her counselors?       What is further stated in it?
For what was she solicitous?         What were the objects arrived at?
What did she accomplish?             When were the General Assemblies to
How  might she have avoided many    be held?
evils?                             What was the April Court to be called?
What was required in religious belief?  (84.) When were the officers of the
What was the result among the clergy?   colony to be chosen?
What were the objects and powers of By whom were the officers to be chosen?
the Court of High Commission?       In what order were they to be elected X




576                      INDEX  OF' QUESTIONS.
In what manner was the Governor to be  (88.) What are some of the features of
chosen?                               the Constitution of Connecticut
thow were the other officers to be nom- (89.) What is said of our towns?
inated and chosen?                  Did our Constitution recognize the king?
hIow many magistrates were to be elec- What is said of it in connection with
ted?                                  other American Constitutions?
(85.) How and when were the nominees (90.) What laws were passed under it?
to be propounded?                  What does Brancroft say of it?
How  often could the same person be
elected governor?                              CHAPTER  V.
What qualifications were requisite in the
candidate for governor?             (91.) What calamity  threatened  the
How was the court of election to be    settlers?
constituted?                       How did Mr. Pyncheon relieve them?
How was it to proceed?                What other means of relief was resorted
IIow were the regular courts to be con-   to?
vened?                              How much corn was procured of the
In what contingencies and how were the    Deerfield Indians?
special courts to be called?       Why was the Colony in debt?
In case of neglect of the proper officers  What was the amount of the tax laid?
to call the courts, how were they to be  (92.) Who was appointed commanderconvened?                             in-chief of the Militia?
(86.) How were meetings for the choice  What were his instructions?
of deputies to be called?            What was the amount of his salary?
By whom were the deputies to be chosen? Who delivered to him the staff of office?
Who were eligible to the office of  How is the scene described by Dr. Bushdeputy?                               nell?
How were deputies to be chosen?       (93.)What distinguished men arrived
How many deputies might each town    in Boston?
send?                               How were they received?
What were their powers?               What efforts were made to retain them
What course was to be pursued when    in Massachusetts?
deputies were not legally elected?  What led them to explore the coast of
How was the General Court to be con-    Connecticut?
stituted?                           What place did they finally select for a
If called by the people, of whom was it   settlement?
to consist?                         (94.) What had the Dutch named the
(87.) With  whom  was lodged "the    place?
Supreme  power  of the Common- When did the company sail for Quinwealth? "                             nipiack?
What power had the Governor or Mod- Where did they spend their firstSabbath?
erator?                            I-ow is the scene described?
How were taxes to be raised?          Who were some of the principal gentle%What is said of our Constitution?      men present?
What are the characteristics of the Brit- (95.) What was the subject of Mro
ish Constitution?                     Davenport's discourse?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                          5777
What was Mr. Prudden's text?         When was Milford  annexed to the
What was the peculiarity of their " plan-   Colony of New Haven?
tation covenant?"                 Whence did the settlers come?
VW/hat was the condition of their first What is said of Robert Treat?
crops?                            How many composed the first company?
What phenomena occurred?            Who was their guide?
(96.) BWhat were some of its effects? What is said of the Paugasset Indians?
Of whom was the land purchased?     (102.) What is said of the early settlers
What were the peculiarities of the deed    of Guilford?
of sale?                          Who was their clergyman?
Who acted as interpreter?           Wvhat is said of him?
What was the  extent of the second What was  the  history  of Samuel
purchase?                           Desborough?
Of whom  was this purchase made? (103.) What high office did he hold?
What towns did it embrace?          When did he sign his submission to
What was the consideration for the    Charles II.?
deed?                             How was he treated by the King?
(97.) What emigrants arrived  from  Where and when did he die?
England?                          What memorial exists of him and of his
Where did the people of New Haven    wife?
meet to organize their government? How does his miniature represent him?
From  what text did Mr. Davenport (104.) What was the history of William
preach?                             Leete?
What was the character of his sermon? Was Guilford ever independent of New
(98.) What resolutions were adopted?   Haven Colony?
By what were they to be guided?     What characterized the year 1639?
What were the desires and wishes of What were the characteristics of Ludthe free planters?                  low?
Who were to be free burgesses?      To what place did lie remove?
What were their powers?             Where had he previously lived-?
How did they commence their church  (105.) Who soon joined his party?
organization?                     To what Colony did the town belong?
(99.) Who were the seven pillars of the I Of whom was the land purchased?
church in New Haven?              What town was next purchased and setWas the government a "theocracy?"    tled?
How was their civil government organ- Who was the first magistrate of the
ized?                               town?
(100.) H}ow long were they deliberating. Who were some of the principal settlers?
Why did they adopt the laws of Moses? Who was the first clergyman?
What was the practical workings of What is said of him?
their system?                     What is said of Statford?
Were not its results good?
(101.) When were Milford and Guilford          CHAPTER VI.
settled?
Who were the principal settlers of Mil- (106.) Where had a new  Commonfolrd?                               wealth sprung up?
37




578                     INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
Who were some of its proprietors?     What did the General Court do?
WVhat was its nominal extent?          What did its action amount to?
By whom was it established?           How was the tribunal in each town
When did he and his household ar-   constituted?
rive?                              How were its members elected?
What did they name their settlement? What were its powers?
How long had there been a garrison at How often did it meet?
Saybrook?                          What provision was made for a land
Who were the original proprietors of the    record?
town?                              (111.) What was the duty of land-holdWTho was the first clergyman?           ers?
AWhat other names appear upon the  What is said of the utility of the object?
early records?                     What are the requisites of a legal pro(107.) What was the Government, and    vision?
by whom administered?                What provision was made for settling
When was it annexed to Connecticut?   estates?
What threatened another Indian war? (112.) What is said of the difficulty of
What was the  extent of Sowbeag's   purchasing lands of the Indians?
jurisdiction?                      What purchases were made, and settleWhat was the cause of the quarrel   ments commenced?
between him and the people of Weth- What troubles attended the settlement
ersfield?                            of Greenwich?
What did the Court decide?           How did Connecticut extend her limits?
Who were appointed as arbitrators?    What was the extent of the purchase?
What was the result?                  (113.) What township was next purWhat did the Court then determine?    chased?
(108.) How was the project regarded  Who was the first minister there?
in New Haven?                       Where was Capt. Turner sent to buy
What did Connecticut do?                lands?
Wherein had the Pequots offended?   How many families were sent to take
Who were sent to punish the trans-    possession?
gressors?                          What other purchase was made on Long
What did they accomplish?               Island?
(109.) Where did Mason and his men  Under whose auspices was the settlespend the night?                     ment begun?
At what were they surprised?         Who were some of the leading planters
What conversation took place between    there?
Mason and the Indians?              What is said of Wethersfield?
What did the English accomplish?      What was the character of her people?
What plan for the public safety was (114.) What remark had their conduct
proposed?                            elicited?
Who were appointed to consult with  To what was their conduct attributable?
Col. Fenwick?                       Under whose direction was Windsor
What was the object of the proposed    settled?
union?                             What is said of him?:(110.) Of what was it the forerunners?  Who were the other principal settlers?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                           679
What were some of the names of other In this Congress, how many votes were
settlers?                             necessary to bind the whole body?
(115.) What was one of the results of If a majority voted for any measure, and
the troubles in Wethersfield?         yet not the requisite number, what
Who attempted to tranquilize the differ-    was to be done?
ences?                             What law was passed in regard to fugiWho removed to Stamford?                tives?
Who remained in Wethersfield?         What trouble arose among the Indian
Where did most of the proprietors own    tribes?
land?                              Who  represented the Narragansetts,
(116.) What is said of the intermar-   and who the Mohegans?
riages of the Wethersfield families?  (119.) What had Uncas done?
Why was the project for a confedera- How  had  Miantinomoh  violated his
tion revived?                         pledges?
For what purpose had delegates been  What were the suspicions against him?
annually appointed?                What request was made of MassachuWhy did Massachusetts feel indifferent   setts, and with what success?
on the subject?                     WThat course did Miantinomoh take?
How did Connecticut and New Haven  (120.) What did he intend?
differ from Massachusetts?         What is said of Uncas and his spies?
What did Massachusetts claim?         Where did they discover the NarraganWhat object had she for delay?          setts?
What colonies sent commissioners to  How is the spot described by Miss CaulBoston?                               kins?
Who did Connecticut send?             What course did Uncas persue?
(117.j Who were the commissioners of  What did he demand of Miantinomoh?
New Haven?                         Did the parley take place?
Who represented Plymouth?              (121.) What was the substance of it?
Who went in behalf of Saybrook?       What was Uneas' stratagem, and what
Who  were the  Massachusetts  dele-   its result?
gates?                             Whither were the invaders pursued?
Who did these men prefigure?         How were some of them  killed?
AVhat name was given to the confedera- AVhat impeded the speed of Miantition?                                 nomoh?
What do they declare?                 (122.) When  he was overtaken by
What is stated in regard to the jurisdic-    Uncas, what followed?.
tion of each colony?                How  many Narragansett's had been
How  many Commissioners may each    slain?
colony send?                       Who were among the captives?
How often are they to meet?.That did Uncas say to his prisoner?
What are their powers?               What did Uncas do with him?
In case of war how are the expenses to What did the Mohegan chief agree to
be borne?                            do?
(118.) In case of an invasion, what num- (123.) What charges were  brought
ber of troops was each colony to, fur- i  against Miantinomoh?
nish?                             i Were the charges probably true?




580                    INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
Who were made judges in the case?    What was the Dutch governor comWhat was their decision?              pelled to do?
Where was he taken for execution?    How many Dutchmen did the Indians
Who was the executioner?              kill?
(124.) How was he killed?            (129.) What settlements were broken
What did IUncas then do?               up?
aWhere was he buried?               W hen did Mrs. Hutchinson leave Rhode
HIow did his people commemorate his   Island?
death?                            To what place did she and her family
What is said of the sentence and char-   retire?
acter of Miantinomoh?             What may have been her object?
Did the Indians understand her mission?
CHAPTER VII.               What did they do?
How many shared her fate?
(126.) What were the relations existing  (130.) What did the Indians continue to
between the English and Dutch colo-   do?
nies?                              To whom, and with what result, did the
Who first sailed along our coast?      Dutch governor apply?
What was the name of his yacht?     How long did the war last?
Where and when was it built?         What is said of Underhill?
What point did he probably discover?   How many Indians did he kill?
What name did he give it?           How were the people of Stamford affectWhat other discoveries did he make?    ed by the war?
What island is named from him?      What is said of the year 1644?
(127.)'WThat did he enter and explore? I-low did the colonists attempt to avert
XWho soon followed him?                the threatened calamities?
WVhat trade did they carry on?      What did the Indians of western ConWVlen did they purchase the land at   necticut do?
Saybrook?                         (131.) VThat took place between LudWVhat name did they give it?           low and the Indians?
When did they purchase Dutch Poilt? What advice did the New Haven court
WThat prior claims did the English set   give?
up?                               On what condition were the Indian
Why should the respective claims be    prisoners liberated?
suffered to rest?                 What outrage did an Indian commit at
VWhen did the war break out between    Stamford?
the Dutch and Indians?            To what other warlike measures did the
How did it originate?                 Indians resort?
(128.) What wrong did the Mohawks What towns applied for assistance?
commit?                            (132.) What was done with the savage
What commission was granted to Marine?   who had made the assault at StamI-ow did he act under it?             ford?
To whom did the Dutch governor apply By whom and when had Totoket been
for assistance?                     purchased?
What resulted from the application?    Why was the same territory conveyed
How did the Dutch like the war?  to Mr. Swaine?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                          581
Who joined Mr. Swaine's party?       What measures were taken to put the
What name was given to the town?      fort in repair?
When did the Commissioners meet at Whose death is mentioned?
Hartford?                         WXhere did he leave an estate?
What claim was set up by Massachu- (137.) What is said of his character?
setts?                            When and for what purpose did he send
What was done in regard to it?         over his steward?
(133.) What depredations were commit- (138.) When did he arrive in Connected in Virginia?                    ticut?
What object was it believed the Indians When was he chosen deputy governor
had in view?                        and governor?
What is said of the Narragansetts and What kind of a life did he lead?
Mohegans?                         Where sleeps his dust?
Who were sent to visit the Sachems?   What is said of the Charter Oak
What offers and promises were they to   Place?
make?                             When and how did the Narragansetts
What charges were made against Un-   violate their treaty?
cas?                               What measures were taken to protect
In whose favor was the decision?      the Mohegans?
WVhat did the Narragansetts agree to?  When did the commissioners convene in
(134.) Who now waited upon the Com-   Boston?
missioners?                       (139.) What proposals were made to the
What did they want?                    Indians?
Did they receive it?                What threats were made by a NarraWhTlat claim was renewed by Massachu-    gansett?
setts?                            What did Roger Williams write to the
In whose behalf did Fenwick inter-   commissioners?
pose?                             What did the commissioners do?
What did the Commissioners decide?   Who had command of the Connecticut
What other claim  was renewed by    and New Haven forces?
Massachusetts?                    Why was Atherton sent in advance?
What was finally decreed?            What instructions were given to GibWhat is said of Southampton?          bons?
(135.) What committee was appointed  (140.) What request did the Narraganby the General Court?                setts make of Winslow?
When were the articles of agreement What did the commissioners do with
signed?                             the present sent to Winslow?
What lands, &c., were made over to What tidings did the messengers bring
Connecticut?                        back with them?
What other items did the articles con- Who soon arrived in Boston?
tain?                             What did they deny and urge?
When was the agreement ratified?    What did they offer to do?
What specifications were embraced in What did the commissioners say?
the tariff?                        What did the Indians acknowledge?
(136.) What amount was thus paid for lWhat token of submission did they
the purchase?                        offer?




582                    INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
(141.) What were the terms of the new  How did the captors attempt to torture
treaty?                             one of the prisoners?
What impelled them  to submit to its By whom was he liberated?
terms?                            What effect had this act upon the MoWhen was a settlement commenced   hawks?
upon the Tunixs river?            In what business had the people of New
When was the town incorporated, and   Haven been engaged?
what was it named?                What is said of their estates?
VThat was the size of the township?    For whom had they long waited in vain?
What towns have set off from it?    What did they at length do?
What is said of the first settlers?  (146.) With what was their ship freightWhat subject was laid before the com-   ed?
missioners in 1646?               How many souls embarked in her?
(142.) What claims were re-asserted by How was she got out of the harbor?
the Dutch governor?               What were the farewell words of Mr.
What charges did he make against the   Davenport?
English?                          Was she ever heard from?
What answer did Gov. Eaton make?   When were those who embarked in her
What complaints were made against the   treated as dead?
Dutch?                            What is said of the "Phantom Ship?"
What did the commissioners write to (147.) What was the position of the
Gov, Kieft?                         "spectre " on board?
(143.) What other complaint was made How did the " Phantom Ship " disapagainst the Dutch?                   pear?
What effect had these letters upon When were the chiefs again cited to
Kieft?                              appear before the commissioners?
What defense did he make?            Who disobeyed the summons?
What denial and protest did he make?  What excuse and defense did Pessacus
What was the substance of the reply of   make?
the commissioners?                What was the result of the conference?
(144.) What was the design of Sequas- (148.) What town neglected to raise the
son?                                Saybrook fort tax?
Who did he hire to execute the plot?   On what ground?
What did he do, after receiving the What was the decision of the commisrewards?                            sioners?
What did the Windsor Indians do?    What did John Winthrop claim?
Whom  did the commissioners cite to On what ground did Connecticut oppose
appear before them?                  his claim?
What did he do?                     Was the claim abandoned?
To what are the savages likened?    Whose death is referred to?
HIow did the Mohawks spend their time? (149.) What is said of her history?
What is said of their tax-gatherers?  Where and in what condition is her
(145.) What towns did the Mohawks   monument?
visit?                            Of what does it speak?
How were they surprised  and cap- (150.) What reflections and suggestions
tured?                              are made?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                           583
CHAPTER VIII.              Of what did Massachusetts complain?
(154.) WVhat is said of her answer to
(151.) When was the settlement com-    Gov. Hopkins?
menced at Pequot Harbor?'What were some of its arguments?
Who were the principal settlers?      What did her committee fulther intlWrith what were they intrusted?         mate nd say?
By what colonies was the territory  Wlho replied  in behalf of Connecticlaimed?                             cut?
lWhen did Mr. Peters embark for Eng- (155.) What defensive arguments did
they advance?
WThen did Mr. WABinthrop remove his How did they respond to the threats of
family from Boston?                  Massachusetts?
BWho accompanied him?                (156.) In whose favor was the decision?
Where did they spend the first winter? When did Gov. Stuyvesant arrive in
When did he remove his family to Pe-     New York 
quot Harbor?                       How was he welcomed by the commisWhat is the place now called  sioners?
Under the protection of what colony  What complaints did they make?
was the plantation commenced?       Did he make answer to their comWhen was the jurisdiction conceded to   plaints?
Connecticut?
Connecticut?  Whose vessel did he cause to be seized?
(152.) Who were appointed to hold  To whom  did Westerhouse state his
court there?                         grievance
What encouragement was offered to  What did the commissioners do?
such as should settle there?       WVhat further protest did they make?
What name did the court suggest?      (157.) How did they regard the seizure
What name was selected by the plan-    of the ship 
terss?                             MWhat suggestions and threats did they
What did the Narragansetts and Nihan-    make
ticks resolve upon?                How did their epistle to him close?
Who did they hire to assist them?     What murders were committed by the
How many warriors did they raise?       Indians?
To what place was a deputation sent    What occurred in the year 1647?
How did they find the Indians there?   What order did  the General Court
What representation was made to Stan-    make?
ton?                               (158.) Where were murders committed
(153.) What did Stanton tell them?      by the Indians?
What effect did his threat have?      How did the hatred of the NarraganWVhat depredations did the Narragan-    setts manifest itself toward Uncas?
setts commit?                       With whom  did they confide their
What request did Rhode Island make?   secrets?
W-hat answer did she receive?        What did the assassin do?
What further complaint and warning  Did Uncas at last recover?
were made?                         For what purpose did he appear before
What question again came up for dis-   the commissioners?
Wherein did he tell the truth?




584                    INDEX  OF Q UESTIONS.
For what purpose was Ninigret cited to How did he desire the business should
appear before the commissioners?    be conducted?
What was thought ofthis defense?    Was his request granted?
How was he dismissed?               What did he complain of, and assert?
(159.) What rumor alarmed the colo- (164.) What did he demand, and pronies?                               test against?
Who probably fabricated the story?    Where had he dated his letter?
What motive had he to do it?        What did the commissioners say?
(160.) What charges did the Pequots What further passed between them?
bring against him?                Who was compelled to yield?
What had he promised them?          How did the commissioners state their
Had he kept his word?                 title to Connecticut?
What did a Pequot sachem charge him  What did they say in regard to the
with?                               claims of the Dutch?
To what did others testify?          (165.) How was the boundary question
Did the commissioners believe the testi-  to be settled?
mony of the Pequots?              Who were appointed arbitrators?
What was he ordered to do?          When did they make their report?
What was the substance of their peti- What did they say in regard to the
tions and statements?               grievances -of Connecticut and New
(161.) What effect had these repeated    Haven?
supplications?                    What did they say about the seizure of
What subject was again considered?    Westerhouse's vessel?
How did Massachusetts retaliate?    (166.) What bounds were established?
When did the commissioners meet at What lands were the Dutch to hold?
Hartford?                         How long were the bounds designated
Who presided?                         to be observed?
What had the Narragansetts neglected'When was the report signed?
to do?                            When was liberty granted to settle NorWho was sent to enforce the payment?'walk?
What were his instructions?          (167.) Who had previously purchased
W~ith whom did he have an interview?   parts of this town?
(162.) What did Pessacus do?         When did the petitioners settle there?
How did Atherton proceed?            When and by whom was the western
What was the effect of this summary   part of the town deeded to them?
proceeding?                       What were the names of the first setWhom did Atherton next visit?         tiers?
What charge did he bring against Nini- What did they bind themselves to do?
gret?                             What was the nature of Ludlow's conWhat did he insist upon?              tract?
(163.) What is said of Atherton's expedi- (168.) From what was the name derived?
tion?                             Who was the first clergyman of the
What did Stuyvesant conclude to do?   place?
When did he arrive in Hartford?     When did the settlement at Mattabesett
What invitation was given him?        -begin?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                         585
What previous record is referred to?   (174.) Who composed the committee?
What probabilities are suggested?   How were they received?
When was the town incorporated?      WVhat did he refuse to do?
When was it first represented?      What is said of both parties?
Wohen was it named Middletown?      How did the conference close?
(169.) How did the scene appear to the What did the agents do on their way
pioneers?                           home?
What is said of the Narrows below the What other charge was preferred against
city?                               Stuyvesant?
What is said of the Indians at Matta- What did Stuyvesant do?
besset?                           What was Congress in favor of?
Where had they a reservation?       What is said of the opposition of Brad(170.) What is said of the Indian    street?
burial ground?                    (175.) What was the result of the conWhat is said of the graveyard at Indian   ference?
Hill?                             What was the purport of Mr. Norris9
What reinforcement of the settlement   memorial?
on Delaware Bay was attempted?    To what did the continued dissent of
To whom had they letters?             Massachusetts lead?
What did Stuyvesant do?             Why was Massachusetts compelled to
(171.) What threats did he make?       yield?
When did the commissioners meet?    For what purpose were the ships of
Who presented their petition?          Cromwell coming?
WVhat was its character?            What is said of the alleged plot against
What did the commissioners' say to   the English?
Stuyvesant?                       (176.) Was the conduct of Massachusetts
What did they resolve?                justifiable?
What deputation waited upon them?
What commissions had these agents?              CHAPTER IX.
(172.) What did they want of the colonies?                             (177.) In what did the charges against
What inducement did they hold out?    the Dutch result?
What did the General Court do?      Of what did Stamford and Fairfield comWhat nations were at war?              plain?
What orders for defense were given?    Why had they reason to be anxious?
What were the Indians required to do? What threat did Stamford make?
What rumors had gone abroad?        What induced her people to yield?
(173.) On what were they founded?    What did Fairfield. resolve to do?
When  was a meeting of Congress Who  was appointed  commander-incalled?                             chief?
What was the result of the investiga- (178.) Where had Ludlow resided?
tion?                             When was he chosen an Assistant?
How was Stuyvesant affected by the When did he sail for America?
charges against him?              When was he chosen deputy governoz
What did he offer to do?              of Massachusetts?
What course was adopted by Congress? Against whose election did he protest?




586                    INDEX  OF  QUESTIONS.
How did the people requite his opposi- Of what was he a representative?
tion to Haynes?                   (1S3.) Of what was Ludlow the protoWhen and to what place did he remove?   type?
On what mission was he sent in 1637?  What question still agitated the colonies?
(179.) What is said of his profession and  Why  and  by whom  was Manning
talents?                            arrested?
What is said of the Constitution of 1639? What occurred during his trial?
How does it compare with the writings What did the people of Milford do?
of Milton?                        Who arrived in Boston?
When was Ludlow chosen deputy gov- By whom and for what purpose were
ernor of Connecticut?               they sent?
Who was elected governor at the same Who wrote to Gov. Eaton on the subtime?                               ject?
How must the coincidence have affected What did Connecticut authorize her
Ludlow?                             agents to do?
(180.) What characteristic is alluded to? What was the feeling in Massachusetts?
When was he appointed to revise the (184.) What did they authorize Sedglaws?                               wick and Leverett to do?
When was the code published?        What did the commissioners decide?
What remote cause of his voluntary  What put a stop to these preparations?
exile is referred to?             How were the fleet and volunteers emWhat reference is made to the conduct   ployed?
of Fairfield?                     (185.) Why had not the war against
(181.) Why did her people take up    Ninigyet been pursued?
arms?                             (186.) On what mission was Capt. Mason
How was their conduct treated?        sent?
Who were  charged with fomenting Where was Lieut. Seely sent?
insurrections?                     What message did Congress send to
What must Ludlow have known and   Ninigret?
felt?                             What answer did Ninigret send back?
What was quite evident?             What did the commissioners order?
When did he embark for Virginia?    What officers did they nominate?
Why have I been thus minute in regard (187.) Who did Massachusetts select to
to him?                             to take the command?
What further is said of him?        What orders did Willard receive from
(182.) Who died just previous to Lud-   Congress?
low's departure?                  What did he find on arriving at the
Where was Haynes born?                Nihantick village?
Of what was he the owner?            What had become of Ninigret?
What income did he derive from it?    What did Willard do?
Whom did he accompany to America?  What did certain Pequots do?
When was he made governor of Mass.? How did Congress receive Maj. Willard?
By whom was he succeeded?           What reply did they make to his exWhen and how often was he governor   cuses?
of Connecticut?                    (188.) What is said about his acting
How did he compare with Ludlow?       under private instructions?




INDEX  OF Q UESTIONS.                        587
What is said of the attempt to defend What project had he formed for settling
the Long Island Indians?            Jamaica?
Was it right and politic to let Niinigret W hen and how did he address his New
wage war against them?              Haven friends on the subject?
What was a cause for alarm?         What did the court resolve?
What Indians were taken under the pro- (193.) What complaints were made
tection of the English?             against Greenwich?
Where were lands assigned them?     What did the General Court do?
What privileges were allowed then?    What answer did the people of GreenWhat was the conduct of Ninigret?     wich make?
Who complained against him?          What did the court further resolve?
WTho was sent to watch his movements? What was the result?
(189.) What were the instructions of How had Uncas behaved?
Capt. Young?                      Upon whomn did he now make an attack?
What effect had this measure?       (194.) What other misdeeds of his are
How long was this armed vessel kept   referred to?
cruising?                         What did Congress compel him  to
What is said about calamities not jour-   do?
neying alone?                     What trial of his is referred to?
Whose death is referred to?         When and where did Gov. Eaton die?
What was his age?'                  Where was he born?
(190.) Where had he owned a large Of what company had he been the
estate?                             agent?
Where and when was he born?         What high office had he held abroad?
Whose son was he?                    When did he remove to America?
What is said of the manor-house?    (195.) What were his characteristics as
What is said of the motto on the family    a judge?
arms?                             What is said of his appearance and
(191.) How had he lived in early life?    abilities?
What change took place?             What were his social and religious
Who was his religious teacher?        habits?
With what party did he become identi- What was his last conversation with his
fled?                               wife?
For how much did he sell his estates?   What were the circumstances of his
When did he first visit New England?    death?
(192.) When did he arrive in Massachu- (196.) What is said of his funeral, and
setts a second time?                of the public loss?
Who came with him?                   Who died about the same time?
When did he remove to Windsor?       Where had he been a merchant?
When was he first a member of the Where was he chosen a magistrate?
General Court?                    How often was he chosen governor?
When was he chosen a magistrate?    When did he return to England?
When did he die?                    What offices did he hold there?
What is said of his monument and its What evidence did he give of his regard
inscription?                        for Connecticut?
How did Cromwell regard New Haven? (197.) What other bequest did he make?




588                   INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
When and where did Chesebrough and How many members were embraced in
Stanton settle?                     the company?
What was the place called?          What additions were made to the settleWhat was Chesebrough's business?      ment in the Spring of 1660?
Under what authority did he settle What was the character of the first setthere?                              tlers?
Why was the jealousy of Connecticut (201.) What were their names?
excited?                          What is said of the hills of Norwich?
By whom was he interrupted?'Why did he refuse to comply?                   CHAPTER  X.
What was he further ordered to do?
WVhen did he present himself before the (202,.) When did the reign of Elizabeth
court?                               close?
(198.) What defense did he make?    Who succeeded her?
CWhat was the result?                What signalized the next quarter of a
WThen did Thomas Minor settle at Paw-   century?
catuck?                           What is said of Cromwell's reign?
On what committee was he placed?    To what event does this bring us?
What other persons were there soon  (203.) Why were the colonies lost sight
after?                              of?
What did the boundary commissioners Why might the colonists have imagined
decide?                             themselves beyond the reach of BritWhen did the town become a part of   ish rule?
Connecticut?                       Why was the king not recognized in
(199.) When and why was the place   their Constitution?
called Mistick?                   What effect did the restoration have?
~When was the name changed.to Ston- (204.) By what dangers were the coloington?                             nists surrounded?
W~hat is said of the history of the What was the position of the king?
town?                              What did the colonists determine to do?
When and why did the names of Welles What did they avow themselves to be?
and Webstelr, disappear from  our What sum did they appropriate?
records?                          Who were appointed to perfect the petiWhere was Welles buried?              tion?
Who seized and imprisoned Uncas?    What were they further authorized to
What word did Uncas send to the Eng-   do?
lish?                             (205.) Who was appointed agent of the
Who went to his relief?                colony?
(200.) What followed this timely suc- What were his instructions?
cor?                              What was the purport of the petition?
How is Uncas said to have rewarded To whom was a letter addressed?
Leffingwell?                      What was its purport?
How large a tract did he sell the com- (206.) After Winthrop's arrival in Engpany at Saybrook?                   land, to whom did he apply?
What did they pay him for it?        How did he further the object of the
Who was at the head of this company?   petitioners?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                        589
Where and how had Say and Seal lived What other similar applications were
during the protectorate?            made?
(207.) W~hat did he assist in doing?    Who were sent to treat with New
How was he rewarded?                  Haven?
What is said of his interposition in be- What did this Committee do?
half of Connecticut?               (213.) W~hat did they present to the
What is said of Winthrop?             authorities there?
How may he have interested the king? What did their declaration inform New
(208.) Who would have failed in the    Haven?
object?                           By whom  was  the reply  probably
What did Winthrop present to the   framed?
king?                              When did the freemen of New Haven
Wrhat effect had it?                   meet?
(209.) What did the king do?        (214.) WThat was done in regard to the
When did the letters patent receive the    chllarter?
royal signature?                  Who appeared in behalf of New Haven?
What was thereby confirmed to the How did he " discharge the duty of his
patentees?                          place?"
VWhat are the names of the patentees?   TWhat is said of the debate?
WVhat privileges were given to them?   Who were appointed to draw up an an5When were they to hold their general   swer to Connecticut?
assemblies?                       What propositions were to be embraced
Of whom were these assemblies to con-   in the answer?
sist?                             (215.) WBhat were the committee directed
What might the corporation do?         to do?
(210.) For what did it especially pro- Who was probably the author of this
vide?                               reply?
Who were named as governor, deputy  What is said of it?
governor and magistrates?         What do the committee say?
What was done by the freemen and by (216.) What urgent request did they
the General Court?                   make?
What is said of the court held July  What charge is implied in the extract.
22nd?                               given?
(211.) When and where was the Char- When did the Assembly of Connecticut
ter first publicly shown?           meet?
When was it read in Connecticut?     What committee was appointed?
What was done with it?               What did the committee do?
WThat was done at this session of the What acts of Connecticut had offended
Assembly?                           New Haven?
What notice was given to the people of (217.) When did the Court meet in New
Westchester?                        Haven?
What resolve was -passed respecting 5What proposition was laid before it?
Mistick and Pawcatuck?             What answer was given?
(212.) What special importance did it What remonstrance was made?
give to Connecticut?               When did the agent of New Haven,What deputations came to Hartford?    arrive in England?




590                  INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
What did Winthrop undertake to guar- What did the court answer?
antee?                            Who were appointed to make a stateWhat did Winthrop write to the Deputy    ment of grievances?
Governor?                         What was their report called?
(218.) What did he intimate?        (224.) What was its character?
What towns did Connecticut attempt to For what towns did the Assembly of
embrace within her jurisdiction?     Connecticut appoint officers?
What new committee was appointed at What officers were appointed in New
the August session?                 Haven?
What were they instructed to do?    Who declined to accept?
What did this committee effect?      What is said of the Duke of York?
(219.) What complaint did New Haven  (225.) What islands were embraced in
make to the Congress?               his patent?
Who defended Connecticut, and how?  What was a main object of this patent?
What is said of Winthrop's course?    For what did a fleet sail for America?
Who spoke in behalf of New Haven?   Who was the commander?
What decree did they procure?       What was he further authorized to do?
(220.) What is said of the jealousy of Who were to be associated with him?
Massachusetts?                    When did Col. Nichols arrive in BosOf what did Stuyvesant complain?      ton?
What was done with the matter corn- What did he do?
plained of?                        Who did he invite to consult with him?
When did the Assembly of Connecticut What accompanied the commission of
again meet?                         Nichols?
What act was passed?                (226.) What was the purport of the
What committee was appointed?          letter?
(221.) What was Thomas Pell author- What did Winthrop do?
ized to do?                        When did Nichols demand the surTo what petitions did the Assembly   render of the fort?
listen?                           In what way did Stuyvesant respond to
What town was settled and named?      the summons?
What was done by the New Haven  (227.) What did he say?
Court?                            What offer did Nichols make?
(222.) Whom did they resolve to peti- What occurred in regard to this offer?
tion?                             What was the purport of Nichols' second
What measure did they adopt to collect   letter?
the taxes?                        What did Winthrop do?
What was the condition of New Haven? What course did Stuyvesant take?
What was the effect of the tax-law?    How did the Burgomasters behave?
What particular case is referred to?    What was Stuyvesant obliged to do?
What did these men do?               (228.) What solicitations reached him?
(223.) What did Gov. Leete do?      What order did Nichols give?
How did these towns respond?        How did Stuyvesant behave?
How did the affair terminate?       What was his last resort?
When did the New Haven Court meet?  What passed between his ambassadors
What did Gov. Leete state?             and Nichols?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                         591
What was he compelled to do?        To whom were the lords especially intolWhat was the result of his capitulations?   erant?
(229.) What course did Mr. Whiting What proclamation did the king make?
take?                             How many of the judges surrendered
When was the General Court called at   themselves?
New Haven?                        What is said of others?
What ensued?                         How many were executed?
What was obvious?                   Which of the judges arrived in Boston,
What was finally resolved?            and when?
When was another Court called?      (236.) How were they treated there?
Whence proceeded the chief opposition Where did they go on leaving Boston?
to the Union?                     I-lHow were they treated when the king's
(230.) What is said of Davenport?     opinion of them was known?
What is said of the claims of the Dukes What did Gov. Endicott do?
of York and Hamilton?             Where did the judges then go?
What present did the Assembly make When did they reach there?
to the King's commissioners?      How did Davenport treat them?
(231.) Whatcommittees were appointed? (237.) Of what did they discourse?
Who was at the head of the last com- How did they appear and conduct?
mittee?                           What came with the mandate for their
What was the last committee ordered to   arrest?
do?                               What did the authorities of MassachuWho were clothed with the authority of   setts do?
magistrates?                        Who were commissioned to arrest them?
What is said of Winthrop?           (238.) How did the pursuers proceed?
(232.) What was he aware of?        What did Winthrop do and say?
What was decided to be the Southern At what place did they next stop?
bounds of Connecticut?            What did they request Gov. Leete to
Under what government was Rhode   do?
Island decided to be?             TWhat did Lecte do?
WVhat were the YWestern bounds of the (239.) What did the pursuers say to
Colony?                             him?
To what did this put an end?         How long did they remain in Guilford?
When was the last General Court of Who were sent to New Haven in adNew Haven held?                     vance of them?
What resolutions were adopted?      Why did he refuse to issue the desired
warrant?
CHAPTER XI.                What is probable in regard to the Indians?
(234.) What is said of the restoration of (240.) What effect had the news in
Charles II.?                        New Haven?
What had Charles promised?           What was the text of Davenport on
What is said of the Presbyterians?    that Sabbath morning?
Who were some of his principal officers? When did Kellond and Kirk proceed to
(235.) What is said of the commons and    New Haven?
lords?                            I-Iow long did they wait for Gov. Leete?




592                    INDEX  OF Q UESTIONSo
What reply did Leete make to their What charge against him was decreed
request?                            by the king?
(241.) How did he again tell them?    What occurred at Hampton Court?
What response did they make?        (247.) What occurred at the battle of
hIow long was he in consultation with    Dunbar?
the magistrates?                  WNhen was he created a lord?
WVhat did they decide was necessary to How was he insulted by Ashfield?
be done?                          What threat did he make?
IHow did the pursuers remonstrate?    What is said of his character and talWhat further took place between them    ents?
and the governor?                 Who did he marry?
(242.) To what place did they now  Who did his daughter marry?
proceed?                          Whose son was Gen. Goffe?
I-low did Stuyvesant receive them-?  How was he promoted?
Where were the judges concealed at WThat is said of him at the battle of
this time?                          Dunbar?
Whence did they proceed from Sperry's (248.) What were his honors and serhouse?                              vices as a civilian?
Where did they go on the 15th?      What was his crowning honor?
Wqhat has their cave since been called? What were his characteristics?
Wrhat is said of the cave?            rWhat is said of his letters to Mrs Gffe?
(243.) How long did they remain there? By what assumed name did he address
How were they provided with food?     her?
What caused them to leave their shelter? W'hat extract from his correspondence
(244.) For what did they go to Guilford?   is given?
What relic' of them still remains there? What is said of it?
How did Endicott and Davenport dif- (249.) What further extracts are given?
fer?                              What reference is made to the MiddleTo whose house did they next resort?  tons and Cromwells?
How long did they remain there?     Why do we regard Mrs. Goffe and Mrs.
Who often visited them?               Godolphin with reverence?
How did they behave while there?     (250.) Where and to what class did
(245.) What incident occurred there?    Col. Dixwell belong?
What induced them to leave Milford?   To whom was he uncle?
For what town did they set out?     To what military rank did he attain?
How did they proceed?               What civil offices did he hold?
Where is one of their stopping places?  When did he visit Hadley?
At whose house were they secreted?    How long did he remain there?
(246.) What is said of Whalley?     By what name was he known in New
What was the standing and position of   Haven?
the family?                        Previous to what date did he arrive
What is said of his military career?  there?
By whom, and why was he hated?      To whom was he known?
What charge did Peters make against (251.) Who was his most intimate
him?                                friend?
Who was committed to his keeping?   What was their local position?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                        593
What reply did Mr. Pierpont make to  (257.) Who were some of the principal
the inquiry of his wife?            settlers?
What incident is related of Andros' When and with what success did they
visit to New thaven?                renew their petition?
(252.) When did he die?             What decision was given?
Where was he buried?                What further representation did they
Where were Goffe and Whalley buried?   make?
What did the Assembly do?
CHAPTER XII.                What is said of the Naugatuck valley?
What dispute broke out in Stratford?
(253.) Where did Col. Nichols take Who were the leaders of the parties?
up his abode?                      (258.) What plan was proposed?
Where did the other commissioners go? Who were permitted to settle in PomOn what did they insist?                peraug?
What did they do in regard to titles de- What did they do with the corn?
rived from the Indians?           When did they sail for Pomperaug?
Where did they hold courts?          What had they been told?
What did they attempt to make?        (259.) What incident occurred by the
What was the extent of the proposed    way?
province?                         What did they do when they came in
(254.) What did they next do?         sight of their land?
What is said of Connecticut?        What did they next proceed to do?
What counties were organized in 1666 2 Where did they encamp?
What bounds were affixed to each?    What is said of the purchase?
When was Lyme incorporated?         What was the extent of the township?
Of what family has it been the seat?  (260.) What did they do soon after their
What tract had been purchased in 1662?   arrival?
(255.) How many original proprietors  When was the town incorporated?
were there?                       What name was given it?
When was the town incorporated?     What towns have been set off from it?
What name was given to it?          What was thought of Philip?
From what places were the first settlers? What did the Governor of MassachuWhat was the nature of the soil?      setts do?
When was Simsbury incorporated?     (261.) What did they request of Philip?
When was Wallingford settled?       What reply did he make?
(256.) Who was the first minister there? What efforts had been made by MassaFrom  what text did Mr. Davenport   chusetts?
preach?                           What is said of Eliot and Mayhew?
When was the land at Paugasset pur- What results followed the efforts of these
chased?                             missionaries?
What applications were made to the  (262.) How did Philip treat the GosGeneral Court?                       pel?
What response was made by the court? What instructions had Massasoit given
How were the people affected by the   to his sons?
proceedings?                       What changes had taken place in the
Of whom was a further purchase made?   condition of the Wamparnags?
38




594                    INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
(263.) How were the Indians treated What is said of Connecticut?
by the English?                    How did the Narragansetts behave?
What had Philip been ordered to do?   (269.) What was once their condition?
What was he also obliged to do?     What reference is made to the pestiWhat act of violence was committed?   lence?
What was done with the offenders?   Where did they live?
(264.) What was done at Swansey?    To whom was Massasoit subject?
Was this recrimination the act of Phil- How had the Narragansetts been enaip?                                 bled to subdue the Wampanoags?
How did he regard it?                What alliance is referred to?
What Indians were the allies of the How  was the independence of the
English?                            Wampanoags regarded by Sassacus?
What motives led them to be friendly?  Why did Sassacus court an alliance
How must Canonchet have contrasted    with the Narragansetts?
the power of the two races?       What was the condition of the Narra(265.) How did the English regard the    gansett warriors?
Indians?                          (270.) What is said of the tribe?
What superstitions are referred to?  What did the commissioners conclude?
What cause had the English for alarm? When had this taken place?
In what way were Philip and his allies Between whom was a treaty concluded?
employed?                          I What were its stipulations?
(266.) What villages were destroyed  To what did the English agree?
by the Indians?                   (271.) What had been done at Hadley?
To what places was the alarm sent?    What was stored at Deerfield?
Who went to the relief of the sufferers? What did Capt. Lathrop attempt to do?
What accompanied the expedition?    How many men had he with him?
What assistance went from Boston?    What was their fate?'To whose camp did tlie English pro- Who came to the rescue?,ceed?                            What did the Indians say to Mosely?
What incidents occurred?            How long did the fight continue?
What trophies were sent to Boston?    Who were compelled to retreat?
Who marched to Pocasset-neck?       What did the Indians do?
(267.) What inquiry did Church make? (272.) Who came to the rescue?
XWhat did he advise?                What effect had his arrival?
If his advice had been followed, what How many Indians had been slain?
might have resulted?              What name was given to the stream
What is said of the fight at Pocasset?  near which the battle was fought?
What took place at Mendon?           What orders were given by the ConWhat occurred to Captains Hutchinson    gress?
and Wheeler?                       How was Maj. Treat's command emWhat occurred to Capt. Beers and his   ployed?
party?                            What is said of the Springfield Indi(268.) What was the place called?      ans?
How did the Indians attempt to terrify  What had Philip resolved to do?
the English?                      Who discovered the plot?
What service did Major Treat render?  To whom were messages sent?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONSe                           595
(273.) What occurred to Lieut. Cooper? What is said of the area?
What did Philip and his allies do?   How must the fort be entered?
In what condition were the people?    (278.) Who first entered it?
What delayed Maj. Treat?             What was their fate?
EHow  many dwellings had been des- What is said of the prudence of the
troyed?                              attack?
Who were the principal sufferers?    What Captains were among the slain?
What did the assembly do?             How did the Connecticut troops proWhat word was received from  Mr.   ceed?
Fitch?                             How many Connecticut Captains were
(274.) Where was Maj. Treat sent?       killed?
How many warriors had he with him? (279.) Who attacked the enemy in the
What place did he attack?              rear.?
What part did Maj. Treat take?       What effect had this manceuvre?
What became of Philip's warriors?    What other captains were killed?
What resulted from the news received Which party triumphed?
from Mr. Fitch'?                    How many wigwams were within the
What was each county required to do?   fort?
What orders were given to Capt. Avery? What other property fell into the hands
(2975.) What was Capt. Mason to do?    of the victors?
What other measures were adopted?   How many Indian warriors were slain?
How had the arts of Philip prevailed?   How many were talken prisoners?
Of what was the Congress satisfied?    What request did Capt. Church make?
What fears were entertained?          (280.) What was done with the vilHow many warriors and muskets had   lage?
the Narragansetts?                 How is the scene described?
What did the English apprehend?       How  many officers and soldiers were
(276.) What did Congress decide?       killed or wounded?
How  many men did each colony fur- What was the situation of the captors?
nish?                              What did they do?
Who commanded the Connecticut com- (281.) When did they reach their despanies?                              tination?
Who was the commander-in-chief?       What is said of the wounded soldiers?
What was done besides providing for What proportion of the army were unthe wants of the troops?             fit for duty?
When did Treat arrive at Pattyquam- Why were the Connecticut troops most
scot?                                disabled?
What had the Indians done?           How  many Connecticut soldiers had
What took place the next day?          been slain?
What is said of the succeeding night?  What is said of Major Treat?
(277.) What was the order of march? What reference is made to the thanksWhat was the position of the enemy's   givings of our people?
town?                              (282.) What did Maj. Treat find itnecHow had it been fortified?              essary to do?
How was the fort discovered?         How did Philip respond to overtures of
How was it constructed?                peace?




596           ALPHABETICAL INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
Where and for what were volunteer  How many did he capture on his return
raised?                             march?
i'ho commanded them?                What had been accomplished within
What Indians were  associated with   three months?
them?                             After recruiting, where was Talcott
What did they do?                     next stationed?
W1hat is said of Canonchet?         Where did he overtake the enemy?
Who came upon his trail?             (287.) What orders did he give?
(283.) How  did he attempt to es- What defeated this stratagem?
cape?                             What prevented the destruction of the
Who pursued him?                      enemy?
What garments did he throw off?      What sachem was killed?
How and by whom was he seized?       How many warriors were killed or capWhat did he scorn to do?              tured?
What reply did he make to Robert
Staunton?                                  CHAPTER XIII.
When life was offered him what did he
do?                               (288.) What had prevented England
(284.) With what did they taunt him?   from interfering with our affairs?
What response did he make?          When did her jealousies revive?
What sentence was pronounced upon What did the Duke of York do?
him?                               What was Andross commissioned to
When told of his sentence, what an-   be?
swer did he make?                  What claim  and threat did Andross
Who superintended his execution?      make?
What civil officers were chosen?    (289.) What were Andross' plans?
What measures were taken to carry on What measures of defense were taken?
the war?                          Who commanded at Saybrook?
What officers were appointed for these When was Andross seen approaching
forces?                             Saybrook?
(285.) Whence did Talcott march?    What did the people there resolve to do?
What did he accomplish?             What did the militia do?
What did he do in the country of the (290.) What is said of the letter issued
Nipmucks?                           by the council?
To what places did he then march?    To whom was it addressed?
From what did the army stuffer?     How did it commence?
What was next accomplished?         What instructions did it contain?
Where did he surprise the main body (291.) What further instructions are
of the enemy?                       given?
(286.) How many Indians were killed What particular acts are specified?
and captured?                     If attacked what were they to do?
What was done with the captives?    (292.) What is contained in the postWhat did Talcott do at Providence and   script?
Norwich?                          When and where did the Assembly
What was the aggregate killed and cap-   meet?
tured by him?                     What protest did they make?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                           597
What were the people commanded to (301.) I-ow were former decisions and
do?                                  claims set aside?
(293.) What was done with the pro- What charges were made against the
test?                                people of Rhode Island?
When did he land at Saybrook?         What is said of the conduct of ConnecBy whom, and with what message was   ticut?
he met?                             What application was made for redress?
What was Andross' object in landing? What reference is made to boundary
How did he proceed?                     questions?
How was he received by Capt. Bull?   How had Connecticut succeeded in the
(294.) What further passed between    Andross affair?
Andross and Bull?                  (302.) What enemy of the colonies is
In what manner did Andross leave?       referred to?
What action did the Assembly take?    When did he arrive in Boston?
What is the language of its declaration? How was he employed?
Who were to act as agents of the Col- What was his ruling motive?
ony?                               What did Congress recommend?
(295.) When and where did Winthrop  What day was set apart in Connectidie?                                  cut?
What were the characteristics of his  What act was passed by the Assembly?
mind?                              What is said of the' question of j uris(296.) Where and when was he born?    diction?
(297.) Where was he educated?         What commissioners were appointed?
What were the peculiarities of his fa- (303.) For what were they appointed?
ther's letters?                    Where did they meet?
What extract is given?                What decision did they make?
(298.) What directions are given to the  What new claim was set up?
son?                               Who was the agent of the claimants?
WThere did he travel?                 What is said of the defense of Connec(299.) When and with whom  did he   ticut?
sail for America?                   (304.) What intelligence was received
Did he return to England?               from the King?
What commission did he receive?       What response did the assembly make?
When was he chosen a magistrate?      What new charge was brought against
When was he elected Governor and    the colonies?
Deputy Governor?                   What law was passed at the requisition
What further is said of him?            of the King?
For what did the citizens of FarmingCHAPTER XIV.                   ton petition?
What report did the committee make?
(300.) What was the financial condi-  (305.) When was the town incorporation of Connecticut?                 ted?
What services had she rendered?      What name did it receive?
What amount of taxes were levied?    What calamity occurred in 1691?
How did she determine to remunerate What occurred in 1712?
herself?                           What is said of the change in the town?




b59 8                  INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
(306.) WVhat is said of the Naugatuck  Wbhat were the Governor and his assistValley?                             ants directed to do?
WV/hat was the conduct of King Charles  WVhat advice did President Dudley
II.?                                give?
Why had Connecticut been favored by  Was it followed?
him?                              By whom was Dudley superseded?
Who succeeded him?                  When did Andross arrive in Boston?
For what was Connecticut obliged to  (312.) TWhat was the purport of his
contend?                            letter to Connecticut?
When was the new King crowned?       What was the purport of his second
(307.) What was one of his first acts?   letter?
When did the Assembly meet?          What did the Assembly decide?
WThat did the Assembly do?           What was the substance of their adWhat next occurred?                   dress to the king?
What did Gov. Treat do on receiving  What alternative request did they make?
these documents?                  Into what was it construed?
Who was sent to England as agent of (313.) What is said of this construction?
the Colony?                       Did the colony surrender its charter?
What were his instructions?         When did Andross arrive in Hartford?
(308.) When was another writ of quo How was he attended?
warranto served?                  What was the object of his visit?
What did it require?                How was he received?
Wmhat is said of the day therein named?  (314.) What did he demand and deWhat is said of the King's conduct?    clare?
For what was his reign characterized?  What did the Assembly do?
(309.) How many charters had been What was the substance of Gov. Treat's
annulled by him?                    remarks?
What particular charters are named?   Did Andross reply?
What government had been established What is probable in regard to Treat's
in New England?                      motive?
What was done in regard to the Nar- (315.) What was done as evening drew
ragansett country?                  on?
PWhat had Connecticut cause to fear?   What was first done with the charter?
(310.) When was an Assembly called?  What was done with the lights?
VWhat was accomplished?              When the candles were re-lighted, what
What was done by the Assembly in   had disappeared?
March?                            What is said of the search for it?
What was done at the session in May? How did Andross behave?
What would be the result if they sur- (316.) In what words did he answer
rendered their charter?              the government?
(311.) What might follow resistance?  What did he next do?
With whom did they leave their affairs? Who of his Council was from ConnectiWhat did our agent in England do?      cut?
W7Crhat did he write to Gov. Treat?  (317.) What instructions did he give?
What was done by the Assembly in What was the object of these instrucJune?                                tions?
ticns?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS,                          599
What may have induced him to take a (323.) What request and statement did
different course?                   they make?
VWhat was one of his first acts of tyranny? Was their solicitation heeded?
What regulations did he make in regard  Who seized the charter from the midst
to marriages?                        of the Assembly?
(318.) What had been the position of What did he do with it?
the clergy?                       What parallel is here drawn?
How were they regarded by the people? What is said of the Charter Oak?
What was the nature of the sentiment?
What idea had the people brought with            CI-IAPTER xV.
them?
What laws did Andross repeal?         (324.) Who had assumed the governWhat motives induced him to do it?     ment of New York?
What threats did he make?           In whose behalf did he hold the fort and
(319.) What laws did he make relative    city?
to settling estates?              What request did Leisler make?
How was this regulation burdensome?  Who were appointed to confer with
How were the colonies taxed?           him?
What other province was added to An- For what purpose was Capt. Bull sent
dross' government?                  to Albany?
What did he declare?                 What other aid did Connecticut render?
What did he say of an Indian deed?    What did the New England Indians do?
What did he compel the planters to do? (326.) What was supposed to have ex(320.) What was done to those who    cited them?
refused to submit?                 Why was a special assembly called?
What acts of tyranny were practiced by What did the Revolution of 1668 bring
him in Massachusetts?                with it?
What did Randolph say of the govern- What great object was contemplated?
inent?                             How was it foiled?
How did Andross treat the petitions of What did Frontenac do?
the people?                       What was the object of the detachment
What served to shield Connecticut?    under D'Aillebout and others?
(321.) What further is said of Treat?   When did they arrive in Schenectady?
What was the situation of Connecticut? (327.) What intelligence did the scouts
What great event occurred?             bring?
What did Andross do?                When and how did the work of death
What did the people of Boston do?     begin?
When was the charter government of What details are given?
Connecticut resumed?              How many captives were secured?
What tidings soon reached Connecti- What became of the rest of the surcut?                                vivors?
(322.) How did the Assembly hail the (328.) How many of Capt. Bull's men
new king?                           were killed and captured?
Who had been sent to America by I-low were the tidings received in AIWyllys?                              bany?
What deputation came to Gibbons?     How did the people there behave?




600.                   INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
How might the people of Schenectady  What is said of Leisler's abuse of Winhave repelled the attack?           throp?
What took place at Salmon Falls?    Who were compelled to take refuge in
How many were killed or captured?      Hartford?
(329.) What aid was asked of Connec- What arbitrary act did Leisler comticut?                              mit?
What has been one of the attributes of (334.) Who rescued Winthrop?
Connecticut?                      What reference is made to Leisler coaHow did she respond to the calls?      duct?
What regulations were made for her How did the authorities of Connecticut
own towns and people?               regard it?
What town was incorporated at the What action did the Assembly take on
same session?                       the subject?
(330.) When and where did the Con- (335.) What resolve did they pass?
gress meet?                       How else did they testify their gratiWhat was the object of the meeting?    tude?
What was done?                      When was Windham incorporated?
Did England render the desired assist- By whom and to whom had it been diance?                               vided?
What did New York and New England  What other towns did it originally emdetermine to do?                    brace?
What plan was agreed upon?          When did the settlement commence
WTho acted as commissary?             there?
What was expected of New York?      What did Frontenac determine to do?
(331.) Who commanded the army?    How large an army did he raise?
When did he arrive at Wood Creek?   (336.) When did he start for the MoHow was he disappointed?              hawk country?
What reply did he receive from the What did he accomplish?
Indians?                          Who pursued the French army?
How was he again disappointed?      When did he reach their encampment?
What did the Indians tell him?      Did he attack the enemy?
(332.) What else had Milborn neglected  Under what circumstances  did the
to do?                               French desert their camp?
What did the council of war decide?    Who joined Schuyler the next day?
When did Sir William  Phipps reach Was the pursuit resumed?
Quebec?                           How did they effect their escape?
When did he commence the attack, and  (337.) What call was made upon Conwith what success?                  necticut?
Who defended the city, and with what How was the call responded to?
success?                          For what did Sir William Phipps ask?
What other disaster befell Sir Wil- How was his request answered?
liam?                             When did Gov. Fletcher arrive from
(333.) Had he arrived a week earlier,   England?
how would he have found Quebec?   With what powers was he invested?
What might have been the result had  (338.) What did this commissioner take
Milborn been faithful?              for granted?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                         601
When did the Assembly meet?         How much did Connecticut pay for the
What did they order?                  expedition to Canada?
Who was appointed to present it to the How did Fletcher harass the colony?
King?                             (345.) HIow much had been paid in the
What were his instructions?            aggregate?
(339.) What further was he to inform  When was Bellamont commissioned?
the King?                         What provinces did his commission emaWhat was left discretionary with him?   brace?
(340.) Who was appointed to counsel Who were sent to wait upon him?
with Fletcher?                    When did he arrive in America?
What resulted from his mission?     What did he say of Mr. Saltonstall?
When did Fletcher visit Hartford?   (346.) Who was elected to succeed
What demand did he make?              Gov. Treat?
How did he subscribe himself.?        To what office was Treat elected?
What did he further command?        What important change took place in
How were his wishes complied with?    the legislature?
What effect had his remonstrances?  When did this organization go into ef(341.) What did Col. Bayard do?       feet?
What was the purport of his letter?    Who was chosen Speaker, and who the
What effect had it?                   first Clerk of the House?
What did the Assembly and the Gov- What permission was granted to Gov.
ernor say?                          Winthrop?
What order did Fletcher give in pres- What other purchase had he made?
ence of the train-bands?          (347.) When did the settlement on it
How was Bayard interrupted?            commence?
(342.) What did Wadsworth say to When was it incorporated and named?
Fletcher?                         When was Colchester settled and incorWhat effect had this speech?          porated?
Who were among the principal propriCHAPTER XVI.                  etors?
Who were the first settlers of Durham?
(343.) When and why was a special When was it incorporated?
Assembly convened?                 (348.) When were boundary commissHow much money was raised?             ioners appointed by New York?
To whom was it paid?                When and where did the commissioners.What provisions were made for the    meet?
soldiers?                         What was done by them?
What did Winthrop do in England?    When was the boundary agreed upon?
(344.) What decision was given?     What tract of land was ceded to New
What amount of taxes was paid?        York?
How much did Connecticut pay for the What is it still called?
defense of Massachusetts and New  What did Connecticut receive in place
York?                               of it?
How many ratable polls were there in To whom had Voluntown been granted?
the colony?                       What was the size of the township?
What was the amount of the Grand list? (349.) When was it incorporated?




602                    INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
From what town was Mansfield set off? Who filed complaints against the colWhen was it incorporated?             ony?
mWhat were the names of some of the What work was brought to bear upon
early settlers?                      the subject?
When was Danbury settled and incor- (356.) WVhen was the book written?
porated?                          When was it received in England?
Who were the principal proprietors?    What did the complaint alledge?
From what town was Canterbury ta- (357) For what did he thank the Asken?                                sembly?
lWho were the principal settlers?    What story was now circulated?
What war is referred to?             What motives had the malcontents?
Wrhat requisition was made upon Con- What charge might have been made
necticut?                           against the colony?
(350.) What committee was appointed? (358.) How was the queen affected by
With what powers were they invested?   the petition?
When was an Assembly called?        What did she do?
What was done in regard to the Indi- When and by whom was the survey
ans?                                commenced?
How many troops were sent into Mas- Having  completed the survey, what
sachusetts?                         did they do?
What is said of Dudley and Cornbury? How are the lines defined?
(351.) How was Dudley useful to Corn- (359.) To what place did Dudley rebury?                               move his Court?
To what place did Dudley aspire?    Was Connecticut notified of the Court?
How had he endeavored to prepare the Why did she send a committee to the
way?                                Court?
What did he do in regard to the New  WThat were their instructions?
England charters?                 Who were the committee?
What office did Dudley now hold?     (360.) What did the committee do?
(352.) Why did he wish to add Con- What did they say in their protest?
necticut to his domains?          What decision was given in the case?
What bill did he propose?           How is the transaction characterized?
What did the bill aim at?            (361.) What was Dudley's object in
What charges and enactments did it  the affair?
contain?                          What effect had the charge?
(353.)How did Ashurst regard it?    When did the trial of Connecticut come
What was the purport of his petition?    on?
Did it obtain a hearing?            What had  Dudley  and  Cornbury
What other considerations were pre-   done?
sented in it?                     (362.) What decision had the Attorney
(354.) What was the fate of the bill?  General given?
What course did Dudley now take?    What is said of the opinion?
What is said of Cornbury?           How did Ashurst feel and act in the
What reference is made to certain sons   premises?
of Connecticut?                   How was he connected?
(355.) What was now decided upon?   What service did his lordship render?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                         603
(363.) What arguments were used in  Who was elected to succeed him?
behalf of Connecticut?            Where and when was Gov. Treat born?
(364.) What further arguments and re- What is said of Richard Treat?
quests were made?                 When was Robert Treat chosen a magWhat order was given by the Council?   istrate?
How was this decision received by Dud- How long did he hold the office?
ley and Cornbury?                 (370.) What part did he take in the
(365.) What did he know the Assem-    controversy between New Haven and
bly could prove?                    Connecticut?
What letter had they in their keeping? What is said of his military services?
What reference is made to the charge  When was he elected deputy Governof piracy?                           or?
Was the suit prosecuted?            When was he elected Governor?
(366.) What letter was received in the How long was he Governor?
colony?                           What is said of Treat and Winthrop?
(371.) What was his character as a
CHAPTER  XVII.                military leader?
How did he excel as a civilian and citi(367.) By what were the colonies   zen?
alarmed?                          Where and when did he die?
When and where was the council of (372.) What effect had the conduct of
war convened?                       Connecticut on the Canadian expediOf whom did it consist?                tion?
What did Gov. Treat and Maj. Schuy- Of what did the queen advise the coller do?                             ony?
What Indians were suspected?        What was it resolved to do?
What towns were to be fortified?    How many men was Connecticut to furWhat was done in regard to Water-   nish?
bury?                             How many men were the other colonies
Who were appointed to remove the sus-   to furnish?
pected Indians?                   What did the Earl of Sunderland acTo what places were they to be re-   quaint the colonies?
moved?                            What was the object of the armament?
What further order was given?       What other project was contemplated?
(368.) What request was received from  Who commanded the Connecticut quoDudley?                              ta of troops?
What response did Connecticut make? For what did the Assembly thank the
When and at what age did Gov. Win-   queen?
throp die?                        When was the armament ready to sail
What is said of him?                  for Quebec?
When was a special Assembly call- Who commanded the army?
ed?                               (373.) What was he directed to do?
Who was elected Governor?            What did the colonies do?
(369.) What was done at the regular What was done to protect the army and
election?                           frontier?
How old was deputy Governor Treat?  Was the expedition successful?




604                    INDEX  OF Q UESTIONS.
WVhat proportion of the troops died?     What did Nicholson next do?
How many men did Connecticut lose?  What orders and promises did he bring
What amount of Bills of Credit were   fromn the queen?
issued?                           Where did the governors meet?
WVhat is said about the issue of paper When did the fleet arrive from Engmoney?                              land?
(374.) What efforts were the French  Of what was it destitute?
making?                            What suspicions were excited?
If they could accomplish  this, what What did the colonies do?
might follow?                     What did the Assembly of Connecticut
WShere and  when did the governors   do?
meet?                             What was the purport of their letter to
For what object did they meet?         the queen?
Who were invited to meet with them?  (378.) How soon were the army and
YWhat was the result of their delibera-   fleet ready?
tions?                            Of what was the fleet composed?
What did the Assembly do?           How many land forces were there?
WVhen and of whom  was Ridgefield  Who commanded the fleet?
purchased?                         Who commanded the land forces?
(375.) When was the town incorpora- How many troops had Nicholson?
ted and named?                    Who commanded the Connecticut forWho were the principal proprietors?    ces?
What did Col. Schuyler do?           Who commanded those of New York
What address did he carry with him?    and New Jersey?
How were he and the sachems received? When did Walker reach the St. LawWhat was the substance of their re-   rence?
marks to the queen?               Where and how long did he remain?
(376.) -What were they led to hope?   What was his condition on the 22d?
What advices arrived in New  Eng- What did the pilots advise?
land?                             What was the Admiral told?
What did Nicholson do?               What order did he give?
What proved to be the object of the  (379.) What further passed between
fleet?                              Goddard and Walker?
When and why was an Assembly call- How many transports were wrecked?
ed?                               How many English officers and solHow did Connecticut respond?          diers were lost?
How soon were her troops in Boston?  For what place did the fleet sail?
When was the provincial fleet ready to How long before they arrived there?
sail?                             What resulted from the council of war?
Of what did it consist?             Upon whom was the failure of this exWho commanded it?                      pedition charged?
When did it reach Port Royal?        (380.) When was Hebron incorporaWhen and by what was the attack com.   ted?
menced?                           Who were the first settlers of the town?
(377.) When did the fort capitulate?   When was Killingly incorporated and
How many of the provincials were lost?   named?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                          605
Who were among the first settlers?    What occurred among the NorridgeWhen was Newtown incorporated?          weeocks?
When was Coventry incorporated?        What was done by the General Court
What is its situation?                  of Massachusetts?
When was the settlement at Weati- What is said in regard to the hostages?
noge commenced?                     (385.) What did the Council consent
What early families still retain an honor-   to?
able position there?               What was accomplished by the expedi(381.) When was the town incorpora-      tion?
ted?
ted?  How did the Indians take their revenge?
What was it named?
To what did these depredations lead?
WThen was Pomfrejt incorporaeted?     What tribes united with the NorridgeWho were among the early settlers?      wocks?
What distinguished officer resided there? What depredations did they commit?
(386.) aWhat effect had the war?
CHAPTER XVIII.                What request did Gov. Shute make?
TWhat threat accompanied the request?
(382.) When was the Treaty of Utrecht What did the Assembly of Connecticut
dat-d?                                do?
WVhat hilad resulted from it?         For what were commissioners appointWhat did the French Jesuits do?         ed by Massachusetts?
What effect had the conduct of the Eng-  What were they instructed to do?
lish?                               What reference is made to Gov. Shute?
What charge was brought against Se- (387.) What expeditions are referred
bastilan Ralle?                      to?
What course did Gov. Shute take?      How did Connecticut regard the war?
WT-hat did he succeed in doing?        What part did she take in it?
What was thought in regard to Father (388.) When was Ashford settled and
Ralle?                               incorporated?
(383.) I-ow did the Indians behave?    What officer was born there?
What specific act is referred to?    When was Tolland incorporated?
What was the supposed loss of the Eng- What served to retard the growth of
lish?                                the settlement?
Why did the government at Louisbourg i What were the names of some of the
refuse to pay it?                 i  settlers?
Who was sent to protect Eastern Mas- When was Stafford surveyed and setsachusetts?                          tled?
What was he ordered to inform the In- What was ordered to be done with the
dians?                               proceeds of the unsold lands?
WThat was resolved upon by Massachu- Who were the principal settlers?
setts?                             When was Bolton settled and incorpoWhat was further determined?            rated?
(384.) Did the governor and council What names did the first settlers bear 
concur?                            When was Bantam first settled?
What occurred the next year?         Into how many rights was the town surLWhat is said of Father Ralle?           veyed?




606                  INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
(389.) When was the town incorpora- What did Vernon and WTentworth finalted?                               ly do?
WVhat were some of the names of the What was the result of the attack?
first settlers?                  When did the army and fleet with-'W~hat name was given to the town?    draw?
How many Spanish vessels were capCHAPTER XIX.                 tured?
(390.) What is said of George II.?  (394.) What success did they meet
WVhy did the Assembly take measures   with at Cuba?
of defense?                      What great misfortune followed?
WVhat were those measures?         How many died daily?
How  were the regiments to be offi- How many died in forty-eight hours?
cered?                            What was the extent of the mortality
Why was Admiral Vernon sent abroad?   among the New England troops?
What were the principal objects aimed at? What was resolved by the British gov(391.) What was the design of the   ernment?
English Government?               What is said of Oglethorpe?
What were the colonies to do?       (395.) Did France maintain her neuTo what was the zeal of England in   trality?
part owing?                       When did France declare war against
When was the Assembly called?         England?
What did the governor do when the When and by whom was Canso caprequisition reached him?           tured?
What measures did the Assembly take? What other place was attacked by DuWhat were the governor and commit-   vivoir?
tee of war authorized to do?     What is said of Louisbourg?
(392.) What was done for the protec- What did the people of New England
tion of the coast?                 resolve?
To what amount were bills of credit is- (396.) What plan was suggested?
sued?                            What did Gov..Shirley do?
What was done in England?           What might be expected of Comn. WarWhen did the armament sail from Eng-   ren?
land?                            What had been determined upon?
Who was the commander of it?        (397.) What was the naval force of
Of what did it consist?               New England?
What was the extent of the united When did Gov. Shirley reveal the plan
fleet of Cathcart and Vernon?      to the General Court?
How many seamen were on board?     What was enjoined upon the members?
What was the extent of the land army? How  was the plan regarded by the
(393.) When did Cathcart die?        country members?
On whom did the command of the ar- What arguments were used in favor of
my devolve?                        the measure?
What course did Vernon take?        (398.) What further arguments were
How did his search end?              urged?
What had become of the French fleet? What arguments were urged against
What had taken place at Carthegena?    the expedition?




INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.                          607
(399.) What was the fate of the meas- Wh Ien did the fleet and army arrive at
ure?                                Chapeaurogue bay?
What course  did Gov. Shirley now  When did the enemy first learn the obtake?                               ject of the expedition?
Who petitioned that the measure might Who was sent to prevent the invaders
be revised and passed?              fiom landing?
By what majority was it finally carried? What was the result?
(400.) How was it received by the col- What was done on the following mornonies?                              ing?
What was the quota assigned to each  (404.) W, hat further was accomplished
New England colony?                  by the advance corps?
When did the Assembly of Connecti- What labor was now  to be accomcut convene?                        plished?
How many men did they vote to raise? How were the difficulties surmounted?
What bounty was offered?            (405.) How many faseine batteries were
Who was appointed  commander-in-    erected?
chief?                             How was the Vigilant captured?
What other officers were appointed?    Who commanded her?
At what place were they to embark?   How many men, and what stores, were
Who were appointed to proceed to Bos-   on board?
ton?                              What might have changed the fortune
What was the object of their mission?    of the expedition?
(401.) Who  was commander-in-chief How was the British fleet augmented?
of the expedition?                 (406.) In what condition were the deWho was second in command?             fenses of the town?
What was the character of the sol- When did the enemy beg for a cessadiery?                              tion of hostilities?
What was the naval power of New  What took place on the 17th of June,
England?                            1745?
What naval captains are named?       What was the condition of the provin-:Who commanded the whole naval force?   cial army?
What did New York do?                How had the request for supplies and
What other captains were appointed in   recruits been answered?
March?                            What did Connecticut vote to do?
Who was chaplain of the Connecticut (407.) When did the storm commence?
troops?                           How long did it continue?
What word was received from  Comn. How were the soldiers sheltered?
Warren?                           What is said of their behavior?
(402.) When did the troops arrive at How was the intelligence of the victory
Canso?                              received in Boston?
Of what did the land army consist?   What did Pennsylvania, New Jersey,
What induced Com. Warren to sail for   and New York do?
our coast?                        (408.) What is said of the strength of
With what ships did he reach Canso?    Louisbourg?
For what place did he sail thence?   How many men composed the garri(403.) What is said of the Renomme?   son?




608                   INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
HIow did the French regard the cap- What had become of his fleet?
ture?                             What had become of Conflans?
What was the value of the prizes ta- What rumors prevailed?
ken?                              Of what was it said to consist?
Wthat added to the chagrin of the  What effect had the news upon the colFrench?                             onies?
(409 ) WThat part had New England in What defensive measures were taken?
the glory?                        (413.) What did D'Anville do?
How many men did Connecticut fur- Who succeeded him?
nish?                             What did D'Estournelle propose?
For what did Connecticut petition?  What did the governor of Canada do?
Was her prayer regarded?            What was decided upon?
What is said of England?            What effect did this have upon D'EsWhat did France resolve to do?        tournelle?
(410.) What plan was decided upon?   What course did Jonquiere take?
How many men were to be raised by What is said of the fatality of the dysthe provinces?                      entery?
How many men  did New  England  (414.) What incident defeated the pIan
raise?                               of Jonquiere?
How many were furnished by the other What effect had the storm in October?
colonies?                          What prepared the way for the peace
How many were furnished by Connec-   of Aix la Chapelle?
ticut?                           To what amount were bills of credit
What did the Assembly of Connecti-  issued by Connecticut?
cut do?
(411.) How soon were our troops ready         CHAPTER XX.
to embark?
Under whose command was a fleet be- (415.) To what are we apt to attribute
ing fitted out at Portsmouth?       too much importance?
How long was it delayed?            What is said of Shakspeare and Bacon?
What did it accomplish?             What is said of Milton and Cromwell?
What was done by France?            (416.) To whom should we turn our
Of what did D'Anville's fleet consist?    attention?
How many land forces were on board? What reference is made to English wo-'Who were they to meet at Nova Sco-   men?
tia?                              For what are we to look in the undisWhen did the fleet and armament leave   tinguished pioneers?
France?                            What has been thought of the origin
By what was D'Anville delayed?        of the people of Connecticut?
What was done with one of his largest What has led to such an opinion?
ships?                            (417.) Is such an idea correct?
What became of the Mars and the Al- What is said of their descent?
cide?                             What does investigation show?
Why did the Ardent put back?        (418.) What prevented the pioneers
(412.) When did D'Anville reach Che-   from dwelling upon the past?
bucto?                            How did the puritan regard life?




INDEX OF QUESTIONS.                                 609
How did he differ from others?            To whom was the title of "' Goodman9
Were all the settlers thus forgetful of    given?
the past?                              (425.) What was the corresponding  term
(419.) What is said of the most illus-    applied to the other sex?
trious names in our history?           How were military titles regarded?
From what class did our first land-hold-  What was the highest military office in
ers spring? -                            the colony?
How is this proved?                       Who bore that title first?
What is said of the servants of the  How was Malson regarded?
planters.                              IHow were ecclesiastical titles held?
What might be explained by investiga-  What titles of this class were in use?
ting this subject?                     (426.) When did( society begin to assume
(420.) Why did the settlers engage in   its old English features?
such humble employments?               By what terms were the different classes
(421.) What is said of Henry Wol-    distinguished?
cott?                                   To whom  was the term  Yeoman  apIn what occupations did Roger Wol-    plied?
cott engage?                           What other title did  they sorrmetimes
What was the business of Webster and    bear?:Welles?                                What changes  took  place  in  thelse
What was Gov. Leete's business?             classes?
What is said of Gov. and  Richard  What farther is said of Yeoman?
Treat?                                  (427.) What is said of the educated
To what hardships did Winthrop sub-    class?
Init?                                  Who subsequently became the p'lliars of
(422.) How was labor regarded?              the aristoclracy?
How  were  idleness and vice looked  What was the pos.tion of the iclry?
upon?                                  What fuither is said of the aristcratey
What were our fathers unconsciously    -land yeomanly?
doing?                                 To whom  was this respect fo)r orders
What is said of those who hold labor in    owing?
derision?                              How were they coi pelled to li ve'
Are we to infer that there were no grades  How did the planters pass their first
in society?                              Nwinter on the Connecticut rtiver?
What is said of the title of " Honorable 7'' (4128.)'WAhat ho(uses were sooIn cr (eted?
(423.) Who bore the title of'Esquire?"  What distinguished the houses of tlle
When was Gov. Welles dignified with    clelrgv, govern or and Inmistrat,s?
the title?                             What is said of AMr. Whitlileld's house?
How wasthe title of "Gelntlevmen" used? In what kind of houses did the better
(424.) To whom did the prefix of" 1i.ir.:'   classes live'?
(or Master) belong?                    Of what were' these frames made?
What classes did it embrace in Connec-  What is said of the rafters?
ticut?                                 How was the building covered?
Of what was it an index?                 How were the rooms finished?
What is said of the appellation of' Sir'  1low were the vwindows constructed?
89




610                     INDEX  OF QUIESTIONS.
(429.) WVhat is said of the doors?     What preparations were made?
What was the usual height of the  What is said of the gathering of famirloolns?                              lies?
What were the peculiarities of the chim- How was the day spent?
nies and fire-places?               (437.) What took place after the repast?
Hlow were the fires built?            W5hat may have been their topics of con(4130.) What is said of the fire-side?  versation'?
What superstitions are referred to?    How was the evening closed?
What reference is made to King.James How is the day still regarded?
I., Sir Water Raleigth, and others?    (438.) What other occasions of festivity
(431.) What were the peculiarities of    and rejoicing were there?
Gov. Eaton's house?                 HI-ow are ancient and modern weddings
Of what did breakfast consist among the    contrasted?
planters?                           W7rhat is said of balls in early times?
W'hat constituted their dinner?       What was the comlparative expense at(432.) Of what did their supper consist?   tending them?
Of what was their table furniture made? (439.) What was the  occasion  Iand
What is said of the tables of the clergy    character of ordination balls?
and magistrates?                    What customs at funerals are referred
What is said of food and furniture in   to?
after times?                        What particular funeral is referred to'?
What was the usual mode of traveling? What reference to this custom was made
What was the character of the planters?   by the Continental Congress?
(433.) Of what have they been accused? (440.) 1How must the early planters have
Of what kind was their bigotry?          dressed?
What is a characteristic of reformers?   What measures were adopted to provide'What extremes are referred to?         themselves with clothing?
How did the bigotry of puritanism  differ  What part did the females perform  in
from that of the church of England?    this work?
In what respects did they both go to ex- WIhat costly articles of dress are referred
tremes?                               to?
(434.) How did the puritans and cava- Of what were small-clothes made?
liers behave toward each other?     I-ow were they fashioned?
What should be shunned in both?       (441.) What buckles were worn?
How were the people of Connecticut How was the coat made?
taught to differ from those of Massa- What variations in the style are referred
chusetts?                             to?
Why had the puritans left England?    Of what colors were cloaks?
Upon what did they look with jealousy? What was the usual shape of the hat?
(435.) What did they resolve to do?    WBhat other styles are referred to?
What were the public days of Connecti- (442.) When were watches and rings
cut?                                  first worn in New England?
How was fast day observed?             What is said of the hair and beard?
W~hat was their great festival?       When were wigs worn in New EngWhen was it appointed?                   land?
(436.) Where was it usually celebrated? By what classes were they worn?




INDEX  OF  QUESTIONS.                          611
Iow did they effect the appearance of  What were the peculiarities of this new
the wearer?                            party?
Of what, and how were they made?      When and where did a General Council
When did they cease to be worn?         assemble?
What reference is made to the women  What were the principal matters brought
of [New England?                      before them?
What changes ultimately took place?    What was the substance of their decisWhat articles were imported?  ion?
How are Trailing Gowns described?    Did this decision end the controversy?
What is said of Hooped Skirts?        What further was done?
(445.) What account is given of the  Of what was this decision the origin?
Towering Head Dresses?             Upon what belief did the churches act?
To what did they hold?
CHAPTER  XXI.               (452.) What was regarded as irregular?
How did the churches regard ordina(446.) What has been said in regard to    tion?
the motives of the emigrants?       What was the form of ordination?
What is said of. the doctrines of the  By what authority were these views susChurch of England?                    tained?
What were the grLeat points in dispute?  How were the churches of Connecticut
What must those do who could not con-    governed?
form?                               (453.) What is said of each individual
(447.) Under what circumstances did    church?
many of the clergy come hither?     How was the Bible regarded?
What was the character of the clergy?  WGhat was the population of the colony
What is said of the faithful scholar?    at the date of the union?
What is said of Davenport, Hooker and  How many clergymen were there?
Wareham?                            How many families were there to each
(448.) What reference is made to Black-    preacher?
man, Whitfield and Stone?           How many families sometimes supported
What were the usual church officers?     a minister?'What exceptions were there?           (454.) What was the character of the
How were the officers set apart?        clergy?
What was the specific duty of the pastor? What is said of our ecclesiastical quar(449.) What was the duty of the teacher?    rels?
What was the duty of the ruling elder? (455.) WThere did the first of these quarWVhat is said of the office of deacon?  rels originate?
What were his duties?                  In what condition were the people of
(450.) What were the qualifications of    Wethersfield?
a deacon?                          To what did the controversy lead?
What was the number of deacons re- Who was the first pastor of Wethersquired?                               field?
What were the requisites of church- When did he enter upon his duties
membership?                           there?
When did an opposing party manifest What is saidl of him?
itself?                            When did he probably arrive in Boston?




612                     INDEX  OF QUESTIONS.
When is he first known to have been a What was the character and position of
res:dent at Wethersfield?             Lieut. Hollister?
(456.) How was he treated there?     By whom was a petition signed?
What was the result of an investigation  (462, 463.) What was the prayer of the
of the charges?                       petitioners?
"When did he die?,          (464.) When did Hollister present the
W-.ho (lied shortly before?             petition?
7Where and when was he born?          What order was obtained?
W,~here did he graduate?               What was to be done with the reasons?
What was he called?                    In case the order was not complied withll,
WVhat was tile nature of his preaching?   what course was to be taken?
With whom is he compared?             (465.) When the Court met in October,
(457a.) What is said of Davenport?      what did it find?
What is said of Cotton?               What did the Court desire?
What is said of I-ooker?              How did the quarrel end?
How was he regarded as an orator?     Who was at fault?
What is said of his prayers?          (466.) What took place in 1659?
in what was he skilled?               What did the Court order in October,
What was his chief conflict?            1666?
What was his appearance?              To what did the ministers object?
Under what circumstances was Mason  What was done on that account?
overaw.ed by him?                   What fartlher was done in the premises?
(458.) Where and when did he die?      rWhat was the great point at issue?
Who were the principal clergy of New  What had occasioned trouble in 5VinldHaven?                                sor?
Where and when was James Pierpont (467.) AWhat did the General Court do?
born?                               What was the result of the ballot?
Where and when did he graduate?        What did the legislature then devise?
When was he ordained at New Haven?  What farther took place on the subject?
What farther is said of hil?          When was Mr. Mather settled in WindHow is he compared with Davenport,   sor?
Wareham and Hooker?                What is said-of his ministry?
What is said of his moral nature?     Where did a controversy now spring up?
(460.) What was the character of the  To what did Mr. Whiting adhere?
next great controversy?            (468.) What is said of Mr. Haynes?
How did it originate?                  What was the result of the controWhat was claimed?                        versy?
What effect had the dispute throughout How did the controversy at Stratford rethe commonwealth?                     suit?
When and why did it terminate?        What is said of the Cambridge Platform?'Who sided with Elder Goodwin?        What did the Assembly do'?
(461.) Who succeeded Mr. Smith at When and where did the clergy meet?
Wethersfield?                       What did they adopt?
In what way did Mr. Russell testify?   What next disturbance is noted,?
What views did he hold?              How did it originate?
What act did he perform?             FHow did it progress?




INDEX  OF  QUESTIONS,                            613
(469.) What did Mr.  rTard and his What resulted from this?
firiends do?                         When was Mr. Bird installed over the
Did the legislature grant their request?    new church?
What did the chulch under Mr. Rug- Wahen did the "  Wallingford Controgles do?                               versy " prevail?
When and how was the contest ended? How did it commence?
When did the "great revival"  corn- What charges were made against Mr.
menee?                                  Dana?
Where and under whose preaching did  How were the ordaining council treated?
it begin?                            (473.) When was the new Society incorWhere did it spread?                       porated?
What succeeded it?                      Who became their Pastor?'When did it re-cormmence?             What is said of the religion of-the colony?
Who were its subjects?                  What was done by the General Court in
(470.) Who were its advocates and co-    October, 1644?
workers?                             What was the nature of the proposition?
By whom was it opposed?                  From  what was this principle in part
What laws were passed?                    borrowed?
What were some of its abuses?            I-ow did the plan differ from  that of
(471.) What course was taken by cecle-    England?
siastical bodies?                    What were the whole population obliged
What pretexts were there for this course?    to do?
What is said of the trial of Mr. Robbins? What provision was made for dissenters?
What is said of the controversy in Mil- What was the operation of the system?
ford?                                (474.) What is said of these eeelesiastiHow did it result?                        Cal difficulties?
What course did Mr. Noyes take?