~r~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~lL A,i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~U wg~~~~~~~~~~~~~~g ol,i l ~ i~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~;~ HISTORY OF FORT WAY N E, PROM THE EARLIEST KNOWN ACCOUNTS OF THIS POINT, TO THE PRESENT PERIOD. EMBRACING AN EXTENDED VIEW OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES OF THE' NORTHWEST, INCLJDING, MORE ESPECIALLY, THE MIAMIES, OF THIS LOCALITY-THEIR HABITS, CUSTOMS, ETC.-TOGETHER WITH A COMPREHENSIVE SUMMARY OF THE GENERAL RELATIONS OF THE NORTHWEST, FRO K THE LATTER PART OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, TO THE STRUGGLES OF 1812-14; WITH A SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE; INCLUDING ALSO A LENGTHY BIOGRAPHY OF THE LATE HON. SAMUEL HANNA, TOGETHER WITH SHORT SKETCHES OF SEVERAL OF THE EARLY PIONEER SETTLERS OF FORT WAYNE. ALSO AN ACCOUNT OF THE MANUFACTURING, MERCANTILE, AND RAILROAD INTERESTS OF FORT WAYNE AND VICINITY. -0H ILLUWIcIH ILLUSfTIF-lbiOJ'W. o -- FORT WISY WES, wiJS: D. W. JONES & SON, STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. 1868. Entered, according to act of Congress, on the 26th day of February, 1868, BY WALLACE A. BRICE, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the District of Indiana. TO THE CITIZENS OF THE CITY OF FORT WAYNE AND VICINITY, AND Farmers of Allen County, AS AN HUMBLE TRIBUTE OF ESTEEM, This Volume is most Kindly dedicated, BY THE AUTHOR. c-i;., MaoC; i~ ^ "t ^t^sas^ —^^ Vg,^ PREFATORY REMARKS. When I first thought to gather together and arrange the material with which to form the HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE, I had little comprehended the magnitude and extent of the field or matter thereof; and after receiving the ready and liberal assurances and aid of a large mass of the citizens of Fort Wayne in substantialsubscriptions thereto, and made known my intention to issue the work, Isoon found myself encompassed on all sides by a vast store of information and facts, from which to draw and form the material for the work. Though, from an early day, widely known as a point of great interest and importance, both as to its aboriginal renown, throughout the northwest, for many consecutive years and the whites, for nearly a century before the war of 1812, yet, aside from a few short, hastily-written, and very incomplete sketches of the place and adjacent localities, no one had ever ventured or been sufficiently aroused to the importance and value of such a volume, to write and arrange the history of this old carrying-place, and formner center of Indian life, in view of which, the French, the English, and the American soldiers had so long successively stood guard. Having procured many valuable documents, old and rare, from which to, draw much of interest for the work, and received also much important information from those of the Pioneer fathers and mothers among us, who still survive to tell the story of " the early times out west,!:! ~ ~; * >: In the days when THEY were Pioneers, Fifty years ago," I readily saw that, to do justice to so extended a body of matter, time would not only be required to put it into readable form, but much care needed in the sifting and selection of the material; and so, with large perseverance and a determination not to slight or overlook any important feature of the work, during the latter part of May and first of June last, I began industriously to devote myself to the task of writing and arranging the matter for the volume, often, during the warm months of summer, repairing to the woods in the vicinity, writing much of the work upon the ground, where, in former years, were to be seen many Indian lodges, and also contiguous to points where the early skirmishes between the Indians and whites had occurred. Thus pushing forward, filling several hundred pages of paper, by the latter part of September, I found my task about complete, and the MSS. in the hands of the printer. In my efforts to obtain information, I am pleased to say that many not only freely told me all the important facts they could call to mind, but kindly extended to me the use of valuable books, papers, &c. Among these I may name Cnas. B3 PREFATORY REMARKS. VI Lasselle, Esq., of Logansport, Ind., John P. Hedges, Esq., Hon. J. W. Borden, Louis Peltier, T. N. Hood, Dr. J. B. Brown, J. L. Williams, Esq., Mr. J. J. Comparet, Mrs. Griswold, Mrs. Laura Suttenfield, and others. Among the historical works referred to, and drawn from, I have been par. ticularly careful to "keep good company," and have used the material of those volumes only which have well snstained a reputation for accuracy, some of which have long since gone out of print. Among these, I may mention " The History of the Late War in the Western Country," by Col. Robt. B. M'Afee, who was here with the army during much of the war of 1812 and'14-(this volume is now fifty years old); Butler's " History of Kentucky "-1836; Drake's " Life of Black Hawk" -1833; "The Hesperian, or Western Monthly Magazine "-1838; " The American Pioneer;"'" Wau-Bun, the' Early Day' in the Northwest; " "Western Annals;" Sparks' " American Biography," "States and Territories of the Great West; " Parkman's " History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac;" Dillon's "History of Indiana;" Judge Law's "Address" —1839; etc., etc., together with a number of papers containing interesting and valuable sketches. Much more might have been added to the work; but the price charged for it would not well admit of an enlargement beyond the number of pages presented. In actual amount of matter, however, the pages being "solid," it will not fall far short of many works of a similar character, which, though containing a less number of lines on each page, are yet much more bulky and voluminous. Indeed, so extensive were many of the facts and matter generally from which the work has been drawn, that, in some instances, I have been compelled to leave out and cut short much matter that I should liked to have presented in the present issue. But all will "keep," very well, subject to a further'call by the public. In the latter part of this volume, the reader will find, together with some other matter of interest, several sketches of early settlers of Fort Wayne, conspicuous among which will be found a very lengthy Biography of our late most beloved and lamented fellow-citizen, Hon. Samuel Hanna, from the able pen of his old friend and companion, one of Fort Wayne's most worthy and respected citizens, G. W.Wood, Esq. A short sketch of the father of Charles B. Lasselle, Esq., " the first white man born at Ke-ki-ong-a," will be found in this part of the work; one also of Mr. H. Rudisill, father of our county Auditor. But all will be read with equal care and interest by the reader. Thanking the citizens generally, of Fort Wayne and Allen county, including especially the publishers of each of our city papers, for the interest manifested in behalf of the work, and the liberal aid extended to it, in the form of subscriptions, I trust, in return, the volume may not only rove a source of much interest and value to all, but be successful in rescuing from a comparative oblivion the historic importance to which Fort Way ne is so justly entitled. WALLACE A. BRICE. FORT WAYNE, IND c.,., 1867. BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE. -------- " Lives of TEUE men all remind us We can make our lives sublime, And, departing, leave behind us Foot-prints on the sands of time." -. 0 --- ANTHONY WAYNE was not alone a valiant officer and soldier. He was a moral hero. His frontal brain was large, and the crown of his head well expanded. Largely intuitive, ever thoughtful, sagacious, and resolute of will; his soul was imbued with a large feeling of benificence as well as determination-a high admiration of the beautiful and picturesque in nature. While clinging to the sword, as a means of safety, he was disposed to invite his antagonist to join in a council of peace. Always on the look-outcautious and most prudent in his movements-bold, intrepid, and fearless, when called to the field of battle, his opponents were sure, sooner or later, to come to defeat. He was, by nature and organization, a soldier, a tactician, a hero. Somewhat scholarly, he wrote not only a fair hand, but an agreeable diction; and was noted for his laconicism.* Born with the great spirit of true Freedom deeply impressed upon him, at an early age he became imbued with the importance of freeing his country, and making it an asylum for the out-growth, establishment, and perpetuation of unsullied liberty, free institutions, and good government. Thus actuated and impelled, the name of ANTHONY WAYNE is found among the first to lead the way at the commencement of the American Revolution; and when, a few years after the long struggle for Independence, the West called for the services of one equal to the emergency of the time, he was soon sent to her relief; and the country, after the lapse of a few months, subsequent to his movement thither, was made to rejoice under a new reign of peace and safety.t The grand-father of Wayne was a1r Englishman by birth, who left his native country during 1681, and removed to Ireland, where he devoted;'At the capture of Stony Point, he addressed the following to Gen. Washington STONY POINT, 16TII JULY, 1776, 2 O'clock, A. AM. DFEAa GEl'NECRAL:-The fort and garrisonr with Col. Johnson are ours. Our officers and men behaved like men who are determined to be free. Yours most sincerely Gen. Washington. ANT'Y WAYNE. tSee Chapter XII of this volume. BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. IX. himself to agriculture for a period of several years. Entering the army of William of Orange, against King James, the exile, in 1690, he fought at the battle of the Boyne, and took part in the siege of Limerick, making himself quite servicable to the state, for which he seems never to have been duly rewarded, and becoming eventually much dissatisfied with the general relations of his adopted country, at the age of sixty-three he left Ireland, and ventured upon a voyage across the Ocean, reaching Pennsylvania in 1722. With the new country he was much pleased, and soon purchased a farm and settled in Chester county of that state; and it was here that his grand-son and name-sake, the subject of this sketch, was born, on the 1st of January, 1745. But little is known of the early life of Wayne, further than he was accounted a " pretty wild boy," and from his youth seemed to have had a greater fondness for the art and peril of war than any thing his mind could be called to. For this pass-time and amusement, he forsook school, schoolbooks, and gave little heed to much earnest advice. His uncle, Gilbert Wayne, to whom Anthony was sent as a pupil to acquire the common rudiments of an education, wrote to his father as follows concerning his nephew: I really suspect," said he, " that parental affection blinds you; and that you have mistaken your son's capacity. What he may be best qualified for, I know not; but one thing I am certain of, that he will never make a scholar. He may make a soldier; he has already distracted the brains of two-thirds of the boys under my direction, by rehersals of battles, and sieges &c. They exhibit more the appearance of Indians and harlequins than of students; this' one, decorated with a cap of many colors; and others, habited in coats as variegated as Joseph's of old; some, laid up with broken heads, and others with black eyes. During noon, instead of the usual games and amusements, he has the boys employed in throwing up redoubts, skirmishing, &c. I must be candid with you, brother Isaac; unless Anthony pays more attention to his books, I shall be under the painful necessity of dismissing him from the school." The result of this was a severe lecture from his father, who threatened, likewise, to withdraw him from school and place him upon the farm at hard work, if failing to conduct himself differently, in the future, and give over his sham battling, erection of redoubts, military rehearsals, and building of mud forts. The earnest, resolute words of his father, for whom he entertained a strong affection and regard, were deeply impressed upon him; and he resolved to return to his uncle, devote himself to his studies, and forsake all that had given rise to former complaint against him. Thus acting and applying himself diligently to his studies for a period of eighteen months, his uncle was compelled to admit that he had not only "' acquired all that his master could teach," but that " he merited the means of higher and more general instruction," which induced his father at once to send him to the Philadelphia Academy, where, at the age of eighteen years, he had acquired an extended knowledge of Astronomy and Mathematics. Returning again to his native county, he now entered upon the business of land surveying. It was about this period that the peace between the powers of Great Britain and France was terminated, which placed Nova Scotia in the Z ~. 3~HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. possession of the former, and the British government at once bethought to colonize her newly acquired territory; and associations soon began to be formed in some of the older provinces with a view to colonizing these newly acquired regions. Prominent among these was a company of merchants and others, from Pennsylvania, embracing among their number Benjamin Franklin, and through the recomendation of Franklin, young WAYNE,then in his twenty-first year,was readily chosen special agent to visit the newly-acquired territory, to examine the soil best adapted to agricultural pursuits, and to gain information as to " the means of commercial facilities connected with it." Upon this important mission young Wayne not only soon embarked and performed the duties thereof most satisfactorilyto all concerned, but was continued in the trust till the year 1767, when the difficulties, then assuming a serious attitude between the mother country, and the colonial settlements of America, had the effect to break up the enterprise and call the attention of the colonists to matters of self-defense directly within the colonial settlements. Returning again to Pennsylvania, young Wayne, in 1767, was united in wedlock to the daughter of a distinguished merchant in Philadelphia, of the name of Benjamin Penrose, whither he soon returned to Chester county, and again embarked in the occupation of surveying, engaging also in agricultural pursuits when a short cessation or pause in his profession occurred; and in this latter vocation he is said to have "found much to gratify his taste." Continuing to menace the colonies, and insist upon her policy of taxation, up to the period of 1774-5-to which time we find Wayne still engaged in the business of surveying and farming-Great Britain was at length met with a formidable front by the colonists, who had determined to resist the further aggressions of the king and Parliament of the British government, even to the sword.. Indeed, matters had now assumed such a shape as to leave no room or hope for escape on the part of the colonial settlements; and WAYNE was among the first to step forward and declare for a positive stand against the further encroachment of the British Crown. The events now surely leading to a long and severe struggle against the mother country, in which he was to take so active a part, had years before, when but a boy, been foreshadowed in his ardent love of military sports-his fondness for the erection of redoubts and mud forts, of which his uncle so earnestly complained; and seeing largely the importance of readiness for such a campaign, Wayne began at once to withdraw himself from all political assemblies of the country, and devote himself to the organization and instruction of military bodies. In this he was not only wise, but successful; for, within the period of six weeks, he was able to bring together and form a company of volunteers, " having," says the account,* from which the foregoing was principally drawn," more the appearance of a veteran than of a military regiment." The energy and capacity of WAYNE had now begun to attract public attention; and during the early part of January, 1776, the Continental Congress readily conferred upon him the title of Colonel, and gave himthe command of " one of the four regiments required from Pennsylvania, in reinforcement of the northern army." In his new capacity, he was ever -Prepared by his son, Isaac Wayne, and first published in a work printed in Philadelphia some years ago, called " THE CASKET." BroGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. XI. noted for his diligence and activity, and his efforts were always attended with marked success. The regiment under his command having been speedily raised and equiped, he soon took up his line of march for Canada; whither he arrived about the latter part of June, ('76,) and formed a part of Thompson's brigade, at the mouth of the river Sorel. Major-General Sullivan, then in command of the northern army, arrived at this point about the same period of Wayne's arrival, and learning that the British commander had sent a detachment of some six hundred light infantry to the westward, as far as the village of Trois Rivieres, unattended by any relief corps, a plan was at once agreed upon for the capture of the detachment and post, and establishing there a formidable battery, " which, if not sufficient entirely to prevent the ascent of the British armed vessels and transports to Montreal, might, for a time so embarrass the navigation, as greatly to retard their progress thither."* Accordingly, on the 3rd of July, with St. Clair's, Wayne's and Irvine's regiments, Major Sullivan dispatched Thompson to a little village on the south side of the St. Lawrence, called Niccolete, which stood nearly opposite to the village of Trois Rivieres. Learning " that a place called the White-house (still nearer to the assailants than Trois Rivieres) was occupied by an advanced guard," and Thompson, a tactician of the old school, being of the opinion that troops acting offensively should leave no hostile post in their rear," began to move in the direction of the supposed position of the enemy, but soon found that the point was unoccupied. After the loss of much time and the encounter of many perplexities, besides placing his men in a fair position for a surprise and capture, Thompson now directed the troops to return to the place of their landing. Having, for some hours previous, been shielded by the night, the dawn now began to appear,'and the enemy caught sight of the detachment, and were soon driving it from point to point, until, at length, the troops under Thompson were compelled to seek safety in a considerable morass, "from which he had just extricated himself," where " he and afew others," were soon captured; and Col. St. Clair, second in command, having, about the same time, been disabled in one of his feet, the further direction of the forces remaining fell upon Col. Wayne; and though badly wounded, so successful was he in the conduct of the movement, that he soon gained the western side of the river Des Loups, and rapidly made his " way along the northern bank of the St. Lawrence, to the village of Berthier," gaining the American camp at the mouth of the river Sorel in safety. Late in June, General Sullivan began to perceive, from. the movements of the British, that his position was no longer a safe one; and immediately issued an order for the evacuation of the fort of the Sorel, and a retreat upon Lake Champlain. In this movement Wayne and the Pennsylvania regiments were directed to cover the rear. So close was the enemy, in this move, "that the boats latest getting into motion were not beyond the reach of musket shot, when the head of the enemy's coltumn entered the fort." Without further molestation or alarm, the army, on the 17th of July, succeeded in reaching Ticonderoga. eSt. Clair's narrative. XII. HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. Thus we see, in the very out-set of the struggle for Independence, how our hero, step by step, made himself most serviceable to his country and, laid the foundation for lasting renown. The command of the northern troops, now devolving upon Gen. Gates, who, learning of the perilous condition of Washington, " with eight regiments," marched "t to the aid of the Commander-in-chief," leaving the post of Ticonderoga in the command of Col. Wayne, with a force of two thousand five hundred men —an arrangement that not only proved most pleasing to the troops under him, but highly agreeable to Congress, which body, in order the better to encourage and sustain the appointment, soon conferred upon Wayne the title of Brigadier-General, continuing him in command of Ticonderoga until the following spring, at which period he was called to the ranks of the main army under Gen. Washington, reaching headquarters on the 15th of May, 1777, where he was at once placed at the head of a brigade "which," said Washington," could not fail under his direction to be soon and greatly distinguished." We now find Wayne connected with nearly every important movement of the Revolution; and though, as on occasions already referred to, closely pursued or surrounded, he yet, sooner or later, was ever the successful leader or actor in every engagement. After the retreat of the British from Philadelphia, in June, 1777, we find the corps under Wayne, with those of Sullivan, Maxwell, and Morgan, sent in pursuit, of which, two alone (Wayne's and Morgan's) were enabled to follow up the retreat, of whom Washington, in his report to Congress, said: " They displayed great bravery and good conduct; constantly advancing on an enemy far superior to themselves in numbers, and well secured by redoubts." At the battle of Brandywine " Wayne was assigned the post of honor, that of leading the American attack; a service he performed with a gallantry now become habitual to himself and the division he commanded."* At the famous engagement of Stoney Point, Wayne's own escapes are stated as " of the hair-breadth kind."t Shortly after capturing and entering the fortification of the enemy, he was struck by a musket-ball on the head, which caused his fall; but he immediately rallied, crying out, "march on, carry me into the fort; for should the wound be mortal, Iwill die at the head of the column." This engagement, considered" the most brilliant of the war," is said to have "covered the commanding general (Wayne) with laurels;" of whom Washingtbn, referring to this occasion, said in his report to Congress:'To the encoumiums he (Wayne) has deservedly bestowed on the officers and men under his command, it gives me pleasure to add that his own conduct thioughput the whole of this arduous enterprise merits the warmest approbation of Congress. He improved on the plan recommended by me, and executed it in a manner that does honor to his judgement and bravery; " and Congress tendered him a vote of thanks for his valiant efforts on the occasion in question. In addition to these, Wayne was the recipient also of many complimentary letters from men of distinction at the time, one of which, from Gen. Charles Lee, will serve as illustrative, -'Sparks' Biography, vol. 4. tSo intrepid and daring was he, that early in the campaign of the Revolution he received the appellation of MAD ANTHONY, and ever afterward retained the title, by which he is still familiarly known and called. BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. XIII perhaps, of their general tenor. Said Mr. Lee: what I am going to say you will not I hope consider as paying my court in this your hour of glory; for, as it is at least my present intention to leave this continent, I can have no interest in paying my court to any individual. What I shall say therefore is dictated by the genuine feelings of my heart. I do most sincerely declare that your assault of Stony Point is not bnly the most brilliant in my opinion, throughout the whole course of the war on either side, but that it is the most brilliant I am acquainted with in history; the assault of Schweidnitz by Marshal Loudon, I think inferior to it. I wish you, therefore, most sincerely, joy of the laurels you have deservedly acquired, and that you may long live to wear them. With respect and no small admiration, I remain, &c." If a mutinous spirit arose among the troops at any time there were none better able to quell it than Wayne. Universally beloved and admired by all the privates under him, he readily exerted a salutary influence over them. This power of Wayne was strikingly illustrated during the fore part of January, 1781, soon after the distribution of the army for winter quarters. Shortly after the ordinary festivies of the day, "the whole division, with a few exceptions, was found in a state of open and decided insurrection, disclaiming all further obedience, and boldly avowing an intention of immediately abandoning the post, and of seeking, with arms in their hands, a redress oftheir grievances."* The affair proved a serious one. Every attempt to quell the movement seemed to have been met by blows-" wounds were inflicted and lives lost." The grievances complained of, were "clothing generally bad in quality, and always deficient in quantity; wages irregularly paid, and in a currency far below its nominal value; and, lastly, service greatly prolonged beyond the legal term of enlistment." The conflict closed about half-past eleven o'clock; and being no longer obstructed, the insurgents began a march toward Princeton; and Wayne, then stationed in the neighborhood of Morristown, at some risk, determined to follow them and endeavor to bring them again to order. In a conciliatory and dignified manner, overtaking the main body at Vealtown, he at once began to open negotiations with some of the non-commissioned officers in whom he placed most confidence; and it was not long before he succeeded in convincing them that, in order to succeed in their demands, a change in their course and demeanor would be of the first necessity-that without such a course of order on the part of the agrieved, nothing whatever could be effected-urging the necessity of organizing a board or appointing a committee among them to set forth the grievances, and by "a full and clear statement of their demands "-pledging himself to become a zealous advocate in their behalf, in "so far as the claims made should be founded in justice or equity." These suggestions had the desired effect; the committee was duly appointed, and the march towards Princeton was again begun, butin a manner much more orderly than before. Such was the power and force of character of the good man and valiant soldier after whom our thriving city is named; and may it ever emulate his example. As early as 1777-8, the British government having determined to direct *Hazard's," Register of Pennsylvania." XIV. HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. some formidable operations against the industrial relations of the South, in the early part of April, 1781, Washington despatched Lafayette, " with twelve hundred regular infantry to Virginia; and not long after, gave to the remains of the Pennsylvania line (about eleven hundred, commanded by Wayne,)a similar destination." We find Gen.Wayne engaging the British at Green Spring, driving the enemy's pickets, and advancing in person to within some fifty yards of the whole British army drawn up in order of battle, and already pushing forward flank-corps to envelope him." Determining to make up in boldness what he seemed to have lost or was about to lose in a too near approach to the enemy's lines, he made a bold and sudden move upon the enemy, and then retreated, which gave the British commandant to infer that it was an effort to draw his forces into ambush, which made so decided an impression in this direction, " that all pursuit of the American corps was forbidden." By some this movement was deemed rash; but Washington, in a letter to the General, said: " I received, with the greatest pleasure, the account of the action at Green Spring." Gen. Greene said: " the Marquis gives you great glory for your conduct in the action at Jamestown; and I am sensible that you merit it. 0 that I had but had you with me a few days ago I Your glory and the public good might have been greatly advanced." On the first day of January following this movement, by order of Gen. Greene, Gen. Wayne was sent " to reinstate, as far as might be possible, the authority of the Union within the limits of Georgia, with one hundred regular dragoons, three hundred undisciplined Georgia militia,and about the same number of State cavalry." Though greatly inadequate to the end desired, yet Wayne is said to have uttered no complaint or objection, but resolutely moved forward on his mission, bringing to bear his usual boldness and wisdom, sufficient, with this small force, to push " the enemy from all his interior posts," and to " cut off Indian detachments marching to his aid; " intercepted the forays of the enemy's main body, and onthe land side, penned him up, in a great degree, within the narrow limits of the town of Savannah; and allin the short space of five weeks." In a letter to Gen. Greene, bearing date Feb. 28, 1782, Wayne said: "The duty we have done in Georgia was more difficult than that imposed upon the children of Isreal; they had only to make bricks with straw, but we have had provision, forage, and almost every other aparatus of war, to procure without money; boats, bridges, &c., to build without material,except those taken from the stump; and, what was more difficult than all, to make whigs out of tories. But this we have effected, and wrested the country out of the hands of the enemy, with the exception only of the town of Savannah. How to keep it without some additional force, is a matter worthy of consideration."* The British troops having evacuated Savannah about the 12th of July, Wayne, by order of General Greene, with the troops under his command, was recalled to South Carolina. In the letter, addressed to General Wayne, recalling him from Georgia, Greene thus wrote: "I am happy at the approaching deliverance of that unfortunate country; and what adds to my happiness, -In a letter to a friend the General said: " In the five weeks we have been here, not an officer or soldier with me has once undressed, except for the purpose of changing his linen. The actual force of the enemy at this moment is more than three times that of mine. What we have been able to do has been done by maneuve ng rather than by force." BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE. XSV is, that it will reflect no small honor upon you. I wish you to be' persuaded, that I shall do you ample justice in my public accounts to Congress and the Commander-in-chief. I think you have conducted your command with great prudence and with astonishing perseverance; and, in so doing, you have fully answered the high expectations I ever entertained of your military abilities, from our earliest acquaintance." Soon after the evacuation of Savannah, Charleston was given up by the British, which, after a treaty of peace, and an absence of seven years from his family, Wayne again returned to his homestead in Chester county, Pennsylvania, truly one of the most remarkable meen of his day, crowned, as he well deserved, with the blessings of a whole nation of free men, and noble women. But his well known abilities, and the high esteem in which he was held by his fellow-citizens, soon brought him before the public again, but in another capacity from that of a-soldier. He was now elected a member of the Council of Censors; and soon after this event he was honered with a seat in the Convention " called to revise and amend the Constitution of the State;" in the discharge of which duties he acquitted himself with marked ability, and much to the satisfaction of the people. *At the close of these duties, declining any further services of a civil or political nature, prefering to lead a life of retirement rather than one of public distinction of any kind; and thus, principally employed in the pursuits of agriculture, was his time passed until, by the wish of Washington and the voice of the people, in the early part of 1792; Wayne was again called to the service of his country, and " appointed to the command of the legion and army of the West,"' the result of causes which the reader will find detailed in Chapters X, XI, and XII, of this volume. At the close of his labors in the west, returning to the east, " plaudits and thanks, public and private," were showered upon him; and "Congress, then in session, unanimously adopted resolutions highly complimentary to the General and the whole army." The year following the treaty of Greenville, (1796), being appointed sole commissioner to treat with the northwestern Indians, and also " receiver of the military posts given up by the British government, General Wayne again returned to the west; and, alter a prompt arnd faithful discharge of the duties attached to these new functions, while descending Lake Erie from Detroit, he was attacked by the gout," where he soon after died; and, at his own request, (having previously been removed to the block-house) he was buried at the foot of the flag-staff of the garrison, with the simple inscription of " A. Wa." upon the stone that served to remind the inmates and the stranger of the burial place of the patriot, the hero, the soldier, and the man of true courage and remarkable foresight, ANTHONY WAYNE. For thirteen years the remains of Wayne continued to repose beneath this simple head-stone, at the foot of the old flag-staff of Erie, when, in 1 809, his son, Col. Isaac Wayne, desiring to remove the bones of his valiant father to the family burial place, in the cemetery of St. David's Church, in Chester county, Pennsylvania, the body was disinterred, still in a fine state of preservation, and removed as above, where a monument was raised to his memory by the " Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati," on which the visitant may still read on the north and south front thereof, the following inscription; "NORTH FRONT:-Major-general ANTHONY WAYNE was born at Waynesborough, in Chester county, State of Pennsylvania, A. D., 1745. After a life of honor and usefulness, he died in December, 1796, at a military post on the XVI. HISTOEY OF FORT WAYNE. shore of Lake Erie, Commander-in-chief of the Army of the United States. His military achievements are consecrated in the history of his country, and in the hearts of his countrymen. His remains are here deposited. "SOUTH FRONT:-In honor of the distinguished military services of MAJORGENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE, and as an affectionate tribute of respect to his memory, this stone was erected by his companions in arms, the Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati, July 4th, A. D., 1809, thirty-fourth anniversary of the Independence of the United States; an event which constitutes the most appropriate eulogium of an American soldier and patriot." The accompanying portrait of General Wayne is from an old painting of him, and is doubtless very accurate, and will no doubt be highly prized by every citizen of Fort Wayne and lover of his country into whose hands it should chance to fall. Why a monument has not long ago been erected, on the site of the old fort, to the memory of this heroic and worthy man, including also Major Hamtramck, and the valiant soldiery under their command, I know not; but feel that, though so long forgotten or neglected, the work will yet be performed by the people of the city of Fort Wayne and county of Allen; thus enabling the stranger visiting the historic scenes of our city and adjacent localities to behold, instead of the old garrison,-whose only remains among us consists in a few plainly-wrought canes, in the possession of a few of our citizens, preserved as mementoes of the fort so long over-looking the confluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph,-a substantial and appropriate monument to the memory of ANTHONY WAYNE and the brave men who dared to follow him to this ancient stronghold, that the then infant and enfeebled settlements of the west might enjoy peace and safety, and our beautiful country be enabled to march steadily on, as she has, to her present condition of growth and prosperity. 7" 2w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -an L i7~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.......... KG~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~!Russell,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 RIK-l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ h(ht ioe (b(ntg I i t 1i2 b U } JW _ V1ret. IE 1 SI'FEon the Earliest Klnown Ac outtk or this Point to t he Pieeat sei i{ i " I wratlch tlhe cicle of the eternal years, And'read forever ini thc storied ]page One lenegthened roll of blood and wrong an d tearsOne'onward step of. Truth from age to age." "The eternal surge Of Time and tide rolls on, and bears afar O'ar bubbles; and the old btirst-new emerge, Ltashed from the foam of ages; while the graves Of empires heave but like some passing waves." CHAPTER I.- PRELIMIN-A.tY. )riiniTive traces-Situation, general appearance of t?.e City, and qouanlity of the Soil in lthe re'ion-The" elorious gate"-Its early advantages both to the I ndiaaiis and. o'h4. Whites-The Key to the Northwest-Early oceupaI.tion bythe Frenci, Englis,, alnd Americanis-For; centuries doubtless the home of the t~.ed 1an -Its prominence and early discovery by the French-The best ronte to the Mississiuilppi — r-'ii.:t Settlement at Vincenne-This poiint evidently visited before Vi iicenneP-::;!, Salle's journeyv afoot-His journ'al to FIrontenae- Be30t rout e —'A ubrys exbc.dit!'i -Early settlerments —AJppearance in 1794- Enol1sh and Frec111 ettlin.!;tS ~arly minssioinaries -Eorts of the,lenh —.L- Slleli;s -vovyge-7eir yrO lhrn.e — Frnelch trading p)osts-First Mission-amongo the,miliie -Thei.r te'isto- dis. liberality H-ennepin —-The: nissionanies aind h.ia.:Biar-i; ine' semoest^" e-_ Illinois Indians-Feuds of the Iroqt., isnil.an i,rmi~ and t.i.is 1es: -..te"s.-.1 sq;aws-wn-K skasksa- -Tira lld dtief, e 4.i —nE. fTi'yZ;:- -.etri V ~-c * d Ouni't'. nons —French militia arrive l6e u-chen c rli t::wpt dn gs-d-1 fort —T'aced by Wasyre in i7. — Dk io'i;:-"-oi5 d~ ni-i,The& m e ene.... 0; WRITE o''.:.;mivWt "s1f p *,'to preserve t-he historic records' o. edO'tD a o itt the o-O —ie a".1 1 wt,u of Iy ta ime to t:sdl..t u t- -again the memories and relatmns o, early l,;'.' sh blood and carna oe had ltmarked the ied nc t-prints' of the periods r redney s, aid ma1o tIo rivers and rivulets to run crimso.'i with tle blood ot -.nc sai-. i)i. t-o perfor' a, conmo n, (bit.ti, a.t, common ]nmanii t I G Hj ~TiI'STORY OF POiT tXAi:NI The primitive traces and early'evidences of bnarlJaric and civilized life in this part of the State of Indiana are e. many and various; tmd the present site of the City of Fort ~Wayne, with contiruous loe.alities, is fully and fairly c-titiledl to IISTTOnIC GIOUND! Situated upon a poinit of land, the most elevated in'the State, Fort Wayne is very appr1opliately called t11he SUMMIT CITY. Ti Le,,eneral i''face of the country surrounding is rolling' and somewhat -ntleven, with here and there a considerable promontory, overlookin;g,lie beanutifltu streams and valleys in the region. WWith stronO, impreg'nations of iron -nd sul)hur, -the soil is variously Composed. of the most valuahl.e elemelts~ adm-irably adapted both for farming.aid builcding purposes -conrsistino of the loamy, sandy, clayey tialities. Embodying muclh iof the ifsmanti atnd picturescque:it iiatu., the surrolundin, aspects and sceney of the place never fail to:a-avtken the.liveliest adn:iration an( curiosity of the stranger?, whitle the general appearance of the (ity, itself, at the present period, with its numerous iruit and shade trees, handsome dwellings:ed vards-beautiffl;shrubbery, apnd well cultivated gardens, in sea'ons of verdurei and llowers, is ever onf'. excee(ding pleasanti Iess ndl beauty, alike to the,ab.ta,n acnd the momentary sojourner. From. a very early period, with the Indians, it was a " glorious gate: throulh which all the good words of" their " chief's had to pass fronm the north to the south, and fiom the east to the west. " At a later period in the history of events in America-in the struglele between barbarisnmi and civilization- it became' at once the pivotal point. upon Which the mo st important relations of the (olintry turned, both for the advancing civilization of the time and the barbaric force against. which it had to contend-THE KEY1 IN 1'AC:TO- TO TrLE G-.PIEAT TOiRTIHWEST! I3Early occupied as a military point of great i. portance, alike to the French, the Enrgoisbh. anjd or ou wn Government, ea.che in turn, establisbin; and mimntaining a military post hr-e, as a mreans by wxhich to attain and exercise an extended control over the destinies 1and resources of the new world, h questions of infinite reach, involvi dominion riatce lainga ue o', lawx and religion, have hung tiupol >i;6m petty display of milnitary pow(er at the jicltion of these rivers.' JI'4 the red man had li ec] do ubtless, ifor centuries before t3hl: ittst ciiillrz4 -,et'tlemenrt in Americl.a had begun, —his squaws culti-.vt:ingi the nma'ilad perform.linmg the common hardships of.life,'vhile lie hulted the bMvi:14o.nd wild game of the, frest,md plairie 4' Little Turtle. -. Jtsse L. Willi ams, Esq. -Ts Judage La1w, int Iis inte];es"ti.JAl.a, "The Colonial E.istori of lieennes.," rc 1d.) page lll, say t; is. sin rgular faut, yet, "sw. les t t h t t te Waba.sh was ~.o.i.' a'rind navigatea(d by tl'e whites lonit' beftore the (li, w s Iknowln to exist. Indeed;il lie min.ps-, d I hive sen1 tWo htefr tl e tyear 17.0 —-., the Ohio at its eon tlu(0. it the issi ssplti., O tab, E0,5 I I' lThe reason is obvious, w;Len one reflect-. Ior mr uingle inutant, that thl wil!ole 0 o1 rse o' 1travel to the Mississippi was ei;her by the Illi.-,iS ov the Waaba.s h. T he (,niT c(m1nlhiuatijn with the Mississip)i wA.s ~:W11E tFl'nrC lI trle ltftev bat o( the tt'th e'-lnd early in the 18th oenttlury, and wvas from the Lakes,;h t prie.st ad t! e.oldier e. the',,l t. ravelers. They.ascended the Matumee, cress-' t 1 Pr'e.(i (1. S!t deos-dr. tl Wab-si.bs to this Post.' T:;is oI;OIiN' Vrsr'r -:ITE'- Z'i' E V'iCNN-f. i, speared the fish in the beautiful streams glidinfg by; leisurely bas;ed in the sunshine; devoted himself to plays and gailles; luddled about the wigwam and the camp-tire; or went forth to securei the trophies and honors of war. Being situated at the head and terminus -of two considerable strealms, (the St, Joseph anid Mlaumee), the one flowing friom the roemion of: Lake Miichigan and the other into Lake Erie direct fromi and into points near to and flrom which the early voyacgez8rs, ni;siontaries, and tra'ders sought so earnestly to extend tleir efforts and discoveries-toogether with the faet at. an early period, of a strongl relationship and doubtless felquent intercourse betweenl the tribes l.ong those lakes andt the Miamies of this part of their extended territory,-it is not probable that this point could have long escaped their attention. And, as vwill be seen in subsequent pages, there exists the strongest evidence that the early French missionaries, explorers and traders, fro-m Canada, had visited the junction of these rivers as early as 1680 to 1682-'3 —and the probability is very strong that they were here at a much earlier period. Judge Law, in his able Address, concerning the first settlement of Vincennes by the French, concludes it to have been about the year 1710 or 1711'; and thinks it most probable in the first of the two years mentioned, "inansmuch," says he, "as tlhe Fort must have been built and garrisoned before an application was made for a missionary." Now, the advantages of navigation, the nearness of this point to the Lakes, the extensive openings of this regiont andt the famp it seems to have so long enjoyed as a "glorious gate," give to it a claim priori to that of the establishment of a Post and ilission. at Vincennes. And it is not improbable, that a temporary mission wai, established here before or soon after the eventful year of 1iS2. In the early part of 1680, LaSalle having penetrated the west to a point, which is now known as Peorlia, tll1. where hie built a fort, which he called (revelnCczur' (Broken Heart,) because of hii fornmer misfortunes and'soon finding hirmself without supplies and necessary materials for the completion of a vessel he hadc then begun at the foot of Lake Peoria, in the month of Maareh, of that year, determining upon a plan to hasten the needed supplies, with but three attendarits, he set out a-foot towards Lake Erie,'"following along the Wvater-shed, or divide, wihich s'eperates the strea'ms that flow' into the Ohio river from those which flow into Lale 2Erie," and reached *The'Maseou'tens, says Gallatin, dwlieng,about LIake Michiigan were a branch of the liamies. i-The following, from the "daily journal of Wayne's campaign," will show the appearance of this point, on the n.itival of the armn hlere, in 1794: "CAIP M'IAMIfr ViLLATIS-\ES, 17r:T SPTEPMBER, 1794.-The'army halted on this lound aIt 5 o'clock, p. m., being 47 miles from Fort Defiance and 14 from our lasi encl- ampent-;lhere are nearly 500 acres of cleared land lying in one body on the rivers St.. Joseph,' St. Maiy's and the M[iami; there are fine points of land eontiguous to those rivers a'idJoining t.he celeared land. The rivers are navigable for small crafts in the slummer, and in the winter there is watert suffilienit for large boats, the land a-djacent fertile and weil thibered, and froml every apipeiaralcte it iaes ebeen one of lt he la r1est set;ltlements made y''ti,'ndi'.i in tlS'isT Ce'nlt.ry.l 4:- [II^:vi't"0j.Y<' os.~sTo-riEY 0-F{ T WAY A. his destination in safety; * which makes it q'uite evident) togethler with the fact of his having spent the Antumn of 1679 in the erection oI a fort at the mouth of the St. Joseph's river, sounding the channel of that stream, and establihsing there' a depot for supplies and goods," that he was by no means unacquainted, at an early period of his efforts, with this region of the north-wes-t. The reputed rival as well as co-laborer of La Salle, Louis IHennepin, a Franciscan friari of the Recollect variety, and said to have been l vry ambitious as a discoverer, as also daring, hardy, enerI getic, with othier peculiarities closely allied thereto, as early as 1.663 —4 spcaks of the "HIohio,S and of' a route from the Lakes (northern) to the Misssisippi by the VTabash, the account of whichl le had heard, and whic:h was explored in 1676. In Hennepins Avolume of 1698, is a journal, says the best accoutnts, said to be that s;ent by La Salle to Count Frontenarc, in 1 682 or 1683, which. mentions the route by the Ja.;?('ee Cand.cWal, ftrbashe as the?,ost direct to the -/T'eat vestern rivere (Mississippi )- which mankes it quite eviient tht tlhis region was not only eirly visited, but that the route leadinto thron-gh this immediate vicinity, was often very early traversed by explorers, missionaries and fur-traders. And, in view of the navigable streams concentrating at this point;. the vast amount of fur that must annually have been accummulated here; the gjreat number of Indians dwelling at this locality, and in the region, -thl-t these adventurous and zealous spir its should have early selected this as a favorable and most advantageous site, not onlr ior the prosecution of the labors of the missionaiy and the accumulation of fur by the trader, but for the early establishment of aI muilitary post, seems most reasonable indeed, and requires but little conjecture to arrive at a somewhat definite conclusion as to the truthfulness of the question considered. Not only did the earliest of the Frenchl voycageurs and explorers consider this the most direct route to the great western river, Mississippi, but those of a later period seem to have universally regarded the route by the MIiami or Omee villages, at this point, as the best. Sas ys J.. Dawson, Esq., in his researches: "By reference to early itistory, we find that, in 1716Q among the routes of travel established by the French, was one fiom the head of Lake Erie, (now M'anlat-ani or its mlore successful rivals Toledo,) up the 2M:aumee river to the site of Fort Wayne, thence by portage to the head of Little Ilivelr across the marsh now crossed by the Toledo, Wabash and Weetern raiiroad thence by Little River to the Wabash, about nine miles below Huntington; thence down I he Wabash to the Ohio; and'thence to the Mlississippi." And as late as 1759 the same route is:'avcred. Srayd s the same researches: 6" T'e next interesting referelnce t:o ]iFort Wa yne, i 17t 5)9, and advises us of a most distingluished expedition litted out M- d' liA.ub, conmandant at Illinois. The -i' Western Annals," pnges l62 an' l )3. ~ " States zand T'crritor'iek oflal.( l Gr t, ~re st,." pa.'cs G(; ar: 1i9. BJmEST EOUTE TO THE MiSSISS I'Pi. 5 iFrench having ethausted their supplies in Pennsylvania,,and unable to withstand the British, it was conceived by M. d'Aubry to reinforce his brethern. Accordingly, a levey of 400 men, and 200,000 lbs. of flour was raised at Kaskaskia,* and started from there to Venango, Pa. Ft. Du Quesne (Pittsburgh,) was abandoned, and hence the reinforcement could not go thence by the Ohio river., So he proceeded with his force down to the Mlississippi; thence down that river to the mouth of the )Ohio; then up the Ohio to the mouth of Tabash; then up the XWTabaslh to the miouth of Little Iiver; then up that scream too the portage; and then,to Ft. iMiam:i, (Ft. Wayne%) where they embarked stores and all on the Mlaumee; th:en down the Maumee and along the shore of Lake Erie to Presnue'Isle; then across the portage to Le Boeuff; then down French CJreek, to Venango, Pa."9 From the founding, by the French, of the city of Quebec, in Canad.a, in 1608, to 1763, for a period of more than one hundr'ed,ad iity years, the governments of France and Great Britalin, (the latter having begun a settlement ait Jamestown, in Virginia, as early as 1607,) wtere mo.st energ'etic eand resolute rivals in many civil, military, and often sanguinalry contests as to territorial limits colonel. establlishments, and the general trade and commerce of the new world of North Anmerica.t In 163 34 the mi.issionaries, Breboeuf and >aniel, joining a party of Hurons, on their returan from Quebec, after crossnilg the' Ottow-nl river, established- a mmission near a bay of Lake I-uron, where they are said. daily to have rango a bell, calling the natives of the reoiol to prayer, and who also 6 performed all those kindly. offices vwhich were calculated to secure the confidelnce and affection of the tribes on the Lake shor'es. As early as 1670, G-eat Britain had established, at different points, between the 32d and 45th degrees of north ]atitude, a. mahy as nine colonial settele.ents in America; and it was n ot intit about eighty years later that the Engclishl beglan to make any effort towards a settlement west of the A!legmeny mountains. in 1670, the French colonists i.n Anmerica had persevered in the extension of their settlements to the westaward from Quebec, on the shores of the St. Lawrence, and the borders of lakes Ontario and Erie; and their missionaries and traders had succeeded in exploring' the boidering regions of the northern lakes., to the west, as far as Lake Stperior; and stationsl, with a view to the Christianizatioi n of the Indians, were established at several points, among a number of Indian tribes. To give protection.nd imi)petus to the fur tralde, then cominlg to be very extensive in:its operations, a number of.'lThat this point wvas visited before the establish men.t of settleeenl.is at Kaskaskla.1and Kahokia, or other -points westward, seenms to be tgenerally admiitted by all the mlost authenic historical researches that the wri'ter has lhad occalsion to refer to.;iFor a mo'e extendMed srnmmary of these ei.aly periods, see Ban, roft's Historl0y of IU. S., Dillon's HistoWr of Indiana, Parkmnasll Consiraecy of oantiac, Sparks'1; Life of La Salle, Vol. 1, new series, do. Life of Malrq er-lfe, &E. IliSTrolY OF.1o.rT WAYKNE. stoceade f orts, and trading posts were also erected at various points best suited for such establishments. A little minutia as to the eflbrts, trials, anld disappointments of theese primitive missionaries and others, in connection with other poiits, will here be of interest to the reader, and tend to open a more extended view of the relations that surrounded, and, at an early period; evidently influenced, the destiny of the present situaioln and historic importance of the City of Fort Wayne. At the period I now refer, Charles II. was King of England, andl Louis XIV,-purported to have been a most ambitious man,was monarch of the French. A statesman of considerable ability, of thle.iiame of Colbert, was minister of Finances to the latter,, who is said to have inspirited the colonists of Canada with an arduous w.ish to widen their domain, as well as to increase the power of the Fi ench monarch. Thus animated and impelled, with the hope of elnjoyinng the advantages and means of Christian civilization thought necessary to be exerted over the various Indian tribes of the west, at tlihat early period, the civil and religious authorities' of Canada were constrained "to engage earnestly in the support of the policy o'f increasing the nnmber and strength of the forts, trading-posts and missionary stations in the vast regions lying on the borders of the rivers and lakes between Quebec and the head of Lake Superior." At this early period, the French civil and ecclesiastical authori. ties of Canada, having given considerable life to renewed adtion a:nlong the missionaries, "in the course of the years 1670, 1671 aind 1:672, says Dillon, in his researches, " the missionaries, Claude Allouez and Claude Dablon, explored the easternpnrt of Wisconsin, the north-eastern portion of Illinois, and, probably visited that part of Indiana which lies north of the river Kankakee. In the followingl year, A. Joliet, an agent of the French colonial Government, and James MIarquette, a good and simple-hearted mlissionary; who hatd his station at Mackinaw, explored the country lying about the shores of Green Bay, and on the borders of Fox River, and the river Wisconsin, as far westward as the river Mississippi, the banks of which they reached on the 17th day June 1672." In the following month, on the 17th many obstacles presenting themselves,' they set o)ut on their return to Canada, by way of the Illinois river, and arri-vecd at Green Bay, an outlet of Lake Michigan, in the latter p)art of the month of September, a distance of some 2.500' miles,A\t a village of the Illinois Indians; it is related, they were feasted in a most friendly and hospitable mannerl upon the choicest food of the tribe- consisting of roast buffalo, fish, hominy and dog meat.:But the curiosity and desires of the French colonists in Canada, did not cease with the return of the missionaries. In the early part (o 1 682, IR:obert Cavalier de LaSalle, with a small exploring party,.made his way to the Illinois, and passed down that stream to the iNssissiippi, thence continuing his voya.ge,-with short stoppages here a.nid Itheree at the prescenltati.ion of the friendly calu.met or attac'k ,ANCIENT ITE'ER TOr'' OF THE MIAMIES. Y from the shore by unfriendly Indians, etc. —to the Gulf of Mexico, where, on the 9th of April, 1682, they eected a column and cross,, attaching thereto the arms of France, with the following iniscription: "L0ouis the" Great f.ing of.franco, alnd avarre, ezgns — tAe 9th of April, 1682.' All being under arms, after chaningf the Te, D)eumI, they fired their muskets in honor of the event, and made the air to reverberate -ith the shouts of "Long live the King!" at- once takilg formal possession of the entire country, to which they gave the hame of iou'isiacneI in honor of their King. Soon after this event, La Salle anld his party returned to Cana da: whither he soon after went to France,'where he was received withl nluch favor by the Kivng, and the account of his and-those of Joliet land Marquette's discoveries were made knowni. And thus it was that Louis the 14th of France at once laid claim to the whole of the soil lying between Canada and New Mexico,: disregoarding' all prior or subseqCuent claims set up by Saii,'by Spreason, of thle' discoveries of Juan Ponce de Leon, in 1.512,' and I-ernaiido de Sot(, during the years 1538 and 154;2. Not long subsequent to the discovery of tlhe nmouth of the Mis-;issippi, the French government; began to encourage the establishment of' a line of trading posts and missionary stations in' the country west %f the Allegheny mountains, froml- Canada to the Gulf' of Mexico, which policy they seem to have sustlained with modlerate success during a period of some seventy-five years. Te.greater part of tis long period of time, a few missionaries'pursued their labors, but with no lasting or general beneficial results, in so: Jar, at least, as their efforts related to the Indians of the west. In 1679, the same day thatl La Salle completed the erection of a. fort at its mouth, th]e river St. Joseph, of Lake aMichigan, received the name of'O the River Miamlies, from. tlhe Indians of that narme; and it was on the banks of this river that the principal statiorn lor tihe instruction of the IMiamies was founded, a.bout h;tlt period; after which it was called " tlhe St. Joseph, of Lake MIiehigaln.: Hennepin thus gave the account of the erection of ttle lirst. French post within the territoryt of the Miaisies' in 1679: -iAfterwards, for many years, called NErw FPrANCc. +Little Turtle, the distinguished chief of the Miamies, wo lived clre'foi, many'lly va' iwith his tribe, and died here in 1812,'at the famnous treaty of Greenville, (0.), 1795, thus, in part, addressed General Wayne regarding, the territory of his peop)le: " Yon 1iaTe pointed out to us the boundariy line between the Indians and the United States; lint I now take'the libert to inform you that that line cuts off froml the Ir'nd1ianls a ila I,portion of country walich'd has been eljoioed by nly folreftchers fromii time inllemoria, wTit;l1hot rl( lestation ri dispute. The pii it of my ancestots houses Iar evervy vhcre toi be sc i in thi is portio. It is wLt l kiio l:11 wfiv brother.s present, that i1y fqrealtlher Liindlled the first fire at Detroit tfron thence lie heexteoidee Is lines to the lieaiidwaters of Sciot;o; from. thence to its mouth; flrom thcence to Chicago, oni Lake Michigan." From the earliest period w e have of theml, thle Miarnies 1l.a.ve beeln a leading and rmost po-wesrful t;rbe. "iWhlcn the M:ianis were first invited eb the Frenct alutorities at (Cilicago, il 1670," says Mr. C'rlas. B. Lasse.lein one of his intterestiing sketclhes, relating';o hi1^, earclv historv of Fort'isayne, "they were ra very p)owerfutl Indian niiatiol. A tbody f the,}m.ssembled near that place for war against tlie powerful Iroquis, (Five Natio;s), of ithe Hudson, and the still more pows' cful S.ioux, ot thlf UTJICp.i Missip!i, consi.s..ted of at 1 SOTUiOirY O iFORT WAYN;lI. " Just at the mouth of the river Miamis there was an eminence, with a kind of platform naturally fortified. It;'was pretty high and steep, of a triangular form defended on two sides by the river, and on the other by a deep ditch, which the fall of the water B.ad rmade. We felled the; trees that were on the top of the hill, and lhaving cleared the sanme rom bushes for about two musket shot, we began to build a redoubt of eiglty feet long, and forty teet broad, with great square pieces of timber, laid one upon another; and preparled a great number of stake's, of about twenty-five feet long, to drive into the ground to make our fort the more inaccessible on the river side. We employed the whole month of November (1t'17;6) about that work, which was very hard, though we had no othier food but the bear's flesh our savage killed. These beasts are very common in that place, because of the great quantity of grapes hat a-,bound there; but their flesh being too fat and luscious,, our lmen beguan to be weary of it, and desired leave to go a hunting:rad kill some wild goats. M. La Salle denied them that liberty, I-i cll c.aused some murmiurs almong them; and it was but unwitlinlly thiat they continued the work. This, together with the approach of the,winter, and the apprehension that MI. La Salle had thaltt his vessel (the Griffin) was lost, made him very melancholy, tliough he concealed it as much as he could. We made a cabin wvherein we performed divine service every Sunday; and father (-ilabriel and I, who preached alternately, took care to take such texts as were suitable to our present circumstances, and fit to inspire es with courage, concord and brotherly love. *' This. ibrt was at last l)prf;ected, and called Fort Miamis.' lThis same mlission'ary, Hennepin, in 1680, visiting some of the I]ndiIran -llagetns on the Illihnois river, speaks thus of the peeUnli'ar ideas and manners of the savages he rmet there at that early period; Ih.ici1 m1ust give the reader to infer that, though the natives of the:'t'est, in theiur,z'2iM, 6 f c state, had but a poor sense of th.e Christi-:ntitty t'aultl; bMy the missionaries of the time, thley yet possessed a in'S1ular ir'ntelligence reganding life and the religious fiature of man; lanrd were, rwith ll strangely liberal in their views acnd actions toward. lenst1 thr ee thousaInd, and were under the head of a chieftain who never sallied forth Iut wrih a. body- curard of forty warriors. He could atauny t;ime lead into the field ain:;l'my of five thousand- men." Of all their villages," says le, "Ke-ki-ong-a was considered by the iMiruins the'most important, as it; was -thle Ilargest al;d -nost central of all their possessions —being situated near the hlead waters of tlhe Wabash, the Miami, (Mtaumec), and the St. Joselph ofLake Michigan." Stays Bancroft: "The, lMiamis was the most powerfitl confederacy of the west, excelling the Six Nations, (Iroquois.) -:,,' z-' 4'Their influence reached to the Mississippi, and they receivedI flrequent -visits'from tribes beyond that river." As tie mlessenger of St. Clair, A.nt.oi ie &Gamlelin, in tlhe spring of: 1790, proceeded fronll Vijncennes towvard this,poitl, wi-ith a view to friendly relatioionwi',th the Indians, he was told'at the dii-frent villages on his route to go to Ke-k]-ong-a.' "ou know," s-aid ilhey, "thlat we can terminate.:othiing writhout the consent of orl- brothcrs: thle hia.mies." "The impress of its name," d; i vs:Mri. Williams, of our city,'"pll pso many.liy westernIivers, shows the predomlinance 4!fthle tribe. Thle tnwo M;iamies of the Ohio. will ever prperptuate it. The,liammi orf ".la; Ecie (now Mlaumlee) was likew-ise lnalme for the t:'ibe.: ()ur own St. Mary's was marked'Mianmies' river,' on the rude skeletoin map, mla.de to. rcl i',,'.nt'tlhe w'tern coutntry at the timan of Colo'nel lou qutct'v ecpeditiona in 1'T3." iiENNEPIN'S A5. COOUNT.. those differing firom them. But the Indian was a rude child of nature-born in the woods, with tle great spirit of the forest deeply impressed upon his soul. He had ever seen the Great Father "n clouds, and heard him in the winds." Says Iennepin':-'"There were many obstacles that hindered the conversion of the savages, but in general the difficulty proceeds from the indifference they have to every thing. When one speaks to; them of the creation of the world, and of the mysteries of the Christian religion they say we have reason; and they applaud, in general, all that we say on the great affair of our salvation. They ~would think themselves guilty ofa great incivility, if they should ~show the least suspicion of incredulity, in respect to what is proposed. But, after having approved all the disco-ases upon these matters, they pretend, likewise, on their side, that we ought to pay all possible defference to the relations and reasonings that they may mzake on their part. And when we make answer that what they tell us is false, they reply that they have acquiesced to all that we said; and that it, is a vant of jud gement to interrupt a man that speaks, and to tell him that he advances a false proposition. " * * The second obstacle which hinders their conversion, proceeds from their great superstition.''t The third obstacle consists in this,that they are not fixed to a place.'' * The traders who deal commonly with the savages, with a design to gain bytheir traffic, are likewise amother obstacle. T;;' They think of nothing but cheating and lying to become rich in a short time. They use all manner of stratagems to get the furs of the savages cheap. They make use af lies and cheats to gain double, if they can. This, without doubt, causes an aversion against a religion which they see accompanied, by the professors of it, with so. many artifices and cheats. ": Continues the same. missionary, " the Illinois (Indians) will readily suffer us to baptise their children, and would not refuse it thenmselves; but they are incapable of any previous instruction concerna'ng the truth of the Gospel, and the efficacy of the sacraments. Would I follow the example of some other mis-. sionaries, I could have boasted of many conversions; for I migit easily have baptised all those nations,'and then say, (as I am afraid they do, without any ground,) that I had converted them. " " Our ancient missionary recollects of Canada, and those that succeeded them in that work, have always given it for their opinion, as I now own it as mine, that the way to succeed in converting thle barbarians, is to endeavor to akhem nmen, before we go about to make them Christians.':'' America is no place to go to out of a desire to suffer martyrdom, taking the word in a theological sense. TWio savares never put any Christian' to death on the score of his reliilon. They le ae everybody at liberty in belief; they like the outwa'a.ad ceremonllies of our churchli buit no more. >: i: i; They do ndi lkill people but in particular quarrels, or when they tre brutish or drunk, or in reve.g( 01 or infatuated with a dream, or some.. 10:I1:ISsTORY oF FOF T "XXAYNE. extravagant vision. They arp incapable of taking, away any person's life. out of hatred to his religion. " The best' ccounts agree thtt it was through the agency and persevering exertions of missionaries, combined with the active and enterprising movements of traders, that amicable relations and a moderate tfrade -were brought about between the colonists of Canada and the Miami Indians-which occurred before the end of the 17th century..M. de la Barre, governor-general of Canada, in 1684, in a remonstrancelto the Enrlish authorities, at Albany, complained that the Iroquois, or Five Nations, (a league of friendslip between wmiho-J and the English, it was understood, then existed,) had been intermeddling with the rights and.property of French traders among the western tribes. To which the Iroquois, upon learning of this remonstrance, said their enemies were furnished with arms and ammunition by the French traders; and. at a subsequent council, held b1) M. de la Barre with the liive Nations, he accused. the Iroquos, Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, with haying mistreated and robbed French traders going westward. To which Grangula, chief of the Onondagas, replied thlal they, plundered none of the French, excepting those who took guns, powder, and balls to the Twightwees, ( or Miamis ) and Chicktaghickss.' These arms,' said he, m ight have cost us our lives. We have done less wrlong, 7 continued he, in a spirit of upbraiding, " than either the English or French, who have taken the lands of so many Indian nations.s In this we have much of the true spirit and trials of those timwes, which will be found more in detail in many of the prominient histlries relating to colonial and subsequent periods. But the intniati.ons of the chief Grangula would seem to have been a forerulnner of further and still more extended troubles between the French and the Five Nations; * fCir, fromt 1689 to the tlreaty of Ryswick, in 1 697, wars and conlflicts/ of an almost interminable nature, occurred between the French colonists and the Five Nations, w7;hich, it is presumed, tended, in a large degree, to check the ambitious an1d grasping policy of Louis XIV, and also to prevent and retard the settlement of the Frenich colonists in the Mississippi valley. Sorme time during the years 1680 and 1700, a number of mnissionaries, in succession, used strong endeavors to Christianize and otherwise instruct the Illinois tribes; and historical records state that a dhurch, consistinc of a small number of French, with a few Indians, was established on the banks of the Illinois river, at or near the site Of a fort called St. Louis, and founded by La Salle at an earlier period. The traders began early to form matrimonial alliances with the Indian women, and are said to have lived quite amicably with them. Attracted by a sense of beauty, and with a view to enterprise in: A century before the signal defeats of Harrar and St. Clair, near this place, Clhas.:1. Laselle, Esq., in his researclhes of the early history of Ft. Wayne, says: In a eontstP, which they, ( the MIiami Indians ) with their kindred, the lillinois, waged for three. or, four years against the invincible Iroquois, of New York, the:se' tomans of Amerlica' ( Ir.:,quois ).'ere w r,,:lte " EAKLY FPE Nl-N SETTLEMENTS. 1 the accumulation of furs, a small body of French adventurer' fi'onl the Illinois, near the close of the 17th century, moved towar. and settled upon the borders of the Kaskaskia, a small river emptying into the Mississippi, about one hundred miles above tie mouth of the Ohio, where they founded the little village of Kaskaskia. Among the first movements of the French in an effort to extend dominion over their western dependencies, from Canada, duringo the seventeenth century, were the establishment of small settlements at Detroit and Mlichilimackinac, while many are said to have given themselves up wholly to a life of adventure, rambling here and there, as their inclinations and necessities impelled theml amQ1og the different tribes "north-west of the river Ohio." Amiong these adventurous spirits, were to be found several quite intelligent, as well as enterprising and ambitious men, who lived. in daily hopes of realizing immense " profits and advantagres from the prosecution of the flr trade." "This trade," says Dillon, in his interesting researches, " was carried oh by means of men l' who were hired to manage small vessels on the lakes, and canoes along the shores of the lales, and on the rivers, and to carry burdens of merchandise from the different trading posts to the principle villages of the Indians who were at peace with the French. At those places the traders exchanged their wares for valuable furs, with which they returned to the places of deposit. The articles of merchandise used by the French traders in carrying on the fur trade, were, chiefly, coarse blue and red cloths, fine scarlet, guns, powder, balls, knives, hatchets, traps, kettles, hoes, blankets, coarse cottons, ribbonus, beads, vermillion, tobacco, spirituous liquors, etc. The poorest class of fur traders sometimes carried their packs of merchandise, by means. of leather straps suspended fiom their shoulders, or with the straps repsing against their foreheads. It is probable that some of the Indian villages on the borders of the WVabash were visited by a few of this class of traders before the French founded a settlem1ent at Kaskaskia. It has been intimated, conjecturally, by a learned writei, (Bishop Brute), that missionaries and traders, before the close of the seventeenth century, passed down from the river St. Joseph,'left the Kankakee to the west, and visited the Tippecanoe, the Eel river, and the upper parts of the Wabasih.' " " The Miami villages," continues the same researches, "which stood at the head of the river Maumee, the Wea villages, which were situated about Ouiatenon, on the Wabash river, and the Piankeshaw villages which stood on and about the site of Vincennes, were, it seems, regarded by the early French fur traders as suitable places for the establishing. of trading-posts. It is probable, that, before the close of the year 1719, temporary trading-posts were erected at the sites of Ft. Wayne, Ouiatenon, and Vincennes. These points had, it is believed, been often visited by traders before the year I700." During the year 1733, an affray having occurred " between some'' tallcd by thel French voyaClgers, ena.ffces, and co Cveurs des bois. l1 2 H171,SIaTCOY OFi FOurT WAYNE. drneken young Ouiatenons and two or three French voyageurs, in an affair of trad"e, 2.. de Armand, vdth a small body of militia, was ordeiecl to malke an attack upon the Ouiatenons; but, soon after his arrival at the Miami village here, was persuaded to forego his intentions upon that tribe, and a friendly intercourse was soon re-established between the French and the Ouiatenons, whose villages were near the present site of Lafayette, in this State. Tlle late Judge Hanna, our esteemed fellow-citizens, Hon. J. W. Borden and J. L. Williams, Esq., in their interesting sketches of Fort Wa;yne, all make mention of a small French fort that was early erected on the south bank of the St, Mary, not far from the canal acquednct, and near the residence of Judge McCulloch. The historical account of tahs fort is, that, as early as 1734, the famous Captain D. M. D~VincIennes, founder of Vincennes, Inld. visited this point in.a militari ctpacity, and erected the fort in question; and Vincenne.:is said then to ha-ve referred to this locality as " the key of the west.":< T.Iow long this foit remained or was garrisoned by the French, it is n.ow unlknown. Two years ltter, in 1736, by order of his superior officer at New Orleans, Monsieur d'Artaguette, " eomn andant for the King in Illinois," Captain Vincennes ( or, as originally spelt, Tinsenne,) left his post at i incennes with an expedition against the Chicxasaws. In a charge against this tribe of Indians, with a small body of French, aided by about 1000 friendly Indians, Vincennes received a severe wound, and fell soon after, and because of whichi, his Indian allies becameae disheartened and. fed, leaving- Vineennes, D'Artaguette,.aid the Jebuit, Senat, at the mercy of the savage foe; and on the 31st,of May, 1736, the three prisoners were lashed to the stake and burned by their wily captors. Vincennes had visited the MIiamies at this point as early as 1705..3. de VYaudreuille, at that period Governor-general of Canada, in a O IoTE. —It will readily be seen by the reader, that, at this early period of the history of o(ir country, the west, begiinning, as we may say, with the Alleghanies, and beyond, i.nd extending to the borders of Mexico, was an interminable forest, broken only by lakes, wnate rcoluses, and prairie regions; and every point, in a general sense, was alike a point of relationship and interest to the other; while this, more especially, both to the Indialns and to the whites, was, beyond doubt, very early the key to the north-weast. As willre..seen, ias subsequent psaes, there was no ]point looked upon with greatter interest, or whiclt was more beloved or more resolutely and jealously defended by the red man, against any3 eneroachment of a war-like nature, from the first efforts of the formidable Iroquois, or Five NIations, of the east, in the latter part of the 17th century, to the strenuous efforts of Halrmar, St. Clair, Wayne, and Harrison; or which was more eagerly soughlt to be reached:nd held by the wlites, than the ancient site of the I)resent populous city of Fort Wayne. nl eonsideling its history, therefore, from the earliest known period, up.o tlle struggles of 181-4, it is found at once connected, in. some way, with every important movement msade in tie north-west; and instead of forming an extensive Appeindix, the connect in lin1ks.lre preserved infliture chapters by the interweaving of the genleral events of the.iiorlth-weos withl those miore directly tr' nspiing1 at this p->,int, from the' early efforts of'LaSalle to discover the 5Mississippi, to the latest period of warfaire, etc., with the Indiatns o)f the westt. And in thus blending the early and general events of the country, for a long iperiod of years, at once so intiinately connected with thle history of Fort Wsayne,- preserli.ng valuable data, aR well as, in mapny instances, presenting the i most important outlinas )f sieges, mlacehes, etc., th-e volume readily asu,.m.es. a meore ilnterestin.'n and valuable chiaractei'r. CAPTAIN D V: NCENx-KS.'13 letter dated C Quebec, 19th October, 1705," said. he had "sent Sieur ~de Vinseine to the Mimiamis." Another letter, written by,. do Pontchartrain, to M. de V audreuille, bearing date " Versailes, 9th June, 1706," said: IG His -Majesty approves your sendiing Sieur,Jonqueres to the Iroquois, because he is esteemed by them, and hasl not the reputation of a trader; but you ought not to have sent Sieur de Vincennes to thfe Miamis, nor Sieur de Louvigny to the Missilimaquina, as they are all accused of carrying on contraband trade. You are aware t[hat the said Sieur de Louvigny has been punished for that; and his Majesty desires that you cause Sieur de Vincelnnes. to be severely punished-he having carried on an open and undisguised trade.' In a letter from i. dte taudreuille toM.. de Pontehartrain, dated Nov., 1712, the form.er says he, " had again sent Sieu1 dce Vincennes to the Miami. 3." n 1T719, I. de Vincennes ws s reportcd-to M. de Vauncreuille as havino died at the Miami vitlage here; but this was a mistake, or it was another officer of tlat name. It svwas about this period that the French made some unsuccessful efforts to induce the -Miamis to remove from their old homes here towards Lake Michigan, or " to the river St. Joseph of Lake Michigan. " The fort that stood on the east side of the St. Joseph, was early known as the English Fort, which was occupied by a small garrison of English troops subsequent to the overthrow of French rule in Canada, in 1760,-perhaps as early as 1762; though the writer has ]been unable to gather any positive evidence that this stockade was built by the English. All the accounts I have of its early occupation lead to the conclusion that it was " taken possession of by the English " soon afterthe close of the struggles in Canada in 1760. Gen. Wayne traced both of these forts while here, in 1794; and CoY. John Johnston, a sterling patriot of the west, traced " the dim outlines " of the French fort in the vicinity of the canal acqueduct as late-as 1800. Having thus, with other interesting, facts and data, followed the missionary, trader, and explorer, in their devious windings and am bitious zeal for the redemption of savaoge souls on the one hand, and to become suddenly wealthy and famous by the accumulation of large quantities of fur, and the discovery of new regions of territory and tributary streams, to the end that they might be greatly favored by the K]ing, on the other hand, we aie readily enabled to see, with o'ther essential reasons, how, at an early period, these zealous and ambitious adventurers found their way to this point, and established Ilere their mission and trading posts; and why, at aa later day, the French soldiers erected here a stockade, and long stood guard in view of the confluence of these beautiful rivers. (CIAPTER II.' The Past bears in her arms the Present and the Future. ri miti ve accounts of the New World-Feroious animals —The Mllstodon —Exlhnmati['i of bones near Huntertown-The different tribes of Indians-Their names —The Algonquin stock —The Indians and eatrly,sett;eis —r ivilization ever disliked by the Indian-The law of change-Derivation of Indian names —The force of barbaric and civilized influences —Tndian love of his nativity —Amalgamation —T1he iiamnies in 1718 —The Indian race track-A-Agriculture among the Indians-Tloe old corn field-The old Apple-troe —Indianhabits —Ideas of freedom —Keki —ong-g -Labors of the men —The Indian women —Indian elquence —The Indian mother -An incident-Offspritg-Family government —Love of war-Formidable i.haracter of the Indians in the latter part of the past century. K HE MOST primitive works relating to the New World, were l noted for the great credulity of their authors and highly exaocT exrated accouuts of the inhabitants-both mall and beast. TIhe "t, country was considered a mrarvelous embodiment of the wildest conditions of life, and possessed of a wealth as unfathomable iaso the land was broad, picturesque, and wild. Here, in the newly-discovered regions of North America, there were to be met, it was declared, a species of Lilliptttians and imen of gig'antic proportions-men not exactly without heads, wrote Lalita.u, but whose heads did not extend above the shoulders-a people subsist-ing, much as the camelion,,upon the air-the black man livin' a life of concealment in the tropical forests —and that there were tlso tribes in the more northern boundaries of the New World, who, not unlike the ermine, wete quite white; and it was such m.arvelous talles and exagerated accounts, in part, at least, that awakened the curiosity of the inhabitants of the Old World, and at length peopled the new continent of North America with, to it, a new order of human beinrs, destined to pave the way for a new and more glo:rios sense of civilization in all. that pertaius, let us trust, to the mental and physical wTelfare of man. That there were gigantic animals roamingo over the land, is a well aulthenticated fact-the lion, the panther, the bear, the tigeer, land, indeed, most of the wild, ferocious animals known to natural Iistory, were, at the period referred to, and to a much later day, doubtless inhabitants of many parts of the New World. The el.k, which did not disappear till aboult 185, wa.s also common. The INDIANS? AbcOUNT OP THE MA; [STODON. 15 Indlians, gave accounts"' to earlytraders hlene and at other points of a huge tnimal they called the lin:g of Beasts; and( whe asked c on1cerninoT its appearance, their answer was, that; "it looked like the; Awhite man's hay-stack-very bK;g 7;-and said that it traversed the regions lying between this section of the present State of Indian:, and Toledo, Ohio; and seemed to regret, when speaking of it, that it was no longer to be seen here —that the white man had driven it away. From former and recent exhumations of bonest not far -rom FIort Wa.yne, it is evident that the accounts given to early traders and others, by the Indians, were not fair from correct, at leaSt in so far as the goreat size of t.(he animals weree concerned. ]n wh t sense they bore a resem)blance, in organization and general s1t'lcture, to' the w hite ma.n5s h.ay-stack," is left fbri the reader to conjecture. C. Pelt ier. t'The Fort Wayne (Gazette, of April O22 and Septemnber 17, 1867, gave the following( aclccolnt of tlh isllexhunltion of bonos in Noble county, near the Allen county. line, and not far froi'o. lluntertown, in this county, (Allen) which are evidently repnains of the,lreat animals referred to years ago by the Indians lhere:' INTEi}ESTI[-NG DISCOVr1Y.-u-Dr. J. S. Fuller, of Perry, Allen Co., Ind., under date of A prlil 21, 1867,; rlit es us that the skeleton of an elephant was found a few days ago, on tl-h tl.mn of W in Thrush, of Noble co., near the Allen county line, by some men who were digging a ditch. Tlhe discovery vwas nmade about four feet below the sulfa.ce ofthe miL,'sh tlho? skeleton iis very lare,, and was found standing upright, whih indicates that thI animal hald mired in the marsh, and died in this position.,.The doctor has examined til head, under-jaw, hip bones, tusks, and other pieces of the skeleton,, and is convinced ftiat, they are the remains of an elephant, buried there at least one hundred years ago. The boneis are at the residence of Mr. Jas. Potter. I'f the above story is true, ( and we have no reason to doubt it, as the doctor is a reliable man ) the dis('overy is one of great.interest. There twvs ca tradition among the Indiaisn N who inhabited this region that Northern Indiana wasi once the home of elephants or somne aninmal of similar size and appearance. We commend t'ile ease to the attention of our scientific menl."-Ft. Wayne GAZETrrTE, April 22, 1867. The nmastodon remains found near Huntertown prove to be more extensive and more interesting tha n at first anticipated. Part of three skeletons were brought to town yesterldav, a male, female, and calf. No one skeleton is complete, but enough of each has been fouind to determine the sex and age as above mentioned. The lower jaw of the calf was cexhumed entire. The teeth, small, and little worn, are the unimistalkable signs of' veal.' A quantity of older and larger teeth, a.nd part of a larger jaw were found. Also five of the upper bones of the fore leg, t.wvo upper bones of the hind leg, two thigh bones, shoulderblade, fiagments of tusks, part of a skull, a quantity of ribs, and many other snmallei ].)ones. "The mastcodon was an animnl similar in size and aippearanee to the elephant, but larker and more nmassive in form. Iti belonged to the eeoloo i(al peciod imnmediately preeelding the pre:sent, an d is supposel to h ave been the last large a n imal whic h became exti nct, before the clreation of mian. Its avelrage sizei as det ermIined from examnination of rernmains foiund in var'ious paurtn of the world, was about severteen feet in length, and eleven ifeel in height. Many skeletons havre been found in this country, p:arlticularly in New Yorl'a nd Nevw Jersey, where the searchl for them hais been more tllorolugh than in other Stlates. i The skeletons above alluded to were found in a corn field on the fairm of a Mr. Thrui:sh, about four miles from iHuntertlown, in la' what ws once a deep marsh. Twenty or thtllni; years ago, the proprietor sa ys, it would not lhave been safe for man or beast to enter it. Il'he bones were found in an area of about forty feet in dia.meter, from three to four fteet below th e surface, in a straturi of light clay covering a layer of blue clay. The top soil is a black muck, even now fit for cultivation only in dry seasons. " As to how they got into the mire, variotLs theories can be framed. A friend -whohas given the subject some profound thought, suggests that the calf was' teething,' and crawled into the malrsh for something to cool its gums, and sticking fast, the old couple followed to rescue it, and met with a like fate. The last half of this theory, we guess, w ill pass muster. " The renmains, we understand, will be taken to Chicago, for more careful examination 1.} i lISTO Y 0' FoiC)i''t A\\' N. Th- uniiormity of the aboriginal tribes o:f Norlt Ameria, i: their prlimnitive state,-taking Charlevoix? as aimong the eaSriest Iand best accounts of them -seem at once evident and conclusive; and. their habits and customs institutions andc primitive organic relations-seem to have possessed a common identity and bearing. I an i early comparison of the grea't number of dialectls anmon?. -the various tribs o the continent, it was discovered that, not nmore tal n eif ht. radically distinct tonl:;ues were to be found. in the whole territory lying east of the Mississippi river; and but five of these continue to constitute the languages of nations yet remaining; whfile of late years, it is discoverable that but three only of thcese serve to remild the reader that the tribes speaking theim have wellhi(.h becolme extinct.', The Algtonquinfjl or primitive Indian tongue, was not only considered;the most extended, but the most exhuberant in dialect. it was tire Algonquin which welcomed the early settlers of Plynmoulth aInd. Roanoakae; iand was hearCt, says BRancroftI, firom the B3ay of Gaspe to the V alley of the Des Moines fIom Cape Fear, and, it may be, from the Savannah, to the land of the Esquimaux; forn the Cumberlandl river of Kentucky, to the southern balnks of the M\ississippi; and " was spoken," continues the same writer,'thouOh not exclusively, in a territory that extended through sixty degrees of longitude, and more than twenty degrees of latitude." F'rom the earliest accounts known, the Indian was ever disposed to shun the settlements of the white man. He loved his native haunts, the woods, the hills, and the vales of America, He was indigenous to the soil-lhe knew no other land. From the first troubles with the settlements at Jamestown and Plymouth, to those of a later period, springing up at other points, both east and west, the tribes seemedc ever imbued with the belief that the white man would eventually overrun thier hunting-grounds, and at length push the red man far towards the setting sun. HIow truly thought and said the Indian, from one period to another, may now be most clearly seen. Such is the force of civilization —such the destiny of the unadvancing, unprogressive, uncivilized of the' earth, e'cn to the lowest kingdom of animal life. Seeking to f ind new hunting-rerouds, new regions of soil wherein to plant their maize and cultivate the other products common to Indian life, unootruded by the white mran, at an early period', t'6i tribes of the east began gradually to move westward and southward; whille many clans very early abandoned their old huntinggrounds, east and northward, to follow a roving life in the deepp forests of the south and west-fleeing from the march of civilization, which, a fi yvears later, followed them to their distant and exclusive abode. But a few years ago, —and the same is probably true of They are at present in charge of Dr. W. H. M}ieyers and 1Mr. Simpson, of the Chictago Academay of Natural Sciences."-Fort'Waynle GAZET''TE, Sept. 17, 187.:' Albert Galln-,ati n's -syInol is.'is From t-hel Fre ncl l. NAIMES 0o THIE DIFERENT Th IES. I7 the present time, —" among the tribes of Texas, there were warriors Who are said to trace their lineage to Algonquins on the Atlantic; and descendants from the Ne'w England Indians," as late as 1852 " roamed over western prairies.'" The eight primitive tribes, exhibiting a radical distinction in language, were: 1. ALGONQUIN, 5. CHErO'KEE5 2. DAHCOTA, &. UCHEE, 3. i-HUi.N-IrJoQUoIS). NATCIIEZ, 4. CATAWV A. 8.,OBILIAN. From these sprang many branches, whicih, some years subsegquent to the earliest settlements in Amierica, hcad spread over a great part of th! country, many of them often becomling greatly redaiced by warfare, or, fusing one tribe with another, by amalgamation, giadually Very materially changed the primitive tongue. In this way, if not lost through the extinction of clanst a great number bf dialects were developed and diffused over the continent. The names of the various tribes and clans of late years composing the Algonquin family, many of whom, by permission of the Miamies, had early found their way into, and settled upon, the extensive territory of this tribe, were the Jfiamie's, (1w!ttwees), Sacs, Ottawex, O(ihp pewas, Corees, Jllinois, JP(iankehi7aws, Foxes, S7jacwanoes, 1aeneomeznees, Powhtcan8, ]i'ckapoos, ienni'-Lenaqes, (Dela zoares,).Mo,7jegans, gnziste'neaux, The FeV3w,'EngZc nd Ind(gias, Ateznaes akefonocaCns Sitspm 6ehanA noa s, IlSf annaJhoaccs, f lVaznticokes, ottawc0latnies^, Ti7nebagoes9,^ iLaseoutens, 7 witht some oth'er smaller indcependent clans, many of which were divided into cantons and bodies, it was said," sonmetimas so small as to afford only a War party." Thus We seee, more distinctly, the relationship, position, and character of the Miamies. Of the entire Algonquin family, -there Wvere perhaps none more stable, heroic and resolute than this tribe. Bancroft —-fDupon'cea':i. i Nature is everywhere alike al to the principle of cdnANF. —imind, —matter of the mot grss or most attentuated character, —evenl,6 sounId, musi, words, dialects, language, of the finest order of developemnent, —are all s ubject to the laywof change, transmission, growvth of the highest grde of infotldment, or the opposite, to a greater or lees degree, to esltinct;io itcelf. Each of which had somo speial meaning in the Indian tongue-as Ottawa, sign fied a tIrade; tascouttens, dwCElrei' i the psiv rie Menomenies, we e ae e;en original mien-an expression of dignity,'or greatness often used by the braves- such',a.s,'"I am ma n i! " (a MenoIetenie ~)7 Fou, red earth; Sa, or Sanul, yellow earth-and so-.on. And. theoie were protobably bit fewv f these tribes or clans that did not, at one period or otiier, visit this point,'or send hither their envoys to sit at thle Couniil Fires of the "Gl'oriious Gate"'of the different tribes, which, tlie Miamies "hacl the happiness to own,'".and tlhete;teed.l'oubtless many seasons of harmony among the tribes gathered here, -as there wiere tsl(o periods of bitto-lr feuds and warfare between various nations of the'eentineat, (2) 98 hISTORY oE Po.urT WA`NT-,i Tl2;e limits of their territory has already been quoted in the previous chapter. This extensive domain had been held by their ancestors, said the famous Little Turtle, to General Wayne," from time immRnmorial, without molestation or dispute." And had they been a progressive people-readily adapting themselves to the active civilization springing up everywhere about them a few years after the struggles of 1812-14, very many of them might still have been dwelling in this region upon their old familiar huntingsgrounds. But, as a mass, they had, with a few exceptions, lived too long in an opposite condition of life to readily enter into the mote advanced habits of thought, growth, and culture of the whites, then rapidly settling upon their ancient domain. That the red man could long have lived in the centre of a moderate civilization without feeling its power and influence, any more than the White man, dwelling among savage tribes, in the forest, would be unable to resist, to a greater or less degree, the influences surrounding him, is a matter needing but little consideration in point of fact. Man ever assimilates, has ever assimilated, to a greater or less extent, in all ages, with that which has surrounded him. If his surroundings are crude, wild, and inflexible, he has readily partaken of thenm. And in just so far as he has become familiar with the art of subduing and cultivating the soil-clearing the woodlands, and making the untamed conditions of nature to bend to his necessitiesproducing new vegetative life in the form of fruits, cereals, plants, and flowers, has he improved in organization and the general refinement of blood, brain, and nerve. And it has ever been through the possession, excercise and application of this power and intelligence, however meager and incomplete, at first, the means and implements of cultivation, if steadily pursued, that has laid the ground-work of sure and gradual transition from barbarism to civilixation. The great realm of nature is everywhere progressive-ever looks upward and aspires to a higher sense of beauty and refinement. The flowers of a hundred: years ago were less refined in point of essence, and in many instances beauty also, than those ofto-day. So also with the fruits and every other species of vegetative life, where a proper degree of care in cultivation is observed. This principle is equally true of man. Give him but the necessary advantages and encouragement in the art of cultivating the soil or improving his mental powers, and he readily begins to refine. Under these auspices the red man, in many instances, from the days of the Jesuit missionaries to the present time, has verified, most clearly and substantially, the truthfulness of this principle of growth and culture in the natural order of existence. And although never becoming truly Anglo-Saxon, in so far as the inventive and higher sense of civilization is manifest-although never losing his tawny skin, save in a sense of amalgamation, nor ceased entirely, perhaps, to eentertanin affiection for the foreest and its wildest hamuts —thae iCAh:.m^ AFA.A. E.4.'4.rW..''19streams, and a love for the canoe, the spear, the bow and arrow, or trusty rifle-he yet was ever a living evideince of the poWer and influence of civilization, as brought to bear upon him at various times and ill many ways. A rude, uncultivated child othe forest-of nature and the primitive wilds-he was readily and naturally imitative, and oion received from the white man a knowledge of agriculture and the use of various implements, with which to cultivate the soil, cook, fish, hunt, fell the trees. &c, Beyond these evidences and facts, it had been observed that it was far easier for the white man to become, in manners and custom, hn Indian, than for the Indian to become a hite manin oin t ii of civilization and thle progressive march and aippliances of lif, in art Shd general culture; and this is stranely true of no othe'r people wtitjh ho the white ma na has ever associated or coome in contact. The Indian thoutgh naturally hospitables lby nature and custom, was often a rude example of indifference; knowing and practicing but little of the common sympathetic feeling of the white race. They were accustomed to bewail the loss of friends and their great chiefs and sachems; and the women, on such occasions, in the wildest and most dishevelled appearance, with garments tattered and dirty, thleir faces blackened, and hair streaming about their shoulders, often wept bitterly, it is true, visiting the. graves of the departed for many consecutive days but, in the ordinary concerns of life, to weep or lament were usages most uncommon to the red man. Even in the midst of the most terrible torture or sifferinig, he was seldom if ever known to shed a tear or utter complaint. Such was his idea of bravery; yet, if there was one thing more than another that would have had a tendency to awaken the tears and sympathy of the Indian, or cause himl to sadly bewail his lot, was to remove him, by force or otherwise, from the scenes of his hunting-ground and early associations-so ardent was his attachment to his native hills and plains-his early home and the many relations that clustered about it; and in this he was much like the rest of mankind. Our surroundings as naturally become a part of us, aa t'r)-Aai trwe inhale is necessary to our health and vigor of action. Th e'i oil we tread upon, bringing forth and nourishing the food we eat, pJssesses within itself the elements of mutuality and reciprocatioli a id every organic being as surely gravitates totard the natural and a1 readily comiingles, in soene way, therewith, as the law of gravitation brings a falling body to the earth, or the diurnal action of the globe brings us the constant " hadow of the night" an1d 4 the light of day" And the law of sympatih is ever active and earnest within The bleak Esquimaux, the plkdding Highlander, and peasant of Northern Russia, no tes than thee most favored of the English nobility, or the wealthiest and most, prosperous merchant or farmer in America, Are alliei. and:te,.rched tt their nat:hive honm and wxmkih 20 H-ISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. as readily take up the cudgel or draw the svord,-load the cannol or shoulder the rifle ih defence of their native plains and hills as would we of America, England, France or Germany, were we or they to be suddenly, or otherwise invaded. Nature never fails to expres lierself-nevbr fails to make a reply when interrogated, no matter how strong the sympathy, or whither the alliance. And the red iman,'ini his primitive fastnesses, hative vales and w6oodlands of Amn erica-wandering upon the banks of her many beautiful rivers, chasing the wild animals of the forest, Or spearing the fish in her streams, -was no exception to tie rule and when he saw and felt the first act of encroachment upon his native soil he arose in all the dignity of offended greatness, seized the tomahawk, the wrar-club, the bow and arrow; assembled the braves; strode vigorously through the war-dance; blackened and painted their faces; and, after the mode of Indian warfare, at once lay ill wait to strike the first blow, in hopes to destroy the enemy, or repel him from their boundaries. And herein is evinced a sad want of wisdom and knowledge on the' part of both the Indian and:the white man-the one to pass tlrough the ordeal of an almost gradual extermination, while upon the other fell all the trials and dangers of an intestine and savage warfare, amid forest and jungle, united with the vast hardships and vicissitude of the pioneer. Ah has already been shown, the uniformity 6f the Indian dialect, was, in primitive times, or about the period of the discovery of America, strongly related and identical. A nd.the same was mainly true of the general habits and customs of the various tribes of the continent. At an early period; as the French and English sucessively made inroads upon the territories of the Miamies-or, as they were early called by the English and the Iriquois, the Twigjttwees,-in the establishment of stdcKades and trading-posts, the spirit of intermarriage soon became rife between the Indian women, fur-traders, adventurers, and soldiers, which, up to the departure of a large body of this tribe for Kansas, several years since, had well-nigh changed the whoi nuhnber remaining to " half-breeds." At that period, as is wetl,7'derstood but few full-blooded Indians were to be found througihutthe entire extent of their ancient territory. And hence, of late: years, looking back upon them, we see the light complexion of the white man clearly visible in their every feature, rather than the brownish-red of the unmixed aboriginal. Many of them, indeed, were quite white, with blue eyes,-though still retaining, in a larg.e degree, the Indian features, —thick lips, large mouth, high cheek bones, and prominent nose; and were, for the most part, still _Indian-chlerishing, to a late day, the ancient customs of their fathers, in hunting, fishing, cultivating the maize, &c. The following interesting account of the Miamies was written as early as 1718. The writer had made a short stay at the village here, TiE MIAMIES I 1718 21 -nd passed, on tq their brethren of the Wea and other towns along the Wabash. Says the ~writer: "The Miamies are situated sixty leagues from Lake Erie, and number four hundred, all well formed men,, and well tattooed; the women are numerous. They are hard working, and raise:a species of maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It is white, of the sanle size as the other, the skin much finer, and the meal much:whiter. This nation is clad in deer skin.~ They love plays.and dances; wherefore they have more occupation. The women are well clothed, but the men use scarcely any covering, and are tattooed all over the body. From this Miami village, there is a portage of three leagues to a little and very narrow stream that falls, after a course of twenty leaaues,- into the Ohio or. the Beautiful River, which discharges into the Oaubache-a fine river that falls into the Mississippi, forty leagues from Gascachias. Into the Oualhache falls also,he Casquinampo, which communicates with Carolina:'; but this is very far off, and always up stream. " Tis river Ouabache is the one on wnich the Ougatenons:[ are settled. They consist of five villages, which are contiguous the one to the other. One is called Oujatanon; the other Peanquinchias; and another Petitscatias; and the fourth Lesgros. The nar.e of the last I do not recollect; but they are all Oujatanons, having the. same language as the Miamies —whose brothers they are, and properly all Miamies, having all the same customs and dress. The men are very numerous-fully a thousand or twelve hundred. They have a custom different from all other nations; which is, to keep their fort extremlely clean, not allowing, a blade of grass to remain in it. The whole of the fort is sanded like the Tuilleries. * - x Their village is situated on a high hill; and they have over two leagues 6f iprovement, where they raise their Indian corn, pumpkins, and melons. Irom the summit of this elevation, nothing is visible tothe eye but prairies full of buffalo." In stature, for the most part, the Miamies were of medium height, wxell built, heads rather round than oblong-countenances. agreeat le, rather than sedate or morose-swift on foot, and excessively fond of racing-both on foot and horse.lj There were, occasionally.to. be seen among them some men quite tall, yet withl well-propprtioned bodies. As is intimated in the foregoing, the Twightwees or Miamies, unlike most other tribes, were rather cleanly in their habits; for which they were mostlyv nqoted up to- a very late period; and were disposed to cultivate the so'il —raising the maize, bcans, squashes, cucumbers, melons, &ce. Around and within view *From Colonial History of New York, (a Paris document,) vol. ix, p. 891. fLeague, (from the French,) three mileq.. Proon.no.ed as if spelt Weatenons. 11 The Indian race-track, for many years, extended froml the south side of the westend free school building, westward about halft a nlile. For somn years before the departure of the Miamies for the west, while the racing.was kept up over thi3s track, mien from Ohio,.and other parts of the courntry, were accustomed to bring many fast horses here, and often sold them to. the Indiant at very extrava.,: ut pIic(.s. 3. HiB~1 Mr'roi,1 cw FORT WAN E'. of the present site of Ft.: ayne, at different points, were:several small patches of cleared land, which the Indian women and children regularly cultivated each year, and brought forth considerable quantities of corn and other products; which, together with the game and fish brought in by the men of the tribe, supplied them with food during the winter. It is a well authenticated fact, however, that, at periods, perhaps in seasons of severe drought, or more especially when the products of their fields were destroyed or overrun, and their villages burned-by invading armies, or through conflicts with formidable tribes at more remote periods, and often from neglect to prepare for the winter months, the Indians, not unfrequently, found themselves with but scanty supplies for the severe months of winter; and, huddling themselves about their dingy wigwalni, with a few smoking embers in the center, scarcely sufficient to keep them warm, have been known to fast for many consecutive days because of their inability to obtain food. The extensive field* and open point, just east of, and adjacent to, the confluence of the rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, in which stands the historic Apple Tree,t near and about which were scattered many of the huts and wigwams of the Miamies to a late period in the present century, had been annually cultivated by this ancient tribe for a period of perhaps one hundred and fifty years or more before the erection of the fort at this point under the direction of' General'Wayne, in 1794. That their women had long been accustomed to *As early as 1814, the Indians then here informed John P. Hedges, T3sq.,-whio has now been a resident of Fort Wayne for fifty-five years-coming here with the army in 1812, —that this field had been cultivated by others long before them; and, to,quote their own langnage, —singeb-a-.wetook,-they had planted and raised corn, beans, &c., in this field for many years-a long, long time. tChief Richavrdville often told the old settlers here that this old apple tree was there when he was a little boy and tha it was then a " bearing tree; " that the hut in which he was born stood very near to it. The chief attained an age of near eighty years, and died in 1841. Witht these facts it is presumed that, at the present time (September, 1867), the tree is about one hundred and thirty odd years old. From the fact of his early associations, his birth', &c., being so intimately related to this old tree and its adjaceet localities, Riohardville ever looked upon it with the warmest veneration and regard. The tree is thought to have sprang from a seed accidently dropped or purposely planted by some of the early French traders or missionaries visiting this point. In the spring of 1E66, a heavy storm swept away its main trunk, leaving it as now seen in the opposite engraving.'The circumference, as measured by the writer and a friend, in the iionth of June, (1867) was 1l feet, The fruit is small, and usually ripens in the month ot October. By the taste of the leaf of the tree, there would seem to be sufficient strength and vitality in it, if not otherwise molested, to survive at least a half century or more to come. Savs Mr. J. L. Williams' We need not question its identity. There are. specimens of the hardier varieties in this country now bearing fruit at the age of 150 to 200 years." Let its memory be perpetuated by a careful preservation of it in future years. Its historic renown well entitles it to the careful attention of the present owners of the ancient field of the Miamies, in whicel it has so long lived, blossomed, and borne its fruit. Let a nent; railing be placed about it as a means to its better protection and care. It was out of this tree that an Indian, during the seige of 1812, was shot by one of the soldiers from the fort, a distatice of many hundred yards. In an exulting spirit, y simplicity, and convenience was wont to be manifest, was quite, as intelligible and serviceable as the present system of civilization in this particular" The rose by mny other name would smnell as sweet". At a late period in their'history, however, the AMiamies, through their intercourse with the French and others, often adopted other names -.as, in the case Of their chiefs, Le G-ris, Richatdville, La i11Ontaine, Godfri, George Hunt, &c.,-the fir'st four being related to families then of distinction in France. t The quiet, persevering, determined nature of the Miami'es was ever a matter of singular interest. If the death of a brother was to be revenged, they proceeded quietly, about the work. Patience, at such a time, was called actively into play; and, if heed be, months might roll away before a blow was struck. As illustrative of this iact, a few years prior to the war of 1812, a man of rather reckless character, and \vho hated the Indian with a rancor only equalled by his unyielding persistence in what he believed or surmnised to be false or irue, reoardless of contradi'etidon or premonition by those best able to give them. mibved to this point, and built himself a hut a few miles from Fort Wayne, near Cedar Creeks From the first, lie is said never to have lost an opportunity to speak his mind as to the " rascally red skins; " and often used very severe language t: R- Parkman. frIn 1754 Gov. Monrris, addressing.( the Pennsylvan'iat Assemblv, said the Frenlch ware, "mnaking a settlement of three hundred faThitie in the eountry of the Twightweas," (Minamies.) It ws'also in this year, that Benjamin?Iranklihi proposed the establishmerit of strong En'glish colonies in the territory north-west of the Ohio, as a means of preventing "the dreaded junction of the i'renlch settleimeint ii;Canad'a ith those of Louisana,"-tlie Doctor pro)osing to plant one'colony in the V'alleyr of the StAioto; to' establish small garrisons at Bu ffal Creek, on the Ohio;'at the mouith'of Tiopga, eouth side of Lake Erie; at IIHoleiokiing; and at or hear the nouth, of the Wabash. He presented also the expedienye of'captin/ing " S'aidhdky a Freneh fort near Lake Erie," and also su.ggested that'" alnl he little Frenelh fortAs oiith and west of the lakes, mqite to the Msississippi, be reinoved oir taken uand gareioioned by the English." Every fort," said he, " skhold bhae a sm,1all Nettleblent aromtnd it; as the fort would'roitect the settleis,'ind the jetltels defenld the fot, Atid suipply it with provisions." T[lhe propositi6nis thus pre'iented b.;y Dr. Frntkli~it were but foreslhadow ings, in part, at leaost, of the results thiat folloved but a fe(w yvear later, when tlhe English beeame MtI; telmporir masters of b.sout e t altl the li'ttle 1trenchl forts south and wet, of the lakes.".rovidenee hfad not thlen enabled tihe Doctor to see the groat fuiture that was before himi vwhen the illnmimriti'rtis of'76 were to begin a new eia in fortifications and free institutions. Ais r7ia. tecl _ y i e c?-b e -tPelmier, e and told the wriiter i)v Mr, Ltrnis Pelt itr, son of lte 3,d A't~-UN TIA1DEN1'2T. express his antipathy towards them. Some time subsequent to hIis settlement, as mentioned, his horse strayed away, and, after a fruitless search, made bold to accuse the Miamies of having stolen the animal, and declared that he would kill some one of the Indians for it. Talking thus loudly on one occasion, in the hearing of the elder Peltier, long a trader among the Indians, in this and adjacent regions, and who knew the Indian character well, Mr. P. very readily told him that he did not believe the Indians had taken his horse, and. that he would advise him not to interfere with them — that lhe would stufle for it if he did. But the man was resolute in his belief and determination, and paid but little attention to the advice of'eltier, and went away. Not logr after this, walking along near the St. Joseph, a short distance above the confluence of the St. Joseph and the St. Mary, with his gun on his shoulder, the stranger suddenly observed an Indian a short distance in advance of him, near the edge of the river, fishing. The season of verdure and sweet-scented flowers had come again-it wai spring-time, " ever merry Ma:y "-and the birds were again singing their sweet and joyiul notes The lost horse had not yet been found, and niow was a good opportunity to " kill an 1Injun," thought the man. Looking carefully about him, in every direction, and seeing no one, he took deliberate aim and fired. The shot proved effectual-the Indian rolled from his position, and expired. Again looking carefully about him, to ascertain, if possible, if any one had witnessed the act, and observing no one, he at once approached the body, placed some stones in the red man's blanket, in order to sink the carcass, then wrapping the blanket about the murdered Indian, hurled the body into the stream, from whence he carefully strode away, gloating within himrself at his seeminge seccess. But, lo onl the opposite side of the stream, concealed by a thick underbrush, lay, unobserved, with eyes glaring upon the entire action of the new-comer, a faithful squaw of the murdered Indian,, who, though giving no warning of the danger that stood so near her companion, fearing lest she too might fall a victim to his work ot death, yet bore testimony to the whole scene, and soon gave warnino to her Indian friends as to what had occurred. All was lquiet-a resolution was quickly formed. " White mian must die," they whispered among themselves. The shade of their murdered brother called for revenge. The conduct of the stranger quickly reached the ears of M.r. P., whot readily surmised the result, and watched the course of events. Time wore away-months passed-the new-comer had found his horse-and all seemed to have been forgotten; when lo! one bright rmorning, in the month of October, the sun's march, the falling leaves of Autumn, and the chill winds, all. giving token of the approach of winlter —the little log-cabin of the stranger was seen to be in ruins, and the inmates gone, no one knew whither, save the friends of the murdered Indian and the Great Spirit of the red man. *The revenge ISTuorY OF FO-I T W rAYNE. w7as complete, and the departed spirit of their murdered brother could now rest in peace. How many similar tragedies may have been enacted in the regions of Ke-li-ong-a during the period of Indian life here, we know not; but doubtless many a tragic event of this kind took place at this point, now kno.wn only in the unwritten pages of the Past. As the head of each family was its chief, so each village had its head chief or sachem; and though the villagers were by no means.'stricted in their individual relations, each fatmily being privileged to exercise its own peculiar ideas of domestic life, &c., independent of the other, if desiring, in every village,-yet, in a general sense, the habits and customs of each village and family were much the came among, not only the Miamies, but most tribes of the northwest. The rule and power of control of a chief, sachem, medicine man, prophet, or indeed any member of a tribe, much as with the present state of civilization in America and other parts of the globe, depended largely upon the amount of eloquence the speaker could bring to bear upon his people-a distinction for bravery, or the strongest will, as often gave the Indian prominence among the tribes as those acquiring and exercising power by hereditary descent; and while, in many respects, the government of the Indian seemed to partake of the Monarchical, it was yet of the Democratic order; for no Muestion of grave importance ever presented itself'for consideratioii, but there was sure to follow an assemblage of the braves in council, w-here no action would be concluded wherein "the people; weire averse." And it was at such times that the eloquent and sternwilled often held sway."* To preserve a record of treaties, was to carefully lay by their wampum belts. In cases of important councils between nations, exchange of gifts and belts was mutual, by which each speaker Las also greatly aided in memory. The holding of a bundle of s1mall Oticks, of a certain number, by the speaker, on such occasions was also common, for each of which, the envoy from one nation to another would recite a message;t and messengers were always selected with l" it is of the Natcllhez Indians that the most wonderful tales of despotism and aristo-,cratic distinctions have been proiuln.ted. Their chiefs, like those of the Hurons. Nwre esteemed descendants of the sun, haL( greater power than could haver been established1 in the colder regions of tle north, where the severities of nature compel the savage to re'ly on himself and be free; yet, as the Natchez, in exterior, resembled the tribes by wlhich they were surrounded, so their customs and institutions were but more marked. developeements of the sam-e characteristics. Everywhere at the north, there was the sane distribution into families, and t.he same order in each separate town. The affairs relating to the whole nation, were transacted in general counci, and with such equality. and such zeal for the common good, that, while any one minght have dissented with impunpity, the voice of the tribe would yet be unanilous in its decision." —.Bancroft's His. U. S., vol. 3, pages 278 and 279. +Referring to the Indians of the north, Bancroft says: Tlheir delight was il assenc bling toether, Ild listeniin to nessengelrs from abt1 d. Seated in a semicircle on t;ih ground in double or triple rows, with the kne(es almoslt mieting tile fase —the pa.iinted and tattooed,chiefs adorned i ith skins and pluniies, with tihe beaks of the red-bird, cor the ela.ws- of the bla, —,a h listlenlr perhll ps with a pile in hlits mnoulthl, and prsmervitn a view is wNell to ability as to the knowledge of the task to be performed. And it is said that "often an orator, without the aid of rank as a chief, by the brilliancy of his eloquence, swayed the minds of a confederacy." Another interesting feature in Indian usage, was the Peace-Pipe. *or Friendly Calumet. The writings concerning the early missionaries, traders, explorers, and military officers, make repeated mention of it; and the beauty and simplicity of the custom mustbe readily seen and admitted. The calumet, to the red man, was always esteemed and reverenced as the most sacred of all their emblematic relations and devices; and no village, in earlier times, when the red man held sway over the -western wilds, was withlout its specially ornamnented calumet, —which was often adorned with the feathers of the bird Qof liberty, the eagle, or other plumage or ornamental devicep and always " consecrated in the general assembly of the nation. Th m3essenger, traversing the wildest regions, on an errandoffriendship,felt always secure,by a presentation of the peacepipe, from all attack from ferocious or unfriendly tribes. The primitive custom of the. messengers of Peace, bearing the calumet, was for the envoys to approach within a given distance of the village, first making a loud noise, then seating themselves upon the ground. Then the villagers, headed by their principal chief, or sachem, bearing the peace-pipe in his hand, all singing the Indian song of peace, went forth to meet them.'Approaching the envoys, the latter rose to greet them, they, too, chanting a hymn, "to put away all wars, and to bury all revenge." At once exchanging pipes, and smokinog freely, peace was terminated, and the messengers were escorted to the villages where it was made known, in loud declamation, that the strangers, were friends; and a great feast of hominy, dog, and bear's meat, was spread out and partaken of in honor of the messengers, As the ancient Twightwee (Mfiami) villages, located within and,bout the present site of Fort Wayne, in the words of their famous chief, Little Turtle, formed "that glorious gate which the Miamis had the happiness to own, and through which all the good words of their chiefs had to pass from the north to the south, and froml the east to the west"' how many such solemn and interesting occasions its that of exchanngi the friendly calumet and entertaining the embassy of a distant tribe with a great feast, may have made the woods and surrounding vales of this locality reverberate with the glad strains of the Indian peace song and jubilant dance of the villagers, none can now tell; yet the strong supposition is that there were many such occasions here. (t ep silence,-they would give solemn attention to the speaker, who, with great action and energy of language, delivered his mesage; and, if his eloquence pleased, tlhey eteemed him as a god. Decorium was never broken; there were never two speakelr struggliing to anticipate each other; they did not express their spleen by blows; they estrained passionate invectivet; the debate was never disturbed by an uproa r; quiec;tions. 6f o:rder-'wel unknown.''- -His. U. S. vol.p3, page 27'9. IliSTOlUY (OF FoIir WAV;iNS. 39 The Indian, thoughl holding life as dear, perlaps, as mo.t mortals, had, yet, withal, a singular disregard for death —a stqical indifference and fortitude that rendered him seemingly unsusceptible of pain; and, as all history relating to the Indians most fully attests, at times, could kill and scalp a savage or civilized foe writh as much ease and zest as if partaking of a pot of hominy, or feasting upon a portion of roast bear. Some fifty years ago, a party of In'dians, as was often their habit at that period, had conaregated about the little trading hut of J. Peltier,-then conspicuous at the foot of the hill, j ust below the ol4 fort,-l-ad becoming somewhat intoxicated, two of the party, of different tribes, became excited about som.e trivial matter, and one of them drew a knife from his belt, and cut the other across the abTdomen so severely as to let his intestines partially out.? Seating himself upon the ground, the wounded Indian soon deliberately drewr his own knife, cut a piece of flesh from the outer part of the stomaclh, and began to eat it. The Indian cutting him, suddenly seeing this, proudly ejaculated Del-ceauaweah! (that's a brave man, or he is a brave man ) i An( to show his compassion for the wounded brave, he at once approach. ed him, and, with a blow from his tomalhawlk, ended the further suffering of the wounded Indiant In the ancient songs of the redl men there was always a vein of disregard or contempt for death; and it was no uncommon thing for the chiefs to declare that " the spirits on high would repeat their names.") Where they wished to' exhibit a spirit of defiance towards an antagonist, it was no unusual thing for the Indian to prepare a red-colored belt, a small bundle of blo ody sticks'"and dispatch themn to the enemy. In early times, the Indians were most feared when they prowled about in small parties, laying in wait, here and there-suddenly bounding upon a small settlement, or waylaying the emigrant. Concealment and surprise constituted their highest sense of warfare.'When least anticipated, they were upon and scalping the early settler. And sad was the havoc many times during the pioneer days of the western frontiersmen, On more than one occasion, as subsequent pages will attest, has the tragedy of an Indian massacre been enacted within the boundaries of the territory of the Miamies. *'Capt. Wells, who resided at this point for many years with the Mianies, while iln Philadelphia with Little Turtle, in 1797, in a conversationr with the distinguished French philosopher iind traveler, Count Volney, referiring to one of the chiefs of tll Miamries, at old Fort Mianmis, here, known as Blue Joeky, said: " This man, (on one occasion) when drunk, met an old enemy, to iwlhoin lie h11d bornte a grudge of twentytwuNo years standing. Blue Jocky seized the opportfunity aind killed him. Next day all the farnily wree ill ar to eve nte marms c to evene te er. c ce t the fort, ad sad t t comllniidin- officer, who repeated thle tale to me,'Let them kill ne. It is but riolht. M1y heart betrayed me, and the liquor robbed me of my w its. But tlley threatenedtl to kill my son, and that was not just. Father, ty to make it ll) fbor me. i will g'ive theti all I have; my two liorsei, m ly trinkets, my tweapon., exce, t oilne set, ant, i' tilat wii inot content theml, I will -meet theml at anty tilel and pi-acet, and. tlhy niy' Iii. Im'." For somec -ears after the nwar of 181'2, it'wasi o u!i cnn o'ir)I thilin, for teml t) ll:';lf otiler htre in their drunken s-pr.i- t,.l,' ou1 o rS. (o ri s ol d. 40 T:INDIAN DI)ANCES Every pe-ple, however barbarous or civilized, ever had their seasons of relaxation and merry-making.'Among the most favorite pastimes of the Miamies, were their dances. In the spring time, as a matter of reverence to the Great Spirit (Much-a-te-Auceke),'. the man. with the black robe; the good man or preacher," —asking him o aid in the production or growth of a bountiful crop, they had the corn-planting dance. A great deal of importance was attached to this dance, which was conducted with an air of marked solemnity and earnestness,-all the villagers partaking in it., It, was a time-honored custom with the Miamies and most tribes of the West, that when a member of a family died, a meeting of the fam;ily and immediate villagers would take place at a certain time, subsequent to the death of the person, with a view to replacing the deceased, which was done by means of a game of chance, there being often a number of candidates for the place. The lucky one at once fell heir to all the effects of the deceased, After which they all joined in a merry dance, called the Reptlacement Dance. The Beggar Dance'was also frequent here; but was seldom if ever indulged in by the Miamies. The Pottawattamies,t who were frequently here, with perhaps a few others of the Shawanoe, WVyan dot, or Kickapoo nations, were the only ones who commonly indulged in this dance. The object of the beggar dance was to obtain presents, or indeed. anything the stranger, trader, or settler might feel disposed to give them; and, with no covering on their bodies, but a part of a deer or other skin about their waists, the rest of the body and face painted with some bright colors, with perhaps some gay ornament or feathers, about their heads, often several in number, would pass from agency to agency, in front of whose doors they would go through the liveliest movements of dancing, singing, &c., which, to the spectators, was often very amusing, and who seldom failed to give the rude dancers some tobacco, a loaf or two of bread, some whiskey, or other article that would be pleasing to them. The Indians of the Northwest had many social pastimes, and their complimentary dances were probably frequent. The " medicine-dance" was one of some rarity, which usually took place only out of respect or courtesy to the medicine-men. In the complimentary dance, it was a custom to obtain permission of the party to'"be complimented to dance for him." This granted, preparations were made by painting the face elaborately, and marking the body, which was usually bare about the chest and shoulders. In addition to this, a profusion of ornaments, in the form of feathers, &c., were added to the hair; and most " happy was he, who, in virtue of having taken one or more scalps, was entitled to proclaim it by a corresponding number of eagle's feathers. The less obrtunate made a substitute of the feathers of the wild turkey," or other game. For which ipurose too, the fowls oftthe pioneers were often closely" plucked.", Jo)n P T'. [T,-fc;. c't;. T,:'l'3 Pptl;tava-tt;anlis liired a few mile3 norubh ol Fv. Wri.y'i,. iIS'TO'IY O0' FolT WTAYNE. -1I The prepar;ations for the complimentary dance being ready, the danicers congregated at some point selected, " and then marched to the spot in view for the dance, attended by the dull, coarse sound of the Indian drum and shee-shee-qua, or rattle. Arranging themselves in a circle, they would dance with violent contortions and jesticulations, some of them graceful, others only energetical, the squaws, who usually stood a little apart, and mingled their discordant voices with the music of the instruments, rarely participating in the dance. Occasionally, however, when excited by the general gaiety, a few of them would form a circle outside and perform a sort of ungraceful up-and-down movement, which possessed no merit, save the perfect time which was kept, and for which the Indians seemed, without exception, to have possessed a natural ear. The dance finished, which was often only when the strength of the dancers was quite exhausted, a quantity of presents were brought and placed in the middle of the circle, by request of the party compilimented. An equitable distribution of the gifts having taken place, and the object of the gathering terminated, all withdrew:."': The medicine-dance was mainly to celebrate the power and skill of the MVedicine Man in thej cure of disease, and as a means of respect to him as a supposed interpreter of the will and desires of the Great Spirit, as related to the direction of his people. Says Mrs, J. H. Kinzie, in her interesting narration of experiences and observations among the Indians of the North-West, during the early part of the present century, " a person was selected to join the fraternity of the'Medicine Man' by those initiated, chiefly on account of some skill or sagacity that had been observed in him.l Sometimes it happened that a person who had had a severe illness which had yielded to the prescriptions of one of the members, was considered a proper object of choice from a sort of claim thus established. When he was about to be initiated, a great feast was made, of course at the expense of the candidate, for in the most simple, as in the most civilized life, the same principle of politics held good, and' honors were to be paid for.' An animal was killed pnd dressed, of which the people at large partook-there were dances and songs and speeches in abundance. Then the chief Medicine Man took the candidate and privately began to instruct him in all the ceremonies and knowledge necessary to make him an accomplished member of the fraternity. Sometimes the new' member selected was yet a child. In that case, he was taken by the Medicine Man so soon as he reached the proper age, and qualified by instruction and example to become a creditable member of the fraternity. "Each Aledicine Man usually had a bag or some receptacle in' The medicine,man "occasionally made offerings and sacrifices which weren regarded as proI)itiato'y. H' X le was also a' prophet,' in so far as he w\as, in a limited degree, an instrvctor, but did not claim to possess the power of foretelling t'utnre events." —"Wa —Bun, the' Early Day' in the North-West,"-pages 360, 361, and.:3ui'. -4t2.THE 1: Iu.NT i."G,' 1, A SSO Ni, whichb was supposed to be enclosed some animal to whom in the course of their pow-wows, he addressed himself, crying to him in the note common to his imagined species, and the people seem all to have been persuaded that the answers which were announced were really communications in this form, from the Great Spirit.' The Indians appear," continues Mrs. Kenzie, " to have no idea of a retribution beyond this life. They have a strong appreciation of the great fundamental virtues of natural religion-the worship of the Great Spirit, brotherly love, parental affectiQn, honesty, temper:ance, and chastity. Any infringement of the laws of the Great Spirit, by a departure from these virtues, they believe will excite his ang1er and draw down punishment. These are their principles. That their practice evinces more and more," says shle, a departure from them, under the debasing influences of a proximity to the whites, is a melancholy truth, which no one will admit with so much sorrow as those who lived among them, and esteemed them a quarter of a century ago, before this signal change had taken placet" There were many dances, however, among the Miamies, {,s well as many periods of the year in which they indulged in sucli festivities, throughout their villages. Evening, and often through the greater part of the night, during the milder seasons, was the usual time for such enjoyment. Their music consisted, usually, of a deer skin entirely free of hair, wlhich they stretched in some way, similar to our common drum-headc and upon which their " music man " would keep time and hum an air adapted to the Indian's style of ~3ancingl. It was very common on such occasions to have a large pot of hominy cookirlg over a moderate fire, to which the dancerl would occasionally repair and partake, all from the same spoon or wooden ladel, But the red man was never entirely fixed or permanent in his location. Huinting and fishing occupied a very large share of his time. The summer months especially, were much devoted to fish, ing. Thie furry animnals and the deer, from which he expected each season to realize a moderate income, with which to procure ammu-:lition, blankets, &c., for another season, were never disturbed by the Indialn until the period arrived for their furs and hides to be fully matured for the market. Then the Indians and their familes (excepting there were some who, from age or infirmity, were unable to go,) left their villages, and so!ught new homrles in the woods, or near some large prairie, where the deer, the ottar, the raccoon, &c., were most abundant. And their return, to renew their old homes, was only hailed by the springing of the early grass, or the joyful song of some sweet bird of pa ssage that had again, at the first tokens of Spring, ventlured a return to the Northwtest. And this was life among the Miamies here, to a late period of their history, This was life in the primitive wilds of the great Northwest a hundred and fifty years or more ago. lWhat a civilization ma.,y be ours one hundred and fifty years hence CIHAPTEI2. IV,'The junqtioll of these rivers (the St. Miary and the St. Joseph)l, may even olaimn a page il the annllls of tlhat monentous contest between French and lEnglisl eivilization —between Romanism and Protestantism —which was waged with alternating success, and with short intervals of repose, for more than a hundred years, terminating, soon after the fall of Quebec, in the establishment of Anglo-Saxon supremaey by the treaty of 1763."-Extract from a lecture of J. L. Williams, Esq., delivered in Fort WAayne, March 7, 1860. Death of La Salle-A. line of stockade forts contemplated anid established by the French-Progress of events following this novement of the French —Movements of the English-rThe French becolme arolsed —Feuds of the Old World rekindled irn the New-The French and the Int-lans-Washington sent as a Messenger —War — Braddock's )efeat-Activity of the Contending Armies —Wolfe's Advance upon Q.uebee —Final triumph of the English Army onl the Plains of Abraham —A iew EInra dawned upon the New World. -0 —-- (C. IXTEEN hundred and eighty-two had passed. The shouts iiof' vive le roi," by La Salle and his voyagerrs, near the r2, mouth aio the great Father of Waters had long since died awsray s on the still air, and La Salle himself fallen a victim, on the D shores of Texas, to the treachery of bis followers. I699 came, Lemoine d'Iberville had planted a little colony on the newly-possessed territory of Lotisiane. And again years sped awvay. The little settlement upon the newly acquired dominion of the South grew and prospered amid the spontaneous growths of nature everywhere about it; and the French Government had befgun seriously to contemplate the union of her Northern and Southern extremities by the arrangement and establishment of a continuous line of stockade forts and settlements through the interminable forests and prairies, along the shores of beautiful rivers, by the margin of dreary lakes, lowly vales, and towering cliffs-from the river St. Lawrence to the dark blue waters of the Gulf of Mexico. The middle of the 18th century came, and the great enterprise was rapidly hastening toward a complete consunmation. A fort on the strait of Niagara stood in full view of, and guarded tihe entrance to, the vast interior extending towards the great Southwest. A second sprang' up at IDetroit, overlooking and controllingp the route from Lake Erie to the North. A third soon stood defiantly borth at St. 44 Plu-)OGulSS OFF FIRIENTCH SU ETTLEMENTS. Mary's, guardinog with jealous eye all access to Lake Superior. A. fourth was completed at lichillimackinac, which stood guard to the mouth of Lake Miclhigan. Soon a fifth appeared at Green Bay, and a sixth at St. Joseph, guardingl the routes to the great Father of Waters, via the Wisconsin and Illinois rivers; and two more, — rmaking eight-one, Fort Miamies, near tlte confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mary's rivers, (in view of the present site of Fort Wavne,),the pther, Fort Ouiatenon, on the WTabash, below Lafayette, Small settlements of French soon sprang up at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and at other points, some in the territory of the Illinois Indians, along the Illinois river, while, here and there along the banks of the Mississippi, were to be seen, amid the thick jungle, long peculiar to this broad and beautiful river, an occasional stockade fort; while, upon reaching the present site of the city of Natchez, on the Mississippi, they were met by their kinsmen of Louisiana, extending their settlements to meet the voyaygeurs roiom the shores of Canada. France was now a power in the great Northwest. Her military strength was seemingly complete. The great forest was hers. She amalgamated with the wild tribes of the land wherever she went, and thus became a part of the great family of natives at every point. This alliance grew into a warm attachment, and the Indians knew the king of the French as their Gre at Fater, and long looked up to him, through his subjects on this side of the great waters, as a protector and aid in time of need. From the French they early obtained guns, powder, and balls, and from them soon learned their use in hunting, whereby the French obtained vast quantities of valuable furs at such prices as they were pleased to dictate. Tihe missionaries pursued their labors, and at every post were to be met with their crosses and symbols; many of them, in accordance witl. their peculiar school and ideas of religious zeal, were ready to suffer martyrdom, if need be, even at the hand of the savage. Time wore on. The French settlements and forts htad succeeded but lpo:orly. They had sadly neglected agricultural pursuits. Speculation had warped and twisted their better natures, and their former sense of civilization had now become so strongly interwoven with those of the habits and customs of the red man, that they had well-nigh lost that higher feelingc of mental and physical growth upon which the white race had so long prided itself and sought to attain. And as they were often wanting in sobriety and civic continuity, so tile French Government at that period, because of its ambitious tendency and ardent desire for dominion and conquest, with other causes of a no less deleterious character about the French court, was but feebly prepared to render the necessary aid or give that impetus to her colonial settlements in America tlhat would have secured at least a moderate expression of prolonged and energetic civil culture. 17548 atlength cume, aind France was still secure in her posses-:Sce Smliith's History of Canada, I. 3Jd. iIISTOrY OIF FouTr I,'VAYE, 4 5 sions in the iew World. HIer line of stockade forts were still maintained. A new scheme had arisen in the mind of the somewhat acute Count Galissonniere* of bringing over to the NeW World ten thousand French peasants to be bettled upon the regidns bordering the Ohio, which, at that time, the French government was proposing to embrace within her already extensive domain. Many of these peasants were also to inhabit the lake borders. While thus passing their time in the castle of St. Louis, at Quebec,-civilians'; soldiers, and men of State,-the English lion had been quietly looking about in search of prey, and now began to move cautiously along the beautiful valley of the Mohlawk, and, soon issuing froml the lowlands, he was heard to roar along the eastern slopes of the Alleghany Mountains. His march was still westward, and gradually onward he moved, until at length, he saw beyond, in the distance, where here and there an open spot was visible, small moving objects, and the smoke of the Canadian hut continued for a time to curl peacefully away amid the surrounding forest and over the broad blue face of the great lakes of their domninion. Forests fell before the westward march of the English settlements; " and while, on one side of the Alleghanies, Celeron de Bienville was burying plates of lead, engraved with the arms of France,;7 says Parkman, "the ploughs and axes of Virginia woodsmen were enforcing a surer title on the other.". The right of possession was soon to be tested. The two powers of the day were destined, ere many moons, to measure swords and struggle fcr supremacy on the new Continent. The peculiar intimacy of the French with the Indians had longgiven them a strength of no mean consideration. The opposite was true of the English; and often, instead of drawingo the Indians about them in a spirit of amity and friendship, by making them many little presents of trinkets, &c., as did the French then and long before, the phlegmatic nature of the Englishman drove him sullenly away. The Jesuit missionaries, too, still exerted a wide influence, in their peculiar way, over the western tribes. The English had no missionaries. They were simply agriculturalistsdesired to till the soil and pursue a moderate, though sure system of commerce. The Firench were principally fur traders, and their government had long been actuated by, and inflated with, a spirit of conquest and dominion. The one was heretic to the other-had long been so; and the bitter feuds of the Old World were now about to take form and action upon the soil of the New. England was stern and resolute. The " Church of England " was the Englishman's church, and his God was not the God of his rival. The " Church of Rome" was the church of the Frenchman of the day; and his God Was not the God of the Englishman. The contest was destined to be a bitter one, and the vantage ground seemed all on the side ofthe French. Time wore heavily on. 1749 came. The English had begun to make some inroads upon the French domin-.seo t Higstor y o f, Ca na n., T, 2, 14. 4 LADIn'G EVEisNTS N rTI-IE FEiSiENC AND Ib IAN WikLB~ ions as traders; and it was in this year that La Jonquihere, then governor of Canada, made the discovery that, a number of Englishl traders had coie to Sandusky,* and "' were exerting a bad influence upon the Indians of that quarter." The Canadian Governor, says the account, " caused four of the intruders to be seized near the Ohio and sent prisoners to Canada." Events were now surely and successively " casting their shadows." The English, at that, period being much disaffected and broken in their govermental relations, to awaken at Newv TYrk. Philadelphia, Virginia, and other points, a policy that would attract the attention df, and draw the Indians to them, seemed most difficult indeed. Even the powerful Iroquois or Five Nations, then dwelling, for the most part, in the Province of Newt York, ald who, from an ill-will unthoughtedly engendered by Champlain,.in May 1609, in uniting, at Quebec, with a party of Algonqiuin i andsians against them, cau3ing their defeat and utter rout near the ricky promontory ofTiconderoga, and who, therefore, durinog many years Mubsequent; were a great source of trouble to the French settlements in Canada, well nigh, at times, desolating the homes and fields of her interior provinces-even this formidable tribe, the English failed to win over to their cause. And " the cold and haughty bearing of the English officials," together with often depriving them, by unfair means, of their annual presents from England; the habit of arranging negotiations with them through a class of rum dealers, persons looked upon with but little regard by this powerful tribe; with other causes of complaint arising' from neglect,t &c., are said to have quite disgusted " the proud.'chiefs" of the Iroquois..: It is true, these causes and disquietudes did not wholly apply to all parts of the English Provinces..The Friends, and some other souls, were exceptions, mainly in a philanthropic sense; but these bodies were usually small in iumbbers, and often ineffectual in their efforts. No such condition of affairs was anywhere visible among -T*His of lanada, I., 214.'ilMassachusetts Historical Collection, 1st series, VII, G7.:+lAlonob the MSS. papers of the famous Sir W. Johnson, to the Board of Trade: ijondon, dated May 24, ancd Nov. 13, 176i3, was the following:' We find the Indi-:ms, as far ba`ck as the very Confused mahuscript records in my possession, repeatedly iubraiding their province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assistirg themn at a time when it was certainly in their pot-er to destroy the infant colony of Cianada, althoiugh supported by many nations; and tliis is likewise confessed by the x ritings of the mna ngers of these times." "I apprehend tlha.t it will clearly appear to yon, thatt the colonies had, all alongi neglected to uVltivate a proper understaniding with th1e Icndins, and from a mistakeni hot;ion hinave greatly despised theml. withoilt consideiing that it is in theii' power to lay wast e and delstroy the frontieis. This opinion arofe frbm our confidence in our scatt;ered numbers, and the lparsimony ofur people, who, from an error in politics, would ihot expend live pounds to save twenty." Sir William was a wise manager of Indian affairs, and ftlom lone and clbse intimacy with many of the tribes of the North-East, at an early period, became remarkable for his knmnledge of Indian character and the strong inflrience he exerted over them. His headquarters, known as Johnson's Hall, Were long at Oswegeo, N. Y., where great numbers of Indians were more or less always atbout him, and \rWhither varictis tribes, through their chiefs and sachems, often repaired to hold their council fires and treaties. And the Indians ever knew him as their great fathler. Throuh}l his agency the Iroquois, in after years, became firm friends of t-he ] i. iIsr.TOrY OF Fourr WAYr, 47 the French of the time. Their relations and developemenlts were -tvidely different, So diligoent and careful Were they in their atteni tions to the chiefs and others of the different tribes, that often oi the approach of such to their forts, the loud roll of the drum or booming of cannon would announce their coming; and this attention was most pleasing to the red man, and made him to feel that he was not only a.ower in the land, but welcome. At the tables of the French officers " they were regoaled" and often bribed with medals anddecorations,-scarlet uniforms, and French flags. I'ar wiser than their rivals, the French never ruffled the self-complacent di'c nity df their guests; never insulted their religious notions; nor ridiculed their'ancient customs. Tiher met the savage half wa, and ihoxWed an abundant readiness to " mould their own features after his likeness.Y*, And it is noted that "'Count Frontenac himself, plulmed and painted like an Indian chlief, danced the war-dance and yelled the war-song at the camp-lirps of his delightebd allies." Such were the t eculiarities of the French —such their wisdom and sense of harmony in so lar as related to the wild'tborigines of the ne)W continent at that early period. As little by little, the delicious fidit ripens, the flowers bud and blossom, or the tiny acorn expands into the mig'hty oak of tlie forest, so event followred eteunti a.. the leaves of Autumn whirl uponp the passing breeze, and at lenglth disrobe the thick forest. The movements and apprehienaions of the French steadily became more and more apparent to the English. Soon a French Priest, of the name, of Piquet, made bold, in the midst of his opposers, to open a mission at the site of Ogdensburg, on the Sti Lawrence,t mainly with a vi.ew to win the ifiendship of the Iroquois, in which he was highly successful, having at one time gained the heart and attention of a ver.y larce body of that famous confederacy, whichl gave the English great unelasiness.' But Sir William J'orlson soon began to exert a remarkable influence over the various tribes andl at length succeeded in ganinng the attention of tlie Iroquois; and not only did this tribe become friendly, to ma considerable degree, towards the English, but the Delawarres and the Micamies, dwellinga,longr the Ohio, conme to regzard thenm ith mu1h favor; while tlh'mass of the other triber' lying to the Nortl W t, estand outh, stood. itady at the bidding do their French fathler. iMatters now began to assume a formidable attitude The elnmity of the rival colonies grew intense. Th'1hr lhatred had assumed a.double aspect of religious and. national antipathyo IFrmerly thd Indians had been the instruments of Frencl aggressions upon tho English settlements, ancd "' ith theml," says Parkman a" the very nal me of Canada called up horrible recollections and ghastlv images| the midnight massacre of Schenectady, and the desolation of many Accounty of Adair, Post,'s Journals, Oroghan's Journal, and MSS. of Sixr Wmi. Johnson, and others. J }Iistory of New' Yorlk, L., 423. CO3GMMENCE3ME:NT OF TIE FIrINCIT AND INI)DIAN WVrAR. a New England Hamlet." A French fort had been erected at'Crown Point, upon English territory.,The treaty of Utretcht and confirmation of same at Aix la Chapelle, had made English ground of Acadia; but a doubt as to the limits of the province soon sprang up, and appointed commissioners, from both sides, failing to agree, belligerant attitudes between the soldiery of the two nations, soon became manifest on Acadian soil. Gist, surveyor, of the "Ohio Company," which had been organizedin 1748, with a view to the formation of settlements west of the Alleghanies; had made his way to the falls of the Ohio. The Indians were staRtled. The French soon snufbed the discontented air of the red man, and before the surveyor and his party had scarcely begun their operations, the French confronted thern and the work ceased. 1753 came. The season of verdure had approached. The birds of the forest were already warbling their sweet notes of welcome to the spring. The French had made their way across Lake Erie, and Presque'Isle had already become a fortification. From Presque'Isle they strode rapidly towards the Ohio. The news soon found its way among the middle provinces, and Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, began at once to look calmly about him to select an efficient envoy to bear a message to the invaders, ordering their immediate evacuation of the soil. GEORGE WASHINGTON, then in his twenty-first year, was the one selected. Months had gone by. Spring had passed. Another summer had ended-Autumn had left bear the trees, and the cold bleak of winter had come again. The winds moaned through the forest; and the fourth of December, 1753, saw Washington j ourneying along the banks of the Alleghany. Soon he reached the Indian village of Venango, at the mouth of French Creek. The advanced post of the French was there. The English trader, formerly at that point had departed, and the French flag was flying over his cabin. The French gave the young messenger a fair reception and hearing, and bade him see the commanding officer at Le Boeuf, still above Venango, on French Creek, whither Washington started and soon arrived. Upon communicating with Legardeur de St. Pierre, the commanding officer, le was told by the latter that he would send the message to the Governor-General of Canada; that his orders were to hold possession of the country; and that he would do it " to the best of his ability." WVashington returned. The ultimatum had been revealed, and, at the opening of another spring, a large body of the backwoodsmen of Virginia had formed themselves into a company under Trent, as Captain. Soon crossing the Alleghanies, and descending to the point where now flourishes the city of Pittsburg, Pa., they began the erection of a fort. Le Bciuf and Venango soon got scent of it, and, sweeping down with a large body of French and Indians, the fort of the backwoodsmen was soon evacuated. Then followed young Washington at the head of a second party. Iteaching the Monongahela, he threw up a temporary fortification, and one dark, stormy nilht, M. Jumonville, with a French scouting party, Vwas sud 1-fISTORY O FFORT WAYNE. 49'denly surpfrisec and all taken prisoners by Washington and his backwoodsmen. S6on evacuating this point, he made another halt at the Great Meadows, where, behind some former entrenchments, lie was soon assailed by nearly a thousand French and Indians, Whom they fought niost valiantly, until the French beat a truceparley, and presented terms of capitulation; and Washington and his men being free to move, soon began to recioss the mountains. The Indians now began to wonder at these movements upon their soil-two foreign parties struggling for a territory that belonged to leither, had aroused their attention, and the red men soon -began to see that. as one of their sagacious chiefs suggested, a few years later, the French and English were very much "like the two edges Of a pair of shears," and that they, (the Indians) were "the cloth Which was being cut to pieces between them." The war dog now began to howl fiercer than ever. 1755 found the courts of London and Yersailes still miaintaining diplomatic relations, and while yet persisting in a desire for a peaceful adjustnient of affairs, they were both arranging f6r a conflict of arms in the New World. Braddock, with a considerable English fleet, soon sailed frio the harbor of Cork, in Ireland; and, a little later, a French fleet put to sea from Brest, under command of Baron Dieskau. While the English fleet came safely over, and landed her troops as designed, the French Were less fortunate, and lost two of their vessels by drifting, in a fog' too Hear the guns of a strong British fort, near the banks of Newfounidland, who took the vessels, after a short contest, and made prisoners of the crew. The British now ordered a general attack upon the French marine, and before the end of this year, had captured three hundred French vessels and some ei:ght thousand of her sailors. The French were discomfited, but not beaten. Braddock became commanider-in-chief of the English forces in America. Negatiation's were soon broken off between the two great poweirs, before which, however, tihe English ministry hdl hit upon a plan by which they proposed to strike a simultaneous and general blow against the:French on the new continent, and thus, if possible, to sweep them froni the landc at once, as it were. The plan of attack was to move upon Acadia, Crown Point Niagar'a, and Iort D)u Quesne, (Pittsbnurg) —Braddock, with his troop's from the Old World, aided by two regiments of provincials, to secure the latter point. But he was a new comer ill the land and knew but little of the perils and difficulties to be encountered. He ewas not "' the right man in the right place " for such a field of actiof at such a time, in so far, at least,;as ultimate success was concerned. Having explained, however, to tlle sev-e;al governors of the Provinces his intentions, he began, in a astern., Eastel'e anid'igi d manner, the adjustment of his plans;'which being c;'onsummlated, he took up his line of nmarch towvard thle borl'es'of V.i.rginia, and soon encamped at Fort Ciumberland. Weeeks "pass'ed iwav in preparation,. Tlhe Ibac kwoodmnme: kne(w how to (0) 50 BRIADDOcOcKS i\ARCIO- UPON IORT UD QCuEszxrE. sling an axe, but were little acquainted with the close drilling and sterner discipline of the Braddock school. He was often out of humor Wvith them-abused his contractors, for obtaining bad horgseg and said hard things of the country and its people generally. But the hour of march at length came. June, 1755, saw the army of Braddock on the move, with an immense baggage, for Fort Da Quesne, —the axemen felling the trees, and opening the way for the advancing forces. "Large bodies move slowly." The opening was rough, and all was tedious. Nearly a month had passed, and on the eighth of Julyi an advance body of some twelve hundred. men, with the less cumbersome baggage and artillery, stood upon the bank of the Monongahela, about fifteen miles from Fort 1D) Quesne. A rocky barrier, and somewhat uneven ground, prevented a direct passage to the fort, and an order from the general to cross the river with a view to finding a better path, and then to recross it again a few miles still lower down, was readily entered uponD and the army soon made the first crossing, and rapidly filed along the shore, all aglow with joy at the prospect of a speedy arrival at the fort. Du Quesne was already in the hands of the French. Bands of Indians and French scouts had spied the approach of Braddock. The fort was all alive with preparation. Retreat was the first thought of Contrecceur, its commander. But Beaujeu, his captain, said g~hJt. His suggestion was listened to and accepted; he at once pro-. posed to lead a band of Indians and French to waylay and intercept the farther'march of Braddock. The camps of the fierce Caughnawages, Ottawas, Abenakis, Ojibwas, and Hurons, were near and soon reached by Beaujeu, who assembled the warriors, and at once threw the hatchet on the ground before them.* All was hesitancy. Again he appealed to them, and still they were silent. At length he approached them with a stern resolution. " I am determined to (go," he shouted. "What," continued Beaujeu, "will you suffer your father to go alone? I am sure we shall conquer." He succeeded, and, on the miorning of the ninth of July, word having reached them that the English were near, the chiefs collected their braves; all painted their faces, greased themselves, whooped, danced, and " hung feathers in their scalp. locks." All was heroism and determination with them. Great qulantities of gun-powder and bullets were given them, atid, with some two hundred and fifty French soldiers, to bring up the rear, the savages, band after band, glided wildly away to the forest, A few miles brought them to, a thick clump of woods, near a path leading to the river', which was close by- and where two ravines formed a most remarkable ambuscade, sufficient in extent to containrL and conceal " t leist te t t /en thou.8and men;7 "and the savages, with Beaujeu and h. m.en, were here soon concealed, with guns all ready for actionl. T'll- drtins of the advIeincing army were beat-;[ng. It; was nmidsumrmeir. All Was bright and beautiful. The sun.Whieih., if Nackwi eu> e F the I.I WndIm, mrcnma that t{y wrtmid,4,iu i tm fi(.^. HISTORY O-i FORT WAY-NE. shone forth in all his splendor, and the wild flowers spangled the.orest at every side, freighting the undulating currents with delicious odor. On came the armyofBraddock. The fated spot was at hand. The army filed aloig the little road leading to the river, and began to re-cross. A.ll over, they indifferently continued their march, with no scouts in front or at the side to give token of danger. Soon the ~avine was neared. Upon every side there seemed a carrier of some kind-thick trees, close underbrush, high grass~ and heavy fallen timber-and their progress was tlow, while a rapid retreat, with such an army, would have been utterly impossible. Lo! a sudden whoop from the savages, a volley of musketry froh behind the ambuscade of the enemy, soon told the sad story. No one had seen the peril. The English grenadiers were confounded, and many fell. The survivors returned the charge. The resolute Beaujeu was killed, and the Indians wavered, but his second, Diimas, rallied them to the charge, and in the front the Canadians and French poured a heavy volley, while the Indians did a similai execution on the right. and left. The whole body of the army soon felt the charge; dismay and disorder took possession of the soldiery. The advancing columns fell back upon the main body. The enemy was everywhere wholly or partially concealed. Few were to be se'eh. Yell upon yell resounded at'very side. Every tree-'every log —served as a place of concealment- and every shot told its own sad tale. The grenadiers had never seen or heard the like before. Hfddling together in crowds, each seemed struggling to form a shield and barrier of the other. Their muskets were as oftea fired in the air as towards the enemy; and many fell at the hands of their own comrades. The officers were generally brave and active. Braddock, though seemingly fearful in the onset, had five horses shot under him. The Virginians, like the Indians, at length took to the trees. Braddock rallied them into the ranks again, and the enemy mowed them down with. terrible effect; and soon Braddock himself fell, and was borne from the field. Washington was there, as if taking his first great lesson in. warfare. I-Ie rode heroically through the ranks. Two horses were killed under him, and four bullets pierced his clothes, says the account;*^ but he came )ff unhurt. Gates and Gage were there, The former was shot through the body —the latter, badly wounded. Out of eighty-six officersj but twventy-th-ree escaped injury, Of the twelve hundred who crossed the Monongahela., seven hundred were cut down and wounded. The Virginians suifered muuct, Their bravery was great. The grenadiers quailed. The open fields of the Old Worldkwere notithere. Tie work of death continued three hours. There was no relief but retreatt and the remaining body precipitately turned back and crossed the:lQonongahela; The enemy pursued only to the river-. Tliie:iout was complete, and the field left to tlhe enemy to plunder and cal.p. acSre SpaRlk'i s ijfe o)f Watf ig'tmTn, I. (;7 52 MO VEMENTS AGAIHS5T ACADIA, NIAGARA, ETC. Braddock's defeat, and the fording-place became memorablP. The rout continued to Philadelphia. Meeting the rear division of Dunbar, the panic communicated to the balance of the divisions and cannon, baggage, wagons, &c., were destroyed, and left behind; The frontier settlements were passed and left to the ravages of thb savage men, Who, soon after, waged a destructive war upori them. The expedition ag'ainst Acadia resulted in the speedy reduction of that point; but three thousand inhabitant' thereof, stoutly refluing to subscribe to the English oath of allegiance, were speedcily placed upon vessels and shipped to British dominions. The movemefit against Niagara failed entirely-the forces being unable even to reach the falls. The one against Crown Point, in part, at first, much like Braddock; were surprised by the enemy, — French and Indians,-in a thick, woody ambuscade, and badly cut up; but afterwards rallied with superior force, and the victory on the beautiful borders of Lake George, under Sir William Johnson, was considered tolerably complete and decisive. Five wearisome years thus passed away-Indians', English, and French waging a ceaseless warfare upon and destroying each other, in surprising, cannonading, and also attacks upon defenseless settle~ ments by the savages. Creat suffering necessarily awakened;trono~ efoirts and energy on the part of both the French and the English. In 175S, from Cape Breton and Nova Scotia, exthnding to the Ohio river, and along the bordering regions of Lake George, the war between the rival claimants became rife again. Lord' Abercromrbic was in command of the English forces of America, withI some fifty thousand men under him; and with lMontcalm, who had, about two years'before, with a, superior force of French and Indians,,achieved many important victories in the capture and destruction of Oswego, the reduction and capture' of Fort Williarm Henry-the aspect of affairs began to assume ancother and different shaspe. The English now began to regoain lost ground and. to capture other im)portant points. The formidable fortress of Louisburg was taken Fort DuQuesne, (Pittsburg-lost by Braddock)-soon fell into English hanus. Bradstreet soon struck a favorable blow, and captured. Fort Frontenmac. ]Lord Abercrormbie, with a force of some sixty thousand men, advanced upon Ticonderoga.(, and thouch the many brave HioghlnUiders under him were badly cut up-though a retreat became necessary, friom the great disadvantacge of the attack,-yet the English inever lost heart, but pushed forward with renewed vigor. Canada was to be reduced and taken. A new plan of ass alin: the provincec, fromn thlree sides, founid; l!odement in the British mnind (iGeneral P rideaux was to mnove upon Nig'ara fr-om the west; Ti.conderoga and (rovtwn Point were to be reduced or captured from the south bv GeneraVl Amherst; rwhile theebrav' Wolfe, fiom the east, wa~s to move upon Quea) e. Geeral P:ide:'i olth:firs:, te h1avin 1s1iTOuY OF 1OK1 o rAYNE 5 been. kilecl by the bursting of a cohorn, the conmmand and capture 1f Niagara fell upon Sir Willam Johnson. The loss of Niagara was equal to the loss of the Province, and the French began to exhibit strenuous efforts to save the fort and beat back the enemy. The French and Indian forces then holding Detroit, PresquelIsle,Venarlgo a:.nd Le Bceuf, were speedily ordered to the rescue of Niagara. Sir William'radvanced upon the enemy. They soon fled, and for live miles Sir William pursued the retreating forces. The success of Niagara was complete. Amherst's advancement upon Ticonderoga was the signal for its destruction, atnd the French blew it up, passing dovwn Lake Champlain to Crown Point, whither they soon retreated, and concentrated their forces upon Isle Aux Noix. Preparing formidable breast-works here, they determined to brave the worst, and put a stop, if possible, to the further invasion of the enemy. But winter came, and the armies ceased hostilities for a season. The rigid winter months soon passed.-M-ay had glided into June, and Wole, with a -n arny of eight thousand men, was sailing up the St. Lawrence. Soon forming an encampment upon the Island of Orleans, Quebec, with her" c hurches and convents of stone; its ramparts, bastions, and batteries "-high cliffs, and the noted castle of St. Louis, all in full view, —he began to survey the field of operations. Still beyond the rocky promontory which formed the base-work of the boasted city, presenting a continuous line of intrenchments and batteries for some distance along the St. Lawrence, his right resting on Quebec and the river St. Charles, lay the army of Montcalm, fourteen thousand strong. Every aspect of nature seemed to have conspired against the operations of Wolfe. A thick forest shielded Montcalm in the rear; opposite stood the towering promontory of Point Levi, and to hi, left appeared the cascade and gulf of Montmorenci. The task befolre Wolfe was herculean. "I have this day (Dec. 1, 1758,) signifiic to Mlr. Pitt," wrote Wolfe to'Wini Rickson, "that he may dispose qfmy slight'carcass as he pleases, and tliat I amn ready for any undertaking within the reach and compass, of my skill and cunning. I amn in a very bad condition, both w ith gravel and rheumnatism: but I ladc much rather die than decline any kind of service that offers; if I followed my own taste, it would leiad me into Germany and if my poor talent was consulted, they should place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, and a lW~armth of temper to follow the first impressions. HoIoever, it is not our part to choose, but to obey." The meridian of the 31st of July, 1759, had passed. Wolfe had. determined to move upon Montcalm's fiont, and was soon embarked with a strong force, Heavy cannonading from his vessels, soon ena bled him to oiain a landing" just above the mouth of the MontnIorenci." The armbition of the grenadiers and Royal Aimericans " o'er leapedl itself." Eager for the victory, they spranll ulpon the shore. Ill ly direct;ed and without ordersi, with loIud shouLs -th!ey ruslled o ve r ihe llaii 1- WOLPTFE,:OE- QUI(EBEC and began, in the face of a terrible fire of the enemy, to clamnber up the ramparts of the French. Hundreds of their slain soon covered the slopes. A moment of comparative stillness soon elapsed. The great volleys of smoke arising from the heavy cannonading had been effectual in attracting thick clouds over the scene of action, and a pelting rain put a stop to the bloody contest. Night set in, A retreat was ordered. The surviving forces regained their vessels, and, as they moved away, the loud vive Ie oroi from the ramparts, and the wild whoops of the Indians, as they descended the heights to tomahawk andt scalp the wounded, and plunder the the dead, all told how complete they esteemed the victory. Wolfe was sad. " More than four hulndred of the flower of his army had fallen a useless sacrifice. The vital powers of his rather slender frame had been greatly overcome, and a burning and protracted fever confined him for a period of several days to his bed; and here it was, while suffering under the weight of a painful fever, that his soul seemed to rise above the surrounding obstacles of success, and enabled him to conceive the plan of future triumph. The scheme thus evolved was deep and daring. The army was to be divided into two divisions,-one, by seeming attacks, to engage the attention of Montcalm before Quebec-the other tq move, at night, above the place, on the north side, and scale the rugged heights of Abraham, September came, and all was readiness. All worked well. The plan developed was pushed forward, and on the night of the 12th of September, clear and beautiful-the stars looking down with a glorious harmony upon the scene-noiselessly, the vessels of Wolfe floated down the stream to the point of embarkation. Qui vive? " cried a sentinel of the French, as he caught a glimpse of the moving objects. " La FJance! / was the word echoed back by one of the captains of the fleet, "A qzuel regiment?' enquired the French guard. " De cl Ieine "' was the ready response of the captain.: The sentinel, thinking *no ill, and as a vessel was hourly looked for from Bougainville, all suspicions were hidden in the darkness of the hour, and the English fleet passed on. Soon another summons from a sentinel brought forth similar responses from the captain of the English vessel, and all was well. The designated point, at the base of the heights, was reached,-ever after memorable as "WVolfe's cove.; The ascent was very great. Wolfe felt doubtful. Said he, to one of his officers, "y ou can try it, but I don't think you'll get up." Soon one Donald McDonald, the same, doubtless, who had just before so readily responded to the French sentinel, began to scale the heights. Again came a challenge from a guard above. The -'This was the name of a corps under tlhe Frenchl commander, Bougainville, a fact known to the captain referred to. HIS'OERY OF' FORT WAYNE. 55 reply was prompt and satisfactory. He had come, said he in F;ench, to relieve him, (the French sentinel) and the guard was silenced. Close upon the ascent of McDonald, came a number of Highlanders, scrambling up by every available means-and still they came, until the height above swarmed with the English. soldiery. A fierce resistance ensued between the guards and the English. The guards were compelled to give way. Wolfe's idea and the stratagem of the Highlander had done the work. Morning came, and with it the clear sunlight. The Plains of Abraham presented to the opposite ramparts of Quebec a scene of terror and dismay. The shining bayonets of the enemy, "' and the dark-red lines of the English forming in array of battle," readily told the French what was coming. The long siege had already greatly exhausted the French supplies-their militia had withdrawn for want of food. Their alarm drums were beaten; and all was excitement. 6They have gotten to the weak side of us at last, and we must crush them with our numbers," said Montcalm; and the French soldiers began to move to the front of the English. Firing began, and nine o'clock saw the two armies confronting each other. Montcalm soon began to advance. Coming yet nearer, his troops opened a heavy fire upon the English. All was still in the English ranks. No one ventured to pull a trigger, until the army of Montcalmn had advabnced within some forty yards of the regulars. "' At once,9 runs the account, from end to end of the British line, the muskets rose to the level, as if with the sway of some great machine, and the whole blazed forth at once in one crashing explosion." The smoke became intense, and for a time enveloped the soldiery in darkness. The execution of the English had been great; land now, that the smoke had cleared away, they began to redouble their efforts-"hewing, down the Frenclhmen wtith their broadswords, and slaying many in the very ditch of the fortifications." The'ction was short and rapid. The French loss was estimated at"; i:fteen hundred men, killed, wounded, and taken." The French now fled precipitately. Wolfe had fallen, mortally wounded, and been conveyed to the rear, before the flight of the French began.' See owm they run," cried an English officer standing near to Wolf7-i, as he lay upon the soft turi " Who run?" anxiously enquired. W'olfe, "opening his eyes," says the aecou.lt, "' like a man aroused from sleep." "The enemy, sir," replied the officer; they give way everywhere."'Then, returned the dying Wolfe, "tell Colonel Burton to nmarch Webb's regiment down to Charles river, to cut off their retreat from the bridge. Now, God be praised, he softly murmured, turning on his side, "I will (ie in petce;" and his heroic spirit passed awaVy. Montcalm had also received a molral. wound, and was dying h. am happy,' said. he' that I shall Dot live to see the surrender of Quebec." Beino interrogated as to instructions, his reply was, " 1. will give no ilore orders I. hae mucli. busineiss otht I.a; e c t:ende d t uf' be,o, of jl.Atoi; mome' i ^, yl ,() ( TimE DAWN OF A rNEW ERLEA. ruined garrison and this wretched country;" and MIontcahm, too%, soon went out. The white flag was run up on the ramparts of Quebec, and on the 18th of September, 1759, that point was forever wrested from the power of the French, A year later, September 8, 1760, and the whole dominion was swept from their grasp, and England ever after swayed the province. A new rule began at once to extend itself over the north-western territory. A new era had dawned upon the New World. The sun-light of anew governmental superstructure-a broad Democratic-Republican basis,-wherein the great principles of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of -HAPPINESS, were to form the pillars of a beautiful edifice,-had already risen above the hill-tops of the Future, soon to penetrate the thick forests and glinmmaer along the valleys and, hill-sides of the far west~ kc CHAPTER VI. "O'er a pulse from ch1aos beating, With its mystic flowi of pride, We are drifting —ever driting, And are floating down the tide." —Wr H. Bs. BUSINrL.'Numibersand condition of the tribes of the northwest at the close of the French and Indian war —The western route-The Shawanoes and Miamies-Indian attachment to the French-Their hatred of the English —The Delaware ProphetBritish occupancy of forts Miami and Ouiatenon-Treaty of 1763-The Indian domain-The conspiracy of Pontiac-His designs first discovered at tthis pointDiscovery of the "bloody belt"-Council called-Holmes' letter-Office of the chiefs-the great council at the river Ecorces-Great speech of Pontiac-The Ojibwa girl's warning —Pontiac's visit to the fort-His failure —Further effortsGladwyn's letter-Further efforts of Pontiac-Visit and retention of Campbell and McDougal at the camp of Pontiac —Capture of the forts-The conspiracy at this point-Betrayal and death of Holmes-surrender of the fort —One hundlred and four years have passed —" Progress! Civilization! Onward! Tthe close of the French sl e suggl so great had been the f havoc among the various tribes of the north-west, that, fromn the?W estimates of Sir William Johnson, it was presumed there were ~ not more than ten thousand fighting men to be found in the whole territory lying "b3etween the Mississippi on the west, and the ocean on the east; between the Ohio on the south, and Lake Superior on the north;" which, according to a further estimate by Sir iVilliam, in 1763, placed the Iroquois at 1950; the Delawares at about 600; the Shawanoes at about 300; the Wyandotts at about 450; the MIiamies, with their neighbors, the Kickapoos, at about 800; while the Ottawas, Ojibwas, and a few wandering tribes, northward, were left without any enumeration at all. At that period, so thin and scattered was the population," say the best accounts,' " that, even in those parts which were thought well populated, one might sometimes journey for days together through the twilight forest, and meet no human form. Broad tracts were left in solitude. All Kentucky was a vacant waste, a mere skirmishing ground for hostile war-parties of the north and south., A great part of Upper Canada, of Michigan, and of Illinois, besides other. portions of the west, were tenanted by wild beasts alone.;See Parklman's History of Conspiracy of Pontiac, p 13,2. 5t8 Coi!;iDI~romiu3 o0NTI A FFAIRS AT THE CLOSE Oj F TH0 E r1:iVAR. The most favored route vestward frton the,central colonial districts, at that period, "was f om Philadelphia across the Alleghanies, to the valley of the Ohio, " by way of Fort du Quesne, (after the war, being rebuilt by the English, called " Fort Pitt,') where Pittsburg now stands. It was this route that most of the traders westward took, whither, froml that point, they penetrated the interior with their goods, upon pack-horses, to traffi with the Indians. Anz Englishman, for sometime subsequent to the war, became a ready subject for the scalping-knife, and, consequently, wvas compelled to move with great precaution. At this period, says Parkman, in his interesting' researches,'" the Shawanoes had fixed their abode upon the Scioto and its branches. Farther towards the west, on the waters of the Wabash and the Maumee, dwelt the Miamies, who, less exposed, from their position, to the poison of the whiskey keg, and the example of debauched traders, retained their ancient character and custom in greater purity than their eastern neighbors," " F xrom Vincennes," says the same -rriter, 6 one might paddle his canoe northward up the VWabash, until he reached the little wooden fort of Ouiatenon. T hence a path through the w7oods led to the banks of the Maumee. Two or three Canadians, or half breeds, of whom there were numbers about the fort, would carry the canoe on their shoulders, or, for a bottle of whisky, a few Miiami Indians might be bribed to undertake the task. On the M1Taumee, at the end of the path, stood For't Miami, near the spot vwhere Fort Wavne w;,as afterwsards built. From this point," continues he, " one mioilt descend the Maumee to Lake Erie, and visit the neighboring' Fort of Sandusky; or, if he chose, steer throuigh the strait of Detroit, and explore the watery wastes of the northern lakes, finding occasional harborage at the little mihitary posts which commanded their important points. MIost of these western posts wvere transferred. to the English during the autumnI of 1760; but the settlenlents of the Illinois (iKaskaskia, Cah. okia, &c.,) remainred," says Parkman, "several years longer under French control. 7 The Indians of the nortlhwest had lost their French Father, and with him, for a time, their trinkets, and much besides, in the form of.powder, balls, c. that they had long annually been accustomed to receive from that cuarter. They could hardly realize, rotwithstanding the many whisperinos to that effect, that their French. Feather was forever, divested of his power in America, and that his rule this side of the great waters had ceasecd They believed the oft repeated sfories of the many hi6iitans, coureu:'e' ds bois, &c., of the various villages, and wanderinog from point to point among the tribes of the northwsest which were also greatly strengthened by similar assurances from those of the French still holding possession of the territory along the Illinois'and Mississippi rivers, and at other points, that their: French Father "had of late years fallen asleep, " and that hi is numerous vessels and soldiers would soon 1w> HISITOJU OF FORET rV AYkE 5 moving up the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, to drive the English from their dominions, leaving them again in quiet possession of their former lunnting grounds. Every means was now resorted to by the French thus scattered about the wilderness to arouse the savages, and their efforts were not in vain. The rancor of the Indians was greatly increased from time to time, until at length, after a laspe of'two years, a great scheme was developed and put on foot for tlhe overthrow and destruction of the English and. the various posts so recently occupied by them, As had been frequent at other periods among the a'borignies in the wilds of the New World, a great Prophet suddenly began to exert a powerful influence among the tribes of the northwest. He held his minssion under the Great Spirit, and earnestly enjoined upon the tribes to return again to their primitive habits-to throw away the weapons, apparel, &c., obtained from the pale faces. Here, said he, is the starting point of success. The force of the new prophet's teachings were truly great, and the tribes came from long distances to hear him. For the most part his suggestions were much regarded by the tribes; but the weapons of the white man could not be dispensed with. These they retained. The prophet was a Delaware and the great leader of the movement, was an Ottawa chieftain, whose Indian naime was PONTIAC. Detroit was surrendered to the English on the 29th of November, 1760 and while many prisoners were removed down the lake, " the Canadian inhabitants were allowed to retain their farms and houses, on condition of swearing allegiance to the British crown." An officer being speedily dispatched to the southwest, Fort Miami, at the confluence of the rivers St. Ml1ary and St. Joseph, and Ouiatenon, below the present site of Lafayette, so long standing gnuard between the Ohio river'and Lake Erie, were soon possessed by the English, and a new rule be un. For over two years, forts Miami and Ouiatenon remained in comparative security. No hostile movement on the part of the French or savages had thus far conspired to greatly ruffle the complacency of their guardianship. The tenth of February, 1763, at length arriving, a treaty of Peace wYas convened at Paris, France, between the two- great Powers of France and England-the former surrendering to the latter all claims to the vast region lying east of the Mississippi, making the great Father of Waters the boundary line of the British possessions in. America. A few months later, on. the 7th of October, the English government, " proportioning out her new acquisitions into separate,goovernments," set apart'the valley of the Ohio and adjacent regions as an Indian domain," and, by proclamation, strictly forbade " the intrusion/,of settlers 7 thereon. Each came at an unpropitious periodl. The seeds of fature trouble had long since been sown, and the little forts in the wilderness) here (Fort Mliami) and at 0 A. FIKIENDLY Ai)MO;n'mO~ —.T{E BLOODY 313'T. Ouiatenon, were destined ere long to feel the shotk of " coming' events." The great plot of Pontiac and the efforts of the Delaware prophet for the destruction of the English and the recapture of the posts so recently lost to the French, were rapidly though silently maturing. Intimations and surmises were all that could be gained, so still and cautious were the movements of the savages; qnd the first really positive assurance (as it afterwards proved) of the effirts and designs of the Ottawa chieftain and his followers, was disclosed at Fort Miami, opposite the present site of Fort Wayqe. With the utmost vigilance, on the one hand, and the greatest possible activity on the other, Pontiac was now pushing forward his scheme of destruction against the English. War belts were dispatched to various tribes at a distance, inviting them to join.in the overthrow of the invaders and capture of the forts; and soon the entire Algonquin race, combined with the Senecas (of the Six Nations) the Wyandotts, and many tribes from the valley of the Lower lWississippi, were allied to the great scheme of destruction. An English officer, by the name of H-olmes, was in command, with a small body of men, at this point, Fort Miami; and it was through Holmes that the first most positive intimations were received of the premeditated plot of the Indians. One day, early in the month of March, 1763, Holmes was startled by a friendly admonition. A neighboring Indian, who, through some acts of kindness, perhaps, on the part of Holmes, had formed a strong friendship for the ensign. The Indian told him that the warriors of one of the villages near by had recently received a bloody beltz,' with a " speech," pressing them to kill him. (Holmes) and demolish the fort here, and which, whispered the friendly Indian, the warriors were then making preparations to do. The peril was iminent, and Holmes began at once to look about him. Soon summoning the neighboring Indians to a council, he made bold to charge them with the design, which they readily acknowledged, with seeming contriteness and regret, charging the whole affair upon a tribe at another locality in the region. Hiolmes obtained the belt, and, from a speech of one of the chiefs of the Miamies, was at least partially induced to entertain the belief that all would now be tranquil. A few days later, and the following letter, trom Ensign IHolmes, at this point, was on its way to Major Gladwyn, commanding at Detroit: "FOiT MIAMIS, MARCH 330Ti, 1763. "Since my Last'Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the Bloody Belt being in this village,4 I have made all the search'*It was a custom with many tribes in those days to send belts of wampum and somtiames tobacco when aid was desired, or peace was to be made. The white belt denoted peace; the black or red belt were emblaimatic of war. tTh'e old Twightwee or Miami village, on the w'est side of the St. Joseph, and seat tered in the neig'hborhood of the." Old Apple Tree, " nearly opposite tlle site of old fort Wa'nao. HISTTor OF Fo T WAY'NE. 61 I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I Assemrbled all the Chiefs of this Nation,: & and after a long and troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained tlie Belt, with a Speech.} as you will Receive Enclosed; This Affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any furtheru'Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principle Ones of Setling Mischief on Foot. I send You the Belt with this Packet, whichl I hope You will Forward to the General." The peculiar organization of the Indian-his habits; the wild roaving life of many of the tribes-their want of military order; the lack of proper central governmental relations to.unite and hold the tribes together; their inability and want of judgment in farnishing supplies for a large body of men in time of war; their custom of rapid blows to secure speedy victory; their native idea of individual and collective freedomrn;- small producers and large consumers —subsisting' mainly upon the wild animals of the forest, and the fish of the streanls-" loose and disjointed as a whole;" scattered, for the most part, in small bodies over large regions of territory-all combined, at the period in question, to render it impossible for the tribes of America long successfully to conduct a seigh^ Or sustain themselves,-however cunning, intelligent, resolute, and brave their chief or chiefs, —in a contest with the active civilization and formidable means of w fafare of tle English. It is truie that soon after the French war, the strength of the British became greatly diminished-the army which had been brought to beat upon Canada with such salutary effect, having soon alter been dissolved, and the main body of the regulars recrossed the ocean to join their friends again in the Old World. Yet, with small garrisons, they were, to a considerable extent, still formidable, as c'ompared with the advantages possessed by the savages, unaided by the French. Signs of coming trouble with the Indians at lenoth became more apparent. They had now begun to hangc about the forts, with calmr impenetrable faces, " asking' for tobacco, gunpowder, and whisky. Now and then some slioht intimation of danger would startle the tgarrison from security, and an English trader, coming in from the Indian villages, would report that, from. their mlanners and behavior, he suspected themr of mlischievous desiigus. " Occa-:'TPhe Miamies. fit was the ofice of the chiefs, says Parklian, "to declare wnr andr make peace; b}ut when war was declared, they had no power to carry the declaretion into effect. The warriors fought if they chose to do so; but if, on the contrary, they preferred to relmind quiet, no Inan coulfd force them to lift the haltc het. The war-chief, whose part it was to lead them to battle, was a lmere partizan, whom his bravery and exploits had led to distinction. If he thought prpoer, he sang his war-song, and danced his war-dance, a.nd as many of the young men as were cisposed to follow him gathered arounad and enlisted tihermselves under him. Over these volunteers he hald no lefgal autlority, and they could desert him at any lmoment with no other penalty thau disgreaice. * I: - ManV aLn Indian army, before rtehliing the enemry' country, las been1 known to dAvtindlle naway ulntil -it ware, duced to,' m(re scalping' party," 02 rrE.ril G-RE4:A COUiCIL AT'TE l il'Eii irAE iCOOLCOES. sionally some "half-breed would be heard boasting in his cupis that before the next summer he would have' English hair to fringe his hunting-firock.; " By the 27th of April, 1763, Pontiac having largely matured his plans —greato numbers of the villages and camps of the western tribes, including all grades and ages, women and children, of the tribes, having celebrated the savage rites of War; magicians " consulted their oracles: and prepared elarms to insure success;': many warriors, as was long the Indian custom, before great events in war, Withdrawing to the deep recesses of the forest, or hiding in caves to fast and pray, that the Great Spirit mignht give them vietory,-of the tribes already mentioned a grand council. was convened at the river Ecorces, where Pontiac delivered to the vast throng a speech rife with both eloquence and art. On the morniing of the great council, " several old men, heralds of the camp, passed to and fro among the lodges, callin (n the war-'riors, in aloud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with the summons: they came issuing from their cabins-the tallj naked figures of the wild Ojibwas, With quivers slung at their backs, and light war-clubs resting in the hollow of their arms; Ottawas, wrapped close in their gaudy blankets; Wyandotts, fluttering in painted shirts, their heads adorned with feathers, and their leggins garnished with bells All were soon seated in a wide circle upon the graSs, row within row,-a grave and silent assembly. Each savage countenance seemed carved in wood, and none could have detected the deep and firey passions hidden beneath that untmovable exterior. Pipes, with ornamented stems, were lighted and passed fiom hand to hand. "t Soon placing himself in thle centre of thi wild, though silent multitude, with long black hair ifowing about his shoulders; stern, resolute, with an imperious, plreermptory bearing, "like that of a man accustomed to sweep away all opposition by force of his impetuous wiill," plumed and painted, with a girt about his loins, Pontiac began at once to arouse his auditors by a recital of the iinjustice of the English, and by drawing a contrast between the conduct of the French and the British towards the tribes assembled; preseni I;ing to them the terrible consequences of English supremacy — persisting that it was the aim of the British. to destroy and drive them from the land of their fathers. They have driven away the Fren1ch, he recounted, and now they seek an opportunity to remove us also. He told them that their French Father had long been. asleep, but that then he was awake again, and would soon returln in his many canoes to regain his old possessions in Canada. Every sentence was rounded with a fierce ejaculation; and as the impetuous orator proceeded, his auditory grew restless to, springu at once into the bloody arena of battle and bury the scalping knife ancd tomahawk in the body of the enemy-. Turning to the'.Hisi. Oon sp. PPontic.a, p 1i67..Pkm rnan. HISTOY OF FoV' T 5WAYN. (3 opposite itde of savatge. nature, appealingl to their tens'e of the mysterious, in a stomewhat mellowed tone, though still as earnest in demeanor, he said: " A Delaware Indian conceived an eager desire to learn wisdom from. the Master of Life; but, being ignorant where to find him, he had recourse to fasting, dreaming, and magical incantations. By these means it was revealed to him that, by moving forward in a straig'ht undeviating course, he would reach the abode of the Great Spirit. HIe told his purpose to no one, and having provided the equipmients of a hunter,-gun, powder-horn, ammunition, and a kettle for preparing his food,-he set forth on his errand. For sonme timee hjournied on in high hope and confidence. On the evening of the eighth day, he stopped by the side of a brook, at the edge of a small prairie, where he began to make ready his evening meal, when, looking up, he saw three large openings in the woods, on the opposite side of the meadow, and three well-beaten paths Vrhich entered them. He was much surprised; but his wonder increased, when, after it had grown dark, the three paths were more clearly visible than ever. Remeimbering the important object of his journey, he could' neither rest nor sleep; and leaving his fire, he crossed the me.adow, and entered the largest of the three openings. He had advanced but a short distance into the forest, when a bright flame sprang out of the ground before him, and arrested his steps. In great amazement, he turned back, and. entered the second path, where the same wonderful phenomenono again;er countered hira; and now, in terror and bewilderment, yet still resoived to persevere, he pursued the last of the three paths. On this he journied a whole day without interruption, when, at length, emerging from the forest, he saw before him a vast mountain, of dazzling whiteness. So precipitous was the ascent, that the Indian thought it hopeless to go farther, and looked around him in despair; at{; that moment, he saw, seated at some distance above, the figure of a beautiful woman arrayed in white, who arose as hIe looked upon her, and thus accosted him: H-ow can you hope, encumbered as you are, to succeed in your design? Go down to the foot of the mountain, throw away your guni, your ammunition, your provisions. and your clothing'; wash yourself in the stream ix hich flows there, and then you will be pirepared to stand before the Master of Life! The Indian obeyed, and then began to ascend' among the rocks, while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at his faintness of heart, and told him that, if he wished for success, he m-st climb by the aid of one hand and one foot only, After great toil and suffering, he at length found himself at the summit. The woman had disappeared, and he was left alone. A rich and beautiful plain lay before him, and at a little distance he saw three great vill.ages, far superior to the squallid dwellings of the Delawares. As he approached the largest, and stood hesitating, wheth6r he should enter, a man gorgeously attired, stepped forth, and1 C4 SrE'r OP DET.IOT-WAINING O TIE OJtiBA GII..L taking him by the hand, welcomed him to the celestial abode. I-e then conducted him into the presence of the Great Spirit, where the Indian stood confounded at the unspeakable splendor which surrounded him. The Great Spirit bade him be seated, and thus addressed him: "' Iam the maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, rivers; and all things else. I am the maker df mankind; and because I love you, you must do my will. The land on which you live, I made for you, and not for others.'Wiy do you suiffer the white man to dwell among you? My children, you have forgotten the customs and tr"aditions of your fathers. Why do you not clothe -oiirselves in skins as they didn and use the bows and arrows, and }itdn;e-pointed lances, which they used? You have bought guns, knives, kettles, and blankets of the white man, until you can no longer do without them; and what is worse, you have drunk the poison fire-water, which turns you into fools. Fling all these laway; live as your wise fore-fathers lived before you. And, as for these English,-these dogs dressed in red, who have cbme to iob you of your hunting-grdunds, and drive away the game-you must lift the hatchet against them, wipe them from the face of the earth, and then you will win my favor back again, and once more be happy and prosperous. The children of your great father, the King of France, are not like the English. Never forget that they are your brethren, They ate very dear to me, for they love the red mnen, and understand the true mode of worshiping me I7 With some further admonition from the Great Spirit, of a moral and religious nature, says the account,' the Indian took leave of the Master of Lifej and returned again to terra firma, where, among his people, he told all he had seen and heard in the wonderful land of the Great Spirit. All was now ripe for action. Pontiac's words and the glowingc alleoory he had presented, had spread a ulagotetic fire among the great throno, of listeners that nothing short of a desperate encounter or defeat xwould smother, The first great move was destined to cullminate upon Detroit. A beautiful Ojibwa giril whose love for the commande:r Gladw'yn, see3ms to hatve been only equalled by her precaution and care, -was in the secret, Had probably attended the council, and. heard the plan of Pohtiac's movelment to surprise and capture the fort; and true to her sense of regard for her kind friend, Major Gladwyn, on the afternoon of the 6th of May, she found occasion, (having mrade a handsome pair of moccasins for the commander,) to visit the fort, whither she cuietly strode, with anxious heart, in hopes to reveal to her lover his perilous situation, and unfold to *From the Pontiac MSS., originally in the hand of one McDougal, who, says Parkman, " states that he derived his information from the Indians." And further says that " the lauthor of the Pontiac MSS. probably wiites on the authority of Canadians, some of whom were present at the council." See tIhistory Conspiracy of IPot'tiac, pp. 18., 10, 18., 1.8, 3. ]i-STORY OF FORT WAYNE S him the movement about to be made upon the fort by Pontiac and his warriors-his plan of surprise, &c. As she entered, Gladwyn observec that she wore a different air than on other occasions. Her countenance assumed the expression of one in distress. Fear and cepression both seemed to sway her, and she could say but little. Remaining but a short time,, she stepped forth again into the open air, to look about, perhaps, to see who might chanced to have seen her enter the fort. SorroW still weighed heavily upon her. She could not depart from the scene of her friend without acquainting him with the work that was fast maturing for his death, and the destruction of all within the garrison. With, this feeling, she lingered about the fort until quite late, which not only attracted the attention of the sentinel, but:Gladwyn himself, who, noticing her strange conduct, called her to him, and asked her what was giving her trouble. i-Ier heart beat heavily. She could not speak. Still ther friend pressed her for a response, assuring her that he would not, under any consideration, betray her-that, with him, whafever she told would be sa-fe-that no harm should befall her. HIer fear was suddenly overcome, and her admiration for her friendj united'with an irresistible determination to save him, even in the midst of danger, as the beautiful Pocahontas had saved the life of Captain Smith, she confidingly told him all. Said she, very sadly-' to-morrow Pontiac with sixty of his warriors will come to the fort. All will lhave short guns hidden iinder their blankets-blankets close about their necks, so as to hide guns. Pontiac will wvant to hold peace-council, will make a great b8peech,; then offer you peace-wajmpum. With hands on hort guns, warriors all to make a quick jump and fire, killing all English officers. Then come all Indiains outside, and kill all but French-leave nlo En:lish alive." The soul of Gladwyn suddenly loomed alove the perilous hour that awaited him on the morrow. His itnaturally courageous heart began to beat with renew ed activit- aniid determination. Bidding the faithful scquaw' - be faithfiful still and feai niot; to acquaint himl if possible, witlh ny further movements that might transpire, with a lighter heart; land, a freer air, the Ojibwa beauty strode quietly but and was soon lost to the vife of her lover and the perilous garrison' If the Great Spirit had inspired. an Indian to destroy, he had also superinduced one of his red children to save; and thus moved, the Ojibwa girl had alr:eady won the victory. Acting at on'e lipon the a(dmonition of the indian girl al, dladwy n Soon acquainted his 4One NA. Peltier, A-who lived a.t Ietiroit dnirin m'ost of the period of the siege, and nwho, thgough but 3.7 years bld at the time, remembered much that thlen oecurred, in 1824; in a st;temeint made to C a scid that " lihe remembered that soon after the failure of Pontiac's attemnam t o su).pri. e the garrison, he punished, by severe flogging,.- wo'?man named CatlheNine, accured of having fbetrayed the plot." I-I. also rilleminbered the several attacks on the armed vessels, by the Indi.ians, and the attempts to,',:them on fire by lmea ns of blht Jinigl ra ft'i." 4663 HIISTO. Y OF I0 o:T WAVY-z.NEX officers of the event to be looked' for on the morrow, and all was preparation and readiness. From mist and rain, tle sky cleared away, and the sun disappeared in a glow of brightness- Night came gradually on; and while all was stillness and anxiety within the garrison, no hostile movement intruded from without. All night the English soldiers, without knowing why, (for the secret of the Ojibwa girl had not been told the privates, for prudential reasons,) kept watch and paraded the ramparts with anxious and sleepless vigil. Nothing, however, served to ruffle the air, save the disitant ibum-bum of the Indian drum, and the fierce whoop of the warriors as they mingled their hoarse voices in the wily dance and pushed forward their arrangements for the strategetic effort that was to begin with the dawning of another day. The night at length passed, and with its passing soon came the evidence of Pontiac's design, as tdld by the Ojibwa girl. Soon, in the distance, many canoes could be seen, from the palisades of the fo'rt, slowly moving across the river, as was subsequently learned, laden with Indians lying compactly in the bottom of each canoes well concealed, that a knowledge of their strength might be kept from the garrison. The open ground without the fort began gradually to fill up, Warriors, fancifully decorated, with here and there many womeln and clildren, gathered upon the ground. To allay suspicion, with marked activity and restless anxiety, preparations were soon making in front, of the garrison for a goreat game of baggattaway. "At ten occlockis" says Parkman, "the great war-chief, with his treacherous followers, reached the fort, and the gate-way was thronged with their savage faces, All were wrapped to the throats in colored blankets. Some were crested with hawk, eagle, or raven plumes; others had shaved their heads, leaving only the fluttering scalp-lock on the crown; while others, again, wore their long, black hairr flowing loosely at their backs, or wildly hangingr about their brows like a lion's mane." The account runs, that, as Pontiac, followed by his warriors, stepped within the enclosurej (the entire garrison being on duty, with sabers and bayonets glistening, ready ifor action at every point, by special order of the commander,) "a deep ejaculation half escaped fromi his broad chest." The very air about him. seemed to whisper: Pontiac, your plot is knownn.' But he moved on, and soon passed into the doorwayt of the councilhouse, followed by his fierce coadjutors. The commandant, Gladwyn, and his o.ficers, with swords at their sidesS and a brace of pistols in their belts, all seated, in readiness for the recepfion of the wily chief and his follower.. "The Indianl as a generall ule, always sat upon the ground or upon a coarse mat, Before taking thliir seats, Pontiac's perturbed spirit led him to enquire as to the cause of sc mrany of his'6 father's young men standing in the street with their guns?'" To which the commandandt replied, thronugh hIis iPoNTIO S:VISIT rTO TllHE FO:R. —.TIE CONSPIRACY. 6. interpreter, that " he had ordered the soldiers under arms for the sake of exercise and discipline.:' Seating themselves at once upon the matts arranged for them upon the floor, with much disclomfiture and evident mistrust, in each countenance, Pontiac arose i olding in one hand the peace-belt, referred to by the Ojibwa girl, and at once began to express to Gladwyn his strong adnmration and love for the, English —said that he head c.ome to smoke tlhe pipe of peace and bigohten the chl.in of friendship with his Etglish brothCer.' And it i:ss a. id, that ougtly o n sciou t i dll OiOIs of is d eection, " he raised the belt and wa's.about to give the fatal siognal, "i -when, instantly. 6; U Gledw';vn wave his halndl " —and, as if by ma-gic -so well matured were the plas, of the comal- ndant,- tHt e galrrison dram beat a most stunning roll, filingo the air with its revrberrations,,and startling' the w'arriors, both within.and without the fort, into sudden dismay; while the guards in the passage to the councilhouse suddenly msade their arms to clash and rattle as they bro ioLht them into a position for action; and the officers, with Gl "tadw. n, looking stearnly upon the figures of the" tall, strong men-ii before theim-, had simultaneou sly clasped their swords, in anticipation of;.and with a view to' m i ee, if need be, the premeditated on-slaught of Pontiac and his w-arriors. Thel moment was one of heIroici determination on the part of the little garrison of Detroit, and off the utmost discomfiture andc chagrin writh the savages., The plans, of,1the great Ottawa chieftain were foiled, and he stood( b1efo.e the commandant and his officers like one suddenl', overcom(ne Igy a terrible shock. Says Gladwyn, in a letter dated iMay 314th, 17633', they were Sot 1uch surprised to see our dispositio.at that tlhey Iould scarcely,it down to council: Ilowever, in about half an hour, after they saw their designs were discovered, thefy sat down, land Pontiac made a speech, which I ansvered calmly, without intimating my suspicions of their inteitions, and after receiving some trifling presents, they w-ent away to their camp."5 Accompanied by ht-iree of his chiefs, he returned to the fort the next imorning, wi.th a calumet or peace-pipe, neatly ornanmented w;ith (lifterent colored plumage, which he offered to the comtmandant, with the following speech: 6"My fathers, evil birds have sung lies in your earsb We that stand before you are friends of the Elngfish. We love them as our brothers, and, to prove our love, we have come this day to smoke the pipe of peace." Presenting the pipe to Major Campbell, second in command, as a pledge of friendship, the chiefs again took their departure. A great game of ball. was played that afternoon, and Pontiac strode amnong the vi.llaglers arousing them to action. On the next say, surrounded by aa immense throng') upon the grounds near the fort, Pontiac stepped forth, and again approached the entrance to the fort, but could not now gain, a admission-all was barred a'ainst lliE2. Enqulirin' as to th use s of this, the con.ma.ndn.lt *63 ~ l-lHIs'toRY orF i]ORT WT AYSE, replied that the Great Chief could enter, but none others. To which Pontiac replied that " he wanted all his warriors to enjoy the fragrance of the friendly calumet." But all was of no avail. None could enter but the chief. Pontiac is here said to have thrown off the nmask of friendship, and exhibited, in unmistakable action, a determination for vengeance against the English. His fbllowers now repaired to the dwellings of two English residents near, murdered and scalped them. Pontiac repaired to the Ottawa village, aroused his warriors, and danced the war-dance. Two English officers had been waylaayed and killed by the savages near Lake St. Clair; and on the morning of the 10th of lMay (1763), all the tribes combined under Pontiac, aided by a few French engagees, by shouts, at least; approached the fort, and began an attack, which lasted some six hours. Efforts now being rmade for a reconciliation, La Buttei the intbrpreter, accompanied byl two old Canadians, was sent to the catmp of Pontiac to ascertain the cause of his action, and to assure him that any grievanc e h had to complain of; would be speedily redressed. Pontiac listened attentively, and seemed to assent to all proposed, and La Butte soon hastened back to the fort to report progress; but shortly after, returningo to the camp of Pontiac, leained that he had been deceived. Pontiac, with his chiefs, nowv wished to hold an interview with their English fathers themselvess that the peace might be the more complete and binding. Iajor Campbell was much liked by many of the savages, and with him they wished to speak. Upon hearing of this desire from La Butte and the two Canadians, Campbell unsuspectingly expressed a wish to visit the camp of the savages. Gladwyn was fearful. He suspected the intentions of Pontiac. But Campbell went, accompanied by Lieutenant McDougal, a junior officer of the garrison, "La Butte, and several other Canadians." One Mr. Gouin, who had just made himself sufficiently well acquainted with the designs of the Indians in getting Campbell and AMcDougal into their camp, hastened to warn them of their danger; but all was of no avail. They went, and were taken prisoners. After a few hours parley, feeling that his fate was already sealed, to test his position more fully, it is stated that Campbell once arose to depart for the fort again, after finding all efforts for reconciliation unavailing, when Pontiac bade him be seated, saying " My fathers will sleep to-night in the lodges of his red children." Their lives were at once eagerly sought by the savages, but Pontiac would not then permit them to be injured, though Campbell was subsequently destroyed by the Indians, while McDougal is said to hlave made his escape. On the 13th of May the attack was renewed, with an increased force and great vigor. The condition of the fort seemed most perilous, and the officers had a consultation as to what was best to do, in view of their garrison being but weak ast best, and a powerful enemy to contend with. (From 600 to 2,000 Indians -was the esti CAPTUZl E oF TH-mE ENGLISH POSTS. (69 mate against which the fort at that time had to contend.) But there was now no means of escape. To fight and defend were the only alternatives; and for several weeks the siege continued; during; which time, it was told by an officer at Detroit, " no man lay down to sleep, except in his clothes, and with his weapons by his side." Pontiac strove in vain to gain the Canadians as allies. The provisions of the garrison became reduced; and but for the timely aid they received from the Canadians, they would have been compelled to suffer defeat. But the tables, in this respect, were soon turned, and the Indians began to want for the necessaries of life. Not being able to demolish or capture the fort as easily as they had anticipated,-the Indian never accustomed to lay in stores f1or such occasions-their food became exhausted, and they too called upon and received from the Canadiaps like aid. It was about this period that several Sttempts, from other points, were made to relieve the garrison, by additional troops and provisions but without success. The action of the Indians at other points, embraced in the great conspiracy of Pontiac, were now also bechmling important. Nine Posts, held by the English, had been inclucled in the great conspiracy and sought to be captured, viz: Detroit, P'resque' Isle, Michillimackinac, Miami, (at this point,) Ouiatenon; (below Lafayette, Ind.) Le Boeuf, Venango, Fort Pitt, (Pittsburg) and ]ort Sandusky. The plan of capture seems to have embodied the cunningo and resolution of Pontiac at every point; and the pretensions somewhat similar to those at first presented by the great head of the conspiracy at Detroit, were mostly manifested at every post essayed to be taken; and one after another, excepting Detroit alone, rapidly fell into the hands of the Indians. Many were the bloody scenes enacted. On the 16th of May, Sandusky fell; on the 1st of June, Ouiatenhon was captured; Michillimackinac on the 12th, and Presque'Isle, on the 15th of June, also fell into the hands of the wild conspirators. After PresqueIsle was taken, runs the narration of Parkman, the neighboring little popts of Le BEcuf and Venango shared its fate, wlhile, farther southward, at the forks of the Ohio, a host of Delaware and Shawnoe warriors were gathering around Fort Pitt, and blood and havoc reigned along the whole frontier. Father Jonois, a Jesuit missionary, had reached Detroit and conveyed to the garrison a letter from Captain Etheringtqn, at lichillimackinac, giving an account of the capture of that post. Soon after, a letter from Lieut. Jenkins, at Ouiatenon, telling of the capture of that post, was also received by Major Gladwyri. " Close upon these tidings," says the account, as given by Parkman, "' came the news that Fort Miami (at this point, Fort Wayne) was taken. This Post, " continues the narration, - * " was commanded by Ensign Holmes; and here I cannot but remark," says the same writer, "on the forlorn situation of these officers, isolated in the wilderness, hundreds of miles, in some instances, TO l SI~I~T iisrOiStRY OF ou r VWAY:E. from ainy conlgienia l aissociates, separated from every }urmant being except the rude soldiers nnder their command, and thie white or red savag'es who ranged the surrounding woods." rThe iMiamies at this point, lhad been deeply embrloiled in the great conspiracy, and the region of I" Ke-ki-ong -a resounded with many a asavage yell of hatred towards the English. Stratagem t ever formed a part of Indian warfare and savage chlaracter. By its skillful employment, the red man as readily loo ked for success in war, as, with his rifle or bow and{ arrow, by delibelrate and. steady aim, he sought to bring d.own the wild gan-Te of the forest..Holnines had lonS- suspected the' desitens of the Indians, and, for that, reason, had, for some months, been somewhat vigilant in his observaitions of their conduct, more especially after the discovery in the neighborhood of the bloody belt, already referred to. But sava.ge ingenuity and deception were striving hard, and Holmes, seemed destined to fall a victim to the perfidy of the conspirators, white and red, prowliing about the villfage and neighborhood. The 27thl of May had come. All nature was radiant again with the beauties of spring. The great, expandinT fioliage of the fo;rest waved gracefully over and mainly shut out from the broacd blaze of a vivifying sunlight, the beautiful blosoms and sweet-scented wild flowers that grew profusely beneath the tall majestic oaks, maple, and sycamores, and countless other and'smaller' trees, that lined the margins of our beautiful rivers, and mainly covered the vast regions of soil, where now, under a new reign of civilization and human progress, the same great sun daily reveals to the civilized eye, innumerable fields and meadows; beautiful towns and cities; fine orchards; and, each season, vast numbers of blooming and fruitful gardens. An Indian girl,' with whlom Holmes had for some time been intimate. and in whom he placed much confidence, by cpmpulsion on the part of the conspirators, came into the fort and told Holmes that there was a sick squaw lying in a wigwam not far' from the fort, and expressed a desire that he should go and see her. The fatal hour had come. Unsuspectingly, and with a view to serve and perhaps relieve the supposed sick squaw, (knowing perhaps something of medicine; for it would seem, had there been a sur*Mrs. Suttenfield, one of the early mothers of Fort Wayne, living here since 1814, informed the writer that she beca.me acquainted with this woman in 1815; that she and her, family lived neighbors to her for several years. At the period of Mrs. S.'s acquaintance with the woman, she lhad a son, a man of some years. On one occasion, being at the hut of the woman, the man, her son, came in intoxicated, and somewhat noisy, and the woman, by way of an apology to Mrs. S., remarked that he was a little SQVABBY, or drunk; and concluded w-ith the remark that he was a SAGINASH, (English), and from the age of the man, the inference is drawn that he was a son of Holmes. After leaving here, the women took up her residence at Raccoon Village. She lived to a very old age, and was known to many of the early settlers of Ft. Wayne. 1'Ars. Suttenfield's recollections of the account she received are, that the Indians at the time of the conspiracy, (probably induced by Godefroi and his associates) forced her to act as sah did towards Holmes, which is quite probable. 1BETRAYAL AND DEATH' oF ENSIlN H1-LMES. 71 geon in the fort, he would have been more likely to have at least been called on by, the Ensign thanl for Holmies to have gone lhimself,). preceded by the Indian girl, he wa soon without the- enclosure of the garrison, and advancing with cautious steps in the direction of the hut wherein lay the object of his philanthropic mission. Nearing a cluster of huts, which are describedc* to have been situated at the edge of an open space, " hidden from view by an intervening spur of the woodland," the squaw directed him to the lhut wherein lay the supposed invalid. Another instant,-a few more. paces,-and the sudden crack of two rifles from behind tlhe wigwam in view, felled Holmes to the earth, and echoed over the little garrison, startling thel guards and inmuates into momentary surprise and wonder. Amid the confusion, the sergeant unthoughtedly passed without the fort to ascertain the cause of the rifle shots. But a few paces were gained, when, with loud, triumphant shouts, he was sprung upon by the savages and made a captive; which, in turn, brought the soldiers within, about nine in all, to the palisades of the garrison, who clam.bered up to see the movement without, when a Canadian, of the narme of Godfroi, (or Godfii) accompanied by " two other white men," stepped defiantly forth, and demanded a surrender of the fort, with the assurance to the soldiers that, if at once complied with, their lives would be spared; but, refusing, they should "' all be killed without mrercy."t The. aspect before them was now sadly embarrassing. Witljoutct commander-without hope, and full of fear, to hesitate, seemed only to make death the more certain, and the garrison gate soqn swiung back upon its hinges; the surrender was complete, and English. rule, at this point, and for r time, at least, had ceased to exercise its power. More than a hundred and four years have now rolled iway since this eventful hour; and the placid and beautiful St. Joseph, (near which the fort stood), with its high embankments and overhanging boughs, sweeps as noiselessly and unpretendingly by the scene, as when the fort, with its bastions and palisades, overlooked its waters, pnd the Indian huts, with their dusky inmates, dotted the adjacent localities; while, in the distance, appears a beautiful city, with numerous tall spires and handsome edifices, covering more than two thousand acres of ground, and containing nearly thirty thousand inhabitants, whose busy tread, mechanical industry, active pursuits, and habits of thought, tell of a gl1rious, fiee, and happy Future. In silent awe, indifferent alike of the Past, the Present, and the Coming Time, the long line of buildings, gazing complacently, as it were, upon the scene of the ancient garrison, and the site of the Indian village, seem to say: "Whither and why have iIn the MSS. of the "Loss of the Posts." See His. of Consp. Pontiac, pages 244 and f45. IOne statement is, thlat they were all dilled; but I have been unable to find its verification in any of the printed accounts, I havie examilned. fi4 HISTOIY Og FOH T W5AYir E. you vanished? Where are the years that hlave o gone by? And why are WE here?" And the great clock, near the center, (the. Court-llouse) looking from all sides, momentarily responds: " ProGpEs I- CIVILIZATIoN - ONWARD 173 CHAPITER VII.' rThese forest-isles are full of story: — Here many a one of old renowin First sought the meteor-light ofglory, And'mid its transient flash owent d own. And all the bright and teeming Present Thrills with the great and evcnescent Past," W. ]), GALLAG.imn. A return to the beleagured garrison at Detroit-Aid hourly expected-Anxiety of tle inmates-Pontiac solicits aid from the Canadians-Relief approaches the fort — "Broadside" from a schooner-Pottawattamies and Wyandotts sue for peace-A calm comes over the troubled waters —Fight at "bloody bridge"-New recruits to the army of Pontiac-Indians board the schooner "Gladwyn"-A panic-Escape of the vessel-The siege abandoned by the main body of the tribes-Pontiac and his tribe left alone to carry on the siege-Pontiac abandons the siege-Starts for the Maumee-A hard winter-Much suffering-Great council at Niagara-A new campaign against the western tribes-Bradstreet relieves the besieged fortMakes a treaty-Speech of Wasson-Captain Morris-He arrives at the camp of Pontiac-Rough treatment-Escapes-Reaches this point-Miamies want to kill him-Is lodged in old fort Miami —Taken across the St. Joseph-His final release and return to Detroit-Bradstreet's movements-Bouquet penetrates the Indian country-The captives-Indians subdued-Croghan's visit to the west —His capture-Meets Pontiac-Council at Ouiatenon-Croghan's return-Visit to this point -His journal —His arrival at Detroit-Holds a council there-The great council at Oswego-Pontiac attends-English rule again in the west-Pontiac visits St. Louis —His death., ETURNING again to Detroit, we find the Indians still active X in their efforts to capture the garrison, and all within the palisades of the fort anxiously expecting the arrival of vessels Q- with men and provisions. Pontiac had called a council with the Canadians, and made a strong speech, and again importuned them to join him in the overthrow of the English. The Canadians had refused, on the ground, that the trench King and 74-~ HISToXY OF 1)ITr WAYNE. the English had signed a paper stipulating certain bounds, that then belonged to the English; and beina: under English rule, the French King having told them to remasin still for a time, until lhe could come to their relief t jo the an oul be to bring the wrath of the ]tingo upon both the Canadians arnd the Indians,'But, my brothers," said the Canadian speaker, at the council with Pontice " yoi mrust first untie the knot with which our father, the King, has bound us;" and, though a few reckless characters amongt the Canadians are said to have joined the Indians at the time, in compliance with Pontiac's desire, yet the effort was nevertheless a failure. Pontiac was defeated in his designs, and was destined soon to meet with utter failure in his efbort to capture the garrison. On the 19th of June, Gladwyn had received news to the effect that a " vessel had been seen near Turkey Island, not far distant from Detroit; and the anxiety for her arrival became very great. On the 23d the vessel began to near the point of landing, opposite the fort, and the Indians could be seen in. the distance preparing to:ake an attack upon her; which induced Gladwyn to fire two cannon shots, as well to put the Indians to flight as to let the vessel know all was yet safe within the fort. Having encountered sorme resistence on the part of the Indians, and desiring to move with care, several days now elapsed before the vessel succeeded in reaching the place of landing, beside another schooner that had for some time previously been lying at anchor there. Bringing ai supply of provision and a number of fresh recruits, the new schooners had readily become objects of no little aversion to the wild assailants. On one occasion, shortly after the arrival of the last vessel, thinking to assail the,Indians with a few broadsides from some point in the stream, " Gladwyn himself, with several of his officers, had embarked on board the smaller vessel, while a fresh breeze was blowing firomt the northwest. The Indians on the bank stood watching her as she tacked from shore to sjlore, and pressed their hands against their mouths, in amazement,.thinking that magic power alone could enable her thus to make her way against wind and current. Making a long reach from the opposite shore, she came on directly towards the camp of Pontiac, her sails swelling, her masts leaning over till the black muzzles of her guns alnost touched the river. The Indians watched her in astonishment. On she came, till their fierce hearts exulted in the idea that, she would run ashore within their clutches, when, suddenly a shout of conmmand was heard on board; her progress was arrested; she rose upright, and her sails flapped and fluttered as if tearing loose from their fastenings. Steadily she came round, broadside to the shore; then, leaning once more to the wind, bore away gallantly on the other tack. She did not go far. The wondering spectators, quite at a loss to understand her movements, soon heard the coarse rattling of her cables as the anchor dragged it out, and sJaw her furling her vast white wisngs. As they looked uns uspect INDIANS BOARD A. SCn:oo0EP —TIEui FLIGHT. 75 ingly on, a puff of smoke was emitted from her side; a long report followed; then another, and another; and the balls, rushing over their heads, flew through the midst of their caimp, and tore wildly among the thick forest trees beyond. All was terror and consternation. The startled warriors bounded. away on all. sides; the squaws snatched up their children, and fle( scrleaming; and, with a general chorus of yells, the whole encampment scattered in such haste that little damage was done, except knocking to pieces their frail cabins of bark."i* This procedure beinog followed by similar efforts, the Indians now soug ht to destroy th:eir new opposers by means of floating rafts of fire; but 11 to no great purpose, as the vessels alwavs m:anaged to escape their contact. And thus the besiegers, with occa sional new recruits, continued, in various ways, until the middle of July, when some Pottawwattaanies and Wyandotts sued for peace, whicih, under certain considerations, being granted, but little of interest is said to have occurrled until the, end of July, when the gtrrison was ag;ain reinforced by the arrival, fter a sharp encounter with the Indians, (those who had. recently masde peace), of twentytwo barges, with about two hundred and eighty men, including " several small cannon, and a fresh supply of provisions and ammunition.'7'The new body of troops, under commadnd of Captain Dalzell, a brave officer, who was killed soon after his arrival, were not long idele. On the 31st of July they moved out with a view of silentLly attra.leking the Indians tl; a, certain point, after wards known as iho blo(ody bridge.' The Indians heard of the movement, and lay iln ambush. The fight was a short but bloody one for the Engllish, loosing, as they did, aboult ifty-nine men, killed and wounded, their captain among' t)}e nlumlber; and the Irnians sole fifteen or twenty, -which greatly elated the latter, who sent the,news to the tribes in every direction; anld i fresh warrior,.' wrotle Glacwyn, soon benai to'ar'rive almos;t every day;' until "'upwards of a thousand" v were thought by him to be eng'aged:in the a'ttack under Pontiac. With a few skirmishes, now and then: nothing of special interest occurred until the night of September the 4th, when the schooner "Gladwyn", returning to Niagara, was attacked by the Indians, not far from tle fort, as she lay anchored in the stream, having been detained for the want of sufficient wind. The Indians, some three hundred in number the night being densely dark, dropped silently down with the current, and were unobserved until near the vessel, when a broadside, with musketry, was opened upon them, of whom manyN were killed; but they soon began to board the vessel. " The master of the vessel was killed; several of the crew were disabled; and the assailants were leaping over the bulwarks, when Jacobs, the mate, called out to blow up the schooner," which'saved her and her crewy"-some.,f the Wyandotts, having comprehended " the -Parkllrmn,, 7 t Ii ITOnY OF 1FORT WAYNE. meaningi of his words," givincg the alarm to their companions, instantly causing every Indian to leap overboard in a panic, and the whole were seen diving and swimming off in all directions to escape the threatened explosion."* The schooner being thus freed, and the Indians fearing to make further effort, "on the following morning she sailed for the fort," and reached Niagara in safety. At length,' towards the close of September, hearing that a arge'orce was comiung to relieve the garrison, and being weary of their labors, the Indians, with the exception of Pontiac and his tribe, the Ottawas, began to sue for peace, and a truce being granted thern, they soon departed from the scene of the besieged fort, and took to the forest to provide food for their families and obtain the furs and hides of the animals so long left unmolested. The Ottawas, with Pontiac, being now left; alone to carry on the siege, kept up the attack till the last of October, when, leirning fromn the French that a lasting peace had been made between the French and the English, and that aid from their French father, the King, was now no longer to be hoped for, " in rage and mortification,"l he left Detroit, and, with a number of his chiefs,'"repaired to the River iMaumee, with the design of stirring up the Indians in that quarter, and renewing hostilities in the spring."t The winter proved a hard one; and the Indians suffered much from cold and hunger. The siege had exhausted their ammunlition; the fur-trade having been interfered with, left them without many articles they had previously been in the habit of enjoying. But before the cold had spent itself, Sir William Johnson had dispatched messengers to many tribes, inviting them to a great peacecouncil, at Niagara, which was readily responded to; and some two thousand warriors, were soon gathered about Niagara to meet and talk with Sir William. There were yet, however, many who were still much embittered in their feelings towards the English, and would not attend the council. The "Menomenies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Mississaugas, from the north, Caughnawas, iroim Canada, even Wyandotts, from Detroit, with a host of Iroquois;" while "the Sacs, Foxes, and the Winnebagoes had sent their deputies; and also the Osages, a tribe beyond the Mississippi, had their representatives in the general meeting." The attitude of many of the tribes of the northwest, had early superinduced a vigorous movement on the part of the English government for their chastisement. The plan of this campaign embraced two armies,-one to be led by Colonel Bouquet, and the other by Colonel Bradstreet, the former to move towards Fort Pitt, and to the country of the hostile Shawanoes and Delawares, along the Scioto and Muskingum rivers; while Bradstreet was to push forward to Detroit. *Parinam.n. +Ibid. Tim: SIEGE ABANDONED BY PONIACr. 77 Bradstreet had preceeded Bouquet, and. being of a most ambitious turn of mind, or at least quite anxious to do as much of the work as possible, met some'of the hostile tribes, on his march who, to delay the action of the army, sought for peace, and he concluded treaties with them, on certain stipulated grounds, a matter tiat belonged entirely to Sir William Johnson. Supposing that he had tione about all the work, (though the Indians were then menacing the frontier settlements,) sent word to Bouquet to that effect; and "while Bradstreet's troops were advlancing upon the lakes, or lying idle in their camlps at Sandusky, another expedition (Bouquet:s) was in progress southward, with abler conduct and a more auspicious result."' On the 26th of August, Bradstreet reached the long-besieged fort of Detroit, which was a most happy nioment to Glacdwyn and his little corps of soldiers within the garrison, who had beoen more or less beset by the beseigers up to that time,-the Indiaps, having resumed hostilities, in- the spring, as proposed by Pontiac-a period of upwards of fifteen months. Before quiting Sandusky, Bradstreet had commissioned and sent one Captain Morris, an Englishman, accompanied by a ntumber of Canadians and friendly Indians, as attendants, towards the country of the Illinois to treat wiith and bring'the Indians of that portion of the west to friendly terms. Pontiac and his followers, sullen and intractable, had left; De troit, and again taken up his abode, for the timie, on the Maumee; a few miles below the present site of Fort Wayne, whence he is said to have " sent a hauglhty dlefiance to the English cormm.ander' at Detroit; and many of the Indians about Detroit had gone with Pontiac, leaving there but a few remnant tribes, who? for the most aart, exhibiting a desire for peace, Bradstreet soo!. gcave them an opportunity to express their sense of feeling in this relatidn, and a council was held with this view, at that point, on tle 7t' of Septemrber. Upon the condition,-lwhich they are said to have happily not understood at all, and which,not understanding, they readily accepted,-" that they become subjects of the King of Enl:and,"-a treaty of peace was concluded with thern. At this council were present portions of the Miamies, Pottarwattamies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Sac s, and Wyandotts. S-id Wasson, an Ojibwa chief, to the English commander, on tlis occasion:' 3My Brother, last year God forsook us. God has now opened our eves, and we desire to be heard. It'was God's will. you h.ad such line weather to come to us. It is God's will also thcat there should be peace and tranquility over the tface of the ear.th and of the waters "-openly acknowledging'; that "tle tribes he reproIPak'1c man. 7I T'SHISTORY OrF Folio W xAYnE, sented were justly chargeable with the war, and deeply reogreted their absence.'" But let us look after Morris and his companions, who are now rowing, as rapidly as their strength and the curren t will admit, up the beautiful Maumee. Ascending this stream in a canoe, runs the narration,- he soon approached the camp of Pontiac, who, as we have seen, had withdrawn to the banks of this river, with his chosen warriors. While yet at some distance, Morris and his party were met by about two hundred Indians, who treated him witih great violence, while they offered a.firiendly welcome to the Iroquois and Caladian attendants. Accompanied by this clamorous escort, all moved together towards the camp. At its outskirts stood Pontiac himself He met the ambasscaidor with a scowlinog brow, and. refused to offer his hand. " The Enolish are liars," was his first fierce salutation IHe then displayed a letter addressed to him'self, and purporting to have been written tb the King of France, containing, as Morris declared,' the grossest calumnies w hict tihe most ingenious malice could tdevise, to incense the Indians agoainst the English.' Tlhe old stiory had not been forgotten. "Your French Father, said the write., is neither dead nor asleep; he is already on his way, with sixty grealt ships, to revenge himself on the English, and drive them out of America." It is evident, concluded the account, " that the letter Ihad emenated from a Frenchl officer, or more probably a French fur-t;rader, who, for his own aggrandizment, sought to arouse the a)ntipatthy of the natives to the detriment and further encroachment of the Enolish; and Bradstreet, for not having brougoht the Indians to a state of subjection before his departure from Saandusky, is in no little degree censured for the result of Morris' subsequent efiorts and harsh treatment in meeting with Pontiac; for the fact of so many of the Indians being held as prisoners by the English, at Detroit, even acted as a powerful check to tihe Ottawas in their action towards Morris. "' The Indians led me,'" says Morris,t " up to a person, who stood cadvanced before two slaves, (prisoners of the Panis nation, taken in war and kept in slavery,) who had alrms, himself holding a fusee, with the butt on the ground.. By his dress and the air lhe a.ssumed, he appeared to be a French officer I afterwards found he was a native of old France, had. been long in the regular troops as a drummer, and that his war-name was St. Vincent. This finedressed, half-French, half-Indian figure desired me to dismount; a:bear-skin was spread on the ground, and St. Vincent and I sat upon *As compiled from Morris' own statement and the testimony of the Canadian fand Indilan guides. See History of the Consp. of Pontiac, pages 4i69 to 474, and in Appendix T4F. tSays Parkman: "'Morris appears to have been a person of strong literary tastes. His portrait, prefixec to the little volume, (containing this narration) exhibits a round Eng'ilish face and features more indicative of placid good Ihumor tlhan of the resolution w hich must have characterized'him." The volumnle referred to, was published in L.1 0don1, in 1 I'. in 1eo n ttioln'with ot.r mlttei ut r a irisc'aneons chlaracter. ]\IORRIS AND hIIS G UIDES AinRIIVE HIERE. 79 it, the whole Indian army, circle within irc, standing round us. Godefroi sat at a little distance from us; and presently came Pondiac,- and squatted himself, after his fashion, opposite tome. This Indian," continues he, " has a more extensive power than ever was known among that people; for every chief used to command. his own tribe: but eighteen'nations, by French intrigue, had been brought to unite, and. chuse this man fdr their commander, after the English had conquered Canada; having been taught to believe, that, aided by France, they might make a vigorous push and drive us out of North America." P "' IPondiac said to my chief:'If you have made peace with the English, we have no business to make war on them. The war-belt came from you.' He afterwards said to Godefroi:'I willlead the nations to war no more; let'em be at peace, if they chuse it; but I myself will never be a friend to the English. I shall now become a wanderer in the woods; and if they come to seek me there, while I have an arrow left 1 will shoot at them.''IHe made a speech to the chiefs," continues Morris, "Twho wanted to put me to death; which does him honor; and shows that'he Was acquainted with the law of nations; " We must not,' said hen'kill ambassadors; do we not send them to the Flat-heads, our greatest enemies, and they to us? Yet these are always treated with hospitality."' After relieving the party of all but their canoe, clothing; and arms, they were permitted to resume their course without farther molestation. Quitting the inhospitable camp of Pontiac, with poles and paddles, against,a strong current, they continued their course up the beautiful Maumee, and, in seven days from their first out-setj in the morning, they arrived and made a landing, within sight of Fort Miami, (at this point) which, from the time of its capture, after the death, of Holmes, the previous year, l had been without a garrison, its only occupants being a few Canadians who had erec: ted some huts within its enclosure; together with a imall number of Indians who made it their place of shelter for a time. The open points in the locality of the fort, at that time, were princai pally covered with the wigwams of the Kickapoos, quite a large body of whom having but lately reached here. On the opposite side,j- covered by an intervening strip of forest, quite hiden from view, stood the Miami villages. Having brought the canoe to a place of landing, a short distance below tho fort, and began the adjustment of some necessary affairs, *The forime style of spelling the name, or at least as usually spelt by the English at that time. tAt the period of Morris' arrival at this point, and for manny years after, the reader hnust infer that the huts of the Mianmies extended on both sides of the St. Joseph, dotting much of the field adjadent to the " lad Anthony Park" or orchard, including, perhlaps, much of the present site of the orchard itself, and on. the opposite side, runl nring as far west, as the Agricultural l Works aindl teirt(eabont. I~SO -THISTORYo oF e' ]FOT WAVNY. his attendants strode off through the strip of woods" towards the village; and it is stated as most fortunate that he thus remained behind, for, scarcely had his attendants reached the open space beyond the woods, when they were met by a band of savages, armed with spears, hatchets, and bows and arrows, resolutely determining to destroy the Englishman, Morris.t Nd't yet perceiving him, the chiefs accompanying Morris, began at olice to address them, and to endeavor to dissuade them from their purpose, which had the desired effect, at least, in so far as taking his life was concerned; Coming up, in a few moments, to the point where Mlorris stood1 they at once began to threaten him and treat him very roughly, and took him to the fort, where he was commanded to remain, forbidding the Canadians there to permit him to enter their huts. A deputation of Shawanoe and Delaware chiefs, which tribes,'the reader will remember, were at that time making great preparations to move against the English, though pretending to be friendly, had recently come to the Miami village here, with fourteen warbelts, and with a view of arousing the Miamioe again to arhls against the English; and it was to these that was mainly ascribed the cause of lAorris' treatment on his arrival here. From this point they had proceeded westward, arousing a similar spirit among all the tribes from the Mississippi to the Ohio, avowing that.they would never make friends wifh the English-that they would fight them als lonc as the sun shone; and earnestly pressed the Illinois tribes to join them in their terrible determination. But Morris had not long remained at the fort, before two Miami warriors came to him, and, with raised'tomahawks, grasped him by the arms, forced him without the garrison, and led him to the river. Walking forward into the water with him, Morris' first thought was that the Indians sought to drown him, and then take his cailp; but, instead, they led him across the stream, then quite low, and moved towards the center of the Mliami village, on the.west side of the St. Joseph. Nearing the wigwams, the Indians ceased to go further, and at once sought to undress him; but finding the task rather difficult, they became quite angry thereatr and iMorris himself, " in rage and despair," " tore off his uniform."' Then tying his arms behind him with his own siash, the Indians drove him forward into the village. Speedily issuing from all thle vigvwanms to see and receive the prisoner, in great numbers, the Indians gathered about himn, "like a- swarm of angry bees,?' giving vent; to terrific yells —" sounds compa red to which, the nocturnal howlings of starved wolves are gentle and melodious.'; The largest portion of tie villagers were ifr killing him; but a division:rising between them, as to what wass best to do with him readily:-This pointT must have been near or just below the confluence of the St. Marv and S;. Joseph. A visit to and( little survey of tll these points, Awould render them the more inte -resting and familiar to the thoughtful and curious. jHis. O(ni p.'I nti(', p 471.:';Pa'k'?.!T, EouarI TREATMENT OF M ORRIS AT THE lMIAMeI VILLAGE. 81 developed a vociferous debate; when two of the Canadians, of the names of dodefroi and St. Vincent, who had accompanied him to this point, and who had now followed him to the village, came forWard and began to intercede with the chiefs in behalf of their prisoner. A nephew of Pontiac was among the chiefs,-who is represented as a young man, possessing much of the bold spirit of his uncle, and who heroically spoke against the propriety of killing the prisoner; and Godefroi desisted, saying "that' he would not see one of the Englishmen put to death, when so many of the Indians were in the hands of the army at Detroit.'" A Miami chief, called the Swan, is also represented as having protected the prisoner, and cut the sash binding his arms. Morris, beginning now to speak in his own defense, was again seized by a chief called the AVWhite Cat, and bound to a post by the neck; at which another chief, called the Pacanne, rode up on horseback, cut the band with his hatchet, at once giving Morris his freedom again, exclaiming, as he did so, I give this Englishman his life. If you want English meat, go to Detroit or to the lake, and you will find enough of it VWhat business have you with this man, who has come to speak with us " The determined will and bold words of Pacanne had the desired effect. A change of feeling now readily began to show itself; and the prisoner, without further words or beating from any of the crowd, was soon violently driven out of the village, whither he soon made his way to the fort. On his way, however, it is stated, an Indian met him, and, with a stick, beat his exposed body. His position was now most critical; and while the Canadians in the fort Were disposed to protect him, they were yet loth to lay themselves liable to distrust or danger; and the same warriors who had taken him to the village, were now lurking about, ready to em.brace the first opportunity to kill him; while the Kickapoos, near by, had sent him word that, if the Miamies did not kill him, they would whenever he passed their camp. Again, on the eve of setting out on his journey to the Illinois, notwithstanding the dangers now thickening about him, and the great distance yet before him, his Canadian and Indian attendants strongly urged him not to proceed farther; and, on the evening of this day, they held a council with the Miami chiefs, wherein it became the more evident that his situation was most perilous, and that any attempt to continue his journey would be most disastrous; and -while many messages were continually reaching him, threatening to put an end to his life, should he attempt to fulfill his mission, report was also conveyed to him that several of the Shawanoe deputies were then returning to the garrison expressly to kill him. Under these circumstances, readily abandoning his determinationi to proceed farther, he soon began to row his bark towards Detroit, whither he arrived on the 17th of September. Not finding Bradstreet there, as he had anticipated, he having returned to Saiidns-'y and Morris now quite weary and fatigued, tno.able to proceOd farther:.ro tho e,' is (6} 8+r>}p^23 -HisTroY OF Fonr WAYNE. he had undergone, soon sent the former an account of his effobrts, i wNhich, together "with the facts already presented, was the following bearing' date September 18: rlhe villains have nipped our fairest hopes in. the bud. I trem ble for you at Sandusky; though I was pleased to innd you have one of the vessels vwith you, and artillery. I wTish thIe chiefs wee assembled on board the vessel, and that she had a hole in her botton,. Treachery should be paid with treachery and t. is more than ordinary pleasure to deceive those who would deceive us.: Bradstreets main object in returning to Sandusky, was to fulfill his promis e with the Delaware and Shawanoe ambassadors to meet tlhemlrat that point, —about the period of Morris' return —to receive lte prisorneOrs held by them, and conclude a treaty of peace. The (epultation not coming to timeI left him m.uch disappointed torJ seve.rnl days, wvhen a ntumber of warriors of these tribes came to Bradstreet s camp with the plea, that, if he Vwould not attack them, they -would bring the prisoners the next week, which Bradstree t readily acceepted, and, removinog his camp to the carrying-place of Sadusky, lay in waiting for the Indians and tle priso:lers. Soon receivnil a letter i fom Gecneral Gage, condemnatory of his course, insi. ting that his mode of treatment with the Indians was inadequate to efdect any goood results with thenm aand ordering himl to break engag)ements bwith thelmn and move upon the enemy at once -close tipon thle receipt of wlich also came the journal of Captain Mforris, enahbling him readily to see " how:r signally he had been duped, " lthou.'h subsequent facts provecd that some good did result firom sa'dstreet;s course with the Indians at Detroit, as many of them L^:,d Ioecom)lc more reasonable and tnuil in their actiolns. Becornint1 dispirited and not seeing fit to comply with G-hicets co.lmmands, lhe brole up his caimp) at Sandus]Cy, and w ended:hisi way'Loards Niagiara, meeting with many disasters on is voyage thither. T.a' expedition under Bou quet, to the soLuthward. had now done the work. Ia'iaing penetrated to the center of the Delaware towns, and into the most extensive settlements of the Shawanwus, about 15l miles from r'ort Pitt, to the northwest, witIh a large body of regular and provL-ciCal troops, hle soon humbled these w'R v and unrelentingT tribes, andi speedily compelledt tiem to d.elver, all the prisoners in Lhei r possessilo;1n During, the frointier struggi. es, fo.r so-me yTears prior to b)ouquet s campaign, lhndredss of fa:eies along the bordlers had. been matRti- ed an:d mLnly carried. awi- to t the forest by the Indians n and'ne!m' Boeuqu et t sta'ted o in cifs expedition against the Shlawanm s and plavn-aw;res-, in the interiro- leaving the biorder settlements, he was e i.aely joined by oiae.v many w.l- years befi re, had los't their fiiends.,A-mol?; the neany prisoner s,ron-nought into the camp of Bouc ueL (ovr t.wo hntnm'cWlr.t r, in all.) w ilfe hin tl.e settlements of these tribes, hlus:-ds'o:l.' wm.i.e, d.d par, ents tlteir children, fiomn whom BOUQUET AiND TlTE CAPTIVES-EFEVCTING SCENE. 83 they had been separated for years. Women, frantic between hope and fear, were rtirning hither and thither, looking? piercingly into the face of' every child, to find their own, which, perhaps, had diedc-and then such shrieks of agony I Some of the little captives shrank from their own forgotten mothers, and hid in terror in the blankets of the squaws that had adopted them. Some that had been taken away young, had grown up and masrried Indian husbands or Indian wives, now stood utterly bewildered with conflicting emotions. A young Virginian had found his wife; but his little boy, not two years old when captured, had been torn from her, and had been carried off no one knew whither. One day, a warrior camne in leading a child. No one seemed to own it. But soo'n the mother knew her offspring, and screaming with joy, folded. her son to her bosom. An old woman had lost her granddaughter in the French war, nine years before. All her other relatives had died under the knife. Searching, with trembling eagerness, in each face, she at last recognized the altered features of her child. But the girl had forgotten her native tongue, and returned no answer, and made no sign. The old woman groaned, and complained bitterly, that the daughter she had so often sung to sleep on her knees, had forgotten her in her old age. Soldiers and officers were alike overcome. " Sing," said Bouquet to the old lady, "sing' the sonlg you used to sing." As the low trembling tones beoan to ascend, the wild girl gave one sudden start, then listening for a moment longer, her frame shakino like an ague, she burst into a passionate flood of tears. She was indeed the lost child. All else had been efflaced from her memory, save the recollection of that sweet song of her infancy. She had heard it in her dre'ims.* The tender sensibilities and affectionate throbbings so often manLifested by the civilized soul under heavy affliction, were feelinos foreign, as a general rule, to the Indian heart. His temperament was iron; he had ever been nurtured in an opposite condition of growth; and, consequently, he is said to have held such expressions of the heart in contempt; but when the song of the old lady was seen by them to touch the captive's heart and bring her again to a mothers arms, they were overcome with emotion, and the heart of the Indian beat heavily under the weight of feeling that suddenly convulsed him as he gazed upon the strange scene then enacted. ~Many captive women who returned to the settlenments with their friends soon after made their escape, aind wandered back to their Indian husbands again, so great was the change that had tasken place in their natures. Such was the magnetic power of the tIdian and the wilds of the forest over the civilized soul. Thie English having now subdued the tribes of thle noor.thvest, and completed definite ttis treaties with the at Niag'ara, began tt contemplate a further move to the wyt: tl(d north, with a view to securingo the country csand cpos.ts tn tO.we 114his antll MississisSppi;. " States3 and. Territo.io,s- of:/h ts - teat - l s',"' ps-^ o,,^'i. 1 i3., 84- HISTORY OF FORT WAYs,. of which Pontiac soon became aware, and, leaving his place of seclusipn on the MIaumee, where Morris had met him and received such harsh treatment at the hands of his warriors, with four hundred of his chiefs, about the close of autumn, passed up to this point, (Fort Wayne) and, after a short stay, on to the Wabash, and thence to the Mississippi, arousing the tribes at every point to prepare to meet and destroy the English; and, having gained the French settlements and other places where the French traders and /abitcans were to be met, and where the flag of France was still displayed, (for the French held the country about the Illinois, Mississippi, and to the southward, as far as New Orleans, for some time after the loss of Canada and the upper posts,) the French furtraders and engaees, who dreaded the rivalry of the English in the fur-trade, readily gave encouragement to Pontiac and his followers, still insisting that the King of France was again awake, and his great armies were coming; " that the bayonets of the white-coated warriors would soon glitter amid the forests of the Mississippi." But Pontiac seemed doomed to disappointment and failure; and, after repeated efforts- having visited New Orleans, to gain the aid of the French governor of Louisiana, he returned again to the west, Determining to try the virtues of peace proposals in advance of the army to the westward'and southward, Sir William Johnsoh sent forward two messengers, Lieut. Fraser and George Croghan, to treat with the Indians on the Mississippi and Illinois. After many hardships, and the loss of their stores, through the severity uf the winter, &c., they reached Fort Pitt, where, after some delay 1ailnd the severe cold had subsided, with a few attendants, Fraser mruade his way safe]y down the Ohio for a thousand miles, wherej c.oming to a halt he met with very rough treatment from the Indians. A short time after, in the month of May, Croghan, with some Shawnoe and Delaware attendants, also moved down the Ohio, as far as the mouth of the Wabash, where, being fired upon by a party of Kickapoos, and several of the attendants killed, Croghan and the remainder were taken prisoners, whither they proceeded to Vincennes, where, finding many friendly Indians, he was well received, and the Kickapoos strongly censured for their work. From this point they went to Ouiatenon, arriving there on the 23d, where also Croghan met a great many friendly Indians. Here he began to make-preparations for a council, and was met by a large number of Indians, who smoked the pipe of peace with him. Soon receiving an invitation, from St. Ange, to visit Fort Chartres, lower dovwn, Croghan, accompanied by a large number of Indians, left Ouiatenon for that point, and had not journeyed far when they met Pontiac andc a large body of chiefs and warriors. Pontiac shook the hand of Crogha.n, who at once returned with the party to Ouiatenon, where a great concourse of chiefs and warriors were gathered. ptiac complained that the French had deceived him, and,ofifer'ad t1e calunmet and peace-belt, professing strong concurrence CROGIHANKS JOURNAL. 85 with the Ouiatenon chiefs in their expressions of friendship for the English. At the conclusion of this meeting, collecting the tribes here he had desired to meet, he soon took up his line of march, followed by Pontiac and a large number of chiefs, and set out towards Detroit, crossing over to this point, Fort Miami, and the village adjacent. Having kept a regular journal of his mission, filling it up at every point on the route,-from which the fo'egoing is principally drawn,-while here, he wrote, " August 1st, (1765). The Twigtwee (Twightwee) village is situated on both sides of a river, called St. Joseph, This river where it falls into the Miami (Maumee) riyer, about a quarter of a mile from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.* "The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment, came to this point, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians against the English. * *'' The country is pleasant, the soil is rich and well watered. After several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up all the English prisoners they had, on the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miamis river in a canoe. " Auust 17th.-In the morning we arrived at the fort, (Detroit) which is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty hduses; It stands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above, and nine miles below the fort; the country is thickly settled with French, their plantations are generally laid about three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of grain."t Says the Canadians were both poor and idle,-some 300 or 4:00 families, depending mainly upon the Indians for subsistence; had adopted the Indian manners and customs, raising but little grain, and all, men, women, and children, speaking the Indian language perfectly well, etc. Many Ottawas, Pottawattamies, and Ojibwas were now assembled, and, in the same old council hall where Pontiac, some months before, by stratagem, had essayed to overthrow the English,. great throngs of relenting warriors readily convened in obedience to the call of the English ambassador. The expressions among the tribes and deputies of tribes present, was one of mingled repentence and regret; and on the twenty-seventh of August, Croghan addressed them, after their own figurative style, as follows: "Children, we are very glad to see so many of you here present,Any one, from this account, can at any time easily ascertain the site of the old English fort,, Miami, of which the reader is already quite familiar. t" Western 4anals," pages 184 and 185. 86 HISTORY OF FORT WAY'.E. at your ancient council-fire, which laas been neglected for some time past; since then, high winds have blown, and raised heavy clouds over your country. I now, by this belt, rekindle your ancient fire, and throw dry wood upon it, tha:t the blaze may ascend to heaven, so that all nations may see it, and know that you live in peace and tranquility with your fathers the English. "By this belt I disperse all the black clouds fi;om over your heads, that the sun may shine clear on your women and children, that those unborn may enjoy the blessings of this general peace, now so happily settled between your fathers the English and you, and all your younger brethren to the sun-setting. " Children, by this belt I gather up all the bones of your deceased friends, and bury them deep in the ground, that the buds and sweet flowers of the earth may grow over them, that we may not see them any moree. " Children,,with this belt [ take the hatchet out of your hands, and pluck up a large tree, and bury it deep, so that it may never be founlT any more;and I plant the tree of peae.e, which all our children may sit under, and smoke in peace with their fathers. " Childreen, we have made a road from the sunrising to the sunsetting. J desire that you will preserve that road good and pleasant to travel upon, that we may all share:the blessing of this happy union." Closing this great peace-gathering about the last of September, 1765, and after exacting a promise from Pontiac that he would visit Oswego in the spring, and, in behalf of all the tribes he had so recently led against the English, conclude a treaty of peace and amity with Sir William Johnson, Croghan left the scene of his successful labors, and wended his way towards Niagara. About the period of the first snow, the 42d regiment of Hig-hlandes, a hundred strong, having moved down the Ohio, from Fort' Pitt, commanded by Capt. Sterling, arrived at Fort Chairtres. The flur dCe UIs of France was soon lowered; and, in its stead, the Englislh planted their standlard and forever destroyed the French power in ALmerica-aholding, as the English then did, and for many years subsequent, all the vwestern posts, firom Canada to the Illinois-wvhich leit the Indians also with but little to hope for. When sprling c. ame, Pontiac, true to hisi word, vWith his canoe, left his old home on the, M eaumee, for Osweo, whither he soon arrived, and where he made a gfreat speech, and sealed his submission to the English" forrever. His (canoe laden with the presents he had' received at the great council Iof Oswego, he rowecl rapidly toward the' Maumee again, where lhe is said to have spent the following winter, living "in the forest wxitlh his wives and children, and hunting like an ordinary warriok." In the spring of 1767i, considerable discontent began. again to manifest itself amnong the tribes " from the lakes to the Potoimac,' and from which eventually came the spilling of much DEIATH- OF PONTIAC. 87 blood as at former periods, along the frontier. The Indians Iacl been disturbed-in the possession of their lands, and had beoaun another terrible resentment. Pontiac had now long strangely kept out of the way. Whether he had been party to the agitation alonog the border or not, was not know'n; but many had. their suspicions. For two years subsequent to this period, Pontiac seelms to have kept so close, some where,l that few, if any, but his own imnmemdiate friends, perhaps, knew or heard of his whereabouts. In the month of April," 1769, however, he seems again to have visited the Illinois, and thoug'h not knowing that he had anything special in view, yet the English in that region were excited by his movements, From this point, he soon after startec for the (then) French settlement of St. Louis, (Mo.), where he was soon after murdered. The account of his death, as derived from the most reliable sources, is, that le was killed by an Illinois Indian, of the Kaskaskia tribe; that hle had been to a feast with some of the French Creoles of Cahokia, opposite the present site of the city of St. Louis, and became drunk. Leaving -the place of carousal, and entering an adjacent forest, the murderer stole quickly upon him and dispatched him with his tomahawk, striking him. on the head; that the assassin had been instigated to the act by an Englishman of the name of Williamson, who had agreed to give him a barrel of whisky, with a promise of something besides, if lhe would kill the Ottawa chieftain, which he readily accepted. Says (ouin's account: "' From Miami (here) Pontiac went to Fort Chartres, on the Illinois. in a few years, the English, who had possession of the fort, procured an Indian of the Peoria nation to kill him. The news spread like lig'htning through the country. The I'dians assembled in great lnumbers, attacked and destroyed all tbh. Peorias, except about thirty'families, which were received intd the fort." And the death of Pontiac was revenged. His spirit could rest in peace. Such was Indian usage. And thus closed the career of one of Nature's most singular and resolute types of aboriginal character; of whom Croghlan wrote in his journal and sent to Gen. Gage in 1765:' Pontiac is a shrewd, sensible Indian, of few words, and commands more respect among his ownrl nation than any Indian I ever saw could do amonog his own tribe.:,It was in this year that a definitive cession of the province of Louisiana, —which hiad formerly extended over the entire territory now known as the State of Indiana, was terminated (because pf tthe great losses sustained at various times in its maintelance by the French government) between France and Spain, the latter becomning,-by secret treaty, nade some years prior, (1764) between Louis 14th, and the [ King' of Spain,-sole possessor of the province. And the surrender of St, Louis, by St. An.ge, with the Engllsht already in possessioi of all Louisiana east of the Mississippii, closoed forever the domninion of the Frenclx in lthe Tew'World. CHAPTER VIIi. e' A sound like a sound of thunder rolled, And the heart of a nation stirredFor the bell of Freedom at midnight tolled, Through a mighty land was heard, t v,- X; h X * k X It was heard by the fettered and the braveIt was heard in the cottage, and in the hallAnd its chime gave a glorious summons to all." WM. Ross WALLACE, The struggle for Independence-Causes that led to the Revolution-The men of'76 —: Triumph over old conditions-Final treaty of peace-Foreshadowings of former ages realized in the founding of the New Republic. -..0 —--- CS the great earth upon which we live swings with a lighter air in its orbit as the many inharmonious conditions and the great forests upon its surface are cleared away and reduced to ashes by the necessities of improvement, so the advancing tide of human civilization brings\ to the circumambient air of human relations a less rarefied and more brilliant atmosphere of intellectual strength and love of Freedom. But the great soul of nature is never still-never ceases to act, to push forward, as with some imponderable impulse, to work out and develop a great and beautiful Future; and scarcely had the French and Indian war of 1759 and 1760 ceased its action, when the colonial settlements of the New 5World began to exhibit a spirit of dissatisfaction, produced by the acts of the English parliament, and King, that foreshadowed in the (then) not far distant future a momentous and long-protracted struggle; and the heroic James Otis, then advocate-general of the province of Massachusetts, replying to Gridley, advocate for the crown, readily gave new strength and vigor to the foreshadowing. Said he, with great emphasis, on the occasion in question: " To my dying day, I will oppose, with all the power and faculties God has given me, all such instruments (Writs of Assistance for the collection of revenue from the colonists) of slavery on one hand, and villainy on the other." Tlhe same formidable power, with colonial aid, that had crushed BEG-INNING OF TaHu AMEICcAN PREVOLUTION. 89 and despoiled the French in Canada, and, for a time, mainly subdued the Indians of the northwest, had now (1761) begun to present a rigorous front towards the colonists; and though this point, a few years subsequent to the formidable effort of Pontiac, against the English, had remained in comparative quiet, in so far, at least, as the historic accounts run, yet, as step by step the struggle for Independence continued, and at length the strengthened voice of civilization on the new continent, echoing along the ridges of the Alleghanies and through the massive gloom of forest towards the setting sun, startling the little English garrisons at Detroit and other points into momentary activity, and awakening again the aboriginal tribes to a new consideration of their future, this again readily became a point of the greatest importance in both a civil and military point of view; and dearly was it bought by the efforts of the American army, as will be seen in subsequent pages. The first straggle on the new continent had readily scattered the seed that was to bring forth a second, a third, and a fourth revolution. And, as the accelerated action of the globe becomes less commotionate and easier in its rotative movement, as the refining process of its surface advances, and its internal heat and compressed air are reduced and evolved through volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and fissury expansion, so the new colonial settlements were destined only to enjoy a wider range of social and governmental Freedom in proportion as they removed the barriers of the forest, and became earnest, efficient, and resolute in action against the further aggression and power of the British Crown on the new continent; and, as this germ of glorious determination and advancement in the establishment of free institutions seemed only destined to expand to a fair expression of vital force and activity through the aggressive movements of the English Government; so the latter began to exercise an undue control over the colonies of the New World, by a gradual disturbance, in various ways, of their colonial relations-at one time interfering with the charter of Connecticut; at another, levying heavy duties upon certain articles of importation into America; and the adoption, soon after, of strenuous measures for the collection thereof-insisting that the colonists should defray the expenses of the French andIndian war, upon the ground that it had been waged in defence of the colonies. Intense discord and excitement rapidly arose among the colonists. The people gathered at different points. Declamation met declamation. Protest followed protest; and the agitation was still increased by the passage of the famous " Stamp Act," by the English Parliament of 1765, which imposed heavy stamp duties upon all newspapers, almanacs, bonds, notes, etc., issued in America. And again determination followed determination. Resistance became universal and incontrollable. The spirit of Freedom had found a place in every true colonial heart; and resistence, even to the sword and bayonet, if need be, became at length a fixed .U0 HIsTo'rY OF FoRT WVSANE, and unalterable cletermination throughout the colonies. Patrick lenry, amid the cris of 6' Treason!" "' Treason!" in the House of Burgesses, in Virginia, thrilled the masses with a magnetic fire of determination tlat gave new impetus to colonial resentment.. And "ttreason!' tre!"son!" as the yellow leaf of autumn, fluttering for a moment upo- the passing breeze, falls gently to the earth, was as soon drowned by the eloquent voice of Henry; and " give me liberty, or give me death!" rapidly arose upon the tumultuous air of the colonial settlements. English soldiers soon making their appearance in Boston, (Sept, 27, 1768,) harsh treatment and imperious demands soon awakened resentment. A collision between the citizens and soldiers, in which three Americans were killed, was the result. Determining neither to use, nor to pay tax upon tea, three ships laden with this article, arriving in Boston harbor were boarded at night by a party of disguised Bostonia.ns2 and the tea was hurled into the water. Parliament still sternly demanding to be regarded in her claims and finding it out of tie question either to bribe or buy the patriotic coloists, soon began more strenuous measures of contrQl. The colonists rapidly formed into bodies of militia.' Minuite men," ready for action at a moment's notice, sprang up at every hand. The English Parliallent had declared Massachusetts to be in a state of rebellion, and more troops came over. " Boston Neck" was fortified by the English, and the Patriots, concealing their canm nons in loads of manure, and their ammunition and cartridges in market baskets and candle-boxes, gradually passed the guards to a point beyond Boston, unmolested. Concord, N. H-., became a prominent point, whither the patriots gathered their stores and ammunitioi, etc. Generai Gage, then commanding the English forces, thought to route the colonists from this point, ind ohe night secretly dispatched an army of eight hundred men towards Concord for the purpose. The Patriots heard of th'eir coming. The bells of the place were rung; guns were fired and the minute men were in arms. "Disperse, ye rebels," cried Gage, confronting the colonists and discharging his horse-pistols. The En'lish soldiery followed wvith a discharge of musketry. A number fell on the colonial side, and, giving way, the British passed on to Concord. A few houis later; the English, starting on their return to Boston, the colonists havino -gathered in large numbers fromn different points, and posted themselves behind bairns, trees, houseS, and fences opened a terrible fire uponl them from every side, aind before reaching,Boston, tle formime were well-nigh destroyed. The first blood was now spilled, and the account of the battle of Lexington aroused, at every point, the whole colonial population of America. " The farmer left his plow, and the mnechihnic his work-shop. Even old'men and boys," says the records, "hastened to arm themselves"- the wife girding "the sword about her hu'sband;" the mother blessing her son, and bidding him " go strike THIE DELLAMIATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 91 a blow for his. couuntry." The colonists were ripe for the struggle. A new era was to dawn upon the world; and Freedom was destined to triumph. As demand calls for supply; as necessities superinduc and develope the requisites of any great movement, so there soon appeared upon.the colonial stage a Franklin, a Washington, a Jay, a Jefferson, a Hancock, an Adams, a Monroe, a Randolph, a Thompson, a Lee, an Otis, a Wayne, ai Henry, a Hamilton, a Knox, a Clinton, a Miflin, a Pickens, a Morgan, a Green, a Morris, a Lincoln, a Marion, a Sumpter, a Tarleton, a Sullivan, a Jones, a Hoptkins, a Rutledge, a Gates, a Putnamm, a Trumbull, a WVm. Washington, a Bainbridge, a Schuyler, a Warren, etc. Ticonderoga, had now, (May. 10th, 1765,) fallen into the hands of the Americans; the Continential Congress, for the second time, was in session at Philadelphia; GEOrGE WASHINGTON became commander-in-chief of the colonial army; gTeat quantities of paper currency were.isued, the great battle of Bunker Hill was soon fought; and the war for.AAmerican Indepeildence had begun with an earnestness and determination only equalled by the glorious spirit that gave birth and impetus to thle struggle. At length theh h of July' 1776, came, The Continental Congress had received, considered, and, o'n this hallowed and evermemorable day, adopted a DECLARATION OF INDEPENDErNCE. The great old bell of Independence Hall soon rang out upon the still air the glorious consummation; and every where the heart of the colonist thrilled with joy. In the midst of discord, and under heavy travail, the new continent had given birth to a rare and beautiful child of Freedom and Progress, destined to live and become more glorious, happy, free, and beautiful as time rolled on. As before this eventful and happy hour,-with now a victory; now retreat and momentary defeat; now suffering with cold and hunger; annon encountering the savages of the forest, pushed on by British influence, for seven years the war continued; durin wvhich period, the American forces had been joined by many brave and patriotic men from the Old World, whose souls had caught the spirit of the hour, and whose great love of Freedom brought them to the rescue of the struggling cause on the new continent; amoug whom were Lafayette, Kosciusko, De Kalb,' Pulaski, Baron Stenben, and France herself, but a few years before defeated by the British in Canada, and at other points, also became an ally of the Americans, and rendered valuable aid in the cause of Freedom. Effecting a final treaty of peace with the British September 3, 1788; and from that time forward rapidly gaining strength and recovering from the great pressure so long hanging over them, on the 4th of March the old Continental Congress ceased to be, and the main elements of the present FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, under which our Republic has for so many years existed, and, under every adversity, maintained its primitive spirit of independence, becatme MS H2ITSTORY OF FORT WAYNE. the organic basis of the new governmental superstructure of America. A glorious era in the World's History had now begun. A month and two days later, (April 6th, 1789,) by the unanimous voice of the electors, the surveyor, the hero, and the soldier; the statesman and the philanthropist; the lover of Truth and Goodness; the successful leader of the colonial army, and the man of Progress in Governmental Freedom " and the pursuit of HAPPINESS"-GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Virginia, became first President, and the good and patriotic JOHN ADAMS, f Massachusetts, first Vice-President of the United States. The beautiful germ of the Ideal Republic of Plato, cast upon the soil of the World's necessities more than two thousand years before; the great principles of civil and religious liberty, involving at once "the inalienable rights of man" and the fundamental truths and necessities of continued progression in all that pertained to his welfare in mental and physical growth, as the only safe and sure road to ultimate happiness and good government, seen, acknowledged, and declared years prior to the departure of Columbus on his great voyage of discovery; and which " had shaken thrones and overturned dynasties" long before the regicidal fate of Charles the First, had now, within the wild domain of the Now World, begun to bear their first fruits, and to give promise of a continued and still more glorious fruitage in the years to come. CHAPTER IX. " Where are the hardy yeomen Who battled for this land, And trode these hoar old forests, A brave and gallant bard? They knew no dread of danger, When rose the Indian's yell; Right gallantly they struggled. Right gallantly they fell."-CCHsARLES A. JONES. — 0 Peaceful Attitude of affairs it the close of the great council at Osweg —A desire for more room-Movements of small parties westward-How they lived-Their dislike of extensive settlements —The English colonists-Habits and vicissitudes of the early pioneers-Their appearance, houses, furniture, etc.-"Tomahlawk rights" -The cabins often too "cluss "-Dangers and hardships-Efforts of Patrick Henry-Appointment of George Rogers Clark-His movement down the OhioReaches Louisville, Ky.-Starts for Kaskaskia-Takes the place by storm —The "Long Knives"-The stratagem-Fright of the villagers-Father Gibault and others visit Clark-The inhabitants permitted to attend church-Expect to be separated —Revisit of Father Gibault and pasty-Clark's response-Joy of the villagers-An expedition against Cahokia-Capture of that place and Vincennes -Appointments by Clark-" Big Door" —A " talk "-Big Door declares for the Long Knives-Clark organizes a company of French-Moves against the Indians -Brings them to terms-His movements reach the English at Detroit-Hamilton, the English Governor, moves against Vineennes, with a view to re-capture the lost posts-Vincennes retaken by(the British-Clark hears of the event, and soon captures the fort again —Hamilton and others sent to Virginia-No further troubles from the English-La Balme's expedition to this point-Flight oi the Indians-La Balme withdraws-Pursued by the Indians, under Little Turtle, and the whole party destroyed. CAJT TTHE CLOSE of the great treaty of Sir William Johnson with the different tribes of the north-west, at Oswego, in the ~,spring of 1766, at which Pontiac himself appeared and con] eluded a final reconciliation in behalf of all the tribes formerly banded under his leadership, it was generally thought by the colonists and those settlements along the Alleghenies and at other points westward, that further danger from the tribes was at an end. The English flag was now waving over all the posts from Niagara to the Mississippi; and while the settlements along the borders* and beyond were yet sparse and scattering, there arose a strong +Which, at that period, extended but little westward of the Alleghany mountains. 94 HTIsTORY OF Fo0T WAY2NE. diesire for more room among the settlers, and hundreds of resolute mJen were soon on the march seeking new homies in the wilderness ~of the west. After so much warfare, the peaceful quietudes of the border and more easterly settlements were more than they could abide, and the wild scenes of the distant forest afforded a fair interchange for the former excitement and vicissitudes of war. Starting out in small parties, the adventurous settlers would'move westward far interiorward, then separating, they would traverse large extents of country, and at length, each selecting a site for himself, would settle down in the primeval forest, far fiom any scenes of civilization or civilized associates, and living much like the Indians, they soon became as reckless and indifferent as the most savage of the red men around them. It is related of those early times that one of those pioneer settlers left his clearing and started for the forests of the westi for the reason that another had. settled so near to him that he could hear the report of his rifle; while yet another, seeing from the valley of his location, smoke curling in the distance, is said to have gone fifteen miles to dis-.cover its emanation, and finding new-comers there, " quit the country in disgust."' More " elbow-room i was wanted. Such were at least some of the extreme expressions of the time. The Enolish colonists were hardy, daring, self-reliant men, Unlike former periods in, the old world, when one nation was often suddenly overrun by another, both in their military and migratory movements, they pushed gradually forward; and while many were destroyed, they yet, onl the one liand, succeeded in reducing the Indians to a state of submission, through fear of extermination, while, on the other, the pioneer, relving entirely on his own bravery and prowess, with what aid each could render the other, in times of attack upon the settlements, &c., long held possession of a large region of country, and this aided in laying the basic structure of future greatness. Long accustomed to the exposure and the vicissitudes of a life on the frontier and in the wilderness, it is not surprising that these hardy men became dcarin and implacable, often restless for the achievement of some momentary victory or revenge. Adventurous men now soon began to crowd upon the Indians; their lands were being overrun by the colonists and while the Indians were disposed to present, for the most part, a friendly front towards the British, they yet cut down the settlers,'ad, thiough the English, readily made war upon the colonial settlements during the Rlevolution. Born and bred amid scenes of hardship, these early pioneers were naturally hardy and active, often caring but little for the common comforts of life or the roulghest weather. "' Wild as untamed nature, they could screanm with the panther, howl with the wolf, whoop with the-Indian, and fight all creation." It is related of one of these strangely rough adventurers in the history of the west, th.:at, having "; been tomanhawkled, and hiis scalp started, EARLY PIONEERS-TitiIR I-IABITS, APPEARANCE, ETC. 95 lie might yet be killed sometime, as the lightning had tried him on once, and would have done the business up for him- if he haldn't dodged.: Constantly associating with the Indians, many of them not only becamne demi-s'avage in appearance, but'" frequently assumed the whole savage character." A little description of their appearance, ordinary costumes, habits of life, housess, etq., will be of interest to the present generation. A coonskin cap, xithi the tall dangling' at the back of the neck, and the snout drooping Upon the forehead; long burcTskin leggins, sewed with. a wid6 fringed welt, down the outside of the legs'; a long, narrow strip of coarse cloth, passing around the hips and between the thighs, was brought up before and behind under tie belt, and hung down flapping, as they walked; a loose deerskin frock, open in front, and lapping once and a half round the body, was belted at the middle, forming convenient wallets on each side for chunks of lhoecake, tow, jerked venison, screw-driver, and other fixings; and a pair of Indian moccasins completed the primitive hunter's most unique apparel. Over the whole was slung a bullet-pouch and powder-horn. From behind the left hip dangled a scalping-knife; from the right protruded the handle of a hatchet; both weapons stuck in leathern cases. Every hunter carried an awl, a roll ot buckshina and strings of hide, called " whangs," for thread. In the winter loose deer-hair was stuffed into the moccasins to keep the feet wTarm. The pioneers lived in rude log-houtsesi covered, generally, with pieces of timber, about three feet in lengthr and six inches im wlidth called shakes," and laid over the roof instead of shingcles. They had neithernails, gass, saws, nor brick. The holues hacd huge slab doors, pinned togethler with wooden pins' The light came cdow;n the chimney, or through a hole in the logs, covered with a greased cloth. A scraggy hemlock sapling, the knots left a foot long, served for a stairway to the upper story, Their fiurniture consisted of tamarack bedsteads, framed into the walls, and a few shelves supported on long' wooden pins; sometimes a chair or two, but more often, a piece split off a tree, and so trlmmedj that the branches served for legs, Their utensils were very simple; generally nothing but a skillet, which serve(d for baking, boiling, roasting, washMlnodishes, making mush, scalding turkeys, cooking sassafras tea, and; making soap. A Johnycake board, instead of a dripping-pan,.hung oh a peg in every house, The corn was cracked into s coarse meal, by pounding it in a wooden mortar. As soon as swine could be kept away fiom thle bears, o,' rather, the bears away from thelm the' pioneers induloged in a dish of pork and corn, boiled together, and known among them as "hog and hominy." Fried pork they called " Old Ned."Quite the opposite of the early French settlers, who formed themselves into small communities, and tended their fields in corn-' States and Territories of the Great West," pages 14-, 143, 144, 145. 96 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. mon, the yankee pioneer " went the whole length for irndividual property," each settler claiming for himself three hundred acres of land, and the privilege of taking a thousand more, contiguous to his clearing; each running out his own lines for himself, chipping the bark off the trees, and cutting his name in the wood; which claims, thus loosely asserted, were then called " tomahawk rights," and were readily regarded by each emigrant. The first work that claimed the attention of the settler was that of felling the trees about him in order to make an opening and to prepare his houselogs, for the erection of a cabin, sleeping, meanwhile, under a bark cover, raised on crotches, or under a tree." A story is related of one of these pioneers, that, after the completion of his cabin, he could hardly stomach it." The logs were unchinked, the doorway open, the chimney gaping widely above him, but he complained that the air was yet too " cluss," and that he was compelled to sleep outside for a night or so in order " to get used to it." Such, runs the record, "were the people, and such their modes of living, that began to spread themselves throughout the west, between the close of Pontiac's war and the commencement of the Revolution. Then, when that struggle came on, new difficulties gathered thickly around the scattered settlements. The reduction of the wilderness was a huge task of itself, even with every encouragement, and without opposition of any sort. But the Anglo Saxon seemed to have had everything arrayed against him. Not only the forest, and the wild beasts, and untold privations, stood in the way of his progress,'but the French first tried to crowd him out; then the Indians sought to kill him; and, lastly, the British turned against their own flesh and blood, and bribed the savages to take his life. While the armies of England were roving over and wasting the whole Atlantic coast, from Massachusetts to Georgia, the British Governor at Detroit,'and his agents at the forts on the Wabash, and Maumee rivers, (including the fort at this point,) and at Kaskaskia, were busily engagedin inciting the Indians to deeds of rapine and murder on the western frontier. The teirible scenes of the old French war, and of Pontiac's war, were often re-enacted, The pioneers, however, were a different class of men from those who had previously suffered in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and who frequently precipitately fled from their burning dwellings, There was an iron will and temper in these later settlers that presented a front far different from those who, some years before, hac fled before the combined forces of the savages and French. Not waiting to be smoked or burnt out, or have their skulls opened with the tomahawk; their throats cut or scalps taken, the yankee pioneers met their assailants, and took a ready hand in the game of fight; and no sooner was it understood that the British were engaged in inciting the Indians against the American settlers, than it was resolved to push the war into the very forest itself-to the very threshold of the enemy. Patrick Henry, then Governor of Vir MOVEMENTS OF GEORGE IOGiRSR CLARE,. 9 ginia, soon snuffed the air of the pioneer settlements. Ie saw the situation. His soul arose equal to the emergency, and was among the first to propose a plan of relief for these sufferers of the forest. On the 2d of January, 1778, he issued instructions to the farmers, and directed the heroic Lt.-Col. Geo. Rogers Clark, of Albermarle county, Virginia, to "proceed with all convenient speed to raise seven companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the usual manner, and armed most properly for the enterprise, and with that force to attack the British fort at Kaskaskia;" charoing him, most explicitly, as follows:' During the whole transaction, you are to take especial care to keep the true destination of vour force secret; —its success depends on this." The sa.gacious Ioresight of Henry kIew thct man for the work. Clark set about the task with a wVill. He was born a hero, al(nd was said to be one of the finest looking men of his dary, and would readily " have attracted attention among a thousand." Conscious dignity is said to have sat gracefully upon him. Agreeable in temper; manly in deportment; intelligent in conversation;,arogely competent as an oficer; vivacious and bold of spirit, Col. Cla..rko was the man for the occasion, His captains havinrg reached Fort Pitt in the month of June,:' with less than six lines, in companies, with boats in readiness, Clark and his little army were soon aboard, and floating down the Ohio, whither they descended to the falls, in view of the present site of Louisville, Ky., where they encamped, hoping to obtain cadditional force from Kentucky stations; but, after some consideration touching these posts, deeming it unwise to reduce their strengh, witlh one hundred and fifty-three men, Col. Clark, armed after the Indian style, continued his course to the mouth of the Tennessee river. Obtaining important information at this point relative to the British posts on the Upper Mississippi, and sinking his boats to prevent discovery, he started overland to surprise and capture Kaskaskia. Each man carrying his own baggage and rations, through marshes and forests, for a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, often knee-deep in water, with their apparel dirty and ragged, beards unshaven for three weeks, presenting altogether a wild, frightful aspect, on the evening of the Fourth of July, 1778, Clark and his men approached Kaskaskia, and concealed themselves about the hills east of the Kaskaskia river. Sending out spies to watch the inhabitants/ soon after night-fall, he was again in motiun, and took possession of a house, inl which a family resided, about:three-quarters of a mile from the town, which contained about two hundred and fifty dwellings. Finding boats and canoes at this point, Clark divided his troops into three paw*The general inconveniences of the day —the t,thok l fre,pets, eta., a1. ortbieod to render everything in the way of military a1nd ploneer tmoveirnprl exet celi'wgy i(ow, and ot'(tei precarious. (7) 98 IISTORY OF FORT WAYT. ties-two to cross the river, while the other, with Clark himselfi moved forward and took command of the ftrt. The Indians and French had long known the New Englander's by the appellation of o Bostonias," and the Virginiais by that of "LoDng-Knives-" Many strange and fearful stories had long gone forth among the French of these posts concerning the Long-Knives; English officers visiting the Kaskaskians, had told them that the Long-Knives would not only take their property, butwere so brutal and ferocious that they "would butcher, in the most horrible manner, ment Women, and children 1 "-a fact that had previously reached the ear of Clark, and in pretension, at least, as the mest salutary means of effecting his purpose, he determined to carry out the idea and take the inhabitants by storm; and, accordingly, persons who could speak the French language, were directed to pass through the streets of the town and warn the inhabitants to keep within their dwellings,' under penalty of being shot down in the streets." Crossing the river, the two parties strode into the yet " quiet and unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling in the most furious manner, while those who made the proclamation in French, ordered the people into their houses on pain of instant death.1"' The word was out. The little vilage of Kaskaskia was in an uproar. All tWas consternation, fear, and trembling. Menw women, and chil." dren ran for dcear life; and 1L Les lonty coZe.,dux,/ —les long couteaux/- the Long-Knives!-the Long Knives I rapidly arose upon the theretofore quiet air of Kaskaskia, and the inhabitants precipitately betook themselves to their dwellings to escape the vensean'ce of the intruders. The victory was short and decisive. No blood hbad been shed; and two -hours later, the inhabitants of the viifage had all surrendered and delivered up their firearms.' All consummated after the best style of a co-mamnderwlell adapted to the occasionI and who kletw just how to carry out the plan of action to the best advantage,-a movement termned by the French rouse de yguerre,-the policy of'ar; and,to render the movement the more earnest and effectual in its character' the French Goverinor, M. Roeheblavej was taken prisoner in Ilis own chamber, and the night was passed by the Yirginia soldiers in patroling the streets with whoops and yells after the manner of the'Indians, which gave the inhabitants great uneasiness, but was:all turned to the best account by Col. Clark. The inhabitants were now fully pursuaded that all they had previously heard concerning the Long1Knives was too true, Clark had even carried his planso far as to prohibit intercourse with each other or his men; and for five days they were thuls held in suspense within their cottages. His troops now, (the fiftlh day) being removed to th-e outskirts of the village, the inhaditants we:re privileged again to walk the streets; but soon observing them conversigng with eacli othe, without giving any cause therefor, or perminitt in a'ord to be said in self-defence, "' Westein Annals," pages 268,' 26. THE iKAKASKIANS CONFER WITHI CLARK. 99 Clark ordered several of the officers of the place to be put in irons. Not that he wished to be cruel or despotic, but that his strategetic plan might prove more effectual and certain in its operations; and the wild, reckless, indifferent, dirty, ragged appearance and manner of Clark and his men, gave the greater awe and force to his plan of action. At length, M. Gibault, the parish priest, accompanied by " five or six elderly gentlemen," by permission, called upon Col. Clark. All looking alike dirty, and but little different in their general appearance, the deputation were greatly at a loss to know with whom to confer as commandant, and thus some moments elapsed before they were able to speak. But, very submissively, the priest, after. a short interval, began to make known their mission. He said " the inhabitants expected to be separated, perhaps never to meet again, and they begged through him, as a great favor from their conqueror, to be permitted to assemble in the church, offer up their prayers to God for their souls, and take leave of each other." To this Clark, with an air of seeming carelessness, replied that "' the Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of others, but left every man to worship God as he pleased;" and readily granted the privilege desired, but charged them on no account to attempt to leave the place; and no further conversation was permitted with the deputation. The little church was soon open, and the people rapidly crowded into it..As though the last opportunity they would have thus to assemble, all mournfully chanted their prayers, and bid each other adieu, little presuming that they would ever meet again in this life; and so great did they esteem the privilege granted them, that, at the close of the exercises, the priest and deputation repaired again to the quarters of Clark, and, on behalf of the people of the village, graciously thanked him for the indulgence granted them. Begging leave to say a word regarding their separation and their lives, they asserted that they knew nothing of the troubles between Great Britain and the colonists; that all that they had done was in subjection to the English commandants; and that while they were willing to abide by the fate of war in the loss of their property, they prayed that they might not be separated from their families; and that " clothes and provisions might be allowed them, barely sufficient for their present necessities." The stratagem was now complete, Fear had lapsed into resignation; and the spirit of hope in the Kaskaskians had fallen below the common ebb of even partial security. The achievement of Clark's plan was complete, and, with an air of surprise, he abruptly responded: " Do you mistake us for savages? I am almost certain that you do from your language! Do you think that Americans intend to strip women and children, or take the bread out of their mouths? " "' Mly countrymen," continued he, " disdain to make war upon helpless innocence. It was to prevent the hor 100 HIISTOY OF FORT WAAYNE. rors of Indian butchery upon our own wives and children that wv have taken arms and penetrated into this remote stronghold of British and Indian barbarity, and not the despicable prospect of plunder. That now the King of France had united his powerful arms with that of America, the war would not5 in all probability, continue long; but the inhabitants of Kaskaskia were at liberty to take which side they pleased, without the least danger to either their property or families. Nor would their religion be any source of disagreement, as all religions were regarded with equal respect in the eye of the American law, and that any insult offered it would be immediately punished. And now, to prove mIy sincerity, youl *will please inform your fellow-citizens that they are quite at liberty to conduct themselves as usual, without the least apprehension..am now convinced, from what I have learned since my arrival among you, that you have been misinformed and prejudiced against us by British officers; and your friends who are in confine, nent shall immediately be released." The utterances of Clark were soon conveyed to the people; and from fear and apprehension all was changed to joy and praise. The bells rang, and te cleums were sung. All the night long the villagers made merry. All the privileges they could have desired were granted them, and Col. Clark was readily acknowledged "-the commandant of the country." Soon planning an expedition against Cahoia, in which the Kaskaskians themselves took part, that place was taken with but little trouble and no bloodshed. Close upon the achievement of this success, through the aid and firiendship of M. Gibault. the priest of Kaskaskia, Vincennes was also soon captured, with but little effort, and the American flago displayed from the garrison. Capt. Williams was now appointed commandant at aIaskaskia; CaptL Bowman at Cahokia, and Capt. IHelm at Vincennes.* The French a;t these points were now all fklst friends of the Americans, and rejoiced at the change that had been made from British to American rule; and Clark proceeded to re-organize the civil government amowg them, appointin influential and prominent rtench residents to fill the officeas. At this period a Pia.nkelaw chief, of g,-eat influence among his tribe, known as the'" Big Gate," or " Big Door,' and called by the Indians "TIhe Grand Door to the'Wabash" from the fact that, much as with the famous Pontiac anld'the Delaware Prophet, farther to the eastward, with whom the reader is already familiar, nothing could be accomplished by the Indian confederation on the Wabash -at that period, without his approbation. Receiving "a spirited eoplimertfr.tm"'7 from ather Gibault, (who was much liked by the Indians,)'thr-onh his father, known as a Old Tobac," Big Door returned it, whiacih was soon followed with a 1' great talk " and a belt pf wamlpum. Th er-ew iadinas, under British influence, had previ1t'1i forpt at Y'ilennes was w ll!ei: Fort Patr.Ik.Henry, aft er its c vaptlue Iby C1lok. TnHE WABASHI ITDIANS DECLARE FOR THE LONG-KNIVES. 101 lusly done much " mischief to the fiontier settlements." Capt. Helm now soon sent a "talk" and wampum to the "Big Door." The chief was very much elated, and sent a message to Helm, stating that he was glad to see one of the Big Knife chiefs in town; that here he joined the English against the Big Knives, but he long thought they'looked a little gloomy;" that he must consult his counselors; take time to deliberate, as was the Indian custom; and hoped the Captain of the Big Knives would be patient. After several days, Old Tobac invited Captain Helm to a council; and it is said Tobac played quite a subordinate to his son (Big Door) in the proceedings thereof.' After some display of eloquence in reference to the sky having been dark, and the clouds now having been brushed away, the Grand Door announced" that his ideas were much changed; and that "the Big Knives was in the right;" " that he would tell all the red people on the Wabash to bloody the hand no more for the English;" and jumping up, striking his breast, said he was " a man and a -warrior; " that he was now a Big Knife," and shook the hand of Capt. Helm, his example being followed by all present; andl soon all the tribes along the Wabash, as high as Ouiatenon, came flocking to Vincennes to w to welc he Big Knives. The interests of the British are now said to have lost ground in all the villages south of Lake M/ichigan. A few months later, and the jurisdiction of Virginia was extended over the settlements of the Wabash and. the Upper Mississippi, through the organization of the "County of Illinois," over which Col. John Todd had been made civil commander. On the first of September, the time of enlistment of the troops under Clark having expired, and seventy of his men already returnel home, to taike their pIaces, Clark at once organized a coumpany of the inhabitants of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, commanded by their own officers, and soon started a formidable and rapid movement against the Indians, with whom he made no treaties or gave any quarters. His idea and spirit vwas to reduce them to terms, wyithout any parley; and soon the name of Clark became a tprror among the tribes of the northwest. Before the close of December, (1778) these hostilities had nearly ceased, and everything wore a frienJdly air among the French settlers. The news of Clark's success havindg at length reached Detroit, by way of this point, IIamilton,t the British Governor, at once determined to recapture the posts again, and accordingly with eighty reg"' W^lnl 116 ItsTORY OF FOiOT AWAYNE. Having received the instructions of Gov. St, Clair, after the necessary preparations, Major Hamtramck, then commanding at Post Vincennes, on the 15th of April, despatched Antoine Gamelin from that point with the speeches of St. Clair to the tribes of the Wabash. Reaching the Indian settlements-, Mr. Gamielin delivered the speeches at all the Villages bordering this stream, and. came as far' eastward as the Miiami village, opposite the present site of FoTt Wayne. The following is the journal of Gamelin, much of which relates to his conference at the fMiami village here; and will give the imaginative reader quite a fair view of the spirit of the Miamies at this point at that period. Says the journal of Gam-l elin: "the first village I arrived to, is called Kikapouguoi. The name of the chief of this village is called Les Jambes Croches. Him and his tribe have a good heart, and accepted the speech.. The second village is at the river du Vermillion, called Piankeshaws. The first chief and all his warriors, were well pleased with the speeches concerning the. peace: but they said they could not give presently a proper answer, before they consult the Mianmi nation, their eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed to the Miami town, (Ke-ki-ong-gay,) and, by coming back, to let them know, what reception I got from them. The said head chief told me that he thought the nations of the lake had a bad heart, and were ill disposed for the Americans: that the speeches would not be received, particularly by the Shawnees at Miamitown.: The llth of April, I reached a tribe of Kickapoos. The head chief and all the warriors being assembled, I gave them two branches of white wampum, with the speeches of his e-cellency Arthur St. Clair, and those of Mlajor Ham tramck. It must be observed that the speeches have been in another hand before me. The messenger could not proceed further than the Vermillion, on account of some private wrangling between the interpreter and some chief men of the tribe. lM'oreover, something' in the speech, displeased theim very much, which is included in the third article, which says,'cldo ozo ma2ke you the offer of peace: accept it, or reject it, as yozoplease.' These words appeared to displease all the tribes to whom the first m1essenger was sent. They told me they were menacing; and finding that it might have a bad effect, I took upon mvself to exclude them.; and, after making some apology, they answered that he and his tribe were pleased with my speech, and that I could go up without danger, but they could not presently give rme an answer, having some warriors absent, and without consulting the Ouiatenons, being the owners of their lands. They desired me to stop at QuitepiconnS, [Tippecanoe,] that they would have the chiefs and warriors of' Ouiatenons and those of their nation assembled there, and would receive a proper answer. They said that they expected )by me a draught of milk from the great chief, and the commandingn officer of the post, for to put the old people'~.'-_ ~.. GX'MELIN'S JOURNAL. 117 in good aumor; also some powder and ball for the young men for hunting, and to get some good broth for their women and children; that I should know a bearer of speeches should never be with empty hands. They promised me to keep their young men fron stealing, and to send speeches to their nations in the prairies for to do the same. "The 14th April the Ouiatenons and the Kickapoos were assembled. After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up and told me'You, Gamelin, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in our village, and to hear by your mouth, the good words of the great chief. We thougoht to receive a few words from the French people; but I see the contrary. None but the Big Knife is sending speeches to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without the consent of our, brethren the Miiamis. I invite you to proceed tO their village, and to speak to them. There is one thing in your speech I do not like: I will not tell of it: even was I drunk, I would perceive it: but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impossible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British,' Another chief got up and said-' The Americans are very flattering in their speeches; many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route; and we always came back all naked: and you, Gamelin, you come with speech, with empty hands.' Another chief got up and said to his young men,'If we are poor, and dressed in deer skils, it is our own fault. Our French traders are leaving? us and our villages, because you plunder them every day; and it is time for us to have another conduct,.' Another chief got up and said-' Know ye that the village of Ouiatenon is the sepulcher of all our ancestors. The chief of America invites us to go to him if we are for peace. He has not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois. He might come here himself; and we should be glad to see him at our village. We confess that we accepted the ax, but it is by the reproach we continually receive from the English and other nations,, which received the ax first, calling us women: at the present time they invite our young men to war. As to the old people, they are wishing for peace.' They could not give me an answer before they receive advice from the Miamis, their elder brethren. " The 1Sth April I arrived at the river a IAnguille, [Eel river.] The chief of the villazage, and those of war were not present. I explained the speeches to some of the tribe. They said they weie well pleased; but they could not give me an answer, their chief men being absent. They desired me to stop at their village coming back; and they sent with me one of their men for to hear the answer of their eldest brethren. "The'23d April I arrived at the 2Miami town.it The next cay I'*The site of this village is on the north side of Eel river, six niles above the point of the junction of this stream v ithl the Wabash. tAt this point. 11s8- I T is'L )O' oA OF OT YA'E. got the Miami nation, the Shawanees, and Delawares all assembled. I gave to each nation two branches of wampum, and began the speeches, before the French and English traders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be glad to have them present, having nothing to say against any body. After the speech, I showed them the treaty concluded at Muskingum, [Fort Harmar,] between, his excellency, Governor St. Clair, and sundry nations, which displeased them. I told them that the purpose of this present time was not to submit them to any condition, but to offer them the peace, which made disappear their displeasure. The great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech; that he would soon give me an answer. In a private discourse with the great chief, he told me not to mind what the Shawanees would tell me, having a bad heart, and being the pertubators of all the nations. He said the Miamis had a bad name, on account of the mischief done on the river Ohio; but he told me, it was not occasioned By his young men, but by the Shawanees; his young men going out only for to hunt. The 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior of the Shawanees, invited me to go to his house, and told me-' My friend, by the name and consent of the Shawanees and Delawares, I will speak to you. We are all sensible of your speech, and pleased with it: but, after consultation, we can not give an answer without hearing from our father at Detroit; and we are determined to give you back the two branches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit to see and hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his answer. From all quarters we receive speeches from the Americans, and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to deceive us. Then take back your branches of wampum.' "The 26th, five Pottawattamies arrived here with two negro men, which they sold to English traders. The next day I went to the great chief of the Miamis, called Le Gris. His chief warrior was present. I told him how I had been served by the Shawanees. He answered me that he had heard of it: that the said nations behaved contrary to his intentions. I-e desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he would soon give me a podidive answer. "The 28th of April, the great chief desired mie to call at the French trader's and receive his answer.'Don't take bad,' said he,'of what I am to tell you. You may go back when you please. We can not give you a positive answer. We must send your speeches to all our neighbors, and to the lake nations. We can not give a definitive answer without consulting the commandant at Detroit.' And he desired me to render him the two branches of wampum refused by the Shawanees; also a copy of speeches in writing. He promised me that, in thirty nights, he would send an answer to Post Vincennes by a young man of each nation. He was well pleased with the speeches, and said to be worthy of attention, and should be communicated to all their confederates, 7hav;inyg raesohled anrown'y GAMELINTS JOURLNAL 1. 9 leiem not do any7t'inyg woithocut a unanimous conzsent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered him the two branches of wampum and a copy of the speech. Afterward he told me that the Five Nations, so called, or Iroquois, were training something; that five of them, and three Wyandotts, were in this village with branches of wampum. He could not tell me presently their purpose, but he said I would know of it, very soon. "The same day Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanees, invited me to his house for supper; and, before the other chiefs, told me that, after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go myself to Detioit for to see the commandant, who would get all his children assembled to hear my speech. I told them I would not answer them in the niglt; that I was not ashamed to speak before the sun. 6 The 29th of April I got them all assembled. I told them that I was not to go to Detroit; that the speeches were directed to the nations of the river Wabash and the Miami; and that, for to prove the sincerity of the speech, and the heart of Governor St. Clair, I have willingly given a copy of the speeches to be shown to, the commandant of Detroit; and, according to a letter wrote by the commandant of Detroit to the Miamis, Shawanees, and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peaceable with the Americans, I would go to him very willingly, if it was in my directions, being sensible of his sentiments. I told them I had nothing to say to the commandant; neither him to me. You must imaiediately resolve, if you intend to take me to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible. Blue Jacket got up and told 1 Me, M y friend, we are well pleased with what you say. Our intention is not to force you to go to Detroit. It is only a proposal, thinlkino it for the best. Our answer is the same as the Miamis. We will send, in thirty nights, a full. and positive answer by a young man of each nation by writing to Post Vincennes.' In the evening, Blue Jacket, chief of the Shawanees, having t me ten o supper with him, told me, in a private manner, that the Shawanee nation was in doubt of the sincerity of the Big Knives, so called, having been already deceived by them. That they had first destroyed their lands, put out their fire, and sent away their young men, being a hunting, without a mouthful of meat; also had taken away their women-wherefore, many of them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these affronts. Moreever, that some other nations were apprehending that offers'of peace would, may be, tend to take away, b' degrees, their lands, and would serve thlem as they did before: a certain proof that they intend to encroach on our lands, is their new settlement onthe Ohio. If they don't keep this side [of the Ohio] clear, it will never be a proper reconcilement with tihe nations Shawanees Iroquois, Woi yandotts, and perhaps many others.. Le Gris, chief of the Miamis, asked me, in a private discourse, lwha chiefs had made a treaty with the Am1ericans at Muskingdlum [Fort Harmar]? I answered 120 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. him that their names were mentioned in the treaty. He told me he had heard of it some time ago; but they are not chiefs, neither delegates, who made that treaty-they are only young men who, without authority and instructions from their chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which will not be approved. They went to the treaty clandestinely, and they intend to make mention of it in the next council to be held. "The 2d of May I came back to the river a lAnguille. One of the chief men of the tribe being witness of the council at [Miami town, repeated the whole to them; and whereas, the first chief was absent, they said they could not for the present time give answer, but they were willing to join their speech to those of their eldest brethren.'To give you proof of an open heart, we let you know Lhat one of our chiefs is gone to war on the Americans; but it was before we heard of you, for certain they would not have been gone thither.' They also told me that a few days after I passed their village seventy warriors, Chippewas and Ottawas, from Michilimacinac, arrived there. Some of them were Pottawattamies, who, meeting in their route the Chippewas and Ottawas, joined them. c We told them what we heard by you; that your speech is fair and true. We could not stop them from going to war. The Pottawattamies told us that, as the Chippewas and Ottawas were more numerous than them, they were forced to follow them.' "The 3d of May I got to the Weas. They told me that they were waiting for an answer from their eldest brethren.'We approve very much our brethren for not to give a definitive answer, without informing of it all the la.ke Nations; that Detroit wa.s the place where the lire was lighted; then it ought first to be put out there;that the English commandant is their father, since he threw down our French father.. They could do nothing without his approba,tion.' "c The 4th of May I arrived at the village of the Kickapoos. The chief, presenting me two branches of wampum, black and white, said:'IMy son, we can not stop our young men from going to war. Every day. some set off clandestinely for that purpose. After such behavior from- our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great chief at the Illinois and of the Post Vincennnes, that we are busy about some good affairs for the reconcilement; but be persuaded that we will speak to them continually concerning the peace; and that, whlen our eldest brethren will have sent their answer, we will join ours to it.' "The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion. I found nobody but two chiefs; all the rest were gone a hunting. They told me they had nothingo else to say but what I was told going up." Gov. St. Clair being at Kaskaskia, in the fore part of the month of June of this year, (1790) received fromn Major Hamtramck the following, bearing date, " Post Vincennes, lMay 22d, 1790: "' I now inclose t]e proceedings of Mr. G(amelin, by which your excel TI-E MMAN-EATING SOCIETY — FoIESYTsT I ACCOUNT. 121 lency can have no great hopes of bringing the Indians to a peace with the United States. The 8th of May, Gamelin arrived, and on the 11th some merchants arrived and informed me that, as soon as Gamelin had passed their villages on his return, all the Indians had gone to war; that a large party of Indians fronm Michilemacinac, and some Pottawattamies, had gone to Kentucky; and that three days after Gamelin had left the Miami (village-here) an American was brought there and burnt."'; According to the statement of clief Richardville, Mr. Peltier, and others, says Mr. J.L. Williams, in his researches, page 11, Historical Sketch of the First tPresbyterian Church of Fort Wayne," "the extreme point of land just below the month of the St. Joseph, now so attractive in rural peaceful beauty, is said to have been the accustomed place for burning prisoners." Some years ago, chief Richardville also pointed out a spot, toan old citizen of FortWayne, lying near Mr.J.S.Mason'sline, a few rods from a grave-yard on the west side of the Bluffton Plank Road, where he said a Kentuckian had been burned by the Indians sometime during 1812. This, as the reader is already aware, being long a familiar and beloved spot, not only with the Miaries, but many other friendly tribes, to hold anl maintain it, they seem to have early devised many plans and means of security, both against their enemies of other savage tribes and the whites, at different periods. At a very early time, the Miamies were called and familiarly known among the tribes of the country as " LINNEWAYS, " or" MIsNNEWAYS," which, as with the name MEN-OaENIES, signified MEN. As a means of terror to their enemies, the Minneways or Miamies had early formed here what was commonly known as a " man-eating society," which to make it the more fearful to their opponents, was firmly established on a hereditary basis, confined to one family alone, whose descendants continued to exercise, by right of descent, the savage rites and duties of the man-eating family. One Major Thomas Forsyth, nwho lived for a period of mnore than twenty years among the Sauks and Fox Indians, in *a written narration of these two tribes, first published in Drake's " Life of Black Hawk," as early as 1838, said: "More than a century ago, all the country, commencing above Rock river, and running down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Ohio, up that river to the mouth of the Wabash, thence up that river to Fort Wayne, thence down the Miami of the La}ke some distance, thence north to the St. Joseph's and Chicago; also the country lying south of the Des Moines, down perhaps, to the Mississippi, wa- inhabited by a numerous nation of Indians, who called themselves Linneway, and were called by others, Minneway, signifyinlg " men." This great, nation was divided into several bands, and inhabited different parts of this extensive region, as follows: The Michigamies, the country southl of,the Des Moines; the Calokias that east of bhe present village of Cahokia in Illinois; the Kaskaskias that east of the town of that name; the Tanmarois had their village nearly central between Cahokia and Kaskaskia; the Piankeshlaws near'Vincennes; the Weas up the Wabash; the Miamies on the head wa.ters of the Miami of the Lakes, on St. Joseph's river and at Chicago. The Piankeshaws, Weas and Miamies, must at this time have hunted south towards and on the Ohio. The Peorias, another band of the same nation, lived and hunted on the Illinois river: The Maseos or Mascontins, called by the French GENS DES PRAnRES, lived and hunted on the great prairies, between the Wabash and Illihois rivers. All these different bands of the XMinneway nation, spoke the language of the present Miamies, and the whole considered themselves as one and the same people; yet from their local situation, and having no standard to go by, their language became broken up into different dialects. These Indians, the Minneways, were attacked by a general confederacy of other nations, such as the Sauks and Foxes, resident at Green Bay and on the Ouisconsin; the Sioux, whose frontiers extended south to the river des Moines: the Chippeways, Ottoways, and Potawvatimies from the lakes, and also the Cherokees and Choctaws from the south. The war continued for a great rmany years and until that great nation the Minneways were destroyed, except a few Miamies and'Weas on the Waba'sh, and a few who are scattered among strangers. Of the Kaskaskias, owing to their wars and their fondness for spirituous liquors, there now (1826) remain but thirty or forty souls:-of the Peorias nea,1 St. Genevieve ten or fifteen; of the Pianlkeshaws forty or fifty. The.iatimies are the most numerous; a few years ago they consisted of about four hundred souls. There do not exist at the present day (1826) more than five hundred souls of the once great and powerful Minineway or Illini nation. These. Indians, the Minneways, are said to have been very cruel to their prisoners, not unfrequently burning tllen. I have I2 HISTOnY OF FoKt' NWxrN. Being, readily induced to believe, from the dispatches received from Hamtram'ck, that there was no possibility of forming a treaty of peace with the Miamie Indians and other tribes banded with them, Governor St. Clair determined to return to Fort Washington (Cincinnati,) with a view of consulting with General Ilarmalr as to the expediency of an expedition against the hostile tribes; and, accordingly, on the 11th of June, he quit Ksfaskaia, and by water, reached Fort Washington on the 13th of July. H-aving consulted with General IIarmar, and concluding to se nd a formidable force against the Indians about the head waters of the Wabash, by authority of President Washington, on the 15th of July (1790,) he addressed circular letters to a nuimiber of Lieutenants of the western counties (of Virginia, of which Kenitucky was then a part) and Pennsylvania, for the purpose of raising one thousand militia in the former, and five hundred in the latter. The regular troops then in service in the west General Harmar estimated at about four hundred efficient men, with whom the militia were to operate as follows: Of the Virginia militia, 300 were to rendezvous at Fort Steuben, and, with a garrison at that post, to proceed to Vincennes, to join Major Hamtramck, who had orders to call to his aid the militia of that place. From thence to move up the Wabash, with a view of attacking'such points among the Indian villages along that river as his force mighlt seem adequate. The twelve hundred lmilitia remaining were to join the regular troops, under General Hlarmar, at Fort Washington. That the British conmmandant at Detroit might know the true cause and course of the movement, on the 19th of September, Gov. St. Clair addressed a letter to him, which he sent by a private conveyance, assuring the said comnbeard of a certain family among the Miamies who were called man-eaters, as they were accustomed to make a feast of human flesh when a prisoner was killed. For Itef se enor mities, the Sauks and Foxes, when they took any of the Minneways prisoners, gave them up to their women to be buffeted to death. They speak also of the }lascontins''with abhorrence, on accounlt of their cruelties.'The Sauks and Foxes lhave a historical legned of a severe battle having been fought opposite the mouth of the Iowa river, about fifty or sixty miles above the mouth of Rock riverr The Sauks and Foxes descended the Mississippi in canoes, and landing at the place above described, slar:ted. east, towards the enemy: they had not gone far before they were attaclked by a party of the Mascontins. The baltle continued nearly all day; the Sauks and Foxes,, for want of ammlunition, finally gave wray and fled to their canoes: the Mascontins,pursued them and fought desperately, and left but few of the Sauks and Foxes to carry home the story ef their defeat. Some forty or fifty years ago, the Sauks and Foxes attacked asrnall village of Peorias, about a mile below St. Louis and were there defeated. At a place on the Illinois river, called Little Rock, there were formerlty killed by the Chippceways and Ottowas, a number of nien, women and children of the Minneway nation. In 1800 tlie Kiekapoos made a. great slaughter of the iaslaskia Inldians. The Main-Pogue, or Potlawatimie juggler, in 1801, killed a great many of the.Piankeshaws on the Wabash." In proof of'the foregoing, relative to the society of man-eaters amonwg the Indians at this point, General Lewis Cass, in a speech here,'elixvered at the ctanal celebrition of July 4th 1843, in "Swinney', Grove." near the site of the prosant Catholic cemeterysaid:;" For many years during the frontier history of this place and lreoion, the line of your canal was a bloody war-path, rhich has seen many a deed of horror. And this peaceful town has had its Mloloch, and the records of human depravity furnish no more terrible examples of cruelty than were offered at hi, shrine. The lMilmi Indians, our prede( cessors in the occupation of this district, lad a terrible institution'-whose ori'gin and RuIEA' ACCOUIL-NT-GE&I. CAss' ADDRmESS. 123 mandant that the purposes of the United States were pacific in so far as their relations to Great Britain were concerned; that the expedition was to quell the vindictive and intolerable spirit of the Indians towards the settlements, whither and against whom they had so long, so inhumanly, and destructively carried their savage warfare. That the English, towards Lake Erie, notwithstanding this spirit of candor and courtesy on the part of St. Clair, gave aid to the Indians in their efforts against the United States during 1790-'91, the evidence is clear enough; but to wllhat extent, was not fully known. The following paragraphs from a certificate of one Thomas Rhea, taken in the early part of 17'90, will give sonie clue, at least, as to the aid then and subsequently rendered the Indians by the British: " At this place, the Miiami," said Rhea, in his account," w ere Colonels Brant' and McKee, with his son Thomas; and Captains Bunbury and Silvie, of the British troops. These officers, &c., were all encamped on the south side of the Miami or Ottawa river, at the rapids above. Lake Erie, about eighteen miles; they had clever houses, built chiefly by the Pottawattamies and other Indians; in these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition and provision, Twhich they issued to the Indians in great abundance, viz: corn, pork, peas, &c. * Brant was a Mohawk chieftain, of considerable intelligence, educated at PIliladelphia; a favorite of Sir William Johnson, and ever greatly attached to the British. — After the struggles of these periods, he took up his residence in Canada, where he died in 1807. object have been lost in the darkncss of aboriginal history, but which was continued to a late period, and whose orgies were held upon the very spot where wenow are. It was called the man-eating society, and it was the duty of its associates to eat such prisoners as were preserved and delivered to them for that purpose. The members of this societyibelonged to a particular family, and the dreadful inheritance descended to all the children, male and female. The duties it imposed could not be avoided, and the sanctions of religion were added to the obligations of immemorial usage. The feast was a solemnI ceremony, at which the whole tribe was collected as actors or spectators. The miserable victim was bound to a stake, and burned at a slow fire, with all the refinements of cruelty, which savage ingenuity could invent. There was a traditionary ritual, which regulated with revolting precision, the whole course of procedure at these ceremonies Latterly the authority and obligations of the institution had declined, and I presume it has now wholly disatppeared. But I have seen and conversed with the head of the family, the chief of the society, whose name was Whlite Skin-n-iti, what feeling of disgust, I need not attempt to describe. I well knew an intelligent Canadian, who was present at one of the last sacrifices made at;thishorlriblc institiution. The victim was a young American captuied in Kentucky, towards the clo)se of our Revolutionary War. Here where we are now,ssembled, in peace and security, celeibrating the triumph of art and industry, within the memory of the present generation, our countrymen have been thus tortured, and murdered, and devoured. But, thank God, that council-fire is extinguished. The impious feast is over; the war-dance is ended; the war-song is sung: the war-drum is silent, and the Indian has departed to find, I hope. in the distant West, a comfortable residence, and I hope also to find, un: der the protection, and, if need be, under the power of the United States, a radical change in the institutions and general improvement in his morals and condition. A feeble remnant of tie once powerful tribe, which formerly won their way to the dominion of tlis region, by blood, and by blood maintained it, have to-day appeared almolog us like passing shadows, flitting round the places that know them Io Imoe. Their resurrection, if I may so speak,is not the least impressive spectacle, which mLarks the pIrogress of this in llosing ceremonv. Tllhey alrc tle broken colimn Uwh, ich connect us wit 12&4 H1ISTOY Of' FORT VWAYNE. "The Indians came to this place in parties of one, t-wo, three, four and iive hundred at a time, from different quarters, and received from iMr. McKee and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, ammunition, provisions, &c., and set out immediately for the upper Miami towns, where they understood the forces of he United States were bending their course, and in order to supply the Indians from other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded with the abovementioned articles, were sent up the Mialmi (Maumee) river, wrought by French Canadians." About the middle of September, the Virginia militia began to gather about the mouth of Licking river, opposite Cincinnati, all of whom were, for the most part, badly armed and lacked for campkettles and axes; but were readily organized by General Harmar, and soon formed into three battalions, under Majors Hall, iMcAMullen, and Ray, writh Trotter, as Lieutenant-Colonel to lead them. About the 24th of September, came the militia of Pennsylvania to Fort Washington, who were also badly equipped, and many of whom were substitutes-" old, infirm men, and young boys." These were formed into one battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Truby and Major Paul; while four battalions of militia, subject to General Harmar's command, were commanded by Col. John HIardin. Majors John Plasgrave Wylles, and John Doughty commanded the regular troops, in two small battalions. The artilery corps, with but three pieces of ordinance, was under the command of Captain William Ferguson; while under James Fontaine was placed a small battalion of light troops or mounted militia-amounting in all to about 1,453 regular and raw militia troops. The militia under Col. Hardin, on the 2tllh of September, advanced from Fort Washington into the country, for the double purpose of opening a road for the artillery and to obtain feed for their cattle. On the 30th of September, the regular troops marched, commanded by General HIarmar; and on the 3d clay of October joined the militia. A journal of the daily movements of the army was regularly kept by Captain John Armstrong, of the regulars, up to its arrival at the Mliami village, at this point. After an uninterrupted march of sixteen days, on the afte.rnoon of the 15th of October, Colonel Hardin, with an advanced detachment, reached this point, and stole in upon the Miami village, only the past. The edifice is in ruins, and the gia-nt vegetation, whlich covered and protectec it, lies as low as the once mighty structure, which was shelved in its recesses. They have come to witness the first great act of peace in our frontier history, a'their presence here is the last in their own. The ceremonies upon which you heretofore gazed with interest, will never again be seen by the white man, in this seat of their former power. But thanks to our ascend ancy, these reprc:sentations are but a pagealnt; but a theatrical exhibition. which, with barbarous motions, and sounds and contortions, shew how their ancestors conquered their enemies, and how they glutted their revenige in blood. To(lay, this last of the race is here-to-morrow they will comm ence their journey towards the setting sun, where their fathers, agreeable to their rude faith, haIe preceded thlim, and where the red man w iill find rest and safety.:' A2mrY UNDER tHARMAR ARRIVE IHERE-AN ORDERI. 12 5 to find it deserted by men, women and children. A few cows, some vegetables, and about twenty thousand bushels of corn in the ear, save tlie wigwams, huts, and surrounding scenery, were all that greeted them; and the niilitia, in much disorder, soon began to move about in search of plunder. On the 17th, about one o'clock, the main body of the army came up and crossed the Maurmee to the village. Major MclVMullen, of Col. Hardin's command, having discovered the tracks of women and children leading in a north-westerly direction, and so reported to General Harmar on his arrival, the latter determined at once upon an effort to discover their place of ren(ezvous 5 and, to that end, on the morning of the 18th, detailed Col. Trotter, {Major Hall, Major Ray, and Major' McMlullen, with three hundred men, among owhom were thirty regulars, forty light-horse, and two hundred and thirty active riflemen. Furnished with three days> provision, they were ordered to reconitoiter the country around the village. About one mile from the encampment, an Indian on horseback wvas discovered, pursued, and killed, by a part of the detachment, under Trotter; and before returning to the main body of the party, another Indian was seen, "when the four field officers left their commands, and pursued him, leaving the troops for the space of about half an hour without any direction whatever." Being intercepted by the light-horsemen, one of which party he had wounded, the Indian was at length killed. Changing the route of his detatchment, and moving in different directions, till night, Col. Trotter again, unexpectedly to, and without the approbation of Gemn eral Harmar, returned to the Miami village. In consequence of the disorderly course of the militia on their arrival at the village, in their desire for plunder, General Harmar ordered cannon to be fired for the purpose of calling them to their ranks,.and also harangued the officers on the bad results liable to follow such indifference. On the l8th he issued the following genm eral order: " CAMP AT THE MIAMI VILLAGE, Oct. 18, 1790. " The general is much mortified at the unsoldier-like behavior of many of the men in the army, who make it a practice to straggle firom the camp in search of plunder. He, in the most positive terms, forbids this practice in future, and the guards will be answerable to prevent it, No party is to go beyond the line of sentinels without a commissioned officer, who, if of the militia, will apply to Colonel Hardin for his orders. The regular troops will apply to the general. All the plunder that may be hereafter collec,ted, will be equally distributed among the army. The kettles, and every other article already taken, are to be collected by the commanding officers of batalions, and to be delivered to-morrow morning to Mr. Belli, the quartermaster, that a fair distribution may take place. The rolls are to be called at troop and retreat beating, and 12 6 tITORY Ot FotIT WAY-S. every man absent is to be reported. The general expects that these orders will be pointedly attended to: they are to be read to the troops this evening. The army is to march. to-morrow morning early for their new encampment at Chillicothe,' about two miles from hence. "' JOSIAT-I HARMIAR, B3uIiAD1ER-GENERAI." Col. H-ardin, having' aske./ for the command of the troops returned to camp under Trotter, fo- the remaining two days, Genm Harmar readily complied; and on the next day, (19th) Col. Hardin led the detachment along an Indian trail to the northwest, in the direction of the Kickapoo villages. Coming to a point, near a morass, some five niles distant from the confluence of the St., Mlary and St. Joseph rivers, where, on the preceding day, there had been an Indian encampment, the detachment came to a halt, and were soon stationed at different points, in readiness for an attack, should the enemy still be nearb A half hour passed and ilo sign of the enemy. The order now being given to the companies in the front to advance, the company under Faulkner, not having received the order of march, a neglect on the part of Col. Hardin, was left behind. I-tating advanced some three miles, two Indians afoot, with packs, were discovered; but, the brush being thickl, and suddenly throwing aside their burdens at the sight of the detachment, were soon lost sight of and escaped. The absence of Faulkner at this time becoming apparent, Major Fontaine, with a portion of the cavalry, was at once sent in pursuit of him, with the supposition that he was lost. The report of a gun, in front of the detachment, soon fell upon the attentive ear of Captain Armstrong, in command of the regulars-an alarm gun,.perhaps, suggested he. He had discovered the "' tracks of a horse that had come down the road and returned." These facts were readily conveyed to the ear of Colonel Hardin. Captain Armstrong now observed the fires of the Indians-they were only discernible in the distance. Caution was large in the soul of Armstrong. Hardin thought the Indians would not fight, and moved forward, in the direction of the fires, neither giving orders or preparing for an attack. The little army of three hundred were now strangely separated —they were in the forest, several miles from camp. The enemy were in ambush-were numerous— and Me-che-cannah-quah,-Little Turtle-was their leader. Hardin continued to advance, and the columns moved forward in obedience to orders. B3ehind the fires lay the red men, hidden fiom view, with guns leveled. Steadily the broken detachment moved forward, under the intrepid control of their commander; and no sooner had they approached the fires than a terrible volley was opened upon them from behind the smoking entrenchments. The shock was sudden —the columns were unprepared for it. The mi-*A Shawanoe village. f Thought by some to have been as many ass seven hundred —by others only about one hundred. The locality of this engageneilt Was near Rel River, about the poirit w-here the Gosheln State Road crosse ths this stream, nocw known.s ". feller's Corners." DZFEAT OF A EIITACIMErNT —MIAMI ILjLAGE DEISTROYED. 1217 litia were panic stricken, and all but nine broke the ranks and began a precipitat;e flight for the camp of Gen. Harmar. Hardin hlad retreated with them, and in vain strove to rally them. The resolute regulars bravely faced the enermy, and returned the fire, The nine remainino militia were pierced by the balls of the enemy, and twenty-two of the regulars fell while Captain Armstrono, Ensign Hartshorn, and some five or six privates, alone made their escape, and reached the camp again' at the village. The victory was with the Indians, and the retreating columns all reached the camp of I-armer without further loss, Havino, after the departure of HIardin and the detachment in the morning, destroyed the Miami village, H-armar, in the meantime, had moved about two miles dovwn the Maumee, to the Shawanoe village, known as Chillicothie, and' on the 0th issued the following orders: CAMP AT COIIIOrrTLo -TE, one of tie Sicawanceae towns, ) on, the, Omee [_zIfc'anee river, Oct. 20th, 1790.'6The party under command of Captain Strong is ordered to burn and destroy every house and wigwam in this village, together with all the corn, etc., which he can collect. A party of one hundred men (militia), properly officered, under the command of Col. Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually, this afternoon, the Pickaway town,' with all the corn, etc., which he can find in it and its vicinity, "The cause of the detatchment being worsted yesterday, was entirely owing to the shameful, cowardly conduct of the militia, who ran away, and threw down their arms without firing scarcely a single gun. In returning to Fort Washington, if any officer or men presume to quit the ranks, or not to, march in:the form that they are ordered, the general will most assuredly order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will. make them in future obedient to orders.' "JOSIAH IJARMAR, BsUIGADIx -GENErAL." From the scene of the yet smoking and charred remains of the Indian village of Chillicothe,t at ten o'clock on the morning of the 21st, the army under Harmar took up its line of march towards Fort Washington, and proceeded about seven miles, when a halt, was made, and the army encamped for the night. The evening was clear and beautiful-one of those glorious nights in the month of October. when the stars, all in harmony, with no clouds intervening between the earth and the etherial blue to *-A Shawanoe village. ~'The scene of this village, sometwvo miles below Fort Wayne, on the iMaumee, was about the site of the residence of Mrs. Phelps. Says Mr. J. W. Da rvson, in his research es, concerning the history of Fort Wayfne, "from Judge Colmin, who settled on the falrm now owned by Mr. Phells, in 1827, we learn that every evidence of former cultivation of the ground there, was seen;. there being no timber growing, evidences of ancient building, of gardening, such as asparagus, &e.; and alo' there founl( many bayonets, gun-na'rels, knives, paclk-sadlle frales, &c." 128 lHISTORY OF FORT VWAYNE. shut out their joyous example, seem to twinkle a heavenly anthetm to the sombre hues and waneing aspects of Autumn. No stealthy tread was heard-no savage form was to be seen-the whoo-whoo, wh-o-o of the night-owl; thi careful movement.of the sentinel; the mingled voices of the soldiery, and the falling leaves, rustling through the branches to the earth, were all the sounds that fell upon the attentive ears of:Iarmar and his army. Looking thus out upon the stillness and beauty of the night, a thouglht had stolen upon the mind of Colonel Hardin. Iis ambition-his desire for the chastisement of the Indian-was by no nmeans appeased. The Miamies had perhaps returned to the village immediately after the departure of the army, thought he; and a most propitious opportunity was presented to return and C" steal a march upon them." Thus imbued, he readily imparted his feelings to General Iarmar-urging " that, as he had been unfortunate the other day, he wished to have it in his power to pick the militia and try it again." Ile sought to explain the cause of the militia not meeting the [ndians on the 19th; and insisted that he then wished to retrieve their course. The earnest demeanor of Hardin prevailed. HIarmer gave his consent. The commanding general was anxious that the Indians should be as well subdued as possible, that they might not give the army trouble on its return march to Fort Washington; and, as the night advanced, amid the stillness of the scene about them, with a body of three hundred and forty militia, and sixty regulars under iMajor Wyllys, with a view of advancing upon the Miami village before daylight, and thus be enabled the more effectually to surprise the Indians, the force took up its line of march in three columns, the regulars in the centre, and the militia to the rigt and left. Captain Joseph Ashton moved at the head of the regulars, while Major Wyllys an'd Colonel Hardin were in his front. Contrary to expectations, some delay having occurred by the halting of the mnilitia, the banks of the MLaumee were not gained till after sunrise. Indians were now soon discovered by the spies, at the announcement of which, Major Wyllys called the regulars to a halt, and ordered the militia on to a point in fiont, and presented his plan of attack to the commanding officers of the detachment. Major Wyllys reserving to himself the command of the regulars, Major Hall was directed, with his battalion, to move circuitously round the bend of the Maumee, crossing the St. Mary's and, in the rear of the Indians, to halt until an attack should be itmade by Major McMullen's battalion, Major Fontaine's cavalry, and the regular troops under Major Wyllys, who were all ordered to cross the Maumee at and near the common fording place, which was about opposite the residence of iMr. J. J. Comparet.* Hardin *Among the wounded in this engagement, there was a man by the name of John Smith, who, during the engagement, with several others fell in the river. He had received a severe wound, and, as a meaus of safety, had remained quiet until all had left, when he crawled -to the bank of the river and concealed himself until some time during the night. When'al se'emed still, he cautiously left his bidding place, moved BURIAL PLACE OF MAJORS WYLLYS, FONTAINE, AND OTHERS. 129 and Wyllys had aimed to surround the Indians in their encampinent; but Major Hall, having reached his position unobserved, disregarded the orders given by firing upon a' single Indian that appeared in sight before the general attack was made. The report from the point of Hall's battalion had startled the Indians, and small squads of them were seen hurrying away in many directions, rapidly pursued, contrary to orders, by the. militia under McMullen, and the cavalry under Fontaine, leaving Wyllys, at the head of the regulars, without support, and who, crossing the Maunmee. were attacked by a superior body of Indians, under the lead of Little lTurtle, and at length, after the fall of Wyllys and the largest portion ofthe regular troops, were forced to retreat. Major Fontaine, at the head of the mounted militia, in a charge upon a small body of Indians, with a number of his men were killed,* while the remainder sought safety in retreat. In the meantime, while the regulars were engaged with the party under Little Turtle, the militia under Hall and McMullen, at the confluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, were briskly engaged in combating small parties of Indians; but soon retreated after the defeat of the regulars, having killed and wounded many of the red men, who made no attempt to follow them, in their rapid march towards the main body under Harmar. A single horseman having reached the camp of the main army, about 11 o'clock, a. m., Harmar at once, upon learning the news of the defeat of the detachment, ordered Major Ray, with his battalion, to advance t tthe aid of the retreating forces. But the effect of the panic on the militia was too great-but thirty men could be prevailed on to advance to the rescue under Major Ray, who had advanced but a short distance, when they were met by Hardin and the retreating forces under him. Gaining the encampment, Colonel Hardin, flushed with excitement, and still entertaining a strong desire to carry his point against the Indians, urged Harmar to set out at once, with the entire force, for the Mi*The remains of Majors Wyllys and Fontaine, with some eight other officers and valiant men who fell on the occasion, were buried in some trenches, near thed banks of the Maumee, some twenty rods below the residence of J. J. Comparet, Esq. The indentations on either side of the Maumee, just below Mr. Comparet's dwelling, still exhibits to the stranger the fatal ford where so many brave men fell, and whose blood reddened the stream. down the Maumee a short distance, and made his escape, reaching Fort Washington in safety, and recovered from his wounds. When Wayne's army came here, this man Smith came with it, and ever after lived, and, some years ago, died here, Mrs. Suttenfield, whose name is already familiar to the reader, informed the writer that Smith lived for two years in her family, and many times heard him relate his adventures and narrow escape from the Indians on the occasion in question. The Indians being in ambush, along the banks of the Maumee, both above and below, at the time' Harmar's men began to move over the river, a cross fire was opened upon them by the Indlians, and a large number fell in the river, rendering the water, which was not then detep enough to cover the bodies, quite bloody, so much so, that Smith, though very dry, would not drink it. When it grew dark, the Indians, none of whom had pursued the retreating forces, came to the river, and began to strip the bodies, exulting greatly over their victory. In describing the noise they mado while thus engaged, Smith who was still concealed, said their voices "souadecd like the chattering of a parcel'of btelck birds." {9 130 HISTORY OF FoRT WIAYTR ami village again. But Harmar would not venture a return. Saidc lie: "You see the situation of the army: we are now scarcely able to move our baggage it will take up three days to go and return to this place: we have no more forage for our horses: the Indians have got a very good scourging; and I will keep the army in perfect readiness to receive them, should they think proper to follow."* The militia had now become little better than wooden men in the eyes of General Harmar. He had lost all faith in them, and began at once to narrow the bounds of the camp, A second defeat and retreat were complete; and without further attempt to move upon the Indians, on the morning of the 23d of October, after a loss of one hundred and eighty-three killed, and thirty-one wounded, the army again took up its line of march for Fort Washington, whither it arrived on the 4th of November, having met with no further attack or trouble with the Indians after the movement of the 22d, about and near the ruins of the Miami village. Amongthe names of the killed during the efforts of the army in this campaign, were Maj or Wyllys and Lieutenant Ebenezer Frothingham, of the regulars; Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp, McMucrtrey, and Scott, Lieutenants Clark and Rogers, and Ensigns Bridges, Sweet, Higgins, and Thielkeld, of the militia.. The loss on the part of the Indians was thought to be about equal that of the forces under Harmar. Turning our attention to the expedition of Major Hamtramck, who, as the reader will remember, had moved from Vincennes up the Wabash, we find that while Harmar was moving upon the Miami village at this point, and destroying the villages, corn, etc.,. of the Indians in the region, the former had proceeded with his command to the mouth of Vermillion river, and laid waste several deserted villages, returning again to Vincennes, uninterrupted in his efforts. The campaigns of 1790, against the Indians of the Northwest, were now closed, and the chilling blasts of another long, dreary winter, with its anxieties, its hardships, and its perils, had begun to set in about the sparse and lonely settlements of the west. -Depositioni of Hardin, Sept. 144, 17910 CHAPTER XI. <' Those Western Pioneers an impulse felt, Which their less hardy sons scarce comprehend; Alone, in lNature's wildest scenes they dwelt; * * X * *n X Andlfought with deadly strife for every inch of ground." F. W. THOMAS. Effedt of the movement of Gen. tlarmar-Hostilities renewed by the Indians-Opposition to the Militia-Petition of the settlers-Increase of the regular army-Appointment of Gen. St. Clair-Preparations for another movement against the Miami Village here-Instructions of the Secretary of War —Expedition of Gen. Scott 1-A second expedition from Kentuceky —Gen. Wilkinson's account of the same-.Effect of these expeditions-What the Indians believed-Organization of an Indian confederacy-British influencee-Simon Girty-Mrs. Suttenfield's recollections-Treaty of 1783-British disregard of it-'-Army under St. Clair move for this point-Unfavorable weather, &c. —The army reach the site of the present town of Fort Recovery-Approach of winter —The army encamp for the nightIndians on the alert-Preparations for an early move next morning-Sudden and furious attack by the Indians-Militia give Way-Great consternation-St. Clair's account —Great slaughter —O0fficets nearly all killed —Artillery silenced-Retreat the only hope, which is effected —Horses nearly all killed —Cannon left behindMain road gained-Guns, knapsacks, f&c., strewn for miles along the road-Rout *continued for 29 miies&-Statement of the killed, woun'ded, &c —Many women'had followed the expedition"-terrible Treatment by the Indians-B. Van Cleve's account-A new order of things the only hope of thl e west. -oIIE INDIANS, though much effected by the campaign of I-armar, both in the destruction of their villages and the loss of considerable numbers of their braves in the skirmishes with the troops at this point and neAr Eel river, were yet much elated at the departure of Harmar, and so much did they esteem it a success on their part, that they renewed their attacks Eon the frontier with increased force and ferocity. Meetings were called to devise means for defending the settlements. The policy of employing regular officers to command militia was denounced,,and petitions were extensively circulated, praying the President to employ militia only in defence of the frontier, and offering to raise a sufficient force to carry the war immeciately into the Indian country."k The grayer of the petitoners, however, was not granted, but the'*" Amne'ien Pion.ts' p, 5. 132 H-ISTORY OF FOBT WAYNE. President readily favored the increase of the regular army on the frontier, and appointed General St. Clair to the command. Energetic measures were adopted to furnish him with arms, stores, &c., for an early campaign; but the difficulties and delays incident to furnishing an army, so far removed fromi militarydepots, with cannon, ammunition, provisions, and the means of transportation, were so great, that much time was lost before General St. Clair was able to move his army from Fort Washington; and then it was said to be in obedience to express orders, and against his own judgment, as he was neither provided with sufficient force, nor the means of transportation. It was on the 3d of March, 1791, that Congress passed the "' act for raising and adding another regiment to the militia establishment of the United States, and for makihg further provision for the protection of the frontier.' " An army of some three thousand troops was proposed to be placed under the command of General Arthur St. Clair. On the 21st of March, ('91), the following instructions were addressed, by the Secretary of War, Gen. Hlenry Knox, to General St. Clair; which shows with what importance the possession of this point was still held, and in which President Washington, doubtless, wielded a large share of influence. Said the Secretary; "While you are making use of such desultory operations as in your judgment the occasion may require,'you will proceed vigorously, in every preparation in your power, for the purpose of the main expedition; and having assembled your force, and all things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace should have been produced, either by the messengers or by the desultory operations, you will commence your march for the Miami village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military post at that place. In your advance you will establish such posts of communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may judge proper. The post at the Miami villageis intended for awing and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all attempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison which should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient for the defense of the place, but always to afford a detachment of five or six hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash or other hostile Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. The establishment of said post is considerec as an important object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point if possible; and it is presumed good arguments may be offered to induce their acquiescence. * u: Having commenced your march upon the main expedition, and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority; and, after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works in a defensible state, you will. seek the enemy with the whole of SCOTT'S EXPEDITION AGAINST THE WEA TOWNS. 133 your remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible means to strike them with great severity.' * * In order to avoid fiture wars, it might be proper to make the Wabash, and thence ovdr to the Maumee, and down the same to its mouth at lake Erie, the boundary [between the people of the United States and the Indians], excepting so far as the same should relate to the Wyandots and Delawares, on the supposition of their continuing faithful to the treaties. But if they should join in the war against the United States, and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be removed without the boundary mentioned." On the 9th of March, some days before instructions were addressed to General St. Clair, General Knox, had communicated similar instructions to Brigadier-General Scott, of Kentucky, to move, with a sufficient body, against the Wea or Ouiatenon townsW on the Wabash. Accordingly on the 23d of May, following, " with a force of about eight hundred mlounted and armed men," Scott' crossed the Ohio, at the mouth of the Kentucky river," and took up his line of march for Ouiatenon, and on the afternoon of the first of June, after a most disagreeable march of over 150 miles, through rain and storm, and the encounter of many obstacles, they succeeded in reaching and surprising the villagbe of Ouiatenon, which, with other towns, the'growing corn, &c., in the region, were soon after destroyed, and thirty Indians, mostly warriors, killed, and fiftyeight taken prisoners; from whence, without the loss of a man, and but six wounded, on the 14th of June, they started on their return march for the rapids of the Ohio. On the 4th of the month, while at the Ouiatenon towns, Scott gave the Indians a written speech, in which he assured them of the pacific and humane feelings of the United States government towards them, in view of their becoming peaceable and quiet in their future relations with the government and people of the country. Scarcely had Gen. Scott and his corps of mounted men returned to Kentucky, when General St. Clair addressed a letter to the board of war of the district of Kentucky, authorizing them to send a second expedition of five hundred men up the Wabash. Readily complying with this request, on the 5th of July, at Danville, BrigadierGeneral James Wilkinson was appointed to the command of the second expedition, and ordered to be in readiness at Fort Washington by the 20th of July with the number of men specified, "well mounted on horseback, well armed, and provided with thirty days' provisions." Accordingly, on the first of August, with five hundred and twenty-five men, Wilkinson left Fort Washington, moving, by way of feint, in the direction of the Miami village, at this point, and soon brought up at the Indian town of Ke-na-pa-com-a-qua, on the north bank of Eel river, about six miles from the present town of Logansport. After cutting up the corn, then in the milk, and *Situated on the south side of the river, about eight miles below the present site of Lafayette. The site of the old village of Ouiatenon is now known as "We,. T'lPiine." 13I HIrSTonr oF FORT WAYNE. burning the cabins the next morning, set out for the Indian towns beyond. Striking the village of Tippecanoe on the route, it in turn, with the growing corn, was destroyed; and advancing to one of the Kiekapoo towns, it too with considerable corn, were burned and cut down. Moving on, the same day, to the town of Ouiatenon, the same\ destroyed by General Scott in June, and where the corn had been replanted, and which had now gained considerable growth, was cut down again; and from here, striking the trail -of Scott, they took up the line of march for the rapids of the Ohio, where they arrived on the 21st of August, after a march of some four hundred and fifty-one miles, " without any material incident." In his report, General Wilkinson said: " The volunteers of Kentucky have, on this occasion, acquitted themselves with their usual good conduct.; but, as no opportunity offered for individual distinction, it would be unjust to give one the plaudits to which they all have an equal title.:' * * But, sir, when you reflect on the causes which' checked my career and blasted my designs, I flatter myself you will believe every thing has been done which could be done in my circumstances.* I have destroyed the chief town of the Ouiatenon nation, and made prisoners of the sons and sisters of the Kingo: I have burned a respectable Kickapoo village, and cut down at leastfour hundred and thirty acres of corn, chiefly in the milk. The Ouiatenons, (Weas) left without houses, home, or provisions, must cease to war, and will find active employ to subsist their squaws and children during the impending winter." The principal design of the campaigns of Generals Scott and Wilkinson was that of weakening the strength of the Indians of the Wabash country, with a view to giving material aid to General St. Clair in his approaching campaign against the Miamies,of Ke-kion-gra and the region here; but an opposite effect was the result. From formerly having entertained the belief that the Americans designec to despoil them of their lands, and destroy the whole Indian race, after these and the former efforts of Geeneral H-armar, the Indians of the northwest, still instigated by the English, began now most fully to believe that such was truly their design; and instead of slackening their effbrts or ceasing to make war upon the Americans, the Miamies and Shawanoes, more espescially, began to call to their aid a numerous body of warriors from the surrounding tribes of the Pottawattamies, Kickapoos, Delawares, Ottawas, W'yandotts, and other tribes of the northwest; "and while Gen. St. Clair was makling preparations to establish a military post at the'Miami village, the Miami chief, Little Turtle, the Shawanoe chief, Blue Jacket, and the Delaware chief, Buck-ong-a-helas, were actively engaged in an effort to organize a confederacy of tribes sufficiently powerful to drive the white settlers fiomn the territory lying XThre difficult marches through swamps, thickets, &e., had lamed and worn down Rome(1 two hundrled and seventy horses, with other imlpediments, whlich emade it dilicu'l to take furlther action. TREATY O0 1783-SIMON GIRTY. 135 on the northwestern side of the river Ohio "-receiving aid and counsel "' from Simon Girty,* Alexander McKee, Mathew Elliott, (the latter two the sub-agents in the British Indian department), and from a number of British, French, and American traders who generally resided among the Indians, and supplPied them with arms and ammunition, in exchange for furs and peltries." It will here be proper to notice that although, at the definitive treaty of 1783, between the colonial government of America and Great Britain, it was declared in the seventh article of that document that the King; of the latter would,' with all convenient speed, and without causing, any destruction, or carrying away any negroes or property of thle American inhabitants, withdraw all his forces garrisons, and fleets, from the United States, and from every post, place, and harbor, within the same,"t yet, at the time of Harmar's, St. Clair's, andc Wayne's campaigns, the British Government still held and garrisoned the posts of Nia;gara, Detroit, and MItichilmacinac; and( from atheQse points, under the plea that that part of the treaty" of 1783, relating to the collection and payment of all debtsll theretofore contracted with and due to the King's subjects, had not been faith'flly complied with by the Americans, much- to the detriment of the former, the English Government persisted in hold*T:lis man seems to have been a noted character, trough most of the early struggles in thenorth antd west, fiom D'nilore's war, in 1774, till after the war of 1812. He was once adoote(d by the Seneas, thye san, vear that he joined Lord Dunmore's campaign; but, snuisequntly allie I hiimse, 1to thoe Wyandotts, and long after led a rving, savage life amongo tlhe Indiains of,he northwest, usually leading them to battle, or instigatsing them to deeds of ferocity against the America-ns, under British employ or encounragmenat. He was of Irish descent, and said to have been the wildost and most recllss of the family. He lhad three brothers —Tholas, Georg', anl James. Ml's. Suttenfield' informed the writer that, she lealre I some time suqscquent to the arrival of herself and husband at thre Fort here, in 1814, that Simon and James Girty had lived for somie time, prior to the war of 1812, near the bend of the Maumee, aboutt two miles below Fort Wayne. At the capitulation of Detroit, in 1812, Mrs. S. and her husband being there, saw Simon Girty, and described him as a short, heavy set, rough looking character, witl grey hair. When ie had last visited Detroit, some years prior, lie had caused his horse to jump off a considersable embankment into the river, and then swam her over tlie sanme. "Here's old Simon Girty again on American soil i " le exclaimed, as he approached a crowvd gathered. at a prominent point in the place, at the time Mrs. S. and her hlnsband saw him at Detroit. " What did iou do with that, black mare yoi jumped into thle river when WaVyne was after you? enquired one of the crowd. " 0 she's dead, and I buried her witl the honors of war," replied Girty. Notwithstandin ng this peculiar' organization and the many utffortu; n ate traits of cha Iracter ascriibed to himn, lhe is said to have poesessed sole redeeeming points —was strong in his friendship towards those lie became attached(, anld, in miany respects, wtas some — what honorable. He was often at the Miami village here, and c(oubtless had much to do, at various times, with exciting the Indins to warvfae against the Americans, against whom, with theIndians, he fouqght at St. Clair's defeat. Generally athred in the Indian costume, it was of course difiicult to dist.inguish him, except whlen lie spoko the Elglish lanlguge. He is said to have lived to the ao_'e of neair a hundred iyears, and died in Canada, some years subsequnt to the war of I1812 Interestinlg accounts of him will be found in Anntals of thle West," begininnng o page 281, and in the " Amnerican Pioneer," beginning on page 282. fLaws IT. S.. i, 205. $Article 4, U. S. Laws [iSome of the States ha.d passed laws, soon, afte'r tle treeaty of 1783, tending to prevent or restrain the collection of debta due from American citizens to t he King's subjects. 136 HISTOuR Op FORT WAYNE. ing these posts, (more especially to retain the fur trade) and continued, from time to time, to give aid and comfort to the Indians and others in open warfare and attacks upon th'e U. S. forces and the settlements along the Ohio, and other points in the west. With the advantages presented by the fur trade, carried on by the English and Canadians, (the latter being then subjects of the King of England) and withal not a little jealous of the United States in her efforts to extend her dominion over the tribes and territory north of the Ohio, to relinquish her hold upon the country and leave the tribes to the control and influence of the Americans, were points not easily to be set aside by the British Government. And accordingly, while Gen. St Clair was preparing to march upon the Miami village, at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, the English, at Niagara, Detroit, and Michilimacinac were using what means they could to defeat the purposes of the United States Government; and but a small insight as to their movements, at that time, in league with the Indians and others, would doubtless have been sufficient to have convinced St. Clair and his officers of the utter futility of any effort to capture the Miami village, or establish a military post at this point, as then being pushed forward. But the effort seemed destined to be made; and after much delay and many impeding and perplexing circumstances, in the early part of the month of September, 1791, the main body of St. Clair's army, under General Butler, took up its line of march from the vicinity of Fort Washington, and, moving northward some twenty-five miles, on the eastern bank of the Great Miami, erected a post, which they called Fort Hamilton. On the 4th of October, Fort Hamilton being completed, the army began its further march for the Miami village. Having advanced forty-two miles from Fort I-Iamnilton, they erected another garrison, calling it Fort Jefferson, six miles south of Greenville, Ohio. The season was now far advanced; and the 24th of October had arrived before the army was again on its move for the village. After a march of nine days, during which time a number of the militia deserted; heavy rains fell; provisions became short; a reconnoitering party from the main army, was fired upon, two killed, and one supposed to have been taken prisoner; and St. Clair sick much of the way, on the 3d of November the main army reached the site of the present town of Fort Recovery, Ohio, and encamped, at the head waters of the Wabash, in view of several small creeks, about fifteen miles fiom the Miami village here. The chill of winter now begun to be perceptibly felt-snow had already fallen, and the earth was white therewith. Some Indians were here seen, but they fled as soon as observed. The advance and general movement of St. Clair was sufficiently well known* to the confederated tribes and their allies to inspire,Ths news of St. Clair's inarch lupon the Miami villages having reached the Indians luring the autumnn of 1791, the famous Shawanoes chief, Tecumseh, says the life of ATTACK UPON THE ARMY OF ST. CLAIR. 137 them with great courage and determination, and had already begun a resort to strategem to draw the army into their clutches; and had even advanced to within a few miles of the main body of the army, where, under the lead of the famous Little Turtle, Buck-onga-helas, Blue Jacket, Simon Girty, and several other white men, lay-in readiness to meet the advancing columns of St. Clair-some twelve hundred warriors. The army was now some fifteen miles from the Miami village. With a view to a place of safety for the knapsacks of the soldiers, St. Clair, with Major Ferguson, had, on the evening of the arrival of the army at its present encampment, concluded "to throw up a slight work," and then, with the regiment yet back, to move on to attack the enemy. But neither were consummated; and before the sun had sent his rays over the western wilds-between that hour which the adage has accounted the darkest just before day, and the full twilight of the morning-the Indian whoop and wild yell of the enemy startled the army of St. Clair, already under arms, into the wildest commotion, and at once began a furious attack upon the militia, which soon gave way, and pell-mell, came rushing into the midst of the camp, through Major Butler's battalion, creating the wildest disorder on every side, and closely pursued by the Indians. "The fire, however, of the front line checked them; but almost instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line; and in a few minutes it was extended to the second likewise. The great weight of it was directed against the center of each, where the artillery was placed, ahd from which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter."- Soon perceiving but little effect from the fire of the artillery, a bayonet charge was ordered, led by Lieut.Colonel Darke, which drove the Indians back some distance,! but, for the want of sufficient force, they soon moved forward to the attack again, and the troops of Darke were, in turn, compelled to give way; while, at the same time, the enemy had pushed their way into camp by the left flank, and the troops there also were giving way. Repeated and effectual charges were now made by Butler and Clarke's battallions, but with great loss; many officers fell, leaving the raw troops without direction-Major Butler himself being dangerously wounded. In the second regiment every officer had fallen, except three, and one of these had been shot through the body. The " artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed, except Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded and more than *St. Clair's report. that chief, was soon placed at the head of a small party of spies or scouts, with instructions to watch and report the advancement of St. Clair; and he is said to have done his work most faithfully, for, while concealed near a small tributary of the Great Miami, he and his party saw St. Clair and his army pass on their way to Greenville. Though prevented from taking part in the hostile movements that followed, yet, it is evident that the efforts of Tecnmseh and his little band, whose report soon reached the head chiefs in action against St. Clair, had much to do with the subsequent defeat and rout of the army. 138 HISTorY OF F OT WAY-NE. half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it became necessary to attempt the regaining of it, and to make a retreat, if possible. For this purpose the remains of the army were fdrmed, as well as circumstances would admit, towards the rioht of the encampment, from which, by the way of the second line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn theirright flank, but in fact to gain the road. This was effected, and as soon as it was open, the militia took along it, followed by the troops; Major Clarke, with his battalion covering the rear."' Everything was now precipitate. The panic had assumed a terrible flight. The canmp and artillery were all abandoned-not a horse was left alive to remove the cannon; and the soldiery threw away their arms and accouterments as they ran, strewing the road for miles with them. The retreat began about half-past nine o'clock, and continued a distance of twenty-nine miles, to Fort Jefferson, where they arrived soon after sunset, having lost thirty-nine officers, killed, and five hundred and ninety-three men killed and missing; twenty-two officers, and two hundred and forty-two men wounded; with a loss to the public, in stores and other valuable property, to the amount of some thirty-two thousand eight hundred and ten dollars and seventy-five cents.t The following were the names of the officers Ywho fell on this muemorable occasion: Major-general Richard Butler, Lieutenantcolonel Oldham, of the Kentucky militia; M.lajors Ferguson, Clarke, and Hart; Captains Bradford, Phelon, Kirkwood, Price, Van Swearingnen, Tipton, Smith, Purdy, Piatt, Guthrie, Cribbs, and Newman; Lieutenants Spear, Warren, Boyd, McMath, Bead, Burgess, Kelso, Little, Hopper, and Lickens; Ensigns Balch, Cobb, Chase, Turner, Wilson, Brooks, Beatty, and Purdy; Quartermasters Reynolds and Ward; Adjutant Anderson; and Doctor Grasson. The officers wounded w-ere:-Lieutenanlt-colonels Gibson, Darke, and Sargent, (adjutant-general;) Major Butler; Captains Doyle, Trueman, Ford, Buchanan, Darke, and Hough; Lieutenants Greaton, Davidson, De Butts, Price, Morg'an, McCroa, Lysle, and Thomson; Ensign Bines; Adjutants Whisler and Crawford; and the Viscount Malartie, volunteer aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief. Mlany womenj:- had followed the army of St. Clair in its march towards the Miami village, prefering to be with their husbands than to remain behind, most of whom were destroyed; and "after the flight of the remnant of the army, the Indians began to avenge their own real and imaginary wrongs by perpetrating the most horrible acts of cruelty and brutality upon the bodies of the living and dead Americans who fell into their hands. Believino that the whites, for many years, made war merely to acquire land, the Indians *'St. Clair's report. fReport of Secretary of War, Dec. 11, 1792. I History of Ohio," )b Atwat.a'r, says 250; Dillon, ill his His. of Ind., says "more than one hundred." VAN CLEVE'S NARREATION OF ST. CLAImIS DEFEAT. 139 crammed clay and sand into the eyes and down the throats of the dying and the dead.`"* B. Van Cleve, who was in the quartermaster-general's department, of the army of St. Clair, says: j" On the fourth [of November] at daybreak, I began to prepare for returning [to Fort Washington,]l and had got about half my luggage on my horse, when the firing commenced. We were encamped just within the lines, on the right. The attack was made on the Kentucky militia. Almost instantaneously, the small remnant of them that escaped broke through the line near us, and this line gave away. Followed by a tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed me. I threw my bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had been cut, and followed a short distance, when finding the troops had halted, I returned and brought my'horse a little further. I was now between the fires, and finding the troops giving away again, was obliged to leave him a second time. As I quitted him he was shot down, and I felt rather glad of it, as I concluded that now I shall be at liberty to share in the engagement. My inexperience prompted me to calculate on our forces being far superior to any that the savages could assemble, and that we should soon have the pleasure of driving them. Not more than five minutes had yet elapsed, when a soldier near me had his arm swinging with a wound. I requested his arms and accoutrements, as he was unable to use them, promising to return them to him, and commenced firing. The smoke was settled down to within about three feet of the ground, but I generally put one knee to the ground and with a rest from behind a tree, waited the appearance of an Indian's head from behind his cover, or for one to run and change his position. Before I was convinced of my mistaken calculations, the battle was half over and I had become familiaxrised to the scene. Hearing the firing at one time unusually brisk near the rear of the left wing, I crossed the encampment. Two levy officers were just ordering a charge. I had fired away my ammunition and some of the bands of my musket had flown off. I picked up another, and a cartridge box nearly full, and pushed forward with about thirty others. The Indians ran to:Dillon's His. Ind., p. 283. From a letter to General St. Clair, dated Fort Washington, Felruary 13, 179, written by Capt. Robert Bunti, who had previously accompalied Gen. James Wilkinson with a small detachment of mounted men to the scene of St. Clair's defeat, the following extract is made: " We left Fort Jefferson about nine o'clock on the 31st (of January), with the volunteers, and arrived within eight miles of the field of battle that evening, and next day we arrived at the ground about ten o'clock. The scene was truly melancholy. In my opinion those unfortunate men who fell into the enemy's hands, with life, were used with the greatest torture-having their limbs torn off; and the women have been treated with the most indecent cruelty, having stakes as thick as a person's arm, drove through their bodies. The first, I observed when burrying the dead; and the latter was discovered by Colonel Sarg:mt and Dr. Brown." Pits being dug, all the bodies found were burried by the detachment under Wilkinson. The Indians seldom if ever buried those they killed in battle, or otherw'1 i se. TAs published from the manuscript of Van Cleve in the " American Pioneer," 1843. fSays a not'e to this account; " He was in the qualrtermaster-general's service; so that he' ftugh!th on his Own hook.'" 1410 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. the right, where there was a small ravine filled with logs. I bent my course after them, and on looking round, found I was with only seven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward and halted about thirty yards off. We halted also, and being so near to where the savages lay concealed, the second fire from them left me standing alone. My cover was a small sugar tree or beach, scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired away all my ammunition; I am uncertain whether with any effect or not. I then looked for the party near me, and saw them retreating and half way back to the lines. I followed them, running my best, and was soon in. By this time our artillery had been taken, I do not know whether the first or second time, and our troops had just retaken it, and were charging the enemy across the creek in front; and some person told me to look at an Indian running with one of our kegs of powder, but I did not see him. There were about thirty of our men and officers lying scalped around the pieces of artillery. It appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for their hair was all skinned off." "Daniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought up with me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time received a shot through his hips, and was unable to walk. I procured a horse and got him on. My uncle had received a ball near his wrist that lodged near his elbow. The ground was literally covered with dead and dying men, and the commander gave orders to take the way-perhaps they had been given more explicitly. Happening to see my uncle, he told me a retreat was ordered, and that I must do the best I could, and take care of myself. Bonham insisted that he had a better chance of escaping than I had, and urged me to look to my own safety alone. I found the troops pressing like a drove of bullocks to the right. I saw an officer, whom I took to be lieut. Morgan, an aid to general Butler, with six or eight men, start on a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately ran and fell in with them. In a short distance we were so suddenly among the Indians, who were not apprised of our object, that they opened to us, and ran to the right and left without firing. I think about two hundred of our men passed through them before they fired, except a chance shot. When we had proceeded about two miles, most of those uounted had passed me. A boy had been thrown or fell off a horse, and begged my assistance. I ran, pulling him along, about two miles further, until I had become nearly exhausted. Of the last two horses in the rear, one carried two men, and the other three. I made an exertion qnd threw him on behind the two men. The Indians followed but about half a mile further. The boy was thrown off sometime afterwards, but escaped and got in safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but understood he was thrown off about this place, and lay on the left of the trace, where.he was found in the winter and was buried. I took the cramp violently in my thighs, and could scarcely walk, VTA CLEVE'S NARRATION. 141 until I got within a hundred yards of the rear, where the Indians were tomahawking the old and wounded men; and I stopped here to tie my pocket handkerchief around a man's wounded knee. I saw the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a moment my spirits sunk, and I felt in despair for my safety. I considered whether I should leave the road, or whether I was capable of any further exertion. If I left the road, the Indians were in plain sight and could easily overtake me. I threw the shoes off my feet and the coolness of the ground seemed to revive me. I again began a trot, and recollect that, when a bend in the road offered, and I got before half a dozen persons, I thought it would occupy some time for the enemy to massacre them, before my turn would come. By the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had gained the centre of the flying troops, and, like them, came to a walk. I fell in with lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think, was the only officer of artillery that got away unhurt, with corporal Mott, and a woman who was called red-headed Nance. The latter two were both crying. Mott was lamenting the loss of his wife, and Nance that of an infant child. Shaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on Mott's arm. I carried his fusee and accoutrements, and led Nance; and in this sociable way we arrived at Fort Jefferson, a little after sunset. "The commander-in-chief had ordered Col. Darke to press forward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry them on to the army. Major Truman, captain Sedan and my uncle were setting forward with him. A number of soldiers, and packhorsemen on foot, and myself among them, joined them. We came on a few miles, when all, overcome with fatigue, agreed to a halt. Darius Curtus Orcutt,*' a packhorse master, had stolen at Jefferson, one pocket full of flour and the other full of beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one Jacob Fowler and myself groped about in the dark, until we found some water, where a tree had been blown out of root. We made a kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among the many. It was then concluded, as there was a bend in the road a few miles further on, that the Indians might undertake to intercept us there, and we decamped and traveled about four or five miles further. I had got a rifle and ammunition at Jefferson, from a wounded militiaman, an old acquaintance, to bring in. A sentinel was set, and we laid down and slept, until the governor came up a few hours afterward. I think I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get awake after I was on my feet. On the day before the defeat, the ground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled with water frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife-blade. I was worn out with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces against the roots in the night, and splashing through the ice without shoes. In the *Orcuttt's packhorses were branded D. C. 0., and it was a standing joke, when any one asked what the brand meant, to answer that D. C. stood for Darby Carey, and the round 0 for his wife, —Western Pioneer. 142 HISTORY OF FOET WAYNE. morning we got to a camp of packhorsemnen, and amongst them I got a doughboy or water-dumpling, and proceeded. We got within seven miles of Hamilton on this day, and arrived there soon on the morning of the sixth." The efforts against the Miami yillage were, for a time, at least, brought to a close. A new order of things now became necessary, if success was to be attained in any further movement towards this point. ECHAPTERE XII.'" Fill up life's little span. With God-like deeds-it is. the testTest of the high-born soul, And lofty aim; The test in History's scroll Of every honored nalne! None but the brave shall win the goal."-HARvwEY Rl'o,.How Washinglton was effected by the defeat of St. Claitr-Frontier settlements exposed to the ravages of the Indials-Appointment of General Wayne to the command'of the western army-Relief of the frontier settlements-Party spirit-Efforts of the goernmnent to form treaties with the Indians-General Wayne advances towards this point-Establishes his headquarters at Fort Greenville-Er-cts a fortification on the site of St. Clair's defeat-Indians begin to be fearful of success —Send General Wayne a speech-Can't accept the terms of Wayne-They still hope for British aid-The Spanish of the Lower Mississippi-Detachment sent to Fort Massac-Fierce attack upon Fort Recovery —The army starts for the Miami village-Erection of Fort Adams-Army reaches mouth of the Auglaize and Maumee —Erection there of Fort Defiance-Wayne's report to the Seeetary of War-Distrust of the Indians-Capt. William Wells and Little Turtle-Wells quits the Miamies andjoins Wayne-Council of the tribes-Speech of Little Turtle' — Movements of the army-Attack by the Indians -The wisdom of Little Turtle'-Anthony Shane's account of Tecumseh-Report of General Wayne —Return to Fort Defiance —Destruction of corn-fields and villages —General Wayne and the British commander at the Rapids of the Maumee-Repairs upon Fort DefianceArmymov; s again for the village here-Its arrival-Selection of the site for the erection of a fort-Journal of the army-Completion of the fort-Lieut.- Col Hamtramck assumes command, and names it FORT WAYNE — Main body of the army, under Wayne, starts for Fort Greenville-Glorious effect of Wayne's victory throughout the country-Indians invited to hold a treaty of peace-effoits of the British Indian agents-Agreeable adjustment of affairs with Great Britain-Indians dispirited thereby-They begin to visit Wayne at Greenville-Letters of Col. Hamtramck-The treaty of Greenville-effecting address of Wayne-Great rejoicing throughout the country-" Westward, ho " HE NEANWS of the defeat of Gen. St. Clair fell heavily upon iDthe mind of Washington. He had long looked upon the capycEg ture of this locality and the establishment here of formidable K fortifications with the highest degree of interest and concern; G and to learn of the defeat of an army like that under St. Clair-a defeat greater than that of Braddock in his movement against Fort Du Quesne, in 1755 —was to 1be most severely felt, by h.im 144 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. He had hoped for speedy relief to the sparse and greatly exposed settlements of the west, and had relied largely upon General St. Clair to carry his designs and those of the government to a successful termination; and while, in the main, Gen. St. Clair was but little if any to blame for the terrible defeat that impeded his march to the Miami village, yet Washington could but feel it most sorely, His feelings are said suddenly to have overcome him; and though most unlike the man of courage, hope, perseverance, and usual calm, self-complacency, when told of St. Clair's ill success, his better feelings suddenly gave way to those of the most intense discomfiture. "It's all over!" he exclaimed; " St. Clair is defeated I routed!" His private secretary, according to the account, was the only one present, and he is said to have been " awed into breathless silence by the appalling tones in which the torrent of invective was poured forth by Washington. But his composure was as soon restored, and new resolution as readily formed in the plastic mind of the President. The defeat of St. Clair's force was doubly embarrassing. Besides disappointing and perplexing the government, it had "'exposed the whole range of the frontier settlements on the Ohio to the fury of the Indians," against which they made the best arrangements in their power for their own. defence; while the government took measures for recruiting, as soon as possible, the Western army. Among the military commandants of the time, General Wayne was a great favorite with the people of the west, and he readily received the appointment to the command of the western troops; though "a factious opposition in Congress, at that time, to the miltary and financial plans of the administration, delayed the equipment of the army for nearly two years;" and thus, "while General Wayne was preparing to penetrate the Indian country in the summer of 1794, the attention of the Indians was drawn to their own defence, and the frontiers were relieved from their attacks."* Party spirit now ran high. The west felt sorely agrieved, and every act of the general government tending towards conciliation with the British, who were charged with inciting the Indians on the frontier, was lookedupon in the most disapprobative feeling; and while General Wayne, from 1792 to August, 1793, was gathering his forces for the renewal of efforts against the Indians of this point, the government of the United States used strenuous efforts to establish treaties of peace and good-will among the tribes hostile to the Americans in the nerthwestern territory, by sending out messengers with speeches. On the 7th of April, 1792, Brig.-General Wilkinson dispatched such messengers (Freeman and Gerrard) from Fort Washington to the Indians on the Maumee;t but who were captured, and being taken for spies, were murdered some where near the rapids of this river; and the efforts of the government resulted in but little success, in so far as the direct desire for peace *" American Pioneer," p. 206. tDillon's His. Ind. pp. 287, 289, WAYNE'S MOVEIMET FROM tFORT W'ASH-ING-TTON. 145 was concerned. The strong arm of war seemed the only means left to bring the tribes to a true sense of regard for the government and its real purposes towards the Indians of the wes;ern country. Thus stood matters from the time of the last efforts of the United States, on the part of its last commissioners to the Indians, (Benjamin Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Timothy Pickering) in August, 1793, with some activity on the part of the Indians, and much hope and anxiety on the part of the settlements of Marietta and other points in the west, till Wayne had a.dvanced from his headquarters, at; iHobson's Choice," near Fort Washington, on the 6th of October, 1793, to the southwest branch of the Great Miami, within six miles of Fort Jefferson, and, about a month subsequently, established his headquarters at Fort Greenville,* which waas built by him about the period of his arrival at that pioint. On the 23d of December, of this year, from this fort, he gave orders for tthe erection of a fort on the site of St. Clair's defeat, in'91, and for that purpose ordered Major Henry Burbeck, with eioght companies of inlflntry, and a detachment of artillery, to proceed tothe (round, whither the soldiers arrived, executed the order of Geeral Waynae, and the rtifitication was appropriately called "Fort Rtecovery." At tlis bold procedure, the Indians began to exhibit signs of uneasine-is, and soon sent General Wayne a " speech," desiring to present overtures of peace with the United States; but the termis presented by Wayne were not then agreeable to the Indians, who had, about the time of Wayne's proposition, much as in the case of the French, at the time of the Pontiac struggle against the British, been led to hope that early in the coming year ('94), Great Britain would render them sufficient aid to enable them to expel and destroy the American settlers situated on the territory northwest of the Ohio.t Matters now agitating the general mind, and, to a considerable extent, calling away the attention of the Government, relative to a proposed expedition against the Spaniards of the Lower M~ississippi, and to oppose which, General Wayne was ordered by President Washington to send a detachment to Fort'Massac, on the Ohio, about eight miles below the Tennessee river, there "'to erect a strongo redoubt and blockhouse, with some suitable cannon from Fort Washington," the expedition of Wayne remained in comparative quiet at the different posts, (Jefferson, Greenville, Recovery, &c.,) till the morning of the 30th of June,'94 when lM Lajor -.,Which formerly stood in the vicinity of what is now the town of Greenville, D;lnke county, Ohio.'IFn February, 1791, Lord Dorchester, then Governor-general of Can'ida, at a council of chiefs at Quebec, told the Indians "that; lie shuld not be surpi'ised if G reat B3ritalin and the United States were at war in course of th. year." Hence their encouraeen'et, in part, at least. It was about this period also that France was experiencing muct trolble of a revolutionary natiure, and tha.t Genet, the French Minister ia this {on'. tiv, had sought to raise a body of trno)ps. & c., to move acsiAnI st the Spaniards of Florid.a unll Louisiana. Lord Dorchelter, doubtless infering that such 4 movement, aided by the U'liited States, would soolln I)recilitat.e the two. O iin'les i.a into a war' again, was mIol-t probably led to eneourage thejndians by the remark quoted bbove. A proc1amation was isu:'ed by WVaslhingCtoln -^failSt ti mslenr"t, Ml4icn, 1794. (10) 146 HISTORY oF FoRT WATYNE McMahon, commanding, with an escort of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons, was fiercely assailed by a body of some fifteen hundred Indians "under the walls of Fort Recovery"' Assisted, as was thought, by a "number of British agents and a few French Canadian volunteers," the Indians, during a period of about twenty-four hours, made several sallies upon this fort, but finding their efforts unavailable, retired. The loss, however, to the garrison was by no means trifling-twenty-two men being killed, and thirty wounded, and three were missing; two hundred and twenty-one horses were also killed, wounded and missing. The Indians having been engaged in carrying away their dead during the night, but eight or ten of their warriors were found dead near the fort. Mlajor McMahon, Captain Hartshorne, Lieutenrnt Craig, and Cornet Torry, fell on this occasion. Major-General Scott, with some sixteen hundred mounted volunteers, having arrived at Fort Greenville, on the 26th of July ('94), and j.oined the regulars under General Wayne, on the 28th of July? the army began its march upon the Indian villages along the Maumaee. Un tIis march, some twenty-four miles to the north of Fort Recovery, Wayne had built and garrisoned a small Post, which he called Fort Adams, From this point, on the 4th of August, the army moved toward the confluence of the Auglaize and lMauluee rivers, where they arrived on the 8th of August. At this point,; a strong stockade fort, with four goad stockhouses, by way of bastions," was soon concluded, whlich was called by Gen. Wayne Fort Defiance. On the 14th of Aug&ust, General Wayne wrote as follows to the Secretary of W'ar " 1 have," said he, t the honor to inform vou thiat the army under my command took possession of this very important post on the morning of the 8th instant-the enemy, on the preceding[ evening, having abandoned all their settlements, towns, and villages, with su1ch apparent marks of surprise and precipitation, as to amount to a positive proof that our approtach was not discerned by them until the arrival of a Mr, New-, man, ofi- the quartermaster-eneras. department, who deserted from the army near the St. Mary's. * *" I had made such demlonstrations, forl a length of time previously to taking up our line of march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the route of the Miami villages, to the left, or toward Roche de Bout, by the rightl.t-.which feints appear to have produced the desired effect, by drawing the attentiou of the enemy to those points, and gave an opening for the army to approach undiscovered by a devious, i. e., in a central direction, Thus, sir, we have gained possession of the -rand emporium of the hostile Indian. of tlhe west, without loss of blood. " Everything is now prepared for a forward move to-morrow morning toward Roche de Boute, or foot of the rapids.' * Yet I have thoughlt proper to offer the enemy a last overture of peace; aid as they have everything that is dear and interesting now at stake, I have reason to expect that they will WAYNE'S ERFORTS FOR PEACE-WM. WELLS. 147 listen to the proposition mentioned in the enclosed copy of an address, dispatched yesterday by a special flag (Christopher Miller,) vwho I sent under circumstances that will insure his safe return, and which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood. But should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads. America shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an allpowerful and just God I therefore' commit myself and gallant army." In his address to the Indians, as dispatched by Miller to the Delewares, Shawanees, Miamis, and Wyandots, and to each and every of them; and to all other nations of Indians northwest of the Ohio, whom it may concern," said General Wayne: " BrothersBe no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and language of the bad white men at the foot of the rapids: they have neither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and happiness nor your ears to this last overture of peace. But, in pity to your innocent women and children, come and prevent the further effusion of your blood. Let them experience the kindness and friendship of the United States of America, and the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility." He urged them also —" each and every hostile tribe of Indians to appoint deputies " to assemble without delay at the junction of the Auglaize and foot of the rapids, " in order to settle the preliminaries of a lasting peace."' The answer brought by Miller on his return, on the 16th, was, "that if he (General Wayne) waited where he was ten days, and then sent Miller for them, they would treat with him; but that if he advanced, they would give him battle." The slow movement of Wayne towards the -Miami village had caused many of the Indians to feel no little distrust as to their ability to defeat the great chiefs of the Americans who was creeping so cautiously upon their strongholds. A man by the name of Wells, already referred to in a previous chapter, who, at the age of twelve years, had been captured in Kentucky and adopted by the Miamies, and who had lived to manhood and raised a family among them, just prior to the advance of the army towards the rapids, began to feel a new awakening in his mind. He had fought by the side of Little Turtle against both llarmar and St. Clair; and it was said of him, that " afterwards, in the times of calm reflection, with dim memories still of his childhood home, of brothers and playmates, he seemed to have been harrowed with the thought that amongst the slain, by his own hand, mlay have been his kindred." H-Xe had resolved to break his attachmert to the tribe, even to his wife and children. In this state of mind, with much of the Indian characteristics, inviting the war chief of the Minamies-Little Turtlel-to accompany him to a point on the Maumec, about two miles east of Fort Wayne, at what was long known as the"Big Elm" whither they at once repaired. Wells *'ronil his great vigilelce, Waylne'was called by the India ns the Black Snke, 148 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. readily told the chief his purpose. "I now leave your nation," said he, " for my own people. We have long been friends. We are frieunds yet, until the sun reaches a certain height, (which was mentioned). From that time we are enemies. Then if you wish to kill me, you may. If I want to kill you, I may." NWhen the.time indicated had come, Capt. \\ells crossed the river, and was soon lost to the view of his old friend and chieftain, Little Turtle. Moving in an easterly course, with a view to striking the trail of Wayne's forces, he was successful in obtaining an interview with the General, and ever thereafter proved the fast friend of the Americans.: The resolute movement of Wells was a severe blow upon the Miaaies. To Turtle's mind it seemed to have been an unmistakable foreboding of sure and speedy defeat to the confederated tribes of the northwest, as already referred to. In accordance with previous arrangements, on the 15th of August, General Wayne moved with his forces towards the foot of the rapids, and came to a halt a few miles above that point, on the 18th, and, the next day began the erection of a temporary garrison, more especially for the reception of stores, baggage, and the better to reconnoitre the enemy's ground, which lay " behind a thick, bushy wood, and the British fort."t This post was called ".Fort Deposit." The Miamies were now undecided as to the policy of attacking General Wayne, notwithstanding the fact that they, with the aid of other tribes, and througoh the influence of the British, had succeeded. in defeating the former expeditions of Harmar and St. Clair. At a general council of the confederated tribes, held on the 19th of August, Little Turtle was most earnest in his endeavors to pursuade a peace with general Wayne. Said he, "we have beaten the enemy twice under different commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune to attend us always. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The nights and the days are alike to him, and duriing all the time that he has been marching on our villages, notwithstarnding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." But his words of wisdom were but little regarded. One of the chiefs of the council even went so far as to charge him with cowardice, which he readily enough spurned, for there were none braver or eAfter the arrival here of the army under Wayne, Wells was made captain of the Spies, and settling at the Old Orchard," a short distance from the confluence of the St.. Mary and St. Joseph, on the banks of a little stream there, afterwards called "Spy Run,",alnd which still bears that name, the government subsequently grante(d him A. mpre-emption of some three hundred and twenty acres of land thereabout, including his improvement thereon, the old orchard, etc. Wells afterwlads, also became. by appointment of the Government, Indian Agent here, in which capacity he served for several years. tThis fort, at the foot of the Rapids, called Fort Miami, was about seven miles from Fort Deposit, and stood on the nortthwestern bank of the Maumee, near where MaumlLe City now stands, GE.NERAL WAYNE'S REPORT TO SECRETARY KNOX..149 more ready to act where victory was to be won or a defense required, than Little Turtle, and so, without further parley, the council broke up, and Turtle, at the head of his braves, took his stand to meet and give battle to the advancing army. At eight o'clock,' says Wayne, in his report to Secretary Knox, on the 2th of Agst 179 o te of st 17 te moin the 20th, the ar:ny again advanced in columns, agr'eeably to the standing order of march; the legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee: one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, underBrigadier-eneral Todd, and the other in the rear, under Brigadier-general Barbee. A select battallion of mounted volunt.eers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently alvanced, so as to give timely notice for tke troops to bfrm in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace or war.' After advancing' about five miles,7 continued the report, " Major Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a close, thickl wood, which extended for miles on our left, and for a very considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with efiect, and afforded the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each, other, and extending for near two miles, at right angles with the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in fu.l force in front, in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our Left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and support the first; and directed Major-general Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the whole of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route; at the same time I ordered the front lile to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point,of the bayonet, and when up, to (deliver a close and well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again. I also ordered Captain Mis Campbell, who commanded the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude; but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were drove from all their coverts in so short a time, tha.t, although every possible exertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and by Generals Scott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in seatsoCn to participate in the action; the enemy being drove, in the course 1 ) IISTrowr OF FOERT WA"YNE. of one hour, more than two miles through the thick woods already mentioned by less than one-half their numbers. From every account, the enemy amounted to two thousand combatants. The troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred.* This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison." The wisdom, foresight and valor of Little Turtle were now no longer to be questioned. At the Indian council, on the night before the attack, he clearly saw the end of all their efforts against the army of Wayne; and the Indians soon began to feel and realize that their main hold upon the northwest was broken forever. Though it is not positively known whether Tecumseh was at the council or not, the night before the battle, yet it is authentically recorded, in the life of this chief, in accordance with the following account by Anthony Shane, that he led a party of Shawanoes in the attack upon the army of General Wayne. And it was in this engagement that he first encountered the white chief, Gen. Harrison, then a Lieutenant, with whom, a few years later, he had so much dealing. Says the account of Shane: He occupied an advanced position in the battle, and while attempting to load his rifle, he put in a bullet before the powder, and was thus unable to use his gun. Being at this moment pressed in front by some infantry, he fell back with his party, till they met another detachment of Indians. Tecumseh urged them to. stand fast and fight, saying if any one would lend him a gun, he would show them how to use it. A fowling-piece was handed to him, with which he fought for some time, till the Indians were again compelled to give ground. While falling back, he met another party of Shawanoes; and, although the whites were pressing on them, he rallied the Indians, and induced them to make a stand in a thicket. When the infantry pressed close upon them, and had discharged their muskets into the bushes, Tecumseh and his party returned the fire, and then retreated till they had joined the main body of the-Indians below the rapids of the Maumee. As presented in the foregoing report, "' the bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals down to the ensign," merited the " highest approbation. There were, however, some," says Wayne, "whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with pleasure, and the most lively gratitude. Among whom, I must beg leave to mention Brigadier-general Wilkilson, and (ol. *-The exact number of Indians engaged in this action, against-Wayne's army has never been ascertained. There were, however, about 450 Delawares, 175 Miamies, 275 Shawanees, 225 Ottawas,275 Wyandotts, and a small number of Senecas, Pottawattamies, and Chippewas. The number of white men who fought in defense of the Indians in this engagement, was about seventy, including a corps of volunteers from Detroit, under the command of Captain Caldwell.-His. Ind. WAYNE'S VICTORY AT THE RAPIDS-KILLED, WOUNDED, &C. 151 Hamtramck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I must add," said he, " the names of my faithful and gallant aids-decamp, Captain De Butt and T. Lewis; and Lieutenant Harrison, who, with the adjutant-general, Major M~ills, rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for victory. Lieutenant Covington, upon whom the command of the cavalry now devolved, cut down two savages with his own hand; and Lieutenant Webb one, in turning the enemy's left flank. The \wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieutenant Campbell Smith, an extra aid-de-camp to Generalt Wilkinson, of the legionary infantry, and Captain Van Rensselear, of the dragoons, Captain Rawlins, Lieutenant McKenny, and Ensign Duncan, of the mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their bravery and conduct. " Captains H. Lewis and Brock, with their companies of light infantry, had to sustain.an unequal fire for some time, which they supported with fortitude. In fact, every officer and soldier, who had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true bravery which will always ensure success. And here permit me to declare, that I never discovered more true spirit and anxlety for action, than appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers and I am well persuaded that, had the enemy maintained their favorite ground for one-half hour longer, they would have most severely felt the prowess of that corps. But, while I pay this tribute to the living, I must not neglect the gallant dead, among whom we have to lament the early death of those worthy and brave officers, Captain Mis Campbell, of the dragoons, and Lieutenant Towles, of the light infantry, of the legion, who fell in the first charge." Of the killed and wounded, in this engag.ement, according to the report of General Wayne, the regular troops, lost twenty-six killed, and eighty-seven wounded. Of the Kentucky volunteers, seven were killed and thirteen were wouhded; and nine regulars and two volunteers died of their wQunds before the 28th of tle month. The loss of the enemy was more than twice that of the army under Wayne; and " the woods were strewn for a considerable distance with the dead bodies of Indians." Wayne's victory was now complete. It was short and decisive; and after remaining "three days and nights on the banks of the Maunmee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and cornfields (of the enemy) were consumed and destroyed for a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami, as well as within pistol shot of the garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this general devastation and conflagration; among which were the houses, stores, and property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the United States and the sav 15 2 H-1ISTOrRl OF FORT WAYNE. ages,"'* on the 27t1h, the army started upon its return ma.rch for Fort Defiance, laying waste, as it moved, villages and cornfields fbr a distance of some fifty miles along the Maumee. It will be proper here to mention, that while the American forces occupied their position within range of the British fortt at the rapids, from. the afternoon of the 20th to the forenoon of the 23d, five letters passed between the British commander (Major Campbell) and General Wayne; the first coming from. the British commandant, enquiring the cause of the army of the United States approaching so near his majesty's fort-that he knew " of no war existing between Great Britainl and America," etc. To which Gen. Wayne replied: " Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, tat,a, were you entitled to an answer, the most full -and satisfactory one awps announced to you fromn the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, in the action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to the American arms; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc., were drivon under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious, army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States." To which, in turn, the British commandant, having taken the rejoinder of Wayne as an insult to the British flag, threatened to open his batteries upon the American forces, should they continue to approach his post "in the threatening manner: they were then doing, etc. Wayne's reply was this time to the effect that he also knew of no w ar then existing between Great Britain and America-r eminding him of the definitive treaty of 1783-showing himr that Great Britain was then and there maintaininig a post beyolnd the limits and stipulations of that treaty; and ordering him to retire peacefully within the limits of the British lines. To which. the British commanldant replied that he certainly would. not abandon the post at the summnons of any power whatever, until he received, orders to that efcect from those. he had the honor to serve under, or the fortunes of war should oblige him so to act; and still firmly adhered to Ihis previous proposition, or threaC. And thus the contlroversy ended. Reaching ir ort Defiance a gain, the army soon bepgan repaiirs upon the fort, in order to render it the more substantial in its general structure;.and here the army remained till the morning of the 14th of September, 1794, when " the legion began their march for the MlAiani village," (this point) whither they arrived at 5 o'clock, P.'., on the 17th of September, and on the following day, the 4.'S'ayne's report. i-.At the period of Wayhne's engagement near the rapids, there were about 250 regulars and 210 militia in this fort, with "four nine-pounlers, two large howitzers, and six six-pounlders mounited in the il.t, and two w sivels." —American State papers. JOURNAL OF WAYNE's CAMPAIGN. 153 troops fortified their camps, while " the commandli-er-iin-chief reconnoitered the ground and determined.on the spot to build a garrison.' The history of events, from. the time of the arrival of Wayne and his army at the Miami village, on the afternoon of the l7th, to the completion of the fort, will be partially seen, at least, from the following dates at the Miami village, asipresented in the dailyjournal of Wayne's campaign: Camp Miami Villayges, 18/tA Sep. 179!4. — Four deserters from the British crame to us this day; they bring the information that the Iudlians are encamped 8 miles below the 3Bitishl io. t tho te rnumber of 1600. 20th Sep. —Ltst night it rained violently iatnd the winrd blew from the N. W. harder thlan I!knes heretofoe. en. BGe. Arbe, with his c irmmandlr atried in camp about 9 o'clock this morn'ing with 553 kegs of flour, etch containing 100 pounds. 23dSep.-V-'otur deserters front ihe iJ'rr.ish rgarLrison arrived aLt our camp; they ulmeantion thltt the 11uditan, arc still enb(odiedfion the Miami, 9 miles below the Brfiish fort; that they are somewhat divided in opinion, some are for peace and others for Wt.s'4th Sep.- This day tlhework commenced on he garrison, which T a1m atpprehen — sive will take some tiime to complete it. A keg of whisky containing ten gallons, wa.,s purchased this day for eighty dollars, a sheep for ten dollars: thrlee dollars was offered for one pint of salt., but it could not be obtained for less than six. 25th Sep.-Lieutenant Blue, of the dragoons, was this (day arrested by ensign Johnson, of tile 4th S. L., but a number of their friends interfering, the dispute was settled upon lieutenanlt Blue asking Johnson's pardon. 26th Sep.-i'Clelanld, one of our spies, with a smanll party came in this evening fromn Fort Defiance, who brings information that the eneny are troublesome about the garrison, tanl that they have killed some of our men under the walls of the fort. Sixteen Indians were seen to-day Inear this place; a small party went in pursuit. of' them. I have not heard wha,t discoveries they h.Ave made. 30th S',. —;Salt and whisky were drawn by the troops this day, and a number of the soldisry became much intoxicated, they having stolen a quantity of liquor fromt the quarterminster. 4th Oc'.-hl:is tlmorting we had the hardest frost I ever saw in the middle of December, it was like a small snow; there was ice in our camp.kettlecs? of arn inch thick; the fatigues go on with velocity, considering the rations the troops are obliged to live on. 6th Oct.-The weather extremely cold, and hal'd frosts, t'le wiind N. W.; every thing quiet and nothing but harmony antd peace throughout the camp, whiclhis something uncommiot1. 6th Oct.-Plenty and quietness the same tas yesterday; the volunteers etngarred to work on the garrison, for which they:are to receive three gills of whisky per man per day; their emrployment is digging the ditch and filling up the parapet. StA/ Oct.-The troops drew but half rations of flour this day. The cavalry and other horses die very fast, not less than four or five per day. 9th Oct. - The volunteers have agreed to build a block-house in front of the garrison. 11th Oct.-A Canadian (Rlozelie) with a flng arrived this eveninig his business was to deliver up three mrisoners in exchange for his brother, who was taken on the 20(th August; lie brinzs infortmnation that the Indians are in contcil with Girty and M'Kee near the fort of Detroit, that all the tribes are fur peace except the Shawanees. who are determined to prosecute the wvar. iGth Oct.-Nothitg new, weather wet, and cold, wind from N. W. The troops hea'thby in general. 17t i Oct.-This day Captain Gibson arrived with a large quantity of flour, beef, and. sheep. 19th Oct.-This day the troops were not ordered f.orlabor, being the firdst daL y for four weeks, and accordingly tttended divine service.'Ddlily journal Wayue's campaign. 154 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. 20th Oct.-An express arrived this day with dispatches to the commander-inchief; th.e contents are kept. secret. A court-ma.rtial to sit this day fop the trial of Charrles Hyde. 21st Oct. —This day were read the proceedings of a general court martial, held on lieutenant Charles Hyde, (yesterday) was found not guilty of the charges exhibited against him, and was there ore acquitted. On the morning of the 22d. of October, 1794, the garrison was in readiness, and Lieutenant-colonel I-amtramck assumed command of the Post, with the following sub-legions: Captain Kingsbury's 1st; Captain Greaton's 2d; Captains Sparrk's and Reed's 8d; Captain Preston's 4th; and Captain Porter's of artillery; and after firing fifteen rounds of cannon, Colonel Hamtramck gave it the name of FORT WAYNE. And here was the starting-point of a new era in civilization in the great northwest! On the 28th of October, having completed his work at the point now bearing his name, General Wayne, vwith the main body of the regulars, took up his line of march for Fort Greenville, arriving at that point on the 2d of November. Early in September the news of Wayne's victory had spread over a large part of the country, and operated most favorably for the government. It not only removed the dissatisfaction to which the great delays attending the campaign had given rise, but it was the best possible illustration of the benefits to be derived from the protection of the general government, which had been greatly underrated. As a permanent peace with the Indians was now considered certain, this increased the desire for tranquility at home. And the troubles which, but a short period before, had threatened to involve the government in much trouble, through the desire of Genet and his followers to move upon the Spaniards of the Lower Alississippi, began greatly to dispirit the insurgents; and by the first of October, ('94) tranquility and good order were in a great measure restored throughout the country.* After the close of the engagement of the 20t.h of August, Wayne continued to invite the Indians to a friendly meeting, with a view to permanent peace between the tribes and the United States. But the Indians, for some time, seemed to be balancing between a desire still for the overthrow of the Americans and the hope of " effectual support from the British," on the one hand, and the fear of ultimate defeat on the other,let their own stiength or aid from the English be as formidable as it might; and while Wayne was inviting them to meet him at Greenville to conclude a treaty with him there, "Lieutenant-general Simcoe, Col. MicKee, and other officers of the British Indian department, persuaded Little Turtle, Blue Jacket, Buck-onga-helas, and other distinguished chiefs, to agree to hold an Indian council at the mouth of Detroit river.'"t The troubles with England, which had, but a few months before, threatened to break out into warfare again, were now, througlh the * American Pioneer, tDillon's His' Ind. 44, I,~~~~~~~~~~~N t'. 4; Pen&Aylva Ka:!;!.. -i. V T. - -A -.t Z A. 4r. E t I i,,,Pennzoil, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ i'Ci ~ Baltimore -411~~~~~~~~~~~~-,-,-,~~~i ethnic~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ii "y~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i'KAO, 7;~:~~~I -4~, A~% HAII&,.. FAIL, ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4~~~-j g. -v~~~~~ s n;jD~~~~~~~~~~~~S) U,, (~~;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l Y,,::;~ t ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~f N,,'w,?-~;~i: (~~~::i ~i';''':~::;'~:~;:';:-~::~~:MWr -1'.~~~A,~~ Vil ~~~?t LETTERS ou COL. HAIMTIAMICK. 155 wisdom of Washington, in a great measure, and the admirable efforts of John Jay, as envoy extraordinary from this country to the court of St. James, amicably adjusted in the conclusion of" a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States and Great Britain," This treaty was concluded on the 19th of November; and one of its main stipulations was that of a withdrawal, "on or before the first day of June, 1796, all (of the Kings) troops and garrisons, from all posts and places within the boundry lines assigned to the United States by the treaty of peace of 1783." The news of this treaty having reached America, the Indians soon felt their last hope of aid from the English fading away, and began seriously to think of peace; and during the months of December and January, 1794-5, small parties of Miamies, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, Sacs, Delawares, and Shawanoes began to visit General Wayne at his headquarters at Greenville, signing respectively, preliminary articles of peace, and agreeing " to meet Wayne at Greenville on or about the 15th of June, 1795, with all the sachems and war-chiefs of their nations," with a view of arranging a final treaty of peace and amity between the United States and the Indians of the northwestern territory. During the period that elapsed between the departure (28th of October,) of Wayne for Fort Greenville from the newly completed garrison bearing his name here, until the 17th of May 1796, Col. Hamtramck remained in command at Fort Wayne; and though nothing of a very important nature transpired during that time, yet there is much of interest to be gathered from the many letters* of Col. H., written from the fort here, and addressed to generals Wayne and Wilkinson. On the 5th December,'94, he wrote to Gen. Wayne: " It is with a great degree of mortification that I am obliged to inform your excellency of the great propensity many of the soldiers have to larceny. I have flogged them till I am tired. The economic allowance of one hundred lashes, allowed by government, does not appear a sufficient induccment for a rascal to act the part of an honest man. I have now a number in confinement and in irons for having stolen four quarters of beef on the night of the 3rd instant.. I could wish them to be tried by a general court-martial, in order to make an example of some of them. 1 shall keep them confined until the pleasure of your excellency is known." ".Fort Wayne, December 29, 1794. " SIn-Yesterday a number of chiefs of the Chippeways, Ottawas, sacks, and Pottawattaamies arrived here with the two Lassells.t It appears that the Shawanees, Delawares, and Miamies remain still under the influence of McKee; but Lassell thinks they will be compelled to come into the measures of the other Indians. After the chiefs have rested a day or two, I will send them to head-quarters " " Fort Weayne, December 29, 1794. SIR-Since my last letter to your excellency of the present date, two war-chiefs have arrived from the Miami nation, and inform me that their nation will be here in a few days, fron whence they will proceed to Greenville. They also bring intelligence of the remaining tribes of savages acceding to the prevalent wish for peace, and collecting for the purpose the chiefs of their nations, who, it is expected, will make their appearance at this post about the same time the Miamiesmay come forward," *Published from the manuscript of Col Hamtramck in the "American Pioneer, 1843. tJacques and Antoine Lasselle. VJacques Lasselle 1 5G 6 hISTOls' RY O.! FOriT WAY'-E. " Decemtber i3, 1795' The issues ro the Indians would be very inconsiderable this winter, if it was not forabout ninety old women and children with some very old men, whlo live near us and have no other rmode of subsisting but. by garrison. I have repeatedly tried to get clear of them, but without success. ( Ja2nuar 13, 17i!6.''About ninety old women and childr en have been victualled by the,garrison. I have, yesterday, given them five days' provision.,,ni told them it wvns tlhe la"'t they should have until spring. I w:i.s obliged to do so because, from calcuilation, I have no more flour thqln will last me until spring. But., sir, if other sn pplies could be got by land, I consider it politic to feed these poor creatures, who will suffer very nmuch for want of subsistence." [ To General 1lUcinsoo'] i" Ma, ch 28, 17.6. "I< am out of wampum. I will be very much obliged to you to send nme soime, for speaking to an Indian without it is like consulting a lawyer without a fee." [To General Wilkinson ]' April 5, 1796. L Little Turtle arrived yesterdaLy, to,whom I delivered your message, -1s answer was, to present. his contmpiments to you, that le was very glad of the invitation, as he wished very much to see general Wilkinson, but it was impossible for him to go to Greenville at present, as he had ordered all his youn n men to repair to a rendezvouz, in order, when assembled, to chose a place for their permnanent rsidence; that, as soon as that object shall be accomplished, he would go to see you, which, he said, would be by the time he hears form you again." [To General Wilkinson.] "April 18, 1796. "The bearer is captain Blue Jacket, wiso, at. your request, is now going to Greenville. Blue Jacket is used to good comnpany anlJ is always treated with mrore attention thanr other Indians. He appears to be very well disposed, and I believe him sincere." True to their promise, in the early part of June, 1795, deputations from the different tribes of the northwest beoan to arrive at Greenville with a view to the consummation of the treaty already referred to. This treaty, which was one of much interest throughout, lasted fiom the 16th of June, to the 10th of August, (1795) many of the principal chiefs making strong speeches, and each nation openly and separately assenting to the articles and stipulations of the treaty. At the conclusion of his speech to deputies on the 10th of August, at the termination of the treaty, General Waytne addressed the assemblage as follows: " I now fervently pray to the Great Spirit, that the peace now established may be permanent, and that it may hold us together in the bonds of friendship, until time shall be no more. I also pray that the Great Spirit above mayl enlighten your minds, and open your eyes to your true happiness, that your children may learn to cultivate the earth, and enjoy the fruits of peace and industry. As it is probable, my children, that we shall not soon meet again in public council, I take this opportunity of bidding you all an affectionate farewell, and wishing you a safie and happy return to your respective homes and families. " A general feeling of rejoicing soon pervaded the country at the hatppy termination of this treaty; i and it was as pleasing and accep*, The boundry lines established at this treaty, between the northwestern Indians and the U. S., secured to the Indians all the territory within the present limits of the State of Indiana, excepting, First:-One tract of land, six miles squarn, at the confluence of the St. MItry and St. Joeph, rivers. Secondly:-One tract of land, two miles square, on the Wabash river, at the end of the portage, fronm the head of the river Mauinee, and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne.''hirdly:-One tract of land, six miles Square, at Ouiatcnon, or the old Wea tovon on the river Wab-ash. BEGIXNI'NG OF A NEW ERA IN THE GREAT WEST. 157 table to the Government, as it was agreeable to the Indians. With these pacific relations came the cry of " WESTWARD, I-O 1) and soon a tide of emigration began to set in fiom the eastern States, many selecting sites along the Ohio, the Sciota, and Muskingum rivers; and others again selected ancd began settlements along the fertile regions lying between the two Miami rivers, and at other points westward. And thus had begun a new life and a new freedom in the wide domain of the northwest. Fourthly:-The tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near the falls of the Ohio; which tract was called the " Illinois Grant," or "Clark's Grant." Fifthly:The town of Vincennes, on the river Wabash, and the adjacent lands to which the Indian title had been extinguished; and all similar lands, at other places, in possession oftile Fenlch people, or other white settlers amolng them. And, sixthly:-The strip of land lying east of aline running directly from the site of Fort Recovery, so as to intersect the liiver Ohio ab a point opposite to the mouth of the Kentucky river. * d, ^SS$... CHAPTER XIII. <' All along the winding river And adown the shady glkn, On the hill and in the valley," The voice of war resounds again. Emigration westeward-The Shawanoes Prophet-Enactments of laws-Treaty betWeen the U S. and Spainl-Efforts to dissolve the Union'-Col. Hamtramck leaves Foir Wayne-British evacuate Fort Miami-Death of General Wayne —General Wilkinson assumes command of the western forces-Movements of Baron Carondelet -Failure of the Spanish and French scheme —Treaty of peace with France —cession of Louisiana to Frantce-Cession of same to the TJ. S.-Legislative session at Cincinnati-Wtn. Henry Harrison chosenL representative in Congress-Division of territory-Harrison appointed Governor-Principal events from 1800 to I 810-Efforts of Governor Harrison to induce the Indians to engage in agricultural pursuitsExtinguishmentof Indian claims-Treaty at Fort Wayne in t10t3 —Peaeeable relations between the Indians and the U. S.-Beginning of new troubles-Short account of the Shawanoes-Indians put to death by order of the Prophet-Speech of Gov. Harrison-Capt. Wm. Wells, Indian agent here-Sends a message to Tecumseh by Anthony Shane —Shane's reception-Tecumselh's reply —Wells refuses to comply with Tecumseh's request-Shane again sent to Tecumseh —Second reply of Tecumseh —Indians continue to assemble at Greenville-Many about Fort Wayne —-Great alarm of the settlers —Governor of Ohio sends a deputation to Greenville-Address of the commissioner, —Speech of Blue Jacket-Tecunmseh and others return with the commissioners-Further alarm —A lhite man killed-Militia called out-Investigation of the murder-Settlers still uneasy-Speech of Gov. Harrison —Protestations of the Prophet-He removes to Tippecanoe-Warlike sports begun —Settlers again alarmed-The Prophet visits Gov. Harrison-Hig Speech —Harrison tests him-Secret movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet — Many of their followers leave them —Militia organized-Alarm subsides-Treaty of Fort Wayne, 18t09-Further movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet —Gov. Harrison' prepares for the safety of the frontier. HE TIDE of emigration westward, that had begun soon after the treaty of Greenville, steadily continued for a number of -cyears, and the peace of the country was not materially interi rupted till some time during the year 1810, when the famlous Shawanoe Prophet, Ells-kwata-wa, through a singular and somewhat powerful influence, began to exert a wide control over many tribes of the northwest, thus creating much alarm among the western settlements, which, in turn, much impeded the influx of emigrants to the Indiana Territory. The most important events that transpired from 1795 to 1810, TREATY BETWEEN THE UL S. AND SPAIN. 159 were the meeting of Governor St.Clair,with John Cleves Symmes and George Turner, the latter as judges of the northwestern territory, Cincinnati, May 29th, 1795, wherein they adopted and made thirtyeight laws for the better regulation and government of the territory. On the 27th of October of this year ('95) a treaty of "' friendship, limits, and navigation, between the United States of America and the King of Spain," was concluded, at the court of Spain, between Thos. Pinckney, envoy extraordianary of the United States, and the Duke of Alcudia, which extended from the southern boundry of the I. S. to " the northernmost post of the thirty-first degree of latitude north of the equator," which was to extend "' due east to the middle of the river Apalachicola or Catahoucha, thence along' the middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint; thence straight to the head of St. Mary's river, and thence down the middle thereof, to the Atlantic Ocean;" and was ratified on the 3d of March, I796. In July of 1796, the French Executive Directory, because of this treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and Spain, charged the American government with " a breach of friendship and abandonment of neutrality, and a violation of tacit engagements;" and during 1796 and 1797, as in keeping with a similar spirit exhibited in 1795, before the Spanish garrisons on the eastern side of the Mississipppi were surrendered to the United States, strong efforts were made, on the part of French and Spanish agents, to persuade the inhabitants of the western country to Withdraw their connection from the American Union, and, with those governments, to form a separate and independent government, extending westward from the Allegheny Mountains, But the inducements were of no avail, and the scheme failed. Before the end of July, (1796) the English had withdrawn from all "the posts within the boundry of the United States northwest of the Ohio; " and about the 17th of May of this year, Colonel Hamtramck had left Fort'Wayne, passing down the Maumee to Fort Deposit, where the famous engagement of Wayne had but a few months before occured, and on the 1lth of July the British fort, Miami, at the foot of the rapids, was evacuated, Capt. Moses Porter soon taking command. On the 13th of July, Colonel I-amtramck took possession of the Post at Detroit. In December of this year,'96, General Wayne died, and General. James Wilkinson was put in command of the western army of the United States, and a small detachmlent still continued at Fort Wayne. In the month of June 1797, some feeling still existing on the part of Spain as well as France, the two governments being somewhat allied in their motives against the United States, the governor of Louisiana (Baron de Carondelet) sent a request to General Wilkinson to delay the movement of the United States troops that were to occupy the posts on the Mississippi river until such time as the adjustments of certain questions then pending between the American 1 60 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. and Spanish governments could be adjusted. But the true object of Carondelet, through his agent (Thomas Power,) seems to have been only to ascertain the true feeling of the western people regarding a dissolution of the Union. Power having passed through the western territory as far as Detroit, in the month of August,'97 he met General Wilkinson, and explained the object of his mission, which the general readily concluded to be "' a chimerical project, which it was impossible to execute, that the inhabitants of the western states, havincr obtained by treaty all they desired, would not wish to form any other political or commercial alliance." Because of these intrigues on the part of Spain, and the conduct of France, in December, 1796,; in refusing to receive Mlinister Mlonroe, at Paris, on the ground of complaints already mentioned, relative to the treaty with Spain, and because of the depredation of French vessels against American commerce, the United States government, during 1798, impelled the latter to adopt and enforce strenuous measures of retaliation; the first of which was that of' an act authorizing the President of the U. S. to raise a provisional army." The second, "to suspend the commercial intercourse between the U. S. and France and the dependencies thereof." The third, " to authorize the defense of the merchant vessels of the U. S. against French depredations;" and fourth, an act concerning alien enemies." The Spaniads had hoped for aid, by vway of Canada, from the English, in 1798. But they were doomed to disappointment, and having reluctantly evacuated the posts on the Mississippi during the summer of 1798, in the:fall of that year Gen. Wilkinson moved down that river and took up his headquarters at Loftus' Heights, where he soon erected Fort Adams. In September of this year, France having exhibited a desire for peaceable relations with the United States, subsequent negotiations were had at Paris, and on the 30th of September, 1800, a " treaty of peace and commerce" was consummated between the United States and France. In October of this year, (1800), by the conclusion of a treaty at St. Ildefonso, Spain retroceded to France the province of Louisiana, embracing the original lines of territory as when before held by France; and under Jefferson's administration, three years later, (30th of April, 1803,) the French government " sold and ceded. Louisiana, in its greatest extent, to the United States, for a sum. about equal to fifteen millions of dollars." On the 23d of April, 1798, a legislative session was convened at Cincinnati, which closed on the 7th of May, same year, Winthrop Sargent, actino governor, and John Cleves Symmes. Joseph Gilman, and Return Jonathan Meigs, Jr., territorial judges. On the 29th of October of this year, Gov. St. Clair issued a proclamatior, x It was in September of this year that Washington, then soon to vacate the Pres:dential chair for John Adams, who, that year, was elected President, and Thomas Jeffe son vice President of the United States, islmed his fervent and ever memorable FARnirEmt ADDilTS 5. DIVISION OF THE INORTHWESTERN TERRITORY. 161 directiny the qualified voters of the' Northwestern Territory to hold elections in their respective counties on the third Monday of December," with a view to electing representatives to a general assembly, to convene at Cincinnati on the 22d of January, 1799. The representatives having met at the appointed place, in compliance with the ordinance of 1787, for the establishment of legislative councils, ten persons were chosen as nominees, and their names forwarded to the President of the United States, who, on the second of March, 1799, selected therefiom, the names of Jacob Burnett, James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Robert Oliver, and David Vance, as suitable persons to form the legislative council of the territory of the United States, lying northwest of the Ohio river, which names were, on the following day, confirmed by the U. S. Senate. This body.metat Cincinnati on the 16th day of September, and vwere fully organized on the 25th of that month, 1799, of which Henry Vanderburgh was elected President, and William C. Schenl, Secretary. The following counties were represented: Hamilton, Ross, Wayne, Adams, Knox, Jefferson, and Washington; sending nineteen memberS. On the third of October, of tllis year, the names of two candidates (Wn. I-I. HIrrison and Arthur St. Clair, Jr.,) to represent the Northwestern Territory in Congress, being presented to that body, Harrison was chosen-the one receiving eleven votes, and the other ten.In 1800, a division of the territory northwest of the Ohio river having occurred, on the 13th of May of that year, Wm. Henry Harrison was appointed governor of the Indiana Territory. The seat, of government for the Territory was established at Vincennes, where, with the judge of the same, the governor met on Monday, 12th of January, 1801, with a view of adopting and issuing "I such laws as the exegencies of the times" might call for, and likewise for the' performance of other acts conformable to the ordinances and laws of Congress (1787) for the government of the Telritory." From the period of the formnation of the new territory t6 1810, the principal subjects of attention and interest to the people therein, were land speculations, the adjustment of land titles, the question of negro slavery, the purchase of Indian lands by treaties, the organization of territorial legislatures, the extension of the right of suffiage, the division of the Indiana Territory, the movements of Aaron Burr, and the hostile views and proceedings of the Shawanoe chief, Tecumseh, and his brother, the Prophet."t With a view'to peace and good-will between the United States and the Indians of the northwest, through certain laws and regulations of the government, Gov. Harrison, at an early period of his administration, made efforts to induce the different tribes to engage in agricultural and other pursuits of a civilized nature, to the end that they might be more agreeably situated and live more in har- Dillon's His. Ind., page 392, tIhid, page 4}9 (1i1) 162 HIsTORY OR FORT \WAYNE. nlony with the advancing civilization of the time. Being also invested with powers authorizing him to negotiate treaties between the U. S. government and the different tribes of the Indiana Territory, and also to extinguish, by such treaties, the Indian title to lands situate within the said territory. Between the forepart of 1802 and 1805, the governor was most actively employed in the discharge of these duties. On the 17th day of September, 1802, at a conference held at Vincennes, certain chiefs and head men of the Pottawattamie, Eel River, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, and Kickapoo tribes appointed the Miami chiefs, Little Turtle and Richardville, and also the Pottawattamie chiefs, Wine-mac and To-pin-e-pik to adjust, by treaty, the extinguishment of certain Indian claims to lands on the Wabash, near Vincennes. And on the 7th of June, the year following, \(1803,) Gov. Harrison held a treaty at Fort Wayne, with certain chiefs and head men of the Delaware, Shawanoe, Pottawattamie, Eel River, Kickapoo, Piankeshaw, and Kaskaskia tribes, wherein was ceded to the United States about one million six hundred thousand acres of land.* For a period of sixteen years, subsequent to the treaty of Greenville, (1795 to 1811) agreeable relations were maintained, by the U. S., between the Miamies and some other tribes represented at that famous treaty. During this time the Indians seemed mainly to have betaken themselves to the forest and priaries in pursuit of game; and the result was that a considerable traffic was steadily "carried on with the Indians, by fur-traders of Fort Wayne, and Vincennes, and at different small trading posts which were established on the borders of the Wabash river and its tributaries. The furs and peltries which were obtained from the Indians, were generally transported to Detroit. ItThe skins were dried, compressed, and secured in packs. Each pack weighed about one hundred pounds. A pirogue, or boat, that was sufficiently large to carry forty packs, required the labor of four men to manage it on its voyage. In favorable stages of the Wabash river, such a vessel, under the management of skillful boatmen, was propelled fifteen or twenty miles a day, against the current. After ascending the river Wabash and the Little River to the portage near Fort Wayne, the traders carried their packs over the portage, to the head of the river Maumee, where they were again placed in pirogues, or in keelboats, to be transportated to Detroit. At this place the furs and skins were exchanged for blankets, guns, knives, powder, bullets,t intoxicating liquors, etc., with which the traders returned to their several posts. According to the records of the customhouse at Quebec, the value of the furs and peltries exported from Canada, in the year 1786, was estimated at the sum of two hundred and twentyfive thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven pounds sterling." * Dillon's His. Ind. +The bullets, which were made to fit the gun's in use among the Indians, were valued at four dollars per hundred. Powder, at one dollar per pint. TIE SHIAWANOES. 163 But the volcanic fire of revolution had already begun its upheavel.. The past had witnessed many periodical struggles in the new world, and the hour for another was near at hand. The Indians of the northwest, for the most part, began to grow restive. The game of the forest had now long been hunted and killed for their hides, fur, and meat, while many of the traders had grown wealthy upon the profits yielded therefrom. The life of the hunter seemed too monotinous for the Indian, and he sought, as at other periods, and, in many relations, for good reasons, as he had thought, to change it for one of war; and as the larger fish of the ocean are said to devour the lesser ones, so it would seem that, by continued irritation, brought on through the efforts of both the white and red man, Civilization, with its strange and active impulse, was at length destined to supplant the early and endearing homes and soil of the red children of the northwest with new and more advanced human and physical relations. As the reader has already seen, the Shawanoes played a conspicuous part at various times during the early efforts of the English and Americans to gain possession of the western frontier. Col. Bouquet's expedition was directed mainly against them, at wlich time they dwelt principally about the Sciota river, some miles to the southeast of the Miami villages. Not unlike most Indian tribes, the origin of the Shawanoes is enveloped in much obscurity. Many tribes, it is true, can be traced back for many centuries; but beyond that, all is conjecture or so wrapped in legendary*accounts, that it is most difficult indeed to trace them further. The Lenni-Lenape, or Delawares, have long received the first claim to attention as an active and war-like branch of the Algonquin family; but the Shawanoes are evidently, in so far, at least,, as their chiefs and the spirit of war is concerned, entitled to a first consideration, while the Miamies, evidently, were early the superiors, in many essential respects, of most of the Algonquin tribes of the northwest. The French knew the Shawanoes as the Chaouanous, and were often called the Massawomees. The famous Iroquois called them the Satanas; and the name was often spelt Shawanees, Shawaneus, Sawanos, Shawanos, and Shawanoes. The latter style of spelling the name is the one adopted in these pages. Mr. Jefferson, in his" Notes on Virginia," speaks of a savage warfare between several tribes, one of which was the Shawanoe, at the p'eriod of Capt. John Smiths's advent in America. In 1632, by another historian, the Shawanoes were dwelling upon one of the banks of the Delaware; and it is variously conceded that this tribe participated in the treaty with Wm. Penn, in 1682. Accounts agree that "they were a jmarauding, adventurous tribe," while "their numerous wanderings and appearances in different parts of the continent, almost place research at defiance." To become elm 164 HIISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. broiled with neighboring tribes, wherever they dwelt, seems to have been their fate; and to save themselves from utter destruction as a tribe, it is told that they had more than once been obliged to fly for other and more secure parts of the country. Parkman is of opinion that the Five Nations (Iroquois) overcame them about the year 1672, and that a large portion of them sought safety in the Carolinas and Florida; where they soon again became involved in trouble, and the Mobilians sought to exterminate them.. Returning northward, with others, they settled in what is now the Ohio valley. Gallatin, who is well versed in the aboriginal tongues, is of opinion that this tribe was of the Lenni-Lenape branch of the Algonquin family, and thinks that their dispersion took place about 1732. The Suwanee river, in the southern part of the United States, takes its name from this tribe, whither they had wandered before settling in the northwest. Says Heckwelder, referring to this tribe before their settlement upon the Ohio, they " sent messengers to their elder brother, the Mohicans, requesting them to intercede forthem with their grandfather, the Lenni-Lenape, to take them under his protection. This the Mohicans willingly did, and even sent a body of their own people to conduct their younger brother into the country of the Delawares. The. Shawanoes, finding themselves safe under the protection of their grandfather, did not choose to proceed to the eastward, but many of them remained on the Ohio, some of whom settled as far up that riv r'is the Long Island, above which the French afterward built Fort Duquesne, )n the spot where Pittsburgh now stands. Those who proceeded i rther, were accompanied by their chief, Gaech1 gawatschiqua, and settled principally at'and about'the forks of the Delaware, betwe.n that and the confluence of the Delaware and Schuylkill rivers; and some, even on the spot where Philadelphia r nw stands; others were conducted by the Mohicans into their own country, where they intermarried with them and became one people. When those who settled near the Delaware had multiplied, they returned to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna, where they resided for a great number of years." In 1754, during the French and English war, the Shawanoes took part with the French. The Wyoming branch, through the efforts of the missionary Zingendorf, through this period, remained quiet, taking no part in' the struggle. A few years later, however, a trivial dispute having arisen between this tribe and the Delawares as to the possession of a grasshopper, a bloody conflict ensued between them, wherein about one-half of the Shawanoe warriors were destroyed, while the remainder removed to the Ohio, where they dwelt for several years, during all the period of those desolating struggles of the early frontier settlements, referred to in former chapters, during fhe latter part of the past and the first of the present century. In lw.hat is. now the State of Ohio, they had many considerable towns. Tecuimseh as born at one of these, known as A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE SHAWANOES. 165 Piqua, which stands upon Mad River, a few miles below Springfield. This villagle was destroyed by the Kentuckians, under Clark, in 1780. Alter their defeat by Col. Bouquet, in 1764, and the treaty of Sir Wl'illianm Johnson, they soon became embroiled in a difficulty with the Cherokees, maintaining the struggle until 1768, when they w;ere forced to sue for peace. Remaining comparatively quiet for several years, but little is known of them, of a war-like nature, until 1774, soon after the breaking out of the " Danmore War." But for the results that brought them into this struggle, it is said the Shawanoes were in no wise responsible. A report having gained credence among the whites that the Indians had stolen several of their horses, a couple of Shawanoes were taken and put to death by them, without knowing whether they were the guilty ones or not; and on the same day, the whites fired upon and killed several of the Shawanoes, the latter returning the fire and severely wounding one of the whites. Cresap also killed the famous Logan family about this period. An old Delaware sachem, known as "(Bald Eagle," for many years the friend of the whites, was murdered, and the famous chief of the Shawanoes, one much beloved by that tribe, known as " Silver Heels," was fatally wounded, while returning in a canoe from Albafy, where he had accompanied some white traders seeking safety. When found by his friends, "Bald Eagle" was floating in his canoe, in an upright position, and scalped. The Indians were now exasperated to a high degree; Logan, at the merciless death of his wife and children,-and a sanguinary w:':- was the result. It was in the month of October of thb' year in question that occured the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in which Colonel Lewis was killed, with some fifty odd other white men, with about a hundred wounded. The Indians were defeated'but the defeat was dearly bought. After this, the Shawanoes allied themselves to the English,,rd became the implacable foe of the colonists in the struggle for Independence; and even after peace was declared, in 1783, they refused to be friendly, and continued to wage war upon the whites, obstinately opposing the advancing army to the west. Several small expeditions were sent against them after the revolution, which they strongly opposed-Clark's, in 1780 and 1782; Logan's in 1786; Edward's in 1787; Todd's in 1788; and the reader is already familiar with their efforts, combined with other tribes, against the expeditions of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne. In the spring of 180M, Captain Thomas Herrod, living a short distance from Chilicothe,: was murdered and scalped near his own house. A party of hunters coming upon the body, recognized it, and, from the appearance, were convinced that it had been done by Indians. The treaty of Greenville up to this time had suffered no violation, and the settlers now believed hostilities were ab6ut to commence. Who committed this deed has never been ascertained, 166 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. but there was strong suspicions among the immediate.neighbors against a white man who had been a rival candidate with Herrod for a captaincy in the Ohio militia. There being no tangible evidence against the man, he was allowed to remain unmolested, while those who suspected the Indians most cowardly retaliated upon them. The account of the death, as if borne on the wings of the wind, spread with great rapidity all over the Sciota valley, and the excitement and alarm produced among the citizens was most intense. Whole families, from five to fifteen miles apart, flocked together for purposes of self-defense. In some places block-houses were run up, and preparations for war made in every direction. The citizens of Chilicothe, though in the center of population, collected together for the purpose of fortifying the town. The inhabitants living on the north fork of Paint Creek were all collected at Old Town, now Frankfort, and among others was David Wolf, an old hunter, a man of wealth and some influence. lie had settled on the north fork, twenty miles above Old Town. After remaining in the town several days, he employed two men, Williams and Ferguson, to go with him to his farm, with the view of examining into the condition of his stock. When they had proceeded about six miles, and were passing across a prairie, they saw an Indian approaching them in the distance, andwalking in the same path over which they were traveling. On a nearer approach, it was found to be the Shawanoe chief, Waw-wil-a-way, the old and faithful hunter of General Massie during his surveying tours, and an unwavering frienA of the white men. He was a sober, brave, intelligent man, well known to most of the settlers in the country, and beloved by all for his frank and generous demeanor. IHe had a wife and two sons, who were also much respected by their white neighbors where they resided, near the falls of Paint Creek. Waw-wil-a-way was frequently engaged in taking wild game and skins to Old Town, for the purpose of exchanging them for such articles as he needed. He had left home this morning on foot with his gun, for the purpose of visiting Frankfort, and meeting the company named, he approached them in that frank and friendly manner which always characterized his intercourse with his white brethren. After shaking hands with them most cordially, he inquired of the health of each and their families. The salutation being over, Wolf asked him to trade guns with him, and the chief assenting, an exchange was made for the purpose of examining previous to concluding the bargain. While this was going on, Wolf, being on horseback, unperceived by WAaw-wil-a-way, opened the pan, and threw out the priming, and, handing it back, said he believed he would not trade with him. Wolf and Williams then dismounted, and asked the chief whether the Indians had commenced war. He replied: "No, no! the Indians and white men are now all one, all brothers." ENCOUNTER BETWEEN WAW-WIL-A-WAY AMD WOLF. 167 Wolf then asked whether he had heard that the Indians had killed Captain Herrod. The chief, much surprised at the intelligence, replied that he had not heard it, and seemed to doubt its correctness. Wolf affirmed that it was true. Waw-wvil-a-way remarked that perhaps some bad white man had done it, and after a few more words, the parties separated, each going his own way. The chief had walked about ten steps, when Wolf, taking deliberate aim, shot him through the body. Waw-wil-a-way did not fall, although he felt his wound was mortal, nor did he consent to die as most men would have done under similar circumstances. Bringing his unerring rifle to his shoulder, he leveled it at Williams, who, in his efforts to keep his horse between himself and the Indian, so frightened him that his body was exposed, and when the rifle was discharged, he dropped dead near his animal. Rendered desperate by his wounds, the Indian then clubbed his gun, and dealing Wolf a fearful blow, brought him to the earth. Recovering, and being strong and active, he closed upon the Indian, and made an effort to seize him by the long tuft of hair on the crown of his head. A shawl was tied around the Indian's head in the form of a turban, and this being seized by Wolf, instead of the hair, he gave a violent jerk for the purpose of bringing him to the ground. The shawl gave way, and Wolf fell upon his back. At this, the Indian drew his scalping-knife, and made a thrust. at Wolf, who, seeing his danger, and throwing up his feet to ward off the blow, received the blade of the knife in his thigh. In the scuffle the handle broke off, and left the blade fast in the wound. At the same time, Wolf made a stroke at the Indian, the blade of his knife entering the breast-bone. Just then Ferguson came to Wolf's assistance; but the Indian, taking up Wolf's gun, struck him on the head a terrible blow, and brought him to the ground, laying bare his skull from the crown to the ear. Here the sanguinary conflict ended, and it all occurred in less time then it has taken the reader to peruse this account of it. When the deadly strife ended, the foes of Waw-wil-a-way were all lying at his feet, and had he been able to follow up his blows, he would have dispatched them, for they were completely within his power. But his strength failed him, and perhaps his sight, for he must have been in the agonies of death during the whole conflict. It may be that the poor Indian relented, and that forgiveness played like sunshine around his generous heart. He cast one glance upon his fallen foes; then turning away, he walked out into the grass, and fell upon his face amid the wild-flowers of the prairie, where his heart at once and forever was still. During the entire engagement he never spoke a word. Silently he acted his part in the fearful drama, as though moved by an invisible agency. The course of Wolf and his comrades was most unwise indeed, and should never have been encouraged by any one. 168 HIISTORYn OF FORT WNAYNE.: They first attempted to disarm him by throwing the priming out of his gun, and then talking with him and parting under the mask of friendship. I-lad Wolf and his companionls supposed him to be accessory to the death of Herrod in any way, he would have gone with them cheerfully to Old Town or Chilicothe, and given himself up to an investigation. But Wolf was determined on murder, and the blood of Waw-wil-a-way rests upon his head.'* Williams, when found, was stone dead, but Ferguson and Wolf subsequently recovered. The surgeon who examined Waw-wil-away stated that every one of his wounds was mortal, and those of the two whites were so severe that it was many months-and they underwent great suffering' —before they were themselves again. This occurrence added fuel to the excitement. The Indians fled in one direction and the whites in another, each party undecided what course to pursue.. Several of the prominent citizens of Chilicothe went into the Indian country, where they found Tecumseh and a number of his people. These disavowed all connection with the murder of Herrod, and affirmed that it was their intention to remain true to the Greenville treaty. To quell the apprehension, Tecumseh returned with the deputation to give them personal assurance of his intentions. The people were called together, and through an interpreter, Tecumseh delivered a speech of which a listener said: " When he rose to speak, as he cast his gaze over the vast multitude, which the interesting occasion had drawn together, he appeared one of the most dignified men I ever beheld. While this orator of nature was speaking, the vast crowd preserved the most profound silence. From the confident manner in which he spoke of the intention of the Indians to adhere to the treaty of Greenville, and live in peace and friendship with their white brethren, he dispelled, as if by magic, the apprehensions of the whitesthe settlers returned to their deserted farms, and business generally was resumed throughout that region." As Drake remarks, the declaration of no other Indian would have dissipated the fears of a border man which then pervaded the settlement.t The maternal history of the Prophet and Tecumseh is, that their mother gave birth, alout 1770, to three children at one time, who were subsequently named Tecumseh (meaning a couger croauc/inqy for his prey); Ellskwatawa, (an open door); and Rumskaka. The latter seems, however, never to have created any special attention among the tribes. During the early period of the life of the Prophet (Ellskwatawa), he is said to have given himself up almost wholly to a life of intoxication; and it was not until about 1804 that he began to abandon his old habit of drunkenness. A sudden change then came over him. One day, in his wigwam, while lighting his pipe, the account runs, he fell back in a trance upon his bed, and continued a long time motionless, and without any signs of life." Supposing him to be dead, his friends immediately began to preJ J. B. Finley. +tLife of Tecumseh, by Edward S. Ellis. ACCOUNT OF ELSKWATAWA, THE PROPHET. 169 pare for his burial. Agreeably to Indian custom, the head men of the tribe at once gathered about the body, and were in the act of removing it, when, to their great' astonishment, Ellskwatawa, (the Prophet) suddenly awoke, and began to address those about him as follows: "Be not alarmed," said he; "I have seen heaven. Call the tribe together, that I may reveal to them the whole of my vision." His request was readily complied with, and he at once began to speak. He said " two beautiful young men had been sent from Heaven by the Great Spirit,"'who spoke to him thus: "The Great Spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men, unless you abandon drunkenness, lying, and stealing, If you will not do this, and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the beautiful place which we will now show you." Whereupon, he affirmed, he was " conducted to the gates of Heaven," and saw " all the gloriesj but was not permitted to enter. Thus viewing the beauties of the other world, without being permitted to enter, he was told to return to the earth again, and acquaint the Indians with what he had seen, and to persuade them to repent of their vices, saying that then "they would visit him again." After this, Ellskawatawa assumed the powers and title of " Prophet," establishing himself at Greenville, near the point where General Wayne had held the famous treaty with the tribes in 1795; and so famous did he become, that "immense throngs of men, women, and children from the tribes on the Upper Mississippi, and Lake Superior" visited him, and " the most extravagant tales were told and believed by the Indians of his power to perfom miracles." Indeed, "no fatigue or suffering was considered too great to be endured for a sight of him." Like the famous Delaware Prophet, at the period of Pontiac's movements, he proclaimed that "the Great Spirit who had made the red men, was not the same that made the white men;" and urged that the misfortunes of the Indians were owing to their having abandoned their old modes of living, and adopted many of the customs and usages of the pale faces, in the use of their guns, blankets, whisky, etc.-all of which must be thrown away, and the red men again return to their primitive customsj clothing themselves in skins, etc. -Ils followers were now numerous, and the frontier settlements gradually became alarmed at his movements and' those of his brother, Tecumseh.In 1805, the Shawanoes had wandered from their old hunting grounds and places of abode, and an effort was then made to bring the tribe together again. Tecumseh and his party had settled upon White river, and others of the tribe had begun to settle upon another tributary stream of the Wabash. Tecumseh and some others of the Shawanoes, from different points, having some time in 1805, started for the Auglaize towns, met at Greenville, the site of the old Wayne treaty ground, and there finding his brother, Ellskwatawa, the Prophet, Tecumseh and the other party, through the per" "Famous Indians," pages 255, 256, and 257. 170 HISTORY oF FORT WAYNE. suasions of the Prophet, concluded to proceed no farther, and at once began to establish themselves at the old treaty ground of Greenville. H-ere, says Drake, the Prophet commenced. the practice of those sorceries and incantations by which he gained such notoriety. In the autumn, he assembled a large number of Shawanoes, Delawares,'Wyandotts, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Kickapoos, Chippewas and Senecas, upon the Auglaize river, where he made known to them the sacred character he had taken upon himself. Hle harangued them at considerable length, denouncing, it is said, the belief and practice of witchcraft common among them, and declaiming against drunkenness with great eloquence and success. HIe advocated many practices which were really virtuous, and ended by affirming with great solemity that power was given him by the Great Spirit, to cure all diseases, to confound his enemies, and to stay the arm of death, in sickness, or on the battle-field.* These assertions of the Prophet had great weight with the people -and so much confidence was placed in him, that he did not hesitate to put to death those who in the least disputed his peculiar claims. His plan, when he desired the death of any one, was to denounce him as guilty of witchcraft, and then to call in the help of others in putting him out of the way. Several prominent men of the tribe, who were unfortunate enough to possess more common sense then the others, were put to torture. Among these was a well known Delaware chief, named Teteboxti, who calmly assisted in making his own funeral pile. Others of his family were doomed to death, and the sacrifices at last grew so numerous that Governor H-arrison sent a special messenger to the Delawares with the following speech: " MY CHILDREN:-My heart is filled with grief, and my eyes are dissolved in tears, at the news which has reached me. You have been celebrated for your wisdom above all the tribes of red people who inhabit this great island. Your fame as warriors has extended to the remotest nations, and.tlie wisdom of your chiefs has gained for you the appellation of gracndcfatheers from all the neighboring tribes. From what cause, then, does it proceed, that you have departed from the wise counsel of your fathers, and covered yourselves with guilt? My children, tread back the steps you have taken, ard endeavor to regain the straight road which you have abandoned. The dark, crooked and thorny one which you are now pursuing, will certainly lead to endless woe and misery. But who is this pretended prophet, who dares to speak in the name of the Great Creator? Examine him. Is he more wise or virtuous than you are yourselves, that he should be selected to convey to you the orders of your God? Demand of him some proofs at least, of his being the messenger of the Deity. If God has really employed him, he has doubtless authorized him to perform miracles, that he # Drale. ADDRESS OF Gov. EIAERRISON. 171 may be known and received as a prophet. If he is really a prophet, ask of him to cause the sun to stand still-the moon to alter its course-the rivers to cease to flow-or the dead to rise from their graves. If he does these things, you may then believe that he has been sent from God. HIe tells you the Great Spirit commands you to punish with death those who deal in magic; and that he is authorized to point such out. Wretched delusion 1 Is then the Master of Life obliged to employ mortal man to punish those who offend him? Has he not the thunder and all the powers of nature at his command?-and could he not sweep away from the earth a whole nation with one motion of his arm? My children, do not believe that the great and good Creator of mankind has directed you to destroy your own flesh; and do not doubt but that. if you pursue this abominable wickedness, his vengeance will overtake and crush you.' The above is addressed to you in the name of the Seventeen Fires.* I now speak to you from myself, as a friend who wishes nothing more sincerely than to see you prosperous and happy. Clear your eyes,.1 beseech you, from the mist which surrounds them. No longer be imposed upon by the arts of an impostor. Drive him from your town, and let peace and harmony once more prevail among you. Let your poor old men and women sleep in quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadful idea of being burnt alive by their own friends and countrymen. I charge you to stop your bloody career; and, if you value the friendship of your great father, the President-if you wish to preserve the good opinion of the Seventeen Fires, let me hear by the return of the bearer, that you have determined to follow my advice." The effect of this speech was very great, both with the Delawares and the Shawanoes, for the governor was a man much beloved by the Indians of the northwest. For a time the influence of the prophet was greatly checked, though the Kickapoos, with some smaller tribes, who were stillinclined to acknowledge and encourage the claims of the prophet, put the greatest trust in him. And it was about this period, that a Wyandott chief, from Lower Sandusky, a Christian preacher, licensed by the Methodist denomination, visited the Prophet, with a view of gaining some clue as to his noted power. After a year's sojourn with him, the Wyandott chief, returned to his people, fully persuaded that the Prophet was an impostor. Hearing, sometime before its occurrence, that an eclipse of the sun was to take place at a certain time, during the year 1806, the Prophet announced to his people that, on a certain day, the sun would hide his face, and the earth be veiled in darkness for a time. Coming to pass, as he had told them, the occurrence of this phenomenon had the effect to greatly strengthen his influence again over the tribes. Nothing of special note,' however, occurred until the spring of 1807, when it was made known that Tecumseh and * The seventeen States then composing the Union. 17 2 HSlTORY OF FOIUT WAYNE. his brother, the rrophet, had assembled several hunldred of their people at Greenville, where, through their harangues, they had succeeded in working them up to the highest state of excitemnent with a view to make their control the stronger, and to prepare the way for a confederacy of the Indian tribes of the northwest. At these demonstrations, the people of the west became alarmed, and soon began to make strenuous efforts to ascertain the meaning of such movementi on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet, but without success for a time. Some time sulsequent to the capture of this point by Wayne and the treaty of Greenville, Capt. Wells, with whom the reader is already acquainted, as having bid his old friend, Little Turtle, good bye, and left his old home here to join Wayne's army, then on its march thitherwarcl, received the appointment by the government as Indian agent here, in which capacity he acted for several years after. HIavingc received a letter from the President, through the Secretary of War, addressed to the Indians, and reminding them that they were assembled within the government purchase, and desiring them to remove to some other point, where the government would render them all the aid they needed in settling anew upon territory not held by the government, Captain Wells sent one'Anthony Shane, a half-breed Shawahoe, with a message to Tecumseh, inviting the latter, with his brother and tw;o other chiefs, to visit him at Fort Wayne. Shane had long been intimately acquainted with the Shawanoes, and they of course knew him well, but seem not to have regarded Shane very highly. Having made known the substance of the communication, Shane was met by Tecumseh with this reply: " Go. back," said he,' to Fort Wayne, and tell Captain Wells that my fire is kindled on the spot appointed by the Great Spirit alone; and if he has anything to communicate to me, 7e must come here; and I shall expect him six days from. this time.'" But Wells did not comply with Tecumseh's request. IHe sent Shane again, instead, at the appointed time, with the letter of the President, through the Secretary of War, which was readily communicated to Tecumseh, who was by no means pleased that Wells himself had not complied with his desire in waiting upon him in person. Having delivered an eloquent and glowing speech to the council, lie told Shane to return to Captain Wells and. tell him he would hold no further communication with him; and farther, that if the'President of the Seventeen Fires had anything else to say to him, he must send it by a man of more importance than Shane. And thus, instead of dispersing, the Indians continued to assemble at Greenville. Fully fifteen hundred had passed and repassed Fort Wayne, in theirvisits to the'rophet, before the summer of this year (1807) had fairly set in. Messengers and runners passed from tribe to tribe, and were greatly aided by British agents in carrying COMMISSIONERS SNIiT TO GREENVILLE. 173 out their plans, which were always carefully concealed from such as were kno-wn to be lfiendly to the United States. At the close of summer, reliable witnesses bore testimony that about a thousand Indians, in possession of new rifles, were at Fort Wayne and Greenville, all under the control of the Prophet. The alarm had now become so general, that the governor of Ohio, in the month of September, sent a deputation to Greenville to ascertain the'meaning7 of the movement. Arriving at Greenville, the commissioners were well received by the Indians-a council was called, and the governor's message read to the assemblage; at the close of which, one of the commissioners addressed them in explanation of their relationship to the United States government, urging them to desist from all aggressions and ciemain neutral, should a war with England ensue. Having heard the commissioner attentively, according to Indian usage, they asked to be permitted to meditate uporn the matter until the next day. In the meantime the famou~s chief, Blue Jacket, had been appointed to deliver to the commissioners the sentiments of the council; and at its re-assembling, Blue Jacket, through the interpreter, said: "B BRETHI-EN:-We are seated who heard you yesterday. You will get a true relation, so far as our connections can give it, who are as follows: Sha wnees, Wyandots, Pottawatamies, Tawas, Chippewas; Winnepaus, lMalorninese, Malockese, Lecawgoes, and one more from the north of the Chippewas. Brethren, you see all these men sitting before you, who now speak to you. " About eleven days ago we had a council, at which the tribe of Wyandots, (the elder brother of the red people) spoke and said God had kindled a fire, and all sat around it. In this council we talked over the treaties with the French and the Americans. The Wyandot said, the French formerly marked a line along the Alleghany mountains, southerly, to Charleston, (S. C.) No man was to pass it from either side. When.the Americans came to settle over the line, the English told the Indians to unite and drive off the French, until the war came on between the British and the Americans, when it was told them that king George, by his officers, directed them to unite and drive the Americans back. " After the treaty of peace between the English and the Americans, the summer before Wayne's army came out, tie English held a council with the Indians, and told them if they would turn out and unite as one man, they might surround the Americans like deer in a ring of fire, and destroy them all. The Wyandot spoke further in the council. We see, said he, there is like to be war between the English and our white brethren, the Americans. Let us unite and consider the sufferings we have undergone, from interfereingz in the wars of the English. They have often promised to help us, and at last, when we could not withstand the army that came against us, and went to the English fort for refuge, the Enolish told us, I I can not let you in; you are painted too much, my 174 HISTORY Of FORT WAYNE. children.' It was then we saw the British deal treacherously with, us. We now see them going to war again. We do not know what they are going to fight for. Let us, my brethren, not interfere, was the speech of the Wyandot. "Further, the Wyandot said, I speak to you, my little brother, the Shawanoes at Greenville, and to you our little brothers all around. You appear to be at Greenville to serve the Supreme Ruler of the universe. Now send forth your speeches to all our brethren far around us, and let us unite to seek for that which shall be for our eternal welfare, and unite ourselves in a band of perpetual brotherhood. These, brethren, are the sentiments of all the men who sit around you; they.all adhere to what the elder brother, the Wyandot, has said, and these are their sentiments. It is not that they are afraid of their white brothers, but that they desire peace and harmony, and not that their white bretlhren could put them to great necessity, for their former arms were bows and arrows, by which they get their living." At the conclusion of this speech, the Commissioners made some explanation, whereupon the Prophet, who seemed determined to make every occasion advance his own importance, took upon himself the duty of informing the whites why his people had settled upon Greenville. " About nine years since," said he, "I became convinced of the errors of my ways, and that I would be destroyed from the face of the earth if I did not amend them. Soon after I was told what I must do to be right. From that time I have continually preached to my red brethren, telling them the miserable situation they are in by nature, and striving to convince them that they must change their lives, live honestly and be just in all their dealings, kind to one other and also to their white brethren; affectionate in their families, put away lying and slandering, and serve the Great Spirit in the way I have pointed out; they must never think of war again; the tomahawk was not given them to go at war with one another. The Shawnees at Tawa town could not listen to me, but persecuted me. This made a division in the nation; those who adhered to me removed to this place, where I have constantly preached to them. They did not select this place because it looked fine or was valuable, for it was neither; but because it was revealed to m-e that this is the proper place where 1 must establish my doctrines. I mean to adhere to them while I live, for they are not mine but those of the Great Ruler of the world, and my future life shall prove to the whites the sincerity of my professions. In conclusion, my brethren, our six chiefs shall go with you to Chilicothe." Tecumseh, Roundhead, Blue Jacket and Panther, returned with the Commissioners to Chilicothe, where a council was called, and in which they gave the governor positive assurances that they entertained none but peaceful intentions toward the whites. A speech which Tecumseh delivered at the time occupied between three and ALARM AMONG THE SETTLEMENTS-COUNCIL AT SPRINGFIELD. 175 four hours in its delivery. It was eloquent and masterly, and showed that he possessed a thorough knowledge of all the treaties which had been made for years. While he expressed his pacific intentions if fairly treated, he told the governor to his face that every aggression or settlement upon their lands would.be resisted, and that no pretended treaties would insure the squatter's safety. Stephen Ruddell (who, with Anthony Shane, has given to the world nearly all that has been learned of Tecumseh) acted as interpreter upon the occasion. Other of the chiefs spoke, but Tecumseh, it was evident, was the leader, and every word that he uttered was received with attention and its full importance attached to it. The council terminated pleasantly, and the governor, convinced that no instant danger was threatened from the gatherings of the Indians at Greenville and Fort Wayne, disbanded the militia which he had called into service. The chiefs returned to their people, and for a short time the settlers were free from alarm and apprehension.* Not long after this event the settlements were again thrown into still greater excitement by the murder of a man, by the name of Myers, who was killed by the Indians, near where is now the town of Urbana, Ohio; and many of the settlers returned to Kentucky, where they had previously lived, where the alarm arose to such a height as to make it necessary to call into action a large body of militia. Being demanded to deliver up the murderers, Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet, disclaimed any knowledge of thenlsaid they were not of their people. A council being finally held at Springfield, Tecumseh, Blackfish, and other chiefs, with two separate and distinct parties of Indians, one from the North, the other from Fort Wayne, under Tecumseh, were in atteldance. Being embittered against each other, each were quite anxious that the other should receive the blame for the murder. Says Drake, the party from the North, at the request of the Commissioners, left their arms a few miles behind them, but Tecumseh would not consent to attend unless his followers were allowed to keep theirs about them, adding that his tomahawk was his pipe, and he might wish to use it. At this a tall, lank-sided Pensylvanian, who was standing among the spectators, and who, perhaps, had no love for the glittering tomahawk of the self-willed chief, cautiously stepped tip, and handed him a greasy, long-stemmed clay pipe, respectfully intimating that if he would only deliver up his dreadful tomahawk, he might use that article. The chief took it between.his thumb and finger, held it up, looked at it a few seconds, then at the owner, who all the time was gradually backing away from him, and instantly threw it, with a contemptuous sneer, over his head into the bushes. The commissioners being compelled to wave the point,, the council proceeded; and the result was, that the murder was an individual affair, sanctioned by neither party-which brought the. * Life of Teeumseh. 176 -HIsToOY OF FORT WAYNE council to a close, with a reconciliation of both parties, and to the acceptance of the settlers. But the air was still rife with trouble. The protestations of Teeumseh and the Prophet could not allay the uneasiness of the settlements; and before the end of the fall months of this year, (1807) Governor Harrison sent the following speech, by an Indian agent, to the Shawanoes: "MY CHILDREN:-Listen to me; I speak in the name of your father, the great chief of the Seventeen Fires. My children, it is now twelve years since the tomahawk, which you had seized by the advice of your father, the king of Great Britain, was buried at Greenville, in the presence of that great warrior, General Wayne. " My children, you then promised, and the Great Spirit heard it, that you would in future live in peace and friendship with your brothers, the Americans. You made a treaty with your father, and one that contained a number of good things, equally beneficial to all the tribes of the red people, who were parties to it. " My children, you promised in that treaty to acknowledge no other father than the chief of the Seventeen Fires; and never to listen to the proposition of any foreign nation. You promised never to lift up the tomahawk against any of your father's children, and to give him notice of any other tribe that intended it; your father also promised to do something for you, particulary to deliver to you every year a certain quantity of goods; to prevent any white man from settling on your lands without your consent, or'to do you any personal injury. He promised to run a line between your land and his, so that you might know your own; and you were to be permitted to live and hunt upon your father's land, as long as you behaved yourselves well. My children, which of these articles has your father broken? You know that he has.observed them all with the utmost good faith. But, my children, have you done so? Have you not always had your ears open to receive bad advice from the white people beyond the lakes? "My children, let us look back to times that are past. Ithas been a long time since you called the king of Great Britain father. You know that it is the duty of a father to watch over his children, to give them good advice, and to do every thing in his power to make them happy. What has this father of yours done for you, during the long time that you have looked up to him for protection and advice? Are you wiser and happier than you were before you knew him, or is your nation stronger or more respectable? No, my children, he took you by the hand when you were a powerful tribe; you held him fast, supposing he was your friend, and he conducted you through paths filled with thorns and briers, which' tore your flesh and shed your blood. Your strength was exhausted, and you could no longer follow him. Did he stay by you in your distress, and assist and comfort you? No, he led you into danger and then TEOUMSEr AND THE PROPHET AT TIP.PEOANOE. 177 abandoned you; He saw your blood flowing and he would give you no bandage to tie up your wounds. This was the conduct of the man who called himself your father.;T[he Great Spirit opened your eyes; you heard the voice of the chief of the Seventeen Fires speaking the words of peace. H-e called you to follow him; you came to him, and he once more put you on the right way, on the broad, smooth road that would have led to happiness. But the voice of your deceiver is again heard; and, forgetful of your former sufferings, you are again listening to him. Mly children, shut your ears and mind him not, or he will lead you to ruin and misery. My children, I have heard bad news. The sacred spot where the great council-fire was kindled, around which the Seventeen Fires and ten tribes of their children smoked the pipe of peacethat very spot where the Great Spirit saw his red and white children encircle themselves with the chain of friendship-that place has been selected for dark and bloody councils. My children, this business must be stopped. You have called in a number of men from the most distant tribes, to listen to a fool, who spake not the words of the Great Spirit, but those of the devil, and of the British agents. My children, your conduct has much alarmed the white settlers near you. They desire that you will send away those people, and if they wish to have the impostor with them, they can carry him. Let him go to the lakes; he can hear the Britislh more distinctly." The Prophet's reply was, that evil birds had sung in the Governor's ears; and he denied any correspondence with the British, protesting that he had no intentions whatever of disturbing the adjoining settlements. It soon'became evident, however, that the assemblages of the Prophet could not be dispersed without a resort to arms on the part of the government; and Gov. Harrison, strongly disposed to think that no harm was intended by the Indians towards the settlements, let the matter rest, and the assemblages continued, large bodies of Indians coring down from the lakes in the early part of the following year (1808), where, as their supply of provisions became reduced or exhausted, they received fresh supplies from Fort Wayne, But a change of base was contemplated, and the Pottawattamies having granted them a portion of land, Tecumseh and the Prophet, in the spring of this year, removed with the tribe to Tippecanoe, where large bodies were soon collected, and, among other exercises, war-like sports became frequent among them. Again the settlements were in a high state of uneasiness, and many were ready to declare that they knew from the first that the Indians were but preparing for the consummation of some treacherous scheme. Many of the Indians among them were from the north. The Miamies and Delawares, being friendly to the whites, were greatly opposed to their coming,'and even sent a delegation to the Prophet ( 12) 178 HISTOIY OF FOET WAYNT. to stop them. But Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet, in receiving them, said they were not to be thwarted in tleir purposes to ameliorate the condition of their brethien; and the Miami and Delaware delegation returned fully of the belief that the settlements WTere not without the strongest o groUnds for the apprehensions they had so long manifested. August had comie. The Prophet, accompanied by several of his followers, had visited Governor li:arrison, at Vincennes, protesting, as formerly, that his purposes werea peaceable. Said he, to Gov. Harrison:' FATHER:-It is three years since I first lbegan with that system of religion which I now practice. The white people and some of the Indians were against me; but I had no other intenotion but to introduce amongi the Indians, those o'ood principles of religion which the white people profess. I wais spoken baidly of by the white people, who reproached me with misleading' the Indians; but I defy them to say [ did anything amiss. "Father, I was told that vou intended to hanm me. Wnhen I heard this, I intended to remlember it, and tell my fa.ther, when I went to see him, and relate the trutTth. " I heard, when I settled. on the WTabash, that my fatA;er, the Governor, had declared that all the land beltween Vinceinnes and Fort Wayne, was the properly of the Seventeen Fires. I also heard that you wanted to know, my father, whiether I was God or man; and that you said if I was the former, I should not steal horses. I heard this from Mr. Wells, but I believed it originated with himself. " The Great Spirit told lme to tell the Indians t hat he lhad made them, and made the world-that he had. placed them on it to do good and not evil. " I told all the red-skins, that the way they were in was not good, and that they ougbht to abandon it. "That we ought to consider ourselves as one man; but we ought to live agreeably to our several ciustoms, t]he red people after their mode, and the white people after tlheirs; particula.rly, that they should not drink whiskey; that it was not nmace ifor them:, but the white people, who alone knew how to use it; and that it is the cause of all the mischiefs which the Indians sutfer; andc that they mrust always follow the directions of the Great Spirit, and swe must listen to him, as it was He that made us; determine to listen to nothing that is bad;l do not take up the tomahawk, shouldl it be oifered by.the British, or by the Long-Knives; do not meddle with any thing that does not belong to you, but mind your own business, and cultivate the ground, that your women and your cchildren may have enough to live on. "I now inform you that it is our intention to live in peace with.oul fer bher and his people forever. 6 My father, I haye informed you what we mean? to do, and I call t]fe Great Spirit to witness thle truth oif mry declaration. iThe religion Gov. 1HARRISON TEST TTHE PROPHET. 179 which I have established for the last three years, has been attended to by the different tribes of Indians in this part of the world. These Indians were once different people; they are now but one; they are all determined to practice what I have communicated to them, that has come immediately from the Great Spirit through me. " Brother, I speak to you as a warrior. You are one. But let us lay aside this character, and attend to the care of our children, that they may live in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join us for the preservation of both red and white people. Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we were foolish; but now, since we listen to the voice of the Great Spirit, we are happy. "I have listened to what you have said to us. You have promised to assist us. I now request you, in behalf of all the red people, to use your exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. TWe are all well pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to promote our happiness. We give you every assurance that we will follow the dictates of the Great Spirit. " We are all well pleased with the attention you have showed us; also with the good intentions of our father, the President. If you give us a few articles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, etc., we will take the animals that afford us meat, with powder and ball." Says Drake, to test the influence of the Prophet over his followers, Gov. Harrison held conversations with and offered them spirits, but they always refused, and he became almost convinced that he was really sincere in his professions, and had no higher ambition than to ameliorate the condition of his race. Thus matters rested or rather continued; and during the following year Tecumseh and the Prophet sought quietly to add strength to their movement. Both were engaged in a deep game; and while the Prophet seemed the leading spirit, Tecumseh was yet the prime mover; and the Prdphet attempted but little without first getting the advice of the former, if in reach, though it is evident he was most headstrong in much that he undertook. In the spring of 1809, reports having reached the ear of Gov. Harrison that many of the Indians were leaving the Prophet because of his persistency in requiring them to become party to a scheme he had in view for the massacre of the inhabitants of Yincennes, he began the organization of two companies of volunteer militia, with a view to garrisoning a post somne two miles from Yincennes. But the Prophet's followers having dispersed before the elose of the summer, the alarm among the settlements became placid again, and so continued until the early part of 1810. Up to 1809 Governor Harrison continued his efforts in the extinguishment of Indian claims to lhnds within the Indiana Territory; and on the 80th of Septembe r of that year concluded another treaty at Fort Wayne, in Whicti the chiefs and head men of the Delaware, Pottawattamie, ifami, and Eel River tribes participated. According to the rep4ot of this treaty, the Indians sold and ceded to tlhe 180 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. United States about two million nine hundred thousand acres of land, principally situated on the southeastern side of the river Wabash, and below the mouth of Raccoon Creek, a little stream which empties into the Wabash, near what is now the boundaries of Parke county, in this State. The chiefs and head men of the,Wea tribe, in the following month, (26th of October) having met Gov. Harrison at Vincennes, acknowledged the legality of this treaty; and by a treaty held at Vincennes on the 9th of December following, the sachems and war-chiefs of the Kickapoo tribe also confirmed the treaty of Fort Wayne. Up to this time, the whole amount of land ceded to the United States by treaty stipulations between Governor Harrison and the different tribes of the Indiana Territory, according to the records, was 29,719,530 acres. Having received, through what he believed a reliable source, certain facts regarding the conduct of Tecumseh and the Prophet in an effort to incite the Indians against the settlements of the west; and that those who had previously left the ranks of the Prophet had again returned to his support; and further, that the British had their agents quietly at work among the tribes thus banded; that the Indians were boasting to American traders that they were getting their ammunition-powder and balls-without cost; Gov. Harrison, through instructions from the Secretary of War, in July, 1810, began at once to prepare for the better safety of the frontier settlements. CHAPTER XIV. At length Discord, the Fury, came, Waving her murderous torch of flame, And kindled that intestine fire, Which, like the lightning-flame burns on, More fierce for being rained upon." -oFurther movements of Teeumseh and the Prophet-The "Doomed Warrior "-Letter of Gov. Harrison-Death of Tarhe-Discovery of the plot to massacre Fort Wayne, &c.-Efforts of Tecumseh to obtain the aid of the tribes along the Mississippi-Influence of British agents-Agents are dispatched to Tecumseh and the ProphetThe Prophet complains that the Indians had been cheated-Gov. Harrison writes to the Secretary of War-He also sends an address to Tecumseh and the ProphetTecumseh's visit to Vincennes-The conference-Eloquence of Teeninseh-His contempt for the proffer of the government-Personal appearance of TecumsehHis objections to the treaty of Fort Way ne-Sends wampum belts to the different tribes-Gov. Harrison's address to the legislature-Statement of a Kickapoo chief -Assurances of the Gov. of Missouri-Seizure of salt by the Prophet-Governor Harrison demands further aid from the government-Vincennes to be the first place of attack-Tecumseh again visits Gov. Harrison —His departure for the SouthHis efforts among the Creek Indians-His return northward-His charges to the Prophet-alarm of the settlers-Arrival of aid-Gov. Harrison determins to bring matters to a crisis-Peaceful protestations of the Prophet-Gov. Harrison grows more determined-Prepares for a march upon the Prophet's town-The army met by a deputation from the Prophet-A conference agreed upon-The army encamps for the night —An attack expected-The night dark and cloudy-Indians on the alert-Discovered by the sentry-An attack —The Prophet tells the Indians the bullets of the white men will not hurt them —Fierce struggle —Indians routedThe battle of Tippecanoe a success for the American arms-Anger of TecumsehHe visits Fort Wayne; and the Prophet retires to the Missessinewa. -.. -0 — & S THE summer of 1810 advanced it became more and more evident to Gov. Harrison that the true purposes of Tecumseh b and the Prophet were war upon the whites. Having accused kS-a Wyandott chief, by the name of Leatherlips, known as the "Doomed Warrior," with witchcraft, it was thought that the Prophet and Tecumseh were instrumental in his subsequent murder; though it was asserted by a Mr. Thatcher that a Wyandott chief, of the Porcupine clan, known as Tarhe or Crane, was the principal agent in the deed. But Gov. Harrison, in a letter addressed to the editor of the " Hesperian," 1838, said of Tarhe: "I have often said I never knew a better man, and am confident he 182 IHISTORY OF FourT WAY-NE. would not have been concerned in such a transaction as is ascribed to him. In support of this opinion I offer the following reasons: The execution of the' Doomed Wyandott Chief' is attributed, and no doubt correctly, to the Shawnee Prophet and his brother Tecumseh. To my knowledge, Tarhe was always the opponent of these men, and cotld not have been their agent in the matter. The accusation of witchcraft was brought by these Shawnee brothers, and the accused were exclusively those who were friendly to the United States, and who had been parties to treaties by which the Indian titles to lands had been extinguished. In both these respects, Tarhe had rendered himself obnoxious to the former. Tarhe was not only the Grand Sachem of his tribe, but the acknowledged head of all the tribes who were engaged in the war with the United States, which was terminated by the treaty of Greenville; and in that character the duplicate of the original treaty, engrossed on parchment, was committed to his custody, as had been the grand calumet which was the symbol of peace. Tarhe united with his friend, Black-Hoof, the head chief of the Shawnees, in denying the rank of chief either to the Prophet or Tecumseh; and, of course, he would not have received it of them. If the' Doomed Warrior' had been snetenced by a council of his own nation, Tarhe would not have directed the execution, but, as was invariably the custom, it would have been committed to one of the war-chiefs. The party sent to put the old chief to death, no doubt, came immediately from Tippecanoe; and if it was commanded by a Wyandot, the probability is that it was Round-Head, who was a Captain of the band of Wyandots who resided with the Prophet, and was, to a great extent, under his influence." Rev. J. B. Finley, a missionary to the tribe of Tarhe, and for some years most intimately acquainted with Tarhe, said that Mr. Thatcher and his informant were wholly mistaken in the conclusions regarding the accusation against Tarhe; and added that a better and truer Indian than he never lived. Finding the " Doomed Warrior" at his home, some twelve miles north of Columbus, he was made acquainted with the sentence passed upon him, and calmly prepared to meet the fate which lie felt inevitable. A number of white men present, sought to interfere in his behalf, but without success; and when the fatal hour came, he is said to have " turned from his wigwam, and, with a voice of surpassing strength and melody, commenced the chant of his death-song. He was followed slowly by the Wyandott warriors, all timing, with their slow and measured' march, the music of his wild and melancholy dirge. The whites were likewise all silent followers in that strange procession." Having been led to his own grave, he knelt calmly, resolutely down, and offered a prayer to the Great Spirit, at the conclusion of which, still in a kneeling posture, one of the Wyandotts gave him a heavy blow upon the head with a tomahawk, breaking his skull. 'lNovIEMIENTS OF TECOUMSEI AIND THE PROPHE-T-BRITISH AID. 183 After a few moments more, ceasing to stir, the unfortunate victim of the Shawanoe conspirators and revolutioners, with all his apparel andc decorations, was consigned to the earth and hidden from vie W. A few weeks laterl and Gov. Harrison was made acquainted with a plot that rwas maturing'for the surprise and massacre of Fort Wayne, Detroit, Chicagoo Vincennes, and St. Louis. Tecumseh and the Propliet were moving as with the slow but sure action of a volcanoe; and the internal heat of their efforts was continually made the more apparent by the risinr, cinders cast up in the endeavor here and there secretly to drCia the different triles of the west and south within.their circle, land by other means, equally wily and sereptitions, to,bring- their plans to bear for the overthrow of the whites of the northwest. At the conclusion of the strugole for Independence, the opinion is said to have prevailed with mlany in England that the American colonies were not wholly lost to the mother country; and the hope was entertained by such, that, at some favorable hour the English government would be able to regain its former hold upon the country; in which anticipations, it wvas thougrht the British Ministry most earnestly and hopiefnully united. From anticipations and desires of this nature, together with the discomfiture felt at the failure of their arms, may have arisen the many hostile acts of irterferance on the Tpart of Enolish aen-ts, coilmm'alndants, and others in their employ along the interior frontiers of the northwest, and also the besto-wal of:frequent ].ar^e supplies of amnmunition upon the various tribes within range of the Can -ads. After the discovery of the plot to massacre the forts% it was ascertained that strono efforts were being,malde to persuade the tribes along the Misssippi to unite with Tecumnseh and the Prophet in their efforts, but up to the period in question, had met with no great degree of success; while the most mfiluential chliefs among the Delawares, Mianmies, and S'hawoanoes were much opposed to, the reckless schemes and efforts of Tecunseh and the Prophet. Besides these facts, about this period, Governor Harrison learned from a friendly Indian that a British tag nt had recently visited the Prophet, who had encouraged the latter to continue in his efforts to unite the tribes, and to await a signal from the British authorities before carrying out their designs agaiinst the Americans. Finding now that the most constant watchfulness was necessary, and being determined to obtain all the information possible regarding their plans, Governor Hatrriso-n dispatched two agents to Tecumseh and his brother with a view of ascertaining more fully and certainly, if possible, their real designs and plans. Receiving the agents very courteously, in reply to the inquiries made, the Prophet told the agents that the assemlbling of thle Indians upon that spot was by the explicit command of the Great Spirit. Having heard the Prophlet, the agents told himi that his mover 184 IHI-STOaY OrF Forpu WAYNaE. mnents had excited so much alarm that the troops of Kentucky and Indiana were being called out, and strong preparations were being, made in anticipation of trouble with the tribes. In answer to the questions of the agents as to the cause of his complaints against the United States, the Prophet replied that his people had been cheated of their lands. Insisting that his complaints would readily be listened to by laying them before Gov. Harrison, at Vincennes, the Prophet refused to go, saying that, while there, upon a former occasion, he was badly treated. Receiving this information, the Governor at once wrote to the Secretary, stating the cause, and telling him that all this caviling was merely a pretext on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet to gather strength in the furtherance of their designs; that he had been as liberal in the conclusion of treaties as his understanding of the views and opinions of tile government would permit, and that none of the tribes had just cause for complaint. Having heard, in the month of July, that the Sacs and Foxes had formed anTalliancewith the Prophet, and were ready and willing to strike the Americans at any time, Governor Harrison set about the preparation of the following address, which he forwarded to the Prophet by a confidential interpreter:' William IHenry Harrison, Governor and Commander-in-chief of the Territory of Indiana, to the Shawanoe chief and the Indians assembled at Tippecanoe: " Nothwithstanding the improper language which you have used toward me, I will endeavor to open your eyes to your true interests. Notwithstandinog what bad white men have told you, I am not your personal enemy. You ought to know this from the manner in which I received and treated you on your visit to this place. "Although I must say,that you are an enemy to the Seventeen Fires, and that you have used the greatest exertions with other tribes to lead them astray. In this, you have been in some measure successful; as I am told they are ready to raise the tomahawk against their father; yet their father, notwithstanding his anger at their folly, is full of goodness, and is always ready to receive into his arms those of his children who are willing to repent, acknowledge their fault, and ask for his forg'iveness. ".There is yet but little harmndone, which may easily be repaired. The chain of friendship which united the whites with the Indians may be renewed, and be as strong as ever. A great deal of that work depends upon you-the destiny of those who are under you, depends upon the choice you may make of the two roads which are before you. The one is lai ge, open and pleasant, and leads to peace, security and happiness; the other, on the contrary, is narrow and crooked, and leads to misery and ruin. Don't deceive yourselves; do not believe that all the nations of Indians united are able to resist the force of the Seventeen Fires. I know your warriors are brave, but ours are not less so; but what can a few brave warriors TEOUMSEH'S VISIT TO VINCENNES. 185 do against the innumerable warriors of the Seventeen Fires? Our blue-coats are more numerous than you can count; our hunters are like the leaves of the forest, or the grains of sand on the Wabash. "Do not think that the red-coats can protect you; they are not able to protect themselves. They do not think of going to war with us. If they did, you would, in a few months, see our flag wave over all the forts of Canada. " What reason have you to complain of the Seventeen Fires? Have they taken any thing from you? Have they ever violated the treaties made with the red-men? You say that they have purchased lands from them who had no right to sell them: show that this is true, and the land will be instantly restored. Show us the rightful owners of those lands which have been purchased-let them present themselves. The ears of your father will be opened to your complaints, and if the lands have been purchased of those who did not own them, they will be restored to their rightful owners. I have full power to arrange this business; but if you would rather carry your complaints before your great father, the President, you shall be indulged. I will immediately take means to send you, with those chiefs which you may choose, to the city where your father lives. Every thing necessary shall be prepared for your journey, and means taken for your safe return." After hearing this speech, the Prophet told the interpreter that, as his brother intended to pay Governor Harrison a visit in a few weeks, he would let him carry the reply to the Governor's message. Receiving this information, Governor Harrison sent a message to Tecumseh, requesting him to bring but a small body of his followers, as it was inconvenient for him to receive many; to which Tecumseh paid little or no regard, and on the 12th of August, 1810, with four hundred warriors, all armed with tomahawks, war-clubs, and " painted in the most terrifi mmanner," he began to descend the Wabash for Vincennes. Arriving near Vincennes, and encamping on the Wabash, on the morning of the 15th, attended by about fifteen or twenty of his warriors, Tecumseh approached the house of the Governor, who, in company with the judges of the Supreme Court, several army officers, a sergeant and a dozen men, besides a large number of citizens, waited upon the portico of his own house to receive the chief and his followers.* During the milder season of the year, to hold a council other than in a grove or woody place, with logs or a clear, grassy spot of ground to set upon, was to invite the Indian to do an act very much to his distaste; and to the invitation to come forward and take seats upon the portico, he objected, signifying that it was not a fit place to hold a council, and expressed a desire that the meeting might be held beneath a grove of trees near, which was readily assented to, and soon the Governor, with his attendants was seated beneath a grove of trees in the open lawn, before the house. * Ellis' Life of Tecumseh. 1 S6 HISToRY OF FORT WAYNE. " With a firm and elastic step," says Judge Law,-i: and 4 with a proud and somewhat defiant look, he advanced to the place where the Governor and those whoT. had been invited to attend thel conferance were sitting. This place had been fenced in, with a view of preventing the crowd from encroaching upon the council during its deliberations. As he stepped forward, he seemed to scan the preparations which had been made for his reception, particularly the militaryppart of it, with an eye of suspicion-by no means, however, with fear. As he ctame in fiont of the dias, an elevated portion of the place upon which the Governor and the officers of the Territory were seated, the Governor invited him, through the interpreter, to come forward and take a seat with him and his counsellors, premising, the invitation by saying: That it was the wish of their' GtREAT FATEEE,' the President of the United States, that he should do so." Pausing for a moment, at the utterance of these words by the interpreter, and extending his tall figure to its greatest height, he looked scanningly upon the troops and then upon the crowd about him. Thus, for a moment, with keen, piercing eyes fixed upon Governor Harrison, and then upward to the sky, and " his sinewy arm pointing towards the heaven," with a tone and gesture expressive of supreme contempt for the paternity assigned him," in a clear, loud, full voice, which reverberated again upon the momentary stillness that his stolid demeanor had produced, with all eyes fixed upon him, he exclaimed: " Afy Father?-The sun is my father-the earth is my motherand on her bosom I will recline." Having finished, says Judge Law, he stretched himself with his warriors on the green sward; and the effect is. said to have been electrical-for solme moments there was a perfect silence throughout the assembly. Governor HIarrison having now begun to refer to the subject of the council, said toTecumseh, through the interpreter,' that he had understood he had complaints to make, and redress to ask for certain wrongs which he, Tecumseh, supposed had been done his tribe, as well as the others; that he felt disposed to listen to the one, and make satisfaction, for the other, if it was proper he should do so. That in all his intercourse and negotiations with the Indians, he had endeavored to act justly and honorably with them, and believed he had done so, and had heard of no complaint of his conduct until he learned that Tecumseh was endeavoring to create dissatisfaction towards the Government not only among the Shawanoes, but among the other tribes dwelling on the Wabash and Illinois; and had, in so doing, produced a great deal of mischief and trouble between them and the whites, by averring that the tribes, whose land the Government had lately purchased, had no right ro sell, nor their chiefs any authority toe convey. That he, the Governor, had invited him to attend the Council, with a view of learning from his own lips, whether there was anytruthl in the reports which he had heard, Judge Law's Address, page d3. TECUMSEE'S OBJECTIONS TO THE TREATY OF FORT WAYNE. 187 and to learn from himself whether lie, or his tribe, had.any cause of complaint against the whites; and if so, as a man and a warrior, openly and boldly to avow it. That, as between himself and as great a warrior as Tecumseh, there should be no concealment-all should be done by them under a clear sky, and in an open path, and with these feelings on his own part, he was glad to meet him in council." In appearance, Tecumseh was accounted " one of the most splendid specimens of his tribe-celebrated for their physical proportions and fine forms, even among the nations surrounding the Shawanoes. Tall, athletic, and manly, dignified but graceful, he seemed the beau ideal of an Indian chieftain.' In a voice, at first low, but with all its indistinctness,"'5 Tecumseh replied by " stating, at length, his objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Gov. Harrison in the previous year; and in the course of of his speech," says Benjamin Drake, " boldly avowed the principle of his party to be, that of resistance to every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes, who, he contended, formed but one nation. He admitted that he threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of Fort Wayne; and that it was his fixed determination not to permit the village chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but to place the power with which they had been heretofore invested, in the hands of the warchiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the sea-coast, and would soon push them into the lakes; and, while he disclaimed all intention of making war upon the United States, he declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand, and resolutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon the Indian lands. He concluded, by making a brief but impassioned recital of the various wrongs and aggressions inflicted upon the Indians by the white men, from the commencement of the Revolutionary war down to the period of that council; all of which was calculated to arouse and influence the minds of such of his followers as were present. "The Governor rose in reply, and in examining the right of Tecumseh and his party to make obj ections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, took occasion to say, that the Indians were not one nation, having a common property in the lands. The Miamis, he contended, were the real owners of the tract on the Wabash, ceded by the late treaty, and the Shawnees had no right to interfere in the case; that upon the arrival of the whites on this continent, they had found the Miamis in possession of this land, the Shawnees being then residents of Georgia, from which they had been driven by the Creeks, and that it was ridiculous to assert that the red men constituted but one nation; for, if such had been the intention of the Great Spirit, he would not have put different tongues in their heads, but have taught them all to speak the same language. "The Governor having taken his seat, the interpreter comnmenced * Judge Law's Address, page 85. i88 IHISTOoRY OF FO T WArYNE. explaining the speech to Tecumseh, who, after listening to a portion of it, sprung to his feet, and began to speak with great vehemence of manner. The Governor was surprised at his violent gest.ures, but as he did not understand him, thought he was making some explanation, and suffered his attention to be drawn tovward Winnemac, a friendly Indian lying on the grass before him, who was renewing the priming of his pistol, which he had kept concealed from the other Indians, but in full view of the Governor. His attention, however, was again attracted toward Tecumseh, by hlearing General Gibson, who was intimately acquainted with the Shawnee language, say to Lieutenant Jennings,' Those fellows intend mischief; you had better bring up the guard.' At that moment, the followers of Tecumseh seized their tomahavwks and war-clubs, and sprang upon their feet, their eyes turned upon the Governor. As soon as he could disengage himself from the arm-chair in which he sat, he rose, drew a small sword which he had by his side, and stood on the defensive. Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk, and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens present were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of them procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the defensive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran to the Governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to defend the family. During this singular scene, no one spoke, until the guard came running up, and appearing to be in the act of firing, the Governor ordered them not to do so. He then demanded of the interpreter ant explanation of what had happened, who replied that Tecumseh had interrupted: him, declaring that all the Governor had said was false; and that he and the Seventeen Fires had cheated and imposed on the Indians. "The Governor then told Tecumseh that he nwas a bad man, and that he would hold no further commlunicati'on with him; that as he had come to Vincennes under the protection of a council-fire, he might return in safety, but he must immediately leave the village. Here the council terminated. During the night, two companies of militia were brought in from the country, and thatt belonging to the town was also embodied. Next morningo Tecumseh requsted the Governor to afford him an opportunity of explaining his conduct on the previous day-declaring that he did not intend to attack the Governor, and that he had acted under the advice of some of the white people. The Governor consented to have another interview, it being understood that each party should have the same armed force as on the previous day. On this occasion the deportment of Tecumseh was respectful and dignified. He again denied having any intention to make an attack upon the Governor, and declared that he had been stimulated to the course he had taken, by two white men, who assured him that one half the citizens were opposed to the Governor, and willing to restore the land in question; CONFERENcE A.T VINCENNNES. 189 that the Governor would soon be put out of office, and a good man sent to fill his place, who would give up the land to the Indians. When asked by the Governor whether he intended to resist the survey of these lands, Tecunmseh replied that he and his followers were resolutely determined to insist upon the old boundary. When he had taken his seat, chiefs from the Wyandots, Kickapoos, Pottawatamies, Ottawas and Winnebagoes, spoke in succession, and distinctly avowed that they had entered into the Shawnee confederacy, and were determined to support the principles laid down by their leader. The Governor, in conclusion, stated that he would make known to the President the claims of Tecumseh and his party, to the land in question; but that he was satisfied the Government would never admit that the lands on the Wabash were the property of any other tribes than those who occupied them when the white people first arrived in America; and, as the title to these lands had been derived by purchase from those tribes, he might rest assured that the right of the United States would be sustained by the sword. Here the council adjourned. On the following day, Governor Harrison visited Tecumseh in his camp, attended only by the interpreter, and was politely received. A'long conversation ensued, in which Tecumseh again declared that his intentions were really such as he had avowed them to be in the council; that the policy which the United States pursued, of purchasing land from the Indians, he viewed as mig'hty water, ready to overflow his people; and that the confederacy which he was forming among the tribes to prevent any individual tribe from selling wvithout the consent of the others, was the dam he was erecting to resist this mighty water. He stated further, that he should be reluctantly drawn into war with the United States; and that if he, the Governor, would induce the President to give up the lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty without the consent of all the' tribes, he would be their faithful ally, and assist them in the war, which he knew was about to take place with England; that he preferred being the ally of the Seventeen Fires, but if they did not comply with his request, he would be compelled to unite with the British. The Governor replied, that he would make known his views to the President, but that there was no probability of its being agreed to.' Well,' said Tecumseh,'as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into his head to induce him to give up this land; it is true, he is so far off, he will not be injured by the war; he may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to fight it out.' This prophecy, it will be seen, was literally fulfilled; and the great chieftain who uttered it, attested that fulfillment with his blood. The governor, in conclusion, proposed to Tecumseh, that in the event of hostilities between the Indians and the United States, he should use his influence to put an end to the cruel mode of warfare which the Indians were accustomed to wage upon 190 HISTORY OF FOPT WAYNE. women and children, or upon prisoners. To this he cheerfully assented; and it is due to the memory of Tecumseh to add, that he faithfully kept his promise down to the period of his death.' Not long subsequent to the termination of this council, a Winnebago chief, who had been employed by Governor Harrison to watch the proceedings of Tecumseh, brought word to Gov, Harrison that the former was sending to each of the tribes a large wampum belt, with a view of uniting them in one great confederation; and that, upon a return of the belt, he saw a British agent fairly dance with joy-adding, with tears in his eyes, that he and all the village chiefs had been deprived of their power, and that the control of everything was in the hands of the warriors, who were greatly opposed to the United States. Speaking of the Prophet, in his address to the legislature of this year, Gov. Harrison said: " His character as a Prophet would not, however, have given him any very dangerous influence, if he had not been assisted by the intrigues and advice of foreign agents, and other disaffected persons, who have for many years omitted no opportunity of counteracting the measures of the government with regard to the Indians, and filling their naturally jealous minds with suspicions of the justice and integrity of our views against them." During the autumn of 1810, a Kickapoo chief visited Governor Harrison, and assured him that the peaceful assurances of the Prophet and Tecumseh were merely to cover up their real intentions against the United States; and about the same period, the Governor of Missouri sent word that the Sac Indians had allied themselves to the Tecumseh confederacy; that Tecumseh himself was then doing all in his power to induce the tribes wTest of the Mississippi to join him; to which were added the reports of different Indian agents, who were generally of opinion that the period for a war with the Indians would soon arrive. And thus passed the year 1810. Early in 1811, as a part of the annuity to the Indians, Governor Harrison sent a boat load of salt up the Wabash, a portion of which was to be given to the Prophet for the Shawanoes and Kickapoos; but, upon the arrival of the boat at the point where the Prophet had his lodges, he made bold to seize the entire cargo, alleging for so doing that he had two thousand men to feed, who had been without that commodity for two years. Upon the receipt of this proceedure, Governor Harrison felt fully justified in demanding immediate aid from the government, and accordingly made application to the Secretary of War to have Colonel Boyd's regiment, then at Pittsburg, sent immediately to him, for the better safety of Vincennes, requesting, at the same time, to receive authority to act on the offensive as soon as it was known that the Indians were arrayed in actual hostility against the United States. The Governor's apprehensions were well founded, and it soon became an acknwoledged fact, that Vincennes was to be the first point of attack. Thle SECOND COUNCIL WITH TECTUMSEH AT VINCENNES. 191 place was most accessible, and Tecumseh was fully aware of its situation.. He could have made a descent upon it in a very short space of time, and then retreated into the unexplored country behind it, " where it would have,been next to impossible for any cavalry to have penetrated " at that period. And so earnest was Governor H-arrison upon the subject, that he notified the Secretary of War, that, should troops not be immedliately sent to his relief, he would at once take the matter in his own hands. Accompanied by three hundred warriors,: on the 27th of July of this year, Tecumseh again visited Vincennes; and on the 30th of this month, in an arbor near, attended by about two hundred of his warriors, another council was held. Opening the occasion by presenting the fact of several murders having been committed by Indians in Illinois, Governor Harrison expressed a desire that Tecumseh should pay a visit to the President with a view of laying before him what complaints he had to offer, assuring him that he should receive the fullest justice at tle chief magistrate's hands; and concluded by demanding an explanation the conduct of the Prophet in the seizure of the salt sent up the Wabash sometime before, to be devided among the tribes. Replying to the latter, Tecumseh remarked that he was not at home at the time of the seizure of the salt, and said nothing further than, that Governor Harrison seemed very hard to please, he having complained sometime before that they refused to take the salt, and that now lhe was not pleased because they had taken it. With but little further business of importance, the council adjourned to meet agaiin on the following day. Reassembling, says the accountt'- on the afternoon of the next day, the council was continued far into the night. There being a full moon and a clear sky, the members were distinctly revealed to each other. It must have been a picturesque scene-those one hnIlded and seventy warriors seated in grim silence, listening, spell-bound, to the eloquence of the wonderful Tecumseh, occasionally signifying their approbation by their odd grunts; or, taking in the words of the noble Harrison, as he strove by every means at his command to convince them that what he urged was for their own welfare and interest. Still manifesting his well known self-will and independence, Tecumseh cooly admitted that he was still endeavoring to establish a union of the different tribes. And "why do you complain?" he enquired; "hlav'nt Fyom. formed a confederacy of your different fires? We have raised no voice against that, and what right have you to prevent us doing the same? So soon as the council ends, 1 shall go south and seek to bring the Creeks and Ohoctaws into our confederacy;7 repeating that his designs were peacetul, and that the whites were causelessly alarmed; while his reply regarding the Illinois murders is said to have been not only "justified by facts," but 1 Ellis' Life of Tecumseh, page 48. t As principally presented by Benjamin Drake. 192 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. was "cutting and pointed." Governor Harrison had previously stated, in a letter to the war department, "that it was impossible, in many instances, for the Indians to receive justice. Were one of their number murdered by a white man, no jury of settlers would convict him, and, many of the latter seemed to think the savage fit for nothing but insults and kicks." As to the murderers, they are not in my town," was substantially Tecumseh's response;" and if they were, I would not give them up. We have set the whites an example of forgiving injuries, which they should follow;"? and added that he wished no settlers to come upon the new purchase, near Tippecanoe before his return from the south, as the Indians would require it as a hunting ground, and that if they found cattle or hogs there, they would be apt to treat them as lawful game.* In a brief but earnest response, Governor Harrison said "the moon above them should fall to the earth before the President would allow his people to be massacred with impunity; and that no land would be yielded which had been honorably and fairly bought of the Indians." And here the council terminated, from whence, as he had stated, with great pomp, accompanied by some twenty of his warriors, Tecumseh was soon rowing his canoe southward down the Ohio to arouse the Creeks for the overthrow of the whites. Of his efforts and the result of his mission among the Creeks, the following graphic accountt will be read with no little degree of interest. The Shawanoe chieftain and his followers had meet their friends, the'Creeks of the south, and a council was at once proposed. "Tecumseh led, the warriors followed, one in the footsteps of the other. The Creeks, in dense masses, stood on one side of the path, but the Shawanoes noticed no one; they marched into the center of the square, and then turned to the left. At each angle of the square, Tecumseh took from his pouch some tobacco and sumach, and dropped on the ground; his warriors performed the same ceremony. This they repeated three times as they marched around the square. Then they approached the flag-pole in the center, circled around it three times, and facing the north, threw tobacco and sumach on a small fire, burning, as usual, near the base of the pole. On this they emptied their pouches. They then marched in the same order to the council, or king's house, (as it was termed in ancient times,) and drew up before it. The Big Warrior and leading men were sitting there. The Shawnee chief sounded his war-whoop -a most diabolical yell-and each of his followers responded. Tecumseh then presented to the Big Warrior a wampum-belt of five different colored strands, which the Creek chief handed to his warriors, and it passed down the line. The Shawnee's pipe was then produced: it was large, long, and profusely decorated with shells, beads, and painted eagle and porcupine-quills. It was lighted froim * Ellis' Life of Tecumseh, pages 49 and 50. i' Fvrom Claiborne's Life and Times of General Sam Dale." TECIUMSEH AMONG TIE COEERI INDIANS OF THE SOUTH. 193 the fire in the center, and slowly passed from the Big Warrior along the line. " All this time not a word had been uttered, every thing was as still as death; even;hle winds slept, and there was only the gentle-falling leaves. At length Tecumseh spoke, at first slowly and in sonorous tones, but he grew impassioned and the words fell in avalanches from his lips, his eye burned with supernatural luster, and his whole frame trembled with emotion; his voice resounded over the multitude-now sinking in low and musical whispers, now rising to its highest key, hurling out his words like a succession of thunderbolts. His countenance varied with his speech; its prevalent expression was a sneer of hatred and defiance; sometimes a murderous smile; for a brief interval a sentiment of profound. sorrow pervaded it, at the close of a look of concentrated vengean:c, such, I suppose, as distinguishes the arch-enemy of mankind.' I have heard many great orators, but I never saw one with the vocal powers of Tecumseh, or the same1 commnLad of the face. Ha d( I been deaf, t'he play of his countenane would have told me what h1 Bs2id. Its elffect on tbiat wild, superstitions, untutored and war-like assemblage, may be con.ceived; not a word was said, but stern warriors, t;he stoics o)f thle woods, shook with emotiolni and a thousand tomaawk-vs were brandished in t;he air. Even Big I'?Tarrior who had been true to the whites, and. remained faithful during the war, was, for the moment, visibly' affectedt and more than once I saw his huge hand clutch spasmodicall.y tlhe handle of his knife. And this was the effect of his delivery-for, though the mother of Tecumseh was a Cneek, and he was familiar withl the language, he spoke in the northern dialect and it was afterward interpreted by an Indian linguist to the assembly. His speech has been reported; but no one has done, or can do it justice. I thinkl can repeat tihe substance of what he said, and, indeed, his very words: n' In defiance of the white men of Ohio and Kentucky, I have traveled through their settlements-once our favorite hunting-grounds. N'o war-whoop was sounded, but there is blood upon our knives. The pale-faces felt the blow, but knew not from whence it came. Accursed be the race that has seized on our country, and made iyomen of our warriors. Our fiathers, from their tombs, reproach us as slaves and cowards. I hear them now in the wailing winds. The IMuscogee were once a mighty people. The Georgians trembled at our warwhoop; and the maidens of my tribe, in the distant lakes, sung the prowess of your warriors, and sighed for their embraces. >Tow, your very blood is white, your tomahawks have no edges, your bows and arrows were buried with your fathers. 0 Muscogees, brethren of my mother! brush from your eyelids the sleep of slavery; once more strike for vengeance-once more for your country. The spirits of the mighty ldead complain. The tears drop from the skies. Let the white race pe.rish!.PTh1.ey seize Yyour land, they corrupt your women, ( ".. 194 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. they trample on your dead! Back! whence they came, upon a trail of blood, they must be driven! Back! back-ay, into the great water whose accursed waves brought them to our shores! Burn their dwellings! Destroy their stock!.Slay their wives and children! The red-man owns the country, and the pale-face must tnever enjoy it! War now! War for'ever! War upon the living! War upon the dead! Dig their very corpses from the graves! Our country must give no rest to a white man's b)nes. All the tribes of the Nortih are dancing the war-dance. Two mighty warriors across the seas will send us arms. "' Tecumseh will soon return to his country. My prophets shall tarry with you. They will stand between you and your enemies. Wheln the white man approaches you the earth shall swallow him up. Soon shall you see my arm of fire stretched athwart the sky, I will stamp my foot at TippecLnoe,* and the very earth shall shake.' " incredible as it may seenm/, says Ellis, in his life of Tecumseh, I the threat of Tecumseh, embodied in the last sentence of the foregoing speech, was fulfilled to the very letter. It was uttered by the chief when he saw th.e great reluctance of the Big Wlarrior and the C(re eks to join him ald. the confidence wdti;. w}Iich he made the threat had its effect upon them." Moving northwa.rd again Tecumseh andl his followers, came by way of Missouri, rallied the tribes on the IDes Moines, crossed the headwaters of the Illinois, and froma thence to the WaVabash annd to Tippecanoe; and it was about this time thl:t a heavy earthquake occurred. Before quitting tthe mouth of the Tippecanoe river, Tecunseh had charged his brothe, tilhe Prophet, to be iost careful in the preservation of peace with the whites during his absence, and especially until his arrangements were fully matured. f-r the con-feleration of the tribes, narth and southt, as then advancing; to dwich the prophet gave his assent, and Tecumseh left him with th e fall belief that lie would be true to his word. But a short time elapsed, however, before thel whites of the territory began to feel an increased alarm. Teciumseii's imovement southward had spread among them, and many murders by the Indians in the region of the Prophet's town, at the moiuth of the Tippecanoe, and other points, were now behoming mnore freouent, and it was evident that the Prophet was not twholly a stranger to these depredations, notwithstanding his promise to his brotier, Teceusech, to remain quiet and peacable with the whites during his absence, In the meantinme the regiment under Col. Boyd, as desired by Gov. Harriison5 hiad reached Vincennes, and the Governor was likerise ordered to add to this body a corps of militia,a alnd to take immediate measures for the defence of the citizens, and, as a last resort, to remove the Prophet and his fbllowers themseives.- And the Governor'Other writers say that Detroit was mentioned in pla ce of Tippecanoe, and in giving the cxclnaintions of the astonihed Indinl, we have put that word in their mouth, in -.ccordance with the anthoil ty quoted,-Lift of Tnec mseh. -M'A.fee. THE PROPHET'S DETERMINATION. 195 was soon joined by a number of additional volunteers from Kentucky, many of whom were men of high standing as military, civil, and literary gentlemen. Governor Harrison now began to take active measures to bring matters to a crisis, and wrote to his neighboring governors of Missouri and Illinois, asking their aid in an effort still to persuade the Indians to evade a recourse to arms; and also charged the Indian agents to do what they could in bringing the Indians to a sense of reason in the north; at the same time sending special messages to the different tribes, demanding that all who had been concerned in the recent murders of settlers, be at once given up, and from the Miamies a full disavowal of all alliance or connection with the Prophet; and concluded, says Drake, by saying that the United States, having manifested, through a series of years, the utmost justice and generosity toward their Indian neighbors, and having not only fulfilled the engagements which they entered into with them, but had spent considerable sums to civilize them and promote their happiness-that if, under these circumstances, any tribe should dare to raise the tomahawk against their fathers, they need not expect the same lenity that had been shown them at the close of the former war; but that they wzould either be ex:terminaited, or driven beyond the i ississippi. In reply to this, the Prophet assured Gxov. -Harrison that all his demands should be regarded, still insisting that his purposes were peaceable, though this response of the Prophet had hardly reached the hands of the governor, before he also received intelligence that a party of whites had been fired upon when in pursuit of some horses stolen by the Indians. Gov. Harrison was now the more determined in his course; and the Prophet had already sent, upon learning of the Governor's course of action, word to the Delaware chiefs, inquiring as to what part they intended to play in the coming struggle-as to himself, it was his purpose not to lay doTwn the hatchet until he was either killed or the grievances he complained of were repaired. In response to this, the Delaware chiefs at once set out for the Prophet's town, whither, upon their arrival, they used strong efforts to dissuade him from opening any hostilities with the United States. But they received only rebukes and insults for their efforts and advice; and finding it useless to tarry longer in their council with the Prophet, the Delaware chiefs, whose tribes had long been most friendly to the United States, left the Prophet's town, and made their way to the camp of Gov. Harrison, and at once informod him of the treatment they had received at the hands of the Prophet. The Governor had already begun his preparations for a march upon the Prophet's town; and toward the latter part of the month of October, with some eight hundred men, embracing the Fourth U. S. regiment, commanded by the gallant Miller, moved forward toward the mouth of the Tippecanoe river, to bring the Prophet and his followers 196 HISTORY OF FORT tWAYNE. to terms or battle. Before quitting his camp, however, on the 29th, he sent twenty-four Miami chiefs forward to the Prophet, upon a similar errand to that for which the IDelawares had visited him; but not having returned as he had expected, le concluded they had joined the Prophet's forces. Accordingly, on the 6th of November, at the head of about one thousand troops, Gov. Harrison took up his line of mnarch for Tippecanoe. Desirous still to know whether the Prophet would come to terms, the Governor, when within a short distance of the town, sent forward a captain, and interpreter to learn what course the Prophet would pursue. But the Indians, on seeing these, only endeavoredl to take them prisoners, and they found it difficult to make their escape; and one of the sentinels of the army had been shot by the Indians. The Governor now determined to treat the Prophet and his followers as enemies, and again resumed his march upon them. But before he had gained the village, the army was met by a deputation from the Prophet, enquiring for what purpose they were thus advancing upon the town; insisting that they were anxious for peace, and that they had sent messages by the Miaiami and the Pottawattamie chiefs, stating to the Governor this desire.* At this a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon, and arrangements for a meeting submitted to take place the following day, the Governor telling them that he would move on with the army to the Wabash, and take up his encampment for the night. Having found a suitable place for rendezvous, near a creek, about three-fourths of a mile to the north of the town, and made all necessary arrangement for action, should an attack be made, the army took up its quarters for the night. In approaching the town, the Indians, not being aware of the purposes of the commanding officers of the army to find a suitable place for encampment, ran out and cried to the advanced corps to halt, but the governor riding up, assured the Indians that his purpose was not to attack them, and, in response to questions, as to a favorable place for encampment, told the officers of a suitable one upon the creek they had, but a little time before, crossed, which point was soon after chosen. for the encampment of the army. The night proved dark and cloudy. The moon rose late, and a drizzling rain fell. Many of the men had anticipated a battle, and were not much pleased that they had not been permitted to engage the Indians in a fight, and were fearful that they might have to return without a " brush" with thenm; and, accordingly, had but little anticipation of an attack from them, although Colonel Daveiss had been heard to say that he had no doubt that an attack would be made before morning.- And true enough,-according to his habit, Governor Harrison being astir, getting his men under arms,-about four o'clock in the morning, it was discovered and made known that the Indians had stealthily " crept so near the sentries as to hear them challenge *The Miami chiefs, in returning to the Governor, from their mission to the Prophet, had started on their return by way of the south aidc of the Wabash, and had accordingly lost Figght t rn armtyv M3-La. tM'Afee., T..rE BATTLE OE' TIPPECANOE. 197 when relieved;" their aim being to rush upon the sentries before they could fire. But an Indian being observed by one of the guards, as the foirmer crept through the grass, the latter fired upon the Indian, which was immediately followed by one of their fierce yells, and then a desperate charge upon the left flank of the encampment, which caused the guards to give way..The army was now all alive with excitement, but the men generally stood their ground and fought most bravely, and t the battle was soon maintained on all sides with desperate valor. The Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling noise made with deerhoofs," and who also fought with great energy, as if " determined on victory or death." The Prophet had told them the bullets of the white men. could not hurt them; that the Great Spirit would give them light, while the efforts of the army of the Americans would be " rendered unavailing," and " involved in thick darkness:" * and taking his position upon an eminence near, secure from the bullets whizzing in all directions, he employed his time in singing a war-song, and urging his followers "to fight on," that all would soon be as he had told them-singing the louder with each assurance.'s Soon after daylight, the Indians were put to flight in different directions, and the battle was ended-the power of the Prophet was broken, and the plans of Tecumseh forever frustrated and destroyed. The force of the Indians was estim:ated at from six hundred to one thousand; whlie their killed was greater than ever known before. " It's certain,' says M'Afee, "that ro victory was ever before obtained over the northern Indians, where the numbers were anything like equal." It was " their custom," continues he, " always to avoid a close action, and from their dexterity in biding themselves, but few of them could be killed, even when they are pouring destruction into the ranks of their enemies. It is believed that there were not ten of them killed at St. Clair's defeat, and still fewer at Braddock's. At Tippecanoe, they rushed up to the bayonets of our men, and, in one instance, related by Captain Snelling, an Indian adroitly put the bayonet of a soldier aside, and clove his head with his war-club, an instrument on which there is fixed a triangular piece of iron, broad enough to project several inches from the wood. Their conduct, on this occasion," continues.M'Afee, " so different from what it usually is. was attributed to the confidence of succcess with which their Prophet had inspired them, and to the distinguished bravery of the Winnebago warriors." The loss of the Americans was sixty killed, and about one hundred and thirty wounded; among the killed was the distinguished Jo Daveiss, of Kentucky.'- The Indians had not determined to attack the camp *-M'Afee. tAn uncle of John P. Hedges, Esq., of our city, who was in the engagement, and who was also badly wounded, avers that the Indians, under the inspiration a.nd assurances of the Prophet, " went in,"' cutting and slashing " most fearlessly and indifferently; but that they readily lost faith in him when they saw each other falling, pierced by the musket and rifle balls of the white men. tSays a note in Ellis' life of Tecumseh: " Jo Daveiss was, in many respects,'one of the most remarkable men of his time. As a lawyer he had few equals-being considertd the father of the Kentucky bar. He was very singular in his habits, traveling his circuit 198 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. until after night-fall. Their original plan was to meet the Governor in council the next day, and then for two Winnebagoe chiefs,' who had devoted themselves tod certain death, to accomplish their design," were to loiter about the camp after the council had broken up, and, killing the Governor, a war-whoop from them was to be the signal of a general attack." The Indians about the Wabash, after the battle of Tippecanoe, became very cuiet, and most of them returned to their homes and villages. Among the tribes engaged in this conflict, were the Shawanoes, Pottawattamies, Winnebagoes, Kickapoos, &c. After the burial of the dead, and caring for the wounded, the army began its return march on the 9th of November; and on the 18th Governor Harrison was welcomed to Vincennes by a body of some two hundred of her citizens; and in the following month a vote of thanks was tendered him by the Kentucky legislature. While the Prophet was engaging the army of Gov. Harrison, Tecumseh was in the south rallying the tribes in behalf of his grand scheme of confederation, little dreaming that his brother had spoiled his plans and broken the chain of his wily efforts; and when he returned, he is said to have been so enraged at his brother, upon learning what he had done, that, in a feeling of great anger, he gathered hold of the hair of his head, and threatened to kill him. Tecumseh now thought of peace; visited Gov. Harrison again, and wished to call upon the President. as the Governor had suggested, before his journey south; but upon Gov. Harrison not wishing him to take many of his warriors with him, he refused to visit Washington, and his conference with the Governor ended for the time, and soon after made his way to Ft. Wayne, while the Prophet took up his abode at a village on the Mississinnewa river, about seventy miles southwest of Fort. Wayne. -which comprised his whole state-in the costume of a hunter, often entering the court room with his rifle in his hands, at the very moment his case was ready' for hearing. His extraordinary life was ended at Tippecanoe. He assumed command of a troop of Kentucky horse, after having been defeatedby Henry Clay, in the effort, as United States District Attorney to secure the conviction of Aaron Burr." \ rA.4, ^ r' >\1'br^ ^ (^ C I APTER X VI. As the das'hilnlg billows lave it e Lteach, And rush b, i:ck again ilu-1t the deep, So the war element sought to reach A frenzied height and kee-p The West still unbless'd. Assembling of the Indians at Fort Wayne to receive their annuities-Many of them fresh from the scene of the late battle of Tippecanoe-Col. John Johnson, Indian agent here-The old Council-I-oulse-Early scenes-Peaceful protestations of the Indians-Tecumseh visits Fort BWayne-Failing to obtain ammunition, he gives the war-whoop and leavcs —Depredations begun again on the frontiers-The Ohio militia called out-Command of the army surrendered to Gen. Hull-Army under Hull reaches Urbana, Ohio-Triumphal arch erected-Further nmovements of the armyThe Jritish capture an American schooner-Col. Cass sent to demand its surrender — Gen. Hull proposes to invade Canada-issues a procla)mation-Its effects-Reconnoitering expedition under Perry-Tecumseh joins the British-1Hull retreats from Canada. and reaches Detroit againl-His surrender to the lBritish-Bitter feelings against Hull at this result The British plan an expedition ag(ainst Fort WayneSurrender of Miackinaw —-Delay in notifying the Forts —-Situation of Fort Dearborn ('Chicago) —-Maj. Stickney, Indian agent at Fort Wayne, sends an express to Chicago —-Relief proposed for Capt. IHeald, at Fort Dearborn —-Capt. Wells chosen to carry oat the designs of iMaj. Sticlney —-Wells selects 30) Miami Inians, and leaves Ft. Wayne for Chicago —- His arrival there —-Situation of affairs —-Wells sees dangcer ahead —-The fort abanldondc —- With blackenled face, Wells takes the lead —-The Pottawattamies in amhbuihi —-An attalck —-Brlvery of the troops —-Death of Wells —The Mliamies fly —-The Indians demand a surrender, which is comuplied with —-Their treachery —-Bra,very of IM[rs. Tealid —-Division of the prisoners —-Wells' heart cut out anc. eaten by the Indians —-Escape of the prisoners and safe arrival within the U. S. lines. — 0 Qc OME DA YS after t' batle bate of Tippecani-oe, (on thie 22nd of Nov.,), the period for the annual meeting of the Indians to receive their y lannuities, having arrived, they began to assemble in great numbers to receive their allo;tted portions. John Johnson, Esq., was then Indian agent here. Many of the chiefs in attendance were fresh from the scene of the recent hostilities at Tippecanoe, claiming their respective portions of the annuity equal with the most peaceful of te iribes —representing that the Prophet's followers had him in confinement, and purposed taking his life; that he was chargeable with all their troubles; together with many other stories of a similar character, all, more or less, in the main, untrue, especially as regarded the Prophet's confinement, for, at that 200 1hISTORY s OF EI.Til IWAYSNE, tifme, he was at full liberty onr the'Miiississinnewa. But the stories presented to Col. Johlnson had thle desired eiffet and le was iaduced thereby to inform thle Governm-nt that the Indt.ias were all favorable to peace9 and 4 tLt, t 1n fuirther hostjiites sulO be comi itted gaU theml; 9 and? yet nsays - MA ee/, in most of the naltions here assembied a British fcion as boiiong to he bri, ano l ready to how on or devoted fron tiers, -wherever the.British agen.ts mightt think roper to increase the fire o t hei hostility.? The old co'.Inci-hou.se "was locas teid atboit;the spot now occupied by Mlichael Hedekin, isq, Iwas a tvo-story log ui'ldi, about sixty feet iong, by about twenty wide; and td stoo but i rt di stalnce to the south-west of the forts. it wa, in this building the'.gent lived. And it was often an interesting as well as a painla sight to wtness lthe tail red men, with.i their paint-ed faces, gai y plumed wvith feathers and trinkets; their skins in some instances barely covering -their loins, in others measurably dressed in skhins, or with a belanket wrappedr about them, sitting in grioups lere iantd there or staiunding at some point recounting' the~i adaventu,,es orv misfortunes; or;, having drank freely of' fire-waier',"7 iere ventiging their savage ferocity upon eacch other in hard words or death-blow-s witrh the toIsmahawti or scalping-knife; the squaws wandering about with their pappooses to their backs, or sitting about with their Indian husband.s, al1 awaliting their turns to receive their annuity, or in some way obtain some little favor, if only a pipe or loaf of wneat bread, at the hands of some pale face or friend. Such was life, in the vicinity of the council-house and fort here during portions of many years subsequent to the treaty of Greenville. The assemblage of the Indians, to receive their alnnuity at the' hands of Col. Johnson, after the battle of Tippecanoe, consisted principally of chiefs and head men of the lMiamies, the Delawarest the Pottawatamies, and Shaw anOes. Col. Johnson, oin this occasion, delivered them a speech, presentin)g the importarce of a aidherence to peaceable relations on. the part of the tribes and the United States-teiling th-em that the President was desirous of living in peace and friendship with themn and that pardon sholcd be gran;ted to any of the hostile tribes who would put t waiy t+ ei'r ims and Ab peaceable To' which BlackHoof, a Shatwanoe chief, jresponet d Ai bhalf of a ll- the tribes present, assurinhg the Col. that they all professed the strongest desire to avy hold of the chaLin of peace and frienidship w tih the Unt ed Sitates. t Twas believed toha t this expression was sincere on the parti oft the Shawanoes and a large number of the Delawares; but that thile (- iamies and PottavwatLtamies had little or no intention of being penceable after receiving their 1anmnities.' Says iM'A tfee, in his tor'xy t. b.ate ate r(1812) in the'Western Country," page 40, " the Littlie TurUtle of the Miamies, now in the decline of life and -influence, was the strenlous advocate of'Prior tho he battl of Tippecanoo, the Governor-(General of Canada had informed our Government that the Iunians were a hostile to the United tte a;e t it was supposed that lie led done so with a view only to remove suspicions as to the course of the British, and to render their intrigues with the Inians the more succet'fal. tiM'Afee. Ig 1:::::;' -:;;:-::I ~:: -~: j:-;'~~,::0gSi5 3WS: _-_1:-.11 ~.:;If~~:~ -- ~: _a: "iiliiP i_:;-:;:r~:-::::~~ r~~:::::;:;. :ixzx:,,; :;(:i:jir:l.l:Il —i j'sL;:Nt~l ic i ~1 r:l 1' iiil $ii.-;?f'" c;::-::::::::; ~I::.-::-:;;;-1;;;1; ~:j ~:~: I:~:~ ~:~~:::::4 :Wd;;?~' i ~t~l; 3:-:~:~ ~:.~1 ~: ~;r - *- -~. u:l i : i/::R':";s;:, ~ ~. ";'!P:I~~:;~I ~."-:"-~; iS:::Ibr; L'$g "' M:$:aFtcj:.~ P: ~: p:I::::::' ;il~ TE C r r S E EJ jCIITTLE T1SRTLE SKETCH COF LI0JXLE rjsl EtjLA — H, DA. peace, but the majority of his people followed the counsels of Tecumn seh.." The Indians now madJe many pretentions to peace. Stone-Eater, with others, visited Fort H-Iai sonx c and delivered a talik to Capt. Snelling, who, with a simall detachment, had talen possession of tIhat post after the battle of Tippecanoe. After professing much friendship, they visited Vincennes, and he told the Governor of tiheir contrition at what had happened, and professed a stro:?lg desire for fi'iendship, promising to punish the Prophet, or deliver him up to the nited States, as soon as they could get hold of hin; and soon after returrned to their homes.d Visits were now frequent to see the Grovernor at Vincennes;:'It was on the 14th of July of this year (1812) tht thte famous Little Turtle died in his 1 odge at the old orchard, a short distance north of the confluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, in the yard fronting the house of his brother-in-!law, Capt. in. ~We!s. l urtle had suffered for many months previous with the gout, and came here from his place of residence, at Little Turtle village, on Eel river, about 20 miles north-west of Fort Wayne, to be treated by the U. S. Surgeon at the fort. It was a solemn and interesting occasion. After the treaty of Greenville, Turtle had remained the true and faithful friend of the Americans and the U. S. Government, and was much beloved and respected by all who knew him. Tecumseh strove hard to gain his confidence and aid, but without effect, for nothing could move him from his purpose, of peace and good-will towards the Americans. In the language of one who was present at his burial: "HIis body was borne to the grave with the highest honors, by his great enemy, the white man. The muffled drum, the solemn march, the funeral salute, announced that a great soldier had fallen, and even enemies-paid tribute to his rmemory." His remains were interred about the cen ter of the old orchard, with all his adornments, implements of war, a sword, presented to him by General Washington, together with a medal, with the likeness of Washington thercon, —-all laid by the side of the body, and hidden beneath the sod in one common grave. The exact spot of his grave is still known to some of the early settlers of Fort Wayne, who still survive among us, Mr. J. P. I-edges among the number. Turtle had a somewhat remarkable mind.'Was, for many years, the leading spirit hete, —-unsurpassed for bravery and intelligence, perhaps, by none of his race. Of a very inquiring turn of mind, he never lost an opportunity to gain some valuable information, upon almost every subject or object that attracted his attention; and sought by every means in his power, during the latter days of his life, to relieve his people from every debasing habit — encouraging them only in the more peaceful, sober, and industrial relations of life. In 1797, accompanied by Captain Wells, he visited Philadelphia, where he enjoyed the society of the distinguished Cou nt; olney, and the Polish patriot, Kiosciusko, and others. While in Philadelphia, at this period, le had his portrait taken, by order of the President. Stopping at the same hIouse with Turtle, in Philadelpha, was an Irish Pentle man, somewhat remarkable as wit, who made it a point to "pok.: fun " at the 1urtle whenever an occason oonfered. The Irish gentleman and Turtle happening to mleet one morning in the studio of Stewart, the atriist engaged in paintingi each of their portraits, the Irishman,observing Turtle in a rather unusually thoughtful mood, began to rally him upon his sober demeanor, and suggested, through Captain Wells, that It was because of his inability to co)e with him in the jocular contest. At this the Turtle brightened up. "IHe mistakes," said the Turtle, to Cz.ptain Wells, in reply;' I was just thinking of proposing to this man (the painter) to paint us both. on one noard, and here I would stand, face to face with him, and confound him to all eternity." Little Turtle was of mixed origin-half lMohican and half Miami-and the son of a chief; born at his village, on Eel River, about the year 1747, and very early became the war-chief of the Miamies. In stature, he was short, well built, with symmetictal form -preomrieit forehead, heavy eye brows, keen, black eyes, and a large chin. Such was Little Turtle, (Me-che-kan-nah-qusah)-the bravest among. the brave, and wisest among the wide of the Indians of the Northwest of his day-leading an army of braves to sure victory one hour-cutting and slashing, as with the ferocity of a ti er, at onemoment,-and as passive and gentle as a child the next. Ever may his gentler and better deeds be perpletuated by the American people. C-o r....r 202 HSlTO' Y O'F'OE T WAYINE. but Tecumsell and the Pro'phet~ who were klnown to be still hostile, kept away, an' this readily led to the conclusion that but little reliance was to be placed upon what was said by many visiting the Governor, and others in authority, as agents and commandants. Tecumsehl made his appearance at Fort,'Vayne sometime during the month of December, soon after his return f'rom the south. The result of his brother's eiforts had effected him deeply. He seemed to know not which 1cay t to turn. IHis scheme w'as broken, but his great will still bore him aloft over the impediments that had accumulated in his path-vray; and yet he was for w-' ar-for frieedomr-for the extermination of the white race that occupied the ancient hunting ground of his fathers. His air was haughty; and, says McAfee, fie was still " obstinate in the opinions he had embraced. He made bitter reproIaches ag ainst -larrrison; and, at the same time, had the presumption to demand amnunition ifrom the con mmandant (here), which was refused hin. He then said he wTould go to his British father, who Awould not deny him. He appeared thoughtful a while, then gave the war-whoopl and went of-F.' Such was the spirit in which Teclumseh leflt -Fort VWayne on this memorable occasion; and' early in the spring of 1812, he and his party began to put their threats into execution. Small parties began to commit depredations on the frontiers of the Indiana and I1linois Territories, and part of Ohio. Twenty scalps were taken in the Indiana Territory alone before the first of June; and the people were thus compelled to protect themselves by going into forts along the fiontiers. Volunteer companies of militia were organized, and the Indians were -frequently pursued, but generally without success, as they fled at once after committing their depredations. Governor Harrison asked permission of the war department to raise a mounted force to penetrate to their towns, with a view of chastising them. But this was refused: the g overnment hesitating to disturb them in that way at that t'L- ie, fearing least they would take a more active part with the British. Tippecanoe was again occupied, and there the Indians were ageain planting their conc By vigorous measures," says BiAfee, 6' we imight have beaten them into peaceable deportment and respect. Mr. Secretary Eustis, of the war departnment, thought differently; and while he was attempting to soothe theml with good words, they were laughing aft his credulity. To maintain peace with an indian," continues the same r writer, " it is necessary to adopt his own principles, and punish every aggression promptly, and thus convince him that you are a 2man, and not a Thus stood affairs in the early part of June, 181'2; and by the 18th of that mlonth, matters had so fair approached a war basis between Great Britain and the United States —an issue that had for some months prior been anticipated-that the American Government had announced a declaration of war aggainst the Eng-lish government. As early as the month of April an embargo was levied IMOvEMENT OF THE ARMY UNDER HULL. 203 by Congress on all the shipping in ports of the U. S., andll.1 an act authorizing the President to detach one hundred. thousand militia for six months," was adopted and put into force; while several other acts, authorizing the recruiting of a regular army, were likewise passsd, and the masses were all astir with the feeling and anticipation of war. During this month the President made a requisition on the State of Ohio for twelve hundred militia, and the famous 4th regimuent, under command of Col. Miller, which had sonmetime before been ordered to the relief of Vincennes, was now ordered to Cincinnatii to join the militia. The Ohio militia had been soon raised, and were ordered by Governor Meigs, of that State, to rendezvous on the.2:9th of April, at DayJton, at the mouth of Mad river, on the Big Miami. As previously directed by the Secretary of War, on the 25th of May following, Gov.,M eigs surrendered the command of the army to General Hull, for sometime previously Governor of lMichigan Territory, but who, a short time previous to this period, had been appointed a Brigadier-general in the United States army. From Dayton the army under Hull took up its line of march for Staunton on the first of June. From Staunton they marched to Urbana. Here, on the 8th, says M'Afee, they were inforned that they would be met that day on parade, by the governor, accompanied by many distinguished citizens and some Indian chiefs. On the following day, governor Meigs and general Iull1 held a council with twelve chiefs, of the Shawanoe, Mingoe, and Wyandot nations, to obtain leave from them to march the army through their territory, and to erect such forts as might be deemed necessary; which was promptly granted by them, and every'assistance which they cold give the army in the wilderness was promised Gov. GO ieiogs had held a council with these Indians on. the 6th, in which it was agreed to adhere to the treaty of Greenville. On the 10th of June, the 4th regiment, under Col. Miiller, made its appearance at Urbana, and wvere escorted into camp through a triumphal arch, adorned with an eagle, and inscribed with the words, " TIPPECANOE-GLOPY." 9 From Urbana the army, on the 16th, moved as:fr as Kiing's Creek, and from this point opened a road as far as the Sciota, where they built two block-houses, which they called Fort M'Arthur, in honor of the officer whose regiment had opened the road. To this fort the whole army came on the 19th, and on the 21st Ool. Findley was ordered to open the road. as far as Blanchard's fork, on the Auglaize, whither the army, excepting a guard left at Fort M'Arthur, again followed on the 22d. Here, amid rain and mud, another block-house was erected, which was called Fort Necessity. From Fort Necessity the army soon after moved to Blanchard's fork, where Col. Findley had built a block-house, which was called in honor of that officer. A road was shortly after, under command of *M'Afee. {4)4 IISTromY OF' 0FRT WA Ii'. Col. Cass, cut to the rapids, and the main army soon encamped on the banks of the MAaurmee, opposite the old battle ground of Gen. Wayne, in sight of the village then at the foot of the Rapids, which lad the effect to greatly revive the feelings of the soldiers after their tedious march through the wilderness. From this point, after a day or two's rest, the army moved dowvn just below the old British fort Miami, from which the Indians had been so long supplied with ammunition, etc., before their defeat in that quarter, in 1794. From here, about the last of June, a small schooner was dispacthed to Detroit, with about thirty officers and privates, with the muster-rolls of the different companies, accompanied by an open boat, in which were a number of sick soldiers. Fears had previously been entertained that tlhe boat would be captured, but General H-ull insisted on its departure. In the meantime, the army had again taken up its march, and was to halt again at the river Raisin, whither, upon its arrival there, the army soon learned that the schooner, in attempting to pass Malden, had been captured by the British. The declaration of war was now generally known. From the river Raisin, the army proceeded to the River Huron, fifteen miles, over which narrow stream, on the 4th of July, they'built a bridge. From this point, on the 5th, the army proceeded towards Detroit, and soon formed an encampment within view of the place. The northwestern posts were now informed of the declaration of war; and the commanding officers of Fort Wayne, Detroit, Michillimaclkinaw, and Chicago, were ordered by Gen. Hull to place their garrisons "in the best possible state of defence," without delay, and to " make a return to Brigade Major Jessup, at Detroit, of the quantity of provisions the contractor had on hand at their respective posts, tlhe number of officers and men, ordnance, and military stores of every kind, and the public property of all kinds."* On the 6th, Col. Cass was sent with a flag of truce to Malden to demand the prisoners and baggage of the captured schooner; but his demands were not respected, and, being blindfolded, soon, after returned to camp with a British officer. The army now, with a view to safety, should the English commence a bombardment, removed to the rear of Detroit. General Hull now conceived the plan of an invasion of Canada, and on the morning of the 12th of July, the British having moved from their former position towiards Malden, in fear of loosing that point, the regiments of Cols. Miller and Cass, at a point about a mile above Detroit, successfully gained the Canadian shore, and soon after, followed by General Hull and others, the stars and stripes were run up from a brick dwelling on the farm of a British officer, by the name of Bamlbee, and on the same day, General Hull issued his noted proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, in which he requested the Canadians to remain quiet; to pursue their usual veca* Order of General Hull. SURRENDER OF DETROIT. 205 tions, etc.; assuring them that he " came to find enemies, not to make them. I come to protect, not to injure you. Separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wilderness from great Britain," said he, you have no participation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. You have felt her tyranny; you have seen her injustice; but I do not ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other." The effect of the proclamation was most salutary' for the time -many of the inhabitants of Sandwich returning to their dwellings again from the woods, whither they had fled on the approach of the American forces, having been told by the British officers, much like the inhabitants of Kaskaskia, at the time of Clark:s movements in the west, that the Americans were an army of cannibals,-worse than savages. With about forty men, on the 13th, Capt. Ulry was sent on a reconnoitering expedition in the direction of Malden, and, upon approaching a partially destroyed bridgre extending over Turkey Creek, some nine miles fiom camp, he discovered a party of some two hundred Indians lying in ambulsh intending, it possible, to cut off any detachment thatmit aiht pproach. A Canadian had informed. Capt. Ulry that a great number of Indians were in the region, and being fearful that lie might be encountered by a superior number, he at once returned to camp. From the time of his abrupt departure from Fort Wa yne, up to the breaking out of the war of 1812, Tecumiseh had been most active against the Americans, spiriting up the Indians at various points; and, from the first hostile movements of the British, had allied himself to their cause, and begun to take a most active part with the enemy, who soon made him a brigadier-general in their army. In August, at the head of a party of Shawanoes, accompanied by a number of British soldiers, he made an attack upon a company of Ohio militia sent by General Hull to escort some volunteers engaged in bringing supplies for the army, which occurred at Brownstown, and was the first action that took place after the declaration of war had been made. Tecumseh and his party had succeeded in drawing the company in ambush, and the loss sustained by the company was considerable, and were resolutely followed by Tecumseh in their retreat towards the river De Corce. And it was about this time that General Hull retreated from Canada, and again took up his headquarters at Detroit. On the 16th of August, this post was surrendered by General Hull to a British force, consisting of some seven hundred troops, and about six hundred Indians, under command of General. Brock, which placed not only the garrison at Detroit, but the whole territory, including all its forts and garrisons, in the hands of the British, which was a matter of asgreat astonishment to the British as the Americans. Said General Brock, in writing to his superior officer, after this event, 6 When I detail my good fortune, you will be astonished.."'1e feelingo among the officers.andt privates at this result w;a 20 6 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNT. very great, and brought down upon the head of Gen. Hull a shower of hard words from many directions; although General Hull, while Governor of Michigan, previous to his military appointment, had suggested to the war department the importance of having a superior naval force on Lake Erie, as an auxiliary in the capture of Upper Canada, stating that the object could not be effected without it, besides pointing out many obstacles that would necessarily attend a different course of action. And at another time advised, strongly, the erection of a navy on the lakes. At the time of the surrender, however, Hlulls force was superior to that of the British. Soon after the conclusion of the capitulation at Detroit, an expedition was planned by the British against Fort Wayne. The garrison at Mackinaw not having received the order of Gen. I-lull, as written about the 5th of July, relating to the declaration of war, putting the several forts mentioned in the best defence, etc., this post was surrendered on the 17th of that month, which had the effect to cut off all offensive operations in Upper Canada, and caused Gen'er-al Hu]-Ill to ifeel much alarm, saying that "the whole northern hordes of Indians would be let loose upon them." The loss of Mackinaw was at once considered a great impediment to the American cause, for the surrender of which General Hull was greatly censured, because of his delay in forwarding the general order m ade out about the 5th of July. And Fort Dearborn, at Chicago, haiL suffered a similar neglect, and was in an equally hazzardous position to that of Mlackinaw before its capture. Towards the last of 3uly, General Hull began to ihink seriously of the situation of the Chicaogo Fort, and the relief of the garrison. Capt. Heald, its commandant, with his family, were now being surrounded by a furious party of Indians in communication with Tecumseh, who, though not yet attempting any acts of violence upon the inmates, were yet only awaiting the necessary encouragement from the enemy. With this feeling upon him, General Hull, towards the latter part of July, sent an express to Fort Wayne with a view to the immediate relief of Captain Heald and his command at Chicago. Major B. F. Stickney was then Indian agent at Fort Wayne, and the express sent here for the purpose of relief to the Chicago fort, brought a request from Gen. Hull that Major Stickney at once extend to Captain Heald all the information, assistance, and advice within his power, inclosing in his letter to Major Stickney " an order to Captain Heald to accept of such aid, and to conform to such instructions as he might receive from the Indian agent " at Fort Wayne. Instructions were accordingly prepared by M'ajor Stickney to accompany the order of General Hull, and an Indian agent dispatched to Chicago. Among the contents of the letter forwarded to Captain IHeald, he was promised military aid as soon as it was possible to render it. CAPT. WELLS SENT TO THE RRLIEF- OF FORT DEARBOERN. 207 Captain Willinai. Wells, the brother-.in-law of Little Turtle, was at this time sub-Indian agent here. He had lived among the Indians from his youth to an advanced ageo was then, as before, a great favorite with the M.iiamies, and accounted. a "'perfect master of every thing pertaining to Indian life, both in peace and war, and withal a stranoer to personal fear;' -was replete with a knowledge of Indian strategy; and, says LMajor Stickney, "if General Wayne desired a prisoner, to obtain informationn Captain Wells could always furnish one.` Wells was the rman for the work, and M:ajor Sticklney readiy hit upon him to lead a, party to the aid of Co' tai'on ieald.:avinoproposed the matter to Captain Wells, Major Stic kney at once suggested the raisir-o, of thirty warriors to accomxpa ny him. WVith Wells, the liaimiers weree his:aavorites, a.nd fromn am.rong their tribe hle selected the number required.. The Fott, awatuaines wereo now known to be in the vicinitv of Chicao, and t he fact of'Vells being a favorite with the Mil lises, made thle former tribe unfriendly towards him, there hLaving iong existed an unfrienudly feeling betweenD the Miamies and( tihe Pottarc attamaies. So that Wells position was at best,-should t'roulbl arise upoln their a rivalt Fort Dearborn,a most precarious onl., a fa ct that he wacs by no means unaclquainted withl, bht his -fea less nature read:ily threw -im into the opposite scale of undaunted determination, and on the 3d o.f August, with his braves well equippedi by the agent, all in rea.diness, he set out, frill of hope and cou(ra0ge, for thfe reloef of tohe'igrrisou1 st hicahgoi whither they arriv ed on the 12th of the imonth. Wells and his party b ad not been long at the fort before he discovered unmistakablle evidences of cominc trouble. For some days a large number o'f Po.ttawattaimiies an.d Winnebagoes, professinS friendship, ha, d ben enc camped abou, tihe ort;. and i'or some time Tecumseh and the British, t herounog tcir runners, had kept up a regular correspondence with the Indians in tihe locality, who had. only been awaiting the result at?Maalcden in order to join one side or the other. On the niohlt of the 14.th a runner having arrived amono the Indians there wivtLththe news fromn Tecumseh that Major Vanhorn had been defeatecd at Brownstown; that the 3army under Hull had returned to Detroit; and that there was every hope and prospect of success, tihe Indians about the region were at once decided to join the British, and resolved to remain no longer inactive." Wells was warmly attached to Captain Heald. The latter had married his niece, and- she was with her lusband, to share alike the dangers and vicissitudes that surrounded them. On the arrival, of W ells and his vwarriors at the fort, Capt. Heald told Wells that he.had received the dispatch from the agent at 7o0rt Wa ayne, wVith. the ord er of General Ful l; that, on its receipt'.e.adcalled together all thelJ Incdian warriors in his inineighborhood, and, had entered into a tri atv with them Tihe leadin)g terms were, that *'A fee, 208 HISTORY OF FORT WAYE. he mwas to deliver up to the Indians, the Fort with all its contents, except arms, ammunition and provisions necessary for their march to Fort Wayne. The Indians on their part were to permit him to pass unmolested. Wells at once protested against the terms of the treaty. There was a large quantity of ammunition and whisky in the Fort. These, he declared, they should not have. He urged, that if the Indians had the whisky they would get drunk, and pay no regard to the treaty; and he was for throwing the ammunition and whisky into the Lake. The Indians learned what was going on in the Fort, and determined to attack Heald and his party, at the first convenient point, after they should leave the Fort. Wells unlderstood Indian character so perfectly that he was aware of their intentions at a glance. As soon as it was daybreak, Wells saw that the tomahawk was sharpening for themt, and told Heaid they must be off as quick as possible, hopino to move before the Indians wvere ready for them. No time was to be lost. To-pee-nee-bee, a chief ofthe St. Joseph s bcand, h.ad, early in the morn'ini,;, informed a M r. Kinnzie of the mischief that was intendeed by the Pottawattamies, who had engaged to escort the detachlment; and urged him to relinquish his design of accompanyingo the troops by land, promising himr tlhaft the boat containing himself and family should be permitted to pass in safety to the St. Joseph^s, which was declined by \Mr. K., on the ground t'hat his presence might operate as a restraint upon the fury of the savages, so warnmly were the greater part them attached to himself and family.* As the troops marched out, on the morning of the 15th, the band struck up the Dead March, as if some invisible force had impressed upon them the inevitable fate many of them were soon to meet; and on they moved, solemn and thoughtful, in military array, Captain Wells taking the lead, at the head of his little band of Miami warriors, his face blackened, "in token of his impending fate." Taking their route along the lake shore, as they gained a range of sand-hills lying between the prairie and the beach, the escort of Pottawattamies, somne five hundred in number, instead of continuing along the beach with the Americans and Miamies, kept the level of the prairie, and had marched perhaps about a mile and a half, when Capt.'Wells, who had rode a little in advance with the Miamies, suddenly came galloping back, exclaiming:'They are about to attack us; form instantly, and charge upon them,:" telling his niece not to be alarmed; that " they would not hurt her, but that he would be killed."t And no sooner had he ceased to speak, than a volley was fired from among the sand-hills. The troops being now hastily brought into line, they charged rapidly up the bank. A veteran, of some seventy years, was the first to fall. Capt. Wells soon fell, "pierced with many balls;" and in the words of one of the party, (Mrs. Kinzie), " Pee-so-tum n held dangling in his a-'; Bun, or Early da vi the o) t lt' w es't. " W Mi. B. F. Stie kniey. BRAVEBY AND WISDiOM OF MIRS. H-EALD. 209 hrtand a scalp, which, by the bla ck ribbon around. the qleue, I recognized asthat of Capt. W~ells."'Their leader now being killed, the Miamies fled; one of their chiefs, however, befr e leavinvg the scene of disaste"r, riding up to the lPottawattamies, ancd exclaiming; to them in pretty strong terms: " lou have deceived the Anmericans and us. You have doe a bad action, and (brandishing his tomahawk), I will be the the first to head a party of Amlericans to return and punish your treachery;" and thlen g.llope.raway over the prairie in pursuit oi: his companions, who were rapidly making their way back towards Fort Wayne, "The troops," says Mirs. Kinzie,:'"behaved most gallantly. They were but a handful; 7but they seemed resolved to sell their lives,as dearly as posssible. Our horses pranced and bounded, and could ihardly be restrained, as the balls whistled among theml." The Indians ma,de several desperate attempts to rush upon and tomtahawk the soldiers, but every such effort was bravely repulsed by themi. Several women a1nd children were Milled; and the ranks at length became so reduced a.s not to exceed twenty effective men; yet they were undaunted. and resolute, and remainLned united while table to fire. iaving now wit, hdrawn some distRnce from their former position: the Indians sent a small French hoy to demand a surrelrnder. Th'e boy was Capt. Heald.s interpreter-, vho had deserted to the'de of thLe Indians in the e,,rly part of lte enoagcment, Advancing' very cautiously to-wards the Alnmerians, a L' r. Gri.fith advanced to meet him, intending to k il himi for his coindnct in deserting;;butl the boy declaring thaL it was the only way he could save himself, and at tie same time appearing' quite sorry tor havin.g been oblioed to act as he did, he was perrmitted to come for-.wa rd. He said the Indians proposed to spare te lives of the Americans if they would surrender. iBut the surviving' soldiers aill re jeeted it. Conveyino their determination to the ILndians, he soon returned, sayicng the Indtians were very lnume:rous, antd stoncly, rged r. Grifithh to use 1hi endeavors to brino'g Clo a s.rrender, which was at length consented to: and thie -men having ]aid down their arm.1s, the Indians at once camne forward to receive them; when, in the face of their promise, th6y tomahavwked three or four of the men; and one Indian, it is stated., Xwit the fury of a denmon approacheed Mrso H-eald-, with his tomahaswk raised to strike her, Illuch accustomed to danger, and being' well acnquainted with Indian character, with rem arkable presence of nind, she looked him. earnestly in the face, and, smiling, said;'Surely you will not kill. a. sqcuaw." Her'" action, suited to the word,"' had the desired effect. The Indian's arm fell; his savage resolution was broken; and a moment more ssaw, the heroic a(nd thoughtfful Mirs. Heald untder the protection of the barbarous hand that vwas about to rob her of life. Mrs. Heald was the daugnhter of General Samuel W1ells of Kentucky, wh.o fonougt mrost'vitly at tsthe ba ttie of'T ippecanoe apainst;'" Early Day in thl Northwetl," pogei 24 al(nd 225. (14) 210 HIISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. the followers of the Prophet. Captain Wells' head was cut off and his heart taken out and eaten by the Indians."?' In accordance with their ancient custom, the Indians now devided the prisoners. Captain Heald, Mrs. Heald, and Mlr. Griffith being selected by the Ottawas, were taken by this band on the lake, beyond the mouth of the river St. Joseph. Having been severely wounded, they considered their fate as inevitably sealed; but some angelic arm seem to have been stretched forth to aid them when least expected; and one day, Griffith's eye accidently fell upon a canoe, at a convenient point, sufficiently large to hold them all; and one night, soon after, they succeeded in making their escape, traversing the lake in this frail bark some two hundred miles to Mackinaw, where the British commandant enabled them to reach the United States in safety. * As the character of Wells was unequalled for bravery, after his, death the Indians took his heart from his body, cooked it, and divided it among themselves in very small pieces. They religiously belived, that each one who ate of it, would thereby become as brave as he from whom it wras taken.-Stickney.:2il CHAPTER XVII. What heroism! what perils then! How true of heart and strong of hand; How earnest, resolute those pioneer MEN! K - - * N -N The Indians greatly eLmboldened by their success at Chicago-The followers of Tecumse! threaten to exterminate the t ibes refusing to aid their cause-Tecumseh's usefulness to the British-Tecumseh's scheme of the siege and massacre of Forts Wayne and Harrison —Renewal of the war-Ohio and IKentucky aroused-Col. John Allen-The Pottawattamies after the evacuation of Fort DJearborn-Preparations for the siege of Forts Wayne and Harrison-Antonie Bondie-The secret of the intended siege and massacre of Fort Wayne disclosed-Doubts as to its correctnessMajor Stickney dispatches a messenger to Gov. Halrison-Active preparation for defense —Illness of Major Stickney-I:ndians prowling about the fort-Death of Steplhen Johnston-A period of great peril-The siegee beaun-A stratagem-The Indians desire to gain an entrance into the fort-They ask for a signal-Thirteen of them admitted-Their plot frustrated-Winnemac and Captain Rhea-Two soldiers shot by the Indians-Perilous adventure of Wm. Oliver and some Indian guidces-lThe garrison learns of the movements of Gov. Harrison-The army on its march -for the relief of Fort Wayne-Gov. Harrison elected a Major-general -Ducking a soldier-The army at St. Mary's-Richard M. Johnson leads a corps of mounted volunteers to the relief of Fort Wayne —Logan, the half-breed, accepted as a spy-Incidents on the route of the army down the St. Mary-A court-martial -The hialloos of the Indians taken as a signal of the approach of the army-Great rejoicing in the Fort-The "i Key of the West" again unlocks the door of success. HE SUCCESS of the Indians at Chicago, gave them great courage, and emboldened them for still greater efforts for the 9 overthrow of the whites, or driving them beyond the Ohio. With few exceptions, the tribes were now, from the disasters at Detroit, in the capture there of the large army under Hull, and the previous surrender of Mackinaw, determined in their course, and. were every where more or less inclined to the British interest. The few tribes continuing fiiendly to the United States, were soon threatened by the followers of Tecuamseh with extermination, who was now fast bringing his great schemie to an issue, by the aid of the English. Possessing a most excellent memory, and being well acquainted with every important position in the northwest, he was readily enabled to point out to the British many important advantages. Before crossing to Detroit, at the time of Hull's surrender 212 E ISTOrE OF FORT WAYNE. General Brock toolk occasion to enquire of Tecumseh what sort. of a country he should have to pass over, should he conclude to go beyond. Taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground by means of four stones, Tecumseh drew his scalping-knife, and at once began to etch upon the bark the position of the country, embracing its hills, roads, rivers, morasses, and woods, which, being a demonstration of talent quite unexpected in Tecumseh, had the effect to please General Brock very much, and readily won for him the confidence of the commanding-general. His position and influence-strengthened by the British, and joined by a numerous ally of his own blood-were now formidable, and he was determined to render them as potent as his strength and advantages would permit, destined, however, at last to fall. His great plan was now the sieoe and massacre of Forts Wayne and Harrison. The Pottawattamies and Ottawas, as at Chicago, aided by the British, under Major Muir, were to be the leading spirits in the movement upon Fort Wayne, while the Winnebagoes, and a portion of the Miamies, who had been persuaded to join the Tecumseh party, were to surprise and capture Fort Harrison; and had appointed the first of September as the earliest period of attack. The government, in the meantime, had begun most active measures for the renewal and prosecution of the wart From the first, the President, had disapproved the armistice at Detroit, and the thought of an invasion of Canada' by the strait of Niagfara, was soon upon the breeze of public expectation, and the British commander, General Brock, had early he.ard the rumor. Ohio and Kentucky upon the receipt of the news of Hull's situation at Detroit, were soon aroused to the highest sense of patriotic determination. The governor of Ohio at once ordered the remnaining portion of the detached -ilitia of his State, numberino some twelve hundred men, to be formed and marched to Urbanaj under command of brigadier-general Tupper; while the Secretary of War had previously called on Governor Scott, of Kentucky, for a body of fifteen hundYed men, embracing also the regulars previously enlisted in that State. In the early part of May, the governor of Kentucky, in accordance with instructions from the war department, had organized ten regiments, of some five thousand five hundred men, as the quota of that State. Among the many patriotic *men who so eagerly joined the standard of their country, in K;entucky, was Colonel JfOH ALLEN, who took command of a rifle regiment. HIe was alawyer of much distinction at the Kentucky bar, and combined many eminent and endearing qualities as a private citizen of that State. Allen county was so named after him. After the massacre of Chicago, those Pottawattamies engaged in it spent some weeks about Fort Deai:born, and divided the spoils which hiad been given tlhem at the time it was forsaken. They then retired to their villages on the St. Joseph of Lake Mbichigan, where THE SCHEME FOR THE MASSACRE OF FORT WAYNE. 213 they were assembled in council by British emissaries, and at their instigation determined upon a simultaneous movement to lay siege to Forts Wayne and Harrison. The British agents promised, that in case the Indians would besiege those forts, and prevent their evacuation by'the garrisons, they should be joined, in one moon, by a large British force from Malden and Detroit, with artilery, who would be able to demolish the stockades, and would give up the garrison to massacre and spoil. Their success in these enterprises, it was but too evident, would have exposed the whole frontier to devastation, and the plans of Tecumseh were all looking to the consummation of this end. The siege was to be commenced in twenty days after the council adjourned. At this time, there was an Indian trader residing near Fort Wayne, of French extraction, by the name of Antonie Bondie. He was about fifty years of age, and had lived among the Indians from the time he was twelve years old. He was an extraordinary character. At one time he would appear to be brave and generous, at another meanly selfish. He was recognized by the Miamies as one of their tribe-married one of their scuaws, and conformed to their habits and mode of life. The hostile Pottawattamies, desirous of saving him from the destruction which they contemplated for the garrison, sent Metea, chief of their tribe, to inform him of their intentions and his danger. Metea went to his cabin in the night, and under an injunction of great secrecy, informed him of all that had transpired in relation to the contemplated siege of the two forts. He offered to come for Bondie and his family, before the siege was commenced, with a sufficient number of pack horses to remove them and their moveable property to a place of safety. Bondie did not decline the offer. The morning after Metea had made this revelation, Bondie, accompanied by Charles Peltier, a French interpreter, went to the agent (Stickney) very early, and with many injunctions of secrecy, informed him of it all. The agent was thankfil for their information; but doubtful whether to credit or rej ect it, as any mistake in a matter of so much importance, either way, would prove ruinous to his character, and cause his disgraceful ejection from the important offiee which he held. He had been but three months in office or in the country, and was acquainted with but few persons. The character of Bondie was not known to him, and the nature of his communication such as to require great secrecy, and if true, immediate preparation for the defence of the fort. Stickney sent a note to Rhea, the commianding officer of the garrison, desiring a meeting with him in the open esplanade of the fort, where there could be no one to overhear what might be said. This officer having been long in the country, had every opportunity of knowing Bondie. He met the agent, heard his communication, and dismissed it, by observing that Bondie was a trifling fellow, and no reliance could be placed upon what he said. This increased the perplexity of the 214 IIsTORY OF FORT W~AYNE. agent. He sent for Bondie and his interpreter, to have a cross examination. This being completed, it remained for the agent either to pass the matter without notice, and incur the chances of the siege of the Indians against the two posts, to be followed by a regular force of British troops, with artillery, without any preparation for defence or relief from abroad, oir to report the information, without attaching to it his official belief in its correctness, which would have no effect. In weighing and comparing chances and consequences, he determined that it was better that he should be ruined in his reputation, and the government suffer all sacrifices, consequent upon the falsity of the report, than that they should both suffer if it proved true. -1e, therefore, sent a second time to Capt. Rhea, and declared his intention to make the report, and give it the sanction of his belief in its correctness. He informed him that he had just received a dispatch from Governor Harrison, from Vincennes, saying that he was going to Cincinnati, where he must be addressed, if necessary, and that he should send an express.to him, directed to that city, and another to Captain Taylor, the commanding officer at Fort Harrison. He then returned to his office and commenced making immediate preparations for acquainting Gov. Harrison with the information he had received regarding the9 contemplated siege of the fort. When nearly ready to dispatch his messenger, Capt. Rhea sent a note to him requesting that he would delay his express to Cincinnati, until he could write a letter to the governor of Ohio, informing him of the report. Stickney complied with this request, and the express was sent with letters to Governor Harrison and Governor Meigs. Active preparations were now commenced for defence. Such men as could be spared with teams were employed to send off ladies who were there, with children, to the frontier; and it was subsequently ascertained that within a few hours after the messengers had started, the Indians drew their lines of guard around the fort. On the 5th of Aigust, Major Stickney, the Indian agent, was prostrated by severe illness, from which lie only became convalescent, after twelve days. IHe was then conveyed friom the agency house to the fort for safety. It was now very plain that the statement of Bondie was no fiction. He, with his Indian family, moved into the fort. The Indian warriors, to the number of some five hundred, as then supposed, began to assemble in the neighborhood of the fort; and it was now evident that they had hopes of getting possession of it by stratagem. They would lie in wait near the fort, day after day,-a few near and in sight, but the majority of them would be scattered about, as much out of sight as possible. Those near were watching an opportunity to force the sentries. The sentinels were so faithful to their duty, that no chance was presented. Stephen Johnston, who was a clerk in the United States factory store,* feeling very solicitous about the safety of his wife, who had *Whieh had been erected near the fort, sometime subsequent to the erection of Fort Wayne, in 1794, for the purpose of supplying the Indians with agricultural implepments. INDIANS ADMITTED INTO THiE FORT. 215 been sent to the frontier in a delicate situation, accompanied by Peter Oliver, and a discharged militiaman, attempted to elude the vigilence of the Indians, and visit the place of her abode. They left at 10 o'clock at night. Johnston was fired upon by six Indians and killed instantly. Before the Indians could reload their pieces, the remaining two men made good their retreat to the fort; and for a reward of twenty dollars, an Indian was induced to bring in the body of Mr. Johnston. The Indians now began to disclose their hostility and real purposes by violent and premature acts, showing most conclusively their full designs. On one occasion two soldiers were sent out on horseback, three or four miles to drive in some cattle..One of them was taken prisoner, the other made his escape. The Indians obtained possession of both horses. They killed cattle and hogs near the fort, stole horses, and committed many other minor depredations. Both parties wished to delay the final conflict-Major Stickney, to give tire for Gen. Harrison to send the fort the necessary relief; in compliance with his dispatch; and the Indians, from a hope and expectation of the daily arrival of the British force, which had been promised them. The Indians, however, did not cease to employ many devices and stratagems, to accomplish their object, before the arrival of the British. An Indian would occasionally come near the fort, and hold conversation with an interpreter, who would be sent out for the purpose. The interpreter would be informed that the depredations had been committed by the young men, contrarv to the wishes of the chiefs-that the chiefs wished for peace. At length the Indians expressed a desire to be admitted to see the commandant of the post, that they might agree upon some terms for a cessation of hostilities; and asked for a signal by which they might approach the fort and be permitted to talk with their white father. A white cloth was accordingly sent to them to be used as a flag of truce. For several days they delayed making use of the flag, and continued their depredations. The agent finally sent a message to them, by an Indian, that they had dirtied. his flag, and he could not suffer them to retain it any longer; that they must return it immediately. The next day, the whole body of Indians moved up to the fort, bearing the Awhite flag in front. The gates of the fort had been kept closed for a number of days. They were in hopes of obtaining the admission of a large number of their warriors. But the agent, who was still quite weak from his recent attack, was too well acquainted with Indian character to be deceived. Having, with difficulty, walked to the gate, he designated by name the chiefs to be admitted, who, upon their entrance into the fort, one by one, were disarmed by the guard, and examined very closely. Thirtden only were admitted, who at once followed the agent to his sleeping apartment. The officers in the garrison remained in their quarters. The agent now addressed a note to Capt. llhea, ' 216 HISTORY~ or' Four WAIYNE. desiring that thle llard slhould be palraded. and kept under arms during the continuance of thle council. In accordance with the customs of such occasions, tobacco was presented to the chiefs that they might smoke.-' When the pipes began to go out, XTWinnemiac a Pottawattanli chief, rose and commlenced a speech, which he ddressed to the aetnt; the substatnce of which was, that the Pottawattamies hta no hand in killing olohnston, and that the chie:s could not control tlheir young men. The soldiers and horses had been taken wvithout the knowledge or consent of the chiefs, in opposition to whose wishes the young men had committed all their deIpredations.';Bat," continued Winn'emeac, 5 if my fither wishes for war I am a man."t At this expression the chief struck his hand upon his knife, which he had concealed under his blanket. The agent at this time did not understand the language, but saw there was something serious. Bondie, who was present and understood the wlhole force of what was said, jumped upon his feet as quick as lightning, and striking his knife in a very emphatic manner, shouted int Pottawattamie, "I am a man too." At the same instant the interpreter turned quite pale, and Winnemac cast his eyes towards the principal chief present, whose name'was An-ouk-sa, who was sitting' at a window where he could see the guard under arms. I-e returned a look of disappointment, and the stratagem was brought to an abrupt term.ination; while the interpreter, having sufficiently recovered fromr his confusion, readily explained what had been said. Winnemac now finished his speech, and the agent returned for an answer, that in all that had been said, there appeared to be something concealed; and that if it was for war, he was ready for it. The Indians having been admitted under a fiag of truce, were now permitted to depart. Winnemac, howlever, who was the last to leave the room, was invited by Capt. Rhea to his quarters, who soon sent to the agent for an interpreter, and remained in conversation witih Winnemac, half or three quarters of an hour. The agent subsequently learned, firom the interpreter, that Rhea professed great friendship for the chief, and invited him to take breakfast with him the next morning.'Upon learning this, and with a view of dissuading him from such intimacy and want of discretion, at such a tine, the agent with difficulty walked to th.e quarters of Capt. Rhea, rwhom he found in such a state of'intoxication that it was useless to expostulate with him. Returning to his quarters again, he now sent for the two lie - tenants, Ostrander and. urtis, and told them what had taken place,' In the account of this sieoe the writer has mainly followed the statement of Major Stickney, the Indians agent here at the time of its occurrence. t The lwhole plan of the Indiarns on this occasion was subsequently divulged. They were to obrtain an entrance into the fort, for as nmany as possible. Winnemac was to be the speaker. When he should come to the expression, " I am a man," he was to dispatch the agent. Other chiefs were to rush to each of the officers' quarters, to massacre them, and others were to open the gates of the fort, to the force without. The work was then toQbe finished, by butchering every soul in the fort. PERILOS ADVENTURE OF VWM. OLIVER. 217 giving it as his opinion that an attack would be made the next morningl; and urged upon them the necessity of all possible preparation, The next morning, aroused by the firing of rifles, the agent stepped out upon a gallery that projected from the second story of his quarters, and saw two soldiers fall, mortally wounded, about fifty yards from the fort. It was now ascertained that no preparations had been made in anticipation of an attack. All was confusion in the garrison. The two men were taken into the fort, and died about one o'clock, that day. About the first of September, a most interesting occurrence took place. A white man and four Indians arrived at the fort, on horseback, " in full yell.>" It was the Indian yell of triumph. The white man, who was foremost, proved to be William Oliver. He was accompanied by four friendly Shawanoe Indians, the brave Logan among the number. The garrison had been for more than a fortnight in a state of suspense; not knowing whether the express to Gov. Harrison had gotten through, or not, and every day, in expectation that the British force would arrive. All were on tiptoe to hear the news-William Oliver had arrived in defiance of five hundred Indians-had broken through their ranks and reached the fort in safety. He reported that about two thousand volunteers had assembled in Kentucky for the relief of General Hull at Detroit, and had marched to Cincinnati. There they heard that Hull had surrendered, and deemed it unnecessary to march any further in that direction. Harrison having received the dispatch from the agent at Fort Wayne, had determined to march to its relief. Ohio was raising volunteers. Eight hundred were then assembled at St. Mary's, sixty miles south of Fort Wayne. They intended to march to the relief of the fort, in three or four days. At Cincinnati great fears were entertained that the fort had been captured, and its inmates massacred. When the question arose, as to how the condition of Fort NW ayne was to be ascertained, the stoutest hearts inl the army quailed. William Oliver was then a young man of about twenty-three years of age. He possessed the true spirit; was at the time sutler to Fort Wayne. Previous to any knowledge of the hostile intentions of the Indians, Oliver had gone to Cincinnati on business. He went to Governor Harrison and made an offer of his services, individually, to obtain the necessary information. Harrison thought the danger too great, and endeavored to dissuade him from making the attempt; but he had determined to accomplish it, or loose his life in the effort. When Governor Harrison shook hands with him, he observed that he "should not see him again." A man by the name of Worthington, an Indian commissioner of the time, embarked with Oliver in this adventurous undertaking, placing themselves at the head of about eighty whites, forty of 218 I ISTORY OF FORT' VAYNrE. whom, so perilous seemed the task before them, after a march of about three days, returned home. The balance, however, pursued their way to the Indian village of Waupaukonetta, where Oliver found friends and acquaintances among some friendly Shawanoes, and selected four of the bravest to accompany them through to Fort Wayne, Logoan among the number. Having pursued their course, with much care, until within some twenty-four miles of the fort, a council was called to consider the expediency of a further advance, when it was concluded best for all to remain behind except Oliver, Logan, and the other Indian attendants. On the following morning, with their horses, they continued their way " with the common wariness of Indians, and without any remarkable occurrence until they came within some four miles of the fort. Oliver had determined to enter the fort in broad daylight." They now began an examination of the ground with great precaution, determining to ascertain, if possible, what movement had taken place, and the exact locality of the Indians. The keen eye of Logan now soon discovered that the enemy was concealed along the road, with a view to cut off any reinforcements that might attempt to reach the garrison. Leaving the main road, they now moved cautiously across to the Maumee river, whither, leaving their horses in a thicket, they advanced on foot towards the fort, in order to get a view of it, and to ascertain, if possible, whether it still held out against the besiegers. Being fully satisfied on this point, they again repaired to the thicket where they had left their horses, remounted, and soon struck the malin road again. The moment of greatest peril and determination had now come. The fort was to be gained at the risk of life itself; and puttino whip to their horses, Oliver and his faithful Shawanoe companions started in full speed for the fort. W.hat was most remarkable, the moment the scouts gained the fort proved to be the only safe one that had for some days presented itself, as though a kind providence had opened the vway for the safe arrival of the party to cheer the inmates of the perilous garrison. First reaching the gate of the esplanade, and finding it inaccessible, they descended the river bank, and were soon admitted by the northern gate. Said one of the lieutenants of the fort:' The safe arrival of Oliver at that particular juncture may be considered miraculous. One hour sooner or one hour later, would no doubt have been inevitable destruction both to himself and his escort. It is generally believed by those acquainted with the circumstances, that not one hour, for eight days and nights preceding or following the hour which Mlr. Oliver arrived, would have afforded an opportunity of any safety." So close was their contact with the Indians, in this fearful ride, that they even saw the beds upon w-hich they lay as they maintained their nightly guard. OLIV ERs AlaImVAL AT FoRT WAYxN. 219 Entering the general gateway,which was located about where now stands the residences of the late Jas. B. Hanna, or Martin Knoll, on Wayne street-the fort then, with several acres of ground, being enclosed by a substantial fence-a few moments more, and all was safety. The fort was gained, the north gate opened, and Oliver and his companions rode quickly in, to the great astonishment and joy of the little garrison, who eagerly gathered about the heroic riders to learn the news. Oliver's story was soon told. When the volunteers of Ohio, assembled at St. Mary's, learned the extent of the Indian force about Fort Wayne, they deemed it imprudent to advance with so small a force, and concluded to await the arrival of the Kentuckians, thus subjecting the garrison to a still longer state of suspense. The anxiety was intense; and it was through extreme good fortune, and mere accident, that the fort was enabled to hold out, with so little good management-" the commanding officer had been drunk nearly all the time, and the two lieutenants inefficient men; entirely unfit to hold.commissions of any grade." The non-commissioned officers and privates, eighty in number, behaved very well. The Indian agent was feeble and incapable of much exertion. Oliver, though a private citizen, was now the most efficient man in the fort. Having prepared a letter, announcing to General Harrison his safe arrival at the fort, and its beleaguered situation, Oliver immediately started his Shawanoe companions back with the letter to Worthington, while he determined to take his chances with the occupants of the fort. Seeking an opportune moment, Logan and his companions left the fort safely, but were soon observed, and pursued. Their exultant shouts, however, soon revealed to the inmates of the garrison that they had outstripped their pursuers and passed the lines unharm ed. The Indians now again begun a furious attack upon the fort, but the little garrison bravely met the assault, and were, in a few days more, enabled to hail the approach of the army. The name of Oliver deserves to be enshrined in every heart. Such heroism is seldom met with, and who among us to-day can fail to cherish a kindly memory and regard for so valiant and selfdevotional a spirit as the brave, determined WILLIAM OLIVEn? At Cincinnati, the Kentucky volunteers elected Gov. Harrison to command them' as a major-general. When he received the information from Oliver that Fort Wayne was in existence, he took up the line of march for the scene of the beleagured garrison. The faithful Shawanoes met the advancing army at Piqua, Ohio, where the message of Oliver was readily delivered to Gen. Harrison, who at once drew his men together, and made them a speech. Said he, in part:' If there is a man under my command who lacks the patriotism to rush to the rescue, he, by paying back the money received froml tie government, shall receive a discharge, as I do not 220 HISTORY OF FOPT WAYNE. wish to command such." But one man responded to the proposition. His name was Miller,'of the Kentucky militia; and having obtained his discharge, on the morning of the 6th, his comrades not willing to let him return without some special manifestion of their appreciation of his course, put him on a rail, carried him around the lines tothe music of the Rogue's March, and down to the Miami, where they took him off the rail and let him into the water and baptized him in the name of' King George, Aaron Burr, and the Devil." As he came out of the water the men stood on the bank and threw handsful of mud on him, then, forming into two lines in an adjacent lane, made him run the gauntlet, each one throwing a handful of dirt onhim, and then let him go. Soon after this event, on the morning of the 6th, the army began its march for Fort Wayne, encamping that evening in the woods, some twelve miles from Piqua. Early on the morning of the 7th, (Monday) the army resumed its march. This day, says one of their number,' "we made fifteen miles, and encamped on a branch, three and a half miles this side of St. Mary's river. Next morning a melancholy accident happened.. In the act of receiving the guard a young man by the name of Thomas Polly, a sergeant in Captain M egowan's company, was shot by the accidental discharge of a gun in the hands of a sentinel by the name of Thos. Hamilton. The ball enteied the left side, below the nipple, and passed out near the backbone, perforating the lungs. We carried him on a litter to St. Marys, where he lingered till the next day. This was the first death that had occurred during our march. This day, Sept. 8th, we only marched to St. MBary'st where we lay till next day. On this evening we were joined by two hundred mounted volunteers, under Col. Richard Mi. Johnson, who had volunteered for thirty days, on hearing that Fort Wayne was besieged. Wrednesdav, Sept. 9th, we marched eighteen miles, to what was called Shane's Crossing of St. Mary's. Here we overtook a regiment of eight hundred men from Ohio, under Cols. Adams and Hawkins, who had started on to the relief of Fort Wayne. On arriving at this place, an Indian, of the Shawanoe tribe, a half blood, by the name of Logan, (who had been taken when a small boy by Gen. Benjamin Logan, of Lincoln county, Kentucky, and raised by him, but who, after arriving at maturity, had gone back and joined his tribe) with four others, offered his services to Gen. Harrison as spies, which he accepted." Logan was a remarkable Indian, and had early merited the esteem and confidence of the whites. Was some six feet inf heifht, with robust form, broad shoulders, and prominent forehead. Was greatly attached to General Harrison, and a warm friend to the x- John T). White, of Lawrenceburgh, Ind. t At this point some block-lhouses were built for the security of provisions and protection of the sick. This point had previously been known as Girty Town, doubtless after the famous Simon Girty. INCIDENTS OF THE ABMY IN ITS MARCH TO FORT WAYNE. 221 American cause, for which he did much valuable service as a guide and spy. Continues White: " Previous to our arrival, Logan had gone on in disguise, and passing through the camp of the besieging party, had ascertained their number to be about fifteen hundred. Logan also went to the fort, and encouraged the soldiers to hold on, as relief was at hand. On this night, (the 9th) the sentinels fired at what they imagined to be Indians, but, on examination, next morning, an old horse was found shot, having strayed outside the camp. Thursday morning we marched early. Cols. Adams and HIawkins having waited several days to come up, (after ascertaining the superiority of the enemy's forces) joined our army, and we all marchecl together. We now had about three thousand five hundred: men. We marched ten miles and encamped. Nothing occurred of any interest. Friday morning we were under marching orders after early breakfast. It had rained, and the guns were damp. We were ordered to discharge them, and re-load, as we were then getting into the vicinity of the enemy, and knew not how soon we might be attacked. A strong detachmen't of spies under Captain James Sugget, of Scott county, marched considerably ahead of the army. Indications of the enemy having advanced from their position at Fort Wayne, for the purpose of watching the movements of our army, were manifest, and Captain Sugget came upon the trail of a large party, which he immediately pursued. After following the trail some distance he was fired on by an Indian, who had secreted himself in a clump of bushes, so near to Sugget that the powder burnt his clothes, but the ball missed him. The Indian jumped from his covert and attempted to escape, but Andrew Johnson, of Scott, shot him. At the crack of the gun, the Indian's gun and blanket fell. Supposing that.he had killed him, and being eager in pursuit of the trail, they made no halt; but before they could overtake the.Indians, they had to give up the pursuit, on account of the lateness of the hour and the distance they were ahead of the army. On returning to where the Indian was shot, they found the gun and blanket, but he had escaped. They followed the blood for some distance and found pieces of his handkerchief, whiich he had cut into plugs to stop the blood, but he had bleed so profusely that it had forced them out of the wound. On abandoning the pursuit of the wounded Indian, the party returned to the camrp. We had marched about fifteen miles, and encamped an hour before Sugget's party arrived. Logan held up the bloody blanket and exhibited it as he rode along the line. Having repaired to Gen. Harrison's marque, orders were immediately issued for the troops to turn out and make a breastwork around the encampment, which order was promptly obeyed, and before dark the same was fortified by a breastwork, made by cutting down trees and pilingthem on each other. A strong picket guard was detailed and posted. at a considerable distance fiom the line. After tattoo, at 9 o'clock, 22,2 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. we lay down. After which the officer of the night came round to give us the watchword, which was'filght on.' (The watchword is given to the sentinel as well as to the armv, in order, that, in case of a nigiht attack, and the sentinels having to run into camp, may be distinguished from the enemy by it.) Orders were given, that in case of two guns being fired in quick succession, the soldiers were to repair to the breastwork. From every indication we had strong reasons for believing that we would be attacked before day. We lay with our guns in our arms and cartridge boxes under our heads, About 10 o'clock, just as the soldiers were in the enjoyment of tired nature's sweet restorer,' they were aroused by the firing of two guns by the sentinels, and the drums beat the alarm. In a moment all were at the breastwork, ready to receive the enemy. Just about this time some fifty guns were fired by the sentinels, and some came running in hallooing at the top of their voices, fight on;' and, notwithstandingo we had orders' not to speak the watchword, the cry of' fight on went entirely around the lines. If there had been an attack, and the enemy had understood English, it would have afforded them the advantage of getting into the lines by giving; the watchword. " The Indians,were around us, and we were in momentary expectation of an onset. At last all was calm again, and we were permitted to rest. But just as we were in the sweet embraces of sleep, we were again aroused by the firing of a number of guns, and again we were as prompt in repairing to our posts. We now stood a considerable time, and all became quiet again, when we were ordered to count off one, two, three, and every third man was made to stand at the breastwork, and the rest were permitted to retire to their tents. At length day dawned, and the guards were relieved. We ascertained afterward, from Indians taken prisoners, that they came from their encampment with the design of making a night attack on us, but on finding us so well prepared to receive them, they declined prosecuting their designs. " Without being able to get round the entire encampment before daylight of the morning of the 9th, the Indians returned to their own lines with the word that fieentzuIck was coming as numerous as the trees.' "Lieut. Munday, of Kuley's company, of Madison county, Ky., and Ensign Herring, of Hart's company, of Lexington, being officers of the guard, both left their guard fires and ran in when the firing commenced.: t' Saturday, September 10th, we expected to reach Fort Wayne, but thought, in all probability, we should have to fight our way, for the Indians lay at what was called the Black Swamp, five miles on this side of the fort, immediately on our road. We started after e Charges of cowardice having been preferred avainst these two officers, after the arrival of the army at Fort Wayne, a court martial -was ordered for their trial. Munday resigned and went home. Herring proved that he stood his ground till the whole guard had left him, and was therefore acquitted. ARRIVAL OF THIE ARMY AT FORT WATAYNE. 223 early breakfast (if a few bare bones, boiled in water, could be called a breakfast) and marched with much caution. From St. Mary's we had moved in two lines, one on the right, and the other on the left of the road, at a distance of about one hundred yards therefrom, while the -wagons kept the road. Sugget's spies went ahead, and on coming to where they had left the trail of the wounded Indian, they again took it, and after following it a short distance, found his dead body. When he found he could not survive, he broke bushes and covered himself over, and resigned to die. The Indians believe that if they lose their scalp, they will not be permitted to enter the favorite hunting ground which their tradition teaches them they are to inhabit after death. Hence they use every effort to prevent their enemies from getting the scalps of those slain in battle; and during an engagement a number are always employed in carrying off the dead. A short distance in advance of their camp, at the swamp, the spies returned with information that they were there, prepared to give us battle. A halt was made, and the line of battle formed. Col. Hawkins, of the Ohio mounted volunteers, had left the lines and gone some distance from the road. Being partly concealed by a clump of bushes, one of his men taking him for an Indian fired at him and shot him through. The ball entered between the shoulders and came out at the breastwhich, however, did not prove mortal. We again took up the line of march, and in a short time came in sight of the smoke of the, camp of the enemy.?" At the first grey of the morning of the 10th of September, the distant halloos of the disappointed savages revealed to the anxious inmates of the fortthe glorious news of the approach of the army. Great clouds of dust could be seen from the fort, rolling up in tihe distance, as the valiant soldiery, under General H-arrison, moved forward to the rescue of the garrison; and soon after daybreak, the army stood before the fort. The Indians had beat a retreat to the northward and eastward, and the air about the old fort resounded with the glad shouts of welcome to Gen. Harrison and the brave boys of Ohio and Kentucky! And again, as on former occasions,' the Key of the Tnorthwest" had unlocked the great door of success; and the country, though not yet through with its trials and conflicts with a wily and relentless foe, was safe, and destined soon to triumph'over every obstacle. The prophetic words of Washinoton, years before, were again most fully realized; and the scene of the Miami village, more surely than ever, pointed to' a most important post for the Union." CHAPTER XV1IiL All Aas flight, and for miles around, No red man was to be found. Flighbt of the Indians on the approach of the army —The Fort besieged teln or turel'l days —Wooden cannon made by the Indians — The little village around the fiort destroyed —The occupants of the houses about the fort seek safety in the fort —The fort able to hold out against the Indians'still longer-The old well of the fort — Captain M'Afee's account-His prophecy and that of Captain Wells as to the future of Fort Wayne —Loss in the fort during the siege-Shooting an lndian in the St. Mary-Charmges against Captain lhea, —Rhea permitted to resign-i-The army formed into two detachments to destroy the villages in the region of Fort WayneDestruction of corn and vegetables —The tomb of a chief-The village of Five Medals, near where Goshen, Ind., now slands -The tomb of an Indian sorceress — Evidences of British aid-leturn of the divisions to the fort-Arrival of new recruits at Fort Wayne-A force sent to destroy Little Turtle Town-The ground now occupied by the city of Fort Wayne mainly cleared by order of Ganeral Harioson — An imposing scene —All approach cut off —Gen. Harrison's leport-Arrival of Gelen. Winchester at Fort Wayne —Popularity of Gen. Harrison- Winchester to take command of the army-Dissatisfaction amoong the soldiers at the proposei ehlange of generals - A recunciliation-Gen. Harrison's return to Pique-l-An expedition against Detroit-Movements of Gen. Wiinchester —Indians discovered-A. party surprised, captured, and five killed. HE INDIANS had mainly fled the evening before the arrival )of the army. Some, however, were courageous enough to re-,Tmain until within a few moments before the army reached the''fort, who "were pursued by the Ohio horsemen, but without.; success." The fort had now been closely besieged for ten or twelve days; and the Indians, in their efforts to capture it, had made several pieces of wooden cannon, which they strengthened with iron hoops. Previous to the commencement of the siege, there were several dwellings near the fort, forming," says M'Afee, " a handsome little village; but it was now (on the arrival of the army), in ruins, having been burnt down by the Indians, together with the United States' factory," The occupants of the dwellings surrounding the fort, as the siege began, sought refuge within the garrison, where they remained in safety till the army arrived., The fort, during the siege, was well supplied wit; provisions. EARLY PlROPHECY COCERNING FORT WAYNE. 225 There was a good wellP of water within the enclosure; and they had also four small field pieces. With these advantages, unless attacked by a formidable British force, they were well prepared to oppose the efforts of the Indians for several days longer. Of the fort, at this period, which was the same built by order:of Gen.Wayne, in 1794, in connection with other relations of this point, Captain MTMAfeet said:.' It is delightfully situated, on an eminence on the south bank of the Miami of the lakes, immediately below the formation of that river by the junction of the St. Mary's from the southwest with the St. Josephs from the north. It is well constructed of block houses and picketing, but could not resist a British force, as there are several eminences on the south-side, from which it could be,'c ommanded, by a six or nine pouni or. "This is the:place where the Miami Indians formerly had their principal town; and here many an unfortunate prisoner suffered death by burning at the stake. It was here also, that Gen. Harmar suffered his army to be cut up and defeated in detachments after he had burnt the town in the fall of the year 1790. For more than a century before that time, it had been the principal place of rendezvous between the Indians of the lakes, and tlhose of the Wabash and Illinois, and had been much resorted to about the year'56 and previously, by French traders from Canada. The Maum, ee is navigable for boats from this place to the lake, and the portage to the nearest navigable branch of the Wabash, is but seven or eight. miles, through a level, marshy prairie, from which the water runs both to the Wabash and St. Marys. A canal at some fature day?will unite these rivers, and thus render a town at Fort layne, as formerly, the most considerable place in that count'ry "The corn which had beell cultivated in the fields, by the villagers, was nearly all destroyed by the Indians; the renains served as forage for the mounted. corps. Captain Wells, who was massacred at Chicago, had a handsome farm in the forks of the river, with some good buildings, which were all destroyedl in the general devastation.?' Durillg the siege, the garrison lost but three men. From subsequent information, it was believed that; the Indian loss was about twenty-five. Eight were seen to fal'. One Indian was killed at a distance of three hundred yards, while standing in the St. Mary's river. A soldier by the name of King, with a long heavy rifle, fired, * The traces of this well are yet plainly to be seen. It was near the northwest end of the fort, now to be seen just at the edge of lte south side of the canal. + Author of the "History of the Late War in the Western Country," published in 1816. M'Afee was here in 181 3. It is fiomr this old volume that the writer has been enabled to draw nmany valuable and interesting facts relating to the early History of Fort Wavne. M'Afee's words in reterence to the construction of a cana.l by this point and the subsequent growth of a " town at Fort Wayne," have been most conclusively realized. The writer also learned from early settlers that the unfortunate Capt. Wells, (killed at Chicago) some years before the war of 1812, had often told persons here that "a big ditch " would one day be dug from the lake to this locality, in which boats would run-and that there would also be a large town here some day-but he'was not believed,.in fact, tlhoght very ironmodera.ite in his caleulations. (15) 226 IISTOiRY OF FORT WAYNE. and the ball took effect in the back of the savage, between his shoulders, and he fell into the water. This feat was witnessed by the whole garrison. Immediately after the arrival of Gen. Harrison, Lieutenants Ostrander and Curtis, preferred charges against Capt. Rhea, and called upon Major Stickney, the agent, as a witness. The General assembled his principal officers as a Board of Inquiry, and upon the testimony of the agent, that Rhea was drunk six days during the siege, the Board thought he ought no longer to hold a commission. Gen. Harrison, mainly because of his advanced age, granted Capt. Rhea the alternative of a resignation, (which he complied with,) to take effect the first day of January following. The second day following the arrival of the army here, General Harrison formed his army into two detachments, with a view of destroying the Indian villages in the region of country lying some miles around Fort Wayne, the frst division being composed: of the regiments under Cols. Lewis and Allen, and Captain Garrard's troop of horse, under Gen. Payne, accompanied by Gen. I-Iarrison. The second division, under Col. Wells, accompanied by a battalion of his own regiment, under Major Davenport, (Scott's regiment,) the mounted battalion under Johnson, and the mounted Ohio men under Adams. In order that their means of subsistence might also be cut off, it was determined, while destroying the Indian villages in the region, to cut up and destroy their corn and other products. After a march of a few miles, the troops under Payne came to the Miami villages, at the forks of the Wabash, where, finding the villages abandoned, the troops were ordered to cut up the corn and destroy the vegetables in the field adjacent. At this point, says M'Afee's account of the expedition, was observed'" the tomb of a chief, built of logs, and bedaubed with clay." This chief" was laid on his blanket, with his gun and his pipe by his side, a small tin pan o'n his breast, containing a wooden spoon, and a number of earrings and brooches-all deemednecessary, no doubt, on his journey to the other world." On the 16th of September, the body under Col. Wells had advanced to the Pottawattamie village, known as Five Medals, on the Elkhart river, in what is now Elkhart county, near the town of Goshen. Having crossed the river, about three miles above the village, and forme'd in order of battle, 6 in a plain, thinly timbered," the division advanced to the right and left of the village, anid then surrounded it; but, to the regret o all, the place was found desorted, the Indians having abandoned it two days before, leaving behind considerable quantities of " corn, gathered and laid on scaffolds to dry, with abundance of beans, potatoes, and other vegetables, which furnished an ample store of provisions for the men and forage for the horses. This village was called Five Medals, from a chief of that name1, who made it his residence. On a pole, before DESTRUCTION OP THE VILLAGE OF FIVE MEDALS. 227 the door of that chief, a red flag was hung, with a broom tied above it; and on another pole at the tomb of an old woimen, a white flag was flying. The body of the old woman was entire, sitting upright, with her face towards the east, and a basket beside her, containing trinkets, such as owl and hawk bills and claws, a variety of bones, and bunches of roots tied together; all of which indicated that she had been revered as a sorceress. In one of the huts was found a morning report of one of Hull's Captains, also a Liberty Hall newspaper, printed at Cincinnati, containing an account of General Harrison's army. Several coarse bags, which appeared to have contained shot, and pieces of boxes with London and Malden printed on them, were also picked up in the cabin; which proved that these Indians were intimately connected with the British, and had been furnished with information by some one,perhaps, in our own country. This village, with some seventy acres of corn, was destroyed, and the same evening the army, on its return. march, reached the.Elkhart river; and after a most fatiguing march, for those on foot, and firom the effects of which one man died soon after the return of the division, the'army arrived again at the fort on the -l8th, a few hours after the body under Payne had returned."7* On the day previous to the return of these divisions, (17th), Col. Simrall, with a regiment of dragoons, armed with muskets, and numbering some three hundred and twenty men; also a company of mounted riflemen, under Col. Farrow, from Montgomery county, Ky., had arrived at the fort; and on the same evening of the retuln of the divisions urnder Payne and Wells, Gen. Harrison sent them to destroy Little Turtle Town, some twenty miles northwest of the fort, with orders not to molest the buildings formerly erected by the United States, for the benefit of Little Turtle, whose friendship for the Americans had ever been firm after the treaty of Greenville. Colonel Simrall most faithfully performed the task assigned him, and on the evening of the 19th, returned to, the fort. In addition to these movements, General Harrison took the precaution to remove all the undergrowth in the locality surrounding the fort, extending towards the confluence of the St. Joseph and St. Mary, to where now stands Budisill's mill, and westward as far as St. Mary, to the point where now stands the Fort Wayne College, thence south-east to about the point of the residence of the late Allen IHamilton, and to the east down the Maumee a short distance. And so well cleared was the ground, including a very large part of the entire limits of the present site of the city of Fort Wayne, that it was said by those'who were here at that early day and to a later period, a sentinel' on the bastions of the fort, looking westward, could see a rabbitt running across the grounds as far as so small an object was discernable to the naked eye." The seclusive points were thus cut off, and the Indians now had no longer any means of concealing their approach upon the fort. M'Afee. 228 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. and the scene thus presented by the destruction of the underbrush, including many trees, of some growth, was said to have been quite imposiJng indeed, Some thirty or forty acres, of what is now the Cole farm, extending to the junction of the rivers, and just opposite the Maumee, was then known as the Public Meadow, which, of course, was then, as it had 1ing before been, a considerable open space. The soldiers were thus readily enabled to observe the approach. of any hostile movementagainst the fort, and to open the batteries, with formidable effect, upon any advance that might be made against the garrison, from any direction. General Harrison now made an official report of transactions here to the War Department;. and about the 19th of September, Brigadier-general James Winchester arrived at the Fort, with a view of taking command of the first division of Kentucky troops, which had early marched to reinforce the northwestern army. General Winchester had seen service in the revolutionary struggle, as an officer of distinction, and at this period was somewhat advanced in years. Was a man of some wealth, and resided in the State of Tennessee, where he is said to have " lived many years in a degree of elegant luxury and ease, which was not calculated to season him for a northern campaign in the forest." General Harrison was ever a favorite with the soldiers, and there was probably no man in the country at this period who could command a greater amount of esteem from the masses, or who could move at the head of an army with greater confidence and regard from the soldiers under him, both officers and privates, than he could; and when General Winchester arrived, it was soon understood that he was to take command of the forces. This produced much uneasiness among the troops, not that Winchester was by any means an inferior officer, but that Harrison was the javorite; and the boys wanted him to lead them. Indeed, so great was the aversion to the change, that many of the militia were disposed not to be under his command; and it was with much difficulty that General Harrison* and the field officers succeeded in reconciling them to the change of officers. As it is a matter most essential that all raw troops should have the largest confidence in their commander, so the militia, at this particular juncture of affairs, needed the greatest confidence in their commanding-general, and much of this was unfortunately lost to the men by a change of general officers. The men being at length prevailed on to march under General WVinchester, with the coriofident belief that Gen. I-Harrison would sooner or later be reinstated, and again assume command of them, * Says M'Afee: " The troops had confidently expected, that General Harriison would be confitmed in the command; and by this time he had completely secured the cotfi4dpge of every soldier in the army. He was affable and courteous in his manners, and'!def(ta^:g'b'in his attention to every branch of business, His soldiers seem to anticip:ate 1t~e lwil hef ot'.elnerqal;' it was only necessary to be known that hle wished some4-iing,d, oQe, and all -s'ee anxious to risk their lives in its accomplishment." MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMY UNDER GEN. WINCHESTER. 229 on the 19th of September, the command of the troops, by a general order, at the fort, were transferred to General Winchester, placing "any part of the infantry which he might deem necessary to the extension of his plans, at his disposal." The same evening, after the issuance of this order, Gen. Harrison started on his return, towards Piqua, to take command of the forces collecting in the rear; and to arrange for a mounted expedition against Detroit-intending thus to make a coup de mnain on that point, marching by way of a route but little known, from Fort Wayne, up the St. Joseph, from thence to the head waters of the river Raisin. These troops consisted of three regiments fiom Kentucky, under Barbee, Payne, and Jennings; three companies of mounted riflemen from the same State, under Captains Roper, Bacon, and Clarke; also a corps of mounted men from Ohio, who had rendezvoused at Dayton on the 15th, in obedience to a prior call by Governors Meigs and Harrison, which they had made early in September, intending to employ them against some Indian towns, the corps being commanded by Col. Findley, who had again entered the service since the surrender of Generall-lull at Detroit. On the 20th General Harrison met the mounted men and the regiment of Jennings at St. Mary's (Girty Tosyn), the remainder of the infantry being still further in the rear. The General having left word at the fort here for Johnson's battalion and Col. Simrall's dragoons, which were not included in General Winchester's command, to return to St. Mary's as early as possible, Major Johnson, on the morning of the 20th, in accordance therewith, took up his line of march, and after an advance of some twenty miles, was met by orders from General Harrison to return to Fort Wayne again, and there await further orders, with his dragooils, which was promptly complied with, excepting ensign Wni. Holton, with about twenty-five men of Captain Ward's company, who, refusing to obey orders, started to return home, to Kentucky. The next evening, the remainder of the corps under Johnson reached Fort Wayne again. General Winchester had now removed his. camp to the forks of the Maumee; and early on the 222d of September, he moved down the north side of that stream, over very nearly the saiie route as that by which General Wayne's army had reached the Miami villages in 1794, intending to go as far as Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, with a view of forming a junction there with the infantry in the rear, who were to come from the St. Marys, by way of the Auglaize, Before leaving the forks of the Mlaumee, Winchester issued the following order: " The front guard in three lines,'two deep in the road, and in Indian filers on the flanks at distances of fifty and one hundred yards, as the ground will admit. A fatigue party to consist of one capta;n, one ensign, two sergeants, and two corporals, with fifty men, will follow the front guard for the pur, ose of oplening the road. Thie remainder of the infantry to march on the fliuks in the following order: colonels Wells and Al 230 HI-ISTOiRY Oi FOr'o: WAYE. len's ragiments on the right, and Lewis and Scott's on the left. The general and brigade baggage, commissaries and quartermasters' stores, immediately in the rear of the fatigue party. The cavalry in the following order: captain Garrard and twenty of his men to precede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of each line; a lieutenant and eighteen men in the rear of the whole army and baggage; the balance of the cavalry equally divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental baggage wagons will fall according to the respective ranks of their commanding officers. The officers commanding corps previous to their marching will examine carefully the arms and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they are in good order. They will also be particularly careful, that the men do not waste their cartridges. No loaded muskets are to be put in the wagons. One half of the fatigue party is to work at a time, and the others will carry their arms. The wagon master will attend to loading the wagons, and see that the various articles are put in, in good order,, and that each wagon and team carry a reasonable load. The hour of march will be 9 o'clock this morning. The oficer of the day is charged with this order. The line of battle will be the same as that of General Harrison in his last march to Fort Wayne." The March down the Maumee was continued with great precaution, and the camp strongly fortified every nig!ht, advancing only about five and six miles each day. Not many miles had been gained before a party of Indians were discovered, and the signs were strong that there were many more in the region., A volunteer company of spies having previously been organized, under Captain Ballard, Lieutenant Harrison Munday, of the rifle regiment, and Ensign Liggett, of the 17th U. S. Infantry, they were usually kept in advance to reconnoiter the country. On the 25th, Ensign Liggett having obtained permission; to proceed as far as Fort Defiance, he was accompanied by four men of McCracken's company, from Woodford, Kentucky. Late that evening, while preparing some food, they were discovered by a Frenchman and eight Indians, who surprised them, with a demand to surrender, being postively assured that they would not be hurt, and also be permitted to wear their arms till they entered the British camp. With these conditions, says VM'Afee's account,* they surrendered; but the Indians and Frenchman, as they walked on, concocted, in their own language, and executed the following plan for their destruction: Five of the Indians, each having marked his victim, walked.behind and on one side of the men, and,: at a given signal, fired upon them. Four ot them fell dead —Liggett only escaped the first fire —he sprung to a tree, but was shot also whiile raising his gun, to his face. Next day, Captain Ballard, with a part of his company, being in advance, discovered the dead bodies, and a party of Indians watching near them. Hie formed his men for action, with the Maumiee on his right; but not liking his position, and perceiving that the Indians were too strong for him, he fell back two hundred yards, and formed in. a stronger position. The enemy supposing he had fled, filed off from. their right flank, intending to surround him oon his left, and cut off hi sretreat. iHe heard them pass by on his left without discovering him, and then filed off by the left in their rear, Cnd by a circuitous route arrived safe at the camp. Lieutenant Munday, with another part of the spies, presently happened at the same place, and discovering some Inidians, who still f" His, Late War in Western Country," page 135 to page, 152. DEFEAT OF PLAN TO MASSACRE FORTS WAYNE AND HARRISON. 231 remained there, formed his men and charged upon them, at the same time saluting them with their own yell. They fled precipitately, and Munday, on discovering their superior numbers, took advantage of their panic to retreat himself. Next morning, the 27th, Captain Ballard, with the spies and Captain Garrard's troop of horse, accompanied by Major Woolfork, aid to the general, and some other volunteers, went forward to bury the dead. The Indians were still in ambush; but Captain Ballard expecting it, approached them in a different direction, so as to disconcert their plans. IHe attacked them with a brisk fire, and Captain Garrard immediately ordered a charge, on which they fled in every direction, leaving trails of blood from their killed and wounded. These Indians were the advance of an army destined to attack Fort Wayne, consisting of 200 regulars under Major Muir, with four pieces of artillery, and about 1000 Indians, commanded by Elliott. They had brought their baggage and artillery by water to old Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, where they had left their boats and were advancing up the south side of the Maumee towards Fort Wayne. Upon the approach of Winchester, they threw their cannon into the river, together with'their fixed ammunition, and retreated in great haste. Gen. Winchester did not pursue them. And thus the original plan of the British authorities, at Detroit and Malden, to take the posts of Forts Wayne and Harrison, then to give them up to massacre, and to turn about 1500 Indians loose upon the frontier, to kill and lay waste, had now come to defeat. CHAPTER XIX. Again upon the march,'mid scenes of renownOn, withlheroic valor, to bloody Frenchtown, Where brave ALTLSEN fell. Situlition of Fort -Iarrison0-The stratagemi for its capture-lThe Indians, ien, womeIn, and children, gathered there in large numbers-They. ask for food, and desire to be admitted into the fort-One of the block-houses fired-The Ind'ians open fire upon the fort-A critical moment-Two men, of the fort, scale the picketing-One of thenm killed, th.e other wounded-Retreat of lhe Indians-The garrison repaired -Captain Taylor prepares for a siege Scare -y of food-A messenger succeeds in passing the Indian lines at night —Capt. T ylor breveted for his bravery-His force but 50 men-Force of the Indians large-The Indians exasperated at their defeat,-They leave the locality of Fort Harrison for the " Pigeon-Roost settlemenet "-Twvo men killed rwen wthin two miles of the settlement —lTh'e settlement iurprised- the massacre —23 men, women, and children killed in a few minutes -A few only make their escape-The alarm given by thiose nmaking their escapeA party reaches the scene of the massacre-The buildings burned, and the bodies mainly consumed by the flimes-Burial, in one grave, of the remains-Trail of the Indians —Dangers and sufferings of the pioneers-Zebulun Collings' accountRegimlents of Kentlucky-Recruits of the regular army ordered to the frontierTransportation of supplies —report of General Harrison —A movement against the Britisl —Logari, the Shawanell half-breed, sent to take observaitions-He and his party overpowered-Their retreat to the canmp of Gen. Winchester-Logall suspeeted of being in complictity with the enemy-Logan's feelings greatly wounded-He resolves to prove himself truie-Logan and lhis attendants move again-'" A prisoner or a scalp "-They meet a superior party-SStratagem of Logan —A (ietachmtent sent against the Indians on the Mississiniwsa —A sharp encounter-Loss and flight of the Indians —Tecumseh in the region —Return of the detachmentPrivations of the armty-The government and people restless —Advance of Gen. Winchester-Movement of troops under Lewis and Allen upon Frenchtown-The B]ritish preparle for an att;ack-Their advance and attack —The Americans overpowered —Terrible slaugohter'-Ferocity and barbarity of the Indians-Capture of' Gen. Winchester-Bravery and death of Col. John Allen-Great valor of Majors Graves and Madison —''heir refusal to surrender to Gen. Proctor-Horrible slaughter of the wounded bvythe Indians —Many burned alive —Movements of General Harrison for the relief of the sufferers at Frenchtoywn-Confinement of Gen. Winchester, Col. Lewis, and Major Madison at Quebec-Sad feeling of the country at the disaster of Frenchtown —Renewed efforts, and heavy reinforcements to the army of Harrison. - -- - (9[,g HILE the garrison here is on the look-out for t.e wily j1' ] foe that had now begun to prowl about again, occasionally o visiting the fort in the guise of friendship, and the north-'"' western troops are engaged in active preparations for an advance on Detroit, the attention of the reader is turned again DEF1NSE' OF F0 FOT HARRISoN. 233 in the direction of' the Wabash and Fort Harrison. Capt. Zachary Tlaylor was in command of this fort at this period. Sratagem, to the time of the siege here, had well-nigh assumed an epidemical form. with the different tribes. It was an ancient artifice. It had often been resolrted to as'a means'of success, and seldom failed in its operations, if cautiously engineered. Occasionally, however, a Gladwyn, a Harrison, or a Johnson was met byI the Indians, in their purposes and plans, and then, after a desperate effort, they usually came to defeat. On the 3d of September, a body of Winnebagoes and Kickapoos, men, women, aind children, had gathered about Fort Harrison, and desired, as on many sihmlar occasions, at other points, to be admitted into the fort, with the pretense of holding a council-insisting, also, that they were greatly in need of food. Two men having been killed on the 2d, Capt. Taylor at once suspected their designs, and giving them something to eat, refused to adnilt them. But this didl not suffice. They continued to loiter about the fort, still insisting. upon their friendship. On the night of the 4th, tleir designs were made fully manifest. Setting fire to one of the block-houses, a large number of warriors, who had been concealed near by, now opened a brisk fire upon the fort, which was readily returned by the garrison. Several desperate charges were imade by the Indians, in which an efiort was made to fire the fort in several places, and then to enter by the breach; but they were bravely repulsed and entirely defeated at every side. "So critical and alarming. was'the situation of the garrison," says M'Afee, " that two of the men jumped over the picketing, preferring the chance of escape through the ranks of the enemy, to the pros)ect' of being burnt or massacred in the fort; one of whom was killed, and the other retreated back to the walls of the fort after being wounded, and concealed himself behind some old barrels till the next morning, when the Indians retreated, though still hovering about within view of the fort for seven or eight days afterwards." The garrison was, now repaired and.strengthened, and Captain Taylor prepared himself for a regular siege. The. destruction of the block-house, in which were stored the provisions of the fort, was severly felt, as it exposed the men to the rigors of hunger in the lack of food. During the siege but three men had been killed, and about that number wounded. A small amount of corn, raised near the fort, was their only reliance for food for several days; while an effort to dispatch a messenger to Vincennes seemed out of the question, until, at length, a messenger succeeded in passing the Indian encampment at night. For his valiant conduct in defending the fort, Captain Taylor received much praise, and was therefob soon after breveted a major. His force in the garrison cdid not exceed -fifty men, many of whom were sick. The force of the enemy wras quite large, comprising 234 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. about all the Indians that could, at that time, be collected in that part of the counitry. Greatly perplexed and exasperated at their failure, a large part of the Indians engaged against Fort Harrison, now soon started for a little settlement, known as ".the Pigeon Roost settlement," at the fork of White river, in what is now Scott county, in this State. This settlement was founded in 1809; embraced an.opening of about one square mile, and was,about five miles distant from any other settlement. When within about two miles of the settlement, the Indians discovered two men of the same, who were hunting bee trees. These were killed, and then moving forward to the settlement, they surprised and massacred, in a few moments, twenty-three men, women, and children, a few only succeeding in making their escape. "The children," says M'Afee, "had their brains knocked out against trees,? etc. A large party now soon collected, and repaired to the scene of the massacres where the bodies, many of them partially constimed in the flames of the ruined buildings, were collected together, and buried in one grave. Many of the Indians engaged in this massacre, were Shawanoes, and their trail was followed for several miles, in the direction of the Delaware towns, at the head of White river, but without success. A Mr. Zebulun Collings, who resided about six miles from the Pigeon-Roost settlement, thus relates the dangers and vicissitudes under which he proscuted his farm labors, and lived from day, to day during much of those early times, which will doubtless also serve as an example of the hardships and dangers of most of the pioneers of those early days. Sayshe: "The manner in which I used to work, in those perilous tines, was as follows: On all occasions I carried my rifle,' tomahawk, and butcher-knife, with a loaded pistol in my belt. When I went to plow, 1 laid my gun on the plowed ground, and stuck up a stick by it, for a mark, so that I could get it quick in case it was wanted. I had two good'dogs. I took one into the house, leaving the other out. The one outside was expected to give the alarm, which would cause the one inside to bark, by which I would be awakened, having my arms always loaded. I kept my horses in a stable, close to the house, having a port-hole, so that I could shoot to the stable door. During two years I never went from home with any certainty of returning -not knowing the minute I might receive a ball from an' iiiknown hand; but in the midst of all these dangers, that God who never sleeps nor slumbers, has kept me." The regiments of Colonels Wilcox, Miller, and Barbour, of the Kentucky militia, were now on their march to Vincennes, but they did not arrive in time to meet the Indians at Fort Harrison. Col. Russell being advised of its -critical situation, collected some companies of rangers and Indiana militia, and, by forced marches, arrived there on the 13th, to the great joy of the garrison, who were TRANSPORTATION OF SUPPLIES. 235 in a starving condition. Several wagons with provisions were now ordered up to the fort, under an escort of 13 men, commanded by lieutenant Fairbanks, of the regulars. After Colonel Russell had met and passed this party on his return, they were surprised and literally cut to pieces by the Indians, two or three only escaping. Major f'Gary, with a battalion of Colonel Barbour's regiment, was at the same time on his way with provisions for the garrison; and being reinforced with some companies of RIussell's rangers, they arrived in safety at the fort, having buried the mangled remains of the regulars on their way.:In the Illinois and Missouri Territories, depredations had also been committed by the Indians. Governor Edwards, of the Illinois Territory, had been very attentive to these matters. He had sent spies into the Indian country, by whom he had ascertained, that they were greatly elated with their success and the prospect of driving the white people over the Ohio rive', and were determined to carry on a desperate war against the frontiers in the month of September. To meet the emergency, he had called, under authority fiom the war department, on the governor of Kentucky for a regiment of men; and Colonel Barbour's regiment had been ordered by Governor Shelby to march to Kaskaskia; but General Gibson, the acting governor of Indiana, ordered it to Vincennes when Fort Harrison was in danger, conceiving that he was authorized to take such a step, as the lieutenant of Governor Harrison, who was commander-in-chief of all the forces in those Territories. Governor Edwards, though deprived of this aid, made vigorous exertions to defend his settlement. He embodied a portion of the militia, which he held in readiness to act whenever danger might present. Several companies of rangers were also encamped on the Mississippi, above St. Louis, and on the Illinois river. These troops served to keep the savages in check in those regions.* General I-Iarrison continued his headquarters at Franklinton and Delaware, for the most part employing himself in the superintendence of supplies, and early in October he ordered "' all the recruits of the regular army in the western States to be marched to the frontiers. For several months the army was now chiefly engaged in the transportation of supplies over the different routes they had, or were sooner or laerrto, march. In this relation many difficulties arose, which were most fully set forth by General Harrison at the time, in his report' to the President and war department. On the 22d of October, he said:'" I am not able to fix any period for the advance of the troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident, that it cannot be done, on proper principle, until the frost shall become so severe as to enable us to: use the rivers and the margin of the lake, for the transportation of the baggage on the ice. To: get supplies forward, through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles, in wagons or on packhorses, which are to carry their own provis*'Afee. 2836 H-'ISTORY OF FOuT WAYNE. ions, is absolutly impossible." The object, said he, "can be accomplished by using the margin of the lake as above mentioned, if the troops are provided with warm clothing, and the winter is such as it commonly is in this climate." "No species of supplies are calculated on being found in the Michigan Territory. The farms upon the river Raisin, which might have afforded a quantity of forage, are nearly all broken up and destroyed. This article, then, as well as the provisions for the men, is to be taken from this State -a circumstance which must at once put to rest every idea for a land conveyance at this season-since it would require at least two wagons with forage, for each one that is loaded with provisions and other articles." The most important events,, of a military character, that had transpired, up to the 22d of November, were a somewhat success1hl, though perilous movement upon a party of British and Indians at the Rapids, by a small body of troops under General Tupper, wherein the former were mainly put to flight, but after the retreat of the British and many of the Indians,-a few of Tupper's men having unthoughtedly given chase to a number of hogs for a distance of half a mile from the main body,-four of them were killed by the Indians. The British and Indians now fell back upon the river Raisin. Soon after this movement, Capt. James Logan, the faithful Shawanoe chief, mentioned in a previous chapter, in connection with thelarrny in its efforts to succor the fort here, in the early part of September, by orders from General Harrison, had proceeded with a small number of his tribe, to make observations in the direction of the Rapids. Having met and been closely pursued by a superior force, when near that point, he and his men -were obliged to disperse and retreat; and Logan, with but two of his comradesCapt. John and Bright-Horn-succeeded in reaching the camp of Gen. Winchester, where he faithfully recounted what had occurred. There were some persons in the camp, however, who suspected him of having been in complicity with the enemy, and so intimated, greatly to the displeasure and mortification of Logan, who at once determined to refute the charge by a still further manifestation of his fidelity to the American cause. Accordingly, on the 22d of November, accompanied by Capt. John and Bright-Horn, he started a second time in the direction of the Rapids, resolved to bring in a prisoner or a scalp. Having proceeded down the north side of the Maumee, about ten miles, theymet with a British officer, the eldest son of Col. Elliott, and five Indians.' Four of them being on horseback, and too strong for them, and having no chance of escape, Logan at once determined to pass them under the pretense of friendship and a desire to communicate to the British certain information. With this determination, they confidently advanced to the party, one of whom proved to be Winnemac, the Pottawattamie chief, with whom the reader DEATH OF LOGAN, THE SHAWANOE GUIDE AND SPY. 237 is already familiar, who unfortunately knew Logan well, and was fully aware of his regard for and adherance to the Ameriean cause. But, nevertheless, Logan persisted in his first course, telling them he was on his way to communicate with the British. After a conversation of some time with them, they moved toward the British lines, whereupon Winnemac and his companions turned and followed them, desiring to accompany them thither. As they traveled on together, says M'Afee, Winnemac and his party closely watched the others, and when they had proceeded about eight miles, he proposed to the British officer to seize and tie them. The officer replied that they were completely in his power; that if they attempted to run, they could be shot; or failing in that, the horses could easily run them down. This consultation was overheard by Logan; he had previously intended to go on peaceably till night, and then make his escape; but he now formed the bold design of extricating himself by a combat with double his number. Having signified his resolution to his men, he commenced the attack by shooting down Winnemac himself. The action lasted till they had fired three rounds apiece, during which time, Logan and his brave companions drove the enemy some distance, and separated them from their horses. By the first fire, both Winnemac and Elliott fell; by the second a young Ottawa chief lost his life; and another of the enemy was mortally wounded about the conclusion of the combat, at which time Logan himself, as he was stooping down, received a ball just below the breast bone; it ranged downwards and lodged under the skin on his back. In the mean time, Bright-Horn was also wounded, by a ball which passed through his thigh. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat; himself and Bright-Horn, wounded as they were, jumped on the horses of the enemy and rode to Winchester's camp,:a distance of twenty miles in five hours. Captain John, after taking the scalp of the Ottawa chief, also retreated in safety and arrived at the camp next morning. Logan had now rescued his character, as a brave and faithful soldier, from the obloquy which had unjustly been thrown upon him. But he preserved his honor at the expense of the next best gift of Heaven-his life. HIis wound proved mortal. He lived two days in agony, which he bore with uncommon fortitude, and died with the utmost composure and resignation. " More firmness and consummate bravery has seldom appeared on the military theatre," said Winchester, in his letter to the commanding general. He was buried with all the honors due to his rank, and with sorrow as sincerely and generally displayed, as I ever witnessed," said Major Hardin, in a letter to Governor Shelby. His physiognomy was formed on the best model, and exhibited the strongest marks of courage, intelligence, good humor and sincerity. It was said by the Indians, that the British had offered one hundred and fifty dollars for his scalp. He had been very serviceable to our 238 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. cause by acting as a guide and spy. He had gone with General Hull to Detroit, and with the first Kentucky troops, who marched to the relief of Fort Wayne. Captain Logan, it will be remembered; had been taken prisoner by General Logan, of Kentucky, in the year 1786, when he was a youth. Before the treaty of Greenville, he had distinguished himself as a warrior, though still very young. His mother was a sister to the celebrated Tecumseh and the Prophet. He stated, that, in the summer preceding his death, he had talked one whole night with Tecumseh, and endeavored to persuade him to remain at peace, while Tecumseh, on the contrary, endeavored to engage him in the war on the side of the British. His wife, when she was young, had also been taken prisoner by Colonel Hardin, in 1789, and had remained in the family till the treaty of Greenville. In the army he had formed an attachment for Major Hardin, the son of the colonel, and son-in-law of General Logan, and now requested him to see that the money due for his services was. faithfully paid to his family. He also requested, that his family might be removed immediately to Kentucky, and his children educated and brought up in the manner of the white people. He observed that he had killed a'great chief; that the hostile Indians knew where his family lived, and that when he was gone, a few base fellows might creep up and destroy them. Major Hardin having promised to do everything in his power to have the wishes of his friend fulfilled, immediately obtained permission from the general to proceed with Logan's little corps of Indians to the village of Wapoghconata,where his family resided. When they came near the village, the scalp of the Ottawa chief was tied to a pole, to be carried in triumph to the council house; and Captain John, when they came in sight of the town; ordered the guns of the party to be fired in quick succession, on account of the death of Logan. A council of the chiefs were presently held, in which, after consulting two or three days, they decided against sending the family of their departed hero to Kentucky. They appeared however to be fully sensible of' the loss they had sustained, and were sincerely grieved for his death. About the time that Tupper's expedition to the Rapids was in execution, General Harrison determined to send an expedition of horsemen against the Miamies, assembled in the towns on the Mississiniwa river, a branch of the Wabash. A deputation of chiefs from those: Indians met General Harrison at St. Mary's, early in October, and sued for peace-they agreed to abide by tle decision of the President, and in the meantime to send in five chiefs to be held as hostages. The President replied to the communication of the general on this subject, that, as the disposition of the several tribes would be known best by himself, he must treat them as their co'nduct and the public interest might in his judgment, require. The hostages were never sent in, and further information of their in I[MOVEMENTS ON THE MISSISSIN1WA. 239 tended hostility was obtained. At the time of their peace mission, they were alarmed by the successful movements which had been made against other tribes from Fort Wayne, and by the formidable expedition which was penetrating their country under General Hopkins. But the failure of that expedition was soon afterwards known to them, and they determined to continue hostile. A white man by the name of William Connor, who had resided many years with the Delawares, and had a wife among them,.but who was firmly attached to the American cause in this war, was sent to the towns to watch the movements of the Miamies. He visited the villages on the Mississiniwa river, and was present at several of their councils. The question of war with the United States and union with the British was warmly debated, and there was much division among the chiefs, but the war party at last prevailed. The presence and intrigues of Tecumseh, and afterwards the retreat of General Hopkins, rendered them nearly unanimous for war. To avert the evils of their hostility, was the object'of the expedition against Mississiniwa. Said Harrison: " The situation of this town, as it regards one line of operations, even if the hostility of the inhabitants was less equivocal: would render a measure of this kind highly proper; but from the circumstance of General -opkin's failure, it becomes indispensable. Relieved from the fears excited by the invasiohi of their country, the Indians from the upper part of the Illinois river, and to the south of Lake Michigan, will direct all their efforts against Fort Wayne and' the convoys which are to follow the left wing of the army. Mississiniwa will be their rendezvous, where they will receive provisions and every assistance they may require for any hostile enterprise. From that place they can, by their runners, ascertain the period at which every convoy may set out from St. Mary's, and with certainty intercept it on its way to-the Miami (Maumee) Rapids. But that place being broken uip, and theprovisions destroyed, there will be nothing to subsist any body of Indians, nearer than the Potawatamie towns on the waters of the St. Josephs of the Lake." This detachment numbtered about six hundred mounted men, armed with rifles. They left Franklinton on the 25th of November, by way of Dayton and Greenville; and reached the Indian towns on the Mississiniwa towards the middle of December, "suffering much With the cold. In a rapid charge upon the first village, eight warriors were.killed, and' forty-two taken prisoners, consisting0 of men, women and children.' About half an hour before'day; the morning following this charge, the detachment was attacked by the nidians, and after a sha rp but short encounter, with a loss of eight killed, and forty-eight wounded, several of whom afterwards died, the enemy, despairing of success, fled p'recipitately, with a heavy loss. Learning from a prisoner, that Tecumseh was within eighteen miles of them, with a body of six hundred warriors, with the numn 240 HISTORY OF FORT WATYE. her of wounded then to be cared for, it was deemed advisable to return, and the detachment, having previously destroyed the towns they had approached, together with all the property therein, started upon their return march, and reached Dayton during the early part of January. "The good effect;,of the expedition was soon felt," says M'Afee. It let us distinctly know who were our friends and who were our enemies. amono the Indians." The winter being, severe, and unfavorable to transportation, the army suffered many privations for the want of a sufficiency of provisions and clothing. Though General Harrison had repeatedly presented the many difficulties attendant upon' a movement, at this period, against Detroit and other points, the government and people were yet restless, and a continued anxiety was manifest for a forward march against the British. On the 10th of January, 1813, General Winchester, having previously received orders to advance towards the British lines, reached the RIapids, preceded by a detachment of six hundred and seventy men, under General Payne, who had been ordered to attack a party of Indians gathered in an old fortification at Swan Creek. A. large stone house was now built within the encampment, at the Rapids, to secure the provisions and, baggage. A considerable quantity of corn was also gathered.in the fields, and apparatus for pounding and sifting it being made, it suppplied the troops with very wholesome bread.* It now soon became apparent that an attack was meditated by the British upon the forces under Winchester, they having heard, through some Indians, of the advance of the army, On the morning of the 17th, General Winchester detached Col. Lewis, with five hundred and fifty men, for the river Raisin; and a few hours later, Lewis' detachment was followed by one hundred and ten more under Col. Allen. On the morning:of this day Gen. Winchester also sent a message to General Hatrison, acquainting him with the movements made, and desiring a reiniorcement, in case of opposition in an effort to possess and hold Frenchtown.t With this express was also sent word that four hundred Indians were at the river Raisin, and that Elliott was expected from Mailden, with a detachment destined to attack the camp at the Rapids. Early on the morning of the 19th, the messenger reached and acquainted General Harrison with the word sent by General WinFhester upon which he ordered another detachment to proceed at once to the Rapids, withwhich he also proceeded, whither he arrived on the morning of the 20th. In the meantime, on the 18th, the troops underLewis and Allen, who had proceeded towards the river Raisin, with a view of occuM'Afee. t Which was situated between Presque'lsle and Malden. ENGAGEMENT AT FRENCHTOWN, AND DEATH OF COL. ALLEN. 241 pying Frenchtown, had been attacked by the enemy, who were driven back with considerable loss, leaving the town in the possession of Allen and Lewis' troops. This movement was soon communicated to Gen. Winchester, at the Rapids, who at once set out, with a small body of men, for the relief of the forces at Frenchtown, and arrived at the river Raisin on the 20th. The British, from Malden, were now preparing to renew the attack of the 18th, and, on the night of the 21st, had advanced, unobserved, to a point very near the lines of Lewis and Allen's forces, who had, since the former engagement, been joined by Gen. Winchester, with two hundred and fifty men. Early on the morning of the 22d, the British, with a large body of Indians, having approached within about three hundred yards of the American lines, began to open a heavy charge of cannon and musketry upon them, and soon succeeded in nearly surrounding them. The Americans fought bravely, but were soon overpowered, and an indiscriminate slaughter was begun by the Indians. In their confusion and dismay," the Americans " attempted to pass a long narrow lane, through which the road passed.firon the village. The Indians were on both sides, and shot them down in every direction. A large party, which had gained the wood, on the right, were surrounded and massacred without distinction, nearly one hundred men being tomahawked within the distance of one hundred yards. The most horrible destruction overwhelmed the fugitives in every direction. " Captain Simpson was shot and tomahawked at the edge of the woods, near the mouth of the lane. COLONEL ALLEN,* though wounded in his thigh, attempted to rally his men several times, entreating them to halt and sell their lives as dearly as possible. He had escaped about two miles, when, at length, wearied and exhausted, snd disdaining perhaps to survive the defeat, he sat down on a log, determined to meet his fate. An Indian chief, observing him to be an officer of distinction, was anxious to take him prisoner. As soon as he came near the Colonel, he threw his gun across his lap, and told him in the Indian language to surrender, and he should be safe. Another savage having, at the same time, advanced with a hostile appearance, Colonel ALLEN, by one stroke with his sword, laid him dead at his feet. A third Indian, who was near him, had then the honor of shooting one of the first and greatest citizens of Kentucky. Captain AMead, of the regular army, who had fought by the side of Colonel Daveiss, when he fell in the battle of Tippecanoe, was killed where the action commenced. Finding that the situation of the corps was rendered despeiate by the approach of the enemy, he gave orders to his men-" My brave f'llows,' (cried he,) " charge upon them;" and a moment afterwards he was no more. eMentioned in a preceding chapter as the person after wholm Allen County was named. (16) 242 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. " A party with Lieutenant Garrett, consisting of fifteen or twenty men, after retreating about a mile and a half, were compelled to surrender, and were then all massacred, but the lieutenant himself. Another party of about thirty men had escaped near three miles, when they were overtaken by the savages, and having surrendered, about one-half of them were shot and tomahawked. In short, the greater part of those who were ih the retreat) fell a sacrifice to the fury of the Indians. The snow was so deep, and the cold so intense, that they were soon exhausted, and unable to elude their pursuers. Gen. Winchester and Colonel Lewis, with a few more, were captured at a bridge, about three-quarters of a mile from the village. Their coats being taken from them, they were carried back to the British lines, where Colonel Proctor commanded."* A small party, under Majors Graves and Madison, having placed themselves behind some picketing, where they maintained their position and fought bravely, until an order, reported as coming from General Winchester, was brought by Proctor, who was accompanied by one of his aids, desiring them to surrender. Major Madison remarked " that it had been customary for the Indians to massacre the wounded and prisoners after a surrender, and that he would not agree to any capitulation, which General Winchester might direct, unless the safety and protection of his men were stipulated." To which Proctor replied:'" Sir, do you mean to dictate to me?" "No," said Madlison; "1 mean to dictate for myself, and we prefer selling our lives as dearly as possible, rather than be massacred in cold blood." Terms, embodying positive protection to all, having at length been agreed upon, Madison surrendered, and his party reached Maiden in safety. But the Indians soon returned to the scene of disaster, and began an unmerciful slaughter of the wounded, stripping them, and even setting fire to the houses in which many of them were sheltered, burning them with the buildings. About 300 Americans were in this way and in the struggle that preceded the burning of the bodies, killed, and 547 taken prisoners. Such was the sad fate of this expedition. Suoh was the merciless spirit of British warfare at this period of our history. And the unwillingness of the troops to advance from Fort Wayne at the announcement of a change of general commanders, after the rescue of the garrison here from the wily efforts of the besiegers, would have seemed to have foreshadowed the terrible result of the engagement of Frenchtown. General Harrison, on the morning of the 22d, (the news of Winchester's attack having reached him at the Rapids,) ordered Perkin's brigade to proceed to his relief, and soon followed himself, in the rear of some reinforcements under Payne, which he is said to have soon overtaken. But they had not proceeded far, when they were eet by some men from the scene of defeat, who readily told -M''Afe. EFFECTS OF THE DEFEAT OF FRENCETOWN. 243 the sad story of the fate that had befallen their comrades in arms. But General Harrison was only nerved to push on with greater speed. Soon again, however, after proceeding some distance towards the scene of disaster, another party was met, and, after a council as to the wisdom and safety of proceeding further, it was deemed proper to venture no nearer the scene of conflict and disaster, feeing assured that no succor could be rendered the victims of the furious red men and merciless British opponents-that a further advancement would only tend to furnish more material for massacre and defeat; and so the main body returned to the Rapids. General Winchester, Colonel Lewis, and Major MIadison, were finally sent to Quebec, where, and at Beaufort, they were'confined till the spring of 1814. The gloom that had spread over the country at the receipt of the news of the sad disaster to the flower of the Kentucky troops at Frenchtown, was indeed great; but the people soon rallied agaiun and it was not long till large reinforcements began to swell the ranks of the regular army for a determined and vigorous effort for the overthrow of British rule and future safety from Indian atrocities.'Z ava CHAPTtER XX. "Upward, onward, in the battle,'Never resting, never weary, Till victory crowns the fight." Situation of affairs after the slaughter of Frenchtown-Heavy draft on Kentucet-. Efforts of the British-The importance of placing the Kentucky militia at Fort'Wayne —The British commander determines to march the American army to Montreal-Advance of the British and Indians on Fort Meigs-The British again occupy old Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids —Indians invest the American camp-Gen. Harrison's address-.Bombaldment of Fort Meigs by the British — Efforts of Tecumseh and the Prophet —Futher movements of the British-Their batteries silenced by the Americans —Reinforcements under Gen. Green Clay —Order to Gen. Clay, and its execution —.Capture of Fort Miami —The Americans overpowered, and many captured and killed —Orders not obeyed, and disaster the result-Removal of American prisoners-Success of Gen. D)earborn at Fort George, and evacuation of old Fort Miami by the British-Indians dissatisfied. ~il FTER the terrible slaughter of Frenchtown, but little of great importance occurred until the latter part of April, 1813. On ~,pthe 16th of February, of this year, the Governor of Kentucky, "-' in compliance with a law that had been recently passed in that State, had ordered a draft of three thousand men, to be organized into four regiments, under Colonels Dudley, Boswell, Cox, and Caldwell, under the command of General Green Clay. As the season advanced, it became evident that the British would soon make an attack on the American lines at Fort Meigs; and this was made the more certain from the fact that the enemy had recently learned the situation of affairs in the American army from a prisoner they had ta.ken. This condition of affairs being communicated to the war department, " the propriety of calling out the balance of the Kentucky draft, to be placed at Fort Wayne to keep the Indians in check, was pressed on the attention of the government.7?* Both the American and British armies now soon became active in their movements against each other; and the British commander made bold to assert that he would march the northwestern army, under Gen. tHarrisol, to Montreal by the first of June.'i.'Afee. INVESTMENT OF FORT MEIGS BY THE BRITISH AND INDIANS. 145 During the latter part of the month of April,the British had often been seen, in small bodies, near Fort Meigs, by scouts sent out by the commanding-general; and on the 26th of April, the enemy's advance was observed at the mouth of the bay, within a few miles of Fort Meigs. On the 28th of April, as Captain Hamilton was descending the Maumee, with a small reconnoitering party, he beheld the whole force of the British and Indians approaching within a few miles of the fort. The British now soon drew up at old Fort Miami, just below the scene of Wayne's engagement with the Indians, in 1794, on the opposite side of the river, nearly fronting Fort Meigs, and began at once to land and mount their guns, the Indians being at once removed to the south-west side of the river, where they readily began to invest the American camp-yelling and firing their muskets. General Harrison was now most attentive and energetic in his efforts; and on the following morning, he addressed the troops in language and feeling which had the effect to inspire all under him with the largest courage and determination. Said he: " Can the citizens of a free country, who have taken arms to defend its rights, think of submitting to an army composed of mercenary soldiers, reluctant Canadians, goaded to the field by the bayonet, and of wretched, naked savages? Can the breast of an American soldier, when he casts his eyes to the opposite shore, the scene of his country's triumphs over the same foe, be influenced by any other feelings than the hope of glory? Is not this army composed of the same materials with that which fought and conquered under the immortal Wayne? Yes, fellow-soldiers, your general sees your countenances beam with the same fire that he witnessed on that glorious occasion; and although it would be the height of presumption to compare himself to that hero, he boasts of being that hero's pupil. To your posts, then, fellow-citizens, and remember that the eyes of your country are upon you." About the first of May, the British having completed their batterteries, they commenced a heavy cannonading against fort Meigs, which was continued for five days, with but little effect. The American batteries returned the fire with good effect, but with no great amount of energy, not wishing to waste their balls and amunition. Tecumseh and the Prophet, with a body of some six hundred Indians, since the fatal affair of Frenchtown, (Tecumseh not having been present at that engagement) had joined the British, and were now most active in their efforts against the Americans. About the time of the opening of the British batteries, General HI-arrison had expected a reinforcement under General Green Clay; and when the movements of the British became fully apparent, Captain Oliver, accompanied by a.white man and an Indian, was sent as a messenger to General Clay, with letters also for the Governors of Ohio and Kentucky. 246 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. Fears had been entertained that the enemy would at length make an effort to gain a nearer approach to the fort, from the opposite side of the river, and there erect a battery; which soon became evident, and on the 3d, three field pieces and a howitzer were opened upon the American camp from a clump of bushes on the left, but were soon hushed by a few eighteen pounders from the American batteries. Changing their position, their batteries were again opened upon the American camp. but with an air of mistrust and with but little effect. Says Colonel Wood, of the American forces:'4 With a plenty of ammunition, we should have been able to have blown John Bull almost from the lMiami (Maumee.)' *' It was extremely diverting to see with what plea sure and delight the Indians would yell, whenever in their opinion considerable damage was done in camp by the bursting of a shell. Their hanging about the camp, and occasionally coming pretty near, kept our lines almost constantly in a blaze of fire; for nothing can please a Kentuckian better than to get a shot at an Indian-r-iand he must be indulged." With a reinforcement of some twelve hundred Kentuckians, General Clay soon drew. near. Captain Oliver had met him at Fort Winchester. General Harrison immediately sent an order to General Clay, which wvas delivered by Captain Hamilton, requesting him to detach " about 800 men fiom his brigade, and to land them at a point he would direct, about a mile, or a mile and a half above camp Meigs. I will then conduct the detachment," continues General Harrison, in this order,' to the British batteries on the left bank of the river. The batteries must be taken, the cannon spiked, and carriages cut down and the troops must then return to their boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of your men," said he, " miust land on the fort side of the river, opposite the first landing, and light their way into the irt (Miami) through the Indians." This order was readily complied with.' Colonel Dudley being the oldest Colonel, led the van. As soon as Captain HIamilton had delivered the orders, General Clay, who was in the thirteenth boat from the front, directed him to go to Colonel Dudley, with orders to take the twelve front boats and execute the plans of General H-arrison on the left bank, and to post the subaltern with the canoe on the right bank, as a beacon for his landing.'" Though somewhat " marred in the execution," yet the plans of General Harrison proved'a success; and after some effort, with skillful manceuvering, the point of attack was,gained, and the British flag cut down, to the infinite delight of the troops in the American garrison above. General Harrison, who had been watching, with great concern, through his spy-glass, from a battery n'ext to the river, the movements of the troops in the execution of this order, had discovered the enemy approaching the fort below (Miami) by a route that M'Afee. RE-CAPTURE OF FORT MIAMI, BY THE BRITISH. 247 would enable them to surprise the men under Dudley; and at once began to make signs for them to retreat to their boats, but without success. The General finally sent a messenger to warn them of their danger. Lieutenant Campbell undertook the mission; but he could not reach them in time. A party of Indians had fired upon the spies sent out, who were soon reinforced, by command of Colonel Dudley. Many of the men rushed rapidly forward in pursuit of'the Indians. The left column still holding their position, were now soon encountered by the British artillerists, largely reinforced, who overpowered the Americans, capturing some at the battery, while others fled to the boats. The Indians had also been reinforced, and began their usual work of tomahawking, etc, The greater part of the men were captured by the Indians or surrendered to the British. Colonel Dudley had received a wound, and was finally tomahawked by the savages. The number:that escaped and regained the fort was less than two hundred. Had orders been strictly obeyed, which was not tho case, says M'Afee, "the day would certainly have been an important one for the country." " The prisoners," says Colonel Wood, "were taken down to headquarters, put into fort Miami, and the Indians permitted to garnish the surrounding rampart, and to amuse themselves by, loading and firing at the crowd, or at any particular individual. Those who preferred to inflict a still more cruel and savage death, selected their victims, led them to the gateway, and there zunder the eye /f general 7Prootor, and in the'presence of the whole British army, tomahawked and scalped them n' For about two hours these acts of unmitigated ferocity and barbarity to prisoners of war was permitted and continued; during which time, upwards of twenty prisoners, defenseless and confined, were massacred in the presence of the magnanimomus Britons, to whom they had surrendered, and by the allies, too, with whom those Britons had voluntarily associated themselves, knowing and. encouraging their mode of warfare. The chiefs, at the same time, were holding a council on the fate of the prisoners, in which the Pottawattamies, who were painted black, were for killing the whole, and by their warriors the murders were perpetrated. The Miamies and Wyandotts were on the side of humanity, and opposed the wishes of the others. The dispute between them had become serious, when Colonel Elliott and Tecumseh came down from the batteries to the scene of carnage. As soon as Tecumsel beheld it, he flourished his sword, and in a loud voice ordered them'for shame to desist. It is a disgrace,' said he,'to kill a defenseless prisoner.' His orders were obeved, to the great joy of the prisoners, who had by this time lost all hopes of being preserved. In this single act, Tecumseh displayed more humanity, magnanimity, and civilization than Proctor, with all his British associates in command, displayed through the whole war on the northwestern frontiers."* *M'Afee. '248 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNS. Retaining the prisoners in this place till pight, many of the wounded for hours experiencing " the most excruciating torments," they were placed in " the British boats and carried down the river to the brig Hunter, and a schooner, where several hundred of them were stowed away in the hold of the brig, and kept there for two days and nights. Their sufferings in this situation," says Colonel M'Afee," are not to be described by me: I leave them to be imagined by those who can feel for the wrongs of their country." Being finally liberated on parole, however, these prisoners were "landed at the mouth of Huron river, below the Sandusky bay." At the conclusion of the disasterous movement at Fort Miami, but little of interest occurred while the British continued the siege; and having soon learned of the capture of Fort George, by General Dearborn, the British commander, on the 9th of May, evacuated the old Fort at the foot of the Rapids. Alarm had not only taken sudden possession of the Bridish on receipt of the capture of Fort George, but the Indians, too, had snuffed the air of defeat, and had become much disaffected by the movements and success of the Americans against their British father; and before the evacuation of Fort Miami had been fully'consummated, it was thought by many inthe American army that they had measurably left the British standard. The Prophet and his followers had been promised the Michigan Territory, and General Harrison was to be delivered up to Tecumseh. But all was now disaster to them, and their former hope of one day being able, by the aid of their British father, to drive the Americans beyond the Ohio, had vanished forever from their hearts. CHAPTER XXI. * A. # 5. * 5. "And has the West no story Of deathless deeds sublime? Go ask yon shining river." Movements at Fort Wayne —Plan of Richard M. Johnson —Communication of the Secretary of War to Gen. Harrison-Mounted volnnteers under Col. Johnson-His address-Ordered to proceed to Fort Wayne, and to scour the northwestern frontier -Demand for more troops-Johnson's regiment-Indian guides-Anthony Shane -Johnson's march to Fort Wayne-Boat fired upon by the Indians, near lthe Fort -Pursuit of the Indians-An expedition-Anticipated attack from the BritishHarrison's intervie w with the Indians-Movements towards Lower Sandusky-Reinvestment of Fort Meigs by the British and Indians-Surprise of a picket-guard -Depredations by the Indians-Movements of Tecumsehl-Heavy firing on the Sandusky road-Movements of the British-Council of war-Fort Stephenson — Bravery of the American troops-Valor of Major Croghan, and high appreciation of his course-A Wyandott scout. I URING much of the time since the transfer of the theatre of strife and siege from Fort Wayne to points below, along the Maumee and elsewhere, but little had occurred here of marked interest. The garrison had been watchful; the Indians had been active in the region, but their attention had mainly been called away by the action and command of their British father below and about the Rapids of the Maumee. The principal object of the expeditions against the Indians, from Fort Wayne and other points, as the reader will remember, was to destroy their provisions and means of subsistence, thereby effectually disabling them for renewed efforts in the following spring (1813); and Richard M. Johnson, who had witnessed the effect of these movements and the efficiency of the mounted riflemen, on his return to Congress, had laid before the war department a plan for a mounted expedition against the tribes, as already referred to, during the winter of 1812-'13. The good effects of the expeditions were stated by him to be: "Security to the northwestern frontiers from Fort Wayne to the Mississippi-to the convoys of provisions for the northwestern army, when its force was diminished in the spring, and the neutral 250 I-ISTORY OF FOET WAY\rNE. ity of the savages in future, from the powerful impression that would be made on their fears; that the winter season would be most favorable for the moveme-etenabling the horsemen, while snow was on the ground, and the leaves off the bushes, to hunt out and destroy the Indians prowling about." With this view, two regiments, consisting of about 1280 men, were proposed to be employed, which weie then considered sufficient to traverse the entire Indian country, from Fort Wayne to the lower end of, and beyond, Lake Michigan, by way of the Illinois river, back to the river Ohio, near Louisville, Ky.; and " to disperse and destroy all the tribes of Indians and their resources to be found within that compass." Colonel Johnson also presented this subject to the Governor of Kentucky; and, the same was finally submitted, by the Secretary of war, to General I-arrison, on the 26th of December, 1812. Said the Secretary, in this communication "The President has it in contemplation to set on foot an expedition from Kentucky of about 1000 mounted men, to pass by Fort Wayne, the lower end of lake Michigan, and round by the Illinois back to the Ohio near Louisville, for the purpose of scouring that country, destroying the provisions collected in the Indian villages, scourging the Indians themselves, and disabling them from interfering with your operatious. It is expected that this expedition will commence in February (1813); and it will terminate in a few weeks.. I give you the information, that you may take it into consideration in the estimate of those arrangements, you may find it necessary to make, for carrying into effect the objects of the government. I send you a copy of the proposed plan, on which I wish to hear from you without delay. You will particularly state, whether you can effect these objects in the manner which is suggested, by adequate portions of the force now in the field; and in that case, whether it will be better to suspend the movement of this force until the spring.." In the expedition under Colonel Campbell,. in the middle of the winter, to the towns on the Miissssinewa, as the reader4will remember, General Harrison had already anticipated the plan of Colonel Johnson. After having further considered the proposition of Colonel Johnson, General Harrison made the following reslonse: "I am sorry not to be able to agree with my friend, Colonel Johnson, upon the propriety of the contemplated mounted expedition. An expedition of this kind directed against a particular town. will probably succeed. The Indian towns cannot be surprised in siuccession, as they give the alarm from one to the other with nore rapidity than our troops can move. In the months of February, March, and April, the towns are all abandoned. The men are hunting, and the women and children, particularly to the north of the Wabash, are scattered about making sugar. The corn is in that season universally hid in small parcels in the earth, and could not be found. There are no considerable villages in that direction. RESPONSE OF GEN. HARRISON TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR. 251 Those that are there are composed of bark huts, which the Indians do not care for, and which during the winter are entirely empty. The detachment might pass through the whole extent of country to be scoured, without seeing an Indian, except at the first town they struck, and it is more than probable, that they would find it empty. But the expedition is impracticable to the extent proposed. The horses, if not the men, would perish. The horses that are now to be found, are not like those of the early settlers, and such as the Indians and traders now have. They have been accustomed to corn, and must have it. Colonel Campbell went but 70 or 80 miles from the frontiers, and the greater part of his horses could.scarcely be brought in. Such an expedition in the summer and fall would be highly advantageous, because the Indians are then at their towns, and their corn can be destroyed. An attack upona particular town in the winter, when the inhabitants are at it, as we know they are at Miissssinivway, and which is so near as to enable the detachment to reach it without killing their horses, is not only practicable, but if there is snow on the ground is perhaps the most favorable." These practical suggestions of the General were sufficient. The plan was abandoned, and " the attention of government was directed to the organization of a mounted corps for the spring; " and Colonel Johnson was " authorized to organize, and hold in readiness, a regiment of mounted volunteers-which he readily complied with, on his return to Kentucky, at the close of the session of Congress, and sodn moved towards the scene of action. Addressing his men, he said: " The regiment of mounted volunteers was organized under the authority of the war department, to await its call, or to meet any crisis which might involve the honor, the rights and the safety of the country. That crisis has arrived. Fort Meigs is attacked. The northwestern army is surrounded by the enemy, and under the command of general aarrison is nobly defending the cause of the country against a combined enemy, the British and Indians. Theywill maintain their ground till relieved. The intermediate garrisons are also in imminent danger, and may fall a bleeding sacrifice to savage cruelty, unless timely reinforced. The frontiers may be deluged in blood. The mounted regiment will present a shield to the defenseless; and united with the forces now marching, and the Ohio volunteers for the same purpose, will drive the enemy from our soil. Therefore on Thursday, the 20th of May, the regiment will rendezvous at the Great Crossings in Scott county, except the companies, &c., which will rendezvous on the 22d at Newport; at which place, the whole corps will draw arms, ammunition, &c." Calling upon General dHarrison, who, at this time, w-as at Cincinnati visiting his family, who then lived there, Colonel Johnson's regiment was accepted, and he was ordered by General Harrison to proceed immediately to Fort Wayne, to take command here and of 152 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. the posts on the Auglaize; also " to make incursions into the country of the Indians; to scour the northwestern frontiers; and, if possible, to cut off small parties who might infest the forts, or be marching from the Illinois and Wabash towards Malden and Detroit -never to remain at one place more than three days." An officer from each regiment was at once sent back to raise another body of men. The regiment under Johnson was composed as follows: R. AM. Johnson, Colonel; James Johnson, Lieutenant-colonel. First battalion-Duval Payne, Major; Robt. B. M'Afee,* Riichard Matison, Jacob Elliston, Benjamin Warfield, John Payne, (cavalry) Elijah Craig, Captains. Second battalion-David Thompson, Major; Jacob Stucker, Jas. Davidson, S. R. Combs, W. M. Price, James Coleman, captains. Staff-Jeremiah Kertly, Adjutant; 1. S. Chambers, Quartermaster; Samuel Theobalds, Judge-advocate; L. Dickinson, Sargeantmaj or. James Sugget, Chaplain and Major of the spies; L. Sandford, Quartermaster-sargeant; subsequently added, Dr. Ewing, Surgeon, and Drs. Coburn and Richardson, surgeon's mates. The regiment arrived at Fort Meigs on the first of June, 1813. From this point Colonel Johnson proceeded alone to the Indian village of Wapoghconata, on the Auglaize, " to procure some Shawanoe Indians to act as guides and spies;" and after a few days returned with thirteen, Indians, among whom was the halfbred, Anthony Shane, whose father was a Frenchman, and in whom the largest confidence was placed by those who knew, him in the northwestern army. Shane had been an active opponent of Wayne, in 1794, but after the treaty of Greenville, had been a most faithful friend of the United States. On the 5th of June, the regiment under Johnson again took up its line of march for Fort Wayne. When the troops reached Shane's crossing of the St. Mary, about forty miles from Fort Wayne, they were halted and drilled for some time, and here remained over night. Heavy rains having but recently fallen, the St. Mary was found impassible; and on the following morning a rude bridge was formed over this stream by felling trees across it, upon which the army crossed with their baggage and guns, while their horses were gotten over by swimming them by the side of the fallen timber. The remainder of the route to Fort Wayne proved very difficult; " all the flats and marshes being covered with water, and the roads very miry."t Reaching the Fort on the evening of the 7th of June, it was found that the boats had all gained the common landing place, at the base of the hill, just below the garrison, in safety, but one, which had stranded on a sand-bar a short distance above, in sight of the fort; and while attempting to get the boat off, the boatmen Author of " History of the Late War in the Western Country." tM'Afee. AN EXPEDITION FROM FORT WAYNE. 253 were fired upon by some Indians lurking near, and two of the men killed, while the third, in attempting to swim to the shore, was drowned. Arriving a little in advance of the regiment, Colonel Johnson and staff, as soon as it was possible to get ready, mounted their horses and crossed to the boat. The Indians at once fired upon their advance, and then retreated. The spies having now suggested that the Indians were considerably stronger than the party under Colonel Johnson, a pursuit was deferred until the arrival of the regiment, when a chase was immediately commenced and continued for some ten miles; but rain beginning to fall heavily, the party was compelled to return to the fort again, without having gained sight of the Indians. But a further pursuit was at once determined upon; and the next day, (the 8th) after a council of officers, and some necessary preparation, an expedition was formed to proceed in the direction of the southeast end of Lake Michigan. With this view, the regiment, towards evening, deposited their heavy baggage in the fort; supplied themselves with ten days' provisions, and soon crossed the St. Mary, to encamp for the night in the forks, opposite the garrison, where the river had now just begun to rise;" though,"l says M'Afee, "on the evening of the 5th, it had been at the top of its banks at Shane's crossing, but forty miles from its mouth by land. Hence," continues he, " if we suppose the current to run three miles an hour, (which is near the truth), the distance by water would be two hundred miles, so extremely crooked is the course of the river.' Early on the following day, the regiment took the Indian trail again, leading towards the old Pottawattamie village of Five Medals, which had been destroyed, as the reader will remember, the previous year, but whichwas now thought to have been rebuilt. The regiment marched forty miles this day, before night. Stopping now to rest and permit the horses to graze, with a view to an attack upon the Indian village at daylight the next morning, a heavy rain came up, preventing the execution of the plan; but " after encountering many obstacles in crossing high waters and marshes, they arrived at the Elkhart river before it had risen so as to be impassable, and in half an hour afterwards the village of Five Medals was gained and surrounded;' but found unoccupied. Determining now to visit a village on the other side of the St. Joseph of the Lake, known as Paravash, on the morning of the 11th, the regiment began its march for that point, but, upon arriving at the St. Joseph, and finding it impassable, further movement upon this village was abandoned. A rapid advance was now made upon the White Pigeon's town, arriving there in the afternoon of that day, meeting a few Indians on the way, who madebtheir escape in a canoe across a stream on the route, which was also found impassable. The village of White Pigeon had long been the most extensive Indian town in that region; and the main trace of the 254 HIsTORY OF FORT WAYNE. Indians, front Chicago and the Illinois country to Detroit, passed directly through this town, but appeared to have been but' little traversed that spring. Here, near this village, the regiment encamped till the following day, when, having fulfilled his instructionsto visit this trace, with a view to intercepting any movements of the enemy that might be making by this route, and finding also that the provisions of the troops had, been considerably. damaged by the rains encountered, Colonel Johnson determined to return to Fort Wayne; and, as there was an Indian path; at that time leading direct from the White Pigeon town to Fort Wayne, the regiment now began its return march over this trail for the Fort, whither, after a march, in all, with heavy rains every day, of some two hundred miles, on the 14th,. the troops again drew up at the Fort here, considerably fatigued, though as determined and earnest as ever in their patriotic efforts. Though not encountering the Indians in his route, or finding them at either of the villages visited, yet the movements of the expedition under Colonel Johnson greatly increased his knowledge of the country; and it was now soon ascertained that all the Indians in the British service, and who had principally been engaged in the siege of Fort Meigs. were still mainly held and maintained in the vicinity of Malden. After a few days' stay at Fort Wayne, and finding themselves much rested from their late fatiguing and most disaoreeable march, the regiment under Johnson proceeded down the Maumee, with an escort of provisions, to Fort Winchester. The provisions were placed in boats, with a number of men to man them, while the troops continued their way along the road opened by General Winchester, on the north side of the Maumee, encamping every night with the boats. Arriving at Fort Winchester, Colonel Johnson received a dispatch from General Harrison, recommending him to make an attack on the enemy at Raisin and Browntown. To this suggestion, though by no means explicit, Colonel Johnson at once began to give his attention, feeling, from his high sense of patriotism and regard for General Harrison and any suggestion emanating from him, that the plan should be executed, if possible. Having, just before this suggestion to Colonel Johnson, heard of the success of the American arms below Fort Meigs, and " that General Proctor was ordered in that direction to assist in repelling the invaders; and believing that Proctor had left Malden with a considerable portion of his force, the General supposed that an excellent opportunity had offered to attack his savage allies in the Michigan Territory, by a coup de main, with the mounted regiment." But Colopel Johnson, owing to the fact of his horses being much exhausted from the effects of their late expedition from Fort Wayne, as well as for lack of a sufficient number of men, a detachment of his regiment having been engaged in escorting provisions from St. Mary's, was unable to carry out immediately the plan proposed by RELIEF OF FORT MEIGS. 2955 General Harrison. The execution of the plan proposed was considered most hazzardous indeed and to have attempted a march,of a " hundred miles, through swamps and marshes, and over difficult rivers, with guides not very well acquainted with the country," and with horses greatly worn down," to attack a body of Indians who could, in a few hours, raise more than double the force of the regiment of 700 men then under Johnson, required some consideration as well as time and preparation. " But fortunately for the regimeat, on the next day an express arrived from General Clay, commanding at Fort Meigs, with information that the British and Indians threatened to invest that place again, and with a request that Colonel Johnson would march his regiment there immediately for its relief. Orders to march were given without delay and such was the zeal and promptitude of both officers and men, that in half an hour they were all ready to march, and commenced crossing the Maumee, opposite the fort. - ~': The heads of the column were then drawn up in close'order, and the Colonel, in a short and impressive address, instructed them in their, duties. If an enemy were discovered, the order of march was to be in two lines, one parallel to the river, and the other in front, stretching across from the head of the former to the river on the right. He concluded with saying:' We must fight our way through any opposing force, let what will be the consequences, as no retreat could be justifiable. It is no time to flinch — we must reach the fort, or die in the attempt.' Every countenance, responsive to the sentiments of the speaker, indicated the same desperate determination. The ground on which the enemy had gained their barbarous triumph over Dudley was again to be traversed,; and his allies woulddoubtless hope to realize another 5th of May, in another contest with Kentucky militia. The march was again resumed, and the regiment arrived at ten o'clock in the night, opposite Fort Meigs, without molestation, and encamped in the open plain betwPen the river and the hill on which the'British batteries had been erected,'1: Apprehensions of an attack were now strong. Information, gained from a Frenchman and an American prisoner, who arrived at Fort Meigs on the 20th of June, was to the effect that the British were determined to renew the attack on the fort, and were to start for that purpose about that period. At this time, General Harrison was at Franklinton, where he was made acquainted with the determination of the British. Before quitting Franklinton for other points in view, he held an important council with some chiefs of the friendly Indians of the Delaware, Shawanoe, Wyandott, and Seneca tribes; informing them " that a crisis had arrived, which required all the tribes who remained neutral, and who were willing to engage in the war, to take a decided stand either for the Americans or against them-that the President wanted no false friends-that the proposal of General Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the tribes in our friend*M'Afee. 256 HISTORY OF FORT WAYAs ship indicated that he had received some hint of their willingness to to take up,the tomahawk against the Americans-and that to give the United States a proof of their disposition, they must either remove with their families into the interior, or the warriors must accompany him in the ensuing campaign and fight for the United States. To the latter condition, the chiefs and warriors unanimously agreed; and said they had long been anxious for an invitation to fight for the Americans. Tale, the oldest Indian in the western country, who represented all the tribes, professed, in their name, the most indissoluable friendship for the United States. General Harrison then told them he would let them know when they would be wanted in the service-" but," said he, " you must conform to our mode of warfare. You must not kill defenseless prisoners, old men, women, or children." By their conduct, he also added, he would be able to tell whether the British could restrain their Indians from such horrible cruelty. For if the Indians fighting with him would forbear such conduct, it would prove that the British could also restrain theirs if they wished to do so —humerously telling them he had been informed that General Proctor had promised to deliver him into the hands of Tecumseh, if he succeeded against Fort Meigs, to be treated as that warrior might think proper. " Now," continued he, "if I can succeed in taking Proctor, you shall have him for your Prisoner, provided you will agree to treat him as a squtaw, and only put petticoats upon him; for he must be a coward who would kill a defenseless prisoner." The subject being now strongly pressed upon the government, the Indians were soon reluctantly employed by the United States against the Indians in the employ of the British; and the movement, says M'Afee, " was perfectly justifiable, as a measure of selfdefense; yet," continues he, " there is only one reason which reconciles me to it-we thus demonstrated that the north-American savage is not such a cruel and ferocious being that he cannot be restrained by civilized man within the bounds of civilized warfare. In several instances," he further remarks, " strong corps of Indians fought under the American standard, and were uniformly distinguished for their orderly and humane conduct." On the first of July, General Harrison set out from Fort Meigs for Lower Sandusky, accompanied by seventy mounted men, under command of Captain M'Afee. Soon after his departure, the Indians had begun again to invest the vicinity of Fort Meigs; and late on the evening of the 20th of July, the vessels of the British army were to be seen in the Maumee, some distance below the fort. Early on the following morning, a picket-guard, of some eleven men, having been sent to a point about three hundred yards below the fort, were surprised by the Indians, and seven of them killed. At this time a large body of British and Indians were seen encamped below old Fort Miami, on the north side of the river; SHAM MOVMENTS OP THE BRTISH ON TB SADUSKy ROAD. 257 and the woods in the rear of the fort was soon after possessed by the Indians, who began to commit some depredations, by occasionally firing into the fort, and capturing some horses and oxen. General Harrison was at once apprised of the siege, while all in the garrison were attentively engaged in preparing for the movements against the fort; and General Clay was most vigilant in all his efforts. On the 23d, with a body of some eight hundred Indians, Tecumseh was seen moving up the river, with a view, as was supposed, of attacking Fort Winchester. On the 25th, the enemy removed his camp to the south side of the river, which superinduced the belief that an attempt would be made by the British to take the fort by storm. General Harrison was still kept advised of the movements of the British; but his force was not sufficient to enable him to reach the garrison as he had wished, though he continued to assure General Clay that all needed aid would reach him from Ohio and'other points in good season. On the evening of the 26th, some hours after the arrival at the fort of the express from General Harrison, heavy firing was commenced on the Sandusky road, about the distance of a mile from Fort Meigs. The discharge of rifles and musketry, accompanied by the Indian yell, could be clearly distinguished; and by degrees the apparent contest approached towarrds the fort, though sometimes it appeared'to recede. It lasted about an hour, and came in the end near the edge of the woods. The general pronounced it a sham battle, intended to draw out the garrison to relieve a supposed reinforcement. A few discharges of cannon at the fort, and a heavy shower of rain, at length put an end to the scheme, no doubt to the great mortification of its projectors. The express from General Harrison had providentially arrived in time to preserve the garrison from the possibility of being deluded by this artifice of the enemy. On the next day the British moved over to their old encampment, and on the 28th embarked in their vessels and abandoned the siege. The force which Proctor and Tecumseh brought against the fort in this instance was about 5000 strong. A greater number of Indians were collected by them for this expedition than ever were assembled in one body on any other occasion during the whole war. Having raised the siege of Fort Meigs, the British sailed round into Sandusky Bay, while a competent number of their Indian allies moved across through the swamps of Portage river, to cooperate in a combined attack on Lower Sandusky, expecting, no doubt, that General Harrison's attention vfould be chiefly directed to forts Winchester and Meigs. The General, however, had calculated on their taking this course, and had been careful to keep patrols down the Bay, opposite the mouth of Portage river, where he supposed their forces would debark." General Clay now took care to acquaint General Harrison with *M'.&W~~~ fye. ~(17) '5SI HISToY. OF ORT WAYTE the movement of the British,. and on the 29th of July, the messers_ ger from Fort Meigs having reached him, he inmmediately called a coucil of war, consisting of CM'Arthur, Cass, Ball, Paul, Wo.od Hukill, -lolmes, and Graham, which resulted in a determination to evacuate and destroy Fort Stephenson, if necessary. By the 31st of July, the enemy had approached so near this fort as to be able to throw their shells about i; and a flag was soon seen approaching, the garrison, which was promptly met by En-'sign Shipp, by command of. Major Croghan. The bearer of the flag' had' been instructed by. Gen. Proctor, who accompanied,the fleet, to demand a sur:en der of the fort, which was positively refused, Shipp replying that it Was the determination of the eomhisandant of the garrison to defend it to the last extremity, and to disappear amid the conflagration that should destroy it. The Indians, as on former occasions, were not to be restrained, and te earer.tho e flag; thought it "a great pity that so fine a young man should fall into the hands of the savages.`' " An Indian,"7 says Captain INFAfee,' at this moment came. out of an adjoining ravine, and. advancing to the ensign, took hold of his sword and.attempted to wrest it fiom him. Dickson interfered, and havilng restrained. the Indian, affected great anxiety to get him safe into the fort. The enemy now,' continues. M'Afee " opened their fire from their 6-pounders in the gunboats and the howitzer on shore, which they continued through tlhe night with but little intermission, and wvith verylittle effect. The. forces of the en1emny consisted of 500 regulars, and about 800 Indians, commanded by Dickson, the whole being commanded by General Proctor in person. Tecumseh was stationed on the road to6 fot, Meigs with a body of 2000 Indians, expecting to intercept a reinforcement on that route." The enemy had, directed their fire againist the. northwestern angle of the fort, which induced the commandant to believe that an attempt to strm his works would be made at that point., In the night Captain Hiun'ter was directed to remove the six-pounder to a blockhouse from which it would rake that angle. By great industry and personal exertion5 Captain Hunter soon accomplished this object in secrecy. The embrasure was masked, and the piece loaded with a half charge of powder, an.d double charge, of slugs and grape shot. Early on the morning ot the 2d, the enemy open.ed their fir from, their howitzer and three six-pounders, which they landed in the night and planted in a point of woods about two hundred and fifty yyards from the foat. AboUt 4 o'clock1 p. m., that day, they concentrated the fire of all their gun on the northwest angle, whicht convinced Major Croghan that they would. endeavor to make a breach and storm the works at that point. Late in'the evening, when.the smoke of the firing had completely enveloped.the fortt, the enemy proceeded to make the ATTACK ON FORT STEPHIENO0N-VALOR OF MAJ, CROGHAN. 2O9A sault, Two feints were made towards the southern angle, where Captain,Hunter's lines were fiorrmeld; and at the same. time, a column of 350 men Were discovered advancing through -the smoke within twenty paces of'the nolthwestern angle..A- Aheavy galling fire of musketry was! now opened upon lthem from the fort,: which threw them into some confusion. Colonel Short, who; headed the principal column, soon rallied his men, and led Ithem with: great bravery to the brink,of a ditch near. Aft er a momentary pause, he leaped into the ditch, calling to his men to fo1low him, anld in a few minntes it was full. The masked por:t-hole was now opened, and the shix-pountde, t the distance of thirty feet,, poured such destruction among. the-Lm, that bt wo ad entered the ditch were fortunate, enough' to -escape. A precipitate and'confused retreat was the immediate consequence, although:some of. the officers *attempte&d to rally their men., The other, column, which was led by Colonel Warburton.and,,iajor:Chambers, was also routed in confusion by a destructive firb from the line commanded by- Captain Hunter. The whole of them fied into the, adjoining wood, beyond the reach of the small arms of:the fort. Duringthe assault, which lasted, half an hour, the enemy kept up.ian incessant fire from their howitzer an fifive six-pounders. They left Colonel Short, a lieutenant, and twenty-five privates dead in the ditch; and the total nuimber of prisoners,taken, was twenty-:six, most of them badly wounded. Major Muir. was; knocked down in the cditch, and lay among the dead till the; darkness of tie inight enabled him to escape in safety-. The loss of the garrison was one killed and one slightly wounded. The, total loss of the enemy'was calculated a aabout onel hundred and fifty killed and wounded. When night camne o:n, which was,soon: -ater the.:assault, the Vwounded- inA the -ditch;were- found'to be in a desperate situation. Oomplete relief could not be, brought to them'by either side with any degree of safety. - Major Croghlan, however, relieved them, as much as possible conveying -themrn water,.over: tthe picketing, in buckets, anad a ditch was also opened un-der the picketings, by means of which, those.who were able and willing, were encouraged to crawl into the:fort. About 3 o9ciock, on the. morning:of the 3d, the w;hole British and Indian force commenced a disorderly retreat. So great was their precipitation, says M'Afee's narration, that they left a sail boat behind, containing some clothing and a considerable quantity of military stores; and on:the nert day seventy stanid of arms andrsome- braces of. pistols were,picked p: round.the fort. Their hurry and confusion was caused by the apprehension of an attack from General Harrison, of whose: position and force they had probably received an exagerated account. At the.council held with {M'Acthur, Cass,, and others, about the 1st of August, it was determined that Miajor Croghan should a.bandon Fsort Ste.pheenuso as "un.tenable againsst;:heavy artilery;' ^M'Af pf 260 HISTORY OP FORT WAoN. and as this fort was considered as of but little value as a military post, it was also concluded to destroy it at the moment of evacuation. To this end General Harrison immediately dispatched an order to Major Croghan, but which, owing to the messenger and his Indian guides having lost their way, failed to reach him in time, and deeming it then unsafe, in view of the near approach of the enemy, to attempt an evacuation and retreat, after a council with his officers, the most of whom readily coincided with him, Major Croghan at once started the messenger on his return to General Harrison with the following note: Sir, I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock P. M., ordering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which was received too late to be carried into execution. We have determined to maintain this place, and by heaevns we can." His main reason for writing thus positively was, that he feared that the messenger might be captured, and the note fall into the hands of the British; and'when received by General Harrison, without knowing fully the motive of Croghan in thus replying to his order ot evacuation and retreat, presuming it to indicate a disobeyal of orders, on the following morning, Colonel Wells, with an escort, was sent to take his place, and Croghan at once ordered to repair to the post of General Harrison. Arriving at the headquarters of General Harrison, Major Croghan readily gaVe a satisfactory explanation of his course and the meaning of his note, which received the ready approval of Harrison, and Croghan was at once ordered to return to his post and resume its command, with written orders similar to those he had received before." In an official report of Croghan's course in this siege, General Harrison said:'a It will not be among the least of General Proctor's mortifications, to find that he has been baffled by a youth, who has just passed his twenty-first year. He is, however, a hero worthy of his gallant uncle, George R. Clarke." All under his command at this siege were highly praised by Major Croghan. "Never was there," said General Harrison,' a set of finer young fellows, viz: Lieutenants Johnson and Baylor of the 17th, Anthony of the 24th, Meeks of the 7th, and ensigns Shipp and Duncan of the 17th." Lieutenant Anderson, of the 24th, was also commended for marked good conduct on this memorable occasion; and soon after the siege of Fort Stephenson, Major Croghan was breveted a Lieutenant-Colonel by President Madison, then President of the United States; while the ladies of Chilicothe, Ohio, presented him with a splendid sword, accompanied by an appropriate address. A little party of Wyandott Indians, after the retreat of the British from Fort Stephenson, were sent down the bay, with other Scouts, for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the enemy. Succeeding in capturing a few British soldiers, who' had been left in the general retreat. the Indians "brought them to the camp, INDIAN SCOUTS AND BRITISH PRISOERS. 261 without doing them any injury; and, conscious," says M'Afee, " that they had done their duty, they were frequently seen telling the story to their brother warriors, and laughing at the terror which had been manifested by the soldiers, who, no doubt, expect ted to be massacred or carried off and destroyed by torture." CHAPTER XXII. "Come thou, old Erie, worthy of thy name, Bearing the trophy of tIhy hero's iame — Perry the young, Perry the bold and brave." Ohio:ud Kentucky again aroused —lHeavy reinforcement-s —-Operations on the LakeCommodore Perry in command of the Lake fleet —-Activity of the British —Movement of troops -from Ohio and Kentucky —-Heavy engagement on the Lake, and victory of Commodore Perry —-The British commander sends out a reconnoitering party —-Evacuation and destruction of Malden —-Arrival of the American forces at Malden —-Retreat of the British towards Sandwich —-Restless feeling of the Indians —-Tecumseh proposes an abandonment of efforts against the Americans —-He sees ruin ahead —-His speech. OTH Ohio and Kentucky, friom which points, at that time, and during some years previous, was:derived the main support o1:'of the West in a military point:of view, m ere now again a aroused, and a large number: of volunteers came forward at the call of Governors Meigs and Shelby. The general attention of the country was now turned to operations on the Lake, of which the British then had the main control, with a considerable fleet afloat; and it became most important that the American government should begin to exercise the largest industry in naval affairs. Two brigs and several schooners had been laid at Erie early in the month of March of this year, (1813) and Commodore Perry had been sent to superintend their construction and equipment. The enemy had also been most active in this relation, and had built a twenty-gun brig at Malden. About the 2d of August, having conpleted his equipments and gotten his heaviest vessels over the bar at the mouth of the harbor, Perry "crossed the Lake to Long Point, and then proceeded up the British shore some distance without discovering their fleet, which had, in fact, returned to Malden for their new brig and additional reinforcements on discovering the force which Perry was able to bring against them." About the 9th of September, volunteers began to quit Urbana, 1PERRY S' VICTOnB OiN Ta LAka. 263 Ohio', where they had assembled from different parts of that State and KRentucky, for Upper Sandusky-the Kentuckians headed by the venerable'Governor Shelby. In the meantime, (on the 10th) the vessels' n the Lake had come to close'quarters; and- after an" engagement; of four h.ours, during which time it was most difficult to determine which would succeed, the British vessel at length surrendered, and very sOon after, much as if the:heroic spirit of Wayne had momentarily hovered about' the mind of Perry, the followingi laconic note was addressed to: General'Harrison:' Dear General-We have met the enemy and they are ours — two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and a sloop. " Yours, with great respect and esteem, " OLIVER HAZARD P1ERRY.l Immediately upon the receipt of the, news of theloss of the: British vessels, Proctor had sent spies to reconnoiter the forces of General,Harrison; wh.o soon obtained a distant view of, the; Kentuckians while encamped on the plains of Sandusky, at once reporting, their number to the British comimander at from ten to fifteen thousand. Upon the receipt of this information, Proctor at once determined to burn Malden, and make good his retreat up the Detroit;and Thames rivers, then to make his way to the lower parts-of the province. Accordingly, on.the 26th, Maiden was evacuated and destroyed.,,On the following day, (27th) agreeble to previous orders, the American army set sail from the Middle Sister Island for M alden, where the. whole arrived in good order about three o'clock- in the afternoon of that day, only to.behold the ruins of the place. Proctor had retreated to Sandwich,' under the impression that there were at least ten thousand Kentuckians coming against him.'l The Indians in the service-of the British had now become very restless and uneasy. General Harrison had some time before these events sent some:friendly- Wyandotts among the'ndians allied. to the British with a view to neutrality xwith them. Tecumsehhhad previously urged an abandonment of the efforts of' the India'ns against the Americans, but without.success; and the efforts of the friendly Wyandotts, sent by the General, had met with' no' better success.;Sorme 15,000 rations had been daily is'suede -to- the Iindians-warriors, women. and,children —by the' British, for some time, before the retreat of: General Proctor,:rwhich Waxas quntea weight upon the British government —too heavy to be borne lo'ng. The impressive mind of Tecumseh saw ruin ahead.' He did not like: or approve of the course pursued by General Proctor in ti' destructiop and evacuation of Mailden. As early as the lShf of September, he had delivered. a stirring speech to.the Briti h cornmander, in the name of all the chiefs and warriors in the employ 264 HtIsroBY OF FORT WAYrE. of the British, which, by order of General Proctor, was written down and preserved by him until the defeat of the British at the battle of the Thames, when; among other papers left behind by the British in their retreat from the scene of the conflict there, it was found and brought away by the Americans. As the representative of their British father, the King of Great Britain, Tecumeh, in this speech, had appealed to General Proctor, who, doubtless, in view of the momentary approach upon his quarters at Malden of the American forces, was too much disturbed to hear the words of Tecumseh fully explained by the interpreter, or to read the speech himself, when written down. Said the Shawanoe chieftain "FATHER, listen to your children! You have them now all before you. The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead. In the war, our father was thrown on his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge; and we are afraid that our father will do so again at this time. "Summer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans. " Listen! When war was declared, our father stood up and gave us the tomahawk and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans; that he wanted our assistance; and that he would certainly get us our lands back, which the Americans had taken from us. "Listen! You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families to this place; and we did so; and you promised to take care of them, and they should want for nothing; while the men would go and fight the enemy; that we need not trouble ourselves about the enemy's garrisons; that we knew nothing about them, and that our father would attend to that part of the business. You also told your red children that you would take good care of your garrison here, which made our hearts glad. "Listen! When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like groundhogs. "Rather, listen! Our fleet has gone out; we know they have fought; we have heard the great guns; but we know nothing of what has happened to our father with that arm. Our ships have gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tying up every thing and preparing to run away the other, without letting his red children know what his intentions are. You always told us to remain here and take care of our lands; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father, the king, SPEECH or TECUMSi To T HE BRITISH COMMAXDEInL 65 is the head, and you represent him. You always told us that yon would never draw your foot off British ground; but now father, we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our fathers, conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but when afrighted, it drops it between its legs and runs off. " Father, listen! The Americans have not yet defeated us by land; neither are we sure that they have done so by water; we therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy, should they make their appearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father. At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly defeated us; and when we retreated to our father's fort at that place the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be the case; but instead of that, we now see our British father preparing to march out of his garrison. " ather! You have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give them to us, and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to defend our lands, and if it be his: will, we wish to leave our bones upon them." CHAPTER XXIII.' The, victory's lost and won."-.''The battle's o'er! the din is past; Night's mantle on the field is' cast." Long live-those honored namesThe valiant conquerors of the, Thame. Pursuit of the British from Malden —-Harrison's letter to the War Department —-Fright and flight of the Canadianis —-Capture of Tecumseh's chief counselor —-His account to'Colonel Johnson —-Discovery of the bones of the massacred men of' Frenchtown -— Excited feelings of the Keintuckians —-MIoAvement of the army in the,pursuit of the British —-Arrival at the mouth of the Thames —-'Capture of British dragoons —An omen of victory —-The bird of Liberty hovering over the ariny of Ha{rrison —-A sow-shoat follows the army from Kentucky to Bass Island —-The army near the Moravian Towns —-Capture of a British wagoner —-The British army near, in order of battle, lying in wait —-Near approach of Colonel Johnson to the British lines —The great hour of defeat or victory at hand —-Formidable position of the British and Indians —-Preparations for an attack —-Daring plan of Colonel Johnson —-A sudden dash to be made upon the British lines —-Advance of the American army Distant fire of the British —-Intrepid charge of the cavalry under Johnson —-Confusion and flight of the British. —-Contest with the Indians —-Pursuit of Proctor —-His sword and carriage captured —-Loss sustained —-Death of Tecumseh -— Who killed him? —-Estimates of the forces of the armies —-The charge of the mounted infantry wonI the victory of the Thames —-Order for the return of tthe troops —-Manly and cheering address of Governor Shelby. iHE Amnerican forces having encamped about the ruins of I)Malden on the night of th of of eptember, with a view:-> of pursuing the retreatingi larmy of Proctor the following J morning, General Harrison, on the evening of the arrival of the army, in a letter to the war department, said:'I will pursue the enemy to-morrow, although there is no probability of overtaking him, as he has upwards of 1000 horses, and we have not one in the army. I shall think myself fortunate to collect a sufficiency to mount the general officers. It is supposed here, that general Proctor will establish himself upon the river Trench, or Thames, 40 miles from Malden." Proctor had pressed into his service all the horses of the inhabitants, which they had not effectually concealed. One only, and that a very indifferent one, could be procured. On it tke venerable Governor of Kentucky was mounted, and proceeded with the FPI.Gc'? oF THE CAAtANa^x. 2,7 army towards Sandwich, where they arrived on the 29th1, without meeting any obstruction from the enemy;;except that'the bridge over the Aux Canada river had been torn'up, buit w as soon repaired ~again. There had been; considerable' expectation':among the commanding officers that a formidable- resistance Would, be made at this bridge, but no'enemy was to be seen; and. on a:rriving at Sandwieh'it was ascertained tnhat General.Proctor had'retreated fron that place early'on the precedin g day.': The Indians, however, were in considerable'force in the suburbs of Detr oit, the inhabitants of which, who had a'leady been very much plundered, were in great apprehension of an' immediate massacre; but a few discharges of grape * shot from: the fleet, rwhich had come up the river soon'compelled them to fly to'the woods foir safety. General M'Arthur went over with *his brigade and i'tookIpossession of the town'; and on thie same evening'General Harriso0n'issued h1is proclamation, for re-establishing. the civil government of' the!territory. All persons wo ihad been in office at the time of the'capitulation, were directed to resume t their function and administer' the laws' which had then been in force." The Canadians, like the K'saskaskians at" the; time of Clark's moverment upon Kaskaskia,: in 1778, hadl heard, terrible; accounts of the barbarity and ferocity of thieKe'ntuckians, aad on -the approach -of the American ibrces, had fled in the wildest consternation: and fear, expecting to be massacred and plundered by the LonIg Knives, (the Kentuckian's) but in this, they were destined to meet' with agreeable disappointment. On the 20th of September, Lieutenant Griffith having retl rned with a scouting party friom the river Raisinl, bought with him an Indian by the name of Misselewetawj a chief counsellor'to Tecumseh, and uncle to the famous Logan.p IHe had led the Pigeon Roost massacre, as detailed in a former chapter. When captured, he was asleep in a house at the'river Raisin;. - He told Col. Johnson, says M'Afee, that the Indians had been watching the movements of his army; had examined hisi eneam pmenits, and' seen-himn arrive at fort Meigs; and tthat tey estimatled is forces to be at least 2400. He further stated that the Indians about Browhstow.n, a umounting to 1750 warriors, had determined' to give him battle at the river H'uron and that they were still ignorant of the fate of the British fleet. He was an Indian of excellent iinformation, aind had been the-constant companion and friend of Tecumseh. Being under:an impression that he would now certainly have to die, he gave Col. -Johlson a long' and appcarently very'candid'account of past transactions, since the treaty of Greenlville to that time -- Hesaid the - British had supplied the Prophet's party with arms and aimunition before the battle of Tippecano6e that;,Trecumseh's plan for a comm on property in their lads had' been strong'y Tecommended and praised by Col. Elliott; and that the: Britisli had used every means's in tiheir power, since the year'1809, to secure the friendship:: anid -aof the *M'Afeo. 268 HISTORY oF FORT WAYNIS Indians, in the event of a war with the United States-having often invited them to Malden and made them presents for that purpose; and having also represented to them that they should receive British aid to drive the Americans over the Ohio river, after which they should live in the houses of the inhabitants and have their daughters for wives. He said he was now convinced that the British had again deceived.them, and that the Great Spirit had forsaken him in his old age for his cruelty and wickedness. Since the massacre of the river Raisin, the bones of the Kentuckians had remained exposed until sometime in June, 1813, when Colonel R. M. Johnson had collected and buried a large number of them, which, after his departure, had again been dug up and scattered over the fields. On the evening of the 25th of September, orders having been received at Fort Meigs for the regiment under Colonel Johnson to march again for the river Raisin, on the following morning, after due preparation, the regiment moved forward, and on the second day after starting, reached the scene of massacre, where the bones of the slain were to be seen scattered about in every direction. Frenchtown was now generally deserted, and " the fine orchards of peach and apple trees were loaded with excellent fruit."' The sight of the bones," says Captain M'Afee, "had a powerful effect on the feelings of the men. The wounds inflicted by that barbarous transaction, were again torn open. The bleaching bones still appealed to heaven and called on Kentucky to avenge this outrage on humanity. We had heard the scene described before,"' says he,-" we now witnessed it in these impressive memorials. The feelings they excited cannot be described by me-but they will never be forgotten-nor while there is a recording angel in heaven, or a historian upon earth, will the tragedy of the river Raisin be suffered to sink into oblivion. Future generations will often ponder on this fatal field of blood; and the future inhabitants of Frenchtown will long point out to the curious traveler the garden where the intrepid Madison for several hours maintained the unequal contest of four to one, and repulsed the bloody Proctor in every charge. Yonder is the wood, where the gallant ALLEN fell! Here the accomplished Hart and Woolfolk were butchered! There the brave Hickman was tomahawked and thrown into the flames! That is the spot where the lofty Simpson breathed his last! And a little farther doctors Montgomery, Davis and M'Ilvain, amiable in their manners and profound in science, fell in youth and left the sick to mourn their loss! The gallant Meade fell on the bank in battle, but his magnanimous lieutenant, Graves, was reserved for massacre!" At this point an express arrived from the main army, which the messenger had left on the Island of the Middle Sister on the morning of the 26th. He had been sent, while General Harrison was reconnoitering off Maiden, by the attentive and watchful Governor of Kentucky, to apprize Colonel Johnson of the progress and PURSUIT OF THE BRITISH A.tMY. 269 prospects of the army, that he might regulate his march accordingly. Next morning, before the regiment marched, their faithful guide, Anthony Shane, the Shawanoe half-breed, observed that he knew the spot where Captain Simpson had been killed. The Colonels, with Captain M'Afee and Dr. Ewing, went with Shane to the place, and found the bones, which they buried. The frame of Captain Simpson was easily known from the others, by its length, the Captain having been upwards of six feet and a half high.* On the 30th of September, the whole regiment under Colonel Johnson, had safely reached Detroit, where they soon crossed the river to Sandwich. It was now concluded, in a council between General Harrison and Governor Shelby, that Proctor might be overtaken in three or four days' rapid marching; and the Governor was accordingly requested to collect his general officers at headquarters, with a view to arrangements for the plan of pursuit. Two courses were suggested-one, to follow up the Strait by land-the other, to embark and sail down Lake Erie to Long Point, then to move rapidly across by land, some twelve miles, to the road, and intercept the course of the enemy's retreat. Governor Shelby was of the opinion that the route by land, up the Strait, would be the best; which was unanimously agreed upon; and on the morning of the 2d of October, at sunrise, the army was in motion, the vessel troops moving some hours in advance of the brigade of General Cass, which was detained on account of their blankets and knapsacks having been left at the Island of the Middle Sister. The mounted reginents were also detained a short time in drawing provisions. But alter a march of some twelve miles, the mounted troops overtook the advance corps. It having been ascertained that the Indian chiefs, Five Medals and Mai-pock, with other chiefs, in connection with the Miamies, Pottawattamies, and other tribes, had remained on the west side of the Detroit river, General M'Arthur's brigade was left at Detroit to hold them in check. Upon the arrival of the army at the mouth of the Thames, a small body of British dragoons was discovered by the spies, under Major Sugget, just below that point, who were pursued and captured, just after an effort, on their part, to destroy a bridge over a small stream near the place of capture. "This little affair, the first fiuits of the pursuit," says Captain M'Afee, " had a very great effect in animating the pursuers." As the army drew up at the mouth of the Thames, all eyes were turned upward. An omen of victory was hovering over the scene in the form of the glorious bird of Liberty-the American eagle! ( A presage of success!" remarked General Harrison; "as it i~ our tutelary bird." A similar event had occurred to the fleet of Commodore Perry, befbhe his victory, on the morning of the 10th of September. i.w'A feo. 270 HrSTOR1t or FoaT.'WAYNTE. And it may be remarked just here that another somewhat singular manifestation was presented-for the thoughtful- consideration and amusement of the army just prior to the appearance of the eagle at the mouth of the Thames. A sow-shoat had followed a company of mounted volunteers from the interior,, of Kentucky to the point rhere the army drew up for further orders at Lake Erie. Keeping:" constantly withh the army, she became generally known to the soldiers, who called her the governor's pig, and were carefil to protect her, as they deemed: her conduct an auspicious omen. At the margin of the lake," runs the account,' she embarked with the troops and went as far as Bass island." Being,:offTered a passage: into Canada fronm.this point, she. "i obstinately refused to embark the second time;" and. though her conduct.; was, jocosely attributed "' to constitutional scruples "-some of the men of the army humerously suggesting that "it. was contrary to the constitution-to force a militia pig over the line," yet. she.could not by any means be pursuaded to cross over to Canada, and was accodingly permitted to "return to the regiment at Portage."; Early on the morning of the 5th of October, the army was. again in. motion, and continued its march, without special interruption, until within a. short distance of the Moravian Towns, some ninety miles northeast of.Detroit, where, capturing a British wagoner, the army received the intelligence that 6 the enemy were lying in order of battle, about three hundred yar ds before them,"' awaiting the approach of the American forces. Colonel Johnson, with Afajor Sugget and his.spies, now advanced within view; of the British lines, for t.he purpose of obtaining as much information as possible as to the position, &c., of the enemy, which was readily comrmunicated to General Harrison. The great.hour that was to decide the triumph, of American arms in the full establishment and maintenance of political rule over the vast territory of the; Great West was now at hand; and the forces under Geer G ral.Hrrison were halted: and formed for the conflict! The British commander had selected a formidable position for the prosecution of'his plan of attack.. The ground upon which the British forces,had halted extended along near the margin of the river Thames, the ground being covered principally, wvith beech, sugar-tree, and oak: timber, with bu-t little underbrush. Running nearly parallel with the river, for about two miles, was a somewhat extensive marsh, whichi, grew narrower as one advanced up the stream. Where the British forces were stationed, there was a narrow swamp,: some three hundred yards from the Thames, lying between which and the miain swamp extending up the river, there appeared a spot of solid ground. In two lines, their left resting on the river, and their; right extending to the.first swamp, the: British regulars were ranged, with,their artillery plal ted in the road, Pear the bank o'f the river. The Iadniana, all ra.nged along BATTLr OF e oF.lTHAMEi 271'the first swarmp,.their left at a point where Tecumseh commanded, occupying.tl "i-the isthmus between the samps,. on which the undergrowth w.as tolerably thick; and their: right extending a considerable distance down the main marsh, the margin of which, at this place, receding very fast from the river, formed a very obtuse anbglewith the lines ": of the. American forces. At the out-set, in the order of arrangement for battle, the.mountted regiment under. Colonel Johnson-; occupied the space between the river. and the first swamp. On approaching.this regiment andd learning of. the discovery of the enemy, as well as. satisfying himself, as Cto the sithuation of the British fqrces, by personal observation,, General Harrison at once directed Colonel Johnson, on the approach of. the infantry,, tp assume:a position at the left, from thence, if possible; to turn the rig'ht of the Indians. The British regulars were, drawn up in open order. A daring plan was now readily conceived by Colonel Johnson, and as quickly agreed upon. It was for the mounted infantry to make a sud-.den dash upon the British. lines, confusing and breaking them at once; and the two mounted regiments were.accordingly ordered to be.formed, "in two charging columns, in short lines, and, on receiving the enemy's fire, to charge througlh, his ranks, form in his rar, an and act as circuimstances might require."?: ~ The rear ]and flanks being well secured against attacks, the foot troops,, embracing five brigades; averaging some three hundred men each, were well arranged along the rear, the river, the swamp, the road, near the river, &c., and Governor Shelby was ordered to take his position —a very important one -at the angle between the swamps, while. GeneralHarrison:tookhis position at the head of the front line, in order the.etter to observe. the charge, and render ready and efcient pprt up to the horsemen All was now readiness for the charge and; the whole army advanced in.the order'? already, presented, ".until the front of the first battalion received a distant fire from- the. British lines," which; some;what frigihtened the horses, and caused. a little, confusion at the heads of the columns; thus. retarding the cha-lge, and giving the enemy time to prepare for a secoxd fire, which soon followed the. first.!".But in a moment, the American columns "were conpletely in motion, and rushed uqpon the.British with irresistable impetuosity,'7 causing their front line to precipitately break away in every direction, and their second, alsoi.some thirty paces in the rear of the front line, after,a single fire, 7 was broken and thrown into confusion.?- The grand idea of the onset of the mounted troops under Cololnel Johnson had now consummated its purpose; ands sure victory at e pvery point was already. perching upon the American, ebanner.:.The bird of.Liberty had indeed proved "a presage of success,' and he had not yet ceased to spread his glorious pinions over the region of the, scene of conflict! Such was the'pa triotic fervor and heroism nof that eventful hour of our 27T HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. country's history-such the fierce contest between the receding monarchial element of the time, seeking dominion and control over the northwest, with a view to the overthrow of Republicanism, and the supplanting upon the ruins thereof the power and rule of of the British crown, onone hand, and the valiant pioneer soldiery and patriots of the West, striving to widen the avenues of free institutions, free government-to open the broad domain of the Great West for the cultivation of a boundles unity of goodness, order, truth, industry, and all the conditions and elements then and thereafter germanly pertaining to the welfare, general wellbeing, progressive education, and safety of a free people-the protection and perpetuation of a generous and progressive government, on the other. And the powerful will of the latter, intensifled and impelled by a broad and glorious spirit and sense of freedom and hope of future governmental unity, charged upon the enemy with an undaunted and even reckless determination to achieve the end sought to be attained, viz: an unconditional victory over a common foe to republican institutions and a free, untrammeled government! At this stage of the conflict, the American columns, having now passed through the broken lines of the enemy, " wheeled to the right and left, and began to pour a destructive fire on the rear of their disordered ranks;" but the contest was only momentary-for, says the narration of the very truthful and intelligent Captain M'Afee, a participant in this eventful struggle, " No sooner had our horsemen charged through their lines and gained their rear, than they began to surrender as fast as they could throw down their arms. And thus, in a moment, the whole British force, upwards of eight hundred strong, was totally vanquished, and the greater part of it captured by the first battalion of the mounted regiment under lieutenant-colonel James Johnson, before the front line of our infantry had got fairly in view of them. General Proctor, however, made his escape, escorted by a small party of dragoons and mounted Indians, who were immediately pursued as far as the Moravian town, by a party of the mounted regiment, consisting chiefly of officers. "' The contest with the Indians on the left," continues the narration of M'Afee, " was more obstinate. They reserved their fire till the heads of the columns and the front line on foot had approached within a few paces of their position. A very destructive fire wag then commenced by them, about the time the firing ceased between the British and the first battalion. Colonel Johnson, finding his advanced guard, composing the head of his column, nearly all cut down by the first fire, and himself severely wounded, immediately ordered his column to dismount and come up in line before the enemy, the ground which they occupied being unfavorable for operations on horseback. The line was promptly formed on foot, and a fierce conflict was then maintained for seven BATTLE OF THE THAMES-FLIGHT OF PROCTOR. 273 or eight'minutes, with considerable execution on both sides; but the Indians had not sufficient firmness to sustain very long a fire which was close and warm, and severely destructive. They gave way and fled through the brush into the outer swamp, not, however, before they had learnt the total disconfiture of their allies, and had lost, by the fall of Tecumseh, a chief in whom were united the prowess of Achilles and authority of Agamemnon. "As soon as the firing commenced between the Indians and the second battalion, Governor Shelby, who was posted at the crotchet in its rear, immediately ordered that part of the fiont line of infantry which lay between the first swamp and the crotchet, being a part of Colonel Donelson's regiment, to march up briskly to the aid of the mounted men. They rushed up accordingly into Colonel Johnson's lines, and participated in the contest at that point. This was the only portion of the, infantry which had an opportunity of engaging in any part of the battle. The Governor also dispatched General Adair, his aid-de-camp, to bring up the brigade of General King to the front line; but before this could be accomplished the enemy had fled from Colonel Johnson, and a scattering, running fire had commenced along the swamp, in front of General Desha's division, between the retiring Indians and the mounted men in pursuit, who were now commanded by Major Thompson alone, Colonel Johnson having retired in consequence of his wounds. This firing in the swamp continued, with occasional remissions, for nearly half an hour, during which time the contest was gallantly maintained by lMajor Thompson and his men, who were still pressing forward on the Indians. Governor Shelby in the meantime had rode' down to the left of General Desha's division, and ordered the regiment of Colonel Simrall, which was posted on the extreme left, to march up on the right flank of the enemy in aid of Major Thompson; but before this reinforcement could reach the scene of action, the Indians had given up the contest. Soon after the British force had surrendered, and it was discovered that the Indians were yielding on the left, General Harrison ordered Major Payne to pursue General Proctor with a part of his battalion; which was promptly done, and the pursuit continued, by the greater part of the detachment, to the distance of six miles beyond the Moravian town, some Indians being killed, and a considerable number of prisoners, with a large quantity of plunder, captured in'their progress. Majors Payne, Wood, Todd, and and Chambers; Captain Langham, and Lieutenants Scorgin Bell, with three privates, continued the pursuit several miles further, till night came upon them-but Proctor was not to be taken. The pursuers, however, at last pressed him so closely, that he was obliged to abandon the road, and his carriage and sword were captured by the gallant Major Wood. The prisoners, about 50 in number, were brought back to the Moravian town, where they (18) 274 HISTORY OF FORT WAVYM, were left in charge of Captain M'Afee, with 100 mounted meii Itm1 it M:ajor Gano arrived, about midnight, with a reinforcement; of 1.50 infantry. At the head. of the town, six pieces of brass artillery v er'e taken, three of which had been captured in the revolution, at Sa ratoga and York, and surrendered again by Hull in Detroit.': The exact loss which either side sustained in this battle," continues Captain M'Afee, " has never been correctly known. According to the best information, however, which has been received, the total loss of the mounted regiment on that day, was 17 killed and 30 wounded. The loss of the infantry was much less, though considerable also, at the point where they reinforced Colonel Johnson, which was the principal theatre of our losses. The Indians left I ihity -three dead on the battle lground, and had ten or twelve killed in different places by their pursuers. The British had 1S killed and 26 QoulLded, besides 600 prisoners captured, including 25 officers. Among our killed was Colonel Whitley, a veteran who lad beeni a'distirngished soldier in former Indian wars, and had been no less conspicuous and serviceable in the present campaign, in whcih the accompanied Colonel Johnson. Captain Craig and Lieutenalnt Logan died of their wounds a few days after the battle. Col. Johnson and Captains Davidson and Short were also wounded severely, but recovered. The Colonel was shot through his thigh and in his hip, by the firsfirire of the Indians; and shortly afterwards he was shot through his left hand, by a ball which ranged up his arm, but did not enter his body. He continued, however, in front' of his men, gallantly fighting the enemy as lonig as the action lasted at that place. The white mare on which he rode was also shot so severely that she fell and expired soon after she had carried her rider within the lines of the infantry. "Tecumseh was found among the dead at the point where Col. Johnson had charged upon the enemy in person; and it is generally believed that this celebrated chief fell by the hand of the Colonel.-' It is certain that the latter killed the Indian with his pistol who shot him through his hand, at the very spot where Tecumseh lay; but another dead body lay at the same place, and Mr. King, a soldier in Captain Davidson's company, had the' honor of killing one of them.' From the best information lthat has been received, it appears that there was no material difference in the strength of the two armiies in this battle. The troops under B-arrison had been greatly reduced in lnumber by detachments left as guards and for other purposes, and by those who were sick and otherwise unable to i: The qe-;'o;,s WO who hl'cd'Teet;o'eh' ha'l; lneel been dc'c' ed. Drakle, In h;a'-;'rie,,: Lfe o hi -: nol.e eh e::", devotes so.ne tv/c'ie,., p:'c.; to hie o ol itioal o this lolng i8answt erl'e. 0',te:;'ionl, ), 1 o:'lIy o0.''i\ at kh L i!'e ote concl,:; io0." tlhaL so iebooy kil'ed ihe Shiwnaloe C l;ef!? ft the bS.iu;le of tie Thame,3. WVi ]e i.lO nL t ol:Iia.F,.pce'h.;,''o co,. ope'.. n o r 0e;'':;;3 bseott i le O ltle s:tr: g le o"''VL.?2-1d3, i' f 0oiec.It tLie cl om(dl a.lhed' hilo.'11edT('l'e Tinyi?" Tio wiv ch Co. o J't 1i son.plied: " I cali!lOt tell; 1 is proba.blet: a I'',..:. eotl'ly p"o,.:le i.'l. I S dl'-,." One of oar Wr es; e. poe.ieS, t. le La,.e.(.ilalClc A. Jo'Jef,.io t Uioq., of Cinc: inaii, O-lio TRnIBUE TO TECUMSEII. 275 keep up on forced marche s. The distance from Sandwich to the Moravian town is upwards of eighty miles, which our army marched in three days and a half, though frequently harrassed by skirmishing and forming in order of battle, and delayed by repairing bridges and procuring supplies. A body of undisciplined militia, urged along and regulated alone by their patriotism and military ardor, would necessarily be much reduced by such a journey. The whole of the regulars had been left behind, except the small fragment of a regiment under Colonel Paul. The brigade of General M'Arthur had been left at Detroit to protect the inhabitants against the Indians; and that of General Cass had been left at Sandwich, waiting for the baggage of the men, which delayed them so long that they were enable to come up with the army before the battle had been fought. The whole way from Sandwich to the battle ground was filled with scattering parties of the militia. Hence, our force at the place of action was believed to be less than 2500 men, which was very little more than lthe force actually engaged on the part of the enemy. The British part of that force appears to have been about 845 strong. Its loss in killed, wounded, and captured, was 645; and the adjutant-general of the British forces soilme years a.go, hi the columns of the ": H;:SPERIIN," p-id the fo.lowing bea ui; u -',..,e to the great warrior: "TECUMSEH, THE LAST KING- OF'HE OHII'. < Wheere rolls.the dark and turbid Thames, " Art thou a soldier?-doJt t1 hou not His co-nsecrated wave along, O'er deeds chisvall;e love to mule? Sleeps one, than whose, few are the names Here stay thy step'-what holier spot More wo.thy of the lyre and song; Couldst thou for (ontemplaltilon choose Yet o'er whose spot of lone repose The earth beneath is holy ground, NIo pilgrim eye:; are seen to weep; It holds a thousand valiant b r:ve:.; And no memorial marble throws Tread lightly o'er each little mound, Its shadow where his ashes sleep. For they are no ignoble graves. " Stop, Stranger, there Tecumseh lies; Thermopylse and Marathon, Behold the lowly resting place Though elassic earth, can boast no more Of al1 t.hat of the hero dies; Of deeds heroic than yon slu The Csesar-Tully-of his race, Once saw upon this lonely shore, WhVose a-:m of strength and firey tongue, When in a gallant nation's l:-'t Have won him an immortal name, And deadliest strugglc, io..; own, And from the mouths of millions wrung Tecumseh's fiery spirit passed Ieluctant tribute to his fame. In blood, and soughthis fa-her's throne.'* Stop-for'tis glory claims thy tear,' Oh, softly fall the summer dew, T: ue worth belongs to all mankind, The tears of -Ieaven upon his sod, And he whose ashes slumber here, For he in life and death was true, Th-ough man in form, was Gdd in mind; Both to his country and his god; What matter he was not like thee, For oh, if God to man has given, In race or color?-'tis the soul From his bright home beyond the skies That marks man's true divinity- One feeling that's akin to Hoaven, Then let not shame they tears control.'Tis his who for his country dies.' Art thou a patriot?-so was he- Rest, warrior, rest-though not a d.ro His breast was Freedom's holiest shrine; Is thine beside the wailing,blat; And as thou bendest there thy knee, Time cannot in oblivion merge His spirit will unite with thine; The lIght thy star of glory ca -'. A1 that a man can give, he gave- Wh'le heave yon high hills to lhe'-7, His life-the country of his sires "W[i e olls yon (arl: and it1.: d I i.e, F;.o:n t:ie oppres:sor',-: gr':-::p to si.ve- Thy name and f:c.le can never ( -- In va.nn-quenchd arce lhiis natons f-es. Whom F,..edom loves will l've fo:eve-:. 276 EHISTORY OP FoRT WAYNEZ soon afterwards officially acknowledged that 204 of those who escaped had assembled at Ancaster on the 17th of October. This calculation is also confirmed by the official return of the troops at Malden on the 10th of September, which made them 944 in number —affordifig an excess of 100 above our estimate to meet the losses experienced on tee retreat before the battle. As for the amount of their Indian force) when it is shown by their own offi cial papers, captured with the army, that 15,000 rations were issued daily to the Indians before the retreat, and that the greater part of them' accompanied Proctor up the Thamtes, it is certainly a reasonable calculation to estimate them at 15, 18, or even 20 hundred warriors in the battle. The whole force of the allies must hence have been at least considerably above 00b0-yet a large portion of that force was captured, and the balance entirely driven off by the single regiment under Johnson, aided at one point only by a portion of the infantry, and making altogether, it is believed, much less than half the army. But had our force been greatly superior, the nature of the ground, and position of the enenay, would have rendered its superiority useless; for a larger force than his could not have been brought efficiently into action, had his resistanice been so great as to render it necessary. The mounted regiment had but 950 men in the battle-hence the force of the battalion, which was led into action by Lieutenant-Colonel Janmes Johnson, could not have been much more than half as great as the British force which it shattered in a moment by its impetuous charge. "Our important and glorious victory, it is evident, was principally achieved by the novel expedient of charging through the British lines with mounted infantry. The measure,' says General Harrison, who conceived it at the moment for its execution, was not sanctioned by anything I had seen or heard, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods than any other people. A musket or rifle is no impediment to them, being accustomed to carry it on horseback from their earliest youth. I was pursuaded, too, that the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and that they could not resist it.' The shock was indeed so unexpected and impetuous that all the resistance they were able to make amounted to nothing. Two or three killed, and a few more wounded, was all the execution done by upwards of eight hundred veterans, many of whom surrendered without giving a second fire. 6 It is really a novel thing,' says Colonel Wood, 6 that raw militia, stuck upon horses, with muskets in their hands, instead of sabres, should be able to pierce British lines with such complete effect, as did Johnson's men in the affair upon the Thames; and perhaps the only circumstance which could justify that deviation from the long established rules of the art military, is the complete success of the result. Great generals are authorized to step aside occasionally INDIANS TO DELIVER THEIR PRISONERS AT FORT WAYNE. 277 especially when they know that their errors will not be noticed by the adversary.?' On the 6th the American troops continued to occupy the battle ground, and the Moravian town, about two miles above it, being employed in burying the dead and collecting the public property of the enemy, of which a considerable quantity was found in different places. In addition to the artillery already mentioned, and a great variety of military stores, there were at least 5000 stand of small arms captured by the American troops and destroyed by the enemy on this expedition. A large proportion of them had been taken at the surrender of Detroit, the massacre of the river Raisin, and the defeat of Colonel Dudley. Early on the 7th, Gen. Harrison left the army under the immediate command of Governor Shelby and returned to Detroit; and in the course of the same day the different corps commenced their return home, having embarked the greater part of the property they had captured in boats on the Thames, and set fire to the Moravian town, which was a very inconsiderable village, occupied chiefly by Delaware Indians, who professed to be of the Moravian sect of religion. On the 10th all the troops arrived with their prisoners at Sandwich. It now began to snow, and the weather was extremely cold and stormy. For two or three days the wind blew down the strait with such violence, that it was impracticable to cross it, and the vessels bringing down the public property, were greatly endangered, and much of it was lost. In the meantime, an armistice was concluded by Gen, Harrison with the Indians. Before he marched in pursuit of the British, a deputation of Ottawas and Chippewas had sued for peace, which he had promised them on condition that they would bring in their,families, and raise the tomahawk against the British. To these terms they had readily acceded; and before his return the Miamies and Pottawattamies had solicited a cessation of hostilities front General MABArtur on the same conditions. Even the ferocious and inveterate Mai-pock, of the Pottawattamies, now tendered his submission, and an armistice was concluded with seven of the hostile tribes, which was to continue till tlhe pleasure of the President was known. They agreed to deliver up all their prisoners at Fort Wayne, and to leave hostages in security for their good behavior. Separated from their allies, by the American victories on the Lake and the Thames, from whom they had received subsistence and council, they were now glad to accept the American friendship on any terms, which would save them from extermination by famine and the sword.* On the 12th the storm had so far abated, that the mounted regiment crossed over the strait to Spring Wells; and on the next day the Kentucky infantry crossed at the mouth of the river Rouge. On the 20th of October, a general order having been issued for — M'Afee. 278 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. the return of the troops to Kentucky, Governor Shelby said: " Although, in the course of this campaign, you necessarily encountered many difficulties and privations, yet they were met with that cheerfulness, and sustained with that imianly fortitude which the occasion required. The uninterrupted good fortune which has attended us, is a source of the most pleasing reflection, and cannot fail to excite the warmest feelings of gratitude towards the Divine Being, who has been pleased in a peculiar manner to favor us, and to crown with success the exertions we have made for our country. "In the course of the very active operations which we have performed, it is possible that expressions may have dropped, tending to irritate and wound the feelings of some who were engaged in them. The Commanding General hopes, that with the campaign will end every unpleasant sensation, which may have arisen from that source, and that we shall return home united as a band of brothers, with the sweet solace of having served our country from the purest motives, and with the best of our abilities." In pursuance of this order, the troops returned to Kentucky, and were discharged by Major Trigg, at Limestone, on the 4th of November. The mounted regiment was detained a few days at Detroit, till the Indians had dispersed, after the armistice, and then returned home without any remarkable occurrence. CHAPTER XXIV. " See! again, the smoke is curling From the friendly calumet, And the club of war is buried, And the star of slaughter set." -0 — Furtlher movements of the American Army-Holmes' expedition against ti;e 3ritish near the old battle-ground-He posts his men on a height, and gives the enemy battle-The Americans again victorious-Movement against Mackinaw-Expedition of General M'Arthur-Resignation of General Harrison-The treaty of Greenville-Chief Pe-con-Durability of the old fort-Succession of commanders here-Destruction of the old fort and building of a new one-Peaceful attitude of the Indians after the war-Spirit of order and desire for peace among the Indians -Their close observation and intuition-New-comers-An incident-James Peltier, the interpreter, and the Indian. -0~ LTHOUGH the defeat of the British, at the battle of the Thames had virtually terminated the struggles: in the northwest, yet there was a determinatiou to push the war still further. In February following, (1814,) an expedition was formed under Captain Holmes, to invade Canada, the enemy having, in the month of January, again taken a position at the point of Proctor's defeat, against which Holmes aimed to direct his expedition; but learning tha ththe British were advancing with a superior force, he took his position upon an elevated point a few miles from the old battle ground, and at once proceeded to fortify himself. Here he was now soon attacked with much vigor, but after considerable loss, the British were again forced to retreat. The next was a movement against Mackinaw, which had first been proposed soon after the battle of the Thames, but the unfavorable condition of the weather prevented the safe navigation of the lakes, and the purpose was abandoned. In the following April, however, the plan was again proposed, and put into execution for the double purpose of destroying some vessels the British were supposed to be building at Gloucester Bay, and to capture Mackinaw; which, through some misunderstanding, resulted in a fruitless effort, and was at length abandoned. It was again revived, late in the month of July following, from further information received 280 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. relative to the building of vessels at Gloucester Bay. Failing at length to reach the point in question, the vessels sailed to St. Joseph's, where a trading house was destroyed, and the goods thereof seized. A portion of this fleet at once sailed for Mackinaw, and on the 4th of August made a landing upon the west side of the Island, where a rather spirited action occurred, in which Captain Holmes and 11 others were killed, which induced an abandonment of any further attempt to capture Mackinaw. The British were now somewhat successful in several efforts against the Americans. M'Arthur, on the 26th of October, with seven hundred and twenty mounted men, left Detroit. Soon reaching Oxford, he proceeded to Burford, whence, instead of joining General Brown, at Fort Erie, as had been previously proposed, he moved towards the lake, by the Long Point road, and there defeated a body of militia, who had thought to stop his further march; destroyed also some five or six mills, and then made his retreat along the lake shore towards Sandwich, pursued by a body of regulars, nearly double his own number, arriving at Sandwich, on the 17th of November, with a loss of but one man; and this closed the struggles in the Northwest. General Harrison, feeling, for certain manifest reasons, that the Secretary of War entertained a dislike for him, resigned his position as commander-in-chief of the western forces, on the 11th of May, 1814. Prior to his resignation, however, he had arranged for a treaty at Greenville, where, on the 22d of July, with General Cass, on behalf. of the United States, they had met the friendly Wyandotts, Delawares, Shawanoes, Senecas, and concluded a peace with the Miamies, Weas, and Eel River Indians, and certain of the Pottawattamies, Ottawas and Kickapoos; all of whom had engaged to join the Americans, should the war continue. On the 24th of December, the treaty of Ghent having been signed, by the representatives of the two governments, the difficulties ended, and the proffered aid of the Indians was no longer required. The treaty of July, 1814, at Greenville, was one of the largest treaties that had ever been held with the tribes. Pe-con,* the successor of Little Turtle, as the representative of the Miamies, with one hundred and thirteen others, were signers to this treaty. The old Fort, as originally built by order of General Wayne, in 1794, had withstood the ravages of time and the efforts of the Indians to destroy it, remarkably well. From the period of General Hamtramck's occupation of it, after the departure of General Wayne, to its final evacuation, in 1819, it had been in charge of many commandants. After the resignation of Captain Ray, in 1812, Captain Hugh Moore, assumed command, who, in 1813, was superseded byJos. Jenkinson. In the spring of 1814, Major Whistler became its commandant, who in turn was superseded by Major * Chief Pe-con died soon after this treaty, near the old residence of his successor, Chief Richardville, some four or five miles up the St. Mary's river. PEACEABLE CHARACTER OF THE INDIANS. 281 Josiah H.Vose, in 1815, who continued in command until its final evacuation, 19th of April, 1819. At the close of the struggles in 1814, soon after the arrival of Major Whistler, to assume command here, it was feared that the Indians might again make an effort to capture the post, and being much out of repair, and most uncomfortable for the garrison in many respects, Major Whistler applied to the War Department for permission to rebuild it, which was granted by General Armstrong, and the main structure was replaced by new pickets and other necessary timber for the rebuilding of the officers and other quarters within the enclosure. Though many Indians continued, for several years after the war of 1812 to congregate here for purposes of trade; to receive their annuity; and also from a feeling of sympathy and attraction for the scene of their old home and gathering-place, aside from some petty quarrels among themselves, in which they would often kill each other, nothing of a war-like nature was ever again manifest between the Indians and the whites. During 1818, a year remarkable for the congregation of many Indians here the red man is referred to as presenting a general spirit of order and love of peace, not surpassed by many of the whites of the time, and well worthy of emulation in many instances. It was no unconmmon thing in their visits to Ke-ki-on-ga, seeing a new hut, to enquire whether the new-comer was quiet-if he "make no trouble for Injun," &c. And their intuition and close observation were presented very often in the most striking and remarkable light. On one occasion, about this period, an elderly Miamie had come to the village to trade a little. Soon meeting his old friend, Jas. Peltier, the interperter, his observing eye, in looking about the place, soon fell upon a hut near, that had but recently been built. " Ugh!" ejaculated the Indian; " new wigwam 1' He now became most anxious to know if the white man was peaceable-whether he come to make trouble for Injun? The two now soon entered the hut of the new-comers, and shook hands with the inmates. The Indian at once began to look about him, and to enquire how many warriors (children) they had, &c. Eyeing the matron of the house or squaw, as the Indian called her, and observing that she was quite sad, the Indian became anxious to know what was the matter with her-he was sure she was sick. The woman averred that she was not sick. But the Indian knew she was. Turning to his old friend P. again, after looking at the woman and striking his hand upon his breast, exclaimed, "White squaw sick at heart;" and was anxious to know if she had not left something behind, at the settlement from which they came to Fort Wayne. In response to this, the woman quickly replied, that she had left her only son, by her first husband, at Piqua, and that she was anxious to have him with her, but her present husband did not want him to come. 6 Dicdnt I tell 282 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. you white squaw sick at heart!" replied the Indian, much elated.; and fie at once proposed to go to Picqua and bring her son to her, ii Mr. P. would giv, ihim a blanket —whichi was readily agreed to. Receiving a note from the mother, the next morning early, with two Indian ponies, the generous red man wvas on the road to Piqua; and in five cays from t1hat time returned with the boy! Thle woman's heart was eased, and as the faithful Indian gazed upon the happy meeting of the mother and-the son, lAis ]ear t w(lrmled within him, and turning to his friend Peltier, he exclaimed:' Is'nt tllhat good medicine for the white scquaw! The Indian now became the faitlh:ful protector and friend of the woman and her son, assuming the speci.al guardianship of the latter-telling the husband that if he ever hear( al word of complaint, either from the son or mother, as to ill treatL;-ent, " he would have his hide, if he had to lay in the Malltmee river unt-il the moss'' had grown six inches on his back." For six or seven years the Indian continued his visits to thel hut of;the new-comers, always bringing them supplies in lth.e forml of venison, and animals of different kinds; and the boy very often accompanied his kind benefactor to the forest in pursuit of game.' "It was a custo)m witl the Inldians in warfare, lwhen see;ingl to revenge'themsc.eles uplon some one, often to cover their bacls with m oss or wveeds, and thus to cree': from point to point, surprising and I.illinlo their opponenlt:. iAs related by Jas. Peltier'co i is soI Louis Peltier, rolm rwhom the wvri'tit eceived the narration. CHAPTER XXV. "Broad plains-blue waters-hills and valleys, That ring with anthems of the free! " ---- ---- Fort Wayne regarded as an object of marked value to the country —Commanding officer's and soldiers' garden-Main road and general scenery from the fort-Burial grounds-Exhumation of Indian bones, &c.-Hospitality of the garrison-Early navigation of the St. Mary's and Maumee- Fhe general landing-place —Dams and mills —The fur-trade-"Packs" —Richardville-His wealth —French tradersTreaties at St. Mary's, Ohio-Occupants of the fort in May, 1814 —Return of chief Richardville to Fort Wayne in 1814-His refusal to attend the treaty of Greenville -Rebuilding of the fort-Early traces-The " Big Elm" —A fourth-of-July party -Arrival of the mail —Removal of Major Whistler, and appointment of Major J. H. Vose and Lieutenant Clark-Abandonment of the garrison —Loneliness of the settlers-Captain J ames Riley's visit to and early impressions of Fort Wayne -nd vicinity —Early buildings-Settlers of 1815 —Army contractors —Admission of Indiana as a State —The convention at Corydon —Vincennes the seat of government for the Indiana Territory —Whatis now Allen County, early formed a part of Randolph County on the south, of which Winchester was long the county-seat —Large gathering of Indians at Fort Wayne —How they drew their rations —The old Council-house and well-Letter of Major B. F. Stickney —Early traders —Visit here of General Cass and H. R, Schoolcraft-Formation of State Districts and election of Representatives. -0S WITH the heat of summer and the frost of winter, so the effects and agitated state of the war element only gradually disappeared, again leaving the atmosphere of the general 3 mind in a state of comparative passivity and reconciliation. Still remote from the " settlements," Fort Wayne continued as in former years, to exist as an object of special interest to the nation, not knowing what trials and conflicts might sooner or later call it into action again, in defence of the northwest; and for some years after the achievements of 1812-14, the soldier still continued to stand guard at its portals. Attached to the fort, running west to about where the " Old Fort House " is located, and where David Comparet's warehouse stands, embracing about one acre of ground, was an excellent and well cultivated garden, belonging to the commanding oflicer, always filled, in season, with the choicest vegetation. Still to the west of this was the company's garden, extending to about where the Hedekin House now stands, which was also well tilled. The road then main 284: HISTORY OF FORT WAYNEo ly used, extended westward' from the fort along what is now the canal, to the corner of Barr and Columbia streets. In general appearance, in the summer of 1814, looking out upon the surrounding scene from the fort, the country and vicinity was described as of the rarest beauty. Nature everywhere wore an aspect of grandeur. The surface, as cleared by order of General Harrison, in 1812, to thwart the efforts and designs of the Indians, was now formed, here and there, with beautiful lawns of tall blue grass, of the finest growth, undisturbed, from season to season, save by the tread and hunger of a few stray ponies. Just to the south of the fort. in what is now " Taber's Addition," was located the burial-ground of the garrison; and where also were deposited others not immediately connected with the fort. Lieutenant Ostrander, mentioned in a former chapter, who had unthoughtedly fired upon a flock of birds passing over the fort, had been repremanded by Captain Ray, and because of his refusal to be tried by a court-martial, was confined in a small room in the garrison, where he subsequently'died, was among the number buried in this old place of interment. Another place of burial, where also a number of Indians were interred, extended along the northwest corner of Columbia and Clinton streets, and to the adjoining block. Many bones were removed from this point some years ago, in digging cellars, and laying the foundations of buildings. In 1846, in the progress of excavating for a foundation wall, immediately to the west of the northwest corner of Main and Calhoun streets, were dug up and " removed the remains of an Indian, who had;long before that been buried, with a gun excellently mounted, some trinkets of silver, and a glass pint flask of whisky, which liquid was still preserved in at least as good a state as when buried. The hair was also in a fair state of preservation, though the skull was much decayed, as were the gun mountings carroded.:' Another burial ground, used principally by the Indians, within the recollection of some of the early settlers here,extended from about where Messrs. Hill & Orbison's warehouse stands, across the basin to the brewery, and beyond. And often had been seen, years ago, swinging from the bough of a tree, or in a hammock stretched between two trees, the infant of the Indian mother; or a few little log enclosures, where the bodies of adults sat upright, with all their former apparel wrapped about them, and their trinkets, tomahawks, &c., by their side, could be seen at any time for many years, by the few pale faces visting or sojourning here. In those hospitable periods in the northwest, when it was the pride as well as pleasure of every one to freely' help his neighbor, in any way that each could be serviceable to the other, the appearance of a stranger at the fort, from the settlements, or any part of the country, was a treat not to be lightly considered; and such an *"jFort Wayne Times," 1858. EAREIL NAVIGATION-THE FUJ TRADE. 285 arrival was always hailed with unbounded pleasure by all, and entertained with the freest and most gratifying hospitality. One of the principal ways by which Fort Wayne was reached at this period, was by water, either by way of the St. Mary's or Maumee rivers, usually in flat boats and what was then known as pirogues, embarking at St. Mary's,Ohio,when coming by way of the St. Mary's river. The boat landing was just below the fort, about where the Maumee bridge is, and in the bend of this river-a road leading obliquely down the embankment from the fort to the landing; and up to 1838, it was no uncommon thing to see pirogues and flatboats, laden with various articles of merchandise, whisky, flour, furs, &c., land and unload, and re-load, at this point. But many dam.s having been subsequently erected along the St. Mary's, with a view t'o the establishment of mills, navigation atlength became impeded, and finally abandoned altogether. Among the early mills built along the St. Mary's and near Fort Wayne, was one erected by Captain James Riley, in 1822, at a point familiarly known as the Devil's Race Ground," or what is now Willshire, Ohio; in 1824-5 Samuel Hanna and James Barnett built a mill some three miles from Fort Wayne, now known as " Beaver's mill." Great quantities of hides and peltries arriving here on horses, familiarly called " packs,"7 or by water, across'by portage, -from. the Wabash, &c., were placed in pirogues, and re-shipped to Detroit, and other points below. And this business was for many years the principal commerce of the place-in fact, the coizt itself, by which notes and " promises to pay," were usually liquidated'; and it was through these that goods of various kinds were generally iThis business of the portage or transporting of goods and furs to and from the waters of the Maumee and W abash, had, before the erection of the fort, become of considerable importance. For some time previous to about the year 1800, it had been pretty much monopolized by the mother of the late chief Richardville, who usually employed a considerable number of men-Indians-and horses for that purpose. The extent and profit of the business was such, that the Indians, upon the grant of a tract of land on Little river, at the treaty of Greenville, endeavored to have reserved to themselves the exclusive right of transportation across the portage, a portion of which was included in the grant; and it was stated that as much as one hundred dollars had been yielded from this source in one day. It is quite certain that this woman amassed a considerable fortune at the business. Afterwards, Mr. Louis Bourie, of Detroit, who had a trading house here, principally carried on this business, from about the year 1803, to 1809. His clerk, here, who usually employed a number of men and horses for the purpose, acted also as a kind of forwarding merchant for the traders. Upon.the deposit of goods in their absence,he issued regular receipts for the same,and paid off the charges of freight and duties at the post of Miami. The traders would purchase their goods in Detroit or Canada, usually in the summer or fall; transport them in pirogues, in case of purchase from the former, to Detroit or Post Miami, where they paid duties; thence they ascended the Maumee river, by the same road to the portage at Fort Wayne; crossed the same by pack horses to the head waters of the Wabash, and down the same by pirogues to their respective establishments In the spring they returned, in the same manner with the furs they had collected in winter, to the marts of Detroit and Canada, whence they were sent to Europe. We can scarcely conceive, at this day, of the immense quantities o furs, consisting principally of beaver, bear, otter, deer, and coon, which were formerly collected on the Wabash and Illinois rivers, and nearly all of which passed over this portage. They were the principal staple of the country, and among the traders the only currency-when debts were contracted, or payments to be made, wotes were usually drawn payable in furs. Such notes are found extending back in 286 HIISTORY OF FORT WAYNtE obtained in exchange-such as dry goods, boots, shoes, haidware, &c-which were sold at exorbitant prices to the Indians, and others, and by which means, and the early purchase of lands, at a very low figure, many in after years became very wealthy. Richardville, the late chief of the Mliamies, who was licensed as a trader with the Indians at this point, as early as 1815, amassed an immense fortune, mainly by this trade and the sale of lands. Schoolcraft estimated his wealth some years prior to his death at about $200,000 in specie; much of which he had had so long buried in the earth that the boxes in which the money was enclosed, had mainly decayed, and the silver itself greatly rusted and blackened. In 1818, several French traders came here, but not meeting with such inducements as they had desired, passed on, after a few days, to the more remote regions of the West, where furs were supposed to be more abundant. In this year there were also a number of treaties held with the Indians at St. Mary's, Ohio, on behalf of the United States, under the direction of Governor Jennings and Benjiamin Parke, of Indiana, and General Lewis Cass, of Michigan; at one of which, on the 6th of October, a purchase of a considerable body of land lying south of the rivers St. Mary and Wabash, was effected. When Major Whistler assumed command of the garrison, in May, 1814, aside from the little band of soldiers here, were the two daughters of the commandant, Mrs. Laura Suttenfield,* George and John E. Hunt; Lieutenant Curtiss, and William Suttenfield, husband of Mrs. L. Suttenfield. Soon after the war broke out, with many other members of the tribe, including his family, Chief Richardville, made his way to the British lines for protection, and with a view, doubtless, to render some aid to the enemy; for, as the reader already knows, but few among the tribes of the northwest remained neutral, or failed to give aid in some way to the British cause. At the close of the troubles in 1814, he again returned to this point, and soon passed on up the St. Mary's, about three miles from Fort Wayne, where he encamped.tl Major Whistler, desiring to see him, at once sent an interpreter to him by the name of Crozier, requesting him to come immediately to the fort, with which he readily complied. The treaty of Greenville, already referred to, was now about to take place, and the Major desired that the chief should be present, and so requested him; but Richardville was very indifferent about the matter, hesitated, and soon returned to his camp again. A few days subsequently, however, he came back to the fort, where he was now held as a hostage for some ten days, when he at length consented to attend the treaty, and was soon after accompanied thither by Chief Chondonnai, of (late from 1810 to as early as 1738; at which latter period Kaskaslia was the enpori u At of the trad,> of theWest.- C. B. Lasselle, from Fort Wayne Democrat, Feb. 20th 1867. ~:8eo sklethe of her in. back part of this volume. [T'wa.s not far from thiis point where the government, a few years later, built himr a -relv near; brick hiouse, in. which he resided for several years afterwards. REBUILDTNG OF THE FORT. 287 one of thle lower tribes, (who'lad )een a party to thle Chicago massac:re,) Iobert L. Forsyth, and Win. Slttenfield. 5Much of the season of'1S15, was spent in rebuilding the fort; and when completed, as with the firs' erected in 1794, was a most substantial affair. Trle timber with which it had been built, was obtained principally'froil what is now the east end, about Nwhere stands the dwelling of HI. B. Taylor, James Embry, and the late Samuel Hranla —the pickets consisting of timber, some twelve and a half feet in length, "i in sets of six, with cross pieces, two feet from the top, let in and, spiked, andc a trench dug, two and a half feet deep, into which they were raised.2': As the old pickets were removedl, the nlew ones took their place. At this early period the roads leading frloml the fort were mere traces; one leading to Fort Recovery, and known as the "Wayne tl'race," passing through what is now Allen County, thence into Adams, to the nlorth of Monmouthi; from. thence passing not far froml Willshire to " Shane's Crossing," and so on. There was also a t'ace to (Captau.li Well's place, on the banks of Spy Runn; two tr.aces led dowAi- tlhe M3naumee on either side; and one extended in tihe direc.tioll ol" l'o:l; o Dearborn, (Chicago;) between which point and Fort W'a:Cle, i io house was then visible, nor indeed, in any other direction, with, pel.laps, one or two exceptions, short of the settlenmeints in Ohio. The two common:fording places at that time and for some years later, w. ere above and below.the iMarmee bridge-the one below the brid.lce vwas better known as" 1Iarmer's Ford," both of which are now i,.,ost entirely obliterated.. 1i- was below til.is latter ford, near a path leading towards Detroit, under the cheerful shade of what was then and long after known as the " BigE Elm," on lthe,4tl of July, 1810, that Captain Ray and a few others fiom the fort, were enjoying themselves most agreeably, partaking of a dinner, in honor of the glorious occasion, when an express came up the tLrac e from Detroit, with the private mail and Government despatches. Here Captain Ray took possession of the " mail matter,t all gathering around to receive their favors, which. were then duly diistibulted by first Postmaster Ray; and the old Elnm was thereafter known as "the Post Office." What has become of this " old familiar tree "-whose o' erhanging bows formed the shadow of the Jirsi. post office in the region of Fort Wayne, is now unknown. Perhaps some unsparing axeman long since cut ii down. IL was by way o. Fort Wayne at this period and some years after that the troops at Chicago a1nd GLreeu Bay received their regular mail by military express. Major Wvhistler, in, 1817, being rei-oved from this point to what is now St. Charles, iMo., w\as succeeded by [Major J. H. Vose, of the 5th regiment of regulars, who held command until permanently evacuated, iln April,..819. The departure of the troops is * "Fort'Wayne Times," 185:. 288 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE. said to have " left the little band of citizens" then here " extremely lonesome and unprotected. The cessation of the therefore daily music of the troops in the fort was eupplied by the stillness of nature, almost overwhelming. The Indians were numerous, and their camp fires and rude music, the drum, made night more dreaded; but to this the inhabitants of Fort Wayne soon became familiarized."'"The punctilio of military life was gradually infused into the social circle, and gave tone to the etiquette and moral habits of the citizens of " the fort.* It was in this year, about the 24th of November, (1819,) that Captain James Riley, the surveyor, paid a visit to Fort Wayne. The following are some of his impressions as then dotted down. " At every step, in this country," said he of General Wayne and the fort, "every unprejudiced mind will more and more admire the movements and achievements of the army, conducted by this veteran and truly wise and great commander; (General Wayne.) By occupying Fort Wayne, the communication between Lake Erie and the Ohio, through the channels of the Maumee and the Wabash (which is the shortest and most direct water route from Buffalo to the Missisippi river,) was cut off, or completely commanded." He also suggested the importance of a canal, by way of the portage, from St. Mary's to Little river, and said such " might very easily be cut six miles long, uniting the Wabash to the St. Mary's, a little above its junction; and from what I saw and learned from others," said he, "it is my opinion that the swamp might afford water sufficient for purposes of Canal navigation. " The country around Fort Wayne," he continued, " is very fertile. The situation is commanding and healthy, and here will arise a town of great importance, which must become a depot of immense trade. The fort is now only a small stockade; no troops are stationed here, and less than thirty dwelling houses, occupied by French and American families, from the settlement. But soon as the land shall be surveyed and offered for sale, inhabitants will pour in from all quarters; to this future thoroughfare, between the East and the Mississippi river." A year later, November, 1820, Captain Riley, writing to HIon. Edward Tiffin, surveyor-general, said he " was induced to visit this place for curiosity, to see the Indians receive their annuities, and to view the country." It was at this period that he levelled the portage ground, from the St. Mary's to Little river, and presented also some very practical suggestions, which, in after years, came to be highly serviceable. Every freshet at that time, brought many boats down the St. Mary's, which had, for some years, been quite common. This, (Fort Wayne,) said he, is " a central point, combining more natural advantages to build up and support a town of importance, as a place of deposit and trade, and a thoroughfare, than any point he had seen in the western country." At this period, he remarked, there were about one thousand * "Fort Wayne Times," 1858; AccouNT OF CAPTAIN RILEY-TRADE WITH THE INDIANS. 289 whites here from Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and New York, trading with the Indians during the payment season, who had brought a great abundance of whisky with them, and which they dealt out to the Indians so freely as to keep them continually drunk, and unfit for business; horse-racing, drinking, gambling, debauchery, extravagance, and waste were the order of the day and night; and that the Indians were the least savage, and more christianized; that.the examples of those whites were too indelicate to mention; all of which he thought could be remedied by a speedy survey of the lands, and then to dispose of them as soon as possible, from the mouth of the Maumee to Fort Wayne; and from thence down the Wabash, which would superinduce a rapid settlement, and give spur and energy to agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and farther suggested that the p'ace should Ie laid out in lots, and sold, the money to be applied uy the President, giving a place and lands on which to erect buildings of a public character for "' this fultdure Emporium? of ]Idicana"' And he finally purchased, this year, at the Piqua Land Office, a number of tracts of land at the Rapids of the St. Mary's, (Willshire,) where he soon moved his family, laid off a town, and, two years later, (1822,) built a grist mill, and surveyed all the country, on both sides of the St. Mary's, embracing Fort Wayne; and also about twenty townships, of six miles square, between the St. Mary's and the Maumee. Such were the prophetic words-such the spirit and energy of that stirling pioneer, Captain James Riley. And he will certainly long live in the memory of the people of Fort Wayne. The trade with the Indians now constituted, for some years after the organization of the county, in 1824, the main life and business activity of the place; the principal features of which have been most fully presented in the foregoing, by Captain Riley. As illustrative of what Captain Riley has said of the adventurous sptrit of the time, on one occasion, at a later period, in the history of this old carrying-place, an Indian had come to Fort Wayne, upon a very fair pony, and alighted in front of a little grocery and liquor store, which then stood on the west side of what is now Oalhoun street, a little north of the north-west corner of Aain and Calhoun streets. The Indian wanted money, and offered to sell his pony for a moderate sum, to a white man standing near the point at which he stopped. The man looked at the pony somewhat scrutinizingly, and said to the Indian that he would 6" like to ride him up the street a piece, and if he liked him, would buy the pony." The Indian assented, and the man sprang upon the animal and rode towards Wayne street. At that time, and for some years subsequent, the old jail, a rather substantial, though rough-looking log building, stood on the south-west corner of the the present enclosure of the court-house. Coming to this old edifice, the man turned the corner, eastward, p ssed the jail, and putting whip to the pony, was soon beyond the iimits of the town I The (1.9) 290 1rISTORTa o FORT WAYM,. pony was gone. None could tell him- of the rider; and the Indian never saw him more. In 1815, a few houses began to appear some distance from the fort, but usually in range of the bastions; so that, in case of attack, they might easily be destroyed, or the enemy driven away. One of these was built about the centre of what is now Barr street, near the corner of Columbia, which, some years afterwards, being removed from its former locality, formed a part of the old Washington Hall building, on the southwest corner of Columbia and Barr streets, destroyed by fire in 1858. Among those who came to this point in 1815, were a Mr. Bourie, grandfather of L. T. Bourie; Dr. Turner, Dr. Samuel Smith, from Lancaster, Ohio, and John P. Hedges returned here froml Cincinnati, whither, and to Bowling Green, Ky., he had gone after the battle of the Thames. The following year Dr. Trevitt came. John H. Piatt, of Cincinnati, beginning with 1812, furnished. supplies to the army here, with Nwhom, in 18.14, became associated Andrew Wallace. This contract was subsequently disposed of to Rob't Hugh Glenn and Jacob Fowles, who, mn turn, disposed of:it (in 1817,) to Major Wi. P. Rathbo'ne, of New York City. In 1816, Indiana having been admitted as a State, in compliance with an act of Congress, a Convention was held at Corydon, with a view to the formation of a State Constitution, in which body this part of the State, then a portion of Knox county, was represented by John Badolet, John Benefiel, John Johnson, Win. Polk, and Benjamin Parke, all now deceased. The. seat of government of Knox county was at Vincennes, which had for several years been the seat of government for the Indiana Territory; and all judicial matters relating to the vicinity of Fort Wayne, were settled at Vincennes up to 1818, when this portion of tie State, extending to Lake Michigan, was embraced in Randolph County, of which Winchester was the county seat, up to the formation of Allen County, in 1823. During 815, after the declaration of peace, the Indians began to gather here in large numbers, to receive their rations, &c., as per treaty stipulations, at Greenville. Being admitted intb the fort, on such occasions, in parties of six or eight, the Indians would present a little bundle of short sticks, to represent the number of rations they wished to draw. The council-house which had been destroyed by the siege of 1812, was rebuilt in 1816, upon the site of the old one, which was again occupied by the former Indian agent here, Major B. F. Stickney. The same well that was used at the time of its occupancy at this early period, is still used by Mr. IHedekin, whose residence now occupies the site of this old edifice. The year following the rebuilding of the old council-house, (1817,) Major Stickney addressed the following letter to Thomas L. M'Kiu LETTEI OrF IMAJO B. F. STIOKNEY. 291 hey, then superintendent of Indian Affairs. This letter bears date "F* ort Wayne, August 27th, 18172" and at once presents to the mind of the reader the true condition of the Indians here at that period. Said Mr. Stickney: "I shall pa i every attention to the subject of your letter, developing the exalted views of philanthropy of the Kentucky Baptist Society for propagating the gospel among the heathen. The civilization of the Indians is not a newsubject to me. I have been, between five and six years, in the habit of daily and hourly intercourse with the Indians northwest of the Ohio, and the great question of the practicability of civilizing them ever hefore me. That I might have an opportunity.of casting in mny mite to the bettering of the condition -of these uncultivated human beings, and the pleasure of observing the change that might be produced on them, were the principal inducements to my surrendering the comforts of civilized society. Upon my entering on my duties, I soon found that nfy speculative opinions were not reducible to practice. What I had viewed, at a distance, as flying clouds, proved, upon my nearer approach, to be impassable mountains. Notwvithstanding these discouraging circumstances, I am ready to aidyour views by all proper means within my power; and, in so doing, believe I embrace the views of the government of which I am. agent.': - * it will be proper for me to be more particular, and give you something of my ideas of.the nature and extent of the obstacle to be met.'"First. —The great, and, I fear, insurmountable obstacle is, THE INSATIABLE THIRST FOR INTOXICA TING LIQUOIRS that appears to be born with all the yellow-skin inhabitants of America: and the thirst for gain of [some of] the citizens of the United States appears to be etpable of eluding all the vigilance of the governmrent to stop the distribution of liquor among them. When the Indians can not obtain the meansiof intoxication within their own limits, they will travel arn distance to obtain it. There is no fatigue, risk, or expense, that is too great to obtain it. In. some cases, it appears to be valued higher than life itself. If a change of habit in this can be effected, all other obstacles may yield. But if the whites can not beirestrained from furnishing them spirituous liquors, nor they from the use of them, I fear all other efforts to extend to them. the benefits of civilization will prove fruitless. The knowledge of letters serves as the medium of entering into secret arrangements with the whites, to supply the means of their own destruction, and, within the limits' of my intercourse, the principal use of the knowledge of letters or civilized language has been for them to obtain liquor for themselves and others. "Secondly.-The general aversion to the habits, manners, customs, and dress of civilized people; and, in many cases, an Indian is an object of jealousy for being acquainted with a civilized language, and it is made use of as a subject of reproach against him. " -hhirdly.C-General indolence, connected with a firm conviction that the life of a civilized man is that of slavery, andthat savage life is manhood, ease and independence. " Fourthly. —Tb unfavorable light in which they view the character of the citizens of the United St ates-believing that their minds are so occupied in trade and speculation, that they never act from any other motives.'* Their opinion of the government of the United States is, in some degree, more favorable; but secretly, they view all white people as their enemies, and are extremely suspicious of every thing coming from them. " All the MNiamies, and Eel river Miamies, are under my charge, about one thousand four hundred in number; and there are something more than two thousand Pottawattamies who come within nmy agency. The proportion of children can not be ascertained, but it must be less than among the white inhabitants of the United States. They have had no schools or missionaries among them since the time of the French Jesuits. They have places that are commonly called villages, but, perhaps not correctly, as they have no uniform place of residence. During the fall, winter, and part of the spring, they are scattered in the woods, hunting. The respective bands assemble in the spring at. their several ordinaryplaces of resort, where some have rude cabins, made of small logs, covered with bark; but more commonly, some po:es stuck in the "gr-ound and tied togethher with plialnt slips of bark, and covered fith large sheets of bark, or a kind of mats, made of fiags, 292 HISTORY OF FOT I WAYE. 6 Near these places of reqort they plant some corn. There are eleven of these places of resort within my agency. The Mianmies and Eel river Miamies reside, principaly, on the Wabash, Mlissisineewa and Eel river, and at the head of White river, The Pottawattamies [reside]' on the Tippecanoe, Kankakee, Iroquois, Yellow river, St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, the Elkhart, M3iami of the lake, the St. Joseph emp. tying into it, and the St. Mary's river. They all believe in a God, as creator and governor, but have no idea of his will being communicated to man, except as it apry irs in the creation, or as it appears, occasionally, from his providential gorernment. Some of them had been told of other communications having been made to the white people a long time since, and that it was written and printed; but they neither have conception nor belief in relation to it. Their belief in a future existence iS a kind of transubstantiation —a removal from this existence to one more happy, with similiar appetites and enjoyments. They talk of abad spirit, but never express any apprehensions of his troubling them in their future existence." Among those engaged in the Indian trade at this point and at what is now South Bend, in 1821, were Francis Comparet, with the Pottawattamies, at the latter piace, and Alexis Coquillard, with the Miamies, at the formner. Win. G and Geo. W. Ewing arrived here in 1822, and began to trade with the Indians. En route for the Mississippi, General Lewis Cass and the historian, H. R. Schooleraft, made a short stop at this point in June 1822, reaching here in a canoe by way of the Maumee, fiom Detroit, whence this little vessel was hauled across the portage to Little river, from whence they proceeded on their journey to the Father of Waters. The following year, (1823,) the State being divided into two Congressionel Districts, John Test, of Dearborn county, was selected representative from the district, then embracing Allen, &c., at which period there were but about fity votes polled in the whole' north part of the State of Indiana. CHAPTER XXVI, Scenes varied-new life — New acts in the drama; Still in the " forest deep and -wild." Establishment of a land of-ice at Fort Wayne, and sale of lands-Purchase of Bapr and McOorkle —-The original plat —Donation of ground for burial purposes, and upon which to erect a meeting hoise and seminary —-Purchase of Judge Hanna —- he first school-house of Fort Wayne —-Earlv school-teachers — Great abundance of fish in the Maumee —- Ianufacture of oil —-'What the Indians thought —-Buildings and business of 119 —-Store of Samuel Hanna and James Barnett —-Appearance of the sountry in 1819 —-Searcity of settlers —-The Quaker trace —-Settlers between Fort Wayne and Richmond, Ind. —-Recollections of John Stritten —-Early purchasers of land here —-The Wells pre-emption —-Organization of Alien County —-First Ma8onic organization here —-First plat of Fort Wayne recorded at Winchester —First election of couinty officers-First meeting of the County Board —-County officers —First Justices of the peace —-Early tavrsr rates — iaxation —-Reort on taxable property —-Wolf-scalp cert ificates- First circuit court —-First grand jury —-First ease on docket —-First application for divorce —-Tavern license —-Application for citizenship —-Pay of officers —-Meeting of court —-Attorney's device for seal —-Miles C. Eggleston- -Associate Judges —-Report of Grand Jury —-The county jail —-Imprisonmlent for debt —-Court sessions — First will of Allen County —Murder by an Indian Chief, (Big Leg) —-His trial —-First restrainin case —-Term of 1831 —-County officers —-Judge Hanna and John Right —-Judge Right and Pat. McCOarty —-Daniel Worth —-Organization of Delaware County —-Thle three per cent fued —-Grant of land by Congress for canal purposes- Action of the land office- -Cession of land tothe State of Ohio — Canal stipulations —-Canal commissioners —-Hon. Oliver H. Smith —-Trip to Fort Wayne, by Mr. Smith, Judge Eggieston, and James Rariden --— Election of John Test and Jonathan McCa'ty —- Election of Mr. Worth, of Randolph County —-Formation of Randolp-h, Alen, Delaware, and other territories, adjoining into a senatorial district- -Re-election of Mr. Worth —-Election of Mr. Holman —-Allen, Randolph, St. Joseph, Elkhart, auid Delaware counties formed.into a senatorial district —-Election of Miessrs, Worth, Hanna, Crawford, and Colerick- -County Board of commissioners —-( ounty addition —-Taber's addition —First Probate Court —-Letters of administration —-Court terms —Estate of Chief La Gross —-Appointment of W. G. Ewing — Judge McCulloeh —-Lucien B. Ferry —Elections and appointments —-Abolition ot the Probate Court and organization of the Common Pleas Court — Election of Judge Borden —-Organization of a CriminCourt —- Marriage records. -0o— HROUGH an act of Congress, approved by the President of the United States, i;lay 8th, 1822, a land office was established at -' Fort Wayne. By this act the district for the sale of lands at this point was also defined, and the President appointed Joseph Hol- man of Wayne county, Register, and Captain Samuel C.Vance, 294 HISTORY OF FORT WAYNE, of Dearborn county, Receiver. After the survey of the lands, the President issued a proclamation for their sale, to the highest bidder, the minimum price being ^,25 per acre; and the sale began on the 22d of October, 1823, at the fort. Considerable rivalry having been awakened, touching that portion which embraced the town and immediate settlement-some forty acres, in the immediate locality of the fort, being reserved for the use of the Indian Agent-the most extensive purchasers thereof wiere Barr, of Baltimore, Md., and McOorkle of Piquas, Ohio. This portion of the city is marked on the city maps' Old Plat to Fort Wayne," and originally designated as "the north fi'action of the south-east quarter of section two, township thirty, north of range twelve east;" and it was on this that Messrs. Barr and MIcCorlkle laid off the original plat of the' Town of'lort Wayne,' as surveyed by Robert Young, of Piqua, Ohio. This plat was embraced in one hundredl and eighteen lots.'* In this plat, Messrs, Barr and McCorkle set apart and donated, by deed, a body of ground, some four rods square, as a free place of burial, with the privilege to any denomination, that might form. a first organization here, to build a Church thereon. They also set apart a lot, of similar dimensions, and adjoining the foregoing, upon which to erect an educational institute or seminary. But all marks of these donations have long since been destroyedthe pointt alone remaining to remind the reader of the thoughtful character of the donors. In subsequent years, Judge Hanna having purchased all the Barr and MtcOorkie claims here, and the lots donated, as in the foregoing, being laid off by Mr. Hanna as a part of the place, for general building purposes, the dead of the grave-yard, were, in 1838-9, removed, at public expense or by loved friends, to the general cemetery, west of Fort Wayne. Of the seminary or school-house erected oun the donation of Barr and lMcorkle, the "' Fort Wayne Times," as late as 1858, in some sketches of the place by the editor, says:' In this old schoolhuose, many of those, then young, but now past middle life who yet live here; many dead, and others absent, had ltheir early training for usefulness; and many there experienced that joy only once to be enjoyed in -alife-time; while, perhaps, nearly every teacher, vho there disciplined the youthful mind, has gone to his final ac~ount, and soon here to be entirely forgotten.'' This old school-house was built of brick, in 1825, and was then quite * Running io'th to Water street, on the bank of the slough, where the w ater from the City MATills now discharges, south to the alley south of the first Presbyterian Church, west to Calhoun street, and east to a line running iust east of Barr street. The reason, for the.peculia.r direction of the streets, as variant.rtomr a north and south line, is this, that some buildings had been put up by the. setle: s and temporary streets.thus adopted, which caused the proprietors to adopt the surrey to tle convenience of those squatters, who would, it was thought, buy the lots on vhliicl their improvements should haDpen to fall.-' Fort Wayne Times," 1S58. I Just westl of the county jail, on Calhoun street, and north of what is now Water ta