A
CO M MEN T A RY
ON TIHE
ORIGINAL TEXT
OF THE
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
R Y
HORATIO B. HACKETT, D.D.
PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE IN NEWTON
THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTION.
A NEW EDITION,
REVISED AND GREATLY EtLARGEQ.
BOSTON:
GOULD  AND  L INCOLN9
59 WASHINGTON STREET.
NEW YORK: SHELDON, ILAKEMAN & CO.
CINCINNATI: GEORGE S. BLANCHARD.
1858.




Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
GOULD AND LINCOLN,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
Stereotyped and Printed by
W. F DRAPEIR, ANDOVER, MASS.




THE AUTHOR
As gef~rmitt    to  1smribt this  oIlumt
TO
AUGUSTUS THOLUCK, D. D.,
WHOSE WRITINGS IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE SACRED WORD, AND WHOSE
PERSONAL INSTRUCTIONS, HAVE CAUSED HIS INFLUENCE TO BE
FELT AND HIS NAME TO BE HONORED IN FOREIGN
COUNTRIES AS WELL AS HIS OWN.








PREFACE
TO THE
FIRS T E D I T I ON.
IT has been the writer's endeavor to present to the reader
in this volume the results of the present state of biblical
study, as applied to the illustration of the Acts of the Apostles. Although our language contains already some valuable
works devoted to the same general object, it is hoped that
the dependence of the work here offered to the public on the
original text, and the advantage taken of the latest investigations in this department of criticism, will render it not
superfluous.
Of the importance of an acquaintance with the contents
of the Acts, it must be unnecessary to speak. A single reflectioni will render this sufficiently obvious. No person can
be prepared to read the Epistles of the New Testament with
the greatest advantage until he has made himself familiar




VI         PREFACE TO  FIRST  EDIIION.
with the external history of the Apostle Paul, and with his
character and spirit, as Luke has portrayed them in his narrative. Those portions of the Acts, constituting the greater
part of the whole, which relate to the great Apostle, must be
thoroughly mastered before any proper foundation is laid for
the exegetical study of the Epistles. It is the object of these
Notes to assist the reader in the acquisition of this knowledge and discipline; to enable him to form his own independent view of the meaning of the sacred writer in this
particular portion of the New Testament, and, at the same
time, furnish himself to some extent with those principles
and materials of criticism which are common to all parts of
the Bible. If the plan of the work and the mode in which
it is executed are such as to impart a just idea of the process
of biblical interpretation, and to promote a habit of careful
study and of self-reliance on the part of those who may use
the book, it will be a result much more important than that
all the opinions advanced in it should be approved; it is a
result beyond any other which the writer has been anxious to
accomplish. The grammatical references and explanations
will enable the student to judge of the consistency of the interpretations given with the laws of the Greek language. The
authorities cited will show the state of critical opinion on all
passages that are supposed to be uncertain or obscure. The
geographical, archaeological, and other information collected
from many different sources, will unfold the relations of the




PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION.               VII
book to the contemporary history of the age in which it was
written, and serve to present to the mind a more vivid conception of the reality of the scenes and the events, which the
narrative describes.
No single commentary can be expected to answer all the
purposes for -which a commentary is needed. The writer has
aimed at a predominant object; and that has been, to determine by the rules of a just philology the meaning of the
sacred writer, and not to develop the practical applications,
or, to any great extent, the doctrinal implications of this
meaning. With such a design, no one will object to the use
which has been made of the labors of foreign scholars; it
would have been a matter of just complaint not to have used
them, although with a different aim it would be equally inexcusable not to have brought into view more frequently the
connections which exist between the Acts and the practical
religious literature contained in our own language.
I am indebted to various friends for advice and cooSperation
in the performance of this labor. Among these it becomes
me to mention in particular the Rev. B. B. Edwards, D. D.,
Professor at Andover. It is doubtful whether I should have
undertaken the work, or persevered in it, had it not been for
his generous sympathy and encouragement.
The author can recall no happier hours than those which




VIII       PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION.
he has spent in giving instruction on this book of the New
Testament to successive classes of theological students. May
the fruits of this mutual study be useful to them in the active
labors of the sacred work to which they are devoted. They
are now sent forth into a wider sphere;- and, here also, may
God be pleased to own them as a means of contributing to
a more diligent study and a more perfect knowledge of his
Holy Word.
NEWTON THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTION,
October 31, 1851.




PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION.
THE present edition as compared with the former has been
in parts rewritten, and, also, enlarged by the addition of about
a hundred pages. In the interval since the work was first
published, the writer has continued to study the Acts both in
a private way and occasionally as the teacher of theological
classes. As the result of this further labor, the view on some
passages has been modified; expressions that were found to
be obscure have been made plainer; new points in the text
have been elucidated; former explanations of a debatable
character, according to the apparent evidence in the case,
have been placed in a stronger light, or advanced with less
confidence; and, in general, pains have been taken in this
revised form to render the notes not less critical than before,
and yet freer and more varied in their contents. The last six
years, too, have been signally fruitful in the appearance of
valuable works relating to the Acts, either directly exegetical
or subsidiary to that end. The reader will find ample proof
in the following pages of the extent of my indebtedness to
these contributions to biblical literature, and at the same
time, will appreciate the difficulty of using the abundant material with independence and judgment.
2




X       PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION.
It has been of some service to me that since the publication of the first edition, I have been enabled to visit the
countries in which the Saviour and the apostles lived, and the
cross gained its earliest victories. The journey has made it
ten fold more a labor of love to trace again the footsteps of
Paul and his associates, and should add something to the interpreter's power to unfold the history of their sufferings and
their triumphs.
Not to render the Commentary too heterogeneous, it has
seemed best to discard the idea of a supplement for the discussion of certain miscellaneous topics, as was proposed at
first. As a substitute for such an appendage, the points
which it was designed to embrace have been enlarged upon
more fully in the present notes, and references have been
given to appropriate works in which the student who desires
will find more complete information. I will only add that the
Greek text has been reviewed more carefully in this edition,
and, unless I have erred through some inadvertence, all the
variations which affect the sense materially have been brought
to the reader's notice. At the suggestion of various friends,
the Greek words in the notes have been translated in all cases
where the remarks might otherwise be obscure to the English
reader, and thus the explanations will be readily understood
by all into whose hands the work may fall.
May the Divine blessing rest upon this renewed endeavor
to illustrate this portion of the Holy Scriptures.
NEWTON CENTRE, March 1, 1858.




INTRODUCTION.
} 1. THE WRITER OF THE ACTS.
THE evidence that the book of Acts was written by Luke, to
whom the Christian world are accustomed to ascribe it, is of a
three-fold character. It will be sufficient for the object here in
view merely to indicate the line of argument which establishes
the correctness of that opinion. A more complete and systematic
view of the evidence must be sought in works which treat professedly of the formation and transmission of the Canon of the
Scriptures.
In the first place, we have the explicit testimony of the early
Christian writers, that Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles.
Irenmeus, who became bishop of Lyons in A. D. 178, and who
was born so early that he was intimate with those who had seen
the apostles, says expressly that Luke was the author of the
Acts; he quotes from him various single passages, and, in one
place, gives a distinct summary of the last twelve chapters of the
book (Adv. Hlres. 3. 14. 1). He treats this authorship of the
work as a matter which he had no occasion to defend, because
no one of his contemporaries had called it in question. From
the generation which separated Irenmus from the age of Luke,
we have only a few scanty remains; but these, although they
contain expressions' which, according to the admission of nearly
all critics, pre-suppose an acquaintance with the Acts, are silent
respecting the writer. To have mentioned him by name would
have been at variance with the informal mode of citing the
Christian Scripturesr which distinguishes the writings of that
1 See the passages, in Kirchhofer's Sammlung zur Geschichte des N. T.
Canons, p. 161 sq., in Lardner's Credibility, and similar works.




12                   INTRODUCTION.
early period. The next witness is Clemens of Alexandria, who
flourished about A. D. 190. This father not only speaks of Luke
as having composed the Acts, in his Stromata (Lib. 5), but is
known to have written a commentary on it, which has not been
preserved. Tertullian, who lived about A. D. 200, offers the
same testimony. He has not only quoted the Acts repeatedly,
but named Luke as the author, in such a way as makes it evident that he merely followed in this the universal opinion of his
age (De Jejun. c. 10; De Prescript. Hoeret. c. 22; De Bapt. c.
10, etc.). Eusebius wrote about A. D. 325. He has recorded
both his own belief and that of his time, in the following important statement: " Luke, a native of Antioch, by profession a
physician, was mostly Paul's companion, though he associated
not a little with the other apostles. He has left us examples of
the art of healing souls, which he acquired from the apostles, in
two divinely inspired books; first, in the Gospel which he testifies to have written according to what eye-witnesses and ministers of the word delivered to him from the beginning, all which,
also, he says that he investigated from the first; 1 and, secondly,
in the Acts of the Apostles, which he composed, not from report,
as in the other case, but according to his own personal observation." (Hist. Eccl. 3. 4.)
It would be superfluous to pursue this testimony further. It
may be proper to add, that no trace of any opposition to it, or dissent from it, has come down to us from the first ages of the
church. Some of the early heretical sects, it is true, as the Marcionites, Manicheans, Severians, rejected the religious authority
of the Acts; but as they did this because it contradicted their
peculiar views, and as they admitted without question the source
from which their opponents claimed to receive it, their rejection
of the book, under such circumstances, becomes a conclusive testimony to its genuineness.
In the second place, the relation in which the Acts of the
Apostles stands to the Gospel which is ascribed to Luke, proves
that the author of the two productions must be the same individuial. The writer introduces his work as a continuation or second
part of a previous history, and dedicates it to a certain Theophilus, who can be no other than the person for whose special information the Gospel was written. As to the identity of the
writer of the Acts with the writer of the Gospel attributed to
1 As the relative may be neuter or masculine, many take the sense of the
Greek to be, all whom he accompanied; but the manifest allusion,to Luke 1, 2. 3
renders the other the more obvious translation.




WRITER OF THE ACTS.                       13
Luke, no well-founded question has been, or can be, raised.
Consequently,: the entire mass of testimony which proves that
Luke the Evangelist wrote the Gospel which bears his name,
proves with equal force that he wrote also the Acts of the Apostles.  Thus the Acts may be traced up to Luke, through two
independent series of witnesses. And it may be confidently
asserted, that, unless the combined historical evidence from this
twofold source be admitted as conclusive in support of Luke's
claim to the authorship of the Acts, there is then no ancient book
in the world, the'author of which can ever be ascertained by us.
In the third place, the literary peculiarities which distinguish
the Gospel of Luke mark also the composition of the Acts, and
show that it must have come from the same hand. The argument here is founded on a different relation of the Gospel to the
Acts from that to which we have just adverted. Luke being
acknowledged as the author of the Gospel, we know from that
source what the characteristics of his style are; and it is maintained that these re-appear in the Acts to such an extent, that
we can account for the agreement only by referring the two productions to the same writer. The reality of the resemblance
here asserted is conceded by critics of every name. It will be
necessary to restrict the illustration of it to a few examples.' In
Luke's Gospel, verbs compounded with prepositions are more
numerous than in the other Evangelists; they are found in the
same proportion in the Acts. Matthew has on;v three times,
Mark five times, John three times, or, according to another reading, but twice; while Luke employs it in his Gospel twenty-four
times, and in the Acts fifty-one times.  Luke has used aJras in
his two books thirty-five times; whereas it occurs in all the
others but nine times. 7ropEvEo-erat is found in the Gospel fortynine times, and in the Acts thirty-eight times, but is rarely found
in other parts of the New Testament. The construction of
EiTretv and XaXE&v with'pos, instead of the dative of the person
addressed, is confined almost exclusively to Luke.  No other
writer, except John in a few instances, ever says dErlEv 7rpos, and
XaXEitv 7rpo'g occurs out of Luke's writings only in 1 Cor. 14, 6;
Heb. 5, 5 and 11, 18. As in Luke's Gospel, so in the Acts we
1 They are drawn out, more or less fully, in Gersdorf's Beitraege, p. 160 sq.;
Credner's Einleitung in das neue Testament, p. 130 sq.; Ebrard's Kritik der
evangelischen Geschichte, p. 671, ed. 1850; Guericke's Gesammtgeschichte des
N. T., p. 166 sq.; Lekebusch's Composition und Entstehung der Apostelgeschichte, p. 37 sq.; and Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the New Testament,
Vol. I. p. 190, and Vol. II. p. 8.




14                  INTRODUCTION.
have a characteristic use of 8e Kal to express emphasis or gradation, a similar use of Kat avros or avTro, the insertion of the neuter
article before interrogative sentences, the omission of 8' after gEv
oMv, the uniform preference of'Iypovo-aXju to'IEpoo-'Xvula, and still
others. Credner, in his Introduction to the New Testament, has
enumerated not fewer than sixty-five distinct idioms which he
considers as peculiar to Luke's diction as compared with that of
the other New Testament writers; and nearly all these he points
out as occurring at the same time both in the Gospel and the
Acts. It is impossible, then, to doubt, unless d'e deny that any
confidence can be placed in this species of criticism, that, if
Luke wrote the Gospel which we accredit to him, he must have
written also the Acts.
~ 2. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LUKE.
According to Eusebius, as already quoted, and Jerome, who
may be supposed to represent the opinion of their times, Luke
was a native of Antioch. As he appears in the Acts to have
spent so much time at Philippi, some modern writers have conjectured that he may have been a native or inhabitant of that
city. The historical testimony deserves more regard than an
inference of that nature. That he was a Gentile by birth appears
to be certain from Col. 4, 11. 14, where Paul distinguishes him
from those whom he denominates o4 OVTr E(K WErrptOlS. His foreign extraction is confirmed also by the character of his style,
which approaches nearer to the standard of classical Greek than
that of any other writer of the New Testament, with the exception of the apostle Paul. This feature of his language renders it
probable that he was of Greek origin. Some have inferred this
also from his Greek name; but it was not uncommon for Jews,
as well as Romans and other foreigners, to assume such names
at this period. Whether he was a proselyte to Judaism before
his conversion to Christianity, or not, is a question on which
critics. differ. The supposition that he adopted first the Jewish
religion, and had done so perhaps in early life, accounts best for
his intimate acquaintance with the opinions and customs of the
Jews, his knowledge of the Septuagint, and the degree of Hebraistic tendency which shows itself in his style. It appears from
Col. 4, 14, that Luke was a physician; and the general voice of
antiquity, in accordance with that passage, represents him as
having belonged to the medical profession. The effect of his following such an employment can be traced, as many critics think,




BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH  OF LUKE.                 15
in various passages of Luke's writings; comp. the Note on 28, 8.
The fact that he was trained to such a pursuit, that he was a
man, therefore, of culture and observing habits of mind, is an important circumstance.  It has been justly remarked, that, as
many of the miracles which the first promulgators of the gospel
wrought in confirmation of its truth were cases of the healing of
maladies, Luke, by virtue of his medical skill and experience,
was rendered peculiarly competent to judge of the reality of such
miracles.'
Of the manner in which the writer of the Acts was brought to
a knowledge of the gospel, we have no information. The suggestion of some of the later fathers, that he was one of the
seventy disciples, is not only without ground, but opposed to his
own statement in the introduction of his Gospel, where he distinguishes himself from those who had been personal attendants
on the ministry of Christ. It is evident that, after his conversion,
he devoted himself to public Christian labors, for the most part
in connection with the apostle Paul, whom he accompanied from
place to place, and aided in his efforts for the extension of the
gospel. The first explicit allusion which he makes to himself
occurs in 16, 10 sq., where he gives an account of the apostle's
departure from Troas to Macedonia.  In that passage Luke employs the first person plural, and thus shows that he was one of
the companions of Paul on that occasion. He goes with the
apostle from Troas to Philippi, and speaks of himself again in
20, 6, as one of the several individuals who sailed with Paul
from the same city on his last journey to Jerusalem. Whether
Luke had been separated from Paul during the interval, or remained with him, cannot be certainly known. It is eminently
characteristic of the sacred writers, that they keep themselves
out of view in their narratives. Hence some have argued that
we are not to infer that Luke was necessarily absent when he
employs the third person, but rather that it was a sort of inadvertence, as it were, against his design, that he has now and then
disclosed his personal connection with the history. The other
opinion is the surer one. We cannot be certain that Luke was
in the company of Paul, except at the times when his language
shows that he was personally concerned in what he relates. It
is clear, even according to this view, that Luke, in addition to his
accompanying Paul on his first journey from  Troas to Philippi,
1 I have made no allusion in the text to 2 Cor. 8, 18; for it is barely possible
that the author of our narrative can be meant there as "the brother whose praise
is in all the churches." See De Wette's note on that passage in his Exegetisches
Handbuch zum N. Testament.




16                  INTRODUCTION.
remained with him, without any known interruption, from the
period of his leaving Philippi the second time to the end of his
career. He goes with the apostle to Jerusalem, where the latter
was apprehended and given up to the custody of the Romans
(20, 6 sq.; 21, 1 sq.); he speaks of himself as still with him at
the close of his imprisonment at Caesarea (27, 1); proceeds with
him on his. voyage to Rome (27, 1 sq.); and, as we see from
the Epistles which Paul wrote while in that city, continued to
be associated with him down to the latest period of his life of
which any record remains.  The apostle mentions Luke as
residing with him at Rome in Col. 4, 14; Phil. v. 24; and in
2 Tim. 4, 11. Of his subsequent history, nothing authentic has
been preserved. The traditions which relate to this period are
uncertain and contradictory. According to Gregory Nazianzen,'
whom several later writers follow, he suffered martyrdom; according to others, and those whose testimony has greater weight,
he died a natural death.
~ 3. AUTHENTICITY OF THE ACTS.
The foregoing sketch shows us how ample were Luke's means
of information in regard to the subjects of which his history
treats. Of most of the events which he has recorded, he was an
eye-witness. The materials which compose the body of the
work lay within the compass of his own personal knowledge.
The particulars which he communicates respecting Paul's life
and labors before his own acquaintance with him, he could have
learned, at a subsequent period, in his intercourse with that
apostle. His extensive journeyings could hardly fail to have
brought him into connection with most of the other persons who
appear as actors in the history. Some of his information he
derived, no doubt, from written sources. The official documents
which he has inserted (15, 23 sq.; 23, 26 sq.) were public, and
could have been copied. We assume nothing at variance with
the habits of antiquity in supposing that the more extended discourses and speeches, which Luke himself did not hear, may
have been noted down by others at the time of their delivery, or
soon afterwards, while the impression made by them was still
vivid. If the writer of the Acts had any occasion for the use of
such reports, his travels from one country to another must have
given him access to the persons who could furnish them.]
Some critics, as Schleiermacher, Bleek, De Wette, have thrown out the idea
that Luke may have derived those parts of the Acts in which the narrator em



AUTHENTICITY OF THE ACTS.                    17
WTe are to recollect, further, that the declaration which Luke
makes at the commencement of his Gospel applies equally to the
Acts. It was his habit, as we learn there, to avail himself of
every possible source of inquiry, in order to ascertain the certainty
of what he wrote. With such opportunities at his command, and
with such a character for diligence in the use of them, the writer
of the Acts, considered simply in the light of an ordinary historian comes before us with every title to confidence which can be
asserted in behalf of the best accredited human testimony.
But this is not all. We have not only every reason to regard
the history of Luke as authentic, because he wrote it with such
facilities for knowing the truth, but because we find it sustaining
its credit under the severest scrutiny to which it is possible that
an ancient work should be subjected.
First. This history has been confronted with the Epistles of
the New Testament; and it has been shown as the result, that
the incidental correspondences between them  and the Acts are
numerous and of the most striking kind. They are such as preclude the supposition of their being the result either of accident
or design. It is impossible to account for them, unless we admit
that the transactions which Luke records really took place in the
manner that he has related. It is the object of Paley's Horse
Paulinae to develop this argument; and the demonstration of the
truth of the Acts, and of the New Testament in general, which
he has furnished in that work, no objector has ever attempted to
refute.
Secondly. The speeches in the Acts which purport to have
been delivered by Peter, Paul, and James, have been compared
with the known productions of these men; and it is found that
they exhibit an agreement with them, in point of thought and
expression, which the supposition of their common origin would
lead us to expect. The speeches attributed to Peter contain
peculiar phrases and ideas, which impart a characteristic similarity to them as compared with the other speeches, and which
appear again in his Epistles, but in no other portion of the New
Testament. In like manner, the speeches of Paul evince an
affinity both to each other and to his Epistles, in the recurrence
of favorite words, modes of construction, and turns of thought,
such as belong to no other writer.  We have but one address
ploys the first person plural from a history of Paul's missionary labors written by
Timothy; see the note on 20, 6. Among the writers who have shown the untenableness of that hypothesis, are Ebrard, Kritik, u. s. w., p. 732 sq.; Lekebusch,
Composition, u. s. w., p. 131 sq.; and Davidson, Introduction, Vol. II. p. 9 sq,
3




18                  INTRODUCTION.
from James, but even here we discover striking points of connection with the Epistle which bears his name. Occasion will be
taken, in the course of the Commentary, to illustrate this peculiar feature of the history.
Thirdly. We have a decisive test of the trustworthiness of
Luke in the consistency of his statements and allusions with the
information which contemporary writers have given us respecting the age in which he lived and wrote. The history which we
read in the Acts connects itself at numerous points with the
social customs of different and distant nations; with the fluctuating civil affairs of the Jews, Greeks, and Romans; and with
geographical or political divisions and arrangements, which were
constantly undergoing some change or modification. Through
all these circumstances, which underlie Luke's narrative from
commencement to end, he pursues his way without a single
instance of contradiction or collision.  Examples of the most
unstudied harmony with the complicated relations of the times
present themselves at every step. No writer who was conscious
of fabricating his story would have hazarded such a number of
minute allusions, since they increase so immensely the risk of
detection; and still less, if he had ventured upon it, could he
have introduced them so skilfully as to baffle every attempt to
discover a single well-founded instance of ignorance or oversight.
It adds to the force of the argument to remark, that in the pages
of Luke every such allusion falls from him entirely without effort
or parade. It never strikes the reader as far-fetched or contrived.
Every incident, every observation, flows naturally out of the progress of the narrative. It is no exaggeration to say, that the
well-informed reader, who will study carefully the book of the
Acts, and compare the incidental notices to be found on almost
every page with the geography and the political history of the
times, and with the customs of the different countries in which
the scene of the transactions is laid, will receive an impression of
the writer's fidelity and accuracy, equal to that of the most forcible treatises on the truth of Christianity.
The objections which sceptical writers have urged against the
authenticity of the Acts relate chiefly to the supernatural character of its narrations. It does not belong to the province of Biblical criticism to reply to such objections. They have adduced
also a few instances of alleged offence against history, or chronology, or archeology; but these result from an unnecessary interpretation. We may understand the passages which are said to
contain the inconsistency in a different manner, and thus remove
entirely the occasion for it.




OBJECT AND PLAN OF THE BOOK.                19
~ 4. OBJECT AND PLAN OF THE BOOK.
The common title of the Acts-7rpaELd rwv dao(rroaXrwv — is
ancient, but is supposed generally to have been prefixed, not by
the author, but by some later hand. It is read differently in different manuscripts. It is too comprehensive to describe accurately the contents of the book. The writer's object, if we are to
judge of it from what he has performed, must have been to furnish a summary history of the origin, gradual increase, and extension of the Christian church, through the instrumentality
chiefly of the apostles Peter and Paul. In fact, we have not a
complete history, but a compendium merely of the labors of these
two apostles, who were most active in their efforts to advance
the gospel, while the other apostles are only referred to or named
incidentally in connection with some particular occurrence. It
is not to be supposed that Luke has recorded all the facts which
were known to him respecting the early spread of Christianity.
On what principle he proceeded in making his selection from the
mass of materials before him, we cannot decide with certainty.
He may have been influenced in part by the personal relation
which he sustained to the individuals introduced, and the events
described by him. It is still more probable, that the wants of
the particular class of readers whom he had in view may have
shaped, more or less consciously, the course of his narrative; and
these readers, in the absence of any surer indication, we may
consider as represented by Theophilus, who was, in all probability, a convert from heathenism. (See note on 1, 1.)
In writing for such readers, we should expect that Luke would
lean towards those aspects of the history which illustrated the
design of God in reference to the heathen; their right to participate in the blessings of the gospel without submitting to the
forms of Judaism; the conflict of opinion which preceded the full
recognition of this right, and the success more particularly of
those apostolic labors which were performed in behalf of heathen
countries. It cannot be denied that the contents of the Acts
exhibit a predilection for this class of topics; and to that extent
the book may be said to have been written in order to illustrate
the unrestricted nature of the blessings of the gospel. On the
other hand, it should be observed that this predilection is merely
such as would spring naturally from the writer's almost unconscious sympathy with his Gentile readers, and is by no means so
marked as to authorize us, according to the view of some writers,




20                  INTRODUCTION.
to impute to him any thing like a formal purpose to trace the
relation of Judaism to Christianity.
In accordance with this trait of the Acts here alluded to, we
have a very particular account of the manner in which Peter was
freed from his Jewish scruples. The reception of the first heathen converts into the church is related at great length. The
proceedings of the council at Jerusalem, with reference to the
question whether circumcision should be permanent, occupy one
of the leading chapters of the book. And the individual of the
apostles who preached chiefly to the Gentiles, and introduced
the gospel most extensively into heathen countries, is the one
whom the writer has made the central object of his history, and
whose course of labor he has described in the fullest manner.
Luke has pursued no formal plan in the arrangement of the
Acts. The subject of his history, however, divides itself naturally into two principal parts. The first part treats of the apostolic labors of Peter, and hence particularly of the spread of
Christianity among the Jews, occupying the first twelve chapters; the second, of the labors of Paul, and hence the promulgation of the gospel in Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Rome, occupying the remaining chapters. But the book contains other
topics which are related to these only in a general way. The
following division marks out to view the different sections more
distinctly. 1. Outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost,
and the antecedent circumstances. 2. Events relating to the
progress of the gospel in Judea and Samaria. 3. The transition
of the gospel to the heathen, in the conversion of Cornelius and
others. 4. The call of the apostle Paul, and his first missionary
tour. 5. The apostolic council at Jerusalem.  6. The second
missionary tour of Paul. 7. His third missionary tour, and his
apprehension at Jerusalem. 8. His imprisonment at Cwasarea,
and voyage to Rome.
~ 5. TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING THE ACTS.
The time when the Acts was written could not have been far
distant from that of the termination of Paul's imprisonment at
Rome, mentioned at the close of the history. The manner in
which Luke speaks of that imprisonment implies clearly, that, at
the time when he wrote, the apostle's condition had changed;
that he was no longer a prisoner, either because he had been liberated, or because he had been put to death.
It does not affect the present question whether we suppose




TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING TIIE ACTS.    21
that he was imprisoned twice, or only once (see note on 28, 31).
If we suppose that he was set at liberty, we have then a most
natural explanation of the abrupt close of the book, in the fact
that Luke published it just at the time of the apostle's release;
or so soon after that event, that the interval furnished nothing
new which he deemed it important to add to the history. On the
other hand, if we suppose that Paul's captivity terminated in his
martyrdom, it is not easy to account for the writer's silence respecting his death, except on the ground that itwas so recent and
so well known in the circle of his readers, that they did not need
the information. Thus, in both cases, the time of writing the
Acts would coincide very nearly with the end of the Roman captivity of which Luke has spoken.
The question arises now, Do we know the time when that
captivity ended, whether it may have been by acquittal or death.
Here we must depend upon the surest chronological data which
exist, though it is not pretended that they are certain. According to a computation which has received the assent of most
critics, Paul was brought as a prisoner to Rome in the year A. D.
61 or 62. In the year 64 followed the conflagration in that city,
which was kindled by the agency of Nero, but which, for the
sake of averting the odium of the act from hinlself, he charged
on the Christians. This led to the first Christian persecution, so
called, which is mentioned by Tacitus (Annal. 15. 44), Suetonius
(Ner. 16), and possibly Juvenal (Serm. 1. 146 sq.). If now Paul
was set at liberty after his confinement of two years, it must have
been just before the commencement of Nero's persecution, that
is, in the year A. D. 63, or near the beginning of 64. But if,
according to the other supposition, the two years were not completecT until the persecution commenced, he must, in all probability, as the leader of the Christian sect, have soon shared the
common fate, and so have been put to death about the year 64.
Hence we may consider this date, or the close of A. D. 63, as not
improbably the time when Luke wrote, or at least published, the
Acts of the Apostles.
But if Luke wrote the book thus near the expiration of the two
years that Paul wvas a prisoner at Rome, it is most natural to conclude that he wrote it in that city. This was also the opinion of
many of the early Christian fathers. The probability of this conclusion is greatly strengthened by the fact, that Luke makes no
mention of Paul's liberation, or martyrdom, as the case may have
been. At Rome, every reader of the apostle's history knew of
course what the result of his captivity there was; and if Luke




22                  INTRODUCTION.
wrote it at that place, the absence of any allusion to his fate
would not seem to be so very surprising. On the contrary, if
Luke wrote it at a distance from the scene of the apostle's captivity, the omission would be much more extraordinary.
O 6. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS.
The subject of the chronology of the Acts is attended still
with uncertainties, which no efforts of critical labor have been
able wholly to remove.  "After all the combinations," says
Schott,l "which the ingenuity of scholars has enabled them to
devise, and all the fulness of historical learning which they have
applied to the subject, it has been impossible to arrive at results
which are satisfactory in all respects." The source of the difficulty is, that the notations of time are for the most part entirely
omitted; or, if they occur here and there, are contained in general and indefinite expressions. We must content ourselves,
therefore, with endeavoring to fix the dates of a few leading
events, which may be ascertained with most certainty; and must
then distribute the other contents of the book with reference to
these, on the basis of such incidental intimations as may be
found to exist, or of such probable calculations as we may be
able to form.
1. Tlhe Year of Paul's Conversion.
The date of this event is very uncertain; but an attempt has
been made to approximate to it by means of the following combination. In Gal. 1, 15-18, it is stated that Paul went up to Jerusalem from Damascus three years from the time of his conversion; and we learn from 2 Cor. 11, 32, that Damascus; when
Paul made his escape from it on that occasion, was in the hands
of Aretas, king of Arabia. As this city belonged to the Romans,
it is remarkable that it should have been, just at that time,
wrested from them; and the circumstances under which such an
event took place must have been peculiar. It is conjectured that
a juncture like this may have led to that occurrence. Josephus
relates that an army of Herod Antipas had been defeated about
this time by Aretas, king of Arabia. Upon this, the Emperor
Tiberius, who was a friend and ally of Herod, directed Vitellius,
Roman Governor of Syria, to collect an adequate force, and to
1 Erirterung einiger chronologischen Punkte in der Lebensgeschichte des
Apostel Paul, ~ 1.




CHRONOLOGY  OF THE ACTS.                     23
take Aretas prisoner, or slay him in the attempt. Before Vitellius could execute this order, news came that the emperor was
dead, and as a consequence of this, the military preparations on
foot were suspended. This sudden respite afforded Aretas an
opportunity to march upon Damascus, and reduce it to his possession. The city, however, supposing him to have become
master of it, could not have remained long in his power. We
find that the difficulties with Arabia were all adjusted in the first
years of the reign of Caligula, the successor of Tiberius, i. e.
within A. D. 37-39; and the policy of the Romans would lead
them, of course, to insist on the restoration of so important a
place as Damascus. If now we place the escape of Paul in the
last of these years (so as to afford time for the incidental delays),
and deduct the three years during which he had been absent
from  Jerusalem, we obtain A. D. 36 as the probable epoch of the
apostle's conversion. It is in favor of this conclusion, says Neander, that it gives us an interval neither too long nor too short for
the events which took place in the church between the ascension of Christ and the conversion of Paul. Among others who
fix upon the same year, or vary from it but one or two years, may
be mentioned Eichhorn, Hug, Hemsen, Schott, Guericke, Meyer,
De Wette, Anger,l Ebrard, Alford, Howson.2 This date determines that of Stephen's martyrdom, which took place, apparently, not long before Paul's conversion, and also that of Paul's
first journey to Jerusalem, and his subsequent departure to
Tarsus.
2.  The Death of Herod Agrippa.
This occurred at Cmsarea in the year A. D. 44.  The statements of Josephus are decisive on this point.  He says that
Agrippa, who, under Caligula, had reigned over only a part of
Palestine, received the entire sovereignty of his grandfather,
Herod the Great, on the accession of Claudius, viz. in the year
A. D. 41 (Antt. 19. 5. 1); and further, that at the time of his
death he had completed the third year after this extension of his
power (Antt. 19. 8. 2). This date fixes the position of several
other important events; such as the execution of James the
elder, the arrest and deliverance of Peter, the return of Paul to
1 De temporum in Actis Apostolorum ratione, p. 121 sq.
2 Wieseler (Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 175-213) assigns
Paul's conversion to A. D. 40. It was gratifying to me to find that, with this
exception, all his other dates agree with those which I had been led to adopt
before consulting his able treatise.




24                       INTRODUCTION.
Antioch from his second visit to Jerusalem, and his departure on
his first missionary excursion.
3. The Third Journey of Paul to Jerusalem.
In Gal. 2, 1, the apostle speaks of going up to Jerusalem  after
Jburteen years, which are to be computed, in all probability, from
the time of his  conversion.   It has been made a question,
whether this journey is to be understood as the second or third
of the several journeys which Paul is mentioned in the Acts as
having made to Jerusalem. The general opinion is, that it
should be understood of the third; first, because the object of
that journey, as stated in 15, 1 sq., coincides exactly with that
which occasioned the one mentioned in the Epistle to the Galatians; and, secondly, because the circumstances which are described as having taken place in connection with the journey in
15, 1 sq., agree so entirely with those related in the Epistle.'
Supposing, then, the identity of the two journeys to be established, we add the fourteen years already mentioned to the date
of Paul's conversion, viz. 36, and we have A. D. 50 as the year
when he went up to Jerusalem the third time after he had become a Christian.'2 With this year coincides that of holding the
Council at Jerusalem.  Paul departed on his second missionary
tour soon after his return to Antioch from this third visit to Jerusalem; and hence we are enabled to assign that second tour to
the year A. D. 51.
4.  The Procuratorship of Felix.
The time of this officer's recall, on being superseded by Festus (see 24, 27), is assigned by most critics to the year A. D. 60
or 61.  The names of both these men are well known in secular
history; but it so happens that we meet with only indirect statements relating to the point which concerns us here. It is gen1 The reasons for this conclusion are well stated by Hemsen, in his Der Apostel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 52 sq., translated by the writer in the Christian Review, 1841,
p. 66 sq. Dr. Davidson has discussed the question with the same result in his
Introduction, Vol. II. pp. 112-122. See, also, Conybeare and Howson, Life and
Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. I. p. 539 sq., (2d ed.) and Jowett on Galatians,
p. 252.
2 It is proper to apprise the reader that some reckon the fourteen years in
Gal. 2, 1, from the apostle's first return to Jerusalem (Gal. 1, 18); and in that
case his third journey to that city would be dated three years later. But few
comparatively adopt this view. The apostle's conversion is the governing epoch,
to which the mind of the reader naturally turns back from Gal. 2, 1, as well as
from Gal. 1, 18.




CHRONOLOGY  OF THE ACTS.                         25
erally agreed that these statements justify the following opinion.
It is certain that Felix could not have been recalled later than
the year 62. Josephus states (Antt. 20. 8. 9) that Felix, soon
after his return to Rome, was accused before the emperor, by a
deputation from the Jews in Palestine, of maladministration
while in office, and that he would have been condemned had it
not been for the influence of his brother Pallas, who stood high
at that time in the favor of Nero.  This Pallas now, according to
Tacitus (Ann. 14, 65), was poisoned by Nero in the year 62.
The only circumstance which impairs the certainty of this conclusion is that Tacitus states (Ann. 13. 14) that Pallas had lost
the favor of Nero some time before this, and had been entirely
removed from public business. Hence some have placed the
appointment of Festus as successor of Felix several years earlier
than A. D. 61. But there is reason to believe that the disgrace of
which Tacitus speaks may have been only temporary, and that
Pallas may afterwards have recovered his influence with the emperor.  Since it is certain, according to Tacitus himself, that the
death of this favorite did not occur till A. D. 62, it can be more easily
supposed that Nero was again reconciled to him than that this
revengeful tyrant should have suffered him  to live several years
after he had become odious to him. De Wette, Anger, Meyer,
Wieseler, and others, admit this supposition, under the circumstances of the case, to be entirely natural.
It is less easy to fix the limit on the other side. The general
belief is that Festus could not have succeeded Felix earlier than
A. D. 60 or 61. Josephus relates (Antt. 20. 8. 11) that Festus, after
having entered on his office, permitted a deputation of the Jews
to repair to Rome, in order to obtain the decision of Nero in a
controversy between himself and them; and that Poppea, the
wife of Nero, interceded for them, and enabled them to gain
1 Some, as Neander, Wieseler, object to the stricter sense of 7yvv- in the passage of Josephus, but it is defended by Schrader, Meyer, and others, as the more
obvious sense, whether we consider the historical facts or the usage of the word.
Neander (Pflanzung, u. s. w. Vol. I. p. 493) expresses himself with much hesitation
respecting this date of the succession of Felix and Festus. It is important, for
the purpose of laying up in the mind a connected view of the history, to settle
upon the precise years as nearly as possible; and we ought not to deprive ourselves of this advantage, merely because some of the conclusions, or the grounds
of them, cannot be placed entirely beyond doubt. It is admitted that of the dates
proposed in the above scheme of chronology, the second (that of Herod's death)
and the last in a lower degree (that of Paul's arrival at Rome) are the only ones
that can be brought to a state of comparative certainty. In regard to the others,
I have not meant to claim for them anything more than the character of an
approximation to the truth.
4




26                   INTRODUCTION.
their object. But this woman did not become the wifeI of Nero
until the year 62 (Tac. Ann. 14. 49; Suet. Ner. 35); and hence,
as Festus must have been in Judea some time before this difficulty with the Jews arose, and as, after that, some time must
have elapsed before the case could be decided at Rome, Festus
may have received his appointment in the year 60 or 61. The
best recent authorities, as Winer, De Wette, Anger, Meyer,
Wieseler, adopt one or the other of these years.
We reach very nearly the same result from what Josephus
says of his journey to Rome in behalf of the Jewish priests whom
Felix had sent thither for trial before his removal from office.
He informs us in his Life (~ 3), that he made this journey in
the twenty-sixth year of his age, and as he was born in the first
year of the reign of Caligula, i. e. A. D. 37 (Life, ~ 1), he visited
Rome on this occasion about 63. His narrative, without being
definite, implies that Felix, at this time, had not only been recalled, but must have left Palestine two or three years earlier
than this. Festus was the immediate successor of Felix.
It is the more important to settle as nearly as possible some
epoch in this portion of the apostle's history, since there would
be otherwise so much uncertainty as to the mode of arranging
the events in the long interval between this and Paul's third
journey to Jerusalem. Upon this date depends the year of the
apostle's arrest in that city on his fifth and last visit thither,
before he was sent to Rome. His captivity at Caesarea, which
followed that arrest, continued two years, and must have commenced in the spring of A. D. 58 or 59.
5. The Arrival of Paul in Rome.
The extreme limit beyond which we cannot place this event
may be regarded as certain. It could not have been later than
the year 62; for after 64, when the Christians at Rome began to
be persecuted by the Roman government, their situation was
such that the apostle could not have remained there and preached
the gospel for two years without molestation, as stated by Luke
at the end of the Acts. It is impossible to obtain a more definite
result than this from secular history.' But the date in question
follows as a deduction from the one considered in the last paragraph. It is evident from the Acts, that Paul proceeded to Rome
almost immediately after the entrance of Festus on his office;
and if this took place in A. D. 60 or 61, he must have arrived in
1 Whether this result is confirmed by ro) or'paro7rE&dpX~p in 28, 16, depends on
the explanation of the article; see the note on that passage.




CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.             27
Rome early in the spring of 61 or 62. Hence, if he arrived even
in A. D. 62, he could have remained two years in captivity, and
then have regained his freedom (if we adopt that opinion), since
Nero's persecution of the Christians did not commence till the
summer of A. D. 64.
~ 7. THE CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.
A. D.
33. Ascension of Christ. Appointment of Matthias as an apostle. Outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost. The gift of
tongues conferred. Discourse of Peter. Three thousand
are converted. — Pilate, under whom the Saviour was
crucified, is still procurator of Judea. Tiberius continues
emperor till A. D. 37.
33-35. Peter and John heal the lame man. They are arraigned
before the Sanhedrim, and forbidden to preach. Death of
Ananias and Sapphira. The apostles are scourged. Deacons appointed. Apprehension and martyrdom of Stephen.
Saul makes havoc of the church.
36. Persecution scatters the believers at Jerusalem.  Philip
preaches the gospel in Samaria. Hypocrisy of Simon the
Magian. Baptism of the Eunuch.  The word is made
known in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and at Antioch in Syria.
Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus. Conversion of Paul.
37-39. Paul spends these three years at Damascus and in Arabia.
During the same time other laborers spread the gospel in
Judea, Galilee, and along the coast of the Mediterranean.
Caligula becomes emperor in A. D. 37.
39. Paul escapes from Damascus, and goes to Jerusalem for the
first time since his conversion. Barnabas introduces him
to the disciples. He remains there fifteen days, but is
persecuted and departs thence to Tarsus.
40-43. During this period Paul preaches in Syria and Cilicia.
Churches are gathered there. "Barnabas is sent to search
for him, and conducts him to Antioch. In the mean time
Peter visits Joppa, Lydda, and Cesarea. Dorcas is restored to life. Cornelius is baptized. Peter defends himself for visiting the heathen. - Claudius becomes emperor
in the beginning of A. D. 41. On his accession he makes
Herod Agrippa I. king over all Palestine.




28                   INTRODUCTION.
44. Paul labors " a whole year" with Barnabas at Antioch.
Agabus predicts a famine in Judea. James the elder is
beheaded at Jerusalem. Peter is cast into prison; his liberation and flight. - Herod Agrippa dies at Cwsarea in the
summer of this year. Judea is governed again by procurators.
45. Paul goes to Jerusalem the second time, on the alms-errand,
accompanied by Barnabas. He returns to Antioch, and
under the direction of the Spirit, is set apart by the church
to the missionary work. In the same year, probably, he
goes forth with Barnabas and Mark on his first nlission to
the heathen.
46, 47. He was absent on this tour about two years. He proceeds by the way of Seleucia to Salamis and Paphos in
Cyprus; at the latter place Sergius Paulus believes, and
Elymas is struck blind. Crossing the sea, he lands at
Perga, where John Mark abruptly left him. He preaches
in the synagogue at Antioch. Labors with success at
Iconium. At Lystra he is about to be worshipped as a
god, and afterward is stoned. Escapes to Derbe. Retraces his way to Perga; sails from Attaleia and comes
again to Antioch in Syria.
48, 49. Here he abode, it is said, "a long time."  We may
assign these two years to that residence. He extended
his labors, no doubt, to the neighboring regions.
50. Apostolic council at Jerusalem. Paul makes his third journey to that city, in company with Barnabas and others, as
delegates from the church at Antioch. Returns to Antioch
with the decrees. Paul and Barnabas separate.
51-54. The apostle's second missionary tour.  Silas, Timothy,
and Luke are associated with him. Paul revisits the
churches in Syria and Cilicia. Plants the churches in
Galatia. At Troas he embarks for Europe, and, among
other places, visits Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens,
Corinth. In this last city he remained at least a year and
a half. Labored with Aquila at tent-making. Left the
synagogue and preached to Greeks. He is arraigned before
Gallio. In this city Paul wrote the First and Second
Epistles to the Thessalonians.l In the spring, probably,
1 The reasons for assigning the different Epistles to the times and places mentioned are stated in the body of the Commentary.




CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER.               29
of A. D. 54, he leaves Corinth, embarks at Cenchrea,
touches at Ephesus, lands at Caesarea, and from there
goes for the fourth time to Jerusalem, and thence to Antioch. We may allot three years, or three and a half, to
this journey. - Felix became procurator of Judea in A. D.
52. In A. D. 53, Claudius bestowed on Herod Agrippa
II., the former tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias, with the
title of king. In A. D. 54, Nero succeeded Claudius as
emperor.
54-57. In the autumn of A. D. 54, according to some, or early in
A. D. 55, according to others, Paul entered on his third
missionary tour. He goes through Galatia and Phrygia to
Ephesus, where he spends the greater part of the next
three years. Just before his arrival, Apollos left Ephesus
for Corinth.  Certain disciples of John are baptized.
Nearly all Asia hears the Gospel. The Exorcists defeated.
An uproar at Ephesus.  The Asiarchs befriend Paul.
During this sojourn here, Paul wrote the Epistle to the
Galatians, and the First Epistle to the Corinthians.
Within the same time he made, probably, a short journey
to Corinth, either directly across the _Egean, or through
Macedonia. While on this excursion, some suppose that
he wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, and after his return
to Ephesus, that to Titus.
58, 59. In the spring of A. D. 58, or perhaps A. D. 57 (if this
tour began in 54), the apostle leaves Ephesus, and proceeds to Macedonia, where he writes his Second Epistle
to the Corinthians. He spent the sunimer in that region,
and travelled probably as far west as Illyricum. In the
autumn or early winter of this year, he arrives at Corinth,
and remains there three months.  The Jews plot his
destruction. At this time he wrote the Epistle to the
Romans.  In the ensuing spring, he returns through
Macedonia to Troas, where he preached and "broke
bread."  Miraculous recovery of Eutychus. At Miletus
he addressed the Ephesian elders.. Landing at Ptolemais,
he proceeded to Cesarea, and thence to Jerusalem, which
is his fifth and last visit to that city. This journey occupied about four years.
58 or 59. At Jerusalem  Paul assumes a -vow, to conciliate the
Jewish believers. He is seized by the Jewvs in the temple, but is rescued by Lysias the chiliarch.  Speech to




30                  INTRODUCTION.
the mob from the stairs of the castle. His Roman citizenship saves him from the torture. He stands before the
Sanhedrim and narrowly escapes with his life. Forty
Jews conspire against him. Lysias sends him as a stateprisoner to Felix at Caesarea.
59-61. His captivity here continues two years. He pleads his
cause before Felix, who detains him in the hope of a
bribe. The Jews renew their charge against him before
Festus.  Paul is compelled to appeal to Caesar.  He
speaks in the presence of king Agrippa, and is pronounced
innocent.- Felix was superseded by Festus in A. D. 60
or 61.
62-64. In the autumn of A. D. 60 or 61, Paul embarked at
Caesarea for Rome, and arrived there early in the following spring. He remains in custody two years. During
this period he wrote the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, Philemon, and, if he suffered martyrdom at this time, the Second Epistle to Timothy, just
before his death.  The Epistle to the Hebrews was
written, probably, in this latter part of the apostle's life.
Most of those who maintain that Paul was imprisoned
twice at Rome, suppose (the correct opinion, as it seems
to me) that he wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, and
that to Titus, in the interval between his first and second
captivity, and his Second Epistle to Timothy in the near
prospect of his execution, after his second arrest.




COMMENTARY.








COMMENTARY.




FOR THE IREAI)EIR.
TIlE works on the Grcek language to which most ficquent reference has been
made, arc the following —
W., WINERI'S Granmmatik- des neutestamentlichen Spr)aclidiomls, sixth edition,
1855 (the divisions in the English Translation, fourth edition, sometimes differ).
S., lqPROF. ST uART's Gra1mmar of the New Zestament Dialect, second edition.
K., KUEHNER'S Greek Grammar, translated by Edwards and Taylor.
C., CROSBY'S Greek Grammar.
B., BUTTMANN'S, Robinson's Translation.
Mt., MATTHIEm'S, third edition of the original, or Blomfield's Translation.
Green's Gr., Grammar of the N. T. Dialect by T. S GREEN (London 1842).
Bernh. Synt., BERNHARDY'S Wissenschaftliche Syntax.
Hart. Partkl., HARTIUNG'S Lehre von den Partikeln, u. s. w.
K1. Devr., DEVARIUS de Gr. Ling. Particulis edidit KLOTZ.
Lob. Phryn., Phrynichi Eclogae Nominum edidit LOBECK.
Tittm. Synm., TITTMANN. de Synonymis in N. Testamento.
Pape Lex., Handw'rterbuch der Griechischen Sprache, von DR. W. PAPE
(Braunsschweig 1842).
R. and P. Lex., Passow, Handw'rterbuch der Gr. Sprache, neu bearbeitet, u. s. w.,
von DR. ROST und DR. PALM (Leipzig 1841-56).
Some other names, especially those of commentators or critics, mentioned
often, as well as titles of books quoted often, have been abbreviated. A list of
such contractions will be found at the end of the volume.




COMMENTARY.
CHAPTER I.
VERSES 1-3. Relation of the Acts to the Gospel of Luke.
V. 1. iev, solitarium, i. e., without any following 86. This omission, which occurs in the best writers, is very common in this
book; see v. 18; 3, 13; 19, 4; 26, 4, etc. K. ~ 322. IR. 4; W. ~
63. I. 2. e. The writer fiames the clause in which he refers to
his first history (/Ev), as if he had intended to add here (8E) that
he would now relate how extensively the name of Jesus had been
made known, and by what means. Being led by the allusion
to the ascension of Christ to state the circumstances of that
event, he drops the proposed antithesis, and leaves the subject
of the book to unfold itself from the course of the narrative. -
TrpwTOV stands for the stricter 7rpOTEpov, like the interchange of first
and former in English; comp. John 1, 15, 30; 15, 18; and perhaps Luke 2, 2. -Xo'yov, history, as in Herod. (6. 19), and thence
onward. - ~EO(ALXE. Hle appears from Luke 1, 3 to have been a
man of rank, since KpaLTt(rE, when prefixed in the Acts to the name
of a person, refers not to character, but to station; see 23, 26;
24, 3; 26, 25. From the fact that Luke wrote his Gospel confessedly for Gentile readers, and that both there and here he has
uniformly supplied such information respecting Jewish customs
and places as they would need, we may conclude that Theophilus
belonged to that class of readers, and that he was not, therefore,
a Jew, or a resident in Palestine.  The manner in which the
book terminates (see Introduct., p. 21), favors the supposition
that he may have lived at Rome, or in Italy. Some have urged
5                    (33)




34                    COMMENTARY.                     CHAP. I, 1
it as an argument for that opinion, that Luke has merely enumerated the names of places in Italy as if his readers were familiar with them; but the proof is not conclusive.  He takes for
granted a similar knowledge of the geography of Asia Minor and
Greece. He inserts no. explanatory notices in this part of the
history, unless we are to except 16, 12; 27, 12.- -v'p aro, K. r.
X., which Jesus both did and taught from the beginning, viz. of his
career. —  v stands by attraction for a.  eptaro carries back the
mind to the commencement of the Saviour's history, and is equivalent in sense to?e aPXr.  Hence this verb marks the limit of the
narrative in one direction, as  JXpt 7S r/E'pas does in the other.
This adverbial sense'belongs usually to the participle (Mt. ~ 558),
but may be admitted also in the verb. (Hmph.l adopts this analysis in his 2d ed.) It gives the same result, though less directly,
if we consider the expression as elliptical: which he began and
proceeded both to do, etc.; comp. v. 22; Matt. 20, 8; Luke 23, 5. See
W. ~ 66. 1. c. Other explanations have been proposed.  Meyer
finds in it an implied contrast between the labors of Christ and
those of the apostles; he laid the foundation - they were to build
upon it and finish what he began. This seems to me far-fetched.
(But in his last edition Meyer retracts this opinion, and says justly
that'Ibjro-o  with that contrastive force would naturally precede
the verb.)  Olshausen thinks that Luke intended to suggest by
epta-ro, that Christ only commenced his work on earth - that he
still continues, and will complete it in heaven. Baungarten~2 (p.
8 sq.) contends for the same view, and deduces from it -what he
supposes to be Luke's special design in writing the Acts, viz. to
represent the Saviour after his ascension as still acting through
the apostles, and thus carrying forward, by their agency, the
merely incipient labors of his life on earth. Of course this activity of Christ, who is ever present with his people (Matt. 28,
20), could not fail to be recognized in the history (as in 3, 26; 4,
30; 19, 13; etc.); but it is impossible that the writer, with that
object in view, should have left it to be so obscurely intimated.
This alleged contrast between Luke's Gospel as simply a beginning, and the Acts as a continuation of Christ's personal work, so
far from being put forward with prominence, as we should expect,
is not distinctly drawn out in a single passage.  The truth is, as
Lekebusch remarks (Composition, u. s. w., p. 203), the narrative
1 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, by W. G. Humphrey, B. D.,
late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1854.)
2 Die Apostelgeschichte oder der Entwickelungsgang der Kirche von Jerusalem
bis Rom, von M. Baumgarten (1852).




CHAP. I, 2. 3.       COMMENTARY.                           35
contains no hint of any such relation of the two histories to each
other, unless this be found in epraTo; and even this word, as we
have seen, admits much more naturally of a different explanation.
A caution against regarding this verb as superfluous here, or in
any passagfe, can hardly be needed. See W. ~ 65. 7. d.
V. 2.  s r/pa = a-r'3 7- i pag', as in Matt. 24, 38; Luke 1, 20.
E- VTELXaLpEVov, I understand, with Meyer and others, as referring
to Christ's command to preach the Gospel to all the world, as recorded in Matt. 28, 19; and which, from its memorable character,
Luke could assume as well known to his readers.  De WVette
supposes it to be the command in v. 4; but we have then an unnecessary repetition of the same thing, and, contrary to the natural order, the allusion first, and the fuller notice last.  Somle
have proposed to extend the meaning of the word so as to eimbrace all the instructions which Christ gave to the apostles in'
relation to their future work; but the term is too specific for so
general an idea, and, besides, the obvious implication is that the
giving of the command was something almost immediately antecedent to the ascension. -- &  7rvev',aroT aytov, through the HIoly
Spirit, his influence, guidance. This noun, as so used, may omit
the article or receive it, at the option of the writer, since it has
the force of a proper name. W. ~ 19. 1. See also Ellicott's note
on Gal. 4, 5. These words attach themselves naturally to the
participle which they accompany, and it is forced, as well as unnecessary, to connect them  with the verb in the next clause.
This passage, in accordance with other passages, represents the
Saviour as having been endued abundantly with the influences
of the Spirit, and as having acted always in conformity with its
dictates; see 10, 38; Luke 4, 1; John, 3, 34, etc.  That subjection was one of the laws of his dependent nature.  That he revealed the command th/iough the Holy Spirit cannot be meant, for
the history shows that he gave this direction to them in person.
o~-      eEXEaTro, whom he had chosen.  The aorist stands often for
our pluperfect after a relative or relative expression.  W. 1 40. 5.
- avEX'3q, was taken u2p, sc. Ecl rov o'pavov; comp. Mark 16, 19;
and Luke 24, 51. The abbreviation shows how accustomed the
early disciples were to recur to this event.
V. 3. oTs Ka;i 7rap&ErcrCEv. Kat joins rrapO-rqr-7ev to ov E&EXEcaTro.
The persons whom Christ had selected as his apostles were the
same to whom also he showed himseyl etc.  Thus they not only received their office directly from Christ, but were able to testify
from their own personal knowledge to the reality of his resurrection; comp. 2, 32, and 3, 15. See note on v. 22. — uorTa To' raeTv




36                    COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. I, 3. 4.
a3io'v, after he had suffered, viz. the death of the cross; see Heb.
13, 12; and 1 Pet 3, 18. The term occurs thus absolutely in 3,
18 and 17, 3; (comp. also 26, 23), and is a striking usage.  It
arose probably out of the impression which the painful nature of
Christ's sufferings had made on the first disciples. — v 7roXXos
TEK!lpoPtoLs, in many proofs; or if, as De Wette suggests, the idea
of the verb mingles with -that of the noun, in many convincing
manifestations.  TEK/%j.pLOV does not occur elsewhere in the New
Testament; and is a very expressive term. Plato uses it to denote the strongest possible logical proof, as opposed to that which
is weaker, and Aristotle employs it to signify demonstrative evidence. The language seems to show that the first Christians
had distinctly revolved the question whether the Saviour's resurrection was real or not, and had assured themselves of its reality
by evidence which did not admit in their minds of the shadow
of a doubt. Our "infallible signs" (E. V. Gen. V.: infallible tokens,- both founded on Beza's certissimis signis), does not express the sense too strongly.  Compare the idea with 1 John 1,
1. - &'.?qEPwV, K. T. X., during forty days appearing to them, (as in
all the earlier E. Vv.), i. e. from time to time, as related by the
Evangelists; not pass., seen by them  (E. V.). n'rTavd/LEvos, (not
elsewhere..in N. T.), agrees best as middle, with the active
sense:.of the other verbs, and with 1 Kings 8, 8 (Sept.); see
Trommls's Concord. s. v.  Wahl (Clav. Apocr. s. 6paw) should
not have put down the use in Tob. 12, 9, as certainly passive.:, Some have argued too positively from this word, that
Christ rose from the grave with a glorified body. It represents
his appearing to the disciples perhaps as occasional and sudden
(comp;. 3r/in 7, 26); but does not decide whether the state out
of which he appeared was a spiritual and invisible one, or merely
some place of retirement after a temporary absence.  The Saviour had accomplished the great end of his earthly work, when
he rose from the dead, and after that, until his ascension, appears
to have mingled only at times with his followers. Some mystery rests, no doubt, on the last days of his life; but the idea
that he possessed a spiritual body before his return to heaven,
appears to:r me irreconcilable with Luke 24, 39, and John 20, 27.
See the article on our Lord's resurrection body, in Bibl. Sac. Vol.
II. p. 405. sq.
VERSES 4. 5. The Promise of the Saviour to send the Spirit.
V. 4. crvvaXt4oevos, sc. aV'ots, being assembled, (E. V.), as mentioned'in Luke 24, 49; not sc. avrov', assembling them  (Kuin..




CHAP. I, 4. 6.       COMMENTARY.                            37
Olsh. and earlier E. Vv.). Nearly all the later critics reject the
middle sense as unproved. - -rEpLLtEVvEV  rTv &braTWyeav, to await the
promise, its fulfilmlent, realization, colmp. Gal. 3, 14; not r7ra7yEXtavy —ro  rayyeXo#'evov, i. e. the promised Holy Spirit (Rob. N. T.
Lex.), which is less congruous with the following verb. See W.
~ 34. 3. It is said to be the promise of the Father, because it
was foretold in the Old Testament that he would bestow it. See
2, 16; Joel 3, 1. 2.- ~v -KoKVc-aTE iov, which you heard from me, as
recorded in Luke 24, 49; see also John 15, 26; 16, 13. For the
verb with the accusative and genitive, see K. ~ 273. R. 18; WV. ~
30. 7. c.  The style of discourse changes suddenly from the indirect to the direct, as in 17, 3; 23, 22, and often.  W. ~ 63. II.
2.; S. ~196.2.
V. 5. vS'art, with water as the element by which, Ev VrvEvJuarT
aypt, in the Holy Spirit, as the element in which the baptism  is
performed.  The insertion of Ev may be slightly localizing with
reference to a copious impartation of the Spirit's gifts and influences. - o0 /JETa', K. r. X., not after these many days, after not n;any,
a few.  This mode of inverting the signification of an adjective
is frequent in Luke's style.  If this assurance was given on the
day of the ascension, only ten days were now to pass before the
promised effusion of the Spirit (comp. v. 3, with 2, 1.) But if, as
maintained below, we are to distinguish the meeting in v. 4 from
that in v. 6, we cannot decide exactly how long the interval was,
not knowing on which of the forty days (v. 3) the earlier interview took place. rav'Ta, being the pronoun which points out
what is near at hand (EKEJVoS what is more remote), represents
the days as closely connected with the present.  It is not superfluous, therefore, but strengthens the idea of the brevity of the
interval.
VERSES 6-11. His Last Interview with the Disciples, and His
Ascension.
V. 6. ot /IEv orv O`VVEX3OVTrES, They therefore (the atromio  in v. 4)
having come together on a subsequent occasion (Calv. Olsh. E. V.
and earlier E. Vv. except Wicl. and Rhem.); or they who came
together at the time spoken of in v. 4 (Vulg. Mey. DeWet. Alf.).
I incline to the first view, because, as Olshausen suggests, Luke
in his Gospel (24, 49 as compared with v. 50) appears to assign
the direction to remain at Jerusalem to an earlier interview than
the one which terminated in Christ's ascension (as even De\'Vette
admits in his Synop. Evang. p. 298), and because  -vvEX.3ovre3
when understood of the same assembling becomes so nearly tau



38                   COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. I, 6.8.
tological after acvaXLouvo in v. 4. o'v depends naturally on v.
3. The kingdom of God having been the subject of so much discourse between Christ and the apostles, they therefore, in this last
interview, asked him, etc. Hence no necessary inference can be
drawn from this particle (as Alf. urges) against supposing a separation after the coming together in v. 4.- EL (v Ei';JJOVvw, K. 7. X.
if in this time thou dost restore?  Their inquiry indicates an established faith in him as the Messiah, but betrays at the same
time an expectation that his kingdom would be to some extent a
temporal one; that it would free, the nation from their dependence on the Romans, and restore to them their ancient prosperity
and power. This worldly view may have been the preponderant
one in the question which they ask, though we are to suppose,
of course, that, after having been so long associated with Christ,
they had far more intelligent views respecting the spiritual nature
of the Messiah's mission than the great mass of the Jews entertained. d( introduces a direct question, which is contrary to classical usage, though not uncommon in the New Testament and the
Septuagint.  K. ~ 344. 5. i.; W. ~ 57. 2. Originally dE may have
involved a suppressed thought in such cases: saying we desire
to know if, etc.  See Meyer on Matt. 12, 10. v7roKa9LrTWavEt is
present for an immediate future. W. ~ 40. 2; K. ~ 255. RI. 4.
V. 7. Xpovov9 I) Kapolv, times or occasions.  See Tittm. de Synon. N. T. p. 39. It is one thing to know the general period of
an event; another, to know the precise time of its occurrence. —
o1V....'eovora  which the Father arranged, or fixed in his own
power, i. e. in the sovereign exercise of it; comp. Matt. 21, 23
(DeWet. Mey. Hmph.).  The implied inference is, that he may
be expected to reserve the knowledge of such decisions to himself. All the E. Vv. (as far as I know) render hath put (defended
also by Alf. as- hath kept).  The perfect would be the more
obvious form with that meaning, though the aorist, put, placed,
may imply the same.  The question of the disciples, as Bengel
observes, relates merely to the time when Christ would establish
his kingdom; and his answer, as here given, he confines to the
same point. Their remaining misconceptions as to the nature of
that kingdom were soon to be removed more effectually than by
any formal instruction.
V. 8. aXXa marks the opposition between what was denied to
the disciples on the one hand,'and what was to be granted to
them on the other. - Avaytv, efficiency, i. e. every needful qualification to render them efficient in their apostolic sphere; see Luke
24, 49. The power of working miracles is included, but does not




CHAP. I, 8-11.         COMMENTARY.                           39
exhaust the idea. -'rc30'vT0T.... A' Zka's.  This clause designates the time when they should receive this power, as well as
the source of it.  The construction is that of the genitive absolute.  The dependence of irvEv/acro0 on  yvaputv (we miss the article in that case) is less easy, but is preferred by some. - Read
uovi for c/oI after EMEa0E-. -'XJtov, sc. depoVt.  Compare the language here with Matt. 28, 19; Mark 16, 15. It is impossible
that the disciples should not have understood from it that their
sphere of labor was to be coextensive with the world. See the
remarks on 2, 39. The foregoing conversation may have taken
place on Olivet (see v. 12), or during the walk thither.
V. 9. TavpTa Eirwv, saying these things, and still others (Luke 24,
51).  His last accents were those of love and benediction. —
swrraps, was taken up, i. e. into the air, not yet into heaven, on account of the next verb; hence different, also, from avEX'q~,9 in v.
2, which represents the act as completed.- v-7rXalE3v, received up,
(lit. under, with the cloud as it were beneath him), and at the
same time by a pregnant construction, away, hence followed by
arro.  See W. ~ 66. 2.  This ver.b describes the close of the
scene, as far as it was visible to the spectators.
V. 10.  clS aTEVIOoVTE, K. T. X., as they were gazing towards heaven.
This compound imperfect is stronger than the simple, both as to
the duration of the act, and the prominence given to it. The
student should note this usage; though not rare in the classics, it
is still more common in the New  Testament.  See Green's Gr.
p. 103.  K. ~ 238. R. 7. Kuinoel refers'Et rv oypavov to 7ropEvolevov, which separates the words from their natural connection,
and leaves UrTEV1OVTrE without any indirect object, as in 3, 4. 12;
14, 9, and elsewhere. - KaLt 18o7, then behold, -,..:.; comp. Matt.
9, 10; Luke 2, 15; 24, 4. This Hebraistic use of Kat in the apodosis of a sentence, after an expression or idea of time, is frequent
in the New  Testament.  See Briid. Gr. Concord. p. 456; WV. ~
53. 3. f. -  vspEs, men in form, really angels; see Mark 16, 5;
Luke 24, 4.-7rapErr-T-KEtor-av, were standing while the disciples
gazed; pluperf. - imperf. in this verb.
V. 11. 0t KaL E(rov, who also said as well as appeared to them;
see on v. 3. - rE &rrTKaTr, K. T. X., why stand ye, etc.  The precise
import of this address of the angels is not certain. As compared
with such passages as Luke 24, 5. 25. 26, and others, it may suggest that the apostles should have been prepared in some neasure for the event which had filled them with such astonishment.
They had been distinctly apprized by Christ (see John 6, 62; 20,
17) that he must ascend again to God from whom he came; and




40                COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. I, 11.12.
the wonders which they had seen in their intercourse with him
should have diminished their surprise at what had taken place.
The inquiry, as so understood, leads naturally to the announcement which follows. It should abate the astonishment of the
disciples at what had taken place, to know that it was not the
only event of the kind which was to enter into the history of theSaviour; he whom they had seen ascend into heaven was destined
to come again in like manner. According to Calvin, the disciples
linger on the spot, distressed at the Saviour's sudden departure
from them, and still gazing upward, not without a hope that possibly he might reappear. The address of the angels reproves
them for this expectation, and at the same time consoles them
with the assurance of his return at some future time. Meyer's
view is nearly the same. - Tv Tp7rov, in what manner, i. e. visibly,
and in the air (Bng. DeWet. Mey. Olsh.). The expression is
never employed to affirm merely the certainty of one event as
compared with another.  The assertion, that the meaning is
simply, that, as Christ had departed, so also he would return, is
contradicted by every passage in which the phrase occurs; see
7, 28; Matt. 23, 37; Luke 13, 34; 2 Tim. 3, 8.
VERSES 12-14. Return of the Disciples to Jerusalem.
V. 12. a7rw o"pov, K. 1r. X., from the mount (definite from the annexed clause, though rov could be used; see Luke 19, 29) which is
called Olivet. We are indebted for this beautiful name to the
Latin Olivetum (in Vulg.), i. e. a place set with olives, hence the
exact import of catcrv. This word is so accentuated also by Lchm.
Tsch. Mey., even in Luke 19, 29, and 21, 37, instead of kXadtv
in the common editions. In Matt. 21, 1, we have 0opo's vtv EXaLGtv,
mount of the olives. Josephus employs the designation which occurs here in Antt. 7. 9. 2. Olive trees still grow on the mount of
ascension, and thus vindicate the propriety of the ancient name.
On their return to Jerusalem the disciples must have passed Gethsemane. What new thoughts would crowd upon their minds as
they gazed at the spot after the scene just witnessed! —Xov,
having, amounting to; not = a7EXov, distant, as often represented. A Sabbath day's journey was the distance -a bout three
quarters of a mile - to which " the traditions of the elders " restricted the Jews in travelling on the Sabbath. In Luke 24, 50.
51, it is said that our Saviour led the disciples as far as to Bethany, and that there, while in the act of blessing them, he was
parted from them and carried up into heaven. It was at Bethany,




CHAP. I, 12. 13.      COMMENTARY.                         41
therefore, or in the vicinity of Bethany, that the ascension took
place. That account is entirely consistent with this. Bethany
was on the eastern declivity of the Mount of Olives; and, as appears'from Mark 11, 1, and Luke 19, 29, was reckoned as a part
of it; so that the disciples, in returning from that place to the
city, took their way naturally across the mountain.  See Rob.
Bibl. Res. Vol. II. p. 100; or p. 431 in ed. of 1856. Luke specifies here the distance of Olivet from the city, instead of that of
Bethany, which was about two miles (comp. John 11, 18), because
the former was better known to most of his readers, and conveyed
a sufficiently definite idea of the scene of the ascension.
V. 13. dELseX9oV, had entered (tense as in v. 2) into the city
probably, not the house.  What precedes suggests the place,
rather than what follows. - E rT -V7rEp5ov, into the upper room of
some private house, not of the temple.  The opinion that it
was the latter some have supposed to be required by Luke
24, 53. But 8La7ravr&of, as used there, need not signify any thing
more than a frequent resort; they were in the temple always
on the occasions when men in their state of mind would naturally repair thither; see 2, 46; Luke 2, 37. Even DeWette allows
that the passages involve no discrepancy.  As the disciples must
have been well known as the followers of Christ, we cannot
well suppose that the Jewish rulers would have allowed them to
occupy an apartment in the temple. The upper room, either
directly under the flat roof, or upon it with a roof of its own, was
retired, and hence convenient for private or social worship.  The
Hebrews were accustomed to use it for such purposes; see 20,
8, and Dan. 6, 10 (Sept.). Travellers describe such rooms at the
present day as airy and spacious.  See Bibl. Res. Vol. II. p. 229
ed. 1856.  On the formation of v7rEp ov, see W. ~ 16. 2. —ov jav
Kara.uEVovrEE% where were abiding; weakened in E. V. (abode), as if
it were the simple imperf.; see on v. 10.  WVe could understand
this of constant residence, but more naturally here of frequent resort for religious conference and prayer (DeWet.). —'IaKwpos'AX4atov, se. vio', James the son qf Aiphceus; but after'Iov8as we
supply aE&XboS, Judas the brother of James (see Jude, v. 1). The
nature of the relationship in such a case is not determined by the
construction, but is left to the knowledge of the reader.  W. W
30. 3; C. ~ 389.-b o lXTIs =KavavlTrrs in MNatt. 10, 4, from the
Hebrew xn.  He is supposed to have received this epithet
on account of his former zeal as a supporter of Judaism. As
there was another Simon among the apostles, he appears to have
retained the name after he became a disciple, as a means of dis6




42                 COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. I, 14. 15.
tinction, though it had now ceased to mark the trait of character
from which it arose. It has been said, that he took the appellation from his having belonged to a political sect known as the
zealots, who are mentioned by Josephus; but the party distinguished by that name in Jewish history did not appear till a later
period.
V. 14.  uto3vtxaSdv, with one mind. The term characterizes the
entire harmony of their views and feelings; comp. Rom. 15, 6.
- Tv 7rpo-evX7,, unto the (work of) prayer, where -d points out that
as the appropriate way in which they were occupied. KaL LT,
8E.cEL, the best editors regard as an addition to the text. It serves
merely to strengthen the expression; comp. Phil. 4, 6.- o —v
yvvatLt, with women. Among them may have been those who fol
lowed Christ from Galilee; see Luke 23, 55; 24, 10. It is incorrect to suppose that they are meant exclusively.  The absence
of the article forbids that restriction.- Kal Mapta, and (among
them especially) Mary. Kal combines often a part with its whole
for the sake of prominence. This is the last time that the mother
of Jesus is named in the New Testament. - a&XkoTs anToD may
mean his brethren in a strict sense, or more generally, his kinsmen, relatives. The same question arises in regard to Matt. 13,
55, though the closer relationship there, as well as here, is the
more obvious one, and finds very strong support from Matt. 1, 25.
The brethren of Jesus had not believed on him at first (see John
7, 5); but we discover here that they had now joined the circle
of his followers.
VERSES 15-22.  The Address of Peter on the choice of a new
Apostle.
V. 15. E'v -ars Sjepals TaV'Tats is indefinite as a notation of time.
The same language in Matt. 3, 1, marks an interval of thirty
years; comnp. also Exod. 2, 11. Here a short time only could
have elapsed, as the ascension of Christ forms the limit on one
side, and the day of Pentecost on the other. - Te. It is worth
remarking, that this particle rarely occurs in the New Testament,
out of the Acts and the writings of Paul. - 8voptrowv - dvWpn7rWV,
as in Rev. 3, 4; 11, 13. The term may have acquired this sense
from the practice of taking the census by registration or enrolment, inasmuch as the names on such a record are equivalent to
persons.-  7rt 7o avrT, lit. unto the same place, implying an antecedent motion. It means, not that they were so many collectively,
but that so many came together at this time; see 2, 1; 3, 1; 1
Cor. 11, 20; 14, 23. -f KaTOY E't'KOrCLV. We are to understand these




CHAP. I, 16-18.         COMMENTARY.                          43
hundred and twenty as the number of the disciples at Jerusalem,
not as the entire number of those who had believed; see 1 Cor.
15, 6.
V. 16. avspes is not superfluous, but renders the address more
respectful. It is a compliment to be recognized as men; see- 2,
29; 37; 7, 2; 13, 15, and often. —EstEL, was necessary. The tense
is past, because the speaker has his mind on the part of the prediction already accomplished. - raV'T-V refers to the double citation in v. 20. The parenthetic character of vs. 18. 19, accounts
for the distance of the antecedent, which in this case follows the
pronoun.  See K. ~ 332. 8. -'v 7rpoEtW', K. T. X., which the Holy
Spirit spake beforehand, etc.  We have a similar testimony to the
inspiration of the Scriptures from  the same apostle in 2 Pet. I,
21. -- rept'Iov'&a  belongs both by position and construction to
7rpoEZrIE, not to 7rXrqpw3ovat. Ev or i7r{ would have followed the latter verb.- tove 7EvotE~vov 8broi, who became (not was, E. V.) guide,
who acted so base a part, though professedly a friend.  See
Matt. 26, 47; John 18, 2 sq.
V. 17. Here the second passage in v. 20 was before the
speaker's mind. That passage contemplates the case of an office
transferred from one person to another; and since forfeiture implies previous possession, it is the object of ort.... Ev },/iev to
remind us that Judas had fulfilled that condition of the passage:
for he was numbered among us, i. e. the apostles.  For that limitation of 3Kiv, see the next clause, and also v. 26.  The full connection, therefore, is this: The prophecy speaks of an E7rtrvKor
which another shall take; Judas held such an office, for he was
numbered, etc., so that the words apply to him.  To render OTt,
although (Hmph.), is not allowable. -  r2Ov Kkpov.... TaVSrrs, the
lot, or office, of this ministry which we possess, i. e. the apostleship, comp. Rom. 11, 13. KX'pov loses often its figurative sense,
so as to denote a possession without any reference to the mode
of its attainment.  Our word clergy comes from this term, being
founded on the idea of the order as one divinely appointed.
V. 18. This verse and the next are considered by most critics
as an explanatory remark of Luke (Calv. Kuin. Olsh. 1mph.),
not as a part of Peter's address. The reader might need this
information, but those who listened to the apostle may be supposed to have been familiar with the fate of Judas. It is evident
that (&TE KXrl3vat.... atVa ro, though appropriate to the history,
could hardly have belonged to the discourse. yap in v. 20 appears
to demand this view of the intervening verses. /ev o0v does not
forbid this supposition (Alf.); since Luke certainly could adjust




44                   COMMENTARY.                    CHAP. I, 18.
his own words to the context, as well as those of Peter, reported
by him. Some such horrible end of the traitor was to be inferred
(oMv, therefore) from the ypa/l.v -raVrqv (see on v. 20); and it was
not at all unnatural that Luke should interrupt the speech at this
point, and inform us how remarkably the death of Judas agreed
with this prediction. Further, it is strange that the citation in v.
20 should be kept back so long after TraVTrq in v. 16, except on the
view that Luke inserted what intervenes. Bengel restricts the
parenthesis to the explanation respecting Aceldama. kE~v stands
alone, as in v. 1.- -K,7-KT'Iaro, purchased, or caused to be purchased,
gave occasion for it, i. e. it was in consequence of his act, and
with the money gained by his treachery, that the field was purchased, as related in Matt. 27, 6 sq. The great body of critics
adopt this view  of the meaning (Bez. Bretsch. Kuin. Frtz.
Thol.l Olsh. Ebr. Mey. Rob.). This briefer mode of expression
is common in every language, and may be employed without
obscurity where the reader is presumed to be familiar with the
facts in the case, or when the nature of the act itself suggests
the proper modification. The following are analogous examples
in the New  Testament.  Matt. 27, 60; "And Joseph laid the
body of Christ in his own new tomb, which he had hewn out in
a rock," i. e. caused to be hewn out for him; John 4, 1: "And
when the Lord knew that the Pharisees heard that Jesus made
more disciples than John," i. e. through his disciples; for he himself baptized not.  See further, 7, 21; 16, 22; Matt. 2, 16; 1
Cor. 7, 16; 1 Tim. 4, 16, etc. These cases are plain; and no one
refuses to admit the causative sense (not directly expressed, but
implied) which belongs to the verb in such passages. The principle which this mode of speaking involves, the law recognizes
even in regard to actions in its well-known maxim, Qui facit per
aliure facit per se. It is only by refusing to extend this usage to
EK7-TraTO that such writers as Strauss make out their allegation of
a want of agreement between this passage and Matt. 27, 5.
Fritzsche's suggestion2 as to the reason why Luke expressed
himself in this unusual manner deserves notice.  He finds in it
a studied, significant brevity, a sort of acerba irrisio, bringing the
motive and the result into pointed antithesis to each other: This
man thought to enrich himself by his treachery, but all that he
gained was that he got for himself a field where blood was paid
for blood. -  prp-qv j  is strictly the opposite of V'TrrtO, i. e. on the
1 In unpublished Notes on the Gospels.
2Evangelium Mlatth-i recensuit et cum Commentariis perpetuis edidit Carol.
Fr. A. IFritzsche, p. 799.




CHAP. I, 19.           COMMENTARY.                              45
face. His falling in that position may have occasioned the bursting asunder; that view agrees well with yev(0{evo%, though 7rp-qvqjs
admits also of the vaguer sense headlong. -  XAakKqr-E is the first
aorist from XarK-K. W. ~ 15; K. ~ 230. -  In Matt. 27, 5, it is said
that Judas, after having brought his money and thrown it down
in the temple, went and hanged or strangled himself. Objectors
have represented that account also as inconsistent with this, but
without reason.  Matthew does not say that Judas, after having
hanged himself, did not fall to the ground and burst asunder; nor,
on the contrary, does Luke say that Judas did not hang himself
before he fell to the ground; and it is obvious that the matter
should have been so stated, in order to warrant the charge of inconsistency. We have no certain knowledge as to the mode in
which we are to combine the two accounts, so as to connect the
act of suicide with what happened to the body. It has been
thought not improbable that Judas may have hung himself from
the limb of a tree, on the edge of a precipice near the valley of
Hinnom, and that, the rope breaking by which he was suspended,
he fell to the earth and was dashed to pieces.' It will be observed
that Luke's statement is entirely abrupt, and supposes some antecedent history.  In this respect Matthew's account, instead of
involving any contradiction, becomes in fact confirmatory of the
other. It shows, first, that Luke was aware that something preceded which he has omitted to mention; and, secondly, it puts us
in the way of combining events so as to account better for the
incomplete representation in the Acts, than would otherwise
have been possible.
V. 19.  Kal yvwaorov  yE'Ero, and it became known, viz. that he
came to so miserable an end.-'AKEX8a/a'-_X- ~ N     r. belongs to
the Aramaean or Syro-Chaldaiec spoken at that time in Palestine.
On that language, see Bibl. Repos., Vol. I. p. 317 sq. It was for
a twofold reason, therefore, says Lightfoot, that the field received
this appellation: first, because, as stated in Matt. 27, 7, it had
been bought with the price of blood; and, secondly, because it
1As I stood in this valley on the south of Jerusalem, and looked up to the
rocky terraces which hang over it, I felt that the explanation proposed above is
entirely natural. I was more than ever satisfied with it. I measured the precipitous, almost perpendicular walls, in different places, and found the height to be,
variously, forty, thirty-six, thirty-three, thirty, and twenty-five feet. Trees still
flourish on the margin of these precipices, and in ancient times must have been
still more numerous in the same place. A rocky pavement exists, also, at the bottom of the ledges; and hence on that account, too, a person falling from above
would be liable to be crushed and mangled, as well as killed. The traitor may
have struck, in his fall, upon some pointed rock, which entered the body, and
caused "his bowels to gush out."




46                    COMMENTARY.                     CHAP. I, 20.
was sprinkled with the man's blood who took that price. This is
the common view, and so in the first edition; but I incline now
to doubt its correctness.  First, wrpyqv's )/EvEvoE, in v. 18, does not
define at all where Judas fell; secondly, Xwptov EKETVO here recalls
naturally Xwpt'ov above, merely as the field purchased with " the
reward of iniquity;" and, thirdly, if Judas fell into the valley of
Hinnom, no spot there at the foot of the rocks could well have
been converted into a place of burial. Nor does the conciliation
with Matt. 27, 7, demand this view. Luke may be understood
here as saying that " the field of blood " which the priests purchased with the money paid to Judas, whether situated in one
place or another, was called Aceldama, because the fact of the
traitor's bloody end was so notorious. Matthew (27, 6) mentions
another reason for the appellation, which was, that the money paid
for the field was the "price of blood;" not a different but concurrent reason, showing that the ill-omened name could be used
with a double emphasis. Tradition has placed "the potter's
field " (Matt. 27, 6) on the side of the hill which overlooks the valley of Hinnom. It may have been in that quarter, for argillaceous clay is still found there, and receptacles for the dead appear
in the rocks, proving that the ancient Jews were accustomed
to bury there.]
V. 20. The writer returns here to the address.'y/p, for, specifies the prophecy to which ravr~qv points in v. 16, hence namely (as
in Matt. 1, 18). See B. ~ 149; K. ~ 324. 2. The first passage is
Ps. 69, 25, slightly abridged from the Septuagint, with an exchange
of aVTGv for awVroV. Its import is, Let his end be disastrous, his
abode be desolate, and shunned as accursed.  It is impossible to
understand the entire Psalm as strictly Messianic, on account of
v. 5: " O God, thou knowest my foolishness, and my sins are not
hid from thee." It appears to belong rather to the class of Psalms
which describe general relations, which contain prophecies or
inspired declarations which are verified as often as individuals
are placed in the particular circumstances which lay within the
view, not necessarily of the writer, but of the Holy Spirit, at
whose dictation they were uttered.  When Peter, therefore, declares that this prophecy which he applies to Judas was spoken
with special reference to him (see v. 16), he makes the impressive announcement to those whom he addressed, that the conduct
of Judas had identified him  fully with such persecutors of the
righteous as the Psalm contemplates, and hence it was necessary
]I have taken the liberty to repeat a few sentences here, already published in
another work. See Illustrations of Scripture suggested by a tour through the
Holy Land, p. 266. I have taken a similar liberty in a few other passages.




CHAP. I, 21. 22.      COMMENTARY.                            47
that he should suffer the doom deserved by those who sin in so
aggravated a manner. - The other passage is Ps. 109, 8, in the
words of the Seventy. We are to apply here the same principle
of interpretation as before. That Psalm sets forth, in like manner, the wickedness and desert of those who persecute the people of God; and hence, as Judas had exemplified so fully this
idea, he too must be divested of his office, and its honors be
transferred to another.
V. 21. ovrv, therefore; since, as foretold, the place of the apostate must be filled. -r v o-VVEX3OVTW0V.... Wvlpgv depends properly on Eva, in v. 22, where the connection so long interrupted is
reasserted by rovTrv. - Ev 7ravrt Xpo'vw, in every time. The conception divides the period into its successive parts.-  v 6....'
-.tal, in which he came in unto us, and went out, i. e. lived and associated with us.  The entire life or course of life is described
by one of its most frequent acts. It is a Hebrew mode of speaking (comp. Deut. 28, 19; 31, 2, etc.), and is used properly of those
who sustain official relations, or perform  public labors.  See 9,
28. An exact construction of the Greek would have placed c'
tacs3 after the first verb, and inserted ea' shiv after the second.
W. ~ 66. 3.
V. 22. alptLEvoq..... E6, beginning and continuing unto, etc.
The supplementary idea was too obvious to need to be expressed.
See W. ~ 66. I. c. - &ro; o fla7rTtrmioaTo, from the baptism of John,
i. e. from its beginning as a well-known epoch. The history
shows that he had been baptizing a few months before our Lord
made his public appearance, and continued to do so for a time
afterwards (see John 3, 27); but that difference for the purpose
of so general a designation was unimportant. Not from the close
of John's baptism (Hmph.), since Jesus called the other apostles earlier, and not from his own baptism by John (Kuin.), since
the phrase does not admit of that restriction (comp. 18, 25; Mark
11, 30; Luke 7, 29, etc.).- -daprvpa.... yevErO3aL. The resurrection is singled out as the main point to which the testimony
of the apostles related, because, that being established, it involves
every other truth in relation to the character and work of Christ.
It proves him to be the Son of God, the Justifier and Redeemer
of men, their Sovereign and Judge.  See 4, 33; John 5, 22;
Rom. 1, 4; 4, 24; 10, 9; Gal. 1, 1, etc.  Hence Paul mentions
it as one of the proofs of his apostleship, and of his qualifications
for it, that he had seen Christ after his resurrection. See 1 Cor.
9, 1.




48                     COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. I, 23.24.
VERSES 23-26.  The Appointment of lMatthias as an Apostle.
V. 23. The act here is that of those addressed (see v. 15), not
that of the apostles merely. -  E0rrrqoav o'o, they placed two, i. e.
before them, in their midst (see 5, 27; 6, 6); or according to
some, appointed two as candidates (DeWet.). —'IoVros, Justus.
It was not uncommon for the Jews at this period to assume
foreign names. See on 13, 9. Barsabas is mentioned only here.
Some have conjectured, without reason, that he and Barnabas
(4, 36) were the same person. Matthias also appears only in this
transaction. The traditional notices of him are not reliable; see
Win. Realw., Vol. II. p. 61.'
V. 24. -rpoo-ev$alEvoL Ea7rov, they prayed, saying. The participle
contains the principal idea. It may be supposed to be Peter who
uttered the prayer, since it was he who suggested the appointment of a successor to Judas. - o-V, KV'pLE, K. T. X. Whether this
prayer was addressed to Christ or God has been disputed. The
reasons for the former opinion are that Kicptog, when taken absolutely in the New Testament, refers generally to Christ; 2 that
Christ selected the other apostles as stated in v. 2; that the first
Christians were in the habit of praying to him (see on 7, 59; 9,
14); and that Peter says to Christ in John 21, 17, " Lord, thou
knowest all things," which is the import exactly of Kap&o0yvo-(rra.
The reasons for the other opinion do not invalidate these. That
Kap&oyeyvTia7-q is used of God in 15, 8, shows only that it does not
apply exclusively to Christ.  The call of Peter in 15, 7, which is
ascribed to God, was a call, not to the apostleship, but to preach
the gospel to the heathen; and even if that case were parallel to
this, it would be an instance only of the common usage of referring the same or a similar act indiscriminately to Christ or God.
This latter remark applies also to such passages as 2 Cor. 1, 1;
Eph. 1, 1; 2 Tim. 1, 1.  To deny that Peter would ascribe omniscience to Christ because in Jer. 17, 10, it is said to be the prerogative of God to know the heart, contradicts John 21, 17. Some
have supposed the apostle intended to quote that passage of the
prophet, but the similarity is too slight to prove such a design;
nor, if the idea of Kap8&oyvio'ra were drawn from that source,
would the application of it here conform necessarily to its application there. -  E'va (omitted in E. V. after Cranm.) belongs to ov,
I Biblisches Realworterbuch, von Dr. Georg Benedict Winer (3d ed. 1848).
2 See Professor Stuart's article on the meaning of this title in the New Testament, Bibl. Repos., Vol. I. p. 733 sq.




CHAP. I, 25. 26.     COMMENTAR1Y.                         49
which one, or perhaps in apposition, whom, viz. one that he, etc.
Tynd. and Gen. render that the one may take, etc.
V. 25. For KX-ipov, see on v. 17. - 8taKovas.... a7ro-oTroXk, this
ministry and (that) an apostleship. Kat adds a second term  explanatory of the first, i. e. essentially; an instance of hendiadys
(Mey. De Wet.), the ministry of this apostleship. - E'  i 7rapEri,3
from which he went aside, as opposed to the idea of adhering
faithfully to the character and service which his apostleship required of him; " ad normam Hebr. qt. sq. is - deserere munus"
(Wahl). - -ropEvSrvaL....'&ov, that he might go unto his own
place. The clause is telic, depending on irapef/r. So long as
Judas retained his office, he was kept back, as it were, from his
proper destiny. He must relinquish it, therefore, in order to suffer
his just deserts. In this way the apostle would state strongly the
idea, that the traitor merited the doom to which he had been consigned. The following comment of Meyer presents the only
view of the further meaning of the passage which has any respectable critical support: "What is meant here by 6 irO'ro O s'&os
is not to be decided by the usuage of 7ro'sro in itself considered
(for T47ros may denote any place), but merely by the context.
That requires that we understand by it Gehenna, which is conceived of as the place to which Judas, in virtue of his character,
properly belongs. Since the treachery of Judas was in itself so
fearful a crime, and was still further aggravated by self-murder
(which alone, according to Jewish ideas, deserved punishment in
hell), the hearers of Peter could have had no doubt as to the
sense to be attached to r&7TrOS ttoS. This explanation is demanded
also by the analogy of Rabbinic passages, e. g. Baal Turim on
Numb. 24, 25 (see Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad loc.): Balaam ivit in
locum suum, i. e. in Gehennam." De Wette assents entirely to
this interpretation. g7ros &tos,% therefore, "is a euphemistic designation of the place of punishment, in which the sin of Judas
rendered it just that he should have his abode." (Olsh.)
V. 26. KaL 8o'rKav KXjpov,% and they placed (probably -?r as
often in New  Testament) their lots in a vase or something similar; or perhaps gave them to those whose business it was to collect them. avrWv (T. R.) or a;vro'K (Lch. Tsch.), for them, refers
to the candidates because the lots pertained to them. The two
names were written probably on slips of parchment, perhaps several duplicates of them, and then shaken up; the one first drawn
out decided the choice. The idea of throwing up the lots agrees
better with /agXXELv KX povs than with this expression. - ETEcrEV fell,
came out, without reference to any particular process. - o KXqpo,
7




50                   COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. II, 1.
the lot, definite because it was the decisive one. -   7ayKaTEqLt'V3.... &      wrorov, was numbered together with the eleven apostles, i. e.
was recognized as one of their order, and had the character of an
apostle henceforth accorded to him. Hesychius sanctions this
sense of the verb, though it means properly to vote against, condezmn, which is out of the question here. De Wette renders was
chosen, elected, which not only deviates from the classic usage,
but ascribes the result to their own act, instead of a divine interposition. The subsequent appointment of Paul to the apostleship did not discredit or abrogate this decision, but simply enlarged the original number of the apostles. See Guericke's
remarks on this point in his Church History (Prof. Shedd's translation), p. 47.
CHAPTER II.
VERSES 1-4. Descent of the Holy Spirit.
V. 1. Ev r- (rvl X7rXrpoero-at, K. T. X., when the day of Pentecost
was fully come, arrived.  See Luke 9, 51. The action of the
verb (lit. to be completed) refers not to the day itself, but to the
completion of the interval which was to pass before its arrival
(Olsh. Bmg.).  Some translate while it is completed, i. e. in the
course of it, on that day (Mey. De Wet.). The present infinitive
is consistent with this view or that.-   r 7rEVT7-KO(-T  the Greek
Jews employed as a proper name. See 20, 16; 1 Cor. 16, 8; 2
Mace. 12, 32.'rEpa or (op-r determined the form. This festival
received its name from its occurring on the fiftieth day from the
second day of the Passover; so that the interval embraced a
cycle of seven entire weeks, i. e. a week of weeks. It is usually
called in the Old Testament, with reference to this circumstance,
the festival of weeks. Its observance took place at the close of
the gathering of the harvest, and was no doubt mainly commemorative of that event. See Jahn's Archaeol. ~ 355. According to
the later Jews, Pentecost was observed also as the day on which
the law was given from  Sinai; but no trace of this custom is
found in the Old Testament, or in the works of Philo or Josephus.
It is generally supposed that this Pentecost, signalized by the
outpouring of the Spirit, fell on the Jewish Sabbath, our Satur



CHAP. II, 2. 3.      COMMENTARY.                            51
day. According to the best opinion, our Lord celebrated his last
Passover on the evening which began the fifteenth of Nisan
(Num. 33, 3), and hence as he was crucified on the next day,
which was our Friday, the fiftieth clay or Pentecost (beginning,
of course, with the evening of Friday, the second day of the
Passover) would occur on the Jewish  Sabbath.  See WTiesl.
Chronologie, u. s. w. p. 19.- ai —avrTE, all the believers then in
Jerusalem; see 1, 15. - 0o/uvuma8ov    ouo fvxW,   with one accord.
Its local sense, together, becomes superfluous, followed by 7rt Tor
aVTr. See on 1, 15.
V. 2. SWErEp.... /3at'a[, as of a mighty wind, (lit. blast), rushing along; not genit. absolute, but dependent on   Xo,, (see v.
3). 7rvo  =7rvEg/La. The more uncommon word is chosen here
perhaps on account of the different sense of 7rvEg/a in this connection, e. g. v. 4. As used of the wind,'pEcrO-at denotes often
rapid, violent motion; see the proofs in Kypke's Obss. Sacr. Vol.
II. p. 11, and in Kuin. ad loc. -  r7rX'pcrEv, sc. TXos, which is the
only natural subject furnished by the context. - otKov is probably
the house referred to in 1, 13; not the temple, for the reasons
there stated, and because the term  employed in this absolute
way does not signify the temple or an apartment of it.
V. 3. KatL Wcb9'%oav, K. T. X., And there appeared to them tongues
distributed, i. e. among them, and one (se. yXro-o-a), sat uhpon each
of them.  So Bng. Olsh. Wahl, De Wet. Bmg. Hmph. Rob. and
most of the later critics, as well as some of the older. (Meyer
comes over to this view in his last ed.).  The distributive idea
occasions the change of number in K&Ka1LO-E. W. ~ 58. 4. acroi;
belongs strictly to the verb, but extends its force to the participle.
According to this view the fire like appearance presented itself
at first, as it were, in a single body, and then suddenly parted in
this direction and that, so that a portion of it rested on each of
those present.  It could be called a tongue, in that case, from its
shape, as extended, pointed, and may have assumed such an appearance as a symbol of the miraculous gift which accompanied
the wonder.  This secures to 8tLaELptLOL/Ecva its proper meaning;
see v. 45; Matt. 27, 35; Luke 23, 34, etc.; and explains why the
first verb is plural, while the second is singular.  Calvin, IIeinrichs, (also Alf.), and many of the older commentators, render the
participle disparted, cleft (as in the E. Vv. generally), and suppose it to describe the flame as exhibiting in each instance a
tongue-like, forked appearance. The objection to this view is,
that it rests upon a doubtful sense of the word, and especially
that it offers no explanation of the change from the plural verb




52                   COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. II, 4.
to the singular. De Wette, after others, has adduced passages
here from the Rabbinic writers to show that it was a common
belief of the Jews that an appearance like fire often encircled
the heads of distinguished teachers of the law. To this it has
been added, that instances of a similar phenomenon are related
by the Greek and Roman writers. We are directed by such coincidences to an important fact in the history of the divine revelations, and that is, that God has often been pleased to reveal
himself to men in conformity with their own conceptions as to
the mode in which it is natural to expect communications from
him. The appearance of the star to the Magians may be regarded as another instance of such accommodation to human
views.
V. 4. ErrXqor3ta,-aav, K. r. X., were all filled with the Holy Spirit
(anarthrous, as in 1, 2); a phrase referring usually to special gifts
rather than moral qualities, and to these as transient rather than
permanent; comp. 4, 8. 31; 13, 9. etc. -',avro XaXEZV, began (like
our " proceeded ") to speak as soon as the symbol rested on them.
This use of apXouat as introducing what is next in order has not
been duly recognized in the New Testament. -E Tpats XtyXkccrat,
with other tongues, i. e. than their native tongue. That Luke designed to state here that the disciples were suddenly endued with
the power of speaking foreign languages, before unknown to them,
would seem to be too manifest to admit of any doubt. It is surprising that such a writer as Neander should attempt to put a different construction on the text. He objects that the miracle would
have been superfluous, inasmuch as the apostles are not known
to have employed this gift of tongues in preaching the gospel. It
may be replied, first, that we have not sufficient information concerning the labors of the apostles, to affirm that they may not
have employed the endowment for that purpose; and, secondly,
that we are not obliged to regard such a use of it as the only
worthy object of the miracle. It may have been designed to
serve chiefly was an attestation of the truth of the gospel, and
of the character of the apostles as divine messegers. It is certain, at least, that Paul entertained that view of the 7yXr-o-aL
spoken of in 1 Cor. 14, 22: " Wherefore tongues are for a sign,
not to them that believe, but to them that believe not."  The
effect produced on this occasion (see v. 12) shows how well
suited such a miracle was to impress the minds of those who
-witnessed it. A miracle, too, in this form, may have had a symbolic import, which added to its significancy. It was necessary
that even the apostles should be led to entertain more enlarged




CHAP. II, 4. 5.      COMMENTARY.                         53
views respecting the comprehensive design of the new dispensation. This sudden possession of an ability to proclaim the salva.
tion of Christ to men of all nations (even if we allow that it was
not permanent), was adapted to recall their minds powerfully to
the last command of the Saviour, and to make them. feel that it
was their mission to publish his name to the ends of the earth.
Such a mode of conveying instruction to them was not more indirect than that employed in the vision of Peter (10, 9 sq.), which
was intended to teach the same truth. But we are not left to
argue the question on grounds of this nature; the testimony of
Luke is explicit and decisive. Even critics who would explain
away the reality of the miracle admit that it was the writer's
intention to record a miracle. Thus Meyer says: " The rETpaL
yXio-o-at are to be considered, according to the text, as absolutely
nothing else than languages which were different from the native
language of the speakers. They were Galileans, and spoke now
Parthian, Median, Persian, etc.; therefore, foreign languages, and
those too - the point precisely wherein appeared the wonderful
effect of the Spirit — unacquired languages (yXca-o-aL Katvat, in
Mark 16, 17), i. e. not previously learned by them. Accordingly
the text itself defines the sense of yXGro —at as that of languages,
and excludes as impossible the other explanations different from
this. which some have attempted to impose on the word." —
KaWo9, according as, in respect to manner; since the languages
were diverse.
VERSES 5-13. Impression of the Miracle on the Multitude.
V. 5. U2, now, transitive.- KaTOLKOV7TEg, dwelling-, whether for a
season or permanently; hence more general than E&rft8-lJovr-TE (v.
10; 17, 21); but not excluding the sojourners there. No doubt
many of the Jews in question had fixed their abode at Jerusalem,
as it was always an object of desire with those of them who
lived in foreign countries to return and spend the close of' life in
the land of their fathers. The prevalent belief, that the epoch
had now arrived when the promised Messiah was about to appear, must have given increased activity to that desire. The
writer mentions this class of Jews in distinction from the native
inhabitants, because the narrative which follows represents that
many were present who understood different languages. The
number of these strangers was the greater on account of the festival which occurred at that time.- EVXaLPELs, devout, God-fearing;
see 8, 2; Lulke 2, 25. This sense is peculiar to the Hellenistic
Greek  The term is applied to those only whose piety was of




54                    COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. II, 6.
the Old Testament type.- -(Gv, sc. O'vTV. The strong expression
here is a phrase signifying from many and distant lands. A phrase
of this kind has an aggregate sense, which is the true one, while
that deduced from the import of the separate words is a false sense.
V. 6. yevo0Er/E....'ravT'r7. These words are obscure.  The
principal interpretations are the following.  (1.) 4oxw   TaV7rn refers to  E'paLt yXbo-o-craut in v. 4, and the implication is, that the
voices of those who spoke were so loud as to be heard at a distance, and in this way were the occasion of drawing together the
multitude.  This interpretation secures to raVTqs a near antecedent, but has against it that Mowvej is singular, and not plural, and
that the participle is hardly congruous with the noun in that sense.
Neander, who adopts this view, regards qowrj as a collective term.
(2.) dowvr has been taken as synonymous with  -7/o': now when
this report arose, i. e. the report concerning this.  The meaning
is good, but opposed to the usage of the noun, while it puts?ravT-.7 in effect for 7rep' 3OVTOV, which is a hard construction. Many
of the older critics and the authors of nearly all the E. Vv. understood the expression in this way.  (3.) We may regard owvis
as repeating the idea of qXo3 in v. 2: now when this sound — that
of the descending Spirit —occurred. For that signification of
40orv, comp. John 3, 8; Rev. 1, 15; 9, 9; 14, 2, etc. 7yvolEvrLqS
appears to answer to yE'ETro in v. 2, and favors this explanation.
The objection to it is that raVT-n forsakes the nearer for a remoter
antecedent; but that may occur, if the latter be more prominent,
so as to take the lead in the writer's mind. See W. ~ 23. 1. This
meaning agrees with the context.  The participial clause here
may involve the idea of cause as well as time, and we may understand, therefore, that the sound in question was audible beyond the house where the disciples were assembled; that it
arrested the attention of those abroad, and led them to seek out
the scene of the wonder. So Hess,' Schrader, Meyer, De Wette,
Alford, and others.  The house (v. 2) may have been on one of
the avenues to the temple, thronged at this time by a crowd of
early worshippers (v. 15). - jKOVov, (imperf.), were hearing. -
EKaOTo3 alone (v. 8) or with e4s distributes often a plural subject;
see 14, 29; Matt. 18, 35; John 16, 32. K. ~ 266. 3.- -&8t', his
own; usually emphatic.  W. ~ 22. 7.- 8tacXK-W = yXiWcra.  See
v. 11.  The term in its narrower sense here would be too narrow; for though some of the languages differed only as dialects,
it was not true of all of them.- XaXov'vro aVTrv. We are not to
1 Geschichte und Schriften der Apostel Jesu, Vol. I. p. 24 (Ziirich 1820).




CHAP. II, 7-9.      COMMENTARY.                         55
understand by this that they all spoke in the languages enumerated, but that one of them employed this, and another that. In
so brief a narrative, the writer must have passed over various
particulars of the transaction.  We may suppose that at this
time the apostles had left the room where they assembled at first,
and had gone forth to the crowd collected in the vicinity.
V. 7. ovK, which leads the sentence, belongs properly to  rev&;
comp. 7, 48. W. ~ 61. 4.- 7ravries (T. R.) was inserted here probably from v. 12. - OVTroL, these, emphatic. - raXLtXaZo. They were
known as Galileans, because they were known as the disciples
of Christ. Had the different speakers belonged to so many different countries, the wonder would have been diminished or
removed.
V. 8. 7rws, how, since they were all Galileans. The object of
aK0vo/oJEV follows in v. 11; but the connection having been so long
suspended, the verb is there repeated. - CKao'ros as in v. 6. -  v
7 EyEvvq/1Ev, in which we were born. This remark excludes the
possibility of Luke's meaning that the tongues were merely an
ecstatic or impassioned style of discourse.
V. 9. In the enumeration of the countries named in this verse
and the next, the writer proceeds from the northeast to the west
and south. - llapSoL. Parthia was on the northeast of Media
and Hyrcania, and north of Aria, surrounded entirely by mountains. - Mi8oL. Media bordered north, on the Caspian Sea, west
on Armenia, east on Hyrcania, and south on Persia. -'EXaJurat,
i. e. the inhabitants of Elyrmais or Elam, which was east of the
Tigris, north of Susiana, (annexed to it in Dan. 8, 2), and south
of Media, of which Ptolemy makes it a part. -'Iov~aLav. It has
excited the surprise of some that Judea should be mentioned in
this catalogue, because, it is said, no part of the wonder consisted
in hearing Aramuean at Jerusalem. But we need not view the
writer's design in that light. It was rather to inform us in how
many languages the disciples addressed the multitude on this
occasion; and as, after all, the native Jews formed the greater
part of the assembly, the account would have been deficient
without mentioning Judea. It has been proposed to alter the text
to'I8ov/lav, but there is no authority for this. - The catalogue
now passes from Cappadocia and Pontus on the east and northeast to the extreme west of Asia Minor. — riv'Aolav. Phrygia
being excluded here, Kuinoel and others have supposed Asia to
be the same as Ionia; but Winer says it cannot be shown that
in the Roman age Ionia alone was called Asia. He thinks, with
an appeal to Pliny, that we are to understand it as embracing




56                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 10-12.
Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, with Ephesus as the principal city. See
his Realw. Vol. I. p. 96. Others, as Bittger,l whom De Wette
follows, understand Mysia, IEolis, Ionia, Lydia, Caria. All admit
that the term denoted not so much a definite region as a jurisdiction, the limits of which varied'from time to time according to
the plan of government which the Romans adopted for their
Asiatic Provinces.
V. 10. 4?pvyTlav. Phrygia was separated by the Taurus from
Pisidia on the south, with Bithynia on the north, Caria, Lydia,
and Mysia on the west, Gallacia, Cappadocia, and Lycaonia on
the east. - Pamphylia was on the Mediterranean, adjacent on
other sides to Cilicia, Caria, and Pisidia. —ra Jgep/, K. r. X., the
parts of Lybia towards Cyrene. Lybia was an extensive region
on the west of Egypt. One of the principal cities there was
Cyrene, (now Grenna,) on the sea, originally a Greek colony, but
where at this time the Jews constituted a fourth part of the population.  See Jos. Antt. 14. 7. 2. It was the native place of Simon, who bore the Saviour's cross to Golgotha (Luke 23, 26).
This part of Africa comes into view in making the voyage from
Malta to Alexandria. — or rTrL8-.O.VVTrE'Pw/atot, the.Romans sojourning at Jerusalem; comp. 17, 21. —'Iovsaio re Kact:rpoXvrAoli,
both Jews and proselytes a few critics restrict to'Pw/a^ot merely,
but most (De Wet. Mey. Wiesl.) refer them  to all the precedinig nouns. The Jews generally adopted the languages of the
countries where they resided.  The proselytes were originally
heathen who had embraced Judaism.  The words sustain the
same grammatical relation to Kp3TrES Ka "ApalE%, or, at all events,
are to be repeated after them.  The last two names follow as an
after-thought, in order to complete the list.
V. 11. The declarative form which the English version assigns to the sentence here (we do hear) is incorrect.  The question extends to 3EO9. See on v. 8. -ra [ EyaXEa trov 3EOv, the great
things of God, done by him through Christ for the salvation of
men (comp. v. 38).
V. 12. E(TrTaVTO describes their astonishment at the occurrence
in general; 8&tro5povv, their perplexity at being unable to account
for it. - Tt &av e'oL, K. T. X., iWhat may this perhaps mean. av attaches a tacit condition to the inquiry: if, as we think, it must import something. See W. ~ 42. i; K. ~ 260. 4. This is the question
of the more serious party. The hesitating form of it indicates
1 Schauplatz der Wirksamkeit des Apostels Paulus, u. s. w.,p. 23.




CHAP. II, 13.14.     COMMENTARY.                            57
the partial conviction which the miracle had wrought in their
minds.
V. 13.  EcEPOL.... XEyOV.  Among  those who scoffed may
have been some of the native inhabitants of the city, who, not
understanding the foreign languages spoken, regarded the discourse of the apostles as senseless because it was unintelligible
to them.- XXEMa0ovTEs is not so well supported as 8LaXXECVaovTES,
and expresses the idea less forcibly.  Calvin: "Nihil tam admirabile esse potest, quod non in ludibrium vertant, qui nullla Dei
cura tanguntur." - 0Lr, that, declarative. — YXEVKOV, sweet wine,
not new, as in the E. V. after all the earlier E. Vv.  The Pentecost fell in June, and the first vintage did not occur till August.
It is true, YXEVKOS designated properly the sweet, unfermented
juice of the grape; but it was applied also to old wine preserved
in its original state. The ancients had various ways of arresting
fermentation.  One of them, in use among the Greeks and Romans, was this: " An amphora was taken and coated with pitch
within and without; it was filled with mustum lixiviium, i. e. the
juice before the grapes had been ftully trodden, and corked so as
to be perfectly air-tight. It was then immersed in a tank of cold
fresh water, or buried in wet sand, and allowed to remain for six
weeks or two months.  The contents, after this process, were
found to remain unchanged for a year, and hence the name aEt
yXEVKo%, i. e. semper mustunt."  Dict. of Antt., art. Vinumn.' Jahn
says that sweet wine was produced also from dried grapes, by
soaking them in old wine, and then pressing them a second time.
See his Archtol. ~ 69. This species of wine was very intoxicating.
VERSES 14-36. The Discourse of Peter.
The address embraces the following points, though interwoven
somewhat in the discussion: - first, defence of the character of
the apostles (14, 15); secondly, the miracle explained as a fulfilment of prophecy (16-21); thirdly, this effusion of the Spirit an
act of the crucified, but now exalted Jesus (30-33); and, fourthly,
his claim  to be acknowledged as the true Messiah (22-29, and
34-36).
V. 14. crVv rotZ &'vEKa, with the eleven, i. e. in their name, and
with their concurrence in what he said. As the multitude was
so great, it is not improbable that some of the other apostles adiDictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, edited by W. Smith, London.
The abbreviation in the text refers always to this work.
8




58                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 15-17.
dressed different groups of them at the same time; see on v. 6.
On such an occasion they would all naturally pursue a very similar train of remark. - aSpEs'IovSatoL are the Jews born in Jerusalem; ol Ka-ToKOVVTES are the foreign Jews and Jewish converts.
See on v:. 5. - Evcrn-lauao-E = x, a Hellenistic word.
V. 15. yap justifies the call to attention.  It brings forward a
refutation of the charge which had been made against them. -
OVTOt, these whom they had heard speak (see v. 4 sq.), and who
were then present; not the eleven merely with Peter (Alf.) —
Wpa rpetrq, the third hour, i. e. about nine o'clock, A. M., according
to our time.  This was the first hour of public prayer, at which
time the morning sacrifice was offered in the temple. During
their festivals the Jews considered it unlawful to take food earlier
than this, still more to drink wine. See Light. Hor. Hebr. ad
loc. The other hours of prayer were the sixth, (10, 4,) and the
ninth (3, 1.)
V. 16. aXX a rovo, K. r. X., but this (which you witness) is that
which was said.  The Greek identifies the prophecy with its fulfilment.- 8ta rov wrpoc/nrov, through the prophet, because he was
the messenger, not the author of the message. The expression
recognizes the divine origin of the book which bears his name.
See the note on 1, 16. - Tischendorf has no adequate reason for'
omitting'IO'X after wrpocf'rrov.
V. 17. The citation which follows from Joel 3, 1-5 (2, 28-32
in E. V.) runs for the most part in the words of the Seventy.
The two or three verbal deviations from the Hebrew serve either
to unfold more distinctly the sense of the original passage, or to
enforce it. It is the object of the prophecy to characterize the
Messianic dispensation under its two great aspects, — that of
mercy and that of judgment. To those who believe, the gospel
is "a savor of life unto life; " but to those who disbelieve, it is
"a savor of death unto death;" see 2 Cor. 2, 16. Under its one
aspect, it was to be distinguished by the copious outpouring of
the Divine Spirit on those who should acknowledge Christ; and
under its other aspect, it was to be distinguished by the signal
punishment awaiting those who should disown his authority and
reject him.- Kalt'ocTat.....Rpepass~ stands for ]:~-1;m.   -',, rendered more closely in the Septuagint by Kalt ('o-rac, /LETa Tavra. Peter's expression denotes always in the New Testament the age
of the Messiah, which the Scriptures represent as the world's
last great moral epoch. The prophet designates the same period
under a more general phrase. Again, Peter places XE'yEL 6,goo at
the beginning of the declaration, the prophet at the close of it.




CHAP. II, 17. 18.     COMMENTARY.                            59
The position of the words here fixes attention at once upon the
source of the prophecy, and prepares the mind to listen to it as
God's utterance. -  EKXEc is future, a later Greek form.  W. ~ 13.
3; K. ~ 154, R. 1. -  Kat (consequential) zrpoq+nrevroovo-w, and thus
they shall prophesy.  This verb in the New  Testament signifies,
not merely to foretell future events, but to communicate religious
truth in general under a divine inspiration. It corresponds in this
use to.a.: in the original passage; see Gesen. Lex. s. v. The
order of the next two clauses in the Hebrew and Septuagint is the
reverse of that adopted here; viz., first, o 7rpEcr/3VTEpoL.... EVV7rvtao'T'rOovcTaL, then o[ veavtKtogo.... o5'ovrTa. Hengstenberg' suggests
that the change may have been intentional, in order to place the
youth with the sons and daughters, and to assign to the aged a
place  of  honor. -  wvvrvtots Evv7rvtaor39qrovrat, shall deream  with
dreams, the dative, as in 4, 17; 23, 24.  W. { 54. 3.  Some authorities have  vvwvLa, which was probably substituted for the
other as an easier construction.
V. 18. Ka'yE -      annexes an emphatic addition, and even
(Hart. Partik. Vol. I. p. 396.). - pLov, which is wanting in the Hebrew, is retained here from the Septuagint. The prophet declares
that no condition of men, however ignoble, would exclude them
from the promise. The apostle cites the prophet to that effect;
but takes occasion from the language -  oSXovou uov - which describes their degradation in the eyes of men, to suggest by way
of contrast their exalted relationship to God.  Bengel: " Servi
secundumn  carnem.... iidem servi Dei."  Similar to this is the
language of Paul in 1 Cor. 7, 22: " For he that is called in the Lord,
being a servant, is the Lord's freeman; likewise also he that is
called, being free, is Christ's servant.?'" If we cast the eye back
over this and the preceding verse, it will be seen that the
effusion of the Spirit was to be universal as to the classes
of persons that were to participate in it;  in other words,
it was to be without distinction of sex, age, or rank. — The
modes of divine revelation and of the Spirit's operation, which
are specified in this passage, were among the more extraordinary to which the Hebrews were accustomed under the
ancient economy.  These, after having been suspended for so
long a time, were now, at the opening of the Christian dispensation, renewed in more than their former power. The prophecy
relates chiefly, I think, to these special communications of the
1 Christology of the Old Testament, and a Commentary on the Predictions of
the Messiah by the Prophets, Vol. III. p. 140 (Dr. Keith's Translation).




60                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. II, 18. 19.
Spirit, which were granted to the first Christians. The terms of
the prophecy direct us naturally to something out of the ordinary
course; and when we add to this that the facts recorded in the Acts
and the Epistles sustain fully that view of the language, it must
appear arbitrary, as well as unnecessary, to reject such an interpretation. Yet the prophecy has indirectly a wider scope. It portrays
in reality the character of the entire dispensation. Those special
manifestations of the Spirit, at the beginning, marked the economy as one that was to be eminently distinguished by the Spirit's
agency. They were a pledge, that those in all ages who embrace the gospel should equal the most favored of God's ancient
people; they enjoy a clearer revelation, are enlightened, sanctified by a Spirit more freely imlparted, may rise to the same or
higher religious consolations and attainments.
V. 19. The apostle now holds up to view the other side of
the subject. He adduces the part of the prophecy which foretells the doom of those who reject Christ and spurn his salvation.
Having appealed to the hopes, the apostle turns here to address
himself to the fears of men; he would persuade them by every
motive to escape the punishment which awaits the unbelieving
and disobedient.  See v. 40 and 43 below. In the interpretation
of the passage before us, I follow those who understand it as
having primary reference to the calamities which God inflicted
on the Jews in connection with the overthrow of Jerusalem, and
the destruction of the Jewish state and nation. The reasons for
this opinion are briefly these:- (1) The law of correspondence
would lead us to apply this part of the prophecy to the same
period to which the other part has been applied, i. e. to the early
times of the gospel. (2) The expression, the day of the Lord, in
v. 20, according to a very common use in the Hebrew prophets,
denotes a day when God comes to make known his power in the
punishment of his enemies, a day of the signal display of his
vengeance for the rejection of long-continued mercies, and the
commission of aggravated sins. The subversion of the Jewish
state was such an occasion. It appropriates fully every trait of
that significant designation. (3) Part of the language here coincides almost verbally with that in Matt. 24, 29; and if the language there, as understood by most interpreters, describes the
downfall of the Jewish state,' we may infer from the similarity
that the subject of discourse is the same in both places. (4)
1 This view is defended in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1843, p. 531 sq., and controverted in the same work, 1850, p. 452 sq.




CHAP. II, 19. 20.    CO MMENTARY.                         61
The entire phraseology, when construed according to the laws
of prophetic language, is strikingly appropriate to represent the
unsurpassed horrors and distress which attended the siege and
destruction of Jerusalem, and to announce the extinction of the
Jewish power and glory of the Jewish worship which that catastrophe involved. Yet here too (see on v. 18) we are to recognize
the wider scope of the prophecy.  The destruction of the Jews
is held forth by the apostle, as a type of the destruction which is
to come upon every rejecter of the gospel; see v. 21.- For the
sake of contrast, Peter inserts the words avvw, ar/~lEta, KaT), which
are not in the Hebrew. TE'paTa iv nr o'pav4", or'eta &art'ri- ys-y
means prodigies celestial and terrestrial, such as may appear in
the air or on the earth; in other words, prodigies of every sort,
and of the most portentous kind. The idea is, that calamities were
to ensue, equal in severity and magnitude to those which the
most fearful portents are supposed to announce. The mode of
speaking is founded on the popular idea, that, when great events
are about to occur, wonderful phenomena foretoken their approach.
Hence what the prophet would affirm is, that disasters and judgments were coming such as men are accustomed to associate
with the most terrific auguries; but he does not mean necessarily
that the auguries themselves were to be expected, or decide
whether the popular belief on the subject was true or false. -
aTca, 7rvp, are/nLa Kat7rvov, stand in apposition with -rcpara KaW crr.leta,
and show in what they consisted: blood, perhaps, rained on the
earth (De Wet.), or, as in Egypt (Ex. 7, 17), infecting the streams
and rivers (Hng.); fire, i. e. appearances of it in the air, and vapor of smoke, dense smoke, hence-'~ n-nn, pillars or clouds
of smoke, which darken the heavens and earth. Many have supposed these terms to signify directly slaughter and conflagration,
but their grammatical relation to irpa-ra KatL Carela decides that
they are the portents themselves, not the calamities portended.
That view, too, confounds the day of the Lord with the precursors
of the day.
V. 20. o AXtos.... cGs caKOTOs, the sun shall be turned into darcness. Its light shall be withdrawn; the heavens shall become
black. A day is at hand which will be one of thick gloom, of
sadness, afid woe. For the frequency and significance of this
figure in the prophets, see Ezek. 32, 7; Is. 13, 10; Am. 5, 18. 20,
etc. a- -EXqrv7. Repeat here pueraT Tpa qTr'erat. The moon, too,
shall give forth signs of the coming distress. It shall exhibit an
appearance like blood. Men shall see there an image of the carnage and misery which are to be witnessed on earth. -   %7ravi,




62                  COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. II, 21.22.
illust7rious, signal in its character as an exhibition of divine justice.
It conveys the idea of Ni:~, fearful, but is less definite.
V. 21. Gras 3o av, every one whosoever.  For av with this expansive effect, comp. v. 39; 3, 22. 23; 7, 3, etc. The mercy is free
to all who fulfil the condition; see the note on v. 39. - Er7tKaXcr-/-rat, shall have called upon; subj. aor. after av =fut. exact. in
Latin.  The act in this verb must be past before the future in
-Cco3rCr-T]raL can be present.  See W. ~ 42. 1. 3. b. -   o'b voua KvptOV,
the name of the Lord, i. e. of Christ, comp. v. 36; 9, 14; 22, 16;
Rom. 13; not simply upon him, but upon him as possessing the
attributes and sustaining to men the relations of which his namne
is the index. Compare the note on 22, 16. - moSW o-ETat, shall be
saved from the doom of those who reject Christ, and be admitted
to the joys of his kingdom.
V. 22.'IorpalXTrat ='IovoaZot in N. T., here both the native and
foreign  Jews. - Natowpaoov - Nagapa-os.  The former was the
broader Syriac pronunciation, as heard especially inGalilee. Hence
Peter's rustic XaXta (Matt. 26, 73) betrayed him in the very words
of his denial. See Win. Chald. Gr.l p. 12. The epithet is added
for the sake of distinction, as Jesus was not an uncommon name
among the Jews. -  IvSpa.... ek v'la-, a man fromn  God (as the
source of the approval) accredited unto you (not as in E. V., among
you); a7ro8ee8L/JlEVov, lit. shown fo~rth, confirmed (25, 7) viz. in his
Messianic character. The meaning is, that in the miracles which
Christ performed he had God's fullest sanction to all that he did
and taught, that is, to his claim to be received as the Son of God,
the promised Saviour of men.  Some put a comma after Seov,
and render a man (sent) from God, accredited as such by miracles,
etc. The ultimate idea remains the same, since to sanction his
mission as from God was the same thing as to sustain his truth
as to what he claimed to be.  But the first is the more correct
view, because it renders the ellipsis (sent, not apt to be omitted)
unnecessary, and because (as Alf. suggests) the point to be established was that the Messiah was identical with a man whom
they had seen and known.  We have J7ro after the participle,
instead of vrro, because the approbation was indirect, i. e. testified
through miracles.  See W. ~ 47. 4; Bernh. Synt. p. 223. -  vvatLEcrT Kat rEpayrL KaL r,'wEdlotL form obviously an intensive expression,
but they are not synonymous with each other. Miracles are called
vvab/EL% because they are wrought by divine power; rEpaTa, procl1 Grammar of the Chaldee language as contained in the Bible and the Targums,
translated from the German by the writer (Andover 1845).




CHAP. II, 23. 24.     COM MENTARY.                          63
igies, because they appear inexplicable to men; and (rjtpEa, signs,
because they attest the character or claims of those who perform
them (2 Cor. 12, 12). See Olsh. on Matt. 8. 1. It cannot be said
that the terms are used always with a distinct consciousness of
that difference. - oTs is attracted into the case of its antecedent.
- KaL after Ka3c% good authorities omit.  If retained, it must connect o't&aTE with ~Ero&,rE, what he did ye also know; or else
strengthen arTot, also yourselves as well as we.
V. 23. TOVTOV is both resumptive and emphatic; see Matt. 24,
13; 1 Cor. 6, 4.  W. ~ 23. 4. -  -r opmr'/~ fovkXf, according to the
established (firmly fixed, see Luke 22, 22) counsel, plan; the dative
is that of rule or conformity. W. ~ 31. 6. b.; K. ~ 285. 3. /3ovkXj
and 7rp-oyvwort may differ here as antecedent and consequent, since
God's foreknowledge results properly from his purpose. -'Korov,
delivered uip to you, i. e. by Judas. - XafovrTe the best editors regard as an addition to the text. - 8ta XeLpv avowv,, by the hands or
hand (if after Grsb. Lchm. Tsch., and others, we read xELpo') of
lawless ones (partitive, hence without the article, see on 5, 16),
i. e. of the heathen, as Pilate and the Roman soldiers; comp.
Wisd. 17. 2; 1 Cor. 9, 21.  The indignity which Christ suffered
was the greater on account of his being crucified by the heathen.
See 3, 13. avoLo/wv may agree with XEtpwv, lawless hands; but as
the adjective must refer still to the heathen, it is not so easy a
combination as the other.- 7rpoor7r'javme, sc. Tr  cramvpw, having
fastened to the cross, i. e. with nails driven through the hands and
feet (John 20, 25. 27).  See Byneaus de Morte Christi, L. III. c.
6, and Jahn's Arch-ol. ~ 262. He imputes the act of crucifixion
to the Jews because they were the instigators of it; comp. 4, 10;
10, 39. — avEtXaTe is first aorist, an Alexandrian form. W. ~ 13.
1; S. ~ 63. 11. R.
V. 24. avear-TqOre, raised up, not into existence, as in 3, 22, but
from the dead.  The context demands this sense of the verb;
see v. 32. - rTas 8i&va TroV 3avaTov, the pains of death; quoted ap-.parently from the Sept., for r',}-,.t. in Ps. 18, 5, cords of death.
Xvuoac, having loosed, agrees better with the Hebrew idea; but
taken less strictly, having ended, it is not inappropriate to lSivag.
We may conceive, in the latter case, of the pains of death as
not ceasing altogether with the life which they destroy, but as
still following their victim  into the grave.  Hence though the
Greek expression as compared with the Hebrew changes the
figure, it conveys essentially the same thought, and may have
been adopted because it was so familiar to the foreign Jews.
Some contend that   vasag means cords in the Hellenistic Greek




64                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 25.26.
(Kuin. Olsh.); but the assertion is destitute of proof. In that
case, too, Luke would have said aVTGrV at the end of the sentence
instead of aTroV, out of regard to the figure.  Others have found
an allusion in the word to the resurrection as a birth (see Col. 1,
18), and hence to death as enduring (so to speak) the pangs inseparable from giving back the dead to life. It is strange that
Meyer should revive this almost forgotten interpretation. - Kagt&.... vvavrov, because it was not possible, since the Divine purpose
cannot fail. The confirmatory 7yp shows that to be the nature
of the impossibility in the writer's mind.
V. 25. The quotation is from Ps. 16, 8-11, in accordance with
the Septuagint.  It will be observed that in v. 29-31 Peter takes
pains to show that the portion of the Psalm under consideration
there could not have referred to David, but had its fulfilment in
Christ. In 13, 36, Paul too denies the applicability of that pas.
sage to David, and insists on its exclusive reference to the Mes
siah. We may conclude, therefore, that they regarded the entire
Psalm as Messianic; for we have in it but one speaker from commencement to end, and in other respects such a marked unity of
thought and structure, that it would be an arbitrary procedure to
assign one part of it to David and another to Christ.  See Prof.
Stuart's Interpretation of this Psalm in Bibl. Repos., 1831, p. 51
sq. - Es avrov, in reference to him. - 7rpowpWurqv, K. r. X., I saw the
Lord before me (where 7rpo is intensive merely), looked unto him
as my only helper and support; not foresaw (E. V. after the Genv.
V.), or saw beforehand (Tynd.).  The verb answers to rn.', I
placed, except that this marks more distinctly the effort made in
order to keep the mind in that posture. - orL, because, states why
the eye is thus turned unto Jehovah. - EK 8EtLV describes one's
position as seen off from the right. A protector at the right hand
is one who is near and can afford instantly the succor needed. -;va is telic, in order that.
V. 26. Evopadvr/. On the augment in verbs which begin with
Ev, see W. ~ 12. 1. 3; K. ~ 125. R. 1.-   7Xyao-o-a,ov stands for. =e,
my glory, i. e. soul, whose dignity the Hebrews recognized in that
way.  The Greek has substituted the instrument which the soul
uses in giving expression to its joy. We may render both verbs
as present if we suppose them to describe a permanent state of
mind.  K. ~ 256. 4.- Zrc 8E Ka', but further also, climacteric, as in
Luke 14, 26. -   (rapt iaov, mry flesh,'body as distinguished from
the soul. - KarTacrKqVWcELt, shall rest, viz. in the grave, as defined
by the next verse. -  7r' sXarlng, in hope, = n.., in confidence, i. e.




CHAP. II, 27-29.    CO M MENTARY.                        65
of a speedy restoration to life. The sequel exhibits the ground of
this confident hope.
V. 27. OLTt.... as'ov, because (not that) thou wilt not abandon
my soul unto hades. fvXyrv 1uov = scar, my soul, according to Hebrew
usage,an emphasized pronoun. ap8 — = Sibha, denotes properly the
place of the dead, but also, by a frequent personification, death
itself, considered as a rapacious destroyer. See Gesen. Heb. Lex.
s. v. The sense then may be expressed thus: Thou wilt not
give me up as a prey to death; he shall not have power over me,
to dissolve the body and cause it to return to dust. On the elliptical ~aov, see K. ~ 263. b. Later critics (Lehm. Tsch.) read ad8v,
after ABCD, and other authorities. - — Sv, to see, experience, as
in Luke 2, 26.
V. 28. 2 yvWpLcraS, K. T. X., thou didst make known to me the ways
of life, i. e. those which lead from death to life. The event was
certain, and hence, though future, could be spoken of as past.
The meaning is, that God would restore him to life, after having
been put to death and laid in the grave. Kuinoel, De Wette,
Meyer, concede that this is the sense which Peter attached to
the words; and if so, it must be the true sense. The Greek
here expresses the exact form of the Hebrew. - tTer rov 7lrpoO-W
rov 0ov, with (not = &a', by) thy presence, i. e. with thee where thou
art, viz. in heaven. The Redeemer was assured that he would
not only escape the power of death, but ascend to dwell in the immediate presence of God on high. It was for that "joy set before
him, that he endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set
down at the right hand of the throne of God." (Heb. 12, 2).
V. 29. The object of the remark here is to show that the passage cited above could not have referred to David. -,v, sc.
Eort, not`irm, it is lawful, proper. -  teL 7rap&p'o-tta%, with freedom,
without fear of being thought deficient in any just respect to his
memory. His death was recorded in the Old Testament; no one
pretended that he had risen, and the Psalm, therefore, could not
apply to him. - David is called 7rarptapxyTs, as being the founder
of the royal family. This title in its stricter use belonged to the
founders of the nation. -,v Luiv, among us, here in the city. The
sepulchre of David was on Mount Zion, where most of the
kings of Judah were buried; see on 5, 6. The tomb was well
known in Peter's day. Josephus says, that it was opened both
by Hyrcanus and Herod, in order to rifle it of the treasures which
it was supposed to contain. The Mosque, still shown as Neby
Dauid, on the southern brow of Zion, cannot be far from the true
site.
9




66                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 30-32.
V. 30. vpori',rr, a prophet, i. e. divinely inspired (see on v.
17), and so competent to utter the prediction. —  ov, therefore;
since, unless David meant himself, he must have meant
the Messiah. — Kal (tas, and knowing, viz. that which follows.
This knowledge he received from the prophet Nathan, as related
in 2 Sam. 7, 12. 16; see also Ps. 132, 11; 89, 35-37. The resurrection of Christ in its full historical sense involved two points:
first, his restoration to life; and, secondly, his elevation to permanent regal power. Peter inserts the remark made here to show
that David, in predicting the main fact, had a view also of Christ's
office as a Sovereign.- Ka.lo-at, sc. rva', to cause one to sit, place
him, comlp. 1 Cor. 6, 4 (Whl. Mey. De Wet.); or (intrans. oftener
in N. T.) that one should sit (Rob.). This descendant was to occupy the throne as ruler in Zion, as Messiah; comrp. Ps. 2, 6.
The Greek omits rtva often before the infinitive.  K. ~ 238. R. 3.
e. - After o&rfv'o avrov, the received text adds ro KaTa oacpKa ava(rTrj(oEtv TOv Xpcr-TOV, viz. that he would raise up the Messiah after the
flesh. Sholz retains the words, but most editors omit them, or
mark them as unsupported.
V. 31. 7rpoi&Sv repeats the idea both of rpo/r'r-ls and Eo6;&.
Having the knowledge derived from the sources which these
terms specify, David could speak of the Messiah in the manner
here represented. — rov Xp —TOV is the official title, not a proper
name. - OfVTE EyKaTEXEt'd3Qb   (Tsch.) K.'. X., neither was left or or
KaTEXE1%37 (T. R.), was not left behind (given up) unto hades; aorist
here (note the fut. in v. 27), because the speaker thinks of the
prediction as now  accomplished. - OvXq1 aTroV (T. R.) should
probably be dropped after the verb.
V. 32. T7OVTOV TOv'I(o-ov, This (looking back to v. 24) Jesus,
the subject of such a prophecy. —o0  K. T-. X., whose (masc. as
Wicl. after Vulg., comp. 5, 32; 13, 31); or, as the verb suggests a
natural antecedent (neut.), of which, viz. his resurrection, we all
are witnesses (Mey. and E. V.).  See note on 1, 22.
V. 33. The exaltation of Christ appears here (o'v, therefore) as
a necessary consequent of the resurrection; see on v. 28. 30. -
r  S&LE, K. x. X., having been exalted to the right hand of God
(Neand. De Wet. Olsh. Bmg. Whl. Rob.); not by the right hand
(Calv. Kuin. Mey. Alf. E. Vv.).  The connection (see especially
v. 34. 35, and comp. 5, 31) directs us quite inevitably to the first
sense; and though the local dative whither may not occur in the
New Testament out of this passage and 5, 31, yet all admit that
it is one of the uses of the later Greek generally, and was not
unknown to the earlier Greek poetry. See Bernh. Synt. p. 94.




CHAP. II, 33. 34.       COMMENTARY.                          67
Winer says (~ 31. 5) that we may translate here to the right hand,
without any hesitation. - r'v crayyEXt'av, K. r. X., having received the
promise (i. e. its fulfilment in the bestowal) of the htoly Spirit;
genit. of the object.  See on 1, 4-.  e'XEE, poured out.  The effusion of the Spirit which is ascribed to God in v. 17 is ascribed here
to Christ. - XE'krerTE refers to the general spectacle of so many
speaking in foreign tongues, or possibly to the tongues of fire, visible on the speakers. aKOv'TEE refers both to the languages spoken,
and to what was spoken in them.
V. 34. yoap confirms 4,wo&EL.  The exaltation was not only incident to the resurrection, but was the subject of an express prediction, and that prediction could not apply to David; for he did
not ascend to heaven, i. e. to be invested with glory and power at
the right hand of God. The order of thought, says De Wette,
would have been plainer thus: For David says, Sit at my right
hand, etc.; but he himself did not ascend into heaven, i. e. he says
this not of himself, but the Messiah. -  XE'yEt, viz. in Ps. 110, 1.
In Matt. 22, 43, and Mark 12, 36, the Saviour recognizes David
as the author of the Psalm, and attributes to him a divine inspiration in speaking thus of the Messiah. He cites the same passage as proof of David's acknowledged inferiority to himself. -
KaL3ov (imper.) is for the purer Ka3rq(ro.  W. ~ 14. 4; Mt. ~ 236.
- EK 83ELv Iuov, on my right hand (see on v. 25) i. e. as the partner of nay throne.  The following remarks of Professor Stuart1
are pertinent here.  "In the New  Testament, when Christ is
represented as sitting at the right hand of divine majesty, Heb.
1, 3; or at the right hand of God, Acts 2, 33, and Heb. 10, 12; or
at the right of the throne of God, Heb. 12, 2; participation in
supreme dominion is most clearly meant. Compare 1 Pet. 3, 22;
Rom. 8, 34; Mark 16, 19; Phil. 2, 6-11; Eph. 1, 20-23.  At the
same time, the comparison of these passages will show most
clearly that Christ's exaltation at the right hand of God means
his being seated on the mediatorial throne as the result and reward
of his sufferings (see particularly Phil. 2, 6-11, and comp. Heb.
12, 2); and that the phrase in question never means the original
dominion which Christ as Logos or God possesses. The sacred
writers never speak respecting the Logos, considered simply in
his divine nature, as being seated at the right hand of God; but
only of the Logos incarnate, or the Mediator, as being seated
there. So in Heb. 1, 3, it is after the expiation made by the Son
of God, that he is represented as seating himself at the right
1 Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 559 sq. (1833).




68                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 35-38.
hand of the divine majesty. And that this mediatorial dominion
is not to be considered simply as the dominion of the divine nature of Christ as such, is plain from the fact, that, when the mediatorial office is fulfilled, the kingdom of the Mediator as such is
to cease. Moreover, that the phrase, to sit at the right hand of
God, or of the throne of God, does not of itself mean original
divine dominion, is clear from the fact, that Christ assures his
faithful disciples they shall sit down with him on his throne, even
as he sat down with the Father on his throne, Rev. 3, 21. It is
exaltation, then, in consequence of obedience and sufferings,
which is designated by the phrase in question. "
V. 35.'o  a4v, K. r. X. The dominion here, which Christ received, belonged to him as Mediator; and it is to cease, therefore,
when the objects of his kingdom as Mediator are accomplished.
Compare 1 Cor. 15, 23-28. This verse recognizes distinctly that
limitation.
V. 36. 7ra....'IcopaXA, all the house, race, of Israel.  OtKOS
appears to omit the article, as having the nature of a proper
name. W. ~ 17. 10. — or Kat, K. T. X., that God made him  both,
Lord and Christ, to wit, this one the Jesus, whom, etc. TOVTOV TOV'Irqoov is in apposition with avrov.
VERSES 37-42. Eject of the' Discourse in the Conversion of Thlzree
Thousand.
V. 37. Not all but many of those addressed must be understood here. This necessary limitation could be left to suggest
itself. KaTe voyrlrav' j Kap&',sa were pierced in the heart; dative of
the sphere in which (Rom. 4, 20; 1 Cor. 14, 20). W. ~ 31, 3.
Some editions have Kap8fLav, accusative of the part affected. The
verb expresses forcibly the idea of pungent sorrow and alarm. -
7rt rotLcolJEt, What shall we do?  The answer to the question shows
that it related to the way of escape from the consequences of
their guilt. - For avspe, see on 1, 16.
V. 38. Elrt TW OVOtxarc'IL7o-ov XpLrrov, upon the name of Jesus
Chri'st as the foundation of the baptism, i. e. with an acknowledgment of him in that act as being what his name imports (see
on v. 21), to wit, the sinner's only hope, his Redeemer, Justifier,
Lord, final Judge. For srt{ with this force, see W. ~ 48. c. We
see from v. 40, that Luke has given only an epitome of Peter's
instructions on this occasion. The usual formula in relation to
baptism  is ets T o vo/da, as in 8, 16; 19, 5. It may have been
avoided here as a matter of euphony, since EtL follows in the next




CHAP. II, 38.39.     C 0 MMENTARY.                         69
clause (De Wet.).- cs lEocrTLv aJuaprTLv, in order to the forgiveness
of sins (Matt. 26, 28; Luke 3, 3), we connect naturally with both
the preceding verbs. This clause states the motive or object
which should induce them to repent and be baptized. It enforces
the entire exhortation, not one part of it to the exclusion of the
other.
V. 39. rots rE`KVOtS VLGv, unto your descendants (see 13, 33); not
your little ones (Alf.) with an appeal to v. 17; for the sons and
daughters there are so far adult as to have visions and to prophesy. —rao-s TroaL ECl JLaKpav, to all those afar offj i. e. the distant nations
or heathen. So, among others, Calvin, Bengel, Olshausen, Harless,l
De Wette, Neander, Lange.2 The expression was current among
the Jews in that sense; comp. Zech. 6, 15; Is. 49, 1; 57, 19;
Eph. 2, 13. 17 (where see Dr. Hodge in his recent Commentary).
Even the tRabbinic writers employed it as synonymous with the
heathen.  (SchJttg. Hor. Heb. Vol. I. p. 761.)  It has been objected, that this explanation supposes Peter to have been already
aware that the gospel was to be preached to the Gentiles;
whereas, it is said, he afterwards hesitated on the subject, and
needed a special revelation to point out to him his duty; see 10, 10
sq. But the objection misstates the ground of the hesitation; it
related to the terms on which the Gentiles were to be acknowledged as Christians, not to the fact itself. On this point how is
it possible that he should have doubted?  The Jews in general,
who expected a Messiah at all, believed in the universality of his
reign. The prophets foretold distinctly that the Gentiles under
him should form one people with the Jews, that they should both
acknowledge the same God, and be acknowledged of him; see,
e. g. Mich. 4, 1 sq.; Am. 9, 12; Is. 2, 2 sq.; 40, 5; 54, 4 sq., etc.
Add to this, that the Saviour himself before his ascension had
charged his disciples to go into all the world and preach the gospel
to every creature. The relation in which the Gentile believers
were to stand to Judaism, how far they were to practise its rites,
and in that respect assimilate to the Jews, was not so well understood. On that question, it is true, they needed and received
further instruction as to the course to be purs'ued.  Those who
reject the foregoing explanation suppose Braor TroI S EL fLKpav to denote the foreign Jews. But they are included already in ~v/xv,
since many of those addressed were pilgrims who had come to
Jerusalem to celebrate the present feast. This sense of the phrase
1 Commentar fiber den Brief Pauli an die Ephesier, p. 213 sq.
2 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 42 (1853).




70                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. II, 40-42.
renders it superfluous. -oo-ovg av, K. r. X., whomsoever the Lord
shall have called. For the verbal form, see the note on v. 21. The
expression imports, that as many would secure a part in the
promise as it should prove that the divine purpose had embraced.
V. 40.  Copies fluctuate between &EtapTrpEro and L&EtapTvpaTo.
The imperfect agrees best with the next verb - 0-(rSTE, save
yourselves. For this middle sense, see W. ~ 39. 2.- &7r5 rs TyEVEa%,
K. r. X., from this perverse (Phil. 2, 15) generation, i. e. from participation in their guilt and doom; comp. 1 Cor. 11, 32; Gal. 1, 4.
V. 41. ov", therefore, viz. in consequence of Peter's exhortation. - ot u.Ev, K. r. A., they (who were mentioned as penitent in
v. 37) having received his word, viz. that in v. 38 sq. (De Wet.
Mey.). Many adopt the substantive construction: they who received (Bng. Kuin. E. Vv.). The first view identifies those who
believe here more distinctly with those in v. 37, who evince such
a preparation for the exercise of faith, and may be preferable on
that account; but the use of the participle in other respects (as
we saw on 1, 16) involves an ambiguity. a-iepvos, gladly, elicits a
correct idea, but is hardly genuine. - JvXa', souls, persons, see v. 43;
3, 23; 7, 14; 27, 37. The frequency of this sense may be Hebraistic, but not the sense itself.-3fiamr'%7Tccrav, were baptized, not
necessarily at once after the discourse, but naturally during the
same day, if we unite the next clause (Tr7 Pop? EKE~V1, see on 8,
1) closely with this. But the compendious form of the narrative
would allow us with some editors to place a colon between the
two clauses; and then the baptism could be regarded as subsequent to 7rpoe3r7ETro-av, taking place at such time and under such
circumstances as the convenience of the parties might require.
It is proper to add (against Alf.) that the pools so numerous and
large which encircled Jehrusalem, as both those still in use and the
remains of others testify at the present day, afforded ample means
for the administration of the rite.  The habits of the East, as
every traveller knows, would present no obstacle to such a use
of the public reservoirs.
V. 42. vrpocKaprepovvTeg, K. T. A., constantly applying themselves
unto the teaching of the apostles; they sought to know more and
more of the gospel which they had embraced. - Ka t  KOLVTWVL^
(comp. EtXov KOLva in v. 44), and unto the communication, distribution,
i. e. of money or other supplies for the poor (Heinr. Kuin. Olsh.
Bmg. Hmph.); the fellowship, i. e. the community, oneness of
spirit and effort which bound the first Christians to each other
(Bng. Mey. Rob.); the communion, meals in common, aya7rat,
which were followed by the Lord's supper (Bez. Grot. De WVet.);




CHAP. II, 32. 43.    COMMENTARY.                        71
the Sacrament itself (Lightf. Est. Wlf.)  I prefer the first sense
of this doubtful word, because all the other nouns denote an act,
not a state of mind or feeling; because the participle applies to
an act rather than an abstract quality (which are objections to the
second sense); because this use of the term is justified by Rom.
15, 26; 2 Cor. 8, 4; especially Heb. 13, 16; and because, as the
contributions would naturally be made at their meetings, the several nouns relate then to a common subject, viz. their religious
assemblies. It may be added, that their liberality towards the
poor was so characteristic of the first Christians, that this sketch
of their religious habits might be expected to include that particular. KoLvovoa in the sense of our communion, the Lord's Supper,
appears not to have prevailed before the fourth century (Suicer
Thesaur. s. v. as cited by IHmph.), and hence the last of the
meanings given above may be laid out of the account here. The
meals in common or aya7ral were known to be a part of the KXoa-La
rTo apTov (see below), and consequently would not need to be
specified in this connection by a separate term. The E. V. unites
aVroo'Xwv with both nouns: the apostle's doctrine and fellowship
(also Tynd. Cranm. Gen.) With that combination we should have
had regularly the genitive after the second noun, without a repetition of the article. See W. ~ 19. 3. c. Some assume a hendiadys: the communion in the breaking of bread (Vulg. Wicl. Blmf.).
The analysis is not only awkward, but opposed by r-j before
KXao-EL.- -T KXcaIC T'oi aprTov denotes the breaking of the bread as
performed at the Lord's Supper. See 20, 7. 11; 1 Cor. 10, 16.
The expression itself may designate an ordinary meal, as in Luke
24, 35; but that here would be an unmeaning notice. There can
be no doubt that the Eucharist, at this period, was preceded uniformly by a common repast, as was the case when the ordinance
was instituted. Most scholars hold that this was the prevailing
usage in the first centuries after Christ. We have traces of that
practice in 1 Cor. 11, 20 sq., and, in all probability, in v. 46 below.
The bread only being mentioned here, the Catholics appeal to this
passage as proving that their custom of distributing but one element (the cup they withhold from the laity) is the apostolic one.
It is a case obviously in which the leading act of the transaction
gives name to the transaction itself.
VERSES 43-47.  Benevolence of the First Christians; their Joy,
their Increase.
V. 43.:roa, fvX, unto every soul of those who heard of the




72                   COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. II, 44-46.
events just related, viz. the descent of the Spirit, the miracle of
tongues, the conversion of such a multitilde; comp. 5, 5. - 
3os, fear, religious awe; see Luke 1, 65.- -roXXJa in this position
belongs to both nouns, see 17, 12. W. ~ 59. 5.- &ta TGV adroo-roAXv,
though the apostles as instruments, while the power was God's;
see v. 22 and 15, 12.-  YI7VrTo, were wrought (imperf.), during this
general period.
V. 44.  irt TO avro, not harmonious (Calv. Kuin.), but together,
i. e. they met daily in one place, as explained in v. 46; see on 1,
15. - KaL EJxov.... KoLvM, and they had all things common, looked
upon their possessions not as their own, but held them as subject
to the use of the church as they were needed. The next words
refer to the act of disposing of their property, and hence these
describe the antecedent principle or spirit which prompted the
act.  The remark is defined by ov E s.... Eyev.... Lva in 4,
32: neither did any one say, etc.
V. 45.  KgT' 7.aTa Kai Ta 71 v7rappEL, their estates, lands, and other
possessions. - avar, them, i. e. the proceeds of the sale.  W. ~ 22.
3.- KaJOTL.... ELXE, as any one from time to time had need. av
with the indicative in a relative sentence denotes a recurring act.
W. ~ 42. 3. a. As this clause qualifies also E7rt7rpac-Kov (imperf. as
done again and again), it shows that they did not alienate their
property at once, but parted with it as occasion required.
V. 46. o,.o.v/ao&v, as in v. 1. - KaT' OLKOv, from house to house,
comp. KaTa 7rXLtv in Tit. 1, 5; i. e. in different houses, some in one,
some in another, or perhaps in different houses successively (E.
V. Kulin. Neand.); or at home, in private, see Phil. v. 2 (Olsh.
De Wet. Mey. Gen. V.). Even in the latter case we may suppose that they met in separate parties at different places; not
necessarily (as Mey.), all in a single place at once. Both renderings are justifiable. The latter may be more exact in form, since
it brings out more strongly an apparent contrast between the public worship and their more private services.  Ev in the place of
Kara. would have removed the ambiguity.  Neander (Pflanzung,
u. s. w., Vol. I. p. 36), observes that a single room would hardly
have contained the present number of converts. He supposes
that, in addition to their daily resort to the temple, they met in
smaller companies, at different places; that they here received
instruction from their teachers or one another, and prayed and
sang together; and, as the members of a common family, closed
their interview with a repast, at which bread and wine were distributed in memory of the Saviour's last meal with his disciples.
In conformity with this view, KXvrTE a'prov may refer to their break



CHAP. III, 1.        COMMENTARY.                          73
ing bread in connection with the Sacrament, and uErTEXac,u/3avov
rpokrsg to their reception of food for ordinary purposes. - aEcX6OTwqT KapS&aS, with sirmplicity of heart, with child-like affection
towards God and one another.
V. 47. Xaptv, favor, approbation, (Luke 2, 52.) - robvs roov&ovs,
those who are saved, or more strictly are becoming saved from day
to day, since the present tense denotes a process going on. See
1 Cor. 1, 18 and 2 Cor. 2, 15. The Greek should have been robs
orEo-o/rEVovs (perf.), to signify that they had already secured their
salvation; and -rovs (o-3qo-oLpVovs (ftt.) to signify that they were
certain of its completion. See Green's Gr. p. 28. The expression implies a certainty resulting not so much from God's purpose, as from human conduct.' The doctrine is that those who
embrace the gospel adopt the infallible means of being saved. -
TpOSETfEL3, added, (imperf. with reference to KaY''jp/Epav,) brings to
view God's agency in that acceptance of the gospel which
ensures salvation.
CHAPTER III.
VERSES 1-10. Healing of the Lame Man by Peter and John.
V. 1.'7t To aVrO, together, in company, see 1, 15. - av3atvov,
were going 2up; because the temple was on Mount Moriah, and
even from the gate where the miracle occurred (v. 3), a flight of
steps led to the court of the Israelites.- -rv Evvarnv, the ninth.
This was our three o'clock, P. M., at which time the evening sacrifice was offered; see on 2, 15. The apostles and other believers
at Jerusalem  had not yet withdrawn from the Jewish worship
(see also, 21, 23 sq.), and it is probable that most of them  continued to adhere to the services of the temple, until the destruction of the temple abolished them. But the spirit with which
they performed these services was no longer the Jewish spirit.
Instead of regarding their compliance with the ordinances of the
law as an act of merit, they recognized Christ as " the end of the
law for righteousness to every one that believeth." They viewed
the sacrifices which continued to be offered, not as having any
efficacy to procure the remission of sin, or as typical of an atonement still to be made, but as realized already in the death of
10




74                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. III, 1.2.
Christ, and hence as mementos, as often as they beheld them or
participated in them, of the "one sacrifice for sins" effected
" through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ."  As in the
case of circumcision, so undoubtedly the Jewish Christians relinquished the other rights of Judaism only by degrees. They were
brought fully to this, in part by obtaining a clearer insight into the
relation of the ancient economy to the new, and in part by the
occurrence of national circumstances which hastened the result.
From the Jewish synagogues, on the contrary, they must have
separated at once, as soon as their distinctive views became
known. It was impossible to avow the Christian faith, and remain connected with those communities. Compare the note on
9, 2. We have seen in the second chapter, that, in connection
with the worship of the temple, the believers at Jerusalem maintained separate religious worship among themselves.
V. 2. ~fla(r~o-aero, was carried along (relative imperf.) just then
as the apostles arrived. -   t'.Sovv is imperf. with reference to the
custom  of placing the cripple here. -   vV XE7AOLEV)qv wpalav, the
one called Beautiful. Most interpreters think that this was the
gate described by Josephus (Bel. Jud. 5. 5. 3; Antt. 15. 11. 3), as
composed chiefly of Corinthian brass, and as excelling all the
other gates of the temple in the splendor of its appearance,
though it is not mentioned by him under this particular appellation. If this be so, the gate then was on the east side towards
Olivet (I avacTOXLKtK says Jos.), and was an inner gate (7riSv  TOv
EV0oTe pov XaXK- ovo'en), leading from the court of the Gentiles into
the court of the Israelites. It is not against this that Josephus
speaks also of this gate as 4 EodWev -ro vEdc; for he must mean
(the term is not SEpo') the one exterior to the te2mple strictly so
called, the sanctuary; not (as Mey.) opening from without into
the enclosure of the sacred precincts. The folds of this brazen
gate were fifty cubits high and forty broad, and were covered
with plates of gold and silver. Luke's epithet - wpaLav - could
not have had a more pertinent application. Some have thought
that the gate to which he refers must have been one of the outer
gates, because what is related in v. 11 sq. took place in Solomon's
porch, which was in the court of the Gentiles. But we may
suppose, as Lightfoot suggests, that, the'apostles having been
with the lame man into the temple, i. e. the court of the Israelites (see v. 8), were returning, and had reached the court of the
Gentiles, when the concourse of the people there spoken of took
place. - ro; ait-ev, telic, in order to ask. This use of the infinitive
with Tvo to denote the object for which an act is performed




CHAP. III, 3-8.      COMMENTARY.                           75
(comp. 18, 10; 26, 18; Mark 4, 3, etc.), results naturally from the
nature of the genitive as the whence-case. The older writers
supplied "EVEKa or XapLv; but the construction is neither elliptical
nor Hebraistic.  W. 1 44. 4. b.; S. ~ 165. 3. 2; K. ~ 308. 2. b. —
T'V EcrVrop/vol&vVov E! To tEpOV, those entering into the temple, i. e. the
court where the Jews worshipped; if, as suggested above, the
lame man sat at the gate of that court; TO CEpOV here too may be
the temple in its aggregate sense; not perforce the outer court
(Mey.). If a noun follows an Intransitive verb compounded with
a preposition, it is common to repeat the preposition before the
noun; see v. 3. 8; 22, 6; Matt. 7, 23, etc. W. ~ 56. 2.
V. 3. o&, who, stands often where ovro%, this one, would be the
ordinary connective. K. ~ 334. 3. - XaEtEv (omitted in v. 2) is not
strictly pleonastic, but expands the idea of -pwra.  W. ~ 63. 4. d.
It is left out of some copies, but is genuine.
V. 4. /3MEov El Abus, loo k upon us.  Their object appears to
have been to gain his attention more fully to their words; so that,
as they said, " In the name of Jesus Christ," etc. (v. 6), he might
understand to whom he was indebted for the benefit conferred
upon him.
V. 5. E7rELXEv avroTs SC. roV voWv (comp. Luke 14, 7), fixed his
mind upon tleqn. The man's eager expectation looked through his
countenance.- Tt, something in the way of alms.  We have
no evidence that he recognized Peter and John as the disciples
of Christ, and expected that they would heal his infirmity. Their
address to him in the next verse precludes that supposition.
V. 6. Ev SW OVO/JLaTL, K. T. X., i. e. we speaking in his name, by
virtue of his authority; comp. 16, 18. The language of Christ,
on the contrary, when he performed a miracle, was, crolt XEw, or to
that effect; see Luke 5, 24. -  -ro Naropatov is added for the sake
of distinction, as in 2, 22. - 7rrEpL7raE is imperative present, and
not aorist, like EyEtpaL, because it denotes a continued act; comp.
8, 26; 13, 8, etc. W. ~ 43. 3. b.; S. ~ 141, 5.
V. 7.  rtaco-aa, K. r. X., having taken him by the right hand, and
thus encouraged him  to obey their command.  See Mark 9,
27. ai'ro5 exemplifies the rule that a genitive which belongs to
two'or more nouns usually precedes them. W. ~ 30. 3. 4. -
/3aOr-E, feet; uoqvpa, ankles. This particularity has been reckoned
among the traces of a professional habit, for which Luke is distinguished.  See on 28, 8.
V. 8. ~EaXXo'uJvo%, leaping forth from  the place where he sat,
and zup only as involved; not from his bed (Mey., but dropped in
his last ed.) since Ka~j/(,EVOg (v. 10) shows that he was not reclin



76                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. III, 10-12.
ing, -  o' —rTq, stood for the first time since he was born (v. 2). -
rEpCElraTEt, walked to and fro, as if to make trial of his newly found
strength.-  ELs To Epo', into the temple, its inner part beyond the
gate where the lame man had been healed (see on v. 2). - In
7rEpLtraJTv, K. T. X., Luke writes as if he were giving the recital of
some eye-witness.
V. 10.  rE7ro'yVWcKov.... OTt oVToS, they recognized him (upon attentive scrutiny, hence imperf.) that this one, etc. The subject of
the subordinate clause is attracted here into the principal clause,
and then repeated in ovToV. So in 4, 13; 9, 20; 13, 32; 16, 3, etc.
The subject of the second clause becomes in this way more prominent.  W. ~ 66. 5; B. ~ 151 I. 6. 7.  The ordinary construction
would omit aro'v after E7rEyLVtcOKOV, and make the sentence after
oV- the object of the verb. -  7rpos T'iv?XEqCLoco-v'Tv, for the alms
which he solicited.
VERSES 11-26.  The Testimony of Peter after the Miracle.
V. 11. KpaoLTvrog arVTOV, while he is holding them fast, or keeping
near to them. This latter signification, says De Wette, has not been
fully proved, but arises naturally out of the other. Meyer adheres
more correctly to the first meaning: the man in the ardor of his
gratitude clung to his benefactors, and would not be separated
from  them. avrov is considered the correct reading, instead of,Tov a&E-VroS XwOXov in the common text (Grsb. Mey. Lchm.).  The
addition has been transferred to the English version. - crooa..
YoXopuxvos. See John 10, 23. This hall or porch was on the eastern side of the temple, in the court of the heathen. The general
opinion is that it was called the porch of Solomon, because it occupied the site of a porch which had been connected with the
first temple. Liicke  thinks that it may have been a structure
built by Solomon himself, which had escaped the destruction of
the first temple. Tholuck2 expresses the same belief. It accords
with this view that Josephus (Antt. 20. 9. 7) calls the porch'pyov
YoXojuWvos. In popular speech, says Lightfoot, the Jews sometimes meant the entire court of the Gentiles when they spoke of
Solomon's porch. -'K3auflot agrees with Xao's as a collective term;
comp. 5, 16.
V. 12. 1;$dv, seeing their astonishment. -- a7EKplVao, K. T. X.,
proceeded to speak (Hebraistic, see 5, 8), or perhaps answered
unto the people (De Wet. Mey.), since their looks of wonder
I Commentar fiber das Evangelium des Johannes, Vol. II. p. 361.
2 Commentar zum Evangelium Johannis, p. 256 (sechste Auflage).




CHAP. III, 13-15.     COMMENTAR Y.                           77
seemed to ask for some explanation of the miracle (see v. 11).E7tL OVT(O may be neuter, at this thing, see v. 10 (E. Vv.); but
more probably masculine, at this one (Mey. De Wet.), which prepares the way for aVTrv, like the succession of 70oVTOV and aVT7 in v.
16.  re- ~;v, upon us, emphatic, as distinguished from Christ or God,
to whom the miracle ought to have turned their thoughts.-  aervitETE takes its object in the dative (see also 10, 4; 14, 9); or in
the accusative with dEb (comp. v. 4; 1, 10; 6, 15). — 8  &c',) K. T. X.,
as by our own (inherent or self-acquired) power, or (since power
had been exerted) piety as the reason of its being conferred on
them. -TrCEro LrfKdct.... aor&v, having  ffe~cted (ecbatic infinitive)
that he should walk.  W. ~ 44. 4; S. ~ 165. 3.
V. 13. iEdnace, glorified, honored, not by the miracle at this time
(Mey.), but by all the mighty works which attested his mission;
see 2, 22. - wraia, not son - v- t, but servant - -v.', which was
one of the prophetic appellations of the Messiah, especially in
the second part of Isaiah.  See Matt. 12, 18, as compared with
Is. 42, 1 sq. The term occurs again in this sense in v. 26; 4,
27. 30. — utv as in 1, 1. The antithetic idea may have been that
in v. 17.- 17rapE&'KaTE, ye delivered up, viz. to Pilate. -   -jpvracrSE,
denied, refused to acknowledge as Messiah. - avrov.  It will be
seen that the writer drops here the relative structure of the sentence. - KptvaVTro0.... a7roXvELv, when, or although he decided, viz.
that it was just to release him; see Luke 23, 16; John 19, 4.
CKEtvov refers here to the nearer noun, and performs the proper
office of roVIrov.. W.  23. 1. It is not uncommon for Greek writers
to interchange these pronouns.
V. 14. 8E, but, contrasts their conduct with that of Pilate. —
~ov aywv is a Messianic title, as in Luke 4, 34. rov &cKatov, the Just
one. The epithets mark the contrast between his character and
that of Barabbas. - a.ispa bovEa, i. e. not merely a man, but a man
who was a murderer; see Matt. 27, 16 sq.; Mark 15, 7 sq.
V. 15. rKOv 8 EpXry/ v a r~ Aid, but the author of life, i. e. as De
MWette remarks, of life in the fullest sense in which the Scriptures
ascribe that property to the Saviour, viz. spiritual or Christian life
(comp. John 1, 4; Heb. 2, 10), and also natural or physical life
(conmp. John 5, 26; 11, 25).  Olshausen and Meyer suppose the
main idea to be that of spiritual life; but the evident relation of
gwit to tJWEKTElVaTrE shows that the other idea is certainly not to be
excluded.  A terrible aggravation in this murder was that he
whom they deprived of life was himself the one who gives life
to all. -- EK VEKp3V, from the dead; the article usually omitted after




78                    COMM E NTARY.             CHAP. III, 16-17.
i, but inserted after &7ro'. W. ~ 19.- -o.... ro'- cv, of wlhomn (13,
31), or of which we are witnesses; see note on 2, 32.
V. 16. ar- T-j TrrtWEL, K. 1. X., upon the faith in his name entertained by us, i. e., on account of their faith as the ground or condition God had performed this act.  Some construe Ext[ as telic:
upon the faith as the object, i. e. in order to produce faith in the
lame man and in others (Olsh. Hmph.). This latter meaning
not only strains the preposition, but overlooks the manifest parallelism in sense between this clause and the following Kal Vc 7TrlTl,
K. T...-voaros is the genitive of the object, and the expression
is like -IrtIO-I #sEoi in Mark 11, 22 and T[rtL'JIo9oV in Rom. 3, 22.
W. ~ 30. 1.-,v.... o'LaTE, whom you see entirely restored now
to bodily vigor, and know as a person who was formerly infirm,
helpless.- To o'voka, K. T. A., his name, i. e. he invoked by an appeal to him  as that which his name represents (see on 2, 21),
made strong (a definite past). The reason for expressing the idea
in this manner is evident from v. 6. -   7rtlT t  &' ao iUTo;, the faith
that is wrought in us through him  (De WVet. Mey. WVin.).  The
apostles here, it will be observed, ascribe the origin, as well as
the efficacy, of their faith to Christ. Compare 1 Pet. 1, 21. This
second clause of the verse repeats essentially the idea of the
first, in order to affirm more emphatically that it was not their
own power, but the power of Christ, which had performed the
miracle. - arEv-avT 7ra vrwv viv, in the presence of you all; and
hence they must acknowledge that no other means had been used
to effect the miracle.
V. 17. Having set before them their aggravated guilt, the
apostle would now suggest to them the hope of mercy. a8AEX/o,
brethren, Peter says here because he would conciliate his hearers;
but in v. 12, where the object is reproof, crimination, he says more
formally, though courteously, av'pc~E'IoparTXTraL. One of the marks
of truth would be wanting without this accordance between the
style and the changing mental moods of the speaker. - r't....
wrpaTarE, that ye acted in ignorance, i. e. of the full crimlinality of
their conduct. They had sinned, but their sin was not of so deep
a dye that it could not have been still more heinous. The language of Peter concedes to them such a palliation of the deed as
consisted, at the time of their committing it, in the absence of a
distinct conviction that he whom they crucified was the Lord of
life and glory (see 13, 27, and 1 Cor. 2, 8); but it does not exonerate them from the guilt of having resisted the evidence that
this was his character, which had been furnished by his miracles,
his life, doctrine, and resurrection.  The Saviour himself, in his




CHAP. III, 18. 19.     C O M MENTARY.                         79
dying prayer, urged the same extenuation in behalf of his murderers: "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do."
Compare also the language of Pr all in 1 Tim. 1, 13: " Who was
before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and injurious; but I obtained mercy because I did it ignorantly in unbelief. - Po-7rep Kat
ot atPXovTrE vljxV, as also your rulers, who were not present, and
hence are distinguished from those addressed.
V. 18.', but, i. e. while they did this they accomplished a
divine purpose. -,7ravrTwv rgv 7rpofri-v, instead of being taken
strictly, may be viewed as a phrase: the prophets as a whole. For
this restricted use of 7raw in such general expressions, see Matt.
3, 5; Mark 1, 37; John 3, 26.  Most of the books of the Old
Testament foretell distinctly the sufferings and death of the Messiah.  Compare Luke 24, 27.  Olshausen regards the entire history of the Jews as typical, and in that view maintains that all
the ancient prophets prophesied of Christ.  r7raSE.Ev -rv Xpt-rtv,
that the Cj/rist (who was to come) would, or must suffer (De Wet.).
After verbs which signify to declare, believe, and the like, the
infinitive implies often the idea of necessity or obligation.  W. ~
45, 3. b. — o~r7w refers to the previous verse: thus, in this way,
viz. by their agency; comp. 13, 27.  It is incorrect to understand
it of the accordance between the fulfilment and the prediction.
V. 19. IVEravoo-oraTe oiv, repent therefore, since your guilt is not
such as to exclude you from the mercy procured by the Saviour
whom  you have crucified. - -r-pcrrTpEare, turn, i. e. from  your
present course or character unto Christ (9, 35; 11, 21); or unto
God (14, 15; 15, 19). What is required here includes faith as a
constituent part of the act to be performed. - E.... akaprTas,
that your sins may be blotted out, obliterated as it were from  the
book or tablet where they are recorded; comp. Col. 2, 14; Is. 43,
25. - o&rwos av, K. T. X., in order that (telic, comp. Matt. 6, 5) the
times of refreshing may come, i. e. to you personally, that you may
have part in the blessings of the Messiah's kingdom, for which
men can be prepared only by repentance and the pardon of their
sins. av after o'7reo followed by the conjunctive represents the
act of the verb as dependent, i. e. in this case, on their compliance with the exhortation.  W. ~ 42. 6; Hart. Partik. Vol. II.
p. 289. o7rroi as a particle of time, wchen (as in E. V.) is foreign
to the New Testament idiom. See Green's Gr. p. 77. We must
discard that translation here. Scholefield (Hints,l etc., p. 40) pleads
1 Hints for Improvements in the Authorized Version of the New Testament, by
the late Rev. James Scholefield, Professor of Greek in the University of Cambridge, England (4th ed. 1857).




80                    COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. III, 19. 20.
faintly for retaining it, but admits that the weight of evidence is
against it.  It is not entirely certain whether Katpol ava/av/Eoa refers to the present consolations of the gospel, or to the blessedness
which awaits the followers of Christ at the end of the world,
when he shall return and receive them to himself in heaven.
The expression, in itself considered, would very aptly describe
the peace of mind and joy which result from a consciousness of
pardon and reconciliation to God. So one class of commentators
understand it. Others think that the time here meant must coincide with that in the next verse; and hence suppose the apostle
to have in view Christ's second coming, when those who have
believed on him shall enter upon their eternal rest in heaven.
Compare Heb. 4, 9-11. Taken thus, the image of the future
state in avaipvecos is that of relief or refreshment of the wearied
soul after toils and sorrows, and, is strikingly similar to Paul's
avEcrts, relaxation, rest which God allots to the afflicted in the day
of final recompense; see 2 Thess. 1, 7.  This is the interpretation of Chrysostom, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and others.
The order of the clauses decides nothing against the latter opinion, since it may be as natural in this instance to think first of the
effect, and then to assign the cause or occasion, as the reverse. It
is in favor of this opinion that it refers Xaowa-t and a7ror-TEX7 to the
same period or event, as the close succession of the verbs would
lead us to expect. _- 3r' 7rpocrrtrov roI  Kvplov, from  the presence
of the Lord, since the blessings in question (a Hebrew  idiom)
are laid up where he is (see 2, 28), and must be received thence.
Kvplov, which may refer to Christ or God (see on 1, 24), applies to
the latter here, since it prepares the way for the subject of the
next verb.
V. 20. KaL &7roorE/Xp, K. T. X., and that (dependent still on o03s)
he may send forth, viz. from heaven, see v. 21; comp. &E[eL o EaKapLo3 Kat /LOvaO 8Svvar-T7qrl  K. T. X., in 1 Tim. 6, 15.- rrPOKEXEtpLPLPE'VOV
ivtlv, before appointed or prepared for you, i. e. from eternity, see 1
Pet. 1, 20.  7rpoKEK-qpvyxE'Vov, announced before, is a less approved
reading. Nearly all critics understand this passage as referring
to the return of Christ at the end of the world. The similarity
of the language to that of other passages which announce that
event demands this interpretation. The apostle enforces his exhortation to repent by an appeal to the final coming of Christ, not
because he would represent it as near in point of time, but because that event was always near to the feelings and consciousness
of the first believers.  It was the great consummation on which
the strongest desires of their souls were fixed, to which their




CHAP. III, 2P.        C OMMENTARY.                       81
thoughts and hopes were habitually turned. They lived with reference to this event. They labored to be prepared for it. They
were constantly, in the expressive language of Peter, looking for
and (in their impatience as it were) hastening the arrival of tIhe clay
of God (2 Pet. 3, 12). It is then that Christ will reveal himself inll
glory, will come " to take vengeance on them that obey not the
gospel, and to be admired in all them who believe " (2 Thess. 1,
8), will raise the dead (John 5, 28. 29), invest the redeemed with
an incorruptible body (Philip. 3, 21), and introduce them  for the
first time, and for ever, into the state of perfect holiness and happiness prepared for them in his kingdom.  The apostles as well as
the first Christians in general, comprehended the grandeur of that
occasion. It filled their circle of view, stood forth to their contemplations as the point of culminating interest in their own and
the world's history, threw into comparative insignificance the
present time, death, all intermediate events, and made them feel
that the manifestation of Christ, with its consequences of indescribable moment to all true believers, was the grand object which
they were to keep in view as the end of their toils, the commencement and perfection of their glorious immortality.  In such
a state of intimate sympathy with an event so habitually present
to their thoughts, they derived, and must have derived, their chief
incentives to action from the prospect of that future glory. As
we should expect, they hold it up to the people of God to encourage them in affliction, to awaken them to fidelity, zeal, perseverance, and on the other hand appeal to it to warn the wicked, and
impress upon them the necessity ofpreparation for the revelations
of the final day. For examples of this habit, the reader may see
17, 30. 31; 1 Tim. 6, 13 sq.; 2 Tim. 4, 8; Tit. 2, 11 sq.; 2 Pet. 3,
11 sq., etc.  Some have ascribed the frequency of such passages
in the New Testament to a definite expectation on the part of the
apostles that the personal advent of Christ was nigh at hand;
but such a view is not only unnecessary, in order to account for
such references to the day of the Lord, but at variance with 2
Thess. 2, 2. The apostle Paul declares there, that the expectation in question was unfounded, and that he himself did not entertain it or teach it to others. But while he corrects the opinion
of those at Thessalonica who imagined that the return of Christ
was then near, neither he nor any other inspired writer has informed Lus how remote that event may be, or when it will take
place. That is a point which has not been revealed to men; the
New Testament has left it in a state of uncertainty. " The day
of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night; " and men are ex11




82                  COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. III, 20. 21.
horted to be always prepared for it. It is to be acknowledged
that most Christians, at the present day, do not give that prominence to the resurrection and the judgment, in their thoughts or
discourse, which the New  Testament writers assign to them;
t)ut this fact is owing, not necessarily to a difference of opinion
in regard to the time when Christ will come, but to our inadequate views and impressions concerning the grandeur of that occasion, and the too prevalent worldliness in the church, which is
the cause or consequence of such deficient views.  If modern
Christians sympathized more fully with the sacred writers on this
subject, it would bring both their conduct and their style of religious instruction into nearer correspondence with the lives and
teaching of the primitive examples of our faith.
V. 21. ov.... e~ao-atr, whom the heavens, indeed, must (according to the divine plan) receive; not r'etain, which the usage of the
verb forbids.  Though the ascension had taken place, we have 8dE
and not stL, because the necessity of the event is a permanent fact.
Meyer explains 8s as in effect an imperfect, an instance merely of
the rhetorical present for the past.  De Wette shifts the peculiarity
of the expression from 83e to  earo-Jrat, and renders wzhom it is necessary the heavens should receive. He alleges for this future sense
that the ascension could be viewed as still incomplete because it
was so recent.  But the apostle having just referred to Christ as
already in heaven, whence he is to appear again (v. 20), would
not be apt to speak in the very next words as if he thought of
him as still lingering on the earth. Many of the Jews believed
that when the Messiah appeared, he would remain permanently
among men, see John 12, 34. Peter corrects here that misapprehension: the Saviour must return to heaven and reign there for
a season, before his final manifestation.  The ucev (which no UE
follows) has its antithesis in aXpt XpOvov, K. r. X. (De Wet.):
Christ would not be absent always, but for a certain time only;
not in the preceding a7ro-trEX11, K. T. X. (Alf.), since that would
make this the 8E' clause, not the /ev as it is now. - aXpL.... * r&vrTov,
until (during is incorrect) the times of the restoration of all things,
i. e. to a state of primeval order, purity, and happiness, such as
will exist for those who have part in the kingdom of Christ, at
his second coming. The expression designates the same epoch
as KLatpot avacuv$Ew (Olsh. AMey. De Wet.). — v, K. r. A., w'hic/b
God spahe of, announced; comp. v. 24. The relative refers to
Xpovov as the principal word, and stands by attraction for o~;5 or
7replt v. It does not refer to 7ravro)v, the accomplis/hment qf all th/inlg's
Uwhich, etc., for 7roKaTraorTaeoEo   will not bear that meaning. - ax'




CHAP. III, 22-24.    COM I ENTARY.                          83
aiWvos, fromo the beginnin'g, from the earliest times of prophetic revelation.  Such a period of restoration to holiness and happiness
is the explicit or implied theme of prophecy from  the beginning
to the end of the Old Testament.  Some omit the expression, or
put it in brackets, but the evidence for it preponderates.
V. 22. Tyap here (T. R. and E. V.) should be left out. wrpos
TOVS 7raTEpas, also, is supposed to be a gloss. - /'v here responds
to U3 in v. 24: Moses on the one hand as well as all the prophets
on tl-le other. -- ECLEV, said, viz. in Deut. 18, 18 sq. The translation
is partly that of the Seventy, partly new.  In 7, 37, Stephen
cites this passage as having the samle import which Peter ascribes
to it here.  Their mode of applying it shows that the Jews were
agreed in referring it to the Messiah.  That this was the current
interpretation may be argued also from  John 4, 25; see I-engstenberg's remarks in his Christol. Vol. I. p. 67 sq. - a.vaoarrj'0-t
=     i, wijll raise up, cause to appear.-  4s /, E like me. The context
of the original passage (comp. v. 15, 16 with v. 17, 18) indicates
that the resemblance between them was to consist chiefly in their
office as mediator.  The meaning is: Since the Israelites had
been unable to endure the terrors of the divine majesty, God
would, at some fuiture time, send to them  another mediator,
througlh whom he would communicate with them, as he had done
through Moses (RIeng.).  See also Gal. 3, 19; Heb. 9, 15. - o'-oa
av, whatsoever, see 2, 21.
V. 23. Peter interrupts the sentence here to insert o'rat  E,
which is not in the Hebrew.  It serves to call attention more
strongly to what follows. -  eoXokSpEvJo-jETarL e -roV XaoZ, slhall be
utterl. destroyed from the people.  This expression occurs often in
the Pentateuch, where it denotes the sentence or punishment of
death.  The apostle uses it here evidently to denote the punishment which corresponds to that, in relation to the soul, i. e. as De
XWette explains it, exclusion from  the kingdom of God. Peter
has substituted this expression here for'z,:.    I-. Er K K L Ku i<r'cr W'
a~vro, as rendered in the Septuagint: I w:ill exact vengqeance frion
hivm.  The only difference is that the Hebrew affirms the purpose of God to punish, while the Greek employed by Peter defines at the same time the nature or mode of the punishment.
V. 24. 7ralv-7E.... r7v KaJE$& stands concisely for all the prop7hets f/omn Samluel, both he and they who followed.  The appositional
clause is here merged in the genitive.  abro' Yatov'X shapes the
construction, instead of the remoter -rpoqSTrat.  Compare Luke
24, 27. WV.  67. 2.  Th.e literal translation, from Samuel on, and
thoset'who followzed, involves a tautol.ogy, the second clause being




84                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. III, 25. 26.
comprehended in the first. Samuel is mentioned next after
MIoses, because so few prophets appeared in the interval between
them, or so few whose names are recorded. They stand in the
same proximity to each other in Ps. 99, 6. We have no record
of all that the prophets taught, and the apostle's assertion here
that Samuel also bore testimony to Christ, does not need to be
confirmed by specific passages. - oroL  adXrqo-av, K. T. A., as many
as spake, prophesied, shows as related to the next clause (note
Kal), how uniformly the theme of a coming Messiah had been
held forth in the instructions of the ancient messengers of God.
Yet the object may be to characterize the teaching of the prophetic order as such, and not of every single individual.  See
note on v. 18.
V. 25. o, vto'L.... rs 6o8ta,Krlp, Ye are the sons of the prophets,
and of the covenant, i. e. are those in the first case to whom  the
predictions respecting the Messiah especially appertain, and in
the second are those to whom  God would first (v. 26) offer the
mercies which he covenanted to bestow  on Abraham's spiritual
seed, viz. such as believe, and thus "walk in the steps of his
faith;" see Rom. 4, 12. viol in this sense of participation, appurtenance, is a common Hebraism; see Matt. 8, 12; John 4, 22;
Rom. 9, 4, etc. Its ordinary signification, sons, descendants, would
be incongruous with &La3%K-w, and should not be retained, therefore, in connection with 7rpOqTvrpv. - XE7twv, K. T. X., viz. in Gen. 12,
3.  God repeated the promise to Abraham and the other patriarchs, at various times; see Gen. 18, 18; 22, 18; 26, 4, etc. - E'v
i-  o'reppmraT (Cov, in thy seed, viz. the Messiah (v. 26) as one of his
posterity; agreeably to Paul's view in Gal. 3, 16.
V. 26. vaxv, unto you, dependent on arrE'rTELAEV (see 13, 26; 28,
28); not for you, dat. comm. (Mey.), dependent on avaro-ras. -.rp0rov, first in the order of time, comp. 13, 46; Luke 24, 47;
Rom. 1, 16. Here, too, Peter recognizes the fact that the gospel
was to be preached to the heathen; see on 2, 39. - avacorTo-ra, ]baving raised uzp, as in v. 22. — raZSa, servant, as in v. 13.- The E. V.
follows the common text, which inserts'Iro-ov after av-rov, but contrary to the best authorities (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.). -E-vEoyoiovra,
blessing, applies the idea of the preceding EvEVXoy'lpo-ovTat to the
Jews, and requires'i/as to be read with emphasis. - iv a  a7rocrTpE'ELV K. r. X., states how he blesses them: in that he tuGrns away
each one from your sins, to wit, by his gospel, which secures the
pardon and sanctification of those who accept it (see on 2, 47).
This verb has elsewhere an active sense in the New Testament.
Some (Kuin. De Wet.) disregard that usage and render, in that




CHAP. IV, 1. 2.      COMM ENTARY.                           85
each one turns away, etc.  This is opposed also to evXoyoovVra,
which represents Christ here as the actor, men rather as recipients.
CHAPTER IV.
VERSES 1-4.  The Imprisonment of Peter and John.
V. 1.  rETrErTqo-av implies commonly a hostile purpose, see 6, 12;
17, 5; Luke 20, 1. The arrest appears to have taken place while
the apostles were still speaking. - o[;EpJEi, the priests who officiated in the temple at the time, or some of their number.  The
priests were divided into twenty-four classes, each of which had
charge of the temple service for a week at a tinle. See 1 Chron.
24, 3 sq.; 2 Chron. 8, 14; and also Jos. Antt. 7. 14. 7. The particular duties from day to day were assigned to individuals by lot,
see Luke 1, 9. During the observance of the festivals, the number of priests was increased, as the labors to be performed were
greater.  Win. Realwv. Vol. II. p. 273.  It is possible that the
feast of Pentecost (2, 1) had not yet terminated.-' orTparmjy$~
Toy tepoV, the commnander of the temple, was an officer having a
body of Levites under his command, who preserved order about
the temple, and in that respect performed a sort of military service.
See Jahn's Archeol. ~ 365. In 5, 26, the Levites so employed
are called his Vr'qpErat, ser'vants. Josephus speaks repeatedly of this
guard (e. g. Bell. Jud. 6. 5. 3), whose cobmmander he designates
in the same manner.  In 2 Macc. 3, 4, he is termed O 7rpocrrTaTrov [epov, the guzardian of the templie.  WVe read of orTpaTr-yov TroV
tEpov, comzianders of the tem7ple, in Luke 22, 52, which is best explained by supposing that the temple guLard was divided into several companies, each of which had its crwparqyo;,% though this title
belonged distinctively to the chief in command. - o4:a8ov1Katot,
the Satddcees as a sect, since those who acted in this instance
represented the spirit of the party; comp. Matt. 9, 11; 12, 14;
Mark 8, 11; John 8, 3. Meyer supposes the article to point out
those of them who were present at this time. It was probably at
the instigation of this class of men that the apostles were now
apprehended.
V. 2. &a7rovo1v4evot, being indignant; restricted by some (Mey.




86                     COMMENTARY.                  CIIP. IV, 2-4.
De Wet.) to the nearest noun, since the motive assigned for the
interference in KaTa/EXXELV, K.r.X., applies only to the Sadducees,
who denied the doctrine of a resurrection; see 23, 8; Matt. 22,
23.  But perhaps we may regard &a rTO &8tLo'KeLt avro9v rOv hao&v as
more comprehensive than KaTray7EXXELV, K. T. X., instead of being
merely defined by it, and in that case may refer the participle to
the priests as well as the others. The priests, though they might
not share the hostility of the Sadducees to the doctrine of a
future state (see on 23, 8) would naturally be indignant that their
office as teachers should be assumed by men like Peter and John
(see Matt. 21, 23), and especially that,the Jesus whom  they
themselves had crucified should be proclaimed as the Messiah
(see 5, 28). - Ka-rayyE'XELv Ev iv-'TIo-ov, are announcing in Jesus the
vresurr ection, i. e. in his example, in the fact of his alleged restoration to life; comp. Ev 3'/Lv in 1 Cor. 4, 6.  This is the best and the
generally approved interpretation (Brug. Kuin. De WVet. Mey.).
Others render are announcing the resurrection in virtue of Jesus, by
his power; see I Cor. 15, 22. The E. version, throu.cgh Jesus, while
the earlier E. Vv. have in him, appears to express that meaning.
But it was not so much the general resurrection as that of Christ
himself which the apostles proclaimed at this stage of their ministry; see 1, 22; 2, 24; 3, 15, etc. The single concrete instance,
however, as the Sadducees argued, involved the general truth,
and, if substantiated, refuited their creed.
V. 3. EIs rp'rqo-tv, into prison; comp. cv rYpY/'crEL 8ylUoo'(ta, in 5, 18.
This word denotes a place of custody (see Pape Lex. s. v), as
well as the act; though the latter is the proper force of such a
termination. K. ~ 233. lb. a. - E13 rev a';ptov, unto the mzorrow as the
limit; see Matt. 10, 22; 1 Thess. 4, 15. -  qv yap, K. r. X., for it was
already evening, and hence no judicial examination could take
place until the next clay. It was three o'clock when the apostles
wvent to the temple; comp. 3, 1.
V. 4. rOv Xoyov, the word, the well-known message of Christ.
-  EyEVq    Ey7EVETro, became, i. e. in consequence of the present
addition.  The use of this form  is peculiar to the later Greek.
W. ~ 15; Lob. ad. Phryn. p. 108. - 8 dJpLto` -r7v dvpiwv, the tznumber of the men who had embraced the gospel up to this time
(Kuin. Mey. De Wet. Alf.); see 1, 15; 2, 41. A retrospective
remark like this was entirely natural after having spoken of the
many who believed at this time.  Somle suppose the new  converts alone to have amounted to five thozsand; but that is less
probable, as the apostles could hardly have addressed so great a
multitude in such a place. JvApJv comprehends probably both




CHAP. IV, 5. 6.          COMMENTARY.                            87
men and women, like ilvXat in 2, 41; comp. Luke 11, 31.  An
emphasized or conscious restriction of the term to men would be
at variance with that religious equality of the sexes so distinctly
affirmed in the New Testament; see Gal. 3, 28.
VERSES 5-7.  Their Arr'aignmtent befo'e the Sacnhecdim.
V. 5.  avwrTv before apXOVTwE refers to the Jews as implied in vv.
1 and 4 (De Wet. Win.); not to the believers as if to contrast
their conduct with that of their rulers (Mey. formerly, but now as
above), and certainly not to the apostles (Stier). -  TOvs  a pXovTas,
K. T. X. The Sanhedrim is here described by an enumeration of the
three orders which composed that body, viz. the chief piriests, who
are mentioned last in this instance, the elders or heads of fLamilies,
and the scribes or teachers of the law; comp. 5, 21; Matt. 2, 4;
26, 59. apXovras designates the Sanhedrists in general, since they
were all rulers, while Kat annexes the respective classes to which
they belonged: and (more definitely, comp. 1, 14) the elde'rs, etc.
It was unnecessary to repeat the article, because the nouns have
the same gender.  W. ~ 19. 4; S. ~ 89. 9. -  ELs'IEpovo-aX'rj, unto
Jerusalem?, as some of the rulers may have hived out of the city
(Mey. De Wet.), especially at that season (see 2, 1) when the
heat had begun to be severe. Eit is not put loosely for iv (Ruin.);
for the distinctive force of the prepositions may always be traced,
and the notice merely that they assembled in Jerusalem  would
be unnecessary.  The substitution of Ev for Els in the text (Lchlm.
Tsch.) is unwarranted.
V. 6.  Those named here are prominent individuals among the
rulers (v. 5), not a separate class.'Avvav o aJpXLEpEa. The actual
high-priest at this time was Caiaphas, see John 11, 49; but Annas, his father-in-law, had held the same office, and, according
to the Jewish custom in such cases, retained still the same title.
Ile is mentioned first, perhaps, out of respect to his age, or because his talents and activity conferred upon him a personal superiority.  See John 18, 13.  It is entirely unnecessary to charge
Luke with committing an error here, as Zeller so confidently affirms.2  It is a familiar usage in every language to speak of " the
Die Reden der Apostel nach Ordnung und Zusammenhang ausgclegt, von Rlndolf Stier, Zwvei Bhnde.
2 Theologische Jahrbiicher, Jahrgang 1849, p. 60. It is due to the reader to
place before him some examples of this writer's style of criticism. HIs articles on
the Composition and Character of the Acts, published in different numbers of the
Periodical named above, are considered as remarkable for the industry and acuteness which they display in setting forth the internal difficulties that are supposed to




88                    COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. IV, 6. 7.
governor," " the president," " the senator," and the like, though the
person so termed is no longer in office. -'Iowvawrv Kal'AXcEav3pov.
We know  nothing positive of these men beyond the intimation
here that they were priests, and active at this time in public affairs. Alexander is another instance of a foreign name in use
among the Jews, see 1, 23.  It is improbable that he was the
Alexander mentioned in Jos. Antt. 18. 8. 1, who was a brother of
Philo, and alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. In that case he
must have been visiting at Jerusalem, and hence was present in
the council as a guest only, or else had not yet removed to Egypt.
-Kat ooLet.... apXLEpaTtKoV, and as many as were of the pontlfical
family, i. e. those nearly related to the apXtLEPEs     apXtEpaTLKov, embracing, as that title was applied among the Jews, the high priest
properly so called, his predecessors in office, and the heads of the
twenty-four sacerdotal classes (see on v. 1). Many points relating
to the organization of the Sanhedrim are irretrievably obscure; but
it is generally agreed that the twenty-four priestly orders were
represented in that body. See Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 271. The
attendance of so many persons of rank on this occasion evinced
the excited state of the public mind, and gave importance to the
decisions of the council.  This is Meyer's view of the meaning.
But a narrower sense of PXLEPpaTtKOV may be adopted. It appears
to me more simple to understand, that John and Alexander were
related to Annas and Caiaphas, and that the 0oTot, K. T. X., were the
other influential members of the same family.  That the family
of Annas was one of great distinction appears in the fact that
five of his sons attained the office of high-priest. See on 9, 1.
Some vary the meaning of yEvov%, and translate, as many as 7were
of the class of the chief priests. This sense renders the description
of the different branches of the Sanhedrim  more complete, but
assigns a forced meaning to the noun.
V. 7. abrov's, them, viz. the apostles last mentioned in v. 3.Cv sTkOv, in the midst, before them so as to be within the view of
all; comp. John 8, 3. It is said that the Jewish Sanhedrim, sat in
a circle or a semi-circle; but we could not urge the expression
here as any certain proof of that custom - Ev 7roea 8vvadtEL, by
what poewer, efficacy; not by tchat right, authority, which would
require E$ovo-ra as in Matt. 21, 23.  See Tittm. Synm. p. 158.
i Ev 7roit ovo'art, or (in- other words) in virtue of what uttered
name.  This appears to be a more specific form of the same inembarrass Luke's history. The articles have been thrown into a vo!lum, but I
have not seen them in that form.




CIIAP. V, 8-10.        CO MMENTARY.                           89
quiry. - TOvTO, this, viz. the cure of the lame man.  Olshausen understands it of their teaching, which is not only less appropriate
to the accompanying words, but renders the answer of the apostles in v. 9. 10 irrelevant.
VERSES 8-12.  Testimony of Peter before the Council.
V. 8. r-XAo-hE'L rvEVJLaro a&ytlov, filled with, the Holy Spirit, i. e.
anew, see v. 31; 2, 4. Peter was thus elevated above all human
fear, and assisted at the same time to make such a defence of
the truth as the occasion required.  The Saviour had authorized
the disciples to expect such aid under circumstances like the
present; see Mark 13, 11; Luke 21, 14. 15. For the absence of
the article, see on 1, 2.
V. 9. ct avaKptv(JtzeI a,?f we are exaninedl, as is confessedly the
case.  Ef in the protasis with the indicative, affirms the condition, and is logically equivalent to ie7El, since.  K.' 339. I. a;
W. ~ 41. b. 2.  The occasion for the present defence was a reproachfull   one to the Jews, and hence the speaker alludes to it
thus dubiously, in order to state the case with as little offecnce
as possible.  The apodosis begins at 7VworTOv'oTvo. -  Errl EvEp7YEoIa,
K. T. X., in respect to a good deed, benefit conferred on an infirm,
man; comp. John 10, 32.  Observe that neither noun has the article.  advhp7irov is the objective genitive; comp. 3, 16; 21, 20;
Luke 6, 7.  S. ~ 99. 1. c; K. ~ 265. 2. b. - -v  t'vt, whereby, how
(De Wet. Mey.), not bi whonm (Kuin.).  The first sense agrees
best with the form of the question in v. 7.- OVTO, this one. The
man who had been healed was present, see v. 10, 14.  I-e may
have come as a spectator, or, as De Wette thinks, may have been
been summoned as a witness.  Neander conjectures that he too
may have been taken into custody at the same time with the
apostles. - o-Ec-wo-Tat, has been mnade whole. The subject of discourse determines the meaning of the verb.
V. 10.  iv Ar OVlLartL'Iq-o9 Xpt-'ro, by the name of Jesus Christ
(the latter appellative here), throtugh their invocation of his name.
The question how (v. 9) is here answered. -  ro9 Natupat)v identifies the individual to whom the apostle applies so exalted a name;
see on 2, 22. - 8v.... EK VEKpWOV is an adversative clause after o'v'EaTavpWocarE, but omits the ordinary disjunctive. For this asyndetic
construction, see W. ~ 60. 2; K. ~ 325. It promotes compression,
vivacity of style.  For the anarthrous VEKpLrV, see on 3, 1. -- iv
Trofi  may be neuter, sc. voaTtr (Mey.); or masculiue, in this one
(Kuin De Wet.), which is more natural, since o'v is a nearer an12




90                    COMMENTARY.               CHAP. IV, 11. 12.
tecedent, and ovros follows in the next verse (and so also Mey. at
present). 7-apE(rTlKEV, stands (E. V.); perf. -present (see on 1,
10).
V. 11. oVros, this one, viz. Christ, who is the principal subject,
though a nearer noun intervenes; see 7, 19. W. ~ 23. 1; S. ~
123. N. 1.  Compare the note on 3, 13. For the passage referred
to, see Ps. 118, 22.  The words, as Tholuck 1 remarks, appear to
have been used as a proverb, and hence are susceptible of various
applications.  The sense for this place may be thus given: the
Jewish rulers, according to the proper idea of their office, were
the builders of God's spiritual house; and as such should have
been the first to acknowledge the Messiah, and exert themselves
for the establishment and extension of his kingdom. That which
they had not done, God had now accomplished in spite of their
neglect and opposition.  He had raised up Jesus from the dead,
and thus confirmed his claim to the Messiahship; he had shown
him to be the true author of salvation to men, the corner-stone,
the only sure foundation on which they can rest their hopes of
eternal life.  Compare Matt. 21, 42; Luke 20, 17.- The later
editors consider oiKo80oJWv more correct than otKO80oLOVrVToV. -    7EyV~JEVos.... ywvoa,, which became the head of the corner; predicated,
like o6 kOV3EVi3E6, of o Xt3oS as identical with ovTro. KEcaXlqv -ywvtas
is the same as X/3os'aKpoyavLaito in 1 Pet. 2, 6; comp. Is. 28, 16. It
refers, probably, not to the copestone, but to that which lies at the
foundation of the edifice, in the angle where two of the walls
come together, and which gives to the edifice its strength and
support.  See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s.,ext. 4.
V. 12.    - ooT-rpla, the salvation which the gospel brings, or which
men need; comp. John 4, 22. For the article, see  WV. ~ 18. 1.
The contents of the next clause render it impossible to understand the term of the cure of the lamie man.  It was not true
that the apostles proclaimed the name of Christ as the one on
which men should call in order to be healed of their diseases.
OVTE  Yap, K. T. A., for neither is there any other name.  It has just
been said, that Christ is the only Saviour. It is asserted here
that he is such because no other has been provided. - r 8&E80/Evov, which is given, since the gospel is the fruit of mercy. -E
av.3pdwrot, among men as the sphere in which the name is known;
not dat. comm., for men.  See NV. { 31. 6. The latter is a resulting idea, but not the expressed one. - Ev....  tka, in which cwe
(as men, and hence true of the human race), must be saved. E&Z
1 Uebersetzung und Auslegung der Psalmen, p. 496.




CaiP. IV, 13-15.      COMMENTARY.                             91
is stronger than'E'o-rt, and means not may, but mzust, as the only
alternative, since God has appointed no other way of salvation.
The apostle would exclude the idea of any other mode of escape
if this be neglected.  See Heb. 2, 3.
VERSE S 13-18.  -Decision oJ the Sanheldrim.
V. 13. SoEWPOVVTE7 is the appropriate word here. It denotes not
seeing merely, like /XE7-rovVTE (v. 14), but seeing earnestly or with
admiration.  Tittm. Synm. p. 121.- KaTaXa30J/EvoL, havi;gi 2perceived, from intimations at the time, such as their demeanor, language, pronunciation (Str.), comp. Matt. 26, 73; or thaving' cscertaine(l by previous inquiry (Mey. Alf.). Meyer in his last edition
prefers the first meaning to the second. The tense, it will be observed, differs from that of the other participle. - aypa//uaTot Kat
il&jTrat, illiterate, i. e. untaught in the learning of the Jewish
schools, see John 7, 15; and obscure, plebeian (Kuin. Olsh. De
Wet.).  It is unnecessary to regard the terms as synonymous
(E. V. Mey. Rob.).  Their self-possession and intelligence astonished the rulers, being so much superior to their education and
rank in life.' --  rE7ylvoKo)..... uav, antd they'ecogn'ized thelm
that they iere with Jesus during his ministry, were among his followers (WVicl. Tynd.); not had been (E. V.). Their wonder, says
Meyer, assisted their recollection, so that, as they observed the
prisoners more closely (note the imperf.), they remembered them
as persons whom they had known before.  Many of the rulers
had often been present when Christ taught publicly (see Matt.
21, 23; Luke 18, 18; John 12, 42, etc.), and nmust have seen Peter and John.  That the latter was known to the hligh-priest is
expressly said in John 18, 15.
V. 14.  The order of the words here is admirably picturesque.
-  crv aavroZT, with them, viz. the apostles, not the rulers; comp.
avTroV just before.- E&rTUra, standing there, and by his presence,
since he was so generally known (see 3, 16), uttering a testimony
which they could not refute.  Bengel makes the attitude significant: standing Jirmo talo, no longer a cripple. -  oV3Ev, K. T. X., had
nothing to object, against the reality of the miracle, or the truth
of Peter's declaration.
V. 15.  KEXEvoavTrE, K. T. X.,. havinzg commancled them  to delpart
out of the council.  The deliberations of the assembly were open
to. others, though the apostles were excluded; and hence it was
1 Walch maintians this distinction in his Dissertationes in Acta Apostolorum, p. 59
sq., (Jena 1766).




92                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. IV, 16-19.
easy for Luke to ascertain what was said and done during their
absence. Some of the many priests who afterwards believed
(see 6, 7) may have belonged to the council at this time, or, at all
events, may have been present as spectators. It is not improbable that Saul of Tarsus was there, or even some of the Christian
party who were not known in that character.
V. 16. oraL iusv, K. 7r. A., for that a notorious miracle, a deed undeniably of that character, has been done.  yvw)o-rrv in the sense of
widely known adds nothing to the text, since it merely repeats the
subsequent 0avepov. —&' avrTv, through them; and hence accredited
(see on 2, 22) as the agents of a higher power. - cavEpo' agrees
with LTt.... awVTv, and is the predicate nominative after  rT 111understood. - ol 8vvad/!E9a, K. T. X., we are not able to deny it.  See
3, 9. 11. They would have suppressed the evidence had it been
possible.
V. 17..va.... &aVEl6pt-,   that it (sc.      o trr/ecov) mnay not
spread.  With a knowledge of the miracle the people would associate inevitably the doctrine which the miracle confirmed. The
subject of the verb involves the idea of &8taXr, but it would be
arbitrary to supply that word as the direct nominative. Some
have supposed the last clause in the verse to require it. -   ErrtXk-.... avrois, let us severely (lit. with a threat) threaten them. WViner
(1 54. 3) regards this combination of a verb and noun as an expedient for expressing the infinitive absolute with a finite verb
in Hebrew.  See Gesen. Heb. Gr. ~ 128. 3. But we meet with
the idiom in ordinary Greek; see Thiersch de Pent. Vers. p. 169.
The fiequency of the construction in the New Testament is undoubtedly Hebraistic. - Ei rt T  vo'Oma7rt Tor), rupon this name as the
basis of their doctrine or authority; comp. v. 18; 5, 28. 40. W.
~ 48. c.
V. 18. ro before /37yyec-3at points that out more distinctly as
the object of the prohibition.  It is not a mere sign of the substantive construction.  W. ~ 44. 3. c. - ru3E &Ldav(TKELV, K. T. A.,
nor to teach upon the name of Jesus, specifies the part of their
preaching which the rulers were most anxious to suppress.  The
other infinitive does not render this superfluous.
VE RS ES 19-22. The Answer of Peter and John.
V. 19. Evc7rtov to9 8EOv, in the sig'ht of Godl (Hebraistic), whose
judgment is true, and which men are bound to follow as the rule
of their conduct. -  KovEuwV, to obey, see Luke 10, 16; 16, 31; John
8, 47. - ltA.Xov, not more, but rather; see 5, 29.  The question




CHAP. IV, 20-23.      COMMENTARY.                           93
was, whether they should obey men at all in opposition to God,
not whether they should obey him more or less. See further, on
5, 29.
V. 20. ov vvad/E3a yap, K. T. X., confirms the answer supposed
to be given to their appeal in El G&KaLov, K. r. X. We mUSt obey
God; for we cannot (morally, i. e. in accordance with truth and
duty) not speak, i. e. withhold, suppress our message.  The double
negation states the idea strongly.  The impossibility which they
felt was that of refraining from  giving publicity to their knowledge; it was not sufficient that they taught no error. To be
silent would have been treachery. — a cJ'o/Ev, K. T. X., which we
saw and heardl, i. e. during the life of the Saviour when they beheld
his mighty works, and listened to his instructions. The verbs are
in the aorist, not perfect (as in E. V.).
V. 21. r-poora-r,,Eo'L1Evoto L avroiv, having threatened them ftarther,
i. e. than they had done already, see v. 18. — /UrE$v EVpLOKOVTES,
finding nothing, no means, opportunity. - To rrS, namely, how, on
what pretence; comp. 22, 30; Luke 1, 62; 9, 46, etc.  This use
of the article before single clauses distinguishes Luke and Paul
from  the other writers of the New  Testament.  It serves to
awaken attention to the proposition introduced by it.  See W. ~
20. 3.-  ta TOV Xaov belongs to the participle (Mey.), rather than
J7rwXvroav. The intervening clause breaks off the words from the
latter connection.  The idea, too, is not, that they were able to
invent no charge against the apostles, but none which they felt it
safe to adopt, because the people were so well disposed towards
the Christians.
V. 22.  (rTv, K. r. X., for he was of mnore years, etc.  The cure
wrought was the greater the longer the time during which the
infirmity had existed.  &Erv depends on'v as a genitive of property.  K. ~ 273. 2. c.; C. ~ 387. - -EcrcrapaKovTa, se. ET&v, thanforty
years, governed by 7rXEto'vwv  as a comparative; comp. 25, 6. De'Wette assumes an ellipsis of A, which puts the numeral in the
genitive, because that is the case of the preceding noun. But
most grammarians represent " as suppressed only after WrXEov,
r.XElW, and the like; comp. Matt. 26, 53, as correctly read.  K. {
748. R. 1; Mt. ~ 455. A. 4. -   trr Iu(ES', the healing, the act of it
which constituted the miracle; genitive of apposition.  W. 1
48. 2.
VERSES 23-31.  The Apostles return to the Disciples, and unite
with them in Prayer and Praise.
V. 23. 7rpSo  r oVs i8tov%, unto their own friends in the faith;




94                  COMMENTARY.                    CIIAP. IV, 24-26.
comp. 24, 23; Tit. 3, 14.  Nothing in the context requires us to
limit the term to the apostles. - otr pXtepeLC Kat of 7rpeco-frepoL, the
chief priests (those of the first class) and the elders.  This is
another mode of designating the Sanhedrim, see v. 5.
V. 24.  ooFaov/atv must denote as elsewhere (1, 14; 2, 46; 7,
57 etc.) a concert of hearts, not of voices. If they all joined aloud
in the prayer, the proof must not be drawn from  this word or
from'pav  tov4v, which could be said though but one uttered the
words while the others assented, but rather from  the nature of
the service.  The prayer on this occasion was chiefly praise, and
as the words quoted were so familiar to all, it is quite possible
that they recited them  together.  See 16, 25, and the remarks
-there. Baumgarten's view (Apostelgeschichte, u. s. w. p 93) may
be near the truth: the whole company slung the second Psalm,
and Peter then applied the contents to their situation in the terms
recorded here. - 8r-7rora is applied to God as absolute in power
and authority. It is one of the titles of Christ, also, see 2 Pet.
2, 1; Jude v. 4. - o- 6 gEOs, sC. E, t/lou art the God; or, thou the
God, nominative of address. The latter, says Meyer, accords
best with the fervid state of their minds.
V. 25.  6 &a oro't4arog, K. r. X., viz. in Ps. 2, 1. 2. By citing this
passage the disciples express their confidence in the success of
the cause for which they were persecuted; for it is the object of
the second Psalm to set forth the ultimate and complete triumph
of the gospel, notwithstanding the opposition which the wicked
may array against it. The contents of the Psalm, as well as the
other quotations from it in the New Testament, confirm its Messianic character.  See 13, 33; Heb. 1, 5 and 5, 5.-  voa rt, twhy, is
abbreviated for t'va  t 7yEvr)-rat.  W. ~ 25. 1; K. ~ 344. R. 6.  The
question challenges a reason for conduct so wicked and fiutile. It
expresses both astonishment and reproof. -  E'piaeav, rayed; or,
which is nearer to the classic sense, showed thevuselves restive,
refractory.  The aorist may be used here to denote a recurrent
fact.  K. ~ 256. 4. b. The active form is used only in the Septuagint (Pape Lex. s. v.). The application to this particular instance does not exhaust the prophecy.  The fulfilment runs parallel with the history of the conflicts and triumphs of the cause
of truth. - Xaot, peoples, masses of men, whether of the same
nation, or of different nations.  Hence this term  includes the
Jews, whom'qvr would exclude. - KEVa, vain, abortive; since
such must be the result of all opposition to the plans of Jehovah.
V. 26. r-napE'r'rqoav, stood near with a hostile design; which results, however, from the connection, not the word itself. - 0-vv-X



CHAP. IV, 27-29.       COMMENTARY.                              95
r%/pav, assembled; in Hebrew, sat toget/her, with the involved idea
in both cases that it was for the purpose of' combination and resistance.- rov Xpto-ro9 arTOV, his Cihrist, his Anointed one, answering to ~'~,? in the Psalm. The act of anointing was performed in
connection with the setting apart of a prophet, priest, or king to
his office, and, according to the Hebrew  symbology, denoted his
receiving the spiritual gifts and endowments which he needed for
the performance of his duties.'  Compare the note on 6, 6.  The
act accompanied consecration to the office assumed, but was not
the direct sign of it, as is often loosely asserted.  It is with reference to this import of the symbol that the Saviour of men is
called o XPLUTO-, i. e. thle Anointed, by way of eminence, because
he possessed the gifts of the Sp)irit without measure, was furnished in a perfect manner for the work which he came into the
world to execute. See on 1, 2.
V. 27. yap illustrates the significance of the prophecy. It had
been spoken not without meaning: for in trutt/h, etc. -  After dXy3Elas we are to read'v    7 roXEL TavW71, in t]his city.  The words are
left out of the E. V., and I believe of all the earlier translations
into English, except the two made from  the Vulgate.   They
are to be retained.  They are "found in A B D E, and more
than twenty others, supported by the unanimous voice of ancient versions, and many ecclesiastical writers."   See Green's
Developed Criticism,2 etc., p. 94. -  E7rL ov aytov,raSa o-ov, cagainst
thy consecrated servant; see on 3, 13. — EXpto-   clidst anoint,
with that rite ilaugurate as king.- K-a  XaoZs'Ic-pajX, and peoples
of Israel (see on v. 25), either because the Jews who put the
Saviour to death belonged to different tribes, or because so
many of them had come to Jerusalem from  distant lands (comp.
2, 5), and so represented different nationalities (Mey.).  It is not
at all probable that the singular and plural are confounded here
( Kuin.).
V. 28.  irotLoaL, in order to ldo in reality, though not with that
conscious intention on their lart. -  y XctP  denotes the p2ozwer, t
t3ovXA  the counsel, purpose, of God.  rpoopLo-E adapts itself per
zeztgma. to both nouns.  The verbal idea required by the former
would be executed.
V. 29.  K'pLE, Lord, i; e. God, which is required by S9o' in v. 24,
and 7-ratr;s o-ov in v. 30; cormp. on 1, 24.- -'rtL8E.... actrGv, look
Bathr's Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus, Vol. II. p. 171 sq.
A Course of developed Criticism on passages of the New Testament materially affected l)y various Readings. By R1ev. Thomas Sheldon Green, late fellow
of Christ's College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1856).




96                     COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. IV, 30-32.
upon their threats, in order to see what grace his servants needed
at such a crisis. They pray for courage to enable them to preach
the -word, not for security against danger. -  rao-rW, entire, the utmost, see 13, 10; 17, 11, etc.  In that sense vras does not require
the article.  W. ~ 18. 4; K. { 246. 5.
V. 30.  EV ars.... EKTELVELV (rE, in that thou dost stretch forth thy
hand for healing', the effect of which as a public recognition of
their character on the part of God would be to render them fearless; or as some prefer, the construction may denote time, while
thou dost stretch forth, etc.; so that in the latter case they ask that
they may declare the truth with power as well as with courage.
- KaL c-rlkELa, K. r. X., and that sig'ns and wonlders may be wvrought
(Kuin. Mey. De Wet.). The clause is telic and related to &KTErVELV, like Es'Va(rtv.  Some make it depend on 38s, which is too remote, and others repeat Ev ar after Kat. - 7raL8o Crov, thy?/ servant.
V. 31.  cTraX Ev'SJ b r oro, the place was shaken.  They would
naturally regard such an event as a token of the acceptance of
their prayer, and as a pledge that a power adequate to their protection was engaged for them. -E ArXar3ro-av, K. -r. X., wcere all
filled with the Holy Spirit, etc.  They were thus endued both
with courage to declare the word of God, and with miraculous
power for confirming its truth.  They had just prayed for assistance in both respects.
VERSES 32-37.  The Believers are of one Mind, and have all
Thiings common.
V. 32.', slightly but, turns our attention from the apostles (v.
31) to the church at large. —roZ Ar3S9ov3 TRv 7rtL(TEvc)avToV, the
multitudc  of those who believed, like ro 7rXA309o rv ta3-%TWrv in 6, 2.
This description of the union of heart and the liberality which distinguished the disciples, applies to all of them, as the unqualified
nature of the language clearly intimates. Meyer supposes those
only to be meant who are mentioned as new  converts in v. 4;1
but the mind does not recall readily so distant a remark. - ov'ElS, not even one. -    yE7EV L&sovr EL, said that it was his own, i. e.
insisted on his right to it so long as others were destitute, see v.
34. - KVoa, common in the use of their property, not necessarily
in the possession of it.  Compare the note on 2, 44 sq.  " It is
proper to remark," says Bishop Blomnfield,2 " that although an ab1I am not surprised to find that Meyer has corrected this opinion in his new
edition.
2 Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles, third edition, p. 28.




CHAP. IV, 33-36.      COMMENTARY.                          97
solute community of goods existed, in a certain sense, amongst the
first company of believers, it was not insisted upon by the apostles as a necessary feature in the constitution of the Christian
church. We find many precepts in the Epistles, which distinctly
recognize the difference of rich and poor, and mark out the respective duties of each class; and the apostle Paul, in particular,
far from enforcing a community of goods, enjoins those who were
affluent to make a contribution every week for those who were
poorer (1 Cor. 16, 2. 3).  Yet the spirit of this primitive system
should pervade the church in all ages. All Christians ought to
consider their worldly goods, in a certain sense, as the common
property of their brethren. There is a part of it which by the
laws of God and nature belongs to their brethren; who, if they
cannot implead them for its wrongful detention before an earthly
tribunal, have their right and title to it written by the finger of
God himself in the records of the gospel, and will see it established-at the judgment day."
V. 33.  LEyadX71 ovvcLEL, with great power, with convincing effect
on the minds of men, see Matt. 9, 29; Luke 4, 32. Among the
elements of this power we are to reckon, no doubt, the miracles
which the disciples performed; but the singular number forbids the
supposition that gvva6LEt can refer to miracles except in this indirect
manner. -Xapt some understand of the favor which the Christians
enjoyed with the people in consequence of their liberality; see
2, 47 (Grot. Kuin. Olsh.). It is better, with De Wette, Meyer,
Alford, and others, to retain the ordinary sense: divine favor,
grace, of which their liberality was an effect; comp 2 Cor. 9, 14.
V. 34. ov8E yap, K. T. X., For (a proof of their reception of such
grace) there was no one needy, left to suffer among them. - Xwprv,
estates, landed possessions, see 5, 3. 8; Matt. 26, 36; Mark 14,
32. - rwkoXrvTES epov, sold and brought.  This combination illustrates the occasional use of the present participle as an imper.
fect.  W. 45. 1. a.; S.~ 173. 2.
V. 35. &rt'ovv.... Tiv a7roo-TOAv, placed them at the feet of the
apostles, see v. 37; 5, 2. The frequency of the act is determined
by that of the previous verb. This appears to have been a figurative expression, signifying to commit entirely to their care or
disposal.  It may have arisen from the Oriental custom of laying
gifts or tribute before the footstool of kings. - &E&8'oro, distribution
was madce.  The verb is impersonal.- KaSOTt.... ELXE occurs as
in 2, 45.
V. 36. 8E subjoins an example in illustration of what is said in
v. 34. 35. - Barnabas is the individual of this name who became
13




98                    COMMENTARY.                    CHAP. V, 1.
subsequently so well known as Patli's associate in missionary labors; see 13, 2 sq. The appellation which he received from the
apostles describes a particular trait in his style of preaching.
Most suppose it to be derived from tx.i:. n., (Syro-Chaldaic), i. e.
son of prophecy, but in a more restricted sense of the phrase as
equivalent to vtos 7rapaKX rc-E., son of consolation, since 7rpobr7TrEta
includes also hortatory, consolatory discourse; comp. 1 Cor. 14, 3.
For other conjectures, see Kuinoel ad loc. -AEvtTsg. He was probably a Levite, in distinction from  lEpEv, a priest, i. e. a descendant of Levi but not of the family of Aaron. - Kv'7rpLos T 7 EVIEt describes him as a Jew born in Cyprus; comp. 18, 2. 24.
V. 37. jVrapXovroS air4 aypov, he having land.  It is not said that
this estate was in Cyprus, but that is naturally inferred.  The
Levites, as a tribe, had no part in the general division of Canaan
(see Num. 18, 20); but that exclusion did not destroy the right
of individual ownership' within the forty-eight cities and the
territory adjacent to them, which were assigned to the Levites
(Num. 35, 1-8); comp. e. g. Lev. 25, 32; Jer. 32, 8. After the
exile they would naturally exercise the same right even out
of Palestine. — To XpyLa, the money, which is the proper sense
of the plural; comp. 8, 18. 20; 24, 26.
CHAPTER V.
VERSES 1-11.  The Falsehood of Ananias and Sapphira, and
their Death.
V. 1. We enter on a new chapter here in a two-fold sense of
the expression. As Olshausen remarks, " the history of the infant
church has presented hitherto an image of unsullied light; it is
now for the first time that a shadow falls upon it.  We can imagine that a sort of holy emulation had sprung up among the first
Christians; that they vied with each other in testifying their
readiness to part with every thing superfluous in their possession,
and to devote it to the wants of the church. This zeal now
bore away some, among others, who had not yet been freed in
their hearts from the predominant love of earthly things.  Such
a person was Ananias, who, having sold a portion of his property,
kept back a part of the money which he received for it. The root
1 See Saalschiitz, Das Mosaische Recht, Vol. I. p. 149.




CHaP. V, 2-4.         COMMENTARY.                           99
of his sin lay in his vanity, his ostentation. He coveted the reputation of appearing to be as disinterested as the others, while at
heart he was still the slave of Mammon, and so must seek to gain
by hypocrisy what he could not deserve by his benevolence." — -
puts the conduct of Ananias in contrast with that of Barnabas
and the other Christians.- K-lj7a, a possession of the nature defined in v. 3.
V. 2. lvoockora'ro aJrroa r7' TL/, kept back, reserved for himself,
from the price.  The genitive, which in classical Greek usually
follows a partitive verb like this (K. ~ 271. 2), depends oftener in
the New Testament on a preposition.  W. ~ 30. 7. c. - 0vveL8vt'a,
being conscious of it to herself, aware of the reservation just mentioned (comp. v. 9.); not sc. a;riT, knowing' it as well as he, since it
is the object of Kat to hint the collusion of the parties.- iTypos rt,
a certain part, which he pretended was all he had received.
V. 3. 8tart why, demands a reason for his yielding to a temptation which he ought to have repelled. The question recognizes
his freedom of action. Compare James 4, 7. The sin is charged
upon him as his ownact, in the next verse.-  T7rkX-pwc-Ev Trrv Kap8Lav
oov, has filled, possessed, thy heart; comp. John 13, 27. -   Ev'o-ao'SaL.... alywov, that thou shoulcdst deceive the Holy Spirit, i. e. the
apostles, to whom God revealed himself by the Spirit. The infinitive is telic (Mey. De Wet.), and the purpose is predicated,
not of Ananias, but of the tempter. Satan's object was to instigate to the act, and that he accomplished. Some make the infinitive ecebatic, and as the intention of Ananias was frustrated,
must then render that thou shoulcst attempt to deceive.  This is
forced and unnecessary. - r-o Xopt'ov, the estate, field; see 4, 34.
V. 4. ox1 ue'vov, sc. KCt.ka, K. T. A., Did it not, while it remained
unsold, remain to you as your own property? and when sold was it
not, i. e. the money received for it, in your own power?  This
language makes it evident that the community of goods, as it existed in the church at Jerusalem, was purely a voluntary thing,
and not required by the apostles.  Ananias was not censured because he had not surrendered his entire property, but for falsehood in professing to have done so when he had not. - rt or'T
stands concisely for T &(r'Tv OTL, as in v. 9; Mark 2, 16; Luke 2, 49
(Frtz. Mey. De Wet.). It is a classical idiom, but not common. -
E'3ov, K. T. X., didst thou put in thy heart, conceive the thing; comp.
19, 21. The expression has a Hebraistic coloring (comp. e.b'b I
in Dan. 1, 8 and Mal. 2, 2), though not unlike the Homeric iv
ppeart 3oe'at.  The aorist (not perf. as in E. V.) represents the
wicked thought as consummated.- ovK ie/vr&o.....e is an in



100                   COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. V, 5.6
tensive way of saying that the peculiar enormity of his sin consisted in its being committed against God. David takes the same
view of his guilt in Ps. 51, 6. Ananias had attempted to deceive
men as well as God; but that aspect of his conduct was so unimportant, in comparison with the other, that it is overlooked,
denied. Compare Matt. 10, 20; 1 Thess. 4, 8. See W. ~ 59. 8.
b.  It is logically correct to translate o'K.... aXaX, not so much.... as, but is incorrect in form, and less forcible.  icv'o-w governs the dative here, as in the Septuagint, but never in the classics. W. ~ 31. 5.
V. 5. CEIIv~E, expired.- Kai EyT&ro, K. T. A., and greatfear came
upon all, etc. Luke repeats this remark in v. 11. It applies here
to the first death only, the report of which spread rapidly, and
produced everywhere the natural effect of so awful a judgment.
Some editors (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.) strike out 7aiTa after dKov'ovTra.
It is wanting in A B D, Vulg. et al., and may have been inserted
from v. 11. If it be genuine, however, it may refer to a single
event, especially when that is viewed in connection with its attendant circumstances. The plural does not show that the writer
would include also the death of Sapphira, i. e. that he speaks
here proleptically, which is De Wette's view.
V. 6. od vEdarEpot-v-E=av'KOl in v. 10.  They were probably the
youngerl men in the assembly, in distinction from the older (Neand.
De -Wet. Alf.).  It devolved  on them  naturally to  perform
this service, both on account of their greater activity and out of
respect to their superiors in age. So also Walch decides (Dissertationes, etc. p. 79 sq.).  Some have conjectured (Kuin. Olsh.
Mey.) that they were a class of regular assistants or officers in
the church. That opinion has no support, unless it be favored by
this passage. - — vv&r-TELXav is less certain than has been commonly supposed.  The E. V. renders wound up, shrouded or covered, which is adopted also by Kuin. De Wet. Alf. and others.
Rost and Palm (Lex. s. v.) recognize this as the last of their definitions, but rely for it quite entirely on this passage and Eurip.
Troad. 382. Walch (Dissertationes, etc., p. 79 sq.) argues in
favor of this signification, and with success, if it be true, according to his assumption that rEpL-rT&XXELV and ovUaTEXXEtv denote the
same thing as used of the rites of burial. The Vulgate has amoverunt, which the older E. Vv. appear to have followed: thus,
moved away (Wicl.); put apart (Tynd. Cranm.); took apart (Gen.);
removed (Rhem.).  This sense is too remote from any legitimate
use of the verb, to be defended. A third explanation which keeps
nearer both to the etymology and the ordinary meaning, is placed




CHAP. V, 7. 8.        COMMENTARY.                           101
together, laid out or composed his stiffened limbs, so as to enable
the bearers to take up and carry the body with more convenience.
Meyer insists on this view, and contends that 7rrAoLs (rvvEcrTaXqcav
in Eurip., as referred to above, can be translated only were laid out
(dressed at the same time,) in r obes. It is certain that no mode of
preparing the body, which was formal at all, requiring delay, could
have been observed in an emergency like the present. - EeEvEyKavTEs, having carried forth out of the house and beyond the city.
Except in the case of kings or other distinguished persons, the
Jews did not bury within the walls of their towns.  See Jahn's
Archmcol. ~ 206.  This circumstance accounts for the time which
elapsed before the return of the bearers.  It was customary for
the Jews to bury the dead much sooner than is common with us.
The reason for this despatch is found partly in the fact that decomposition takes place very rapidly after death in warm  climates (conmp. John 11, 39), and partly in the peculiar Jewish
feeling respecting the defilement incurred by contact with a
dead body; see Numb. 19, 11 sq.  The interment in the case
of Ananias may have been hastened somewhat by the extraordinary occasion of his death; but even under ordinary circumstances, a person among the Jews was commonly buried the same
day on which he died.  See WVin. Realw. Vol. II. p. 16. Even
among the present inhabitants of Jerusalem, says Tobler,l burial,
as a general rule, is not deferred more than three or four hours.
V. 7. EYVErTO.... Kat', Now it canme to pass, - an interval of
about three hours,- then, etc. as.... 8oao-Tr/kpa is not here the
subject of EyEVEro, but forms a parenthetic  clause, and  KaC
(see on 1, 10) introduces the apodosis of the sentence (Frtz.
De Wet. Mey.).  For the same construction, comp. Matt. 15, 32;
Mark 8, 2 (in the correct text); Luke 9, 28.  See W. s 62. 2.
The minute specification of time here imparts an air of reality to
the narrative.-  ELoXSEv, came in, i. e. to the place of assembly.
V. 8.  7r-EKpL'rl a'-rj, adldressed her; Hebraistic after the manner
of',m, see on 3, 12. De WVette inclines to the ordinary Greek
sense: anstwered, i. e. upon her salutation. - -rooovTov is the genitive of price: for so munch, and no more, pointing, says Meyer, to
the money which lay there within sight.  Kuinoel's better view
is that Peter named the sum; but, it being unknown to the
writer, he substitutes for it an indefinite term, like our " so
much," or " so and so." This sense is appropriate to the woman's
reply.
1 Denkbliitter aus Jerusalem, von Dr. Titus Tobler, p. 325 (St. Gallen 1853).




102                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. V, 9-11.
V. 9.  1t OLt, K. T. X., Wi7y is it that it was agreed, concerted, by
you? The dative occurs after the passive, instead of the genitive
with ~ro,' when the agent is not only the author of the act, but
the person for whose benefit the act is performed. K. ~ 284.
11.- rELpa'catL ro" VEeL-a, to tempt, put to trial, the Spirit as possessed by the apostles, whether he can be deceived or not; see
on v. 3.- I8ob ot 7ro8es, K. T. X., behold, the feet of those who buried
thby husband. bSov, directs attention to the sound of their footsteps as they approached the door.  What occurred before their
entrance occupied but a moment.
V. 10. 7rapaxp!LJa, immediately after this declaration of Peter
It is evident that the writer viewed the occurrence as supernatu.
ral. The second death was not only instantaneous, like the first,
but took place precisely as Peter had foretold. The woman lay
dead at the apostle's feet, as the men entered who had just borne
her husband to the grave.
V. 11. See note on v. 5. -  fl/ogs /IE'ya, great fear came, etc.
To produce this impression both in the church and out of it was
doubtless one of the objects which the death of Ananias and
Sapphira was intended to accomplish. The punishment inflicted
on them, while it displayed the just abhorrence with which God
looked upon this particular instance of prevarication, was important also as a permanent testimony against similar offences in
every age of the church. " Such severity in the beginning of
Christianity," says Benson,] "was highly proper, in order to prevent any occasion for like punishments for the time to come.
Thus Cain, the first murderer, was most signally punished by the
immediate hand of God.  Thus, upon the erecting of God's temporal kingdom among the Jews, Nadab and Abihu were struck
dead for offering strange fire before the Lord. And Korah and
his company were swallowed up alive by the earth, for opposing
Moses, the faithful servant of God; and the two hundred and
fifty men, who offered incense upon that occasion, were consumed
by a fire, which came out from the Lord. And, lastly, Uzzah, for
touching the ark, fell by as sudden and remarkable a divine judgmnent, when the kingdom was going to be established in the
house of David, to teach Israel a reverence for God and divine
things.  Nay, in establishing even human laws, a severe punishment upon the first transgressors doth oft prevent the punishment
of others, who are deterred from like attempts by the suffering of
the first criminals."
i History of the First Planting of the Christian Religion, etc., Vol. I. p. 105




CHAP. V, 12-14.       COMMENTARY.                         103
VERSES 12-16.  The Apostles still preach, and confirm their Testimony by Miracles.
V. 12. 8, now, continuative. - 7roXXa in this position qualifies
the two nouns more strongly than when joined with the first of
them, as in 2, 43. The first and last places in a Greek sentence
may be emphatic.  K. ~ 348. 6.- Kal'av, K. r. X., and they were
allz with one mind in Solomon's porch, i. e. from day to day. It was
their custom to repair thither and preach to the people whom
they found in this place of public resort. alravres refers to the
apostles mentioned in the last clause (Kuin. Olsh. Alf.). Some
understand it of all the believers (Bng. De Wet. Mey.); in disregard both of the natural antecedent and of the improbability that
so many would assemble at once in such a place. The apostles
or individuals of them are meant certainly in v. 42; and from
the similarity of that passage to this, we naturally infer that Luke
speaks of the same class of persons here as there.
V. 13. -rv 8E Xo,.rnv, but of the rest who did not belong to the party
of the apostles, who were not Christains, the same evidently who
are called  Xao's just below. - OVELSd, K. T. X., no one ventured to associate with them (see 9, 26; 10, 28), viz. the apostles; lit. join
himself to them.  So deeply had the miracles wrought by the
apostles impressed the Jewish multitude, that they looked upon
those who performed them with a sort of religious awe, and were
aftaid to mingle freely with them. XoLrWJv, taken as above, need
not include any but unbelievers, even if we confine a-rav-re to the
apostles.  If we extend [aravrTe to the disciples generally, the
notion that the others are believers as well as unbelievers (Alf.),
falls away still more decisively. That the apostles should have
inspired their fellow Christians with a feeling of dread, disturbs
all our conceptions of their relations to each other, as described or
intimated elsewhere. - A comma is the proper point after aVTros.
- atXX, but, as opposed to what they refrained from  doing. -
Ete/ykaXvvEv aTro's, mnzagnifled them, regarded them with wonder and
extolled them.
V. 14. This verse is essentially parenthetic, but contains a remark which springs from the one just made.  One of the ways
in which the people testified their regard for the Christians was,
that individuals of them were constantly passing over to the side
of the latter. -  apXXov $, and still more, comp. 9, 22; Luke 5, 15.
- rT KVpLW, the Lord, here Christ, many connect with 7rLTEvOrVTES:
but a comparison with 11, 24 shows that it depends rather on the




104                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. V, 15-17.
verb. -  AQjlr, K. T. X., multitudes both of men and women.  The
additions were so great that Luke counts them no longer (see 1,
15; 2, 41 and 4, 4).
V. 15.  o-rrE binds this verse to v. 13. We have here an illustration of the extent to which the people carried their confidence
in the apostles.- Kara,ras 7rXarTEas, along the streets.  W. ~ 49. d.
-  Trt KXLVWjV KaL Kpap]P/a3Tov, upon beds andpallets.  The latter was
a cheaper article used by the common people. See Diet. of Antt.
art. Lectus; and R. and P. Lex. s.'KL[tLTOVS. The rich and the
poor grasped at the present opportunity to be healed of their diseases. Instead of KXLWvv, many read KXLvaptWv, little beds, with reference to their portable size. We may adopt that reading, and
yet distinguish the terms as before; for these couches need not
have been larger than the others in order to be more valuable. -
EpXO,1EVOV  eT&pov, as Peter was passing.  The genitive does not
depend on (rKLa but is absolute.- Ka'v -  Ka  /v, at least, so much
as (vel certe); conmp. Mark 6, 56; 2 Cor. 11, 16. The separate
larts can hardly be traced in this idiom.  Some evolve them
from an ellipsis: in order that, if Peter came, he might touch some
of them, even if it were only his shadow (Mey.).  See Klotz ad
Devar. Vol. II. p. 139 sq.
V. 16. &Jra3EvEs omits the article here, but has it in v. 15. It is
there generic, here partitive: sick, se. persons.  K. ~ 244. 8.  8xXov/JEvov, K. T. X., being added to ao-3EVEEZs, distinguishes the possessed or demoniacs fromL those affected by ordinary maladies;
comp. 8, 7. -- Ka&prmTv, unclean, i. e. morally corrupt, utterly
wicked, comp. 19, 12.
VERSES 17-25. Renewed Imprisonment of the Apostles, and their
Es c ape.
V. 17. But (8E) this success (v. 16) calls forth persecution. -
&va-rTa,, rising up, not from his seat in the council (for the council
is not said to have been in session), but as it were mentally, becoming? excited, proceeding to act. Kuinoel calls it redundant. See further, on 9, 18. - The aPXtEPEVs is probably Annas, who was before
mentioned under that title.  Some suppose Caiaphas, the actual
high-priest, to be intended. See on 4, 6.- oe crvv avriTd are not his
associates in the Sanhedrim (for they are distinguished from these
in v. 21), but, according to the more obvious relation of the words
to a'pe-rt3 rrv:aS8ovVKalWv, those with huim, in sympathy and opinion,
i. e. members of the religious sect to which he belonged; comp.
14, 4. Josephus states that most of the higher class in his day




CHAP. V, 18-21.       COMMENTARY.                         105
were skeptics or Sadducees, though the mass of the people were
Pharisees. - -Xov, indignation (13, 45), not envy; a Hebraistic
sense.
V. 18. br-t rov a7roro-oXovg, upon the apostles, viz. Peter (v. 29)
and others of them, but probably not the entire twelve.  They
were lodged in the public prison, so as to be kept more securely.
It is far-fetched to suppose that 8&ll/oorr[ was meant to suggest
that they were treated as common malefactors.
V. 19. The account of a similar escape is more fully related
in 12, 7 sq. - &&ta\'z  VVK0Tro, during the night, and not far from its
close, as the two next verses seem to indicate. Fritzsche 1 concedes this sense of &ta here, also in 16, 9 and 17, 10, but pronounces
it entirely abnormal.  Classic usage, it is true, would require
throuagh the night, its entire extent, andit would then follow strangely
enough that the doors of the prison must have stood open for
hours, before the apostles went forth from their confinement.
Meyer insists on that as the true meaning here.  It is more reasonable to ascribe to Luke a degree of inaccuracy in the use of
the preposition. See W. ~ 47. i. An extreme purism in some cases
is one of Meyer's faults as a critic.- avowLE rias  vpa,, opened the
loors (see 12, 10), which were then closed again; see v. 23.eaTya7yv avrov9, having brouzght then forth, while the keepers were
at their post (v. 23), but were restrained by a divine power from
seeing them (see on 12, 10), or at all events from interposing to
arrest them.
V. 20. wropEV'EO-SE and XaXEZTE are present because they denote
acts already in progress. The prisoners were to proceed on their
way to the temple, and to persist there in proclaiming the offensive message.  See on 3, 6.  ra pr&7 fkara Tr9 Crp IraVTrws, the uwor(ls
of this life, eternal life which you preach, comp. 13, 26. WV. ~ 34.
2. b.  Olsbausen refers TavTr)w to the angel: this life of which I
speak to you; Lightfoot to the Saddclucees: this life which they
deny. According to some TraTrwm belongs to the entire expression,
these words qf life; agreeing as a Hebraism with the dependent
noun, instead of the governing one. See Green's Gr., p. 265. An
adjective may be so used, but not the pronoun.
V. 21. v7rr TrOV'pSpov, at early dawvn.  The temple had already
opened its gates to the worshippers and the traffickers (John 2,
14 sq.) accustomed to resort thither.  Hence the apostles could
begin their work of instruction, as soon as they arrived.  The
people of the East commence the day much earlier than is cus1 Fritzschiorum Opuscula Academica, p. 165.
14




106                 COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. V, 22-26
tomary with us. The arrangements of life there adjust themselves to the character of the climate. During a great part of the
year in Palestine, the heat becomes oppressive soon after sunrise, and the inhabitants, therefore, assign their most important
duties and labors to the early hours of the day.  Nothing is more
common at the present time than to see the villagers going forth
to their employment in the fields, while the night and the day are
still struggling with each other. Worship is often performed in the
synagogues at Jerusalem before the sun appears above Olivet. -
7rapayTEvo/evo% having come, i. e. to the place of assembly, which
was probably a room in the temple (see 6, 14; Matt. 27, 3 sq.), and
whence apparently the chief priest and his coadjutors sent out a
summons (OrvveKciaEo-av) to their colleagues to hasten together. On
some occasions the Sanhedrists met at the house of the high-priest,
see Matt. 26, 57.- Kal 7raoav r'v yepovotav, and all the eldership, senate connected with the Sanhedrim; comp. 4, 5; 22, 5. The prominence thus given to that branch of the council exalts our idea of
its dignity. The term reminds us of men who were venerable
for their years and wisdom. Kuinoel would emphasize 7raoav, as
if the attendance of that order was full at this time, but was not
always so.  Some (Lightf. Olsh. Str. Mey.) think that this was
not an ordinary session of the Sanhedrim, but that the elders of
the nation at large were called upon to give their advice in the
present emergency.
V. 22. ot v7r-pe'Tat, the servants who executed the orders of the
Sanhedrim, see v. 26. Some of the temple guard may have
acted in this capacity. See on 4, 1.
V. 24.  t epev', the priest by way of eminence (1 Macc. 15. 1;
Jos. Antt. 6. 12. 1), hence = apxLEpEvS, as the same functionary is
termed in v. 17, and 4, 6.-  On or apXtepets see 4, 6. -  Ltr0'poVV
7rEpt avriv, were perplexed concerning' them, i. e. the words reported,
not the apostles (Mey. Alf.). Xoyov; is the more obvious antecedent, and, besides, nothing would embarrass the rulers so much as
the circulation of such reports at this precise moment. -  t av yEvOtTo TOVTO, what this would become, how it would affect the public
mind in regard to the Christians and their doctrine. TOVTO refers
to the miraculous liberation, and confirms what was said of
VERSES 26-28.  They are arrested again and brought before the
Cozuncil.
V. 26.  For or'parTyo'q, see on 4, 1. -'va lik XtLao-.Sotv we are to
connect probably with o' /ET&a /ta's: They brought them without vio



CHAP. V, 28.29.       COMMENTARY.                            107
lence that they might not be stoned. cfEo/,3ovro 7yap ToV Xaov, for they
feared the people, forms a parenthetic remark, the logical force
of which is the same as if it had stood at the close of the sentence.  The E. versions generally (also Mey.) attach the last
clause to io/orvvTro instead of 7yayYv, but the proper connectives
after verbs of fearing are /by, 1/4q7rwo, and the like, and not 7va ut.
See W. ~ 56. 2. R. Tischendorf puts a comma after piaas, instead
of a colon, as in some editions.
V. 28.  rapayyEXtL 7raplyclXgauLev.  See the note on 4, 17.- - rl' ovo arTLc TOVTp, upon (as their authority, see 4, 18) this name,
which they left unspoken as well known, or perhaps disdained
to mention. -  Erayay7Ev.... a[Fa, i. e. fix upon us the guilt of having shed his blood as that of an innocent person; comp. Matt.
23, 35. -  o9 JvJwpdrov TrOV;ov, this man, is not of itself contemnptuous (comp. Luke 23, 47; John 7, 46), but could have that turn
given to it by the voice, and was so uttered probably at this time.
VERSEs 29-32.  The Answver of Peter, and its Effect.
V. 29. Kal ot aJiroroTXot, and the other apostles.' Peter spoke in
their name, see 2, 14.-  7reL.apXE~v.... a&v.prwoit.  The Jews,
though as a conquered nation they were subject to the Romans,
acknowledged the members of the Sanhedrim as their legitimate
rulers; and the injunction which the Sanhedrim  imposed on the
apostles at this time emanated from the highest human authority
to which they could have felt that they owed allegiance.  The
injunction which this authority laid on the apostles clashed with
their religious convictions, their sense of the rights of the infinite
Ruler, and in this conflict between human law and divine, they
declared that the obligation to obey God was paramount to every
other. The apostles and early Christians acted on the principle,
that human governments forfeit their claim  to obedience when
they require what God has plainly forbidden, or forbid what he
has required.  They claimed the right of judging for themselves
what was right and what was wrong, in reference to their religious and their political duties, and they regulated their conduct
by that decision. It is worthy of notice that, in 4, 19, they propouncd this principle as one which even their persecutors could
not controvert, i. e. as one which commends itself to every man's
reason and unperverted moral feelings.'  In applying this princiSocrates avowed this principle, when in his defence he said to his judges'7rE'co/,al B;e uaNXoy,' anEd &    6zuv, (Plat. Apol. 29 D): and unless the plea be valid,
he died as a felon and not as a martyr. See other heathen testimonies to the
same effect in Wetstein's Novumn Testamentum, Vol. II. p. 478.




108                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. V, 30-32.
pie, it will be found that the apostles in every instance abstained
from all forcible resistance to the public authorities. They refused utterly to obey the mandates which required them to violate their consciences, but they endured quietly the penalties
which the executors of the law enforced against them. They
evaded the pursuit of their oppressors if they could (2 Cor. 11,
32. 33), secreted themselves from arrest (12, 19), left their prisons
at the command of God, yet when violent hands were laid upon
them, and they were dragged before magistrates, to the dungeon,
or to death, they resisted not the wrong, but " followed his steps,
whio, when he suffered, threatened not, but committed himself to
Him that judgeth righteously" (1 Pet. 2, 22. 23).
V. 30. Rv 7r2raeT'pOV recalls to mind the series of promises which
God had made to provide a Saviour, comp. 3, 25. -'yEtpEV, rcaisedc
up, sent into the world; comp. 3, 22; 13, 23. So Calvin, Bengel,
De Wette, and others.  Some supply EK VEKpWV, raised up fromz the
dead; but that idea being involved in verwo-E below, would introduce a repetition at variance with the brevity of the discourse.cv BpEts, K. T. X., whom ye slew (26, 21) by hanging; not sletw and
hung (E. V.).- vXov = o-ravpov, a Hebraism. It occurs especially
where the Jews are spoken of as having crucified the Saviour
(10, 39; 13, 29).
V. 31. apXrYov Kat (oorripa belong as predicates to togrov: this
one (as, who is) a prince and a Saviour; not to the verb: exalted
to be a prince, etc., (E. V.). - Tj 3Et  aTroV, to his right hand; see
note on 2, 33.- 3oivaL LErTvoLav, to give repentance, i. e. the grace
or disposition to exercise it; comp. 3, 16; 18, 27; John 16, 7. 8.
Some understand it of the opportunity to repent, or the provision of mercy which renders repentance available to the sinner
(De Wet.).  The expression is too concise to convey natureally
that idea, and -rorov /cLEavOtaS is employed for that purpose in Heb.
12, 17. In both cases the exaltation of Christ is represented as
securing the result in question, because it was the consummation
of his work, and gave effect to all that preceded.
V. 32. iappTrvpEs governs here two genitives, one of a person,
the other of a thing; see Phil. 2, 30; Heb. 13, 7.  W. ~ 30. 3. R.
3; K. ~ 275. R. 6.  Since their testimony was true, they must
declare it; no human authority could deter them from it, comnp.
4, 20. — Ka..... lytov, and the Holy Spirit (&8) too (sc. avroZ
IUapTrvp) is his witness. — roit 71rELapXOvor-tv avrCmp, to those w/ho
obey him, i. e. by receiving the gospel, comp. 6, 7. Many suppose
the apostle to refer chiefly to the special gifts which the Spirit
conferred on so many of the first Christians, in order to confirm




CXIAP. V, 33-35.       COMMENTARY.                          109
their faith as the truth of God.  What took place on the day of
Pentecost.was a testimony of this nature, and that or some
equivalent sign was repeated on other occasions; comp. 10, 45;
19, 6; Mark 16, 20.  But to that outward demonstration we may
add also the inward witness of the Spirit, which believers receive as the evidence of their adoption; comp. Rom. 8, 16; Gal.
4, 6; 1 John 3, 24. Neander interprets the language entirely of
this internal manifestation. Since the Holy Spirit testified to the
gospel in both ways, and since the remark here is unqualified,
we have no reason to consider the expression less extensive than
the facts in the case.
V. 33. 8&Erplovro, were convulsed with rage, lit. were sawn asunder,
torn in pieces. The E. V. supplies " to the heart," after the verb
(see 7, 54), but the Greek text has no such reading.   Some
render sawed their teeth, gnashed them; which would require Trob,o6vra3 as the expressed object of the verb. - -iovXEv'ovro, resolved, determined, see 27, 39, and John 12, 10; but on the representation of Gamaliel they recalled their purpose.  The issue
was averted, and hence the tense is imperfect. Instead of passing a formal vote, it is more probable that they declared their intention by some tumultuous expression of their feelings. The verb
may denote the act as well as the result of deliberation, took
counsel, consulted; but men exasperated as they were would not
be likely to pay much regard to parliamentary decorum.
VERSES 34-39.  The Advice of Gamaliel.
V. 34. rLuto  governs Xaa  as allied to words denoting judgment, estimation.  See W. ~ 31. 6. b.; Mt. ~ 388.  The character
which Luke ascribes to Gavmaliel in this passage agrees with
that which he bears in the Talmud.  He appears there, also, as
a zealous Pharisee, as unrivalled in that age for his knowledge
of the law, as a distinguished teacher (see 22, 3), and as possessing an enlarged, tolerant spirit, far above the mass of his
countrymen. He is said to have lived still some fifteen years or
more after this scene in the council.  See Hertz. Encyk. Vol.
IV. p. 656.1-fpaXv refers evidently to time (in Wicl.,for a while),
not to space (E. V.).
V. 35.  EtWe.  What follows is probably an outline of the
speech. — cE rots a[v3p7wroLt TroVrToL some join with 7rpoo'rXETE, take
heed unto yourselves in respect to these men (E. V.); others
1 IIertzog's Real-Encycklopiidie fur die protestanltische Theologie und Kirche.
t3                                      11 -1 V)VCI~  VI   ~   rVV-I~- U~V~




110                 COMMENTARY.                     CHAP. V, 36.
with iT /&'XETE VrparoELtv, what ye are about to do in respect to
these men (Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). Both constructions are admissible (W. ~ 55. 4), but as rrpacrLEtv nt rI rTLV is not uncommon
in Greek (see examples in Wetst. N. T.), it is better to recognize an instance of that expression here.
V. 36. 7rpo TOVTO7wV rWGv OjEpuIv, Before these times.  This is not
the first time that zealots or seditionists have appeared; they
may have come forth with great pretensions, but ere long have
closed their career with defeat and ignominy.  For the sake of
effect (observe yap), Gamaliel puts the case as if the prisoners
would turn out to be persons of this stamp; but before closing
he is careful to remind his associates that there was another possibility;  see v. 39. -  ~Evvas.  Josephus mentions an insurrectionist, named Theudas, who appeared in the reign of Claudius, some ten years after the delivery of this speech.  Gamaliel, therefore, must refer here to another man of this name;
and this man, since he preceded Judas the Galilean (v. 37), could
not have lived much later than the reign of Herod the Great.
The year of that monarch's death, as Josephus states, was remarkably turbulent; the land was overrun with belligerent parties, under the direction of insurrectionary chiefs, or fanatics.
Josephus mentions but three of these disturbers by name; he
passes over the others with a general allusion.  Among those
whom the Jewish historian has omitted to name, may have been
the Theudas whom Gamaliel has here in view.  The name was
not an uncommon one (Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 609); and it can
excite no surprise that one Theudas, who was an insurgent,
should have appeared in the time of Augustus, and another, fifty
years later, in the time of Claudius. Josephus gives an account
of four men named Simon, who followed each other within forty
years, and of three named Judas, within ten years, who were all
instigators of rebellion.  This mode of reconciling Luke with
Josephus is approved by Lardner, Bengel, Kuinoel, Olshausen,
Anger, Winer, and others.1  Another very plausible supposition
is, that Luke's Theudas may have been identical with one of the
three insurgents whom Josephus designates by name.  Sonntag,
who agrees with those who adopt this view, has supported it
with much learning and ability.2 He maintains that the Theudas
1 Jost, the Jewish historian (Geschichte der Israeliten, Band II. Anh. p. 76)
assents to this explanation, and admits the credibility of Luke as well as of
Josephus.' In the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1837, p. 622 sq., translated by the
writer in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1848, p. 409 sq.




CHAP. V, 37.          COMMENTARY.                      111
mentioned by Gamaliel is the individual who occurs in Josephus
under the name of Simon, a slave of Herod, who attempted to
make himself king, in the year of that monarch's death. He
urges the following reasons for that opinion: first, this Simon, as
he was the most noted among those who disturbed the public
peace at that time, would be apt to occur to Gamaliel as an illustration of his point; secondly, he is described as a man of the
same lofty pretensions (Elvat JX6o EA7rrta  rap' VTLVVV - XE7v aEvaL
Etva avrov); thirdly, he died a violent death, which Josephus does
not mention as true of the other two insurgents; fourthly, he
appears to have had comparatively few adherents, in conformity
with Luke's caEt rErpaKcoOrt v; and, lastly, his having been originally a slave accounts for the twofold appellation, since it was
very common among the Jews to assume a different name on
changing their occupation or mode of life. It is very possible,
therefore, that Gamaliel speaks of him as Theudas, because,
having borne that name so long at Jerusalem, he was best known
by it to the members of the Sandedrim; and that Josephus, on
the contrary, who wrote for Romans and Greeks, speaks of him
as Simon, because it was under that name that he set himself up
as king, and in that way acquired his foreign notoriety. (Tacit.
Iist. 5. 9.)- There can be no valid objection to either of the
foregoing suppositions; both are reasonable, and both must be
disproved before Luke can be justly charged with having committed an anachronism in this passage. - ETal'tva, was sonze one
of importance. rts has often that emphatic force. W. ~ 25. 2. c.
V. 37.'Iov'as  T raXtXatos, K. T. X. Josephus mentions this Judas the Galilean, and his account of him either confirms or leaves
undenied every one of the particulars stated or intimated by
Luke.  See Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 1; Antt. 18. 1. 6; 20. 5. 2. He calls
him twice o raXtXaTo0, though he terms him also o ravXovt'rrs in
Antt. 18. 1. 1., from the fact that he was born at Gamala, in lower
Gaulonitis. He was known as the Galilean, because he lived
subsequently in Galilee (De Wet.), or because that province
may have included Gaulonitis.  The epithet served to distinguish him from another Judas, a revolutionist who appeared
some ten years earlier than this. - Ev rail r,3paLS Trs 7rroypaorS, in
the days of the registration, i. e. in this instance, of persons and
property, with a view to taxation (Jos. Antt. 15. 1. 1). The
aJroypacrj in Luke 2, 2, which is so carefully distinguished from
this tumult and which took place at the birth of Christ, is supposed generally to have been a census merely of the population.
We learn from Josephus, that soon after the dethronement of




112                   COMMENTARY.                  CHAP.V, 38.39.
Archelaus, about the year A. D. 6 or 7, the Emperor Augustus
ordered a tax to be levied on the Jews.  The payment of that
tax Judas instigated the people to resist, on the ground of its
being a violation of their allegiance to Jehovah to pay tribute to
a foreign power; comp. Matt. 22, 17. He took up arms in defence
of this principle, and organized a powerful opposition to the
Ptoman government. -  KaKELVO, K. T. X.  Josephus relates that
this rebellion was effectually suppressed, and that many of those
who had taken part in it were captured and crucified by the Romans.  He says nothing of the fate of Judas himself. t&E-KOp7rcr —lTqav, were dispersed, describes very justly such a result of'
the enterprise.  Coponius was then procurator of Judea, and
Quirinus, or Cyrenius (Luke 2, 2), was proconsul of Syria.
V. 38. Ka Ta- vov, and now, in the light of such examples.Eao-azE av-rovg, let them alone; not se. azcEX3EV, suffer them to depart. -
e av3.po7rtov, from men in distinction from God (v. 39), comp Matt.
21, 25. P-  ) /ovX'1.... TOVTO, this plan, enterprise, or (more correctly)
work, since it was already in progress. - KaTaXv3-'j-ETatL, will be
frustrated, i. e. without any interference on your part.
V. 39.  In Et.... (Tt`V (comp. Eav eijust before), the speaker
reveals his sympathy with the prisoners.  See on 4, 9. Without
declaring the truth to be on their side, he at least argues the
question from that point of view. — /A=o7T0TE..... EVpEE93TE.  Critics
differ as to the dependence of this clause.  Some supply before
it opaTe or an equivalent word (see Luke 21, 34): Take heed lest
ye be found (in the end) also fighting against God, as well as men
(Grot. Kuin. Rob.). Others find the ellipsis in o3 86vacr-S KaT-aXvcrat
aVrovS, thus: Ye cannot destroy them (more correct than aVrO) and
therefore, I say, should not attempt it, lest ye also, etc., (Bng. Mey.).
Kal, in both cases, includes naturally the idea both of the impiety
and the futility of the attempt.  De Wette assents to those who
connect the words with EaoraTE av'roiv, in the last verse.  Tils is
the simplest construction, as /J7WroTr follows appropriately after
such a verb, and the sense is then complete without supplying
anything.  In this case some editors would put what intervenes
in brackets; but that is incorrect, inasmuch as the caution here
presupposes the alternative in Et 8E EK & 3EVo EGf-v.   The advice of
Gamaliel was certainly remarkable, and some of the early Christian fathers went so far as to ascribe it to an unavowed attachment to the gospel.  The supposition has no historical support;
and there are other motives which explain his conduct. Gamaliel, as Neander remarks, was a man who had discernment
enough to see that, if this were a fanatical movement, it would




CIAP. V, 40-42.      COMM  ENTARY.                       113
be rendered more violent by opposition; that all attempts to suppress what is insignificant tend only to raise it into more importance. On the other hand, the manner in which the apostles
spoke and acted may have produced some impression upon a
mind not entirely prejudiced, and so much the more, since their
strict observance of the law, and their hostile attitude towards
Sadduceeism, must have rendered him favorably disposed towards
them.  Hence the thought may have arisen in his mind that,
possibly, after all, there might be something divine in their cause.
VERSES 40-42.  The Apostles suffer joyfully for Christ, and depart
to preach him anew.
V. 40.  E'rrEo-.%av avr, were persuaded by himn, i. e. to spare
the lives of the apostles, whom they had (see v. 33) resolved to
put to death. They could not object to the views of Gamaliel,
they were so reasonable; they were probably influenced still
more by his personal authority. Still their rage demanded some
satisfaction; they must punish the heretics, if they could not slay
them. - -EpavTeg, having scourgecl.  The instrument firequently
used for this purpose was a whip, or scourge, consisting often
of two lashes "knotted with bones, or heavy indented circles
of bronze, or terminated by hooks, in which case it was aptly
denominated a scorpion."  Diet. of Antt., art. Flag'rumn.  The
punishment was inflicted on the naked back of the sufferer;
comp. 16, 22. A single blow would sometimes lay the flesh open
to the bones. Hence, to scourge a person (8E/po) meant properly
to excoriate, flay him. Paul says that he suffered this punishment five times (2 Cor. 14, 24.). It is affecting to remember that
the Saviour was subjected to this laceration.
V. 41. o u/'v. The antithesis does not follow. - o'v, illative,
i. e. in consequence of their release. - OrL, because, appends an
explanation of XatpovrEg, rejoicing, not of the verb. -  rwp - o9
Ovolaros, in behalf of the name, i. e. of Jesus, which is omitted,
either because it has occurred just before, or more properly because "the name" was a familiar expression among the disciples,
and as such required no addition (comp. 3 John v. 7). It is a
loss to our religious dialect that the term in this primitive sense
has fallen into disuse.  The common text, indeed, reads avroV
after &Ovo4aros, but without sufficient authority.- KaT7_rt',3,rav
Ttklacr3ovaLt,- a bold oxymoron, - were accounted worthy to be
disgraced. For an explanation of the paradox, see Luke 16, 1.5.
The verbs refer to different standards of judgment.
V. 42. Kar' oKov, from house to house, or at home, refers to their
15




114                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. VI, 1. 2.
private assemblies in different parts of the city as distinguished
from their labors in the temple. Those who reject the distributive
sense in 2, 46, reject it also here.- OV3K EraWVovTo &LacrKovTEs, ceased
not to teach, in defiance of the prohibition which blows as well
as words had just now enforced on them (v. 40). The Greek in
such a case employs a participle, not the infinitive, as the complement of the verb. K. ~ 310. 4. f.; W. ~ 45. 4.-  vaayyE/XLto'EVLt,
K. r. k., announcing the glad tidings of the Christ (first as emphatic) Jesus; the latter the subject here, the former the predicate (comp. 9, 20. 22). This clause defines the preceding one.
CHAPTER VI.
VERSES 1-7. Appointment of Alms-Distributers in the Church at
Jerusalem.
V. 1. l.v raZs tdpatL 7ra'TatL, in these days.  See on 1, 15.  We
may assign the events in this chapter to the year A. D. 35. They
relate more or less directly to the history of Stephen, and must
have taken place shortly before his death, which was just before
Paul's conversion. - WrkAX3vvovrTov, becoming numerous. - zov'EXXryvto-rwv should be rendered, not Greeks — "EXXrvE% but Rellenists.
They were the Jewish members of the church who spoke the
Greek language. -The other party, the Hebrews, were the Palestine Jews, who spoke the Syro-Chaldaic, or Aramaan.  See
Win. Chald. Gr. p. 10 sq. -7rapE39Eopovro, were overlooked, is imperfect, because the neglect is charged as one that was common.
- &caKovt, mzinistration, distribution of alms, i. e. either of food or
the money necessary to procure it.  Olshausen argues for the
former from T7-~ KaSLEptLV.
V. 2. ot 8J8EKa, the twelve. Matthias must have been one of
them, and the validity of his choice as an apostle is placed here,
beyond doubt.  See on 1, 26.-     7wrX.3oq 7-v pawr-7vZv, the multitude, mass, of the disciples. It has been objected, that they had
become too numerous at this time to assemble in one place. It
is to be recollected, as De Wette suggests, that many of those
who had been converted were foreign Jews, and had left the city
ere this. —  /aK KaTaXEIAraVT-a% K. oT. X., that we, forsaking the word
of God, etc. It is not certain, from the narrative, to what extent
this labor of providing for the poor had been performed by the




CHAP. VI, 3. 4.       COMMENTARY.                         ] 15
apostles. The following remarks of Rithe present a reasonable
view of that question. " The apostles, at first, appear to have
applied themselves to this business; and to have expended personally the common funds of the church. Yet, occupied as they
were with so many other more important objects, they could have
exercised only a general oversight in the case, and must have
committed the details of the matter to others.  Particular individuals may not have been appointed for this purpose at the
beginning; and the business may have been conducted in an
informal manner, without any strict supervision or immediate
direction on the part of the apostles. Under such circumstances,
especially as the number of believers was increasing every day,
it could easily happen that some of the needy were overlooked;
and it is not surprising that the Hellenistic Christians had occasion to complain of the neglect of the widows and other poor
among them."' The complaint, therefore, implied no censure of
the apostles, but was brought naturally to them, both on account
of their position in the church, and the general relation sustained
by them to the system under which the grievance had arisen.ianKOvELV TpaTrEaLs, to serve tables, provide for them, comp. Luke 4,
39; 8, 3.  Some render the noun money-tables, counters, as in
John 2, 15; but the verb connected with it here forbids that
sense.  The noun is plural, because several tables were supported. "Locutio indignitatem aliquam exprimit; antitheton ministerium verbi " (Bng.).
V. 3. ErtOrcKE(ao'e, K. T. X., look ye out, etc.  The selection,
therefore, was made by the body of the church; the apostles
confirmed the choice, as we see from KaTa(acrrcoev we will appoint, and from the consecration in v. 6. KaTao-rT7'CrolEV (T. R.), we
may appoint (E. V.), is a spurious form. - ijaprvpovpuEvovs, testified
to, of good repute, see 10, 22 and 16, 2.  XpEca%, business, lit. an
affair which is held to be necessary.
V. 4. rT "rpooEvXj, the (service of) prayer.  The article points
out the importance of the duty (1, 14).  Prayer, evidently in this
connection for the success of the word, is recognized as their
legitimate work, as much as preaching. — 7porrKaprEpo lJE-v, we
will give ourselves.  This remark does not imply that they had
been diverted already from their proper work, but that they
wished to guard against that in future, by committing this care
to others. They now saw that it required more attention than
they had bestowed upon it.
1 Die Anfinge der Christlichen Kirche und ihrer Verfassung, p. 164.




116                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VI, 5-7.
V. 5. av~pa, K. T. X., a man full of faith and of the Holy Spirit.
We may retain  yt'ov, but the word is uncertain.  The same
terms describe the character of Barnabas in 11, 24.- Of Philip,
we read again in 8, 8 sq.; 21, 8.  The others are not known
out of this passage.  That Nicolaus was the founder of the
sect mentioned in Rev. 2, 6, is a conjecture without proof.
Many have supposed that the entire seven were chosen from the
aggrieved party.  Gieseler thinks that three of them  may have
been Hebrews, three Hellenists, and one a proselyte. Ch. Hist.
~ 25. Their Greek names decide nothing; see on 1, 23. The
distributers would be taken naturally from both sides, but in
what proportion we cannot tell. It would depend on their personal traits, after all, more than on their nationality, whether they
were able to satisfy the disaffected. - Luke does not term the
men &taKOVOL, though we have an approach to that appellation in
v. 2.  In 21, 8, they are called the Seven.  Some of the ancient
writers regarded them as the first deacons; others, as entirely distinct from them. The general opinion at present is, that this
order arose from the institution of the Seven, but by a gradual
extension of the sphere of duty at first assigned to them.
V. 6. E7rE3VKav, viz. the apostles.  The nature of the act dictates this change of the subject. The imposition of hands, as
practised in appointing persons to an office, was a symbol of the
impartation of the gifts and graces which they needed to qualify
them for the office. It was of the nature of a prayer that God
would bestow the necessary gifts, rather than a pledge that they
were actually conferred.
V. 7. The prosperity related here is a proof that harmony had
been restored, and that the prayers and labors of the apostles
had suffered no interruption. - O X6yos, K. T. X., the word of God
grew, spread and strengthened itself as a system  of belief' or
doctrine.  The next clause repeats the idea concretely by stating
how rapidly the recipients of this faith were multiplied. See
note on 12, 24.- 7roXVS re, K. T. X., and a great multitude of priests.
According to Ez. 2, 36-38, the priests amounted to 4,289 at the
time of the return from Babylon. They must have been still
more numerous at this period.  Such an accession of such converts was a signal event in the early history of the church. -
~,rTlrrOEt, the faith, faith-system, i. e. the gospel; comp. Rom. 1,
5; Gal. 1, 23, etc.  This mode of epitomizing the plan of salvation confirms the Protestant view of it, in opposition to that of
the Catholics. See IRom. 11, 6.




CIIAP. VI, 8. 9.      COMMENTARY.                         117
VERSES 8-15. The Zeal of Stephen and his Violent Apprehension.
V. 8.  ryrprsp Xaptros, full of grace, i. e. by metonymy, of gifts
not inherent, but conferred by divine favor, see v. 3. This is the
correct word rather than rtrorE&os, which some copies insert from
v. 5. —Vvvc/JEw3, power, efficiency (1, 8) which was one of the gifts,
and as indicated by the next words, included an ability to work
miracles. - E-rolE (imperf.) shows that he repeated the miracles.
V. 9.  TLVE3..... AL3EpTtVwV, certain from  the synagogue so
called of the Libertines, i. e. libertini, freed-men, viz. Jews, or the
sons of Jews, who having been slaves at Rome, had acquired
their freedom, and, living  now  at Jerusalem, maintained  a
separate synagogue of their own. When Pompey overran Judea, about B. C. 63, he carried a vast number of the Jews to
Rome, where they were sold into slavery.  Most of these, or
their children, the Romans afterwards liberated, as they found it
inconvenient to have servants who were so tenacious of the peculiar rites of their religion.  The Jews usually named their
synagogues from the countries whence those who attended them
had come, and hence Luke inserts here qs XEyo/uEv'rs, the so called,
in order to reconcile the ear as it were to this almost unheard of
designation.  Some contend that AtLEpItVwV  is also a patrial
name, Libertinians, i. e. Jews from  a place named Libertum.
iNot only has the participle no apparent f6rce in this case, but the
existence of such a town is altogether uncertain. — Kat Kvpiqvatov,
K. r. X. The construction here is doubtful.  The simplest view
is that which repeats r~ve before each of the genitives with the
implication  that the Cyreneans, Alexandrians, Cilicians and
Asiatics formed so many distinct synagogues, i e. including the
Libertines, five different assemblies in all (De Wet. M~ey.). The
Rabbinic writers say, with some exaggeration, no doubt, that Jerusalem  contained four hundred and eighty synagogues.  rwv
would be proper before Kvprlvafwv and'AXEcav~pEov, but as they
refer to towns well known, could be omitted as before Aiyv7rrtLv
in 7, 22 and OEo(raXOVLKEwWV in 20, 4. — rv aro KALXLKia  may
be simply —-KAXKE, and the article does not arise, necessarily, out
of a different relation to rLVes. Some repeat EK TrS ovvayoyjs as well
as WvoE' before the successive genitives with the same result, of
course, as to the number of synagogues.  It is awkward to supply so many words, and also to shut up rO7 XqEyo/EEVq to the first
clause, as we must in that case, since it is so plainly inappropriate to the other names. According to others we are to connect
Kvprivadcov Kact'AXEcavSApEv with A/3EPTtV0oV, understanding these




118                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VI, 10-13.
three classes to constitute one synagogue, and the Cilicians and
Asiatics to constitute another.  See W. ~ 19. 5, rnarg. It may be
objected to this, (though no interpretation is wholly unencumbered) that it unites Xyop.,oE'v  too closely (for the reason given
above) with the second and third noun, and also that so
large a number of foreign Jews as the populous cities referred
to would be likely to send to Jerusalem, could not meet conveniently in a single place of worship.  Wieseler, (Chronologie,
p. 63) in support of his opinion that Paul acquired his Roman
citizenship (22, 28) as libertinus or the descendant of a libertinus,
would  take Kat before  Kvprqvalov as explicative, namely, to
wit; so that they were all libertini, and belonged to one synagogue.  This is extremely forced and arbitrary. - Among the
C(ilicians who disputed with Stephen may have been Saul of
Tarsus, see 7, 58. For the extent of Asia, see on 2, 9.
V. 10. r 7r EV/JaTL, the Spirit, see v. 5.- In w c'X6aXEL, with which
he spake, the relative belongs in sense to both nouns, but agrees
with the nearest; comp. Luke 21, 15. Stephen experienced the
truth of the promise recorded in that passage.
V. 11.  V7rE'/3aXov, secretly instructed, suborned.  It was concerted between them what should be said, and to what point it
should be directed. —Xa r/lyla, blasphemous in the judicial sense,
which made it a capital offence to utter such words.  Contempt
of Moses and his institutions was contempt of Jehovah, and
came within the scope of the law against blasphemy as laid down
in Deut. 13, 6-10.  It was on this charge that the Jews pronounced the Saviour worthy of death; see Matt. 26, 60 sq.
V. 12. robv rrwpc(rfvrE'pov   Kat ro's ypa/tar T6, the elders and the
scribes, i. e. those of these classes who belonged to the Sanhedrim. The appeal was made more especially to them, because,
ia addition to their influence, they were mostly Pharisees, and
the present accusation was of a nature to arouse especially the
spirit of that sect. Hence they take the lead at this time, rather
than the Sadducees. - ovv'p7iraroav.  The subject here is strictly
TLtl (see v. 9), but we think of them  naturally as acting in concert with those whom they had instigated to join with them.
V. 13.  E(rrpo-av, placed before them, introduced (see 4, 7);
others, set up, procured. -,'aprvpac EiEVSrJZ, false witnesses.  They
accused Stephen of having spoken contemptuously of the law
and the temple, and of having blasphemed Moses and God.
Their testimony in that form was grossly false. It was opposed
to every thing which Stephen had said or meant. Yet, as Neander and others suggest, he had undoubtedly taught that the




CHAP. VI, 14. 15.  COMMENTARY.                           119
Christian dispensation was superior to that of Moses; that the
gospel was designed to supersede Judaism; that the law was
unavailing as a source of justification; that, henceforth, true
worship would be as acceptable to God in one place as another.
In the clearness with which Stephen apprehended these ideas,
he has been justly called the forerunner of Paul. His accusers
distorted his language on these points, and thus gave to their
charge the only semblance of justification which it possessed. -
For avppw7ros ovros, see 5, 28.  o6 7iraVETrat does not cease, betrays
the exaggerating tone of a " swift witness."- -rov TO7rOV Tro ay/orV,
the holy place, is the temple (21, 28; Ps. 24, 3, etc.), in some part
of which they were assembled, as appears from TOVTOV in the
next verse.
V. 14. XEyovros, K.r.X. Theyimpute to Stephen these words, as
authorizing the inference in v. 13.- oVTOs, this one, repeats'Icov-o,
with a tone of contempt. - Ka-raXv'-etl, will destroy, etc. It is not
impossible that he had reminded them of the predictions of
Christ respecting the destruction of the city and the temple. -
tortwV TOTroyV, this place, because the present session was held in
some room or court of the temple. - aid, customs required to be
observed, hence laws, as in 15, 1; 21, 21, etc. — 7rapE'30KEv may
apply to what is written as well as what is oral (R. and P.
Lex. s. v.).
V. 15. a'TevlavTEs a arOV, K. T. X. They were all gazing upon
him, as the principal object of interest in the assembly, and so
much the more at that moment in expectation of his reply to so
heinous a charge.  The radiance, therefore, which suddenly
lighted up the countenance of Stephen, was remarked by every
one present. That what they saw was merely a natural expression of the serenity which pervaded his mind, can hardly be supposed. caoet wrpo'r-wrov ayyE'XXov, as if the face of an angel, seems
to overstate the idea, if it be reduced to that; for the comparison
is an unusual one, and the Jews supposed the visible appearance
of angels to correspond with their superhuman rank; comlp. 1,
10; Matt. 28, 3; Luke 24, 4; Rev. 18, 1, etc. The countenance
of Stephen, like that of Moses on his descent from the mount,
shone probably with a preternatural lustre, proclaiming him  a
true witness, a servant of Him whose glory was so fitly symbolized by such a token.  The occasion was worthy of the
miracle.




120                 COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. VII.
CHAPTER VII.
Discourse of Stephen before the Sanhedrim.
THE speaker's main object may be considered as twofold;first, to show that the charge against him rested on a false view
of the ancient dispensation, - not on his part, but on that of his
accusers; and, secondly, that the Jews, instead of manifesting a
true zeal for the temple and the law in their opposition to the
gospel, were again acting out the unbelieving, rebellious spirit
which led their fathers so often to resist the will of God, and
reject his greatest favors. It appears to me that the latter was
the uppermost idea in Stephen's mind, both because it occupies
so much space in the body of the address (v. 27. 39-44), and
because, near the close of what is said (v. 51 sq.), it is put
forward very much as if he regarded it as the conclusion at
which he had been aiming. It may be objected, that this view
renders the discourse aggressive, criminatory, in an unusual degree; but we are to remember that Stephen (see on v. 54), was
interrupted, and but for that, in all probabilty, after having exposed the guilt of his hearers, he would have encouraged them
to repent and believe on the Saviour whom they had crucified.
(Brng. has a remark to the same effect.)  Yet both parts of the
speech, as so understood, converge to one point, viz., that the
speaker was not guilty of maligning the ancient economy; first,
because even under that dispensation the divine favor was bestowed independently of the law; and, secondly, because the
teachers of that economy held up the same view of its spiritual
nature, and encountered a similar opposition.
In the interpretation of the speech, I proceed on the principle
that most of Stephen's hearers were so well acquainted with his
peculiar views, with his arguments in support of them, and his
mode of illustration, that they had no occasion to be distinctly
reminded of his doctrine at this time. See the Note on 6, 13.
Hence Stephen could assume that the bearing of the different
remarks or occurrences brought forward in the address would
suggest itself to the minds of his judges; without pausing to
tell them this means that, or that means this, he could leave them
to draw silently the conclusions which he wished to establish.
Stephen illustrates his subject historically.  That mode of argu



CHAP. VII.          COMMENTARY.                         121
ment was well chosen. It enabled him to show the Jews that
their own history, in which they gloried so much, condemned
them; for it taught the inefficacy of external rites, foreshadowed
a more perfect spiritual system, and warned them against the
example of those who resist the will of God when declared to
them by his messengers.  Stephen pursues the order of time in
his narrative; and it is important to remark that feature of the
discourse, because it explains two peculiarities in it; first, that
the ideas which fall logically under the two heads that have been
mentioned are intermixed, instead of being presented separately;
and, secondly, that some circumstances are introduced which we
are not to regard as significant, but as serving merely to maintain
the connection of the history.
But the address is so discursive and complex, and the purport
of it has been so variously represented, that it is due to the subject to mention some of the other modes of analysis that have
been proposed.
The following is Neander's view of it.  Stephen's primary object was certainly apologetical, but as he forgot himself in the
subject with which he was inspired, his apologetic efforts relate
to the truths maintained by him, and impugned by his adversaries, rather than to himself. Hlence, not satisfied with defending,
he developed and enforced the truths he had proclaimed; and at
the same time reproved the Jews for their unbelief and their opposition to the gospel.  Stephen first refutes the charges made
against him of enmlllity against the people of God, of contempt of
their sacred institutions, and of blaspheming Moses.  -Ie traces
the procedure of the divine providence, in guiding the people of
God from the times of their progenitors; he notices the promises
and their progressive fullfilment to the end of all the promises,the advent of the Messiah, and the work to be accomplished by
him. But with this narrative he blends his charges against the
Jewish nation. He shows that their ingratitude and unbelief
became more flagrant in proportion as the promises were fulfilled,
or given with greater fulness; and their conduct in the various
preceding periods of the development of God's kingdom was a
specimen of the disposition they now evinced towards the publication of the gospel.'
According to Olshausen,2 the speaker recapitulated the Jewish
1 Quoted from Ryland's Translation of The Planting and Training of the
Christian Church.
2 Commentar fiber das Neue Testament, Vol. II. p. 719.
16




122                  COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. VII.
history at such length, simply in order to testify his regard for the
national institutions, to conciliate his hearers, and show indirectly
that he could not have uttered the blasphemous words imputed to
him. (See 6, 11.) That those addressed saw their own moral
image reflected so distinctly from the narrative results from the
subject, not from the speaker's intention.
Luger develops the course of thought in this way. Stephen
is accused of blaspheming the temple and the law. He vindicates himself by exhibiting the true significance of the temple
and the law. The main points are, first, that the law is not something complete by itself, but was added to the promise given to
Abraham, yea, contains in itself a new promise, by the fulfilment
of which the law is first brought to completion.  Secondly, the
temple cannot be exclusively the holy place; it is one in a series
of places which the Lord has consecrated, and by this very act
foreshadowed that future completion of the temple, to which
Solomon and the prophets point. Thirdly, it being a cause of
special offence to the Jews that the Jesus rejected by them
should be represented as the Perfecter of the law and the temple, Stephen showed that no objection against him could be
derived from that fact, since the messengers of God had been
treated with the like contempt at all periods. Fourthly, these
three topics are presented, not after each other, but in each other.
The history of Israel forms the thread of the discourse, but this
is related in such a manner that examples of the different points
come into view at every step.'
Baur's exposition of the plan has been highly commended.
The contents of the discourse divide themselves into two parallel parts: on the one side are presented the benefits which God
from the earliest times conferred on the Jewish nation: on the
other side is exhibited in contrast their conduct towards him.
Hence the main thought is this: the greater and more extraordinary the favors which God from the beginning bestowed on
the Jews, the more unthankful and rebellious from the beginning
was the spirit which they manifested in return; so that where a
perfectly harmonious relation should have been found, the greatest alienation appeared. The greater the effort which God made
to elevate and draw the nation to himself, the more the nation
turned away from him. In presenting this view of the Jewish
character, the speaker defended indirectly his own cause. He
Ueber Zweck, Inhalt und Eigenthiimlichkeit der Rede des Stephanus. Yon
Friedrich Luger.




CHAP. VII, 1. 2.     COMMENTARY.                          123
was accused of having spoken reproachfully, not only against
the law, but in particular against the temple. Hence the direction which he gave to the speech enabled him to show that the
idolatrous regard of the Jews for the temple exemplified in the
highest degree that opposition between God and themselves,
which had been so characteristic of them from the first.'
It may be added, that the peculiar character of the speech impresses upon it a seal of authenticity, for no one would think of
framing a discourse of this kind for such an occasion. Had it
been composed ideally, or after some vague tradition, it would
have been thrown into a different form; its relevancy to the
charge which called it forth would have been made more obvious. As to the language in which Stephen delivered it, opinions
are divided. His disputing with the foreign Jews (6, 9) would
indicate that he was a Hellenist (comp. 9, 29), and in that case
he spoke probably in Greek.  The prevalence of that language
in Palestine, and especially at Jerusalem, would have rendered
it intelligible to such an audience.2  The manner, too, in which
the citations agree with the Septuagint, favors this conclusion.
VERSES 1-16. History of the Patriarchs, or Age of the Promises.
V. 1. 8E, then, binds this verse to 6, 14. - -E.... gXc, Are then
these things so, as the witnesses testify? Hence this was the
question to which Stephen replied, and must furnish the key to
his answer. We must construe the speech so as to find in it a
refutation of the charge in 6, 13. dE is direct here, as in 1, 6.
apa-="'rebus ita comparatis," under these circumstances.  See
Klotz ad Devar. Vol. II. p. 176. The question is asked in view
of the accusation. The particle is not to be struck out of the
text, as in some editions.
V. 2. a8EX/ot are the spectators, rrarE'pCE the members of the
council, like our "civil fathers;" comp. 22, 1.  av~pEs qualifies
both nouns; see on 1, 16. The English version makes three
distinct classes, instead of two. - 0o &E3 r7  80's, the God of the
glory (TrS, because peculiar to him) = -ih:n in the Old Testament, or among the later Jews,nnn.b, i. e. the light, or visible
splendor amid which Jehovah revealed himself, the symbol,
therefore, of his presence (Mey. De Wet. Blmf.). Compare
Ex. 25, 22; 40, 34; Lev. 9, 6; Ezek. 1, 28; 3, 23; Heb. 9, 5, etc.
I Paulus, Sein Leben und Wirken, seine Briefe und seine Lehre, p. 42.
2 In proof of this, see Hug's Einleitung in das Neue Testament, Vol. II. p. 27
sq., fourth edition; and the Biblical Repository, 1832, p. 530.




124                   COMMENTAR Y.                CHAP. VII, 2-4.
~W3-q points to that sense here; see also v. 55. Paul speaks of
this symbol in Rom. 9, 4 as one of the peculiar distinctions with
which God honored the Hebrew nation.  Those miss the sense
who resolve the genitive into an adjective= -vSogos, the glorious
God (Kuin. Imph.). -- ovrn Ev i- Meo-orrorabuda, when he was in
Aiesopotamia; imperf. as often in narration. W. ~ 46. 6. Abraham
resided first in Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. 11, 28), which lay
probably in the extreme north of Mesopotamia, near the sources
of the Tigris. The Chaldee branch of Peleg's family, to which
Terah and his sons belonged, spread themselves originally in
that region.l  Xenophon found Chaldeans here in his retreat
from Babylonia with the Ten Thousand.  See further, on v. 4.ev XaApp&v.  Charran_ "AM (Gen. 11, 31), was also in the north
of Mesopotamia, but south of Ur.  It was the later C'arre  of
the Greeks and Romans, where Crassus was defeated and slain
by the Parthians.  Its position tallies remarkably with the sacred
narrative. The ruins have been identified a few miles south of
Urfa, on a road from the north to the southern ford of the Euphrates. It is a perversion of the text to suppose Stephen so ignorant
of the geography here, as to place Charran on the west of the
Euphrates. His meaning evidently is that Abraham's call in that
city was not the first which he received during his residence in
Mesopotamia.  We have no account of this first commiunication
to the patriarch in the Old Testament, but it is implied distinctly
in Gen. 15, 7 and Neh. 9, 7. Philo and Josephus relate the history of Abraham in accordance with the statement here, that he
was called twice..
V. 3. EIWE 7irpos avrov, said unto hini in Ur before the migration
to Charran.- eSEXSE, K. T. X., go forthjfrom thy cozuntry, etc. This
is quoted from  Gen. 12, 1 sq., where it appears as the language
addressed to Abraham when God appeared to him at Charran.
But his earlier call had the same object precisely as the later;
and hence Stephen could employ the terms of the second communication, in order to characterize the import of the first. - 8Epo,
hither, with an imperative force; the term adapted to the speaker's
position, like raVTrlv in v. 4. - iqv av, twlichever (see on 2, 21); since
he "went forth not knowing whither he goes" (Heb. 1, 8).
V. 4. roTre, then, after this command. - LE-ESXJvV, K. r. A., having
gone forth from the land of the Clhaldlees; which, therefore, did
not extend so far south as to include Charran.  It is barely pos-' For the ethnography of the subject, see KInobel's V~lkertafel der Genesis,
p. 170 sq.




CIIAP. VII, 4.     COMMENTARY.                        126
sible that ~EXe9&$v may reach forward to frETKtKLoEv (the change of
subject there is against it), and in that case the second removal
would have been a part of the journey from Chaldea. Compare
Gen. 11, 31. The early history of the Chaldees is too obscure
to allow us to define the limits of their territory. See Hertz.
Encyck. Vol. II. p. 617. — yg XaXo.atdwv suggests a region rather
than a city, and Ur (for which the Sept. renders "country" in
Gen. 11, 28) was probably the name of a district among the
steppes of northern Mesopotamia. Some would identify Ur with
the modern Urfa, the Edessa of the Greeks; but though the name
(dropping the last syllable) may seem to favor that combination,
the surer etymology derives Urfa (as a corruption) from the
Syriac Urhoi, and thus destroys all connection between Ur and
Urfa. See Tuch (p. 284) and Delitzsch (p. 407) fiber die Genesis. Had Ur either as a city or region been in Babylonia as
some conjecture, Charran, so far to the west, would have been
out of the way in a migration to Canaan. —/E1ra,o awro.avEiv,
K. 7. X., after his father wvas deal. According to Gen. 11, 32, Terah
died at Haran, at the age of two hundred and five; and, according to the usual inference drawn from Gen. 11, 26, he was only
seventy years old at the birth of Abraham; so that since Abraham left Charran at seventy-five (Gen. 12, 4), Terah instead of
being dead at that time, must have lived (205-70+756) sixty
years after his son's departure from Charran. Here again some
writers insist that Stephen has shown a gross ignorance of the
patriarchal history. But this apparent disagreement admits of a
ready solution if we suppose that Abraham was not the oldest
son, but that Haran, who died before the first migration of the
family (Gen. 11, 28), was sixty years older than he, and that
Terah, consequently, was one hundred and thirty years old at the
birth of Abraham (130+756205). The relation of Abraham to
the Hebrew history would account for his being named first in
the genealogy. MWe have other instances entirely parallel to
this. Thus, in Gen. 5, 32, and elsewhere, Japheth is mentioned
last among the sons of Noah; but, according to Gen. 9, 24 and
10, 21, he was the oldest of them. Lightfoot has shown that
even some of the Jewish writers, who can be suspected of no
desire to reconcile Stephen witll the Old Testament, concede
that Abraham was the youngest son of Terah.  The learned
Usher founds his system of chronology on this view. The other
explanations are less probable.  It appears that there was a
tradition among some of the Jews that Terah relapsed into
idolatry during the abode at Haran, and that Abraham left him




126                   C O MM E N T A R Y.          CHAP. VII, 5.
on that account, i. e. as the Talmudists express it, after his spiritual death. Kuinoel, Olshausen, and others, think that Stephen
may have used a17ro3avCev in that sense; so that the notice of
Terah's natural death in Gen. 11, 32 would be proleptic, i. e. in
advance of the exact order of the history.  The tradition of
Terah's relapse into idolatry may have been well founded. Bengel offers this suggestion: "Abram, dum  Thara vixit in Haran,
domum quodammodo paternam habuit in H-aran, in terra Canaan
duntaxat peregrinum agens; mortuo autem patre, plane in terra
Canaan domum unice habere coepit." The Samaritan Codex
reads one hundred and forty-five in Gen. 11, 32, which would
remove the difficulty, had it not been altered probably for that
very purpose. The Samaritan text has no critical authority when
opposed to the Masoretic. I- -ETrKWlEV, sc. 4EO&, caused him to remove, to migrate by a renewed command, see Gen. 12, 1 sq. -  s
rv, into which, because KarotKE^tTE implies an antecedent motion. -
ivtag, you, instead of -jpcZE, we; because as a foreign Jew Stephen
excludes himself.
V. 5. Kat oVK.... EV a'rrv, and he gave to him (during his life)
no inheritance in it, no actual possession, but a promise only that
his posterity should occupy it at some future period. It is not at
variance with this that he subsequently purchased the field of
Ephron as a burial-place (Gen. 23, 3 sq.); for he acquired no
right of settlement by that purchase, but permission merely to
bury " his dead," which he sought as a favor because he was "a
stranger and a sojourner" in the land. Lest the passage should
seem  to conflict with that transaction, some (Kuin. Olsh.) would
render 01oK as ov'7ro, not yet, and  &JOKEV as -pluperfect.  De Wette
agrees with Meyer in restricting the remark to the period of
Abraham's first arrival in Canaan. He purchased the field of
Ephron near the close of his life. -o3vo /f3a vro&o', not even a
foot-breadth, a single foot, comp. Dent. 2, 5.- avrT.... a'Vrrdv,
that he would give it to him for a possession, not necessarily in his
own person, but in that of his descendants. The country might
be said to be Abraham's in prospect of that reversion. So in
Gen. 46, 4, God says to Jacob on his descent into Egypt: " I will
bring thee up again," i. e. him in his posterity.  Others understand KaTracrXELv of Abraham's own residence in the land of
promise. —oVK ovros avrn TrKVOV, when he had no child. This clause
as well as the general connection, recalls to mind the strength of
Abraham's faith. It was in that way that he pleased God and
1 See Gesenius de Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole, et Auctoritate.




CIAP. VII, 6.          COMMENTARY.                        127
obtained the promise, and not by legal observances; for circumcision had not yet been instituted, or the law given. Paul reasons
in that manner from Abraham's history, both in Rom. 4, 9 sq. and
in Gal. 3, 17 sq. Stephen may have expanded his speech at this
point so as to have presented distinctly the same conclusion; or,
as remarked in the first analysis, most of his hearers may have
been so familiar with the Christian doctrine on the subject, that
they perceived at once that import of his allusions.
V. 6. The speaker quotes here the passage to which he had
merely alluded. --, now, subjoins this fuller account of the
promise; not but, although he was childless (Mey., taken back
in his last ed.). - ovTw%, thus, to this effect, viz. in Gen. 15, 13-16.
- -Tat, shall be; not shoulcd (E. V.). The citation mingles the indirect form with the direct. - 8ovXo-rov-rLv, strangers shall enslave, sc.
OTpLot as the subject, involved in Ev 7y aXXorpta. See W. ~ 64. 3.
b.- -w] rerpaKrLta, four hundred years, in agreement with Gen. 15,
13; but both there and here a round number, since in Ex. 12, 40
"the sojourning of Israel who dwelt in Egypt" is said to have
been four hundred and thirty years. But here arises a chronological question, to which it is necessary to advert. In Gal. 3,
17, Paul speaks of the entire period from Abraham's arrival in
Canaan until the giving of the law as embracing only four hundrecl and thirty years; a calculation which allows but two hundred and fifteen years for the sojourn in Egypt; for Isaac was
born twenty-five years after that arrival, was sixty years old at
the birth of Jacob, and Jacob was one hundred and thirty years
old when he went to reside in Egypt (430-25+60+130-215).
The Seventy, in Ex. 12, 40, and Josephus, in Antt. 2. 15. 2, follow
the same computation. There are two solutions of this difficulty.
One is, that the Jews had two ways of reckoning this period,
which were current at the same time; that it is uncertain which
of them is the correct one, and for all practical purposes is wholly
unimportant, since, when a speaker or writer, as in this case of
Stephen, adopted this mode or that, he was understood not to
propound a chronological opinion, but merely to employ a familiar
designation for the sake of definiteness. The other solution is,
that the four hundred and thirty years in Ex. 12, 40 embrace the
period from Abraham's immigration into Canaan until the departure out of Egypt, and that the sacred writers call this the period
of sojourn or servitude in Egypt a potiori, i. e. from its leading
characteristic.   They coulid describe it in this manner with so
1 Baumgarten in common with others inclines to this view in his Theologischer
Commentar zum Pentateuch, Vol. I. p. 190.




128                  COMME N TARY.               CHAP. VII, 7-10.
much, the more propriety, because even during the rest of the
time the condition of the patriarchs was that of exiles and wanderers.  The current chronology, Usher's system, adopts 215
as the number of years during which the Hebrews dwelt in
Egypt.
V. 7. KpLV2 Ey4, I (emphatic as one able to punish) qwill judcge
(Hebraistic), implying the execution of the sentence.- -    er&
avrTa, after these things, after both so long a time and such events.
raVra refers to KptLV, as well as to the other verbs.- Kal Xaarpev'covo-L..o..o.TO, and shall worship mne in this place.  This clause is taken
from a different passage; viz. Ex. 3, 12, which records the declaration that God would bring the Israelites where Moses then was.
But as the words there also relate to the deliverance from Egypt,
Stephen could use them to express more fully the idea in Gen.
15, 16. In the communication to Moses, r07ri  refers to Sinai or
Horeb, but is applied here very properly to Canaan, since the
worship in the desert was a pledge of its performance in the
promised land.   Xarpev'rovrLt may intimate that God accepted
their worship before they had any temple in which to offer it.
V. 8  8ta3Kr-qv rrepLrooiS, the covenant of circumcision, i. e. the
one of which circumcision is the sign; comp. ruyptcov rEptTO,/At in
Rom. 4, 11.- KaL oVr o, and thus, i. e. agreeably to the covenant
God gave the promised child, and Abraham  observed the appointed rite.  Such briefly were the contents of the covenant
(see Gen. 17, 2 sq.), and E'yEvvr]oE and 7rEoLctrETE very naturally
recall them here. ovT(oS as merely then (Mey.), in lieu of 8E or Kat
in this speech elsewhere, expresses too little in such a place.Tr E'p,  K. T. X.  See Gen. 21, 4.
V. 9. adrEovro, sold (5, 8) into Egypt, i. e. to be carried thither;
thus concisely in Gen. 45, 4 (Heb. and Sept.).- o SEos pEr' avov,
God wtas twith him, though he was exposed to such envy and
injustice. It was a memorable instance in which the rejected
of men was approved of God and mlade the preserver of his
people; see on v. 37. The analogy between Joseph's history in
this respect and that of Christ must have forced itself on Stephen's hearers.
V. 10. Xaptv Kalt ooolav,favor (with the king) and zisdom; both
the gifts of God, but the latter helping in part to secure the former.  Meyer, contrary to his first opinion, understands Xaptv of
the divine favor towarcls Joseph; but the two nouns belong alike
to Evav-rov iapaw', and associate themselves readily as cause and
effect.  The wisdom Was that which Joseph displayed as an interpreter of dreams, as the king's counsellor and minister. — r3




CHAP. VII, 12-14.     COMMENTARY.                          129
OtKOV avrov, his htouse; the palace of the sovereign, from which,
in the East, all the acts of government emanate. In other
words, Joseph was raised to the office of vizier, or prime minister.
V. 12. For the history, see Gen. 42, 1 sq.-o'vTa, instead of
the infinitive after aKov'o-a, represents the plenty in Egypt as indubitable, notorious. K. ~ 311. 1. The place of the abundance
was well known, and Ev Alywi7ry after the participle (T. R.) is a
needless corruption for Eck AlyWT7rTov, which belongs to the next
verb. - iearE'rTREtA  K. T. X., sent our fathers first, while Jacob himself remained still in Canaan.  See v. 15.
V. 13. avEyvWop'or-rq, was recognized by his brethren (De Wet.
Mey.), on declaring his name to them; comp. Gen. 45, 1. The
reflexive sense, made himself known (Rob.), would be exceptional, and is not required here. —Kat avEpov....'IoCrr4, and the
race of Joseph was made known to Pharaoh, i. e. the fact of their
presence, their arrival. See Gen. 45, 16. It does not mean that
the king ascertained now Joseph's Hebrew origin, for he knew
that already (Gen. 41, 12); nor that Joseph's brethren were presented to him. The introduction took place at a later period;
see Gen. 47, 2.
V. 14. Ev ~vXas E3P8o!rlKov~ra rrE'VTr, (consisting) in seventy-five
souls. For Ev, see W. ~ 48. 3. From so feeble a beginning the
Hebrews soon grew to a mighty nation; see v. 17. Stephen
would suggest to the mind that contrast.  According to Gen. 46,
27, Ex. 1 5, and Deut. 10, 22, Jacob's family at this time contained seventy persons; but the Septuagint has changed that
number in the first two passages to seventy-five.  In Gen. 46,
26, the Hebrew says that Jacob's descendants, on his arrival in
Egypt, were sixty-six, and in the next verse adds to these Jacob
himself, Joseph, and his two sons, thus making the number seventy.  On the other hand, the Septuagint interpolates, in v. 27,
viol I8'IO(rtc/ oV yEv/uEroL av3r ev y7j A'y'rrim ~vXa~ bvv&a, and adding
these nine to the sixty-six in v. 26 makes the number seventy-five.
It is evident from this interpolation that the Seventy did not
obtain their number by adding the five sons of Ephraim  and
Manasseh (1 Chron. 7, 14-23) to the seventy persons mentioned
in the Hebrew text.  That mode of accounting for their computation has frequently been assigned. If vMot be taken in its wider
sense, those sons and grandsons of Joseph may have been among
the nine whom they added to the sixty-six, but it is not known
how they reckoned the other two. They may have included
some of the third generation, or have referred to other sons of
17




130                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VII, 16.
Joseph, of whom we have no account. But in whatever way
the enumeration arose, its existence in the Greek version shows
that it was current among the Jews. That it was an erroneozus
one, is incapable of proof; for we do not know on what data it
was founded. At all events, Stephen could adapt himself to the
popular way of speaking with entire truth as to the idea which
he meant to convey; for his object was to affirm, not that the,
family of Jacob, when he went down to Egypt, consisted of just
seventy-five persons, in distinction from seventy-six, or seventy,
or any other precise number, but that it was a mere handful compared with the increase which made them in so short a time " as
the stars of heaven for multitude;;" see Deut. 10, 22.  That
among those whom Joseph is said to have called into Egypt
were some who were already there, or were born at a subsequent
period, agrees with Gen. 46, 27; for it is said that " the sons of
Joseph " were among " the souls of the lhouse of Jacob that came
into Egypt" with him. That representation springs from the
Hebrew view, which regarded the descendants as existing already in their progenitor; comp. Gen. 46, 15; Heb. 7, 9. 10. It
is equivalent here to saying, that the millions to which Israel had
grown on leaving Egypt were all comprised in some seventy-five
persons at the commencement of the residence there.l
V. 16. It is mentioned in Gen. 50, 13, that Jacob was buried
in Abraham's sepulchre, at Hebron (see Gen. 23, 19), and in
Josh. 24, 32, that the bones of Joseph were laid in Jacob's tomb
at Shechem, or Sychem; as to the burial of Jacob's other sons,
the Old Testament is silent. In this passage, therefore, o 7raTE-~pE,qy~pv may be taken as the subject of kLETETE47O-(aV without adr-o.
Such brevity was natural in so rapid a sketch, and not obscure
where the hearers were so familiar with the subject in hand.
That Joseph's brothers were buried with him at Sychem rests,
doubtless, on a well-known tradition in Stephen's time. " According to Josephus (Antt. 2. 8. 2) the sons of Jacob were buried
at Hebron. According to the Rabbins (Light. Wetst.), the Israelites took the bones of their fathers with them to Palestine, but
say nothing of Sychem; since, however, they do not include the
eleven patriarchs among those who were buried at Hebron, they
probably regarded Sychem as the place of their burial." (DeWet.).
Jerome, who lived but a day's journey from Sychem, says that
the tombs of the twelve were to be seen there in his time. —
Ev T- uvLvartL, K. 7. X., in the tomb, etc.,presents a more serious difSee Hengstenberg's Authentie des Pentateuches, Vol. II. p. 357 sq.




CHAP. VII, 16.       COMMENTARY.                         131
ficulty. It is clear from  Gen. 33, 19, that Jacob purchased the
family tomb at Sychem, and from Gen. 23, 1 sq., that Abraham
purchased the one at Hebron. On the other hand, according to
the present text, Stephen appears to have confounded the two
transactions, representing, not Jacob, but Abraham, as having
purchased the field at Sychem. It is difficult to resist the impression that a single word of the present text is wrong, and
that we should either omit'Af3pacJ or exchange it for'IaK6/3.ivo-oraro without a subject could be taken as impersonal: one purchasedt was purchased.  See W. ~ 58. 9. That change would
free the passage from its perplexity. It is true, manuscripts concur in the present reading, but this may be an instance where
the internal evidence countervails the external. The error lies
in a single word; and it is quite as likely, judging a priori, that
the word producing the error escaped from some early copyist, as
that so glaring an error was committed by Stephen; for, as a
Jew, he had been brought up to a knowledge of the Scriptures,
had proved himself more than a match for the learned disputants
from the synagogues (6, 10), and is said to have been " fall of
the Holy Spirit" (6, 5). Some attribute the difficulty to the concise, hurried style of the narrative. Biscoe states that opinion
in the following terms: —" The Hebrews, when reciting the history of their forefathers to their brethren, do it in the briefest
manner, because it was a thing well known to them.  For
which reason they made use of frequent ellipses, and gave
but hints to bring to their remembrance what they aimed at.
This may be the case here; and as nothing is more easy than to
supply the words that are wanting, so, when supplied, the narration is exactly agreeable to history delivered in the Old Testament:'And were carried into Sychem, and were laid,' i. e. some of
them, Jacob at least,' in the sepulchre that Abraham bought for
a sum of money,' and others of them' in that (bought) from the
sons of Emmor, the father of Sychem.' Here we repeat merely
Kat Er i- (or sKElv') before,rap& rayv vtgiv; which words were easily
understood and supplied by those to whom  Stephen addressed
himself." ] Again, some have deemed it sufficient to say that
Stephen was not an inspired teacher, in the strict sense of the
expression, and that, provided we have a true record of the discourse on the part of Luke, we may admit an error in the discourse itself, without discrediting the acccuracy of the sacred
writers.  Dr. Davidson thinks that Luke must have been aware
1 The Acts of the Apostles, confirmed from other Authors, p. 395, ed. 1840.




132                   C O MMENT AR Y.           CrAP. VII, 17-19.
of the discrepency, and has exhibited his scrupulous regard for
the truth by allowing it to remain, instead of correcting it.  Calvin sanctions a still freer view: " In nomine Abrahlm erratum esse
palam  est; quare hic locus corrigendus est." —'E/xuzp, sc. To
7raTpog, Elemmor, the father of Sychem. See on 1, 13.
VERSES 17-46.  The Age of Moses, or the Jews under the Law.
V. 17. KaMU, not when, but as, in the degree that; hence
TWCLEV, was approac/zing. -   Xpovo% K. r. X., the time of the (fulfilment of the) promise (v. 7); see on 1, 4. — Instead of &4wocrev
(T. R.), sware, we are to read probably,uoXoSyrqoEv, declaCred.
(Lchm. Tsch. Mey.). —  qv$oEv and E7rkX-qv'v   represent the
growth in power as consequent on the increase of numbers; not
a citation, but reminiscence probably of Ex. 1, 7. 20.
V. 18. aXpLot ov, until; for this signal prosperity had its limit.
Though baffled in his first scheme, Pharaoh tried other means
more effectual; see on v. 1.9. - 0....'I worj, wzo knew not Joseph, had no regard for his memory or services; not was ignorant
that such a person had lived (Mey.).  How could the author of
such important reforms have been forgotten among a people addicted like the Egyptians to recording their national events! It
has been supposed that a new dynasty may have ascended the
throne at this time. According to Sir J. G. Wilkinson,' this " new.
king" was Amosis, or Ames, first of the eighteenth dynasty, or
that of the Diospolitans from Thebes. Some hold (e. g. Heeren,
Jost) that the Hyksos or shepherd kings had just been expelled
from Egypt, and that the oppressor of the Hebrews was the first
native prince who reigned after that event.  The present knowledge of Egyptian history is too imperfect to admit of any positive conclusion on such a point. For the later views and literature, see on Ancient Egypt in Hertz. Encyck. Vol. I. p. 138 sq.
V. 19. KaTaaro'oora'Evo0 TO yEvo0s 71V, treating subtly our race, see
Ex. 1, 10; Ps. 115, 25. His policy is characterized in this manner, because his object, without being avowed, was to compel
the Hebrews to destroy their children, that they might not grow
up to experience the wretched fate of their parents. - EKaOKWdOC,
K. T. X., oppressed our fathers in order that they should cast out their'
infants, that these might not be preserved alive. Both infinitives
are telic; the first states the king's object in the oppression, the
second the object of the exposure on the part of the parents. It
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, Vol. I. p. 42 sq., 2d ed.




CHAP. VII, 19-22.     COMMENTARY.                           133
was using the parental instinct for destroying the child; it was
seething the kid in the mother's blood.  For Tro 7-roLEv, see on 3,
2. The plan of the Egyptians failed; for "the more they afflicted
the Hebrews, the more they multiplied and grew" (Ex. 1, 12);
i. e. they spared their children, instead of putting them to death,
and continued to increase. Pharaoh, after this, took a more direct course to accomplish his object; he issued a decree that all
the male children of the Hebrews should be killed at birth, or
thrown into the Nile; see Ex. 1, 16. 22. The sense is different
if we make rov,rocELv ecbatic: so that they cast out their infants,
etc. According to this view, the king's policy was in part suecessful; the Hebrews exposed their children of their own accord,
that they might not see them doomed to so hopeless a bondage.
But the infinitive construction with rov is rarely ecbatic; and,
further, had the Hebrews destroyed their children as a voluntary
act, a subsequent decree for murdering them would have been unnecessary (Ex. 1, 16.22). It is harsh to make roZ rrotLv epexegetical:
oppressed them (viz. by a decree) that they nzust cast out, etc. It is
difficult with this sense to see the force of KarTa-rot-craJuEvos. Besides, the history shows that the Egyptians were to execute the
inhuman order (Ex. 1, 22), not the Hebrews.  The object of
putting Moses in the ark was to save, not destroy him.
V. 20. iv Ad Katpc~, in which time, viz. this season of oppression.
- arreToE  t( 3 ET, fJir for God, i. e. in his view, who judges truly;
comp. rs /eEyaq Xr/ r 3E6   in Jon. 3, 3 (Sept.).  It is a form of the
Hebrew superlative. W. ~ 36. 3; Green's Gr. p. 277. For the
dative, see on 5, 34. Josephus (Antt. 2. 9. 7) speaks of the extreme beauty of Moses.  See also Heb. 11, 23. - rov- rarpo3, his
father-, named Amram (Ex. 6, 20).
V. 21. awVr-v, with the participle, is not an accusative absolute,
but depends on the verb, and is then repeated; comp. Mark 9,
28. It is changed in some of the best copies to arVTroV. - -avELXaTo,
took up, not from  the water or the ark, but like tollere liberos,
adopted.  This use both of the Greek and the Latin word is said
to have arisen from the practice of infanticide among the ancients. After the birth of a child, the father took it up to his
bosom, if he meant to rear it; otherwise, it was doomed to perish. - Elt vto'v, as a son, appositional like? before that which a
person or thing becomes (W. ~ 32. 4. b.); not telic, to be a son
(Mey.), since the relation was an immediate one and not prospective merely.
V. 22.'WraL8Ev'3/ 7rac- cuoqoa, was instructed in all the wisdom,
made familiar with it; dative of the respect or manner. Tis



134                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. VII, 23-26.
chendorf reads Iv before croftb.  Some render was trained by
the wisdom as the means of culture; dative of the instrument
(De W~et. Mey.). This may be easier grammatically, but looks
like modernizing the idea. The accusative would be the ordinary case after this passive (was taught the wisdom); but it could
be interchanged with the dative.  See W. ~ 32. 4. - -vva7rs iv
XoyoLs, mighty in words.  In point of mere fluency, he was inferior to Aaron (Ex. 4, 10), but excelled him in the higher mental
attributes on which depends mainly the orator's power over the
minds of others. His recorded speeches justify Stephen's encomium. - For'PyoLt, comp. v. 36.
V. 23. acrVT(, by him, dative of the agent; see on 5, 9. -rerroapaKovTaerT7 Xpovo, a fortieth annual time, i. e. when he was forty
years old. See the note on v. 30.- avEirj ~E7r'r.Tiv KapS8tav -'-wN }iv,
see Jer. 3, 16.- rrTrKE'cao-rat9, K. T. A., to visit his brethren in order to show his sympathy for them and minister to their relief.
The Hebrews lived apart from the Egyptians, and Moses as a
member of the royal family may have had hitherto but little intercourse with his countrymen.
V. 24. ad&KOv1LEVOV, wronged, injured, viz. by blows, which the
Hebrew was then receiving, as stated in the history; see Ex. 2,
11. - bErot(Ev CK8&KOIWcV, wrought redress, avenged; see Luke 18, 7.
— r, KaTa7rovovldvEyw, the one overpower'ed, lit. exhausted, worn out;
inmplying a hard contest, and (the participle is present) a rescue
just in time to ward off the fatal blow. - -raTrdas rTov AiY'rTtLOv, by
smiting the Egyptian (who did the wrong) so as to kill him, see
v. 28.
V. 25.  Vo/keLLE, was supposing in this interposition, and as the
reason for it.  This use of 8, for (E. V.), is one of its metabatic
offices. Hart. Partkl. Vol. I. p. 167. On what ground Moses expected to be known so readily, we are not informed. He may
have thought that his history, so full of providential intimations,
had pointed him out to the Israelites as their predestined deliverer. Stephen makes the remark evidently for the purpose of
reminding the Jews of their own similar blindness in regard to
the mission of Christ; comp. v. 35.- 8oro-tv, not would give (E. V.),
but gives; present either because the event was so near (see on
1, 6), or because the deliverance begins with this act (Mey.).
V. 26. 4Sq3%, appeared, showed himself, with the involved idea,
perhaps, that it was unexpected. - avro3s, to them, i. e. two of his
countrymen (Ex. 2, 13). The expression is vague, because the
facts are supposed to be familiar. - crvv'XaarEV, K. r. XA., urged them
zo4~o peace, reconciliation. -  Cts after OTEI should be left out. —




CHAP. VII, 29-31.   COMMENTARY.                         135
For Wvait, see on 4, 25. - alv~pE belongs to a8EX'o4, men related as
brethren are ye (comp. 1, 16; 2, 29. 37); not- KpLot as the nominative of address (E. V.). The relationship aggravated the outrage. It was more unseemly than when the combatants, as on
the day before, had been Hebrew and Egyptian. With the same
appeal Abraham says to Lot, " Let there be no strife, I pray thee,
between thee and me, and between my herdmen and thy herdmen; for we are men brethren" (Gen. 13, 8 in Heb. and Sept.).
V. 29. Ev T( X6y'7 roVrT, at this word, which' showed that his
attempt to conceal the murder had failed; see Ex. 2, 12. His
flight was now necessary to save his life; for "when Pharaoh
heard this thing, he sought to slay Moses." - ev yj Mas&ct, in tlhe
land of Madiam, or Midian. "This would seem," says Gesenius,
" to have been a tract of country extending from the eastern shore
of the Elanitic Gulf to the region of Moab on the one hand, and
to the vicinity of Mount Sinai on the other. The people here
were nomadic in their habits, and moved often from place to
place."  It is common for -y to omit the article before the name
of a country; see v. 36; 13, 19. W. ~19.
V. 30. 7rr-XpowJEvrnv, K. r. X., forty years having been completed.
Stephen follows the tradition. It was said that Moses lived forty
years in Pharaoh's palace, dwelt forty years in Midian, and governed Israel forty years. That he was one hundred and twenty
years old at the time of his death, we read in Deut. 34, 7.ev Td spaj.... $,va, in the desert of the mnount Sinai, in the desert where this mount was situated. According to Ex. 3, 1, this
appearance of the angel took place at Horeb. Both names are
given in the Pentateuch to the same locality. Of this usage the
common explanation has been, that Sinai designated a range of
mountains, among which Horeb was the particular one from
which the law was given. Dr. Robinson assigns reasons for
thinking that Horeb was the general name, and Sinai the specific one. See his Bibl. Res. Vol. I. p. 120, ed. 1856. Hengstenberg, Winer, Ewald, and others, reject the old opinion. - Ev
Xoyt 77rvpos 8farov, in the fiery.flame of a bush. -  rvpo& supplies the
place of an adjective; comp. 9, 15; 2 Thess. 1, 8. W. ~ 34. 3. b;
S. { 117. 6.
V. 31. Karavoo-rat, to observe, contemplate viz. the vision (see
v. 32); not to understand, learn the cause, which would be unsuitable in the next verse. --  od  KvptOV, the voice of the Lord. It
will be seen that the angel of Jehovah in v. 30 (comp. Ex. 3, 2)
is here called Jehovah himself. Examples of a similar transition
from the one name to the other occur often in the Old Testament.




136                     CO MMENTARY.               CHAP. VII, 32-35.
It has been argued from this usage, as well as on other grounds,
that the Revealer, under the ancient dispensation, was identical
with the Revealer or Logos of the new dispensation.'
V. 32.  E-y o S Eo, K. T. X.  In this way Jehovah declares himself to be the true God, in opposition to the idols of the heathen,
and especially the author of those promises to the patriarchs
which were now on the eve of being fulfilled. - OVK TEo'Xa KaTavroc-at, SC. Tr oipac/a.  In Ex. 3, 6, it is said further, that " Moses
hid his face;" an act prompted by his sense of the holiness of
Him in whose presence he stood; comp. 1 Kings 19, 13.
V. 33.  Xao-ov, K. r. X., loose the sandal of thy feet. Ovrwo'8a is a
Aistributive singular, for the plural.  W. ~ 27. 1.  It was a mark
of reverence in the East to take off the shoes or sandals in the
presence of a superior, so as not to approach him with the dust
which would otherwise cleave to the feet.  On this principle the
Jewish priests officiated barefoot in the tabernacle and the temple. Hence, too, none enter the Turkish mosques at present,
except with naked feet, or, in the case of foreigners, with slippers worn for the occasion.- In 7y  Jyia Eo-rtv, Luger finds a
special reference to vv. 30. 32. The God of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob was present, and where he appears the place is holy,
though it be in the wilderness.
V. 34.  18?v E8SOV=- tn.?,;?, Truly I saw; and so in the following verbs the tense is aorist: Iheard when they groaned and
came down,,n (not am  come) when I saw  and heard.  In Hebrew
the infinitive absolute before a finite verb denotes the reality of
the act, or an effect of it in the highest degree; after the verb, it
denotes a continuance or repetition of the act. See Gesen. Heb.
Gr. ~ 128. 3; W. ~ 45. 8. The easier Greek construction for this
idiom is that noticed on 4, 17. For aJror7EX& (T. R.), read dwroorrIEXo (Tsch. Mey.), but with a future sense. See W. ~ 13. 1.
V. 35. TOVgTOV is here emphatic. oVrTO introduces the next three
verses with the same effect. -- jpv-roavro, denied.  The verb is
plural, because, though the rejection was one person's act (v. 27),
it revealed the spirit of the nation. -- apXovra Kal Xv-rpOTrv, as a
ruler and redeemer; comp. 5, 31.  Stephen selects the words
evidently with reference to the parallel which he would institute
The subject is an interesting one; but does not fall properly within our present limits. The reader will find it discussed in Smith's Scripture Testimony to
the Messiah, Vol. I. p. 482 sq., and in Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p.
165 sq. Valuable supplementary matter (for the object is to deal only with the
later objections) will be found in Kurtz's article, "Der Engel des Herrn," in
Tholuck's Litterarischer Anzeiger, 1846, Nos. 11-14, and inserted for substance,
in the author's Geschichte des alten Bundes, Vol. I. pp. 121-126.




CHAP. VII, 36-38.    COMMENTARY.                         137
between Moses and Christ. - Ev XEapt stands for A.:, by the hand,
agency (comp. Gal. 3, 19), since it was through the angel in the
bush that God called Moses to deliver his people. Tischendorf
reads or-v XELpl (unusual but well supported), with the hand, i. e.
attended by the angel's aid and power, an adjunct of troVro
rather than the verb. -    r pa'  is feminine here and in Luke 20,
37, but masculine in Mark 12, 26.
V. 36. E$e)fayEv avrovs, led them forth out of Egypt. Hence we
cannot render arouL as, after he had shown, performed (E. V.), because the miracles in the desert were not antecedent to the
exodus.  The participle. expresses here an accompanying act
of ZEryayev, performing (Vulg., faciens); since the leading forth
formed a general epoch with which the associated events,
whether historically prior or subsequent, could be viewed as coincident in point of time. - On the force of the participle in such a
case, see on 21, 7. -For the difference between TEpara and cr//ETa,
see on 2, 22. Lachmann inserts,-r before yl, but on slight evidence. - Aiyv7rrw is more correct than ALYVrrTov (T. R.).
V. 37. rrpo0rpTjV, K. T. X. For the explanation of this prophecy,
see on 3, 22. No one can doubt that Stephen regarded Christ
as the prophet announced by Moses; yet, it will be observed, he
leaves that unsaid, and relies on the intelligence of his hearers
to infer his meaning. Here is a clear instance in which the
speech adjusts itself to those suppressed relations of the subject,
on which, as I suppose,. its adaptation to the occasion so largely
depended.  By quoting this prediction of Moses, Stephen tells
the Jews in effect that it was they who were treating the lawgiver with contempt; for while they made such pretensions to
respect for his authority, they refused to acknowledge the prophet
whom he foretold, and had commanded them  to obey. — KVpwO
before and Sla~v after 9E0o' (T. R.) are doubtful. - a7-ox aKOvo-Er.SE,
him shall ye hear, was inserted probably from 3, 22 (Lchm. Tsch.
Mey.).
V. 38. o yEVl0vos....v rv  Lra'TEpov'rqk!Wv, who was (lit. became,
entered into connection) with the angel and with ourfathers. The
meaning is, that he brought the parties into association with
each other, acted as mediator between God and the people;
see Gal. 3, 19. This fact is mentioned to show how exalted a
service Moses performed, in contrast with the indignity which he
experienced at the hands of his countrymen.  He was a type,
Stephen would say, of the Jesus despised, crucified by those
whom he would reconcile unto God. - iv ri-'KKXWqO-, in the co'ngregation, i. e. of the Hebrews assembled at Sinai at the time of
18




138                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. VII, 39-41.
the promulgation of the law. So all the best critics and the
older E. versions (Tynd. Cran. Gen. Rhem.) translate this word.
It is evident that EKKXr1Cla here affords no countenance to the idea
that the Hebrew nation as such constituted the church under the
ancient economy. -  WvTra characterizes Xoyta with reference, not
to their effect (comp. Rom. 8, 3; Gal. 3, 21), but their nature or
design: life-giving oracles, commands; comp. Rom. 7, 12. The
inadequacy of the law to impart life does not arise from any inherent defect in the law itself, but from the corruption of human
nature.
V. 39.  orrpadqb~rav.... E1 A'yv7rrov, turned with their hearts
unto Egypt, i. e. longed for its idolatrous worship, and for the sake
of it deserted that of Jehovah (Calv. Kuin. De Wet. Mey.).
The next words are epexegetical, and require this explanation.
Some have understood it of their wishing to return to Egypt;
but that sense, though it could be expressed by the language, not
only disregards the context, but is opposed to Ex. 32, 4 and Neh.
9, 18. The Jews are there represented as worshipping the golden
calf for having brought them out of Egypt, and not as a means
of enabling them to return thither.
V. 40.  XEos, o6 7rpowropEvo-ovraL utxmv, gods vwho shall go before us,
to wit, as guides, protectors. This is a literal translation from
Ex. 32, 1. The plural is best explained as that of the pluralis
excellentioe, since Aaron made but one image in compliance with
this demand of the people (called SEot,:'t'.s. in Ex. 32, 8), and
since the Hebrews would naturally enough transfer the name of
the true God to the object of their idolatrous worship. De Wette
hesitates between this view and that of,Eovs as abstract, deity,
divine power. The latter is better perhaps than Meyer's categorical plural: gods such as the calf represented. - o -yap, K. r. X., for
as to this Moses who led usfoith, etc. oVTros is contemptuous, like
iste. The nominative absolute strengthens the sarcasm.  W. 4
29. 1..yap alleges the disappearance of Moses as a reason why
they should change their worship; possibly, because it freed
them from his opposition to their desires, but more probably
because, whether he had deserted them  or had perished, it
showed that the God whom he professed to serve was unworthy
of their confidence.
V. 41. ctUoo'xo7rol(r'av is elsewhere unknown to the extant Greek.
They selected the figure of a calf, or more correctly bullock, as
their idol, in imitation, no doubt, of the Egyptians, who worshipped an ox at Memphis, called Apis, and another at Heliopolis,
called Mnevis. Win. Realw. I. p. 644; Hertz. Encyck. Vol. VII.




CHAP. VlH, 42. 43.      COMMENTARY.                        139
p. 214.  Mummies of the animals so worshipped are often found
in the catacombs of Egypt. --  vpatvovro, rejoiced, made merry,
refers doubtless to the festive celebration mentioned in Ex. 32, 6.
— rols'pyotL is plural, because the idol was the product of their
joint labors. Meyer supposes it to include the various implements of sacrifice, in addition to the image; (in his last edition:
works such as this.)
V. 42. &T'rpeEE, turned away, withdrew his favor. — rapwoaKev,
gave up (Rom. 1, 24), =- ELtaoe in 14, 16; he laid for the present no
check upon their inclinations. In consequence of this desertion
they sunk into still grosser idolatry. — j, oIrpal'j'ro9 o pavo', the
host of heaven, i. e. the sun, moon, and stars.  This form of worship is called Sabaism, from:N, as applied to the heavenly
bodies. - Ev 8/3i3Xz ronv 7rpos-TgV, in the book of the prophets, i. e.
the twelve minor prophets, whom the Jews reckoned as one collection.  The passage is Amos 5, 25-27. —,x crao-yta, K. 7'. X.
This sign of a question requires a negative answer, and that answer is to be understood in a relative sense. See WV. ~ 57. 3.
Did ye offer unto one sacrfices and offerings? i. e. exclusively. The
reply is left to their consciences.  Even during the eventful
period in the wilderness, when the nation saw so much of the
power and goodness of God, they deserted his worship for that
of other gods, or, while they professed to serve him, united his
service with that of idols. The question ends here.
V. 43. KaL aVEXc3iETE, K. T. X. The tacit answer precedes: No,
-ye apostatized, and took up the tabernacle of Moloch, i. e. to
carry it with them in their marches, or in religious processions.
This tabernacle was intended, no doubt, to resemble the one consecrated to Jehovah.  Stephen follows the Septtagint.  MoXox
stands there for t:..., i. e. the idol worshipped as your king, which
was the Moloch of the Amorites. The Seventy supply the name
of the idol as well known from tradition. But there is almost
equal authority, says Baur,1 for reading M:'k, MJllkom, a proper
name.  That variation would bring the Greek into still closer
conformity with the Hebrew. - -o alurrpov ro9 38Eov, the star of the
god, i. e. an image resembling or representing a star worshipped
by them  as a god. - By'PEcia'v (also written'PEcav,'PE!~ca','Po/s4a) the Seventy express *t, which, like most of the ancient translators, they took to be a proper name. Some of the
ablest modern scholars defend the correctness of that translaDer Prophet Amos erklart, von Dr. Gustav Baur, p. 362.




140                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VII, 44.
tion.l In this case the Greek name must have sprung fiom a
corrupt pronunciation of the Hebrew name; see Gesen. Lex. p.
463. According to others, ].e. should be rendered statue, or statues, and the idol would then be unnamed in the Hebrew. So
Gesenius, Robinson (N. T. Lex. s. v.), and others. Admitting
that sense, it was unnecessary for Stephen to correct the current
version; for he adduced the passage merely to establish the
charge of idolatry, not to decide what particular idol was worshipped.  Whether the star-god to which they paid their homage
was Saturn, Venus, or some other planet, cannot be determined.
— ro9v rirwovg, the figures, in apposition with O-KrVjVv and co-rpcv.
The term  was so much the more appropriate to the tabernacle,
as it contained probably an image of Moloch. --  ErTOLKtL is the
Attic future.- E'7rEKELva BaflvX~ovo, beyond Babylon, where the Hebrew and Septuagint have beyond Damascus.  The idea is the
same, for the prediction turned not upon the name, but the fact,
viz. that God would scatter them into distant lands.  The Babylonian captivity was the one best known, and, besides, in being
exiled to the remoter place the Jews were transported beyond
the nearer.
V. 44.  7 0rK-v' 70rov tiaprvptov — rn,. Bi (Numb. 9, 15; 17,
23), the tabernacle of the testimony, or law, so called, because it
contained the ark in which the tables of the decaloguue were
kept.  The law is termed a testimony, because it testifies or declares the divine will. Bahr's explanation (Symbolik, Vol. I. p.
80) is different: the tabernacle was a testimony or witness of the
covenant between God and his people. - 7roL-qcraL.... EwpaKEL,
that he shoulcl makce it accor(ling to the pattern w'hich he ha(d seen,
viz. on Mount Sinai; see Ex. 25, 9. 40. By this reference, Stephen reminds the Jews of the emblematical import, consequently
the subordinate value, of the ancient worship.  Moses, under the
divine guidance, constructed the earthly tabernacle so as to have
it image forth certain heavenly or spiritual realities that were to
be accomplished under " the better covenant of which Jesus is
the Mediator."  Here we have the rudiments of the view which
pervades the Epistle to the Hebrews; see especially Heb. 8, 5
What was true of the tabernacle was true also of the first and
the second temple; they were built after the same model, and
were in like manner arTLTVrot, or o(KLat rDv'rovpavo'v.  That application of the remark could be left to suggest itself.
1 See especially AMovers fiber die Phonitzier, Vol. I. p. 289 sq. He maintains
that n.n. may be traced as a proper name in various Oriental languages.




CHAP. VII, 45-47.    COMMENTARY.                         141
V. 45.  Kac adds cto-ryayov to 7roL ora. - 8ta8EauEvot, having
received (the tabernacle), viz. from Moses or his contemporaries, since those who entered Canaan were a later generation;
not inherited (Alf.), a false meaning; and not who came after,
successors (E. V., retained from Cranm.), since that substantive construction would require the article (see Pape s. v.).
-— era'Irqro', with Joshua as their leader, under his guidance.
- -v Ij7 KaraPoXEEt rGv ~vuv, into the possession of the heathen, the
territory inhabited by them; comp. 8o3r.T(o' Xyq SjHIAV Iv KaTaCCXEOEL,
in Numb. 32, 5. Ev shows that the idea of rest predominates
over that of motion. Meyer and De Wette translate on taking
possession of the heathen, on their subjugation.  The other meaning is better, because it supplies an indirect object after doE-yayov,
and adheres to the prevalent passive sense of Kara(crXErL-s; see
Rob. Lex. s. v. -   r'o3 -v q'Lepwv Aaav3 belongs to doyayov, employed suggestively: brought the tabernacle into the land, and
retained it until (inclusive) the days of David. Some join the
words with'v t r-Ev, which exalts a subordinate clause above
the principal one, and converts the aorist into an imperfect: was
expelling from Joshua until David.
V. 46.  s..... Toy 3Eov, who foundfavor, etc. Compare 13, 22.
The tacit inference may be, that, had the temple been so important as the Jews supposed, God would not have withheld this
honor from his servant. -  TrcraTro, asked for himnself as a privilege.
W~e have no record of this prayer, though it is implied in 2 Sam.
7, 4 sq., and in 1 Chron. 22, 7. In the latter passage David says:
" As for me, it was in my mind to build an house unto the name
of the Lord my God."  In that frame of spirit he indited the
hundred and thirty-second Psalm. — EpELt.....'Ia     coincides
with Ps. 132, 5 (Sept.). To express the object of David's request, Stephen avails himself of the language contained in that
passage. Translate, a habitation (_= oKov in v. 48, place of abode,
temple) for the God of Jacob; not tabernacle (= —(rKnV in v. 44),
as in the E. version. The tabernacle existed already, and it was
not that structure, but a temple, which David was anxious to
build.  The confusion arises from rendering the different Greek
terms by the same word.
VERSES 47-53. Period of the Temple and the Prophets.
V. 47.  Se, adversative.  What was denied to David was
granted to Solomon; see 2 Chron. 6, 7. 8. Yet even the builder
of the temple acknowledged (2 Chron. 6, 18) that God is not




142                    COMMENTARY.               CHAP. VII, 48-53.
confined to any single place of worship. The tenor of the speech
would be apt to remind the hearers of that admission.
V. 48. a&' o~vx.... KaTOLKEL. The temple was at length built;
but was never designed to circumscribe the presence of the infinite Architect (see v. 50), or to usurp the homage that belongs
to him alone. The remark here was aimed, doubtless, at the
superstitious reverence with which the Jews regarded the temple, and at their proneness in general to exalt the forms of religion above its essence. For ovX in this position, see on 2, 7. vaols
is probably a gloss from 17, 24.- KaWs, K. r. X. To give greater
effect to his reproof, Stephen quotes the testimony of the prophet, viz. Is. 66, 1. 2.
V. 51.  There is no evidence that Stephen was interrupted
at this point.  Many critics assume that without reason.  The
sharper tone of reprehension to which the speaker rises here
belongs to the place; it is an application of the course of remark
which precedes.  We have no right to ascribe it to Stephen's
irritation at perceiving signs of impatience or rage on the part of
his hearers. - arcEptTro L.... irCV, uncircumcised, etc., i. e. destitute of the disposition to hear and love the truth, of which their
circumcision should have been the sign; comp. Lev. 26, 41; Jer.
6, 10; Rom. 2, 29. For Tj Kapl&' see 2, 37. -ve/LEt aJ,  K. T. X.,
Ye do always resist the Holy Spirit, under whose influence the
messengers of God, e. g. Christ and the apostles, spoke to them.
To reject their testimony was to reject that of the spirit himself.
What follows appears to restrict the language to that meaning. -
Kact V/les, also you, where oVrTos would state the comparison more
exactly. See W. ~ 53. 5.
V. 52.'riva Trfv 7rpOTrTv, K. T. X., whom of the prophets, etc.
Stephen would describe the general conduct of the Jews towards their prophets; he does not affirm that there were no exceptions to it. Other passages, as 2 Chron. 36, 15. 16; Matt.
23, 37, and Luke 13, 33. 34, make the same representation. —
roVs 7rpoKaTELayyEXavTa, K. T. X., those who announced beforehand, etc.,
designates the prophets with reference to the leading subject of
their predictions.  See on 3, 21. 24.- -ro  &Ka'ov, the Just one,
(3, 14) slain by them  as a malefactor.- vwv, now, as the climax
of the nation's guilt. - 7rpoSrTat, traitors.  See 3, 13.
V. 53. Those who were thus guilty (v. 52) acted in the
character of those who (otLrTEs, such as) received, etc. — orv vO/lov....ayy4XXov, the law as (Eds predicative sign, see on v. 21) o-rdinances (plural with reference to vg/ov as an aggregate of single
acts) of angels; the latter not as the authors of them, in which




CHAP. VII, 53-55.    COMMENTARY.                          143
sense they were God's, but as communicated through them;
comp. 6 St' ayyE'Xwv XaXlSE1c in Heb. 2, 2, the word spoken through
angels, and especially &tarayELt 8t' &ayy'Xwv in Gal. 3, 19, ordained
on the part of God through angels.  The elliptical explanation,
reckoned unto ordinances, as of that rank or class, affords the
same meaning, but is not so simple. See W. ~ 32. 4. b.  Some
translate upon the ministrations, agency of; but that both strains
the use of the preposition (not necessary even in Matt. 12, 41)
and employs the noun differently from Rom. 13, 2 (not elsewhere
in N. T.).  The presence of angels at the giving of the law is
not expressly stated in the Old Testament, but is alluded to in
Gal. 3, 19, and Heb. 2, 2. Philo and Josephus testify to the same
tradition. The Seventy translate Deut. 33, 2 in such a manner
as to assert the same fact. It is implied perhaps in Ps. 68, 18.
The Jews regarded this angelic mediation as both ennobling the
law, and as conferring special honor on themselves, to whom the
law was given. For a striking proof of this Jewish feeling, see
Jos. Antt. 15. 5. 3. From another point of view, viz. that of Christ's
superiority to angels, this angelic intervention showed the inferiority of the law to the gospel; which is the view taken in Hehb.
2, 2, and probably in Gal. 3, 19. — Kal O1VK EiVXQtare, and yet ye
kept it not. v4ouov as the principal word supplies the object, and not
8tarayacs (E. V.). In this verse, therefore, we have the apostle's
idea in Rom. 2, 23, where he says that the Jews gloried in the
law, while they dishonored God by their violations of it.
VERSES 54-60.  The Death of Stephen.
V. 54. It is disputed whether Stephen finished his speech or
not. The abrupt manner in which he closes, and the exasperation of the Jews at that moment, render it probable that he was
interrupted.  aKoVOVTes as present favors the same view, but is
not decisive (see 5, 5; 13, 48).- For 8tErpltOVT, see on 5, 33.
V. 55.  rAXkpqs 7rvEV'iaTos JyL'ov. The Spirit revealed to his soul
this scene in heaven.  It was not a vision addressed to the
senses.  It is needless, therefore, to inquire, as Meyer now admits, whether our martyr could see the opened sky through the
roof or a window. - For &o0av 3Eco, the glory of God, see on v. 2.
-E( rr ra, standing, instead of sitting, as at other times.  The
Saviour had risen in order to intimate his readiness to protect or
sustain his servant (Bng. Kuin. Mey.). It appears to me doubtful whether we are to attach that or any other significancy to the
particular attitude in which he appeared.




144                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. VII, 56-58.
V. 56. 130V, K. 7. X. This declaration would tend to exasperate
them still more. They are now told that He whom they had
crucified, and whom they were ready to slay anew in the person
of his followers, was exalted to supreme dominion at the right
hand of God. See remarks on 2, 34.
V. 57. KpaedavTe, crying, among other things, perhaps that he
should be silent, or that he should be put to death; comp. 19, 32;
Matt. 27, 23; John 19, 12.- o-vvE&Xov T- vra aViTv. They affected
to regard his words as blasphemous, and stopped their ears as an
expression of their abhorrence. - Kat 4plcrlcav, K. T. X. Under the
Roman laws, the Jews had no power to inflict capital punishment
without the sanction of the procurator or his proxy; see John 18,
31. Nearly all critics, at present, concur in that view. Hence
the stoning of Stephen was an illegal, tumultuous proceeding.
The Roman governors connived often at such irregularities, provided the Roman interest or power suffered no detriment. As
Pilate was deposed in A. D. 35, or 36, some have thought that
his office may have been still vacant (see on 6, 1), and that the
Jews took greater liberty on that account.
V. 58.'$o 7r- sro'XEo, out of the city, because a place so holy
was not to be defiled with blood; see Lev. 24, 14. Compare the
note on 14, 19. - Kat oo /ILapTVPEfT, K. T. X., and the witnesses laid of
their garments, that they might have the free use of their arms in
hurling the stones. The law of Moses required the witnesses in
the case of a capital offence to begin the work of death; see
Deut. 13, 10; 17, 7. The object of the law, it has been suggested,
may have been to prevent inconsiderate or false testimony. Many
would be shocked at the idea of shedding blood, who would not
scruple to gain a private end, or to gratify their malice, by misrepresentation and falsehood. - rap arovs ordSas, at his feet for safekeeping; comp. 22, 20. Their selecting Saul for this purpose
shows that he was already known as a decided enemy of the
Christians. His zeal and dialectic skill in the controversy with
Stephen (see on 6, 9) could not have failed to establish his claim
to that character. - vEavlov, a yoeung nan; a designation which
the Greeks could apply to a person till he was forty years
old, but perhaps in common speech would rarely extend beyond the age of thirty.  This term, therefore, is very indefinite,
as an indication of Saul's age at the time of this occurrence. In
all probability he was not far from thirty when he was converted;
not much less, as the Sanhedrim would hardly have entrusted
so important a commission to a mere youth (see 9, 1 sq.), and




CHAP. VIII, 1.         COMMENTARY.                             14.5
not more, as his recorded life (closing about A. D. 64) would
otherwise be too short for the events of his history.'
V.- 59.  &irLKaXo4vEvov, calling upon, viz. Christ.  KVptE'Iqo-ov just
before supplies the only natural object after this participle. " That
the first Christians called on Jesus," says De WVette, i. e. addressed prayer to him, "is evident from 9, 14. 21; 22, 16; comp.
2, 21; Rom. 10, 12 sq."  See further, on 9, 14. —As the dying
Saviour said to the Father, " Into thy hands I commend my spirit,"
so the dying Stephen said now  to the Saviour, &8a To 7rrvev/cL
/.tov.
V. 60.  pIrjI sri0..... ra'rqv, establish not this sin to them, reckon or count it not to them (Rob. De Wet.). Christ had set an
example of this duty, as well as enjoined it by precept. No parallel to this prayer of Stephen can be found out of Christian history. The Greeks expressed a dehortatory command or wish by j/,s
with the subjunctive aorist, when the act was one not yet commenced; comp. on 10, 15.  This is Hermann's rule.  See Mt. ~
511. 3; K. ~ 259. 5. - EKokq37, fell asleep, died; comp. 13, 36; 1
Cor. 15, 18, etc. Heathen writers employed the verb occasionally
in that sense; but its derivative, KOqLiTr-ptov, cemetery, i. e. a place
where the body sleeps in the hope of a resurrection, was first
used by Christians. It marks the introduction of the more cheerful ideas which the gospel has taught men to connect with the
grave.
CHAPTER VIII.
VERSES 1-3.  The Burial of Stephen.
V. 1. The first sentence here would have closed more properly
the last chapter. - o-vvEv8OK V, consenting, approving with them, viz.
the murderers of Stephen, so that he shared their guilt without
1 For information in regard to the early life and training of the apostle Paul
(a topic important to a just view of his character and history), the student may
consult Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the New Testament, Vol. II. p. 122 sq.;
Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. I. p. 40 sq. (2d ed.);
Selections from German Literature (Edwards and Park), p. 31 sq.; Schrader's Der
Apostel Paul, Zweiter Theil, p. 14 sq.; Hemsen's Das Leben des Apostels u. s. w.,
erstes Kapitel; and Tholuck's Vermischte Schriften, Band II. p. 272 sq.
19




146                COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. VIII, 1-3.
participating so directly in the act. In Rom. 1, 32, Paul lays it
down as one of the worst marks of a depraved mind that a person can bring himself to applaud thus coolly the sins of others,
and in 22, 20, he says that he himself had exhibited that mark
of depravity in relation to the death of Stephen. Luke here
records probably a confession which he had often heard from the
lips of the apostle. For'v with the participle, see on 1, 10.-  v
EKEWV  Trj Ppa, on that day (comp. 11, 19); not indefinite at that
time, which would require the noun to be plural. The stoning
of Stephen was the signal for an immediate and universal persecution. — raTvrEg need not be pressed so as to include every
individual; see on 3, 18. Zeller clings to the letter, and then
argues against the truth of the narrative from the improbability
of such a panic. Many of those who fled returned, doubtless,
after the cessation of the present danger. It is not to be supposed that the church which we find existing at Jerusalem after
this was made up entirely of new members. - KTar Ta XOpa,
K. T. X. They fled at first to different places in Judea and Samaria; but some of them, probably the foreign Jews, went afterwards to other countries (see v. 4 and 11, 19).
V. 2. cvvEKottroav, bore away together (i. e. to the grave), joined
to bury; or simply buried, as the force of the preposition is not
always traceable in this verb (see Pape s. v.). - -, notw, carries
back the mind to Stephen after the digression in v. 1; not but, in
spite of the persecution, for it was not only permitted among the
Jews, but required, that the bodies of those executed should be
buried. - av8peg Ek1'Xaale  are pious Jews (see on 2, 5), who testified in this way their commiseration for Stephen's fate, and their
conviction of his innocence.  The Christians would not have
been allowed to perform such an office; they, too, would have
been designated as disciples or brethren. - KorrETOV, lamentation,
as expressed in the Oriental way by clapping the hands or smiting on the breast.
V. 3. 8E, now, presents Saul again as the principal person; or
possibly but (E. V.), contrasting his conduct with that of the
EVXafiel. - Kar iaro-  OLKOV%, into the houses one after another.  The
preposition marks both direction and succession. — (vrpwv, dracgging, bearing off with violence; comp. 14, 19; 17, 6. See Tittm.
Synm. p. 57 sq.  We see the man's ferocious spirit in his manner. " Haling," in the English translation, is an old word for
hzauling or hawling. -  E avSpa, K. T. XA., not only mten but women;
repeated also in 9, 2 and 22, 4 as a great aggravation of his
cruelty.




CHAP. VIII, 4-7.      COMMENTARY.                          147
VERSES 4-8.  The Gospel is preached in Samaria.
V. 4. ot /EVV ovv LacrToapEvTE, Those therefore dispersed, taken as
a substantive; comp. 1, 6. The clause is illative as well as resumptive, since it was in consequence of the persecution (v. 1)
that the disciples were led to new fields of labor. -     w&-Xov, went
abroad, lit. through, i. e. different places.  Luke intimates the circuit of their labors more fully in 11, 19.
V. 5. This is the Philip mentioned in 6, 5 and 21, 8; not the
apostle of that name, for he remained still at Jerusalem, see v. 1.
- KaTrEXX3Cv, having come down, because he journeyed from Jerusalem (v. 15); to go to that"city was Jva3afavcv.'- Ets 7rov rOys YapapELaa, unto the city of Samaria, genitive of apposition (Grot. Iuin.
Win. Rob.), or a city in that country (Olsh. Neand. De Wet.
Mey.).  That the capital was called Samaria at this time, as
well as Sebaste, we see from Jos. Antt. 20. 6. 2. rrdxtv, with that
reference, may omit the article because Ya/tapdaS defines it;
comp. 2 Pet. 2, 6. W. ~ 19. 2. It would be most natural to repair
at once to the chief city, and it was there that such a man as
Simon Magus (see v. 9) would be most apt to fix his abode.6XXot, in v. 6, indicates a populous city. If it was not the capital,
it may have been Sychar, where the Saviour preached with so
much effect (Olsh.); see John 4, 5 sq. - aivrot,, unto them.  The
antecedent lies in ro'XLv, comp. 18, 11; Matt. 4, 23; Gal. 2, 2.
W. ~ 67. 1. d.
V. 6. 7rposEtXov, attended, listened with eager interest; not believed (Kuin.), which anticipates the result in v. 12. — v rw a3KOvELV,
K. T. X., when they heard, and saw, etc. Zv with the infinitive denotes here, not the cause, but the time or occasion. K. 6 289.
1. 2.
V. 7. iroXXGv y'p, K. T. X., For from many who had unclean spirits, they (the spirits) went forth, etc. rroXiXv depends on E$ in the
verb (Mey. De Wet.), comp. 16, 39; Matt. 10, 14.  Some (Bng.
Kuin.) make 7rvE'4aTa the subject of the verb, and supply aTra
after Exo'vrv.  The other is the more natural order. --  o2vra,
K. r. X., crying with a loud voice, and testifying to the Messiahship.
of Jesus, or the truth of the gospel; comp. Mark 3, 11; Luke 4,
41.  The expression would suppose the reader to be acquainted
with the fuller account of such cases in the history of Christ.
Some understand the cry here to have been an exclamation of
rage or indignation on the part of the demons, because they
were compelled to release their victims. — roXXol 85, K. r. X. Here,




148                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VIII, 9-11.
too (see on 5, 16), ordinary diseases are distinguished from demoniacal possession.
VERSES 9-13.  Simon the Sorcerer, and his Professed Belief
V. 9.  [t8zov.  For the history of this impostor, his character,
and the traditions of the church respecting him, the reader is referred to Neander's Church History, Vol. I. p. 454, or his Planting
of the Church, p. 46 sq.  See note on v. 24.-vrpoiTrnpxEv, was
there before, i. e. the arrival of Philip, and had been for a long
time, see v. 11.- -jayEv'v, K. r. X., states in what character and by
what arts he secured so much power. -   t-(rrgv rTo'  vo, bewitching the nation; either because he traversed the country, or drew
to himself crowds in the city where he dwelt.
V. 10. a7ro LKKpOV (oS [EYaCXov, fr'on small unto great, i. e. both
young and old, see Heb. 8, 11; Jon. 3, 5 (Sept.). The expression
has been called a Hebraism, but examples of it occur in Greek
writers (Mey.). - oVros, K. T. X., This one is the great power of God,
i. e. through him is exhibited that power; they supposed him to
perform wonders which evinced his possession of superhuman
gifts. The language is similar to that in Rom. 1, 16, where the
gospel is said to be &~valvL co dlg omorrqlpav, i. e. an instrumentality exhibiting the power of God in the salvation of men.  This
is the more obvious view of the sense, and is the one commonly
received. Neander would ascribe to the words a theosophic,
concrete meaning. He supposes the Samaritans to have recognized Simon " as more than a man: the Great Power which at
first emanated from' the invisible God, and through which he
created every thing else, had now appeared in a bodily form on
the earth."  It appears to be exacting too much from the language to understand it in that manner. XEyov Elvat'rLa EaVuTv  LEyav,
in v. 9 (comp. 5, 36; Gal. 2, 6), would not show that he himself
carried his pretensions so far; and the people are not likely to
have conceded to him more than he claimed. - The variation 7
KaXov/Evr7 tcyaXrJ is well supported (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.): which is
called great, i. e. is truly so, deserves the epithet.  De Wette
thinks KaXovl/Euvq a gloss, added to weaken the idea: called great,
but not so in reality.
V. 11. tKaVw Xpov, for a long time.  The dative stands for the
ordinary accusative, as in 13, 20; John 2, 20; Rom. 16, 25.  W.
{ 31. 9; S. ~ 106. 4.- -rats ya7yeat, K. r. X., they had been bewitched
by his sorceries (lit. put beside themselves); not he had bewitched
them (Vulg. Eng. V.).  The perfect cEo'Taa'vat, says Scholefield




CHAP. VIII, 13-17.    COMMENTARY.                        149
(Hints, etc. p. 40), does not admit a transitive sense. See also
BrUd. Concord. s. v. It was necessary that men deluded to such
an extent should be reclaimed by arguments addressed to the
senses; see vv. 6. 7. 17.
V. 13. 6o  8ELtov, K. T. X., And Simon also himself believed, viz.
the word preached, i. e. professed to be a disciple, and was baptized in that character.  The verb describes him with reference
to his supposed or apparent state, not his actual position. He
may have been not wholly insincere at first, but soon showed
that he had no correct views of the gospel, that he was a stranger
to its power; see on v. 18. - -vva/YLEL differs from Tro//ma, as explained on 2, 22. —Editors hesitate between 8vvaJ/EV Kal arr/cEta
tLEyadXa and cr0-y/Ea Ka2t 8vva/xJEts /LEyLXaCL.
VERsEs  14-17. Peter and John are sent to Samaria.
V. 14. There is no inadvertence here. The apostles had
remained at Jerusalem (v. 1). -,a/lapEta may be the name of
the city or the country; see on v. 5. The application here would
not control it there. Neander refers it to the country. In that
case, as Philip had preached at one place only, we must regard
the idea as generalized: his success there was hailed as the
pledge of success in all Samaria. - 7rpos a'roVi, unto them in that
city, or country; the antecedent implied, as in v. 5.
V. 15. KaTaa/3vres, having come down.  Their imparting the
Spirit was consequent on the journey hither (post hoc), but is
not said to have been the object of it (propter hoc).  That none
but the apostles were empowered to bestow this gift, has been
affirmed by some, and denied by others (see 1 Tim. 4, 14). If it
was a prerogative of the apostles (who had no successors in the
church), the inference would be that it ceased with the extinction of that order.  The Catholics and those who entertain
Catholic views appeal to this scripture as showing the inferiority of the pastor to the bishop. -7rpoor-v'avro, K. r. X. The Samaritans had received already the converting influences of the
Spirit; and hence the object of the prayer was, that their faith
might be confirmed by a miraculous attestation; see on 5, 32.&07row with the finite verb circumscribes the infinitive; comp. 25,
3; Matt. 8, 34 (De Wet.); better here as telic, since prayer may
be viewed as a necessary condition of the gift; comp. v. 24.
V. 17.  rErTtJovv is the imperfect of a repeated act. For the
import of the symbol, see on 6, 6. — Ka;t EXar3kavov, K. r. X., and
they received the Holy Spirit as the author of the endowments




1.50                 COMME NTAR Y.            CHAP. VIII, 18-20.
conferred on them. Among these may have been the gift of
tongues (see 2. 4; 10, 46), and also that of prophesy, as well as
the power of working miracles.  Middleton's rule is, that the
anarthous 7rve4lca denotes only some effect or actual operation of
the Spirit, while rO 7rvEi a signifies the Divine Person in general,
without reference to any particular instance or mode of operation.
See Green's Gr. p. 229. The distinction affects no question of a
doctrinal nature; it may agree well enough with some passages,
but is purely arbitrary in its application to others. The true principle is that stated on 1, 2.
VERSES 18-24.  The Hypocrisy of Simon, and its Exposure.
V. 18. S9Eao-JaLEvos (which means to see with interest, or desire)
has less external support than R&ev. Meyer retains the former,
on the principle that the more common word would displace the
less common, instead of the reverse. The ambition or cupidity of
Simon had slumbered for a time, but was now aroused at the
sudden prospect of obtaining a power which would enable him to
gratify his selfish desires, which would place at his command unbounded wealth and influence. He had seen Philip perform miracles, but had seen no instance until now, in which that power had
been transferred to others. The interval between this development of his true character and his profession of the Christian faith,
was probably not long. - 7rpoo-'VEyKEV aVTrot Xp-iara, offered to them
money. This act has originated our word simony, which Webster defines as " the crime of buying or selling ecclesiastical preferment, or the corrupt presentation of any one to an ecclesiastical benefice for money or reward." It is fortunate for us, that
our religious institutions in this country require us to obtain our
knowledge of the term from a lexicon.
V. 19. Kap!OL, to me also, that I may possess it like you; not to
me as well as to others, since no example of such transfer was
known to him.- X Eav, upon whomsoever, see on 2, 21. - i:ovo-tav'raVTrnV refers to v. 18, this pouer, authority, which he had seen them
exercise; not to the clause following. Hence;'va is not definitive,
to wit, that, but telic, in order that.
V. 20. TrO apyvptov, K. T. X., May thy money with thee (- and
thou) perish, lit. be for destruction, consigned thereto.  This is the
language of strong emotion; it expresses the intense abhorrence
which the proposal excited in the mind of Peter.  That it was
not a deliberate wish, or an imprecation, is evident from v. 22,
where the apostle points out to Simon the way to escape the




CHAP. VIII, 21-23.   COMMENTARY.                          151
danger announced to him. or-v oot some take to mean with thee
who art in the way to destruction, i. e. may thy money share the
doom to which thou art devoted. But the clause contains only
one verb, and it is violent to make it thus optative and declarative at the same time. -- L T V 8upEbav, K. r. X., because thou didst
think, deem it possible (aor., because the proposal made was the
sin) to acquire (not passive, as in the Eng- V.) the gift of God
with money. T-qv &peadv stands opposed to &ta Xplq/ArTWV  KTr a-SaL,
and hence means, that which God bestows gratuitously on those
who are qualified to receive it; not that which it is his prerogative to give in distinction from men.
V. 21. OVK E(T L.... KKapog, Thou hast no part nor lot. The
first term is literal, the second figurative; they are conjoined in
order to affirm the exclusion spoken of with more emphasis. - Ev
Tr Xky0/? rov'r, in this word, doctrine, or gospel, which we preach
(Olsh. Neand.), or in this thing, viz. the gift of the Spirit (Bng.
Mey. De Wet.). The first sense accords better with the usage
of the word, and is also stronger and more comprehensive; for
if the state of his heart was such as to exclude him from the ordinary benefits of the gospel, much more must it render him unfit
to recieve the higher communications of the Spirit, or to be honored as the medium of conferring them on others.
V. 22. IXEravor1(rov.... TraVr`Ts occurs in sensu prcegnanti for repenlt, and turn fr'om this thy wickedness; comp. Ier-acvoLa a7ro VEKpWV
E'pywv in Heb. 6, 1.  W. ~ 66. 2.- For the received 9Eco after
&%i/nTt, most manuscripts read KvpLov. - Ed pa.... Kap&as crov, if
perhaps the thought of thy heart shall beforgiven thee. Some idea
like and thus see if, appears to lie between the imperative, and
the indicative future.  See W. ~ 41. p. 268.  Some attribute the
problematical form of the expression to an uncertainty, on the
part of Peter, whether the man had sincerely repented or would
repent of his sin. That view assigns the qualifying effect of
apa to the first clause, instead of the second, where it stands.
Others, more correctly, find the ground of it in the aggravated
nature of the sin, or in the apostle's strong sense of its aggravated nature, leading him to doubt whether he ought to represent
the pardon as certain, even if he repented. --  7rt'vota, the thought,
wicked purpose, a vox media.
V. 23. Cis yap, K. r. X., For I see that thou art in the gall of
bitterness. The gall of noxious reptiles was considered by the
ancients as the source of their venom; and hence XoX-q, with an
allusion to that fact, becomes an expressive metaphor to denote
the malice or moral corruption of the wicked.  Compare this




152                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. VIII, 24-26.
with Job 20, 14; Rom. 3, 13. pi'a rtKpl'a, in Heb. 12, 15, is a
different figure.  7rtKpt'a  describes a quality of XokXv, and is
equivalent to an adjective, bitter gall (see on 7, 30); so that,
transferring the idea from the figure to the subject, the expression imports the same as malignant, aggravated depravity.- Kal
crvvE1ov a8tKas, and in the bond of iniquity, i. e. not only wicked
in principle, but confirmed in the habit of sin, bound to it as with
a chain.- EIt (lit. unto) belongs also to the second clause, and in
both cases implies the idea of abandonment to the influence or
condition spoken of.
V. 24. SE rQ7TE, K. T. A. We may infer from Luke's silence as
to the subsequent history of Simon, that the rebuke of the apostle alarmed only his fears; that it produced no reformation in his
character, or his course of life. This conclusion would be still
more certain, if it were true, as some maintain, that this Simon
was the person whom Josephus mentions under the same name
as the wicked accomplice of the procurator Felix (Antt. 20. 7. 2).
Neander held at one time that they were the same, but afterwards receded from that opinion. So common a name is no
proof of their identity, and it is proof against it, that this Simon,
according to Justin Martyr, belonged to Samaria, while the other
is said to have been a native of Cyprus.
VERSES 25-35.  Conversion of the Ethiopian.
V. 25. o; dEv, viz. Peter and John; probably unattended by
Philip.- EV'yy/EXCaavro (T. R.), preached, may state the result of
their labors while they had been absent, or what took place on
their return to Jerusalem.  The latter view agrees best with the
order of the narrative, and is required if we read V7rEcrTpE(oV and
EvEflyEyXLovro (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.), were preaching.  This verb, according to a later Grecism (Lob. ad Phryn. p. 267), may take its
object in the accusative, as well as the dative; comp. v. 40; 14,
15. 21; 16, 10; Luke 3, 18; Gal. 1, 9. W. ~ 32. 1.
V. 26. 8E answers to put  in v. 25. --,XcaaE, K. T. X. Philip
appears to have received this direction in Samaria (v. 13), and
soon after the departure of the apostles. Zeller conjectures
(Theol. Jahrb. 1851) that he had come back to Jerusalem in the
mean time; but the terms of the communication are against that
view. -  av o-rrpt involves an idiom explained in the note on 9,
18. -  ropoEov. For the tense, see on 3, 6.- KaLTa /eroflpItav,
dovwn to the south, because in Samaria he was so far to the north
of Jerusalem. This expression points out, not the direction of




CHAP. VIII, 26.     CO M M ENTA R Y.                  153
the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, but that in which Philip was to
travel, in order to find the road. The collocation joins the words
evidently to the verb, and not, as some have represented, to the
clause which follows. - Gaza was about sixty miles southwest
from Jerusalem. - aVTrT  o-T iv plo, This is desert. Some refer the
pronoun to ra]cav, and, as that city was demolished a short time
before the destruction of Jerusalem, they suppose that Luke by
Npqtko3 would describe its condition in consequence of that event.
This is the opinion of Hug, Scholz, Meyer (formerly), Lekebusch, and others. But unless Luke wrote the Acts later than
A. D. 64 or 65,1 this explanation cannot be correct; for Gaza was
not destroyed by the Romans till after the commencement of the
Jewish war which resulted in the overthrow of Jerusalem. Most
of the critics who contend for a later origin of the book derive
their chief argument for it from this assumed meaning of'pos.
But further, even supposing Luke to have written just after the
destruction of Gaza, it appears improbable that the novelty
merely of the event would lead him to mention a circumstance
so entirely disconnected with his history. Others refer av'Trq to
0'8ov, but differ on the question whether we are to ascribe the
words to Luke or the angel. According to Bengel, Olshausen,
Winer (Realw. I. p. 395), De Wette, and others, they form a parenthetic remark by Luke, who would give the reader an idea of
the region which was the scene of so memorable an occurrence.
I prefer this opinion to any other. According to some, the words
belong to the communication of the angel, and were intended to
point out to the evangelist the particular road on which he would
find the eunuch. In that case it seems to me that the relative
pronoun would have introduced them more naturally than a'vrT
(yet see W. ~ 22. 4); and besides, if it were so that any one
road to Gaza was known as " desert " beyond others, Lulce may
have inserted the epithet for the reader's information, as well as
the angel for the sake of Philip. " There were several ways,"
says Dr. Robinson, "leading from Jerusalem to Gaza. The most
frequented at the present day, although the longest, is the way
by Ramleh. Anciently there appear to have been two more direct roads; one down the great Wady es- Surar by Beth- Shemesh,
and then passing near Tell es-Safieh; the other through Wady
el-Musurr to Betogabra or Eleutheropolis, and thence to Gaza
through a more southern tract." Bibl. Res. II. p. 640; or p. 514
(ed. 1856). Another route still proceeded by the way of BethleI See Introduction, ~ 5.
20




154                 COMMENTARY.                CHAP. VIII, 27.
hem and Bethzur to Hebron, and then turned across the plain to
Gaza. It passed through the southern part of Judea, and hence
through a region actually called "the desert" in Luke 1, 80.
This description would apply no doubt to some part of any one
of the roads in question. The Hebrews termed any tract "a
desert" which was thinly inhabited or unfitted for tillage. See
more on v. 36. Lange I spiritualizes the expression: this is deser-t (morally); the angel's reason why the evangelist should seek
to enlighten also this benighted region.
V. 27. Ati.ot/, an Ethiopian, may refer to the country where
he resided (comp. 2, 9), or to his extraction. Hence some suppose that the eunuch was a Jew, who lived in Ethiopia, but most
that he was a heathen convert to Judaism.  Observe the meaning of AlLto'rov in the next clause. It was customary for proselytes, as well as foreign Jews, to repair to Jerusalem for worship;
comp. 20, 2; John 12, 20.- -EvovXo% a eunuch in the proper import of the word; not a minister of state, courtier, to the exclusion
of that import, because it would then render Svvdacrr7n superfluous.
The latter term, a state officer, is a noun both in form and usage
(De Wet. Rob.), and is not to be translated as an adjective with
EVvoZXo0 (Kuin. Mey.).-KavaKr9 Urs pfaotXLt'o-oqr Atto7rov, Candace,
the queen of the Ethiopians. Ethiopia was the name of the portion of Africa known to the ancients south of Egypt, of which
Meroe, a fertile island formed by two branches of the Nile, constituted an important part. Win. Realw. II. p. 439. " It is evident both from Strabo and Dio that there was a queen named
Candace in Ethiopia, who fought against the Romans about
the twenty-second or twenty-third year of the reign of Augustus Cmsar. (Dio calls her queen of the AlJt'or0Es VrwEp Atyvrrov
oiKoVv1rE.) It is clear also from  Pliny, who flourished in the
reign of the Emperor Vespasian, that there was a queen of
Ethiopia named Candace in his time; and he adds, that this
had been the name of their queens now for many years. It is
beyond all doubt, therefore, that there was a queen of Ethiopia
of this namne at the time when Philip is said to. have converted
the eunuch. Eusebius tells us that this country continued to be
governed by women even to his time." See Biscoe, p. 47. Candace was the name, not of an individual, but of a dynasty, like
Pharaoh in Egypt, or Cmesar among the Romans. -  rlt -s ys a7s,
over (as in 12, 20) the treasure. — rpOOcKVVo-w'O v, in order to worship
proves, not that he was a Jew, but that he was not a heathen.
1 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 109.




CHAP. VIII, 28-32.    CO M M ENTARY.                     155
V. 28. aVEytVOO'K4, was reading, aloud as we see from v. 30, and
probably the Greek text, not the Hebrew, since the Septuagint
was used mostly out of Palestine. It is still a custom among the
Orientals, when reading privately, to read audibly, although they
may have no particular intention of being heard by others.1 It
was common for the Jews to be occupied in this way, especially
when they were travelling (Sch6ttg. Hor. Heb. II. p. 443). - It
is not improbable that the eunuch had heard, at Jerusalem, of the
death of Jesus, and of -the wonderful events connected with it,
of his claim to be the Messiah, and the existence of a numerous
party who acknowledged him in that character. Hence he may
have been examining the prophecies at the time that Philip approached him, with reference to the question how far they had
been accomplished in the history of the person concerning whom
such reports had reached him. The extraordinary means which
God employed to bring the _Ethiopian to a knowledge of the gospel, and the readiness with which he embraced it, authorize the
belief, that in this way, or some other, his mind had been specially prepared for the reception of the truth.
V. 29. KOXX.'TtrL TZ- a;p.Lar T-OO-Ty, attachl thyself to this chariot,
keep near it, follow it. He heard the eunuch read for a time
unobserved before he addressed him.
V. 30. apyE, K. T. X., Dost thou understand then what thou
readest?  7E serves to render the question more definite.  The
answer after Jpa is more commonly negative; comp. Luke 18, 8.
Klotz ad Devar. II. p. 180 sq.; W. ~ 57. 2. This is given as the
rule for prose. -- yVT-KELt &  aCva-ytvwo-KEL is a paronomasia (comp.
2 Cor. 3, 2) and is too striking to be accidental. Philip spoke no
doubt in Greek, and'would arouse the mind through the ear.
V. 31. 7r&. yap, K. r. X., For how could I-?  The form of
the reply attaches itself to the implied negative which precedes.
- b3r/7, should guide, instruct, similar to John 16, 13.
V. 32.'} 86 7repLoXr1, K. T. X., Now the contents (comp. 1 Pet. 2, 6)
of the passage (De Wet. Mey.); not of the Scripture in general,
section, because ypacx&s, being limited by the relative clause,
nlust denote the particular place which he was reading; comp.
v. 35; Luke 4, 21.-hv avrqn, was this, viz. Is. 53, 7. 8, quoted
almost verbatim from the Septuagint. -  Xj', was led, sc.,ij =,..,
the servant of Jehovah, or the Messiah. - KaL ws altvos, K. T. X., and
as a lamp, etc.  This comparison represents the uncomplaining submission with which the Saviour yielded himself to
See Jowett's Researches in Syria, p. 443.




156                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. VIII, 33-35.
the power of his enemies. The death of Christ was so distinctly foretold in this passage, that Bolingbroke was forced to
assert that Jesus brought on his own crucifixion by a series of
preconcerted measures, merely to give the disciples who came
after him the triumph of an appeal to the old prophecies.'
V. 33.  Ev zr7 raT7rELvcrEt, K. T. X., admits most readily of this
sense: In his humiliation, i. e. in the contempt, violence, outrage,
which he suffered, his judgment was taken away, viz. the judgment due to him; he had the rights of justice and humanity
withheld from  him.  The Hebrew  is un ~trir.'nNxm, which
yields essentially the same meaning: Throug/h violence andpunishment he was taken away, i. e. from life (De Wet.). — r'v 8 yeveav,
K. r. X., and his generation who shall fully declare? i. e. set forth
the wickedness of his contemporaries in their treatment of him
(Mey. De Wet. Rob.).  The Hebrew  sustains fully that translation. It is possible, also, to render the Greek and the original
thus: Who shall declare his posterity, the number of his spiritual
descendants or followers? The prophet in this case points, by
an incidental remark, from the humiliation of Christ to his subsequent triumph, or glorification.  Hengstenberg prefers the last
meaning) O-Tt.... avTro conforms to the first sense of the clause
which precedes, better than to the second.
V. 34. arroKpte.sE addressing (see 3, 12), or answering in fur.
ther reply to the question in v. 30 (Mey.).  The passage from
Isaiah is cited for the information of the reader, and this verse
follows historically after v. 31. - rrEpL EavTroV, K. T. X. The perplexity of the eunuch in regard to the application of the prophecy
indicates that he was a foreigner, rather than a Jew. The great
body of the Jewish nation understood this portion of Isaiah to
be descriptive of the character and sufferings of the Messiah.3
"The later Jews," says Gesenius, "no doubt,. relinquished this
interpretation, in consequence of their controversy with the Christians."
V. 35.  avoltag rTo rrota avrov is an imperfect Hebraism, i. e.
was not peculiar to the Hebrew or Hellenistic writers, but most
common in them.  See W. ~ 3. It arises from the Oriental fondness for the minute in description, the circumstantial. The ex1 Chalmers, Evidences of Christianity, Chapter VI.
2 For a fuller view of the original passage, the reader is referred to Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 518 sq.; and to Professor Alexander's Commentary
on Isaiah.
3 See the proofs in Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 484 sq., and Sch6ttgen's Horsn Hebraicse, Vol. II. p. 647 sq.




CHAr. VIII, 36.      COMMENTARY.                         157
pression occurs properly before important, weighty remarks;
comp. 10, 34; Job 3, 1; 32, 20. — Kalt Jpealevog a7ro'. r1  ypafrj
rTav'rr is elliptical for and beginning from this passage, and proceeding thence to others.  W. ~ 66. 1. c.
VERSES 36-40.  The Baptism of the Eunuch.
V. 36. KaTra ri-v 6&gv, along (5, 15) the way. -   trl rt v'&op, unto a
certain water; not some, as the genitive would follow that partitive sense.  C. ~ 362. /. - -t KX VELt, K. T. X., WhVat hinders (what
objection is there) that I should be baptized?  This is the modest
expression of a desire on the part of the eunuch to declare his
faith in that manner, provided the evangelist was willing to administer the ordinance to him; comp. 10, 47. As De Wette
remarks, the question presupposes that Philip, among other things,
had instructed him in regard to the nature and necessity of baptism. As the road on which the eunuch journeyed is unknown
(see on v. 26), it cannot be ascertained where he was baptized.
It may interest the reader to state some of the conjectures. Eusebius and Jerome concur in saying that it took place at Bethzur
(Josh. 15, 58; Neh. 3, 16), near Hebron, about twenty miles south
of Jerusalem. The site has been identified, bearing still the ancient name. The water there at present issues from a perennial
source, a part of which runs to waste in the neighboring fields,
and a part is collected into a drinking trough on one side of the
road, and into two small tanks on the other side. It was formerly
objected that no chariot could have passed here on account of
the broken nature of the ground; but travellers have now discovered the traces of a paved road and the marks of wheels on
the stones.  See Ritter's Erdkunde, XVI. 1. p. 266, and Wilson's
Lands of the Bible I. p. 381. The writer found himself able
to ride at a rapid pace nearly all the way between Bethlehem
and Hebron.  The veneration of early times reared a chapel on
the spot, the ruins of which are still to be seen.  Von Raumerl
defends the genuineness of this primitive tradition.  In the age
of the crusaders, the baptism was transferred to Ain Haniyeh,
about five miles south-west of Jerusalem.  A fountain here on
the hill-side, which irrigates freely the adjacent valley, is known
among the Latins as St. Philip's Fountain.  One of the ancient
roads to Gaza passed here, but appears to have been less travelled than the others. Dr. Robinson thinks that the parties must
have been nearer to Gaza at the time of the baptism, and would
I Palistina, von Karl von Raumer (1850), p. 411 sq.




158                   CO MMENTARY.             CHAP. VIII, 37-39.
refer the transaction to a Wady in the plain near Tell el-Hasy.
Bibl. Res. II. p. 641; or p. 514 (1856).
V. 37. This verse is wanting in the best authorities. The
most reliable manuscripts and versions testify a.gainst it.  The
few  copies that contain the words read them variously.  Meyer
suggests that they may have been taken from some baptismal
liturgy, and were added here that it might not appear as if the
eunuch was baptized without evidence of his faith. Most of the
recent editors expunge the verse.  In regard l;o the passage, see
Green's Developed Criticism, p. 97, and Tregelles on the Text
of the N. T., p. 269.  Yet the interpolation, if it be such, is as
old certainly as the time of Irenaus; and Augustine in the fourth
century, though he objected to a certain misuse of the text, did
not pronounce it spurious. See Humphry's note here. Those
who contend for the words remind us that the oldest manuscripts
represent a later age, than that of these fathers. Bornemalnn puts
them in brackets as entitled still to some weight. - TOYV VLOY tov.SEOv is the predicate after EJvaL.
V. 38. Ka EKEAXEVcE, K. T. X., And he ordered (viz. the charioteer)
that the carriage should stop, lit. stand; an instructive use of the
word for 9, 7.  The eunuch's equipage corresponded with his
rank.  Kat KaTEr3rJO-av, K. 7. X., and both went down into the water;
not here unto it (which Ela may also mean) for it stands opposed
to EK Tov v63aTo%, in the next verse; besides they would have occasion to enter the stream, or pool, in order to be baptized into it;
comrp. rfla'r7tLogq E13 rov'Iop&av'rv, was baptized into the Jordan, in
Mark 1, 9.  See Rob. Lex. p. 118.  The preposition in KaTE3lqorav
may refer to the descent from the higher ground to the water, or
to the entrance into the water; but not to the descent from  the
chariot, for this verb corresponds to Jvarfc/rav in v. 39, they went up,
whereas the eunuch only returned to the carriage.
V. 39.  cK rov v;ZaroT, out of the water; where some renderfromn,
which confounds &E with &ro. — rvEVa/a, K. r. X., the Spirit of the
Lord seized (hurried away) Pilip.  The expression asserts that
he left the eunuch suddenly, under the impulse of an urgent
monition from above, but not that the mode of his departure was
miraculous in any other respect.  This last certainly is not a
necessary conclusion. -  7ropEVETo, K. r. X., for he went his way, returned to his country, rejoicing. Xapowv belongs logically to a
separate clause, but is put here for the sake of brevity. -  Tradition says that the eunuch's name was Indich, and that it was lihe
who first preached the gospel in Ethiopia.  It is certain that
Christianity existed there at an early period, but its introduction,




CHAP. IX, 1.       COMMENTARY.                          159
says Neander, cannot be traced to any connection with his labors.
V. 40. EvpE',r, K. r. X., not was - rv (Kuin.), but was found at
(lit. unto, from the idea of the journey thither) Azotus, i. e. was
next heard of there, after the transaction in the desert. This
place was the ancient Ashdod, a city of the Philistines, near the
sea-coast. The ruins consist of a mound covered with broken
pottery, and of a few pieces of marble (see Amos 1, 8). A little
villaoe not far off, called Esdud, perpetuates the ancient name.7roXEis does not depend on the participle, but on the verb, as in v.
25. Among the towns through which he passed between Azotus
and Cesarea must have been Lydda and Joppa. Cwsarea was
Philip's home. Here we find him again, after the lapse of more
than twenty years, when the Saul who was now "breathing
menace and murder against the disciples " was entertained by
him as a Christian guest; see 21, 8.-Luke's narrative brings us
frequently to Ccesarea. It was about sixty miles northwest from
Jerusalem, on the Mediterranean, south of Carmel. It was the
ancient:rpaTrovos rrvpyos, which Herod the Great had rebuilt and
named Cesarea in honor of Augustus.  It was now the residence of the Roman procurators. Its inhabitants were mostly
heathen; the Jewish population was small. For an account of
this city in its splendor, and in its present state of desolation, see
Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. II. p. 344 sq.
CHAPTER IX.
VERSES 1-9.  Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus.
V. 1. 8, but, turns the attention again to Saul. - -rtL connects
this verse with 8, 3. — /JrrvEo.....o0vov, breathing menace and
mnurdler; in 26, 11, uCatv lzEvoq. The figure is founded apparently
on the fact, that a person under the excitement of strong emotion
breathes harder and quicker, pants, struggles to give vent to the
passion of which he is full (Wetst. Kyp. Kuin. Olsh.). 7rveLv rtvos,
to bl)eathe of something, to be redolent, is a different expression.
The genitive in this construction denotes properly that from or
out of which one breathes, as the cause, source; the accusative,
that which one breathes, as the substance, element.  See NV. ~
30. 9. c; Mt. ~ 376. Meyer translates l rviwv, inhaling; bu* iv in




160                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. IX, 2.
this compound was generally lost; see Tromm's Concord. s. v.T7 apXLepeL. If Saul was converted in A. D. 36, the higlh-priest
was Jonathan, the successor of Caiaphas (deposed in A. D. 35)
and a son of Ananus, or Annas; but if he was converted in
A D. 37 or 38, the high-priest was Theophilus, another son of
Annas.
V. 2. E7rtcroroXas, letters, which were not merely commendatory,
but armed him with full power to execute his object; see v. 14;
26, 12. For the apostle's age at this time, see on 7, 58. The Jews
in every country recognized the Sanhedrim as their highest ecclesiastical tribunal. In 26, 10 (comp. v. 14 below), Paul says
that he received his authority from the apxLEPE%, and in 22, 5, from
the 7rpEO(-3vrE'pLov, which are merely different modes of designating
the Sanhedrim; see on 4, 5. He says here that he had his
commission from the high-priest; which harmonizes entirely with
the other passages, since the high-priest represented the Sanhedrim in this act. On receiving Saul's application, he may have
convened that body, and have been formally instructed to issue
the letters. The proposal was sufficiently important to engage
the attention of the entire council.- Eis aapLmA-Kov states the local
destination of the letters. This ancient capital of Syria was still
an important city, and had a large Jewish population. It lay
northeast of Jerusalem, distant abouit one hundred and forty
miles, making for those times a rapid journey of five or six days.
The route of Saul on this expedition can only be conjectured.
If the Roman roads in Syria had been opened as early as this,
he went probably for the sake of despatch by the way of Bethel
or Gophna to Neapolis, crossed the Jordan near Scythopolis, the
ancient Bethshean (now Beisan), and proceeded thence to Gadara,
a Roman city, and so through the modern Hauran to Damascus.
By another track which coincided in part with the preceding, he
passed along the base of' Tabor, crossed the Jordan a few miles
above the Sea of Tiberias (where Jacob's bridge now is), and then
either ascended to Caesarea Philippi, at the foot of Hermon, or
turned more abruptly to the right, and traversed the desert as
before on the east of Antilebanon. For the details, see Howson's Work, Vol. I. p. 102 sq. -7rpos ras ovvaywyaJ, unto the synagogues, i. e. the officers of them, who were the apXtLrVVayowyos
(Luke 8, 49), and the 7rpEo-/3VEpOt associated with him (Luke 7, 3).
The former term was sometimes applied to them both; see 13,
15; Mark 5, 22. These rulers formed a college, whose province
it was, among other duties, to punish those who deserted the
Jewish faith. De Wet. Heb. Archtol. ~ 244. Hence it belonged




CHAP. IX, 3-6.         C OMMENTARY.                       161
to them to discipline those who joined the Christian party; or, as
it was proposed in this instance, to carry them to Jerusalem, it
was their duty to aid Saul in his efforts to apprehend the delinquents. — rg  6o8, i. e. Kar' E~oXyiv, of the (well-known Christian)
way in regard to faith, manner of life, etc.; comp. 19, 9. 23; 22,
4; 24, 14, 22.  See the idea expressed more fully in 16, 17; 18,
25. VW, ~ 18. 1..3ov depends on o'vra3 under the rule of appurtenance, property. K. ~ 273. 2; C. ~ 387.
V. 3. iv 8E -o 7ropEV'E3atL, K. T. X., Now while he journeyed, it
came to pass (Hebraistic) that he, etc. - AaxLuaoLK3 depends on the
verb (K. ~ 284. 3. 2); not the dative of the place whither. -7rEptraTpaW/ev air-v fs, a light gleamed around him.  The preposition
in the verb governs aVro'v. In 22, 6, it is repeated, according to
the rule stated on 3, 2. In 22, 6, Paul says that the light which
he saw was a powerfid light, and in 26, 13, that it exceeded the
splendor of the sun at noonday. That Luke's statement is the
more general one, while the intenser expressions occur in Paul's
recital, is what we should expect from the truth of the history.
V. 4. 7re0rr(v  irl rTnV RYv, having fallen to the earth, probably from
the animal which he rode; see 22, 7. - -qKOVOE, K. r.A.  See also
22, 7; 26, 14. The necessary inference is, that Saul heard audible words, and not merely that an impression was made upon
him as if he heard them. It was a part of the miracle that those
who accompanied him heard the voice of the speaker, but failed
to distinguish the words uttered.  The communication was intended for Saul, and was understood, therefore, by him only.
V. 5. T[ Et, KVpLE; Who art thou, Lord?  He did not know yet
that it was Christ who addressed him.  Hence KVpLE has the significance which belongs to it as recognizing the fact, that an
angel, or perhaps God himself, was now speaking to him from
heaven. To suppose it used by anticipation, i. e. as denoting him
who proved to be Christ, makes it Luke's word, and is unnatural.
Yet Saul's uncertainty could have been but momentary: " conscientia ipsa facile diceret, Jesum esse " (Bng.). — The remainder
of the verse, as it stands in the common text, viz. orKX-qpov....
XaKtrtIELV, has been transferred to this place from 26, 14.  See
Green's Developed Criticism, p. 98.
V. 6. Most of the manuscripts begin this verse with aXXa.
The sentence rpeJWov.... 7rolao-a. (which the English translation
has copied) is wanting in the best authorities. It rests chiefly
upon some of the early versions.  The words Kal o KVptLO3 Wrp~
avrov have been derived from 22, 10. - &XXa occurs often before
21




162                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. IX, 6. 7.
a command abruptly given; comp. 10, 20; 26, 16. W. ~ 53. 7;
K. ~ 322; R. 12.- Kal XaXqrr]o-'erat Ki. r. X. It would appear from
the speech before Agrippa (see 26, 16-18), that Christ may have
made to Saul, at this time, a fuller communication than Luke
has reported in this place. The verb here (it shall be told thee,
etc.) does not exclude that supposition; for it may import that,
on his arrival in the city, he should be confirmed in what he had
now heard, or instructed further, in regard to his future labors.
But some prefer to consider Paul's narrative before Agrippa as
the abridged account. The message which Ananias delivered to
Saul (intimated here in v. 15, but recorded more fully in 22,
14-16) was a message from Christ; and as the apostle makes no
mention of Ananias in 26, 16 sq., it is very possible that he has
there, for the sake of brevity, passed over the intermediate
agency, and referred the words directly to Christ, which Christ
communicated to him through Ananias.  This would be merely
applying the common maxim, Quod quis per alium facit, id ipse
fecisse putatur. - r 0E 8   tE rOLEZV, what thou must do, is the answer
probably to Saul's question rs 7roLOr-o, what shall I do, recorded in
22, 9.  WEZ refers not to duty, but the divine purpose, destination;
see 22, 10.
V. 7. e'l-rTKEtoav EvvEot, were standing (see on 1, 10) speechless,
having stopped instantly, overcome by amazement and terror;
comp.'4oofL Eio y&ovro in 22, 9. The adjective is more correctly
written EVEo(. W. ~ 5. 1. This verb often means to stand, not as
opposed to other attitudes, but to be fixed, stationary, as opposed
to the idea of motion; comp. 8, 38; Luke 5, 2. See the Class.
Lexx. s. v. In this sense the passage is entirely consistent with
26, 14, where it is said that when they heard the voice they all
fell to the ground.  Plainly it was not Luke's object to say that
they stood erect in distinction from kneeling, lying prostrate, and
the like; but that, overpowered by what they saw and heard,
they were fixed to the spot; they were unable for a time to
speak or move. The conciliation which some adopt (Bng. Kuin.
Bmg.) is that they fell to the ground at first, but afterwards rose
up and stood. It is unnecessary to urge this view; but Zeller's
objection to it that EtCo-tKEtLoav as pluperfect excludes a previous
falling is ungrammatical. - aKOV5ovres iEV "rO OwvlrS hearing indeed
the voice. The genitive after this verb points out the source or
caulse of the hearing; the accusative (see v. 4), that which one
hears. See the note on v. 1. In 22, 9, Paul says, in reference
to the same occurrence, rqv 8s c'ov'V OVK o7KOVo-aV TOv XaXovaro vr  /Lot,
which we may render, but they understood not the voice of him




CHAP. IX, 7.        COMMENTARY.                          163
speaking to nze. In adding Tov XaXorvrroq, who spake, the writer
shows that he had in mind the sense of /ovrv, and not the mere
sound. dKov', like the corresponding word in other languages,
means not only to hear, but to hear so as to understand. Of the
latter usage, the New Testament furnishes other clear examples.
1 Cor. 14, 2. "For he that speaketh in an unknown tongue,
speaketh not unto men, but unto God; for no man understands
him," - ovE&s yap aKovEL; comp. v. 16, where OaKOVEL passes into
o07E. Mark 4, 33: " And with many such parables spake he the
word unto them, as they were able to understand it," -Ka3Jo
n vvaVTo aKOVELV. Some reckon here John 6, 60; Gal. 4, 21, and
other passages. For instances of this sense in the classics, see
Rob. Lex. s. v. The same usage exists in the Hebrew. One of
the definitions of =n5 (see Gesen. Lex. s. v.) is to understand.
In Gen. 42, 23, it is said that Joseph's brethren "knew not that
he heard them" (i. e. under'stood, in the E. V.); "for he spoke
unto them by an interpreter." See also Gen. 11, 7. The English
language has the same idiom. We say that a person is not
heard, or that we do not hear him, when, though we hear his
voice, he speaks so low or indistinctly that we do not understand
him. The intelligence of the writer of the Acts forbids the idea of
a palpable contradiction in the two passages. Since in 22, 9 we have
wrv"v, and here in v. 7 Owvis, some would attribute to the genitive
a partitive sense, i. e. something of the voice, or indistinctly. But
the difference does not hold; for in 22, 7, Paul says of himself
Kovwa  Owv's,3 where he cannot mean that he had only a confused
perception of what was said to him.  Some prefer to vary the
sense of xovr', viz. nzoise or sound in this place, but voice in 22, 9.
But allowing the word to admit of that distinction (see on 2, 6),
it is much less common than the proposed variation in aKoVo, and
much less probable here, since the use of the verb would be
varied in passages so remote from  each other, whereas bovy
would have different senses in almost successive verses. -  qrlva
SE 9E9OpoVrET, bhut seeing no one who could have uttered the voice.
This appears to be denied of Saul's companions, in opposition to
what was true of him, viz. that simultaneously with the light he
had seen a personal manifestation of Christ; comp. v. 17; 22, 18.
That he saw the speaker as well as heard him, we may infer
from the language of Barnabas in v. 17, and that of Ananias in
v. 17 and 22, 14. To the fact of his having a view of the glorified Saviour at this time, Paul alludes probably in 1 Cor. 9, 1,
where he mentions his having seen the Lord as an evidence of
his equality with the other apostles. See the note on 1, 3. Ne



164                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. IX, 8-12.
ander, De Wette, Meyer, Osiander, Thiersch, and others, find such
an allusion in that passage.
V. 8. aLveOy/evwv.... avrov, and when his eyes were opened, i. e.
his eyelids, which he had spontaneously closed when struck with
the gleaming light. This expression refers usually to the recovery of one's eyesight, as in Matt. 9, 30; John 9, 10. 20. etc. - ov'8va
E/XE7rrE, saw no one, i. e. of his companions, because he was now
blind; or, which is a better reading, oV3Ev, sate nothing, and hence
being unable to see at all, must be led by the hand; not no one
from whom the voice came (Bng.), since we must have here
an explanation of the next clause.
V. 9. A/d /XE7rowv (subjective negative), not seeing as opposed
to a possible idea of the reader that Saul might have regained
his sight ere this; whereas o3 (objective) in the next clause
states the historical fact. W. ~ 55. 5. Meyer, in his last edition,
recalls his remark that the negatives are interchanged here.
VERSES 10-18. Ananias is sent to Saul, and baptizes him.
V. 10. That Ananias was one of the seventy disciples is an
unsupported conjecture of some of the older writers. - 6 KVpLOs,
i. e. Christ, see v. 17. —i8oV EytU =-.. This answer implies
that the person hears, and waits to listen further; comp. Gen. 22,
1. 7; 27, 1; 1 Sam. 3, 8, etc.
V. 11. For avao-Tar, see on v. 18.- A!4Tv, street, or more strictly alley, lane (comp. Luke 14, 21);-  rErtovrro in the later Greek.
See Lob. ad Phryn. p. 40, and R. and P. Lex. s. v. — rev KaXovuE'v-rv EV6eLav, which is called straight.  The principal street in Damascus at present runs through the city from east to west, and is
remarkably straight in some parts, as well as narrow. The Oriental Christians say that this is the street in which Saul lodged.
The traces of a triple colonade are reported to be found in the
adjacent houses on both sides of the street, and if so they show
that the present street, though not so wide, follows at least the
line of an ancient street of the city. But even in that case it
may be questioned whether p;Av'  would be applied to a thoroughfare adorned with works of so much splendor. - Tapo-Ea, a native
of Tatrsus (22, 3), see on v. 30. -yap rpo-ExErat, for he prays. The
act is then taking place, and is mentioned as a reason why Ananias might be sure of a favorable reception. He is informed of
the vision also because that served in like manner to prepare the
way for his visit.
V. 12. KaL S&Ev, K. T. X., and saw a man, (made known to him




CHAP. IX, 13-15.     COMMENTARY.                          165
in the vision as) Ananias by name; a breviloquence like that in
15, 9. — wT3evTa avrw XEPa, placing hand upon him, as a sign of
the benefit which he was to be the medium of communicating;
comp. on 6, 6. The expression is indefinite, like that in 12, 1.
Lachmann thinks the authority sufficient to read ras XEZpas, as in
v. 17.- -ava/3XAq, nmight look up, open his eyes and see.  This
sense is not common out of the New Testament.  It is found
(a case not usually cited) at the close of Plut. de sera Num. vindicta.
V. 13. The reply of Ananias shows how fearful a notoriety
as a persecutor Saul had acquired.  Compare 26, 10. -'ora- KaKa,
how great evils. - -rots aytots tov, unto thy saints, i. e. those consecrated to him, and so his. This term, as applied in the New
Testament, refers to the normal or prescribed standard of Christian character, rather than the actual one. See 1 Cor. 1, 2, as
compared with 1 Cor. 3, 2; 11, 21, etc. It belongs to all who
profess to be disciples, and does not distinguish one class of them
as superior to others in point of excellence.
V. 14. EXEL cEovrltav. Ananias may have received letters from
the Christians at Jerusalem; or those who came with Saul may
have divulged the object of the journey since their arrival. -
TOVS E&rLKaov/lEVovU  To'r volad oCov, those rwho call upon, invoke in
prayer, thy name; comp. 2, 21; 7, 59; 1 Cor. 1, 2. This participle is middle, not passive. The Greek for those on whom thy name
is called would be like that in 15, 17. The expression here is the
one which the Seventy commonly use to translate vt'.,i?,  a
well known formula in the Old Testament signifying to worship.
Gesenius (Lex. p. 938) says with reference to this phrase: To
call on,the name of God is to invoke his name, i. e. to praise, celebrate, worship God. Of course, we are to attach the same
meaning to the words in the New Testament. Hence this language, which states a fact so characteristic of the first Christians
that it fixed upon them the name of callers upon Christ, shows that
they were accustomed to offer to him divine honor. See on 7, 59.
V. 15. OKEVos 9KKXoys, a vessel (2 Cor. 4, 7), instrument, of choice,
i. e. a chosen instrument. For this use of the genitive, see on 7,
30.  The similar examples in Greek belong rather to poetry.  It
is a common idiom in Hebrew. Gesen. Heb. Gr. A 104. - 3arraoLt, to bear, continues the metaphor in OcKEVOS (Alf.). - pao-tLXv,
kings, rulers of the highest class; comp. 17, 7; John 19, 15. Paul
stood as a witness for Christ before the governors of Cyprus,
Achaia, and Judea, and before Herod Agrippa and probably Nero.
- vtiv'IorpaX. The progress of the narrative will show how




166                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. IX, 16-18.
faithfully he executed this part of his mission. Though he was
the great apostle of the Gentiles, he never ceased to preach to
his countrymen.
V. 16.'y& yap, K. 7. A., For I will show him by experience, will
cause him to learn in the course of his life (Bng. Mey.). According to De Wette, it means that God would teach him by
revelation; but this verb is not employed to denote the communication of knowledge in that manner. The statement here confirms the declaration that Saul would accomplish so much for the
cause of Christ; for (yap) he was to suffer much, and his labors
would be efficient in proportion to his sufferings.
V. 17. ETrE, K. r. A. The address of Ananias to Saul is reported
more fully in 22, 14 sq.  He salutes him as brother (adc86EI), not
as of the same stock nationally (2, 29; 21, 1; 28, 17), but as
having now "obtained like precious faith" with himself. He
could apply that title to Saul with confidence after having received
such information in regard to the state of his mind, and the sphere
of labor to which Christ had called him. —'Iroros.... jpXov. Luke's
account of the communication to Ananias passes over this part of
it. A, in this clause, in which, omits the preposition because the
antecedent has it (a species of attraction); comp. 0 7rpooKEKXrl//at
in 13, 2. Mat. ~ 595. 4. c.-Kat BiXAqcr s, K. T. A., and manyest be filled
wvith the Holy Spirit, i. e. receive abundantly the extraordinary
gifts and qualifications which he would need as an apostle (comp.
Gal. 2, 7 sq.). See the note on 1, 8.
V. 18. a7rrEOrov..... OOEl XEITLbE3, there fell of'fromz his eyes as
if scales. This means that he experienced a sensation as if such
had been the fact.  sELt' shows that it was so in appearance, not
in reality; comlp. 2, 3; 6, 15, etc. The nature of the injury which
his eyes had suffered we cannot determine; but it is certain that
the recovery from the injury was instantaneous and complete.
We may suppose that Luke had often heard Paul relate how he
felt at that moment. -,vardTas, having risen up, and (if need be)
gone forth to the place of baptism; comp. Luke 4, 38 (see Rob.
Lex. s. v. II. 1. a); or simply, having made hinzse~f ready, i. e.
without delay; comp.Luke 15, 18. On this Hebraistic use of the
word, see Gesen. Lex. p. 919; WT. 1 65. 4. c. It is impossible to
infer from it that he was baptized in the house of Judas, or that
he was not. Damascus at the present day abounds in water, and
all the better houses have a reservoir in their court, or stand beside a natural or an artificial stream. See Robinson, Vol. III. p.
400. - Xa/flv rpocnv, having takenfood after the fast of the three
days, see v. 9.




CHAP. 1X, 19-23.      COMMENTARY.                        167
VERSES 19-22.  The Labors of Paul at Damascus.
V. 19.  lErd& rvv La37rv, with the disciples, in private intercourse with them. -- ldEpaS lLrtS, certain days, denotes too brief a
period to apply to the entire residence at Damascus (Neand. De
Wet. Mey.).
V. 20. Kal E(V%(W, and immediately, after the days spent in the
society of the Christians there. -'KLpqV(rE  -rv  K'Iborv - EK1jpVE
OT'I /crovs &ertrL KT. X.; see on 3, 10.'Iro-ig is the individual
or personal name of the Saviour; and it was the apostle's object
to establish the identity of Jesus with the Son of God, or the
promised Messiah; comp. v. 22.
V. 21.    r7rop?7%ras, who destroyed, put to death; see 22, 3. -
Ovopta roTro, viz. that of Jesus (v. 20).  The form of the remark
adapts itself to the narrative. — Se, hither, after a verb of motion;
here in v. 14. - Ei rOVTO anticipates the next clause. - For aPXLEpEg, see on 4, 6. - The astonishment expressed here proceeded
from the Jews, whom Paul addressed in the synagogues.  Most
of the Christians at Damascus must have been apprised of the
change in his character before he appeared in public.
V. 22. ~aXos K, K. T. X., But Saul was more strengthened, i. e.
in his faith, see 16, 5; Rom. 4, 20. This remark describes his
state after the lapse of some time subsequent to his conversion.
It is made apparently, not merely to indicate his Christian progress, but to suggest why he preached with such convincing
power. - orvup3L/3aov, K. r. X., proving that this one is the Christ.
oTiro recalls'Irco-ov in v. 20 the more readily, because ro7ro intervenes in v. 21.
VERSES 23-25.  The Flight of Paulfrom Damascus.
V. 23. us K.... tKavas, Nowt when many days were accomplished. At this place, probably, we are to insert the journey into
Arabia, which the apostle mentions in Gal. 1, 17. So Neander,
Hemsen, Meyer, and others. That Luke makes no allusion to
this journey agrees with the summary character of his history
generally, in relation to the early portion of Paul's life. It will be
observed, he does not say that the "many days" were all spent
at Damascus, but that many had elapsed since his first arrival,
before the escape which took place under the circumstances narrated.  Hence the language leaves us at liberty to suppose that
he passed more or less of the intermediate period elsewhere.
The time that Paul was absent in Arabia belongs probably to the




168                    COMMENTARY.                     CHAP. IX, 24.
earlier part of the }tdEpaL;Kavat, rather than the latter; for in Gal.
1, 17 he mentions Arabia before Damascus, as if the former
country was the first important scene of his apostleship.  The
time which he spent in Arabia formed not improbably a large
part of the three years before his return to Jerusalem; for that
supposition explains best the fact that he was still so unknown
there as a Christian, see v. 26. Some critics, as Olshausen, Ebrard, Sepp,l would place the excursion into Arabia between v. 25
and v. 26. The objection to that view is, that the apostle must
then have come back to Damascus (7r.tLv V'7rETpeca eit  A(aafroKorv
in Gal. 1, 17), in the face of the deadly hostility on the part of the
Jews which had already driven him from that city.
V. 24.  Iyvr'o-S rn  ZavXk, became known by Saul, to him.  For
the dative after the passive, see on 5, 9.  The discovery enabled
the apostle to escape the danger. --  TapETr'pOVV Tas 7r1Xa%,  were
watching the gates, i. e. with the aid of soldiers whom  the governor placed at their disposal, so that the act of guarding the
city could be ascribed to the Jews, as in this passage, or to the
ethnarch, as in 2 Cor. 11, 32.  The Jews at this time were influential as well as numerous at Damascus, and could easily enlist
the government on their side. -  3Tu -roii rE[XovS, throug'h the icall,
and at the same time 8ta Svpt3os &ta  o roEL rXov, through a winvdowv
throzugh the wall, as is stated in 2 Cor. 11, 33, i. e. as commonly
understood through the window of a house overhanging the wall.
Compare Josh. 2, 15; 1 Sam. 19, 12.  Houses are built in that
manner, in Eastern countries, at the present day.  A wood-cut
representing such a window may be seen in Howson's Work,
Vol. I. p. 124.2 —'v rr-vpiL, in a basket.  That those who aided
Paul's escape should have used a basket for the purpose, was
entirely  natural, according  to  the  present customs  of the
country.  It is the sort of vehicle which people employ there
now if they would lower a man into a well, or raise him into
the upper story of a house.  See Illustrations of Scripture,
p. 69.
Das Leben Christi, von Dr. Joh. Rep. Sepp, Band, IV. p. 47.
2 Possibly another explanation may be the correct one. A few steps to the left
of Bab-es-Shurkeh, the gate on the east side of Damascus, I observed two or three
windows in the external face of the wall, opening into houses on the inside of the
city. If Saul was let down through such a window (which belongs equally to the
house and the wall), it would be still more exact to interchange the two expressions; that is, we could say, as in the Acts, that he escaped "through the wall,"
or as in the Epistle to the Corinthians, that he escaped " through a window through
the wall."




CnAP. LX, 26-29.     CO)MMENTAR Y.                         169
VERSES 26-31.  Paul returns to Jerusalem, and fromn there goes to
Tatrsus.
V. 26. This is Paul's first journey to Jerusalem since his conversion, and took place in A. D. 39.  See Introduct. ~ 6. 1. His
motive for this step, as he states in Gal. 1, 18, was that he might
make the acquaintance of Peter. — KoXXa(TSat, to associate with
them  as one of their own faith. -  ravres E4o8o/oVVTo, K. -. X. If
Paul had spent most of the last three years at Damascus, we
should suppose that the report of his labors during that time
would have reached Jerusalem, and prepared the way for his more
cordial reception.  On the contrary, if he had been withdrawn
for the most part from their knowledge, in the more retired region of Arabia, it is less surprising that they now regarded him
with suspicion. The language, according to either view, it will
be observed, does not affirm that they had never heard of his conversion, but that they could not readily persuade themselves that
it was sincere. The sudden appearance of Voltaire in a circle
of Christians, claiming to be one of them, would have been something like this return of Saul to Jerusalem as a professed disciple.
V. 27. Bapvf3cas stood high among the disciples at Jerusalem
(4, 36; 11, 22).  No one out of the circle of the apostles could
have interposed a more powerful word in behalf of Saul. — rpo3
ro  a7rocro'Xovg, unto the apostles, viz. Peter and John (Gal. 1, 19).
The other apostles were probably absent from Jerusalem  at this
time. - -&jyr raro, related fully, since they may have heard a report of the occurrence, but had received no definite information
concerning it. He could add also his own personal testimony to
the truth of what had come to their ears. — rr.... E.ra/p/r/rrlta'raro.  He had been himself probably a witness of Paul's zeal at
Damascus; and for that reason, and because his labors there
were more recent, he says nothing of the residence in Arabia. -
iv Ar ovpLanr ro-'ILoov, in the name of Jesus, as the sphere of his
preaching (Mey.); not in virtue of authority from him.
V. 28.'v pLET avT~ov, was with them, during fifteen days, as we
learn from  Gal. 1, 18.- Edrr7ropevoep.vos Kat EK7ropEVOLEVOS, going in
andgoing out, i. e. in the exercise of his ministry, as results from
the next clause. For the import of this Hebraism, see on 1, 21.
V. 29. 7rpo ro7v'EXXrqv'-Tra. See note on 6, 1. He addressed
himself to them because he himself was a foreign Jew, and was
familiar with the Greek, which they also spoke.  It has been
conjectured that one of the festivals may have been in progress
22




170                  COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. IX, 30.
at this time, and that these Hellenists had come to Jerusalem on
that account.  Compare John 12, 20. -  rxrELXoVV, attempted; inlperfect because they were seeking the opportunity to kill him. We
are not to suppose that they had ventured as yet on any open
act.
V. 30. ErtvLvreoVTE 8E o a8EXboL But the brethren having ascertained, viz. their hostile design.  Paul departed in conformity
with their advice.  We learn from  22, 17, that another motive
concurred with this: he was informed in a vision that God would
have him occupy a different field of labor. Without that revelation he might have thought it best to remain, in defiance of the
present danger, and notwithstanding the importunity of his
friends; comp. 21, 13. It is a mark of truth that we find Luke
stating the outward impulse, the apostle the inner ground. - In
KaTl77ayov the preposition marks the descent to the sea-coast.For Ccesarea, see on 8, 40. For the route hither from Jerusalem,
see on 23, 31. - Ka Earr7Eo'TetXav, K. T. X., and they sent himn forth to
Tarsus. This city was the capital of Cilicia, on the river Cydnus. It possessed at this time a literary reputation which rivalled
that of Athens and Alexandria.  It had received important political privileges both from Antony and Augustus, but did not enjoy
the right of Roman citizenship.  See the note on 22, 29. - We
might conclude from the statement here, that Paul went directly
to Tarsus by sea. That inference, it has been said, contradicts
Gal. 1, 21, where, speaking of this journey, Paul puts Syria before Cilicia, as if he Went to the latter country through the former. It is to be noticed that these two countries are always
named in that order (see 15, 23. 41), and that order agrees with
the land-route from Jerusalem to Cilicia, which was the one more
commonly taken. Hence Paul may have adhered to that order
in Gal. 1, 21, from the force of association, though in this instance
he went first to Cilicia, and from there made missionary excursions into Syria. But if any one prefers, he can suppose, with
De Wette, that Paul took ship at Casarea, and then landed again
at Seletcia; or with Winer, Riickert, and others, that Syria, in
the Epistle to the Galatians, included a part of the region between Jerusalem and Caesarea. The term had sometimes that
wider sense. Some have fixed on Ccesarea in the north of Palestine as the place meant here; but in that case the epithet which
distinguishes the less celebrated city from the other would have
been added, as in Matt. 16, 13; Mark 8, 27.- In these regions
of Syria and Cilicia, Paul remained four or five years; for he
went thither from Jerusalem in A. D. 39 (see on v. 26), and left




CHAP. LX, 31.        COMMENTARY.                          171
for Antioch in A. D. 43 (see on 11, 26). That he was occupied
during this time in laboring for the spread of the gospel, is not
only to be inferred from the character of the man, but is expressly
stated in Gal. 1, 21-23.  Further, in the sequel of the narrative,
(15, 23. 41), we find churches existing here, the origin of which
is unknown, unless we suppose that they were planted by Paul's
instrumentality at this time. It is not an irrelevant reflection,
which Mr. Howson suggests, that during this residence of Paul
in his native land "some of those Christian'kinsmen,' whose
names are handed down to us (Rom. 16, 7. 11. 21), possibly his
sister, the playmate of his childhood, and his sister's son, who
afterwards saved his life (23, 16 sq.), may have been gathered
by his exertions into the fold of Christ." The apostle reappears
next in 11, 25.
VERSES 31-35.  Peter preaches at Lydda, and heals a Paralytic.
V. 31. a ue'v OU'V, K. r. X., The churches now.... had peace, i. e.
rest from the persecution which they had suffered since the death
of Stephen. It had continued for three years (see v. 26), if the
subject of this paragraph be next in order after the preceding
one. It is not certain that Luke mentions the cause of this respite.  As Lardner, De Wette, and others suggest, it may have
been owing to the troubles excited' by the order of Caligula, to
have his image set up in the temple. (Jos. Antt. 18. 8. 2-9.) The
Jews may have been too much engrossed by their opposition to
that measure to pursue the Christians.  ov in that case takes
up again the main thread of the history after the digression relating to Paul. Meyer makes it strictly illative fiom v. 3-30, as
if the peace was the result of Paul's conversion and labors. But
as he began to act on the side of the Christians so soon after the
death of Stephen, we should then have too brief an interval for the
persecution. Copies vary between EKKkc~'aLc and EKKXO-crla, but favor
the latter. —raXtXat'as. This is our only notice of the existence of
churches in that native land of the apostles. - OLKO8O/oVtLEvLa, being
built up, i. e. in faith and piety; see 1 Cor. 8, 1; 14, 4; 1 Thes.
5, 11, etc. It is contrary to usage to understand it of external
organization. It does not refer to the increase of numbers, since
that is the idea of the verb which follows. The E. V. makes this
participle a verb, and separates it from its natural connection in
the sentence. - 7ropevopevactL - n, walking; a common Hebraism,
to denote a course of conduct. - -r i06P  rV Kvptov, in the fear of




172                   COMMEN T A R Y.            CHAP. IX, 32-35.
the Lord, in conformity with that state of mind; dative of rule or
manner.  WT. ~ 31. 6. b. — Kal T- 7rapaKX-crtL ToO  ylov 7rrveiaaos,
belongs not to 7ropEvo'EcvaL, but to.7rwkr?3vovro, of which it assigns
the cause: and by the aid, persuasive energy, (Kuin. Mey. Rob.),
of tle Holy Spirit were multiplied.  That sense of 7rapaKXo-reL is
not certain. De Wette: The power of consolatory discourse conferred by the Spirit on those who preached; comp. 4, 36.
V. 32. Peter may have left Jerusalem soon after the departure
of Paul; see on v. 27. - 8tEPXXhUEVov, K. T. X., passing through all
the believers in that part of the country.  After 7ravo-wv supply
aylov (Bng. Mey. De Wet.), not rO7rwv (Kuin. Wiesl.); comp. 20,
25; Rom. 15, 28.  The narrative assumes that the gospel had
been preached here already (see 8, 44); and this was a tour of
visitation. — Kat, also, includes the saints at Lydda among the
7ravrov.  In crossing the plain from Yafa or Joppa to Ramleh,
the traveller sees a village with a tall minaret in the southeast,
and on inquiring the name is told that it is Lud or Lid. It
stands on the ancient line of travel between Jerusalem and
Ceesarea. It is the modern representative of the Lydda in our
text.
V. 33. His name may indicate that zEneas was a Greek, or
Hellenistic Jew. He was probably a believer, as faith was usually required of those who received the benefits of the gospel. -' &CrTV OKT), since eight years, for so long a time. - KpaPfP/caTy, pallet, as in 5, 15.
V. 34. crrpwo-ov cravTr, spread for thysel; i. e. thy bed, not in
future (Kuin.), but immediately (De WVet. Mey.).  Others had
performed that office for him hitherto. He was now to evince his
restoration by an act which had been the peculiar evidence of
his infirmity. The object of the verb suggests itself; it is not
strictly an ellipsis.
V. 35. E18ov avtov, saw him after his recovery, whom  they had
known before as a confirmed paralytic.-7ravrTes may be restricted,
as suggested on 3, 18. —rov  apowva —'=  t,  the Plain.  It extended along the sea-coast from Joppa to Caesarea, about thirty
miles. Here the part nearest to Lydda appears to be meant.
Some have thought (Win. Realw. II. p. 383) that Saron may
designate here a village of that name. - Ot'TVE tve  TrEr'peav, K. T. A.
who, influenced by the miracle, turned unto the Lord, see v. 42;
not who had turned (Kuin.).  In the latter case, the import of the
remark would be that the miracle was a credible one, because it
was so well attested. Such an apologetic interest is foreign to
Luke's manner.




CIIAP. LX, 36-40.    COMMENTARY.                         173
VERSES 36-43. Peter visits Joppa.
V. 36.'Ionrs, Joppa (Jon. 1, 3) was northwest from  Lydda
(see on v. 32), the present Japha, or Yafa, on the sea-coast. — Tabit]a —=?N.    is Chaldee, and means a gazelle. We may infer
from it her Jewish origin. To her Greek friends she may have
been known also by the other name.-Ka iXEto-cruvvJv, and (especially) alms, deeds of charity; Kac, explicative.
V. 37. XovcoavTE, K. r. X., having washed, they placed her in the
upper chamber of the house where they were. As the limitation
suggests itself, the article is omitted. WV. ~ 19. 1. It is inserted
in v. 39, because there it points back to this place. It was customary among the Hebrews for women to perform this rite; but
as Luke would specify here the act rather than the agency, he
employs the masculine of the participle, equivalent to the indefinite " they." W. ~ 27. 6.
V. 38. iyyv's governs'Iorrq/, as an adverb. The distance between the places is ten or twelve miles. - arEoELtXav. It is not
said that they sent for him with any definite expectation of a
miracle. It was natural that they should desire his presence
and sympathy at such a time.
V. 39. EL rTo V'TrEpov, into the upper chamber.. The body was
usually kept here when for any reason the interment was delayed.  See Jahn's Archteol. ~ 204; Win. Realw. I. p. 467. They
had been waiting in this instance for the arrival of Peter. -at,pat, the widows, who had been the objects of her benevolence,
and who now mourned the death of their benefactress. Every
one must be struck at the natural manner in which this beautiful
incident is introduced..- xtTvas Kat!cTmta, tunics and coats, such
as were worn by men and women. The omission of the article
(suggestive of a wrong sense as inserted in E. V.) shows that
they presented specimens only of her industry. Some of the
garments may have been worn by those present, and others have
been laid up for future distribution. - o-'a, which all, which so
many, not a-  simply, which. -  rolec (imperf.), was accustomed to
make.
V. 40.  EKf3akXov.... 7ravras, But having put all forth, caused
them  to retire; not with violence, see Mark 5, 40; John 10, 4.
The object may have been to secure himself from observation
and interruption, while he prayed with fervor and agony. Elisha
pursued the same course, for the same reason probably, when he
restored to life the Shunamite's son; see 2 Kings 4, 33; also




174                    COMMENTARY.                    CHAP. X, 1.
Matt. 9, 25. —7rpoo-'rv'aro.  Peter would address his prayer to
Christ; for the apostles wrought their miracles in his name; see
v. 34; 3, 6. 16; 4, 10.- avaCo-Tr3, arise, stand erect. Peter speaks
as one who felt assured that his prayer had prevailed, see Matt.
17, 20.
V. 42. 97E'VEro draws its subject from the context, viz. the miracle. -     rs Ov KVpLOV, upon t/he Lorcld, Christ, whose gospel had
been so signally attested as true.
V. 43. Peter remained here many days, because the place was
large, and the people evinced a preparation for the reception of
the word. — vporZ, a tanner. The more scrupulous Jews regarded
such an occupation as unclean, and avoided those who pursued it.
The conduct of Peter here shows that he did not carry his prejudices to that extent.
CHAPTER X.
VERSES 1-8.  Thze Vision of Cornelius, the Centurion.
V. 1. EKarov-rapxX7l is often interchanged with EKaTov-TaPXo (21,
32; 22, 25, etc.). The first is the prevalent form in the later
Greek. W. ~ 8. 1.  The word has a uniform termination in some
copies of the text. -  r-rELpSI'I1LaXWLK'.  Some suppose this cohort
to have belonged to the legio Italica, or Italica prima, of which
we read in Tacitus (Hist. 1. 59, 64, etc.); but the fact stated by
Dio Cassius (55. 24) is overlooked, that this legion was raised by
Nero, and consequently was not in existence at this period of our
narrative.  While no ancient writer has left any notice confirming Luke's accuracy in this passage, it so happens that an inscription in Gruter I informs us that volunteer Italian cohorts served
in Syria, i. e. Italian or Roman soldiers, who enlisted of their
own accord, instead of being obliged to perform  military service
(see Diet. of Antt. art. Velones).  It is generally supposed that
the Roman cohorts, instead of being incorporated always with a
particular legion, existed often separately.  It is probable that
such an independent cohort was now  stationed at Cwesarea,
1 Copied in Ackerman's Numismatic Illustrations of the Narrative Portions of
the New Testament, p. 34.




CHAP. X, 2-5.        COMMENTARY.                          175
called the Italian, because it consisted of native Italians) whereas the other cohorts in Palestine were levied for the most part
from the country itself.  See Jos. Antt. 14. 15. 10; Bell. Jud. 1.
17. 1. Compare the note on 27, 1. It is worthy of remark, as
Tholuck'  suggests, that Luke places this Italian cohort precisely
here.  Cesarea was the residence of the Roman procurator (see
on 8, 40); and it was important that he should have there a body
of troops on whose fidelity he could rely.
V. 2. EVO-E/3T).... JEOY, devout and fearing God. All the centurions in the New Testament appear in a favorable light
(Hmph.).  See 27, 3; Matt. 8, 5; Luke 7, 2. The one here was a
worshipper of Jehovah, but had not submitted to circumcision, or
avowed pi'ublicly the Jewish faith.  The opinion that he was a
proselyte disagrees with v. 28. 34; 11, 1. 8; 15, 7; for those passages show that he was regarded by the Jews at this time as
belonging still to a heathen community.  Cornelius was one of
those men, so numerous in this effete age of idolatry, who were
yearning for a better worship, and under that impulse had embraced the pure theism of the Old Testament, so much superior
to every other form of religion known to them.  They attended
the syna-gogues, heard and read the Scriptures, practised some of
the Jewish rites, and were in a state of mind predisposing them
to welcome the gospel of Christ when it was announced to them.
This class of persons furnished the greater part of the first Gentile
converts. - r-O Xkac, the people, viz. of the Jews; comp. v. 42; 26,
17. 23; 28, 17. Perhaps Luke 7, 5 brings to view one of the
ways in which he applied his benefactions.
V. 3. Ev opa/lJarT may be understood of an inner or of an outward vision (Neand.). - cavEps% distinctly, applies better to a perceptive act than to an act of consciousness.  E7Sev is ambiguous
in that respect. - cEr (opav evvcrrv, about the niznth h,ouGr, in the
course of it; accusative of time how long. Bernh. Synt. p. 116.
This hour was one of the Jewish hours of prayer (3, 1).
V. 4. rt o-Tt; What is it which is designed or desired? - For
KVpLE, see the remark on 9, 5. -IrpoOEvXat and AhEypwo-lvat, which
belong to one verb here, are assigned to two verbs in v. 31.
Elt j[iU'LO-(vvov, for a zemnorial, as such (see on 7, 21), i. e. he was
now to receive evidence of his being remembered, inasmuch
as God was about to open a way for his attainment of the peace
of mind which he had so anxiously sought.
V. 5. foppa was about thirty miles south of Cesarea. -- iEra1 Die Glaubwiirdigkeit der Evangelischen Geschiclte, p. 174.




176                 COMMENTARY.                    CHAP. X, 6-10.
7rqEkJfat is middle, because he was to execute the act through the
agency of others.  K. ~ 250. R. 2; B. ~ 135. 8. —  Vva....
II-rpog. Both names are given, so as to prevent mistake as to the
individual whom the messengers were to find.  This, too, is the
reason for describing so minutely his place of abode.
V. 6. Grap& 3a.Xaoroav, by the sea-shore, viz. that of the Mediterranean. Luke states a fact here; the ground of it we learn fromn
other sources.  The sanatory laws of the ancients, it is said, required tanners to live out of the city; "non solual ob mortua
aninmalia, quorum usum ipsa eorum  opificii ratio efflagitabat, sed
etiam  ob fetidos in eorum officinis et wdibus odores et sordes.'
Walch, Dissertationes, etc., Vol. I. p. 125.  The convenient prosecution of their business required that they should be near the
water. - o'rog Xakjea-Ct CeroM t Ore 8Et rrotLEV, at the close of this verse, in
the common text, was inserted in conformity with 9, 6; 10, 32.
V. 7.   & 38 aJrrX3EV, K. T. X. He despatched the messengers,
therefore, on the same day, although it was so far advanced (v.
3); comp. E4avr   in v. 33. —6 XakXv must be taken as imperfeet; comp. John 9, 8 (De Wet.). — rv wpocrKaprTEpovV7v   T aVT9, of
those (se. soldiers) who waited upon him, who stood ready to perform those personal services which he might require.  Kuinoel's
idea is that they acted as a house-sentry. - Ev'orESJ accords with
the description of the centurion's family in v. 2.
VERSES 9-16. The Vision of Peter.
V. 9. T E -7ravptov, on the morrow, after their departure from
Cmesarea. —r iro yija, upon the house-top, the roof which, according to the Oriental manner, was flat, or but slightly inclined.  It
was the place often chosen for the performance of religious duties.  Jahn's Archteol. ~ 24.  The situation does not expose
one necessarily to public view. A wall or balustrade three or
four feet high surrounds many of the roofs in the East, where a
person may sit or kneel without being observed by others. Moses
required (Deut. 22, 8) that every house should have such a protection.
V. 10. 7rpor'7rEwos occurs only here. The law of analogy shows
it to be intensive, very hungry. --  SeXE yEv'oear3aL, desired to eat;
not would have eaten.- 7rapaCrKEvaCO4vrTaV 36 EKElVOV, W/tile they now
(not but) were preparing, i. e. for the evening repast; see v. 9.
The pronoun refers to those in the family where Peter was entertained. -'Cko-raot-i Ev TrvelkaTrL (Rev. 1, 10), i. e. a trance, or
rapture, whereby (if we may so express it) he was transported




CHAP. X, 11-15.       COMMENTARY.                          177
out of himself, and put into a mental state in which he could discern objects beyond the apprehension of man's natural powers.
See 11, 5; 22, 17. — In the mode of instruction which God employed in this instance, he adapted himself to the peculiar circunmstances in which Peter was placed. " The divine light that
was making its way to his spirit revealed itself in the mirror of
sensible images, which proceeded from the existing state of his
bodily frame" (Neand.)
V. 11. 3EwopETL, beholds with wonder (see on 4, 13). --  KEvos IL,
a certain vessel, receptacle, which os 0 ovv /1E7yDXrv describes more
definitely as a great sheet. — rEr-capLv.... ys, bouznd by four
corners or ends (anarthrous, since the number was not definite
of itself), and (thus) let clown upon the earth. The conception of
the scene suggested by the text is that of the sheet upheld by
cords attached to its four points, and suspended from above by
an unseen power.  This is the common view, and, I think, the
correct one.  Meyer understands apXaZt of the fozur co~~rners of
heaven, i. e. east, west, north, and south, to which the four ends
of the sheet were fastened.  Neander inclines to that interpretation. dpXais with such a reference would seem to demand the
article, as much as the translation into English and German. —
Lachmann expunges  8EEbLE'Vov Kay, after A, B, C, and some other
authorities; but probably the omission of the words in 11, 5 led
to their omission here.
V. 12.  rcavrTa a+ rTerpa'7roSa, all the quadrupecds, i. e. as to their
varieties, not individually.  The text here is confused. Tq- i -y  is
to be retained, no doubt, but should follow EprerE7a (Lchm. Mey.
Tsch.).- KaiL ra' Srpta before Kal ra Ep7rera is not found in the controlling manuscripts.  It is evident that the text in 11, 6 has influenced the text in this passage.
V. 13. Jvao-rca.  See on 9, 18. Yet Peter may haite been
kneeling, or reclining, at that moment (Mey.). —^cr-ov KaL 0adyE
slay and eat, i. e. any one of the creatures exhibited to him, without regard to the distinction of clean or unclean.
V. 14. 7ryv, preceded by the negative, is a Hebraismn for oV&v;
comp. Matt. 24, 22; Rom. 3, 20; Eph. 5, 5.  The two modes of
expression present the idea from different points of view.  That
of the Hebrews excepts every thing from the action of the verb;
that of the Greeks subjects nothing to it.'Gesen. Heb. Gr. ~ 149.
1; WV. ~ 26. 1. - KOVOV is the opposite of yL7ov, common, unholy
As this sense was unusual, the more explicit KaSaprTOV follows.
V. 15.a o  39Eo E Ka.apcrE, What God cleansed, i. e. declared by
this symbolic act to be clean.  The aorist and perfect should not
23




179                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. X, 16-20.
be confounded here. Verbs in Hebrew have often this declarative sense; comp. Lev. 13, 3. 8. 13; 16, 30; Ezek. 43, 3; Jer. 1,
10, etc.  See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s.'mu. An approximating usage
exists in Greek. - A- -u/KOtVOV, call not thou common. ov' is contrasted with Eo'. It is not usual to insert the first or second
personal pronoun as the subject of a verb, unless it be emphatic.
K. ~ 302. 1; B. ~ 129. 14. The imperative is present because he
was committing the prohibited act at the time. Compare the
note on 7, 60.
V. 16. roTro refers to the repetition of the voice, not to the
vision as seen three times. Those who understand it in the latter way overlook 7raXtv E'K 8SEVTEpov just before. The command was
reiterated, in order to impress the words more deeply on the mind
of Peter.
VERSES 17-22.  The Messengers arrive at foppa.
x. 17. &8.ro'peL, was perplexed, uncertain. —,t av E'ly, what it
might be, signify; comp. Luke 8, 9; John 10, 6. He must have
been convinced that such a revelation was not designed merely
to announce the abolition of a ceremonial custom; but it was not
yet evident to him how much the principle comprehended, and
especially in what practical manner he was to exhibit his liberation from the scruples by which he had been bound hitherto. -
0 EdSE, which he had seen; comp. on 1, 2.- KaL 130oi, then behold, as
in 1, 10.- 8tEpWoro-'aviTE, a strengthened sense, having inquired
out.  The tanner was an obscure man and not to be found in a
moment. - &ir tby wvrvX va, unto the gate, which opened directly into
the house or court; not the porch, vestibule, since the more
splendid houses only had that appendage (De Wet.); comp.
Matt. 26, 71.
V. 18. cfOwvjoravre, sC. rtvd (see v. 7), having called some one,
or, without any object, having called, announced their presence.
-eLt EvTErat, if lhe lodges.  The present tense turns the question
into a direct form. The use of the two names again (v. 5) is not
unmeaning. So many persons were called Simon, that the strangers must be minute in their inquiry.
V. 19. &EvVlvLov/JiVov is stronger than &vivdovdEvov in the common text: earnestly considering.  The first is the better attested
word. - rpet after a&vpEs should be omitted. It was added from
v. 7; 11, 11.
V. 20. JXXa, but, turns the discourse to a new point; comp.
9, 6. -  18Ev 8CaKpLtvoJEVOs, Snaking no scruple, i. e. to go with them,




CHAP. X, 21-25.        COMMENTARY.                         179
although they are heathen. - cyc - 7rvEv/La in v. 19. - acT1o-raXKa
aVTo', sent them; not perfect (E. V.).
V. 21. Tov aJreto-raXEvovoS  a7ro roT  Kopvlt'ov rrpos avro'v defines
Jvopas; and since, in the public reading of the Scriptures, a new
section began here, the words were necessary in order to suggest
the connection. This accounts for our finding them in a few
copies. The preponderant testimony is against them.
V. 22. ptaprvpo 4 evog occurs, as in 6, 3. — EXprlart([oJ, was divinely instructed; comp. Matt. 2, 12. In the classics this word
refers to a communication made in reply to a question; but in
the New  Tetsament and the Septuagint it drops that relative
sense. --  a/ra, words, instruction; comp. XaXroec  -roL in v. 32.
The first account of the vision (v. 4 sq.) omits this particular.
VERSES 23-33. Peter proceeds to Ccesarea.
V. 23. rj &rapLtov, on the morrow after the arrival of the messengers. - rLVE4 rw-v cJ3EX3Wv. They are the six men mentioned in
11, 12. We are not informed of their object in accompanying the
apostle. They may have gone as his personal friends merely, or
from a natural desire to know the result of so extraordinary a
summons.  In his defence before the church of Jerusalem  (see
11, 1 sq.), Peter appealed to these brethren to confirm his statements. Some have conjectured that he may have foreseen the
necessity of that justification, and took the precaution to secure
the presence of those who would be acknowledged as impartial
Jewish witnesses.
V. 24. rj^ &ra'ptov, on the morrow after leaving Joppa; comp. v.
9. Thirty miles (see on v. 5) was more than a single day's journey in the East. It must be the truth which brings out such
accuracy in these details. —For Ets in the verb repeated before the noun, see on 3, 2. - ro  avayKalovQ [XAovs his intimate
friends. The classical writers combine the words with that
meaning (Kypk. Wetst.).
V. 25. us 3E, K. r. X., Now as it came to pass that Peter was entering, Cornelius having met him, viz. at the door, or in the court
of the house. The first interview appears to have taken place
there, and then the centurion and the apostle proceeded to the
room where the company were assembled; see v. 27. -  7rc ros
7ro6a&, upon thefeet, viz. of Peter, which he may have embraced
at the same time; comp. Matt. 28, 9.- -rpOO-EKV'VTr)e-, paid reverence, viz. by prostrating himself in the Oriental manner. Since




180                 COMMENTARY.               CHAP. X, 26-28.
Cornelius acknowledged Jehovah as the true God, and must have
regarded him as the only proper object of worship, it is difficult
to believe that he intended this as an act of religious homage.
The description of his character in v. 2 and v. 22 cannot be easily
reconciled with the imputation of such a design. See more on
the next verse.
V. 26. avr'Ov ryELpE, raised him up, caused him to rise by the
command addressed to him. - Ka37o aVTo, K. T'. X., Ialso mysef amn
a man, as well as you. Peter may have been surprised at such a
mode of salutation from a Roman; whose national habits were so
different; he had reason to fear that the centurion had mistaken
his character, was exceeding the proper limits of the respect due
from one man to another. He recoiled at the idea of the possibility of having a homage tendered to him, which might partake
of the reverence that belongs only to God. In other words, it is
more probable that Peter, in his concern for the divine honor,
warned the centurion against an act which he apprehended, than
that the centurion committed an act so inconsistent with his religious faith. That inconsistency is so much the less to be admitted, because Peter had just been represented in the vision so
distinctly as a man. The apostles claimed no ability to know the
hearts or thoughts of men, except as their actions revealed them.
Compare with this conduct of Peter that of Paul and Barnabas
at Lystra (14, 14 sq.). The Saviour, on the contrary, never repressed the disposition of his disciples to think highly of his rank
and character. He never reminded them of the equality of his
nature with their own, or intimated that the honor paid to him
was excessive. He received their homage, whatever the form in
which they offered it, however excited the state of mind which
prompted it. This different procedure on the part of Christ we
can ascribe only to his consciousness of a claim to be acknowledged as divine.
V. 27. crvvotuXwuv avTP, conversing with him (Whl. Rob.); comp.
OiLLkeLV in 20, 11; 24, 26; Luke 24, 14. 15. Some render accompanying him, which is too self-evident to be stated so formally.
The first sense is peculiar to Luke. -- Ecio-XJe, went in, perhaps
into an upper room; see on 1, 13.
V. 28. uo may qualify the adjective, how, in what degree (Mey.),
or E-&rtv, how it is (knowledge and fact accordant).- a dEttrov, Unlafiud. The Jews professed to ground this view on the laws of
Moses; but they could adduce no express command for it, or
just construction of any command. No one of the N. T. writers
employs this word, except Peter here and in 1 Pet. 4, 3.



CHAP. X, 28-30.      COMMENTARY.                          181
KOXXaogat, K. T. X., to associate with (5, 15), or come unto, one of
another nation.  The second verb evolves the sense of the first.
a&XXo'vXot is applied to the Philistines in 1 Sam. 13, 3-5 (Sept.),
and to the Greeks in 1 Mace. 4, 12. It has been said that Luke
has betrayed here an ignorance of Jewish customs; since the
Jews, though they refused to eat with the uncircumcised (Gal. 2,
12), did not avoid all intercourse with them. But the objection
presses the language to an extreme.  WVe are to limit such general expressions by the occasion and the nature of the subject.
The intercourse with the Gentiles, represented here as so repugnant to Jewish ideas, was such intercourse as had now taken
place; it was to enter the houses of the heathen, partake freely
of their hospitality, recognize their social equality. In accordance with this, we find KoXXao-3ca exchanged for o-vvEc/ayLE in 11,
3; the word there may be supposed to define the word here.
De Wette objects that the act of eating has not been mentioned;
but it is not mentioned anywhere, and yet the subsequent accusation against the apostle alleges it as the main offence. The
act was, doubtless, a repeated one; see v. 48. An instance of
it may have preceded the utterance of the words here in question.
Nothing would be more natural, at the close of such a journey,
than that the travellers should be supplied with the means of
refreshment before entering formally on the object of the visit.
Considered in this light, Peter's declaration in this verse agrees
entirely with that of Josephus (Cont. Ap. 2. 28): " Those foreigners (aXX6qvXoL) who come to' us without submitting to our
laws, Moses permitted not to have any intimate connections
with us;" see also Ib. 2. 36.  Compare John 18, 28.- KaLt /olt,
K. r. X., and (in opposition to that Jewish feeling) God showed me,
viz. by the vision.
V. 29. &8t Kat, K. r. X., Therefore I also came, i. e. he was not
only instructed, but obeyed the instruction. Kat connects  X3Xov
with  est$. - avavr rtoTT a-va =  vC~L'o'x, without delay, (Heysch.).
It is a later Greek word. — rtv Xo'y,, with what reason, for what
object; dative of the ground or motive.  W. ~ 31. 6. c. Peter
was already apprised that Cornelius had sent for him in consequence of a revelation, but would desire naturally to hear a fuller
statement of the circumstances from the centurion himself.  The
recital may have been necessary, also, for the information of
those who had assembled.
V. 30.  irrt TeTaEpTws rupEpas, K. 7'. X., has received different explanations.  (1.) From the fourth day (prior to the vision) was I
fasting unto this hour, i. e. unto an hour corresponding to that




182               COMMENTARY.                   CHAP. X, 30-33.
which was then passing, viz. the ninth (Hnr. Neand. De Wet.).
According to this view, Cornelius had been fasting four days
at the time of the angel's appearance to him. (2.) From tlhe
fourth day (reckoned backward from the present) unto this hour,
i. e. he was observing a fast which began four days before and
extended up to the time then present. It was on the first of the
days that he saw the angel. But'u/rv as past represents the fast
as having terminated, and so would exclude raVTVq3 T-jq wpag.
Meyer in his second edition abandons this view for the next.
(3.) From the fourth clay (reckoning backward as before) i. e.
four days ago unto this hour in which he was then speaking
(Bng. Kuin. Olsh.). The fast commenced with the day and had
continued unbroken until the ninth hour, when the angel appeared.  This view agrees with the number of days which had
elapsed since the angel's communication, viz. four, and allows
time enough for the abstinence to justify the use ofvrEvov. —/j~Tv
is an imperfect middle, rare out of the later Greek. W. ~ 14. 2.
b; B. ~ 108. IV. 2. - Kal T.v Evv~aTrTv Spav, and daring the ninth
hour (accusative as in v. 3); so that (ravr7= E-vvarrqv) it was
about three o'clock in the afternoon when Peter arrived at Caesarea. - adv'p Ev Eo'9rt Xa7- pa -   y77EEXOV tro 3SEOv in v. 3. See 1,
11.
V. 31. Ek-S.KoV'O-3, was heard (not is in E. V.), and so 4v/o-3gra-v, were (not are) remembered; comp. also v. 4. He is assured
now of the approval of his acts; the acts were approved when
he performed them. —O rrpo-EvXyq refers more especially to his
prayer at this time.  But the answer to this prayer was an
answer to his other prayers, since the burden of them had doubtless been, that God would lead him to a clearer knowledge of
the truth, and enable him to attain the repose of mind which a
conscience enlightened, but not yet "purged from a sense of
evil," made it impossible for him to enjoy.  Hence 7rpoocEvxat in
v. 4, could be exchanged here for the singular.
V. 32. 71'rEov oev, Send, therefore, because in this way he
would obtain the evidence that he was approved. - -ETaKXEo-atca
exemplifies the usage of the middle noticed on v. 5. - The verbal accuracy here as compared with v. 5, is natural. There was
but one way to report the words of such a message.  The angel's
voice and mien had left an impression not to be effaced.
V. 33. ~Cav-ryTg agrees with the narrative in v. 7. -KaXWs E7rotlray, thou hast done well (see 3 John v. 6); a common phrase expressive of the gratification which a person derives from the act
of another (Wetst. Raph.).  For the construction, comp. Phil. 4,




CHAP. X, 34-36.       CO M MENRARY.                         183
14.-'vdrrtv To0 3Eooi, in the sight of God, with a consciousness
of his presence; and hence prepared to hear and obey his message. This is a reason why Peter should speak with freedom
and confidence.  "Terra bona; inde fructus celerrimus" (Bng.)
VERSES 34-43.  The Address of Peter.
V. 34.  See the remark on dvolas ro' oAom' a in 8, 35.- 7rpoo07roXk7TrTr- is a word coined to express concretely the idea of tent W'=:
respecter of persons, i. e. here partial in the way of regarding one
man as better than another, on the ground of national descent.
V. 35. 8EKrTO avT&  a-TL, is acceptable to himn, i. e. his righteousness, his obedience to the divine will, as far as it extends, is as.
fully approved of God, though he be a Gentile, as if he were a
Jew.  It is evident from KaraXau/a3vouat, that o bo/3ovlEvos awvrv
Kat cpyaco'levos 8tKatoo-vvrlv describes the centurion's character before his acceptance of the gospel, and, consequently, that 8CKr1S
a;vT applies to him as a person still destitute of faith in Christ.
That Peter did not intend, however, to represent his righteousness, or that of any man, prior to the exercise of such faith, as
sufficient to justify him in the sight of God, is self-evident; for
in v. 43 he declares that it is necessary to believe on Christ, in
order to obtain " the remission of sins;" comp. also, 15, 11.  The
antithetic structure of the sentence indicates the meaning. b
-oflov/lxEvos, K. T. X., is the opposite of OVK'poc(wTroX'r~TS, i. e. God
judges man impartially; he approves of what is excellent, in
those of one nation as much as in those of another; he will confer the blessings of his grace as readily upon the Gentile who
desires to receive them, as upon the Jew. In other words, since
the apostle has reference to the state of mind which God requires
as preparatory to an interest in the benefits of the gospel, the
righteousness and the acceptance of which he speaks must also
be preparatory, i. e. relative, and not absolute.'
V. 36.  The construction is uncertain, but the most simple is
that which makes Xoyov depend on o'a&-TE, in apposition with p~l/pa:
The word which he sent.... (I say) ye know the thing that was
clone, etc.  So essentially, Kuinoel, Meyer, Winer, and others.
See W. ~ 62. 3.  Others refer Xoyov to what precedes, and supply
KaTa or take the accusative as absolute: the word (viz. that God
is thus impartial) which he sent, etc. (Bng. Olsh. De Wet.).
That mode of characterizing the contents or message of the gos1 Neander's remarks on this passage, in his Planting of the Christian Church,
deserve attention; see the close of the first Section or Book.




184                  COMMIENTARY.  CIP. X, 36-37.
pel is unusual.  The structure of the sentence is no smoother
in this case than in the other. A recent -writerl has proposed to
construe CvayyEXLto/EVOs as a predicate of O qo/3o4Ekvos, K. r. X.: he
that fears God is acceptable to him.... having announced (to him)
as glad tidings, peace, etc.  But the participle in this position cannot be separated without violence from the subject of arrrc-rALXE,
nor is the accusative in any other instance retained after this
verb in the passive; comp. Matt. 11, 5; Heb. 4, 2. The construction would be correct in principle, but is not exemplified. -
a7r-CTTrEX, K. T. X., sent to the sons of Israel, i. e. in the first instance,
as in 3, 26; 13, 26. That priority Peter concedes to the Jews.pltp)7v, peace, reconciliation to God procured through  Christ;
comp. Rom. 5, 1. 10; not union between the Jews and Gentiles
(De Wet.), an effect of the gospel too subordinate to be made
so prominent in this connection. The apostle restates the idea
in v. 43. - OVTO0.... KVptLO, This one is Lord of all. 7'davrwv  is
masculine, not neuter. Peter interposes the remark as proof of
the universality of this plan of reconciliation. The dominion of
Christ extends over those of one nation, as well as of another;
they are all the creatures of his power and care, and may all
avail themselves of the provisions of his grace. Compare Rom.
3, 29. 30; 10, 12.
V. 37.  osarTE, K. r. X., implies that they had already some
knowledge of the life and works of Christ.  The fame of his
miracles may have' extended to Cesarea (see Matt. 15, 21;
Mark 7, 24); or Philip, who resided there (8, 40), may have begun to excite public attention as a preacher of the gospel.
Some think that Cornelius was the centurion who was present
at the crucifixion of Christ (Matt. 27, 44; Mark 15, 39; Luke
23, 47), since it was customary to march a portion of the troops
at Camsarea to Jerusalem, for the preservation of order during the
festivals.  It is impossible to refute or confirm  that opinion.
Peter proceeds to communicate to them a fuller account of the
Saviour's history, and of the nature and terms of his salvation.
--- la = Xoyov in v. 36 (Kuin. Mey.); or thing (De Wet.),
which is more congruous with YEvo'Evov, and associates the tword
with the indubitable facts on which it rested. - cETar -rO /3i'rrvLrta,
after the baptism, i. e. the completion of John's ministry.  The Saviour performed some public acts at an earlier period, but did not
enter fully on his work till John had finished his preparatory mission. The difference was so slight that it was sufficiently exact
1 In the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1850, p. 402 sq.




CHAP. X, 38-41.       COMMENTARY.                         185
to make the beginning or the close of the forerunner's career the
starting-point in that of Christ.  See on 1, 22.
V. 38.'Iqo-oirv transfers the mind from the gospel-history to
the personal subject of it. The appositional construction is kept
up still. awro Naapp'r, from  Nazareth, as the place of his residence; see Matt. 2, 23.-as  EXPcrLEV, K. r. X., how God anointed
him with the fHoly Spirit, etc.  See note on 1, 2, and on 4, 26.
8VVaY/LEL is defined by what follows as power fo perform miracles.
- &3XSEV, went from place to place; comp. 8, 4. - bLWEvos, K. I. X,
healing those oppressed by the devil. His triumph over this form of
Satanic agency is singled out as the highest exhibition of his
wonder-working power.
V. 39. E'cri'p supplies the correct word after riscE, but is not
genuine. -   TEv -re   X pa, K. T. X., both in the country of the Jews and
in Jerusalen; the capital of the nation, and its territory here opposed to each other. The Jews inhabited not only Judea, but
Galilee, and a region on the east of the Jordan. -Ov KatL, whom
also, an additional fact (Luke 22, 24) in the Saviour's history
(De Wet.); showing the extent of their animosity and violence.
Winer (Q 66. 3) suggests a brachylogy: whom  (of which also
we are witnesses) they slew, etc. This is too complicated. —
KpeLaCaVTEg, by hanging.  See note on 5, 30. Here again the E.
version represents the Saviour as put to death before he was suspended on the cross.
V. 41. oi 7ravTI r4( Xay, not unto all the people, i. e. of the Jews;
comp. on v. 2. - aXXA  aoip7vtL, K. 7, X., but unto witnesses before
appointed by God. The choice of the apostles is ascribed indifferently to Him, or to Christ (1, 2.)  7rpo in the participle represents the selection as made before Christ rose from the dead;
not as purposed indefinitely before its execution. - The exception here made to the publicity of the Saviour's appearance
accords with the narrative of the Evangelists; they mention no
instance in which he showed himself to any except his personal
followers.  Paley founds the following just remarks on that
representation of the sacred writers. " The history of the resurrection would have come to us with more advantage, if they had
related that Jesus had appeared to his foes as well as his friends;
or even if they asserted the public appearance of Christ in general unqualified terms, without noticing, as they have done, the
presence of his disciples on each occasion, and noticing it in such
a manner as to lead their readers to suppose that none but disciples were present. If their point had been to have their story
believed, whether true or false; or if they had been disposed to
24




186                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. X, 41-43.
present their testimony, either as personal witnesses or as historians, in such a manner as to render it as specious and unobjectionable as they could; in a word, if they had thought of any
thing but the truth of the case as they understood and believed
it, -they would, in their account of Christ's several appearances
after his resurrection, at least have omitted this restriction. At
this distance of time, the account, as we have it, is perhaps
more credible than it would have been the other way; because
this manifestation of the historian's candor is of more advantage
to their testimony than the difference in the circumstances of
the account would have been to the nature of the evidence.
But this is an effect which the Evangelists could not foresee;
and is one which by no means would have followed at the time
when they wrote." — oTLVE.,.. aOrT, who ate and drank with
him.  See Luke 24, 43; John 21, 13. Hence they testified to a
fact which they had been able to verify by the most palpable
evidence.  Compare the note on 1, 3. — eta To vavc-rvat avrov (K
vEKpWv, after he rose from the dead, belongs to the clause which
immediately precedes. It was after his resurrection that they
had this intercourse with him. The punctuation of some editors
refers the words incorrectly to v. 40.
V. 42. Kqypveat r- r Xa4, to preach to the people, as above. Peter
alludes to the sphere of their ministry which they were directed
to occupy at first; comp. 1, 8; 3, 26, etc.- 0-t aVT&d, that himself
and no other.  W. ~ 22. 4.- KptL  dvgWv  Kat VEKpWv, judge of the
living and dead, i. e. of all who shall be on the earth at the time
of his final appearance (1 Thess. 4, 17), and of all who have
lived previously and died. For other passages which represent
Christ as sustaining this office of universal judge, see 17, 31; 2
Tim. 4, 1; 1 Pet. 4, 5. Olshausen and some others, understand
the living and dead, to be the righteous and wicked; but we are to
attach to the words that figurative sense only when the context
(Matt. 8, 22), or some explanatory adjunct (Eph. 2, 1), leads the
mind distinctly to it.
V. 43. 7-rovT.... papVpovTo-L, For this one (dat. comm.) testify
all the prophets; comp. on 3, 24.-  LEOr-v....  E1 a1rvv states the
purport of their testimony. This clause presents two ideas: first
that the condition of pardon is faith in Christ; and secondly,
that this condition brings the attainment of pardon within the
reach of all: every one, whether Jew  or Gentile, who believes on
him shall receive remission of' sins.  See Rom. 10, 11. For the
explanation of roV OVO/laTro avTov, see on 2, 21.




CHAP. X, 44-47.      COMMENTARY.                          187
VERSES 44-48.  Cornelius and others receive the Spirit, and are
baptized.
V. 44. rTtL XaXo'vro, still speaking. Hence Peter had not finished
his remarks when God vouchsafed this token of his favor; see
11, 15. --  o 7rvEv/Aa, the Spirit, i. e. as the author of the gifts mentioned in v. 46. The miracle proved that the plan of salvation
which Peter announced was the divine plan, and that the faith
which secured its blessings to the Jew was sufficient to secure
them to the Gentile. A previous submission to the rites of Judaism was shown to be unnecessary. It is worthy of note, too,
that those who received the Spirit in this instance had not been
baptized (comp. 19, 5), nor had the hands of an apostle been laid
upon them (comp. 8, 17). This was an occasion when men were
to be taught by an impressive example how little their acceptance with God depends on external observances. - 7ravTras restricts itself to the Gentiles (v. 27) since they were properly the
hearers to whom Peter was speaking, and not the Jews.
V. 45. o4 iK 7rTEpTOjS, they of the circumcision, i. e. the Jewish
brethren, mentioned in v. 23; comp. 11, 2; Rom. 4, 12; Col. 4,
11. - r-70TL     7r1LtTEVOVTVE. See 16, 1; John 20, 27. "Verbal adjectives in Tro, which have usually a passive signification, have
often in poetry, and sometimes in prose, an active signification."
See K. Ausftihr. Gr. ~ 409. 3. A. 1.-0 ot Kalt 1rt ra' ~'vy, that also
utpon the heathen, as well as upon the Jews.  The assertion is
universal because this single instance established the principle.
V. 46.  fKovoV avTwv, were hearing them while they spoke. —?yX-cravL, with tongues new, before unspoken by them.  The fuller description in 2, 4 prepares the way for the conciser statement
here.
V. 47.  -T ToL i-5 i&op, K. T. X., Can perhaps any one forbid the
water that these should not be baptized?  The article may contrast v'8op and 7rv4Ea with each other, or more naturally designate the water as wont to be so applied. The import of the
question is this: Since, although uncircumcised, they have believed and received so visible a token of their acceptance with
God, what should hinder their admission into the church?
Who can object to their being baptized, and thus acknowledged as Christians in full connection with us? As KOXV~; involves a negative idea, tuk could be omitted or inserted before
flarrTLo'Tvat. The distinction may be, that the infinitive with
pu  expresses the result of the hinderance; without ug', that




188                   COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. XI, 1-4.
which the hinderance would prevent.  See Woolsey on the A1cestis, v. 11. Ad after such verbs has been said to be superfluous
(K. ~ 318. 10), or simply intensive (Mt. ~ 534. 3). Klotz ad Devar.
(II. p. 668) suggests the correct view.  See also Bernh. Synt.
p. 364.- Ka.9~ Kal SyleLc, as also we received, -viz.'v aPX, (see 11, 15),
in the beginning.
V. 48. irpoocra~e, commanded that the rite should be performed
by others; he devolved the service on his attendants. Peter's
rule in regard to the administration of baptism may have been
similar to that of Paul; see 1 Cor. 1, 14. -  rLUEZ/vat, sc. er' aTro-o;
comp. 28, 14.
CHAPTER XI.
VERSES 1-18.  Peter justifies himself at Jerusalem for his visit to
Cornelius.
V. 1. Peter, John and James were among the apostles now at
Jerusalem (8, 14; 12, 2), and no doubt others. - Kam7 7rv'Iovxatav,
throughout (comp. 15, 23) Judea, since the brethren belonged to
different churches in this region; see Gal. 1, 22. - -rV Ev'q, the
heathen while still uncircumcised (see v. 3).
V. 2. OTE avE/rl, when he went zup.  There is no evidence that
Peter was summoned to Jerusalem to defend his conduct.  He
had reason to fear that it would be censured until the particulars
of the transaction were known, and he may have hastened his
return, in order to furnish that information. - or K wEPvTroMlx, they
of the circumcision, are the Jewish believers, as in 10, 45; not here
a party among them more tenacious of circumcision than the
others. It is implied that this tenacity was a Jewish characteristic.  The narrower sense of the expression occurs in some
places.
V. 3.  See the remarks on 10, 28.  Notice the ground of the
complaint.  It was not that Peter had preached to the heathen,
but that he had associated with them in such a manner as to violate his supposed obligations as a Jew. Compare the note on 2,
39. We may infer that he had avoided that degree of intimacy
when he himself entertained the Gentile messengers (10, 23).
V. 4. aJpedtpEvos, K. r. X., commencing, i. e. proceeding to speak
(see on 2, 4), or beginning with the first circumstances he related
unto them, etc. This repetition of the history shows the impor



CHAP. XI, 5-17.      COMMENTARY.                          189
tance attached to this early conflict between the gospel and Judaism.
V. 5. For the omission of r: before 7roXt, see on 8, 5.- oJpa)la
denotes here what was seen, and differs from its use in 10, 3.rEro-apcrtv apXav3 Ka&cLEElEY v, let down, suspended, by four corners,
i. e. by means of cords fastened to them. Luke abbreviates here
the faller expression in 10, 11.
V. 12. By a mixed construction, ltaKptvo/J'lvov agrees with the
suppressed subject of o-vveXStv, instead of [tot. C. ~ 627. P/3.; Mt.
{ 536. — oZ E aJEXcot ovrot, these six men (see 10, 23); they had,
therefore, accompanied Peter to Jerusalem, either as witnesses
for him, or for his own vindication, since they had committed the
same offence.
V. 13. Tov'cyyEXov, the angel known to the reader from the
previous narrative (10, 3. 22). Those addressed had not heard
of the vision, and must have received from Peter a fuller account
of it than it was necessary to repeat here. -- vpag has been
transferred to this place from 10, 5.
V. 14.  ra s o'LKO oJov, all thy family. The assurance embraces
them because they were prepared, as well as Cornelius, to welcome the apostle's message; comp. 10, 2. This part of the communication has not been mentioned before.
V. 15. alpaoSaLt is not superfluous (Kuin.), but shows how
soon the Spirit descended after he bean to speak: see on 10, 44.
W. ~ 67. 4. - Ev apXX, in the beginning, i. e. on the day of Pentecost. The order of the narrative indicates that the conversion
of Cornelius took place near the time of Paul's arrival at Antioch.
Some ten years, therefore (see on v. 26), had passed away since
the event to which Peter alludes; comp. on 15, 7.
V. 16. EfLVcr-.Tqv, K. r. X., And I remembered the declaration of
the Lord, i. e. had it brought to mind with a new sense of its
meaning and application; comp. Matt. 26, 75; John 12, 16. The
Saviour had promised to bestow on his disciples a higher baptism
than that of water (see 1, 5; Luke 24, 49); and the result proved
that he designed to extend the benefit of that promise to the
heathen who should believe on him, as well as to the Jews.
(os'EyEV, houw he said. See on 1, 5.
V. 17. E&KEV, gave, as mentioned in 10, 44.- Kac, also, connects tuJv with arows. - 7rtrTEV'ao-t, vhaving believed, refers to both
pronouns (De Wet. Mey.), i. e. they all received the same gift in
the same character, viz. that of believers. Bengel (to whom Mey.
assents now) limits the participle to -jlv. -   -eE? 71s r,-qv, K. 7. A.,
combines two questions (W. ~ 66. 5.); W/ho then weas I?  Was 1




190                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XI, 18. 19.
able to withstand God? i. e. to disregard so distinct an intimation
of his will that the heathen should be recognized as worthy of
all the privileges of the gospel, without demanding of them any
other qualification than faith in Christ. svvaaTro suggests that such
opposition would have been as presumptuous and futile, as a contest between man's power and infinite power. oU with r~t strengthens the question, as in 2 Cor. 6, 14. It is left out of some copies,
but not justly.
V. 18.  o(rXaoav, were silent, refrained from further opposition
(v. 2); comp. 21, 14. - Eo~agov expresses a continued act.  The
sudden change of tenses led some to write o.ao-erav. --  paye,
therefore, then (Matt. 7, 20; 17, 26); more pertinent here than
the interrogative apaiyE (8, 30). The accentuation varies in different editions. - For r'v pErTavoCav OWKEV, see the note on 5, 31.EV  4owv, eebatic, unto life, i. e. such repentance as secures it;
comp. 2 Cor. 7, 10.
VERsEs  19-24.  The Gospel is preached at Antioch.
V. 19. ot ulEv o'v 8LacorrapEvTes, those therefore dispersed, recalls
the reader to an earlier event in the history; see 8, 4.  dir5o rq's
X/ELEwo, from (as an effect of) the persecution (Whl. Win. Mey.);
comp. 20, 9; Luke 19, 3. This is better than to render since the
persecution. It is more natural to be reminded here of the cause
of the dispersion, than of the time when it began. - Eirl  +rEav,
upon Stephen, on his account; comp. 4, 21; Luke 2, 20. W. {
48. c. - &Xo90v. See 8, 4. 40.- QoLwVL'K,. Phanicia in this age
lay chiefly between the western slope of Lebanon and the sea,
a narrow plain reaching from the river Elutherus on the north to
Carmel on the south. Its limits varied at different times. Among
the Phaenician cities were Tyre and Sidon; and the statement
here accounts for the existence of the Christians in those places,
mentioned so abruptly in 21, 4; 27, 3. —'AVTWoXEtaS. Here we
have the first notice of this important city. Antioch was the capital of Syria, and the residence of the Roman governors of that
province.  It was founded by Seleucus Nicator, and named after
his father, Antiochus.  It stood "near the abrupt angle formed
by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the opening where
the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and Taurus.
By its harbor of Seleucia it was in communication with all the
trade of the Mediterranean; and, through the open country behind Lebanon, it was conveniently approached by the caravans
from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It was almost an Oriental Rome,




CHAP. XI, 20-23.      COMMENTARY.                           191
in which all the forms of the civilized life of the empire found a
representative." Howson, I. p. 149. See further, on 13, 4. It is
memorable in the first Christian age as the seat of missionary
operations for the evangelization of the heathen.
V. 20. Whether the preachers came to Antioch before the conversion of Cornelius or afterward, the narrative does not decide.
Some prefer to place the arrival after his baptism, lest Peter
might not seem to be the first who preached the gospel to the
Gentiles.  See the note on 15, 7. —  8, but, distinguishes the
course pursued by certain of them, from that of the other 8taarapEVTsE. The general fact is first stated, and then the exception. -
Kv7rpLot, i. e. Jews born in Cyprus; see 2, 5. 9. - -rp3s rov "EXXr.
va, unto the Greeks, opposed to'IovSadoL%, Jetvs, in the foregoin,
verse. The received text has'EXXqvto-Trra, Hellenists (see on 6, 1)
and the mass of external testimony favors that reading. Words
worth's note 1 presents the evidence on that side in a strong light.
On the contrary, the internal argument appears to demand "EXXrvas. Some of the oldest versions and a few manuscripts support
that as the original word. The majority of critics in view of this
two-fold evidence decide for "EXXyqva3 (Grsb. Lchm. Tsch. De
Wet. Mey.). It would have been nothing new to have preached,
at this time, to the Greek-speaking Jews; see, e. g. 2, 9; 9, 29.
If we accept"EXXrvas, the Greeks addressed at Antioch must have
been still heathen in part, and not merely Jewish proselytes. No
other view accounts for Luke's discrimination as to the sphere of
the two classes of preachers.- Kvpqvactot.  See on 2, 10.
V. 21.  For XEtp KvptOV, comp. 4, 30; Luke 1, 66.  /MET' aVTrV,
with them who preached at Antioch.  The subject of discourse,
both in the last verse and the next, requires this reference of the
pronoun.
V. 22. r/KOVcO3 Eias \& o-a is a Hebraism, says De WVette, without any instance exactly parallel in Hebrew. -   o Xyos, the report.
7-rEp avTwv excludes the idea that it was a communication sent
from the brethren at Antioch. -:a7rE'rT-EXav derives its subject
from'v'IEpooroX1/JoLs; comp. Gal. 2, 2.- -&EX3EtV, with the direction that he should go (comp. 20, 1); left out of some of the early
versions as if unnecessary.  See W. ~ 65. 4. d. — Bapv&3av. See
4, 36; 9, 27.
V. 23. XaPtv rov 3EO-, the grace, or favor of God, as manifested
in the conversion of the heathen. - 7rapcEKaXEtL 7rvras, exhorted all
The New Testament in the Original Greek with Notes, by Chr. Wordsworth,
D. D., Canon of Westminster (London 1857).




192                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XI, 24-26.
who had believed. We find him exercising here the peculiar
gift for which he was distinguished; see on 4, 36. -T-r7  7rpoE'o-Et
17r KaptaO3, with the puipose of the heart, i. e. a purpose sincere,
earnest.
V. 24. OTC Lv, K. T. X., because he was a man good and full of the
Holy Spirit, etc. This description states why he exerted himself
so strenuously to establish the converts in their faith.  ar'oa7-rELXav
in v. 22 is too remote to allow us to view it as the reason why
they selected him for such a service. — KaL 7rpoOETE37, K. T. X.
The labors of Barnabas resulted also in the accession of new
believers.
VERSES 25. 26. Paul arrives at Antioch, and labors there.
V. 25. Our last notice of Paul was in 9, 30. - ava4tqiTorat, in
order to seek out, find by inquiry or effort. It was not known at
what precise point the apostle was laboring; see Gal. 1, 21.
cEpDv indicates the same uncertainty.  Barnabas would naturally
direct his steps first to Tarsus, whither he would proceed by sea
from Seleucia (see on 13, 4), or track his way through the
defiles of the intervening mountains.  Howson: " The last time
the two friends met was in Jerusalem.  In the period since
that interview,' God had granted to the Gentiles repentance
unto life' (v. 18). Barnabas had'seen the grace of God'
(v. 23), and under his own teaching'a great multitude' (v. 24)
had been'added to the Lord.' But he needed assistance; he
needed the presence of one whose wisdom was greater than his
own, whose zeal was an example to all, and whose peculiar mission had been miraculously declared.  Saul recognized the voice
of God in the words of Barnabas; and the two friends travelled
in all haste to the Syrian metropolis."
V. 26. EvtavrTv o'Xov, a whole year, viz. that of A. D. 44, since
it was the year which preceded Paul's second journey to Jerusalem, at the time of the famine.  See on 12, 25. The apostle
had spent the intervening years, from A. D. 39 to 44, in Syria
and Cilicia (see on 9, 30). - -vvaXOvaL, K. T. X., they came together
in the church, the public assembly, i. e. for the purpose of worship,
and, as we see from the next clause, for preaching the word: and
taught a great multitude (comp. 14, 21.); many of whom, no doubt,
they won to a reception of the truth. Meyer explains ovvax39vat
of the hospitality shown to the teachers, with an appeal to Matt.
25, 35. But the context which should indicate that sense, is opposed to it here. - XprWlaTtoat.... XPLcrtavoVg, and the disciples




CHAP. XI, 26-28.     COMMENTARY.                          193
were first named Christians at Antioch.  Thus ten years or more
elapsed after the Saviour left the earth before the introduction
of this naine. Its origin is left in some uncertainty. XpwLT-tavoI
has a Latin termination, like'Hpo8&avo' in Matt. 22, 16, and Mark
3, 6. We see the proper Greek form  in Na~wpaZos in 2, 22, or'IaCXLKOS in 10, 1. Hence some infer (Olsh. Mey.) that it must
have been the Roman inhabitants of the city, not the Greeks,
who invented. the name.  The argument is not decisive, since
Latinisms were not unknown to the Greek of this period. It is
evident that the Jews did not apply it first to the disciples; for
they would not have admitted the implication of the term, viz.
that Jesus was the Messiah. It is improbable that the Christians
themselves assumed it; such an origin would be inconsistent
with its infrequent use in the New Testament.  It occurs only
in 26, 28; 1 Pet. 4, 16, and in both places proceeds from those
out of the church.  The KaXov o'vo!Ja rTo r7tLKX3Ev cb' Vi/las in James
2, 7 may be the Christian name.  The believers at Antioch had
become numerous; they consisted of Gentiles and Jews; it was
evident that they were a distinct community from the latter; and
probably the heathen, whether they were Greeks or Romans, or
native Syrians, needing a new appellation for the new sect, called
them Christians, because the name of Christ was so prominent
in their doctrine, conversation, and worship. The term may not
have been at first opprobrious, but distinctive merely.
VERSES 27-30. Barnabas and Saul are sent with Alns to Jerusalerm.
V. 27. Ev raVTats'ravs -uEpat, in these clays, i. e. about the time
that Paul himself came to Antioch; for it is reasonable to suppose that an interval of some extent occurred between the prediction and the famine. - 7rpo-4rat, inspivred teachers; see on 2, 17.
Agabus, at least, possessed the prophetic gift, in the strict sense
of that expression.
V. 28. avacrTa-s, having stood up, in order to declare his message
more formally. -"Ayaos is known only from this passage and 21.
10. -  C-flaVe, made known (see 25, 27), not intimated merely.X/uo'v, in the later Greek, is masculine or feminine; hence some
copies have uE'yav, others /LEy/aXrv.  See W. ~ 8. 2. 1. — /bEXXEtL
cabeoraat contains a double future, as in 24, 15; 27, 10. The reading varies in 24, 25. As one of its uses, the first infinitive in
such a case may represent the act as fixed, certain; the second
as future. The famine that was to take place was decreed. See
25




194                  COMMENTARY                CHAP. XI, 28. 29.
Mt. ~ 498. e; C. ~ 583. - cc' oXrqv rTlv otKov/JEJ'vqV, SC. Wyv, over all
the inhabited land, i. e. Judea and the adjacent countries, or according to some, the Roman empire. The Greek and Romran writers
employed?, otKov/%E'V to denote the Greek and the Roman world;
and a Jewish writer would naturally employ such a term to denote
the Jewish world. Josephus appears to restrict the word to Palestine in Antt. 8. 13. 4. Speaking of the efforts of Ahab to find
the prophet Elijah, he says that the king sent messengers in pursuit of him KaTa rrrao-av Tq OtKOVULEVIV, throughout all the earth or land,
i. e. of the Jews. Ancient writers give no account of any universal
famine in the reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local
famines which were severe in particular countries.  Josephus
(Antt. 20. 2. 6; Ib. 5. 2) mentions one which prevailed at that
time in Judea, and swept away many of the inhabitants. Helena,
queen of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte who was then at Jerusalem, imported provisions from Egypt and Cyprus, which she distributed among the people to save them  from  starvation.  This
is the famine, probably, to which Luke refers here. The chronology admits of this supposition. According to Josephus, the famine which he describes took place when Cuspius Fadus and
Tiberius Alexander were procurators; i. e. as Lardner suggests, it
may have begun about the close of A. D. 44, and lasted three or
four years. Fadus was sent into Judea on the death of Agrippa,
which occurred in August of the year A. D. 44. If we attach
the wider sense to OtKOVdUE'V-V, the prediction may import that a
famine should take place throughout the Roman empire during
the reign of Claudius (the year is not specified below), and not
that it should prevail in all parts at the same time.  So Wordsworth, Notes, p. 58. —7rL KXav&'ov, in (lit. upon) the reign of Claudius. On  wrt; in such chronological designations, see K. ~ 273.
4. b. The Greek idiom views the events as resting upon the ruler
as their source or author; the English idiom as taking place under his guidance or auspices. - Kalcrapos after KXav3tov (T. R.) is
not warranted.
V. 29. T-sv 1UaS3rTv depends by attraction on TLt. The ordinary
construction would be o /ta3-cTraL Ka3~W%  r-qvropEuo rTLs ar(tv (Mey.
De Wet.): The disciples in proportion as any one zwcas prosper'ed cletermined each of them, etc. The apostle Paul prescribes the same
rule of contribution in 1 Cor. 16, 2. For the augment in Vw7opETro,
see on 2, 26. For E'KaCo'o after a plural verb, see on 2, 6. - et
&aKovlav, for relief, lit. ministration, i. e. to their wants. The act
here suggests the idea of its result or object. — 7rEJ/at se. Tr. -
Ev rTi'Iovoa'a, in Judea; not the capital merely but other parts




CrAP. XII, 1.        COMMENTARY.                       195
also, since the famine was general and believers were found in
different places (see v. 1 and Gal. 1, 22).
V. 30. Kal connects bwrotr'orav with (pLtcav: they executed their
determination. - 7rpS Tos- 7ropEo-r3TEpo, unto the elders, either those
at Jerusalem who could easily forward the supplies to the destitute elsewhere, or those in Judea at large whom the messengers
visited in person. The latter idea presents itself very readily
from'Iovata just before, and has also tlhis to commend it, that
Paul would have had an opportunity to preach now in that
province, as mentioned in 26, 20 (see note there). -For the
office of the presbyters, see on 14, 23. - Bapva/3a is the Doric genitive; comp. 19, 14; Luke 13, 29, John I, 43, etc. W. ~ 8. 1;
K. ~ 44. R. 2. -Meyer finds a contradiction between this passage
and Gal. 2, 1, as if Paul could not have gone to Jerusalem at this
time because he has not mentioned it in the Epistle. It is impossible to see why the reason commonly assigned for this omission
does not account for it. Paul's object in writing to the Galatians
does not require him to enumerate all his journeys to Jerusalem.
In the first chapter there, he would prove that as an apostle he
was independent of all human authority, and in the second chapter that the other apostles had conceded to him that independence. He had no occasion, therefore, to recapitulate his entire
history. Examples of the facts in his life were all that he needed
to bring forward. He was not bound to show how often he
had been at Jerusalem, but only that he had gone thither once
and again, under circumstances which showed in what character
he claimed to act, and how fully the other apostles had acknowledged this claim.
CHAPTER XII.
VERSES 1. 2. Renewed persecution at Jerusalem, and Death of
James.
V. 1. Irar' KJeVO0V TOV Katpov, about that time, i. e. when Barnabas
and Saul went to Jerusalem, as has just been related. See on
v. 25. -'Hp6r8. This Berod was Herod Agrippa the First, son
of Aristobulus and grandson of Herod the Great. On the accession of Caligula, he received as king the former possessions of
Philip and Lysanias, see Luke 3, 1; at a later period, the
tetrarchy of Antipas; and in the year A. D. 41, Samaria and




196                   COMMENTRY.                 CHAP. XII, 2.3,
Judea which were conferred on him by Claudius; so that, like his
grandfather Herod, he swayed the sceptre, at this time, over all
Palestine.' - ErEc'3a XEras Xccpa9 does not mean attempted (Kuin.),
but piut forth violent hands; comp. 4, 3; 5, 18; 21, 27.- KaKW'oaL,
to oylpress, maltreat.  The E. version derives "vex'" from  Tyndale. - a7ro rs EKKXqC-tas, of the church, (lit. fromn), since the idea
of origin passes readily into that of property, adherence. W. f
47. 4.
V. 2.  avXE tLe aXatpq, slew him with the sword, beheaded him.
The article fails, because the idea is general, abstract; comp. 9,
12. W. ~ 19. 1. On the mode of execution among the Jews,
see Jahn's Archalol. ~ 257. Agrippa had the power of life and
death, since he administered the government in the name of the
Romans.  See the note on 7, 59.  The victim  of his violence
was James the Elder, a son of Zebedee and brother of John
(Matt. 4, 21; 10, 2; Mlark 1, 19, etc.).  He is to be distinguished
from James the Younger, the kinsman of the Lord (Gal. 1, 19),
who is the individual meant under this name in the remainder
of the history (17; 15, 13; 21, 18). The end of James verified
the prediction that he should drink of his Master's cup; see
Mlatt. 20, 23. Eusebius (2. 9) records a tradition that the apostle's accuser was converted by his testimony and beheaded at
the same time with him. "The accuracy of the sacred writer,"
says Paley, "in the expressions which he uses here, is remarkable. There was no portion of time for thirty years before, or
ever afterwards, in which there was a king at Jerusalem, a person exercising that authority in Judea, or to whom that title
could be applied, except the last three years of Herod's life,
within which period the transaction here recorded took place."
The kingdom of Agrippa the Second, who is mentioned in 25,
13, did not embrace Judea.
VERSES 3-5.  The imprisonment of Peter.
V. 3. t&ov OTt acpecTOV, K. T. X., seeing that it is pleasing, etc.
The motive of Agrippa, therefore, was a desire to gain public
favor. Josephus (Antt. 19. 7. 3) attributes to this ruler the same
trait of character; he describes him as eager to ingratiate himself with the Jews. — rpOE'ETO, K. r. X., he apprehended still
further Peter also; an imitation of the Heb. -qt.ie with the infinitive, comp. Luke 20, 11. 12. WV. ~ 54. 5; Gesen. Heb. Gr. 1 139.
- d-atwv, the days of unleavened bread, i. e. the festival of the
1 See Introduction, ~ 6. 2.




CHAP. XII, 4-6.      COMMENTARY.                         197
Passover, which continued seven days; and was so named because during that time no leaven was allowed in the houses of
the Jews.  The common text omits at before'   paL, which the
best editors insert as well attested. It is not grammatically
necessary. W. ~ 19. 2.
V. 4. Kai also, carries the mind back to o-rXXa/3Ev in v. 3, the
idea of which 7ratymas repeats. — wEo(r-aptrL TerpE8tOt, to four quaternions, four companies of four, who were to relieve each other in
guarding the prison. The Jews at this time followed the Roman
practice of dividing the night into four watches, consisting of
three hours each. Of the four soldiers employed at the same time,
two watched in the prison and two before the door; or perhaps
in this case (see on v. 10) were all stationed on the outside. —
PfovXoevos, meaning, but disappointed in that purpose. - -jETa ro
7rao-Xa, after the Passover, i. e. not the paschal supper, but the festival which it introduced; comp. Luke 21, 1; John 6, 4. The
reason for deferring the execution was that the stricter Jews
regarded it as a profanation to put a person to death during a
religious festival. Agrippa himself may have entertained, or affected to entertain, that scruple. -  vayacyetv aVTov, to bringg himn
up, i. e. for trial and execution; comp. Luke 22, 66. But Herod
was nearer his end than Peter. -- - Xayw, Jfr the people (dat.
comm.), i. e. that they might be gratified with his death.
V. 5. o'v, therefore, committed to such a guard. - Ev rj OvXcaKc
in the prison mentioned in v. 4. —  KTEVl', intent, earnest, not
unceasing, constant.  See Luke 22, 44; 1 Pet. 4, 8.  It is a
word of the later Greek. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 311. All the English
translators from Wiclif downward adopt the temporal sense.EKKXq-.Ltac. The members of the church wete so numerous, that
they must have met in different companies. One of them is
mentioned in v. 12.
VERSES 6-11.  The Miraculous Liberation of Peter.
V. 6. VVKT1 &KEtI, in tha night preceding the day when he was
to have been executed. -  e8ge'1vos a5XvEO-L 8veot, bound with two
chains. The Roman mode of chaining prisoners was adopted
in this case, and was the following: " The soldier who was appointed to guard a particular prisoner had the chain fastened to
the wrist of his left hand, the right remaining at liberty. The
prisoner, on the contrary, had the chain fastened to the wrist of
his right hand. The prisoner, and the soldier who had the care
of him, were said to be tied (alligati)to one another. Sometimes,




198                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XII, 7-10.
for greater security, the prisoner was chained to two soldiers, one
on each side of him." Dict. of Antiq. art. Catena. Paul was bound
with two chains on the occasion mentioned in 21, 33.- -v'XaKE'
E-, K. T. X., and keepers before the door (perhaps two at one station
and two at another) were guarding the prison; not after v. 5, zwere
keeping guard (Raph. Walch).
V. 7. Ev To oiKjlaTtL, in the abode =the prison.  This was an
Attic euphemism which passed at length into the common dialect.
— 7rarTaa, having smitten, in order to rouse him  from sleep. —
ava(rTa is a second aorist imperative; comp. Eph. 5, 14. Grammarians represent the form as poetic in the earlier Greek. K. ~ 172.
R. 5; W. ~ 14. 1. h.-   Er$E0-rov.... XELPWV, his chains fell q ffironm
his hands, or wrists.  XELP the Greeks could use of the entire forearm, or any part of it.
V. 8.?rEpt[tcrat. For convenience he had unbound the girdle
of his tunic while he slept. The taCrtLov which he threw around
him was the outer coat, or mantle, worn over the Xmav. There
was no occasion for a precipitate flight; and the articles which
he was directed to take would be useful to him. Note the transition to the present in the last two imperatives.
V. 9. aUr.q,6, true, actual, as distinguished from a dream or
vision. Peter's uncertainty arose from the extraordinary nature
of the interposition; it was too strange to be credited. He was
bewildered by the scene, unable at the moment to comprehend
that what he saw and did was a reality.
V. 10. 8tEXSOVTE.... 8EvTEpLaV, having passed through the first
and second watch, i. e. as Walch le vinculis Petri suggests, first
through the two soldiers stationed at Peter's door (v. 6), and then
through two others near the gate which led into the city. He
supposes the two soldiers to whom Peter was bound (v. 6) were
not included in the sixteen (v. 4), since their office would not
require them to remain awake, and consequently to be changed
during the night, like the others. A more common opinion is,
that the first watch was a single soldier, before the door, and the
second another at the iron gate, and that these two soldiers, with
the two by the side of Peter, made up the quaternion then on
duty.  But &tEX.OVTEg, having' passed througlh, suggests a plural
sense of OvXaK'v, and must be said loosely, if applied to a single
person.  This participle after E'EX.S9'v in v. 9 indicates a different
position of the first watch from that of the two soldiers who guarded
Peter in his cell; some have proposed that explanation. The
numeral renders the article unnecessary.  W. ~ 19. 2.  That
Peter passed the watch unopposed, or perhaps unobserved (see v.




CHAP. XII, 11-13.     COMMENTARY.                        199
18), was a part of the miracle.  See on 5, 19. -- r re rv T7rav,
K. 7. X. The precise situation of the prison is unknown. The
iron gate may have formed the termination of a court, or avenue,
which connected the prison with the town. De Wette, after
Lightfoot, Walch, and others, thinks that the prison was in a
tower between the two walls of the city, and that this was the
outer gate of the tower. Others have proposed other conjectures.
- a&vToJarT is equivalent to an adverb, spontaneously.  K. ~ 264.
3. c; B. ~ 123. 6. The gate opened without any visible cause. -
7rpokXWov pv'1jqv plaV, went forward one street or lane (9, 11). The
angel accompanied him until he was beyond the reach of pursuit.
- -Evo, immediately, on having come thus far.
V. 11. yEvo' vooS Ev c'av-r, having come to himself recovered from
the confusion of mind into which he had been thrown. — anrEroTELXE, sent forth from heaven. - a&z Tr~a 7ro    7rpO0'80Kt'aO, fromn all
the expectation of the Jews who were so eager for his execution, and looking forward to it with confidence.
VERSES 12-17. Peter repairs to thle House of Mary, where some
of the Believers had assembledfor Prayer.
V. 12. ovvCL8v, sc. T 7EyEvO6'va, having become aware (14, 6),
conscious to himself of the state of things (Whl. Alf. Mey.).
Luke reminds us of this fact again (see v. 11), as if it might
appear strange that Peter acted with so much deliberation. Some
render considering, i. e. either what he should do, or where he
should find an assembly of the disciples.  Both the meaning and
the tense of the participle favor this explanation less than the
other. -'Ioxavvov.... MapKov. This John Mark is called simply
John in 13, 5. 13; and Mark in 15, 39. He is supposed to have
been the same Mark whom Peter terms his son in 1 Pet. 5, 13,
i. e. in a spiritual sense, converted by his instrumentality. There
is no reason for questioning his identity with the Evangelist who
wrote the Gospel of Mark. See further, on v. 25.- 7rpoaEvXoJEvvot.
One of the objects for which they were praying was the safety
of Peter (v. 5).
V. 13. 7rat&Oc-Kr, a maid-servant.  Her Greek name, Rhoda,
does not disprove her Jewish origin; see on 1, 23. The portress
among the Jews was commonly a female; see John 18, 16. That
the person should be known after so long a time shows how
minute was Luke's information. - U-raKOo-aL, to hearken.  This
was the classical term signifying to answer a knock or call at the
door.




200                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XII, 14-17.
V. 14. Ka b7rLayvovooa ri-v cwvrv, and having recognized his voice
(3, 10; 4, 13). Peter may be supposed to have announced his
name, or to have given it in reply to her inquiry. -  7ro5 -   Xapa7.
Nothing could be more life-like than the description of the scene
which follows. Rhoda in the excess of her joy forgets to open
the door, runs into the house, declares the news, while Peter is
left in the street still knocking, and exposed to arrest. The passage has all the vividness of the recital of an eye-witness. Mark
was undoubtedly in the house at the time, and may have commiunicated the circumstances to Luke at Antioch; or Luke may
have obtained his information from Barnabas, who was a relative
of the family; see Col. 4, 10.
V. 15. 8t&CXvpplETO, afllrmed confidently. —o ayyEXog av'rov ErrLV,
It is his angel, i. e. his tutelary angel with his form and features.
It was a common belief among the Jews, says Lightfoot, that
every individual has a guardian angel, and that this angel may
assume a visible appearance resembling that of the person whose
destiny is committed to him. This idea appears here not as a
doctrine of the Scriptures, but as a popular opinion, which is
neither affirmed nor denied.
V. 17. KaTraoe-do'a~ r XELpt, having motioned wvith the hand downwvard, as a signal that he would speak, and wished them to hear.
Their joy was so tumultuous, that he could make them understand a gesture better than a word. - rLyav. His object was not
to prevent their being overheard, and so discovered by their enemies, but to secure to himself an opportunity to inform them how
he had been liberated. - o KV'pwo, the Lord, as the angel had been
sent by him.; see v. 7, 11.'IaKWp3W. James is distinguished
from the others on account of his office as pastor of the church
at Jerusalem; see on v. 2. - Kalt fEXSv, and (probably on the
same night) having gone forth, i. e. from the house, as the context
most readily suggests; hence Et rETEpOV Trorov is indefinite, and
may denote unto another place, in the city or out of it. It is most
probable that he left the city for a time, as he must have foreseen (see v. 19) that vigorous efforts would be made to retake
and destroy him. We find him at Jerusalem again a few years
after this; see 15, 7.  He may have returned even sooner
than that, as Agrippa lived but a short time after this occurrence.
Catholic writers and some others hold that Peter proceeded to
Rome at this time, and labored for the Jews there as the apostle
of the circumcision (Gal. 2, 7; 1 Pet. 1, 1). If this be true, he
must then have been the founder of the church in that city, or
at all events have established a relation to it personal and official,




CHAP. XII, 18.19.   COMMEN.TARY.                       201
stronger than that of any other teacher.  It is entirely adverse to this view, that Paul makes no allusion to Peter in his
Epistle to the Romans, but writes with a tone of authority which
his avowed policy, his spirit of independence (2 Cor. 10, 16),
would not have suffered him to employ, had it belonged more
properly to some other apostle to instruct and guide the Roman
church. The best opinion from traditionary sources is that Peter
arrived at Rome just before the outbreak of Nero's persecution,
where he soon perished as a martyr. It is related that he was
placed oil the cross, at his own request, with his head downward,
as if unworthy to suffer in the posture of the Master whom he
had denied.
VERSES 18. 19.  Trial and Execution of the Soldiers.
V. 18. 7yevoE~vr&s  te'pa%, when day had come. If the soldiers to
whom Peter was bound had been changed at the expiration of
each watch (see on v. 10), why did they not ascertain the escape
sooner?  Wieseler (Chronologie u. s. w. p. 220) replies that the
flight took place in the last watch not long before break of day.
This is doubtful, as it would abridge so much the time allowed
for the interview at the house of Mary, and for the departure
from the city.  The question requires no answer if Walch's
opinion as stated in v. 10 be well founded. — rapaxo, commotion,
partaking of the nature both of inquiry and alarm. The former
part of the idea leads the way to the question which follows.
There was reason for fear, because the soldiers in such a case
were answerable for the safety of the prisoner, and, if he escaped,
were liable to suffer the punishment which would have been inflicted on him. Compare 16, 27; Matt. 28, 14. o-rpaTtLTrat would
include naturally the entire sixteen (v. 4), though the four who
were on guard at the time of the escape had most reason to
tremble for their lives. —Tt' pa, K. r. X., what then (syllogistical,
since he was gone) was become of Peter?
V. 19. avaKptvag, having examined, tried them for a breach of
discipline; see 4, 9; Luke 23, 14. —We need not impute to
Herod such barbarity as that of putting to death the entire detachment. vAXaKas may be understood of those who were more
immediately responsible for the prisoner's safety. - a7raX,9vat, to
be led away, i. e. to execution. The word was a vox solennis in
this sense, as Losner, Kypke, and others have shown. The Romans employed clucere in the same absolute way. - Kal KarTEX.Sv,
K. T. X. Herod resided usually at Jerusalem, and went now to
26




202                  COMM*ENTARY.              CHAP. XII, 20. 21.
Cmsarea, as Josephus informs us, to preside at the public games
in honor of the Emperor Claudius.
VERSES 20-24..Death of Herod Agrippa at Ccesarea.
V. 20. The reader should compare the narrative of this event
with that of Josephus, in Antt. 19. 8. 2. The Jewish historian has
confirmed Luke's account in the most striking manner.  He also
makes Caesarea the scene of the occurrence; he mentions the
assembly, the oration, the robe, the impious acclamations of the
people, the sudden death of Herod, and adds to the rest that his
terrible end was a judgment inflicted upon him for his impiety. -
3v/.ogaXWv may refer to an open war or violent feeling of hostility.
As Josephus makes no mention of any actual outbreak between
Agrippa and the Phoenicians, the latter is probably the sense of
the word here.  The Phoenicians may either have apprehended
a war as the result of Agrippa's anger, or they may have been
threatened with an interruption of the commerce carried on between them  and the Jews. -  raprjo'av 7rpos avro'v, camne unto him,
i. e. in the person of their representatives; lit. were present, the
antecedent motion being applied.  W. ~ 50. 4. - 7rEtEav-rcE, having
persuaded, brought to their interest. Blastus, judging from his
name, may have been a Greek or a Roman. His influence with
the king was the reason why they were so anxious to obtain his
mediation. A bribe may have quickened his sympathy with the
strangers. - irc ro KOLVWVOS, over his bedclcamber, his chamberlain.
His office placed him near the king's person and enabled him to
hold the keys to his heart (Bmg.). -  rTOTvrO Ep-vqv, desired peace,
i. e. according to the circumstances of the case, sought to avert
a rupture of it, or, if it was already impaired, to effect its restoration. Their desire for this result may have been increased by
the existing famine. —TOb rpEpSEo'eat, K. T. X., because their country
was sustained, etc. The Tyrians and Sidonians were a commercial people, and procured their supplies of grain chiefly from Palestine in exchange for their own merchandise.  This relation of
the two countries to each other had existed from early times; see
1 Kings 5, 9; Ezra 3, 7; Ezek. 27, 17.
V. 21. raKT7r rlE'pa, on an appointed day, which, according to
Josephus, was the 1st of August, and the second day of the
public games.-ESvvc-a/Evoos  o-.ra, K. r. X.  The ciremstances
related by Josephus may be combined (Howson, I. p. 158) with
Luke's account, as follows: " On the second day of the festival,
Agrippa came into the theatre. The stone seats, rising in a great




CIAP. XII, 21-24.    COMMENTAR Y.                        03
semicircle, tier above tier, were covered with an e:oited multitude.  The king came in, clothed in magnificent robes, of which
silver was the costly and brilliant material. It was early in the
day, and the sun's rays fell upon the king, so that the eyes of
the beholders were dazzled with the brightness which surrounded
him. Voices from the crowd, here and there, exclaimed that it
was the apparition of something divine. And when he spoke and
made an oration to them, they gave a shout, saying,' It is the voice
of a god, and not of a man.' But in the midst of this idolatrous
ostentation, an angel of God suddenly smote him. He was carried
out of the theatre a dying man, and on the 6th of August he was
dead." — r -roT Ol3jparoo upon the seat, or throne, provided for him
in the theatre; see on 19, 29.- E8 Lu/yo'pEt, spoke publicly; because
though he directed his speech to the deputies, he was heard also
by the people who were present (v. 22). The Phoenicians were
there as suppliants for peace, and the king's object now was to
announce to them his decision. The giving audience to ambassadors and replying to them in public was not uncommon in ancient times. - -rpbo avrov's, unto them, i. e. the Tyrians and Sidonians as represented by their agents.  The pronoun does not
refer to Dxuos. See W. ~ 22. 3. 1. It was the messengers, not
the Cwesareans who awaited the king's answer.
V. 22. VrEccdvEt, shouted thereupon, again and again. It enhanced
the eloquence no doubt, that what they had heard accorded with
their wishes. In such a city, the bulk of the assembly would be
heathen (see on 8, 40), and #EoZ may be taken in their sense of
the term.
V. 23. Jv9' tv, K. r. X., because he gave not glory to God, i. e.
did not repel the impious flattery, was willing to receive it. Some
editors insert Trv before 8o0av. - KaL yEvEvoEVo   K. T. X., and having
been eaten with worms, he expired. In ascribing Agrippa's death
to such a cause, Luke makes it evident that he did not mean to
represent it as instantaneous. His statement, therefore, does not
oppose that of Josephus, who says that Herod lingered for five
days after the first attack, in the greatest agony, and then died.
It is evident also for the same reason, that Luke did not consider
the angel as the author of Herod's death in any such sense as to
exclude the intervention of secondary causes.
V. 24. 8E, but, contrasts slightly the fate of Herod, the persecutor of the church, with the prosperity of the church itself. —
X0o'yo.... ErXT9iSVETo,, the word of God grew, was diffused more
and more, and increased, i. e. (comp. 6, 1) was embraced by increasing numbers. Xo'yos suggests the complex idea of doctrine




204                  COMMENTA R Y.              CHAP. XIII, 1.
and disciples, and the verbs which follow divide the idea into its
parts.
VERSE 25. Barnabas and Saul return to Antioch.
V. 25. This verse appears to be introductory to the subject of
the next chapter. It was proper to apprise the reader that Barnabas and Saul returned to Antioch (see 11, 30), since the narrative
of what next occurred in that city implies that they were there,
and no mention has been made of their return. Paul and Barnabas
made this journey to Jerusalem probably near the beginning of
the year A. D. 45; for the famine commenced at the close of the
preceding year (see on 11, 28), and the supplies collected in anticipation of that event would naturally be forwarded before the
distress began to be severe. That the journey took place about
this time results also from its being mentioned in connection with
Herod's death. The two friends appear to have remained at
Jerusalem but a short time, as may be inferred from the object
of their mission, and still more decisively from the absence of
any allusion to this journey in Gal. 2, 1 sq. -'Iowavv-v. John was
a relative of Barnabas, as we learn from  Col. 4, 10; and this
relationship may have led to the present connection. He appears next in the history as their associate in missionary labors
(13, 5).
CHAPTER XIII.
VERSES 1-3. Barnabas and Saul are sent to preach to the Hleathen.
V. 1. The narrative mentions three different journeys of Paul
among the heathen; the account of the first of these commences
here. -- TLVS (probably not genuine) would indicate that those
named were not all the teachers at Antioch. - In Ka-ra rnv EKKXro-lav the preposition may be directive as well as local: in the
church and for its benefit. The office supplied a correspondent
(Kacda) want. Or the idea may be that of distribution: such
teachers belonging to the different churches (comp. 14, 23), the
writer's mind passes along the series to those at Antioch.
-- rpo/q7TaL (see on 2, 17) is the specific term; &LSCOKaXOL the
generic. The prophets were all teachers, but the reverse was
not true.  Compare the note on 14, 23. - -vuzsev. Synmeon is




CITAj. XII, 1. 2.     C 0 MME N T A R Y.                205
otherwise unknown. He was evidently a Jew, and hence in his
intercourse with Gentiles (see on v. 9) was called also Niger.
The latter was a familiar name among the Romans, and is a precarious reason for inferring (Alf.) that he was an African proselyte. — AoVKLoS may be the Lucius who is mentioned in Rom. 16,
21. Some have thought that Luke, the writer of the Acts (no
doubt a native of Antioch), may be intended here; but AotWLo4S
and AovKtavo'g or AovKas are different names. See W. ~ 16. 4. R. 1.
-Kvprqvatog.  See on 2, 10. — Mava "v -t l. (2 Kings 15, 14)
occurs only here. -'Hpij8ov ro9 -rErpapxov. This Herod was the
one who put to death John the Baptist; a son of Herod the
Great, and an uncle of Agrippa, whose death has just been related. He was now in exile on the banks of the Rhone, but
though divested of his office is called tetrarch, because he was
best known under that title; see on 4, 6. There are two views
as to the import of orv'vrpoco,. One is that it means comrade, lit.
one brought up, educated with another.  It was very common for
persons of rank to associate other children with their own, for
the purpose of sharing their amusements and studies, and by
their example serving to excite them to greater emulation. Josephus, Plutarch, Polybius, and others, speak of this ancient practice. So Calvin, Grotius, Schott, Baumgarten, and others. The
more approved opinion is that it means collactaneus, nourished at
the same breast, foster-brother.  Kuinoel, Olshausen, Tholuck,
De Wette, and others, after Walch de Menachemno, adopt that
meaning. The mother of Manaen, according to this view, was
Herod's nurse. In either case the relation is mentioned as an
honorary one.
V. 2. XELrovpyyOVVToV refers here to the rites of Christian worship, as prayer, exhortation, fasting, see v. 3. 15; 14, 23. — avT&v,
i. e. the prophets and teachers. The participation of others in
the service is not asserted, or denied. It is possible that they
were observing a season of prayer with reference to this very
question, What were their duties in relation to the heathen. —
adopg'faTre cry tot, Separate nozw for me, i. e. for the Holy Spirit
The Spirit makes the revelation, selects the missionaries, assigns
to them their work. The personality of the agent may be inferred from such acts. The command in this form was addressed to the associates of Barnabas and Saul, but the latter
would hear the same voice pointing out to them  their duty
and directing them to perform the service laid upon them.- -8j
strengthens the command; see 15, 36; Luke 2, 15. K. ~ 315. 1.
The verb contains the idea both of selection and consecration. -




206                 COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XIII, 3. 4.
O, unto which, without the preposition because the antecedent has
it; comp. n rpxov in 9, 17.- -rpoo-KKXeqkFat has a middle sense. W.
~ 39. 3. The nature of this work, not stated here, we learn from
the subsequent narrative; they were to go into foreign countries
and publish the gospel to Jews and Gentiles. The great object
of the mission was doubtless to open more effectually " the door
of faith to the heathen."
V. 3. TO're, K. T. X., Then havingJfsted, etc. This was a different fast from that spoken of in v. 2, and observed probably by
tile body of the church. - On EL'rt3Lres Trs XePpas au-rot, see 6, 6.
The act was a representative one, and though performed by a
part involves the idea of a general participation. Paul was already a minister and an apostle (see Gal. 1, 1 sq., where he claims
this character from the outset), and by this service he and Barnabas were now merely set apart for the accomplishment of a
specific work. They were summoned to a renewed and more systematic prosecution of the enterprise of converting the heathen;
see on 9, 30; 11, 20. - JrrEXvcrav, sent away. That the subject
of this verb includes the Antiochian Chr'stians in general, may
be argued from the analogous case in 15, 40.  The brethren
commended Paul to God as he departed on his second mission.
VERSES 4-12.  The Journey to Cyprus, and its Results.
V. 4. EK7TrEIEVTE3S. WVe may place this mission in the year
A. D. 45. It does not appear that they remained long at Antioch
before their departure.  See the note on 12, 25. - Eis R-v YEXEVKEtav. Seleucia lay west of Antioch, on the sea-coast, five miles
north of the mouth of the Orontes. It was situated on the rocky
eminence, forming the southern extremity of the hilly range
called Pieria. The harbor and mercantile suburb were on level
ground towards the west. A village called Antakia and interesting ruins point out the ancient site. " The inner basin, or dock,
(there were two ports) is now a morass; but its dimensions can
be measured, and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly
traced. The position of the ancient flood-gates, and the passage
through which the vessels were moved from the inner to the
outer harbor, can be accurately marked. The very piers of the
outer harbor are still to be seen under the water. The stones
are of great size, some of them twenty feet long, five feet deep,
and six feet wide; and are fastened to each other with iron
cramps. The masonry of ancient Selucia is still so good, that
not long since a Turkish Pacha conceived the idea of clearing




CHAP. XIII, 4. 5.   COMMENTARY.                      207
out and repairing the harbor." See authorities in Howson. Those
piers were still unbroken, this great seaport of the Seleucids
and the Ptolemies was as magnificent as ever, under the sway
of the Romans, when Paul. and Barnabas passed through it on
their present mission.   Whether they came down (KaT-AXJov)
from the interior to the coast by land, or by water, is uncertain.
The windings of the river make the distance about forty-one
miles, bat by land it is only sixteen miles and a half. At present,
the Orontes is not navigable, in consequence of a bar at the
mlouth, and other obstructions; but Strabo says (16. 2), that in
his time they sailed up the stream in one day. The road, though
it is now mostly overgrown with shrubs, was then doubtless a
well worn track like the road from the Piraeus to Athens, or from
Ostia to Rome. At Seleucia, the two missionaries with their
companion went on board (a7rertXEvroav) one of the numerous vessels which must have been constantly plying between that port
and the fertile Cyprus. " As they cleared the port, the whole
sweep of the bay of Antioch opened on their left, —the low
ground by the mouth of the Orontes, -the wild and woody
country beyond it, - and then the peak of Mount Cassius, rising
symmetrically from the very edge of the sea to a height of five
thousand feet. On the right, in the south-west horizon, if the
day was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first.
The current sets northerly and north-east between the island and
the Syrian coast. But with a fair wind, a few hours would enable them to run down from Seleucia to Salamis; and the land
would rapidly rise.in forms well known and familiar to Barnabas
and Mark."  Howson, I. p. 169. The fact that Barnabas was a
native of Cyprus (4, 36) may have induced them to give this
direction to their journey.
V. 5. Kalt yevo/lEVOL E'v YaXal/tVL, And having arrived in Salamis.
This town was on the eastern shore of Cyprus, " on a bight of
the coast to the north of the river Pedimeus. A large city by the
sea-shore, a wide-spread plain with corn-fields and orchards, and
the blue distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on
which the eyes of Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to
anchor in the bay of Salamis." -- Tats  vvayo(ya~s indicates that
the Jews here were numerous, since in other places where they
were few they had only one synagogue; comp. 17, 1; 18, 4.
This intimation is confirmed by ancient testimony. In the time
of Trajan, A. D. 116, the Jews in Cyprus were so powerful that
they rose and massacred two hundred and forty thousand of the
Greek inhabitants (Dio Cass. 68. 32). In revenge for this




208                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XIII, 6.
slaughter, Hadrian, who was afterwards emperor, landed on the
island, and either put to death or expelled the entire Jewish population. At the time of Paul's visit, many of the Cyprian Jews
must have resided at Salamis, which was the seat of a lucrative
commerce. -etXOV.... V7rlqpET-rv, and t/hey had also Joo/n (see 12,
25) as an assistant - in what? Kat, as I think, recalls most naturally KaT1y7E0Xov  T'v Xo'yov; and the answer would be that he assisted them in the declaration of the word. Compare 26, 16;
Luke 1, 2; 1 Cor. 4, 1. But the view of most critics is different;
they suppose John to have had charge of the incidental cares
of the party, so as to leave Paul and Barnabas more at liberty
to preach the gospel. We are not informed how long they remained at Salamis, or what success attended their labors.
V. 6. &SLEX3dTEs, K. T. X., And having passed through the whole
island unto Paphos, which was at the other end of Cyprus. The
city intended here was newz Paphos, in distinction from the old
city of that name, which was several miles farther south. The
distance from east to west was not more than a hundred miles.
The Peutingerian Table' (which dates probably from the time
of Alexander Severus, i. e. about A. D. 230) represents a public
road as extending from Salamis to Paphos. If that road existed
at this earlier period, Paul arrived at Paphos in a short time, and
without difficulty. The present Baffa occupies the site of that
city. —ePd a          found a certain Magian, which was his
professional title, since it stands for'EX/L as in v. 8; not sorcerer
(E. V.), which would be opprobrious. - qEV8owrpockTr7v is the narrator's term for describing him; he was a forturre-teller, but his art
was an imposition. It may appear singular that a person of his
character should so mislead and captivate the prudent Sergius.
But the incident presents in fact a true picture of the times.
At that period (I abridge Mr. Howson's paragraph here) imnpostors from  the East, pretending to magical powers, had great
influence over the Roman mind. The East but recently thrown
open was the land of mystery to the western nations. Reports
of the strange arts practised there, of the wonderful events of
which it was the scene, excited almost fanatically the imagination both of the populace and the aristocracy of Rome.  Syrian
fortune-tellers crowded the capital, and appeared in all the
haunts of business and amusement. The strongest minds were
not superior to their influence.  Marius relied on a Jewish
prophetess for regulating the progress of his campaigns. Pompey,
1 See Forbiger's IHandbuch der alten Geographie, Vol. I. p. 469 sq.




CHaP. XIII, 7.       CO M MENTAR  Y.                      2 0 9
Crassus, and Cmsar sought information from Oriental astrology.
Juvenal paints to us the Emperor Tiberius " sitting on the
rock of Capri, with his flock of Chaldeans round him."  The
astrologers and sorcerers, says Tacitus, are a class of men who
"will always be discarded and always cherished."
V. 7. 03 Tv, K. r. X., whzo was with the proconsul Sergius Pauclus.
It would not have been correct to apply this title to the governor
of every Roman province, or even to the governor of the same
province at different periods. It was so difficult to observe accuracy in the use of the varying titles given to Roman magistrates,
that several of the classic authors of this period have, beyond all
question, misapplied them in various instances. Luke was exposed to error in this passage on the right hand and on the left.
On the establishment of the empire, Augustus divided the provinces into two classes.  Those which required a military force
he retained in his own hands, and the others he committed to
the care of the Senate and the Roman people. The officers or
Governors sent into the emperor's provinces were styled proprietors or legates (proprcetores, legati, or avTrLtrpaTryyoL, 7rpEo'3EvTra[);
those sent into the people's provinces were called proconsuls
(proconsules, av3v7raTot). Cyprus, then, must have been a senatorian province at this time, or Luke has assigned to Sergius a
false title. But, further, the same province was often transferred
from one jurisdiction to another.  Thus, in the present instance,
Augustus at first reserved Cyprus to himself and committed its
administration to propritors, or legates.  Strabo informs us of
that circumstance, and there leaves the matter.  Hence it was
supposed for a long time that Luke had committed an oversight
here, or had styled Sergius proconsul without knowing the exact
ilmport of the appellation. But a passage was discovered at
length in Dio Cassius (53. 12), which states that Augustus subsequently relinquished Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for
another province, and (54. 4) that it was governed henceforth by
proconsuls: Ka' oVSroJ dv3viraTo  KaL ES EKELva Ta EVy WL TE~oS3aL
Opqavro.  Coins, too, have been found, struck in the reign of
Claudius, which confirm Luke's accuracy. Bishop Marsh mentions one on which this very title, av9v'37raTo3, is applied to
Cominius Proclus, a governor of Cyprus. It was in the reign of
Claudius that Paul visited this island. For similar confirmations
of our history, see on 18, 12; 19, 38. — -VVET, intelligent, discerning.  It may have been his possession of this quality that
prompted him to seek the acquaintance of Elymas; he may
have hoped to gain from him that deeper knowledge of futurity
2T




210                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XIII, 8.9.
and of the mysteries of nature which the human mind craves so
instinctively. It certainly was proof of his discernment, that he
was not deceived by the man's pretensions; that, on hearing of
the arrival of Paul and Barnabas, he sent for them, and on the
strength of the evidence which confirmed their doctrine, yielded
his mind to it. - &ErrTc7EV, desired earnestly. - rov kXyov Tov ECoy,
the word of God, designates the new  doctrine from  Luke's
point of view (Mey.).
V. 8.'EVkh/as is an Arabic word which means the wise. It
was a title of honor, like o6 Kayos, to which it is here put as
equivalent. He was born, perhaps, in Arabia, or had lived there;
and may have assumed this name in a boastful spirit, or may
have received it from others, as a compliment to his skill. —
TlrOJV.... 7rrTTEco, seeking to turn aside the proconsul Jrom the
faith, i. e. from adopting it; for he was not yet a believer (see v.
12).
V. 9. 6 Kai. HavXos, the also Paul = o Kat KaXo'tevoJo  HIavXos. 6
is the article here, not a pronoun. W. { 18. 1.  The origin of
this name is still disputed. Among the later critics, Olshausen
and Meyer adhere to the older view, that Paul ass-Lumed it out
of respect to Sergius Paulus, who was converted by his instrumentality. But had the writer connected the name with that
event, he would have introduced it more naturally after v. 12.
He makes use of it, it will be observed, before speaking of the
proconsul's conversion.  Neander objects further, that it was
customary among the ancients for the pupil to adopt the name
of the teacher, not the teacher to adopt that of the pupil. There
is force, too, in his remark, that, according to this view, the apostle would seem to recognize the salvation of a distinguished
person as more important than that of others; for that Sergius
was his first convert from heathenism, and received this honor
on that account, assumes incorrectly that he had preached hitherto to none but those of his own nation. It is more probable
that Paul acquired this name like other Jews in that age; who,
when they associated with foreigners, had often two names, the
one Jewish, the other foreign; sometimes entirely distinct, as
Onias and Menelaus, Hillel and Pollio, and sometimes similar in
sound, as Tarphon and Trypho, Silas and Silvanus.  In like
manner the apostle may have been known as Saul among the
Jews, and Paul among the heathen; and, being a native of a
foreign city, as Lightfoot suggests, he may have borne the two
names from early life. This explanation of the origin of the
name accounts for its introduction at this stage of the history.




CHAP. XIII, 10-12.   COMMENTARY.                          211
It is here for the first time that Luke speaks directly of Paul's labors among the heathen; and it is natural that he should apply to
him the name by which he was chiefly known in that sphere of
his ministry. According to some, the name changes here, because
Luke has followed hitherto written memoranda, in which the
apostle was called Saul (Neand. Alf.). This hypothesis is unnecessary, and improbable.  Luke had no need of such memoirs,
as he could learn from  Paul himself all that he has related of
him; and further, the style of what precedes, instead of indicating a different hand, is homogeneous with that which follows.
Zeller, though he denies that Luke wrote the Acts, maintains
that a single author must have written it. - 7rXrqo-3ts, K. T. X. He
was thus impelled to expose the man's wickedness, and to announce his punishment.
V. 10.  oXkov, deceit, refers to his occupation;  t&ovpyT'ag, wickedness, to his character. —ve &tafo'Xov, son of the devil.  The
kindredship is that of disposition, moral resemblance; see John
8, 44. The second noun is sufficiently definite to omit the article.
W. ~ 19. 1. It has the article, however, in other passages, except 1 Pet. 5, 8, where it stands in apposition. - ov rra0cr/....
EvElas; Wilt thou not cease to pervert, i. e. to misrepresent, malign,
the} right wzays of the Lord? viz. those which he requires men to
follow, as repentance, faith, obedience.  It was Christian truth,
the gospel,.which he opposed. Most critics prefer the interrogative form of the sentence as more forcible than the declarative.
oV denies 7ra;o v   persist (W. ~ 57. 3), and implies the ordinary
affirmative answer. EdvEtas suggests possibly a contrast with the
impostor's own ways, so full of deceit and obliquity.
V. 11. XEtp KvpLov sc. (-rt, hand of the Lord; here God perhaps
as the phrase is common in the Old Testament. —r cr a, upon thee,
viz. i. e. for punishment; in a good sense, in 11, 21. — A  flXow7rv
states a consequence, hence Ltj, not ov. - aXX  Katpo', until a season,
a certain time; comp. Luke 4, 13 The infliction would be temporary; either because the object (see next verse) did not require
it to be permanent, or because the mildness might conduce to the
man's repentance. - aXXvs Kalt cOKOTO, a mist and darkness, related
as cause and effect; or by degrees, first one and then the other.
- E7TEL states his habit (imperfi) during the period of his blindness.
V. 12. EK7XrkcrOO/l0EVOS.... Kvptov, being astonished at the doctrine
of the Lord, i. e. its confirmation by such a miracle, comp. Mark
1, 27.




212                  C O M M E N T A R Y      CHAP. XIII, 13. 14.
VERSES 13-15.  They proceed to Perga, and thence to Antioch in
Pisidia.
V. 13. JvaX3Evres, having put to sea, lit. having gone up (note
the etymology), because the sea appears higher than the land.
Paphos was on the sea-shore, and they would embark at that
place. - ot 7rEp' TOv lavcXov, Paul and his companions. 7rEp( presents the name after it as the central object of the group,,see
John 11, 19. W. ~ 53. i. Hitherto the order has been Barnabas
and Saul; but from this time Paul appears in the narrative as
the principal person, and Barnabas as subordinate. -  X;tov t's
HIepywv, came unto Perga.  They must have "sailed past the
promontories of Drepanum  and Acamas, and then across the
waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving on the right the cliffs
(six hundred feet high) which form the western boundary of
Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the bay of Attaleia."  Perga
was the chief city of Pamphylia, situated on the Cestrus, about
seven miles from its mouth. A bar obstructs the entrance of this
river at the present time; but Strabo (14. 4) says expressly that
it was navigable in his day as far up as Perga.  The ruins of
this city are to be seen still, sixteen miles northeast of the modern Adalia, or Satalia.  They consist of "walls and towers, columns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken aqueduct,
and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Nothing else remains of Perga but the beauty of its natural situation,
between and upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive valley in front, watered by the river Cestrus, and backed by the
mountains of the Taurus." I —'Ioavvn, K. r. X. Why John Mark
left them so abruptly is unknown.  It is certain from 15, 38 (see
the note there) that his reason for turning back was not one which
Paul approved.  He returned not to Antioch, but Jerusalem,
where his home was (12, 12).
V. 14. aVroL, they themselves, unaccompanied by their former
associate. -- arr0 Trs lp-yls.  The stay at Perga, therefore, was
brief; they did not even preach there at this time; comp. 14, 25.
iVhat occasioned this singular haste? Very possibly, as Howson
suggests, they arrived there in the spring of the year, and, in
order to prosecute their journey into the interior, were obliged to
advance without delay. " Earlier in the season the passes would
have been filled with snow. In the heat of summer the weather
1 Sir C. Fellows's "Asia Minor," pp. 190-193.




CHAP. XIII, 14.15.  COMMENTARY.                           213
would have been less favorable for the expedition.  In the autumn the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the
approaching difficulties of winter."  On the journey from the
coast to the interior, Paul may have encountered some of the
" perils of robbers " (KLV$'VOLS XfO-TWV) and " perils of rivers " (KLVV8'voL3 OTracLjov), to which he alludes in 2 Cor. 11, 26. The marauding habits of the people on the mountains which he now crossed
were notorious in all ancient history. The country swarmed with
banclitti of the most desperate character.  The physical character of the region exposed him, also, to the other class of dangers.
The streams here are numerous and violent, beyond those of any
other tract in Asia Minor.  Torrents "burst out at the base of
huge cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines." See
Howson for fuller information on these points. - El'AVT-LdXELav.
Aztioch, which lay north from Perga, was on the central tableland of Asia Minor, on the confines of Pisidia and Phrygia. It
was built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch. Under Augustus it rose to the rank of a colony. It was now an important
city, inhabited by many Greeks, Romans, and Jews, in addition
to its native population.  The site of Antioch was first identified
by Mr. ArLundel in 1833. - -rv ragfl3ITov, of the Sabbath, i. e. the
rest season.  The plural arose probably from  the fact, that
such a season included often more than one day.  See W.
27. 3.
V. 15.  vETa' & - r7v ava/VWocLv, K. T. X. The practice of reading
the Scriptures in this manner grew up probably during the exile.
Win. Realw. II. p. 548.  vod'os here designates the Pentateuch;
7rpof-rzat, the other books of the Old Testament, see Matt. 5, 17;
Luke 16, 16, etc. The Psalms formed sometimes a third division,
see Luke 24, 44. - JrE'TELXav, sc. v'rlp7rlv (Luke 4, 20), the rulers
of the synzagogue (see on 9, 2) sent unto them a servant. It may
have been known that they were teachers, or, as Hemsen suggests, they may have occupied a seat which indicated that such
was their office. - Ev kvv, in you, in your minds; comp. Gal. 1,
16; Phil. 1, 5. — 7rapaKX'treog, exhortation.  The object was to incite them to a stricter observance of the law.
VERSES 16-41.  The Discourse of Paul at Antioch.
The topics are, first, the goodness of God to Israel, especially
in having promised to send to them a Saviour, 16-25; secondly,
Jesus has been proved to be this Saviour, by his death and resurrection, in accordance with the prophecies of the Old Testa



214'                  CO M M E NTA R Y.        CHAP. XIII, 16-20
ment, 26-37; and, thirdly, it is the duty of men to receive him in
this character, since they can be saved in no other way, 38-41.
V. 16. KaTao-rEtaos Tr' XELtp (comp. on 12, 16) was the customary
gesture on rising to speak.  It betokened respect for the audience
and a request for attention. — o4  o3lEVOL Evot Tv 9EOV, who fear
God, as in 10, 2, i. e. Gentiles who were friendly to Judaism, but
uncircumcised. They occupied, it is said, a separate place in the
synagogue. The contents of the address show that the Israelites
greatly outnumbered that class of the hearers. This discourse deserves the more attention, as furnishing so copious an illustration
of the apostle's manner of preaching to the Jews.
V. 17. v/ro-'Ev, exalted, made them numerous and powerful. -
Ev yj, in the land. For the absence of the article, see on 7, 29.
uLE-a /pa~xovos ~vrXov, with a hig]h arm, i. e. one raised on high, and
so ever ready to protect and defend them; comp. Ex. 6, 6.
V. 18.  &Tpo/oopOcrEpCV -U-  rTpoo/% G3&-CraoTEcv, carried them as a
nurse (in the arms as it were), sustained, cared for them. The
term is derived probably from  Deut. 1, 31.  Most of the later
editors prefer this word to &rpo7ro0'plrq-Ev, endured their manners.
It suits the connection better than the other word, since what the
apostle would bring to view here is not so much the forbearance
of God towards his people, as his interpositions, his direct efforts
in their behalf.  Crpo+o/o'pco-Ev is well attested also, though the
evidence is not decisive.
V. 19. E*v-q &Erra, seven nations. See their names in Deut. 7, 1.
They were the principal tribes in Palestine at that time.- -v EA,
anarthrous as above. - KaTxEKX-qpov4/L7o'Ev aroZ, assigned to themz as
a possession; Hellenistic for the Hiphil of n?-.l'-rv yyjv avrTv,
their land by promise, gift; or, better, henceforth theirs and that
of their descendants.
V. 20. /eraT TaravTa, after these things, viz. the conquest and occupation of the country.- WoE %(TEcL.... KpLTra,  during about.fozur
hundred andfifty years he gave judges.  For the dative, see on 8,
11.  This number is the sum  of the years assigned in the Old
Testament to the administration of the judges from the time of
Joshua to the death of Eli, added to the sum of the years during
which the nation was subject to foreign oppressors.  Hence it
would be very natural for the Jews to speak of four hundred and
fifty years as the proximate number of years during which the
judges ruled. But whether the computation arose in that way,
or some other, it was certainly in use among the Jews; for JoseFor the origin of such Hebraisms, see the writer's Hebrew Exercises, p. 96.




CHAP. XIII, 20.     C O M MENTARY.                     215
phus (Antt. 8. 2. 1) gives the time from the departure out of
Egypt till the building of the temple as five hundred and nintytwo years. If we deduct from that the forty years in the wilderness, twenty-five for the administration of Joshua (Antt. 5. 1.
29, not stated in the Old Testament), forty for Saul's reign (see v.
21), forty for David's, and four under Solomon (1 Kings 6, 1), we
have for the period of the judges four hundred and forty-three
years, which the apostle could call, in round numbers, about four
hundred and fifty years. It is evident, therefore, that Paul has
followed here a mode of reckoning which was current at that
time, and which, being a well-known received chronology, whether correct or incorrect in itself considered, was entirely correct
for his object, which was not to settle a question about dates,
but to recall to the minds of those whom he addressed a particular portion of the Jewish history. The Hebrews had still
another computation, as appears from 1 Kings 6, 1. The time
from the exodus to the building of the temple is there given as
four hundred and eighty years; which (deducting the other dates
as stated above) would allow but two hundred and thirty-one
years for the period of the judges. In regard to such differences,
see also on 7, 6. Some of the best critics read us ETErL TeTpaKOCrOtL
Kalt 7rEV-rKovTa Kal iE1OTa TavTa. The four hundred and fifty years
belong then to the preceding verse, and may be the years from the
birth of Isaac when God showed that he had chosen the fathers,to
the distribution of the land of Canaan. Adding together sixty years
from the birth of Isaac to that of Jacob, one hundred and thirty
as the age of Jacob on going into Egypt, two hundred and fifteen
as the sojourn there, and forty-seven thence to the settlement of
the tribes, the sum is four hundred and fifty-two. See again on 7, 6.
This reading is found in the oldest manuscripts (A, B, C), and
some others, and is approved by Griesbach, Lachman, Luthardt,
Green, Wordsworth, and others. The text may have been changed
to relieve the difficulty (Mey.); but it is singular that the three
oldest witnesses concur in that variation. A summary decision
is not to be pronounced here. - Eos:a/jov'iX, unto Samuel, who is
to'be included probably among the judges; or Eos may be taken
as exclusive. How long he governed is not mentioned in 1 Sam.
7, 15, nor in 28, 3. The tradition (Jos. Antt. 6. 13. 5), which is
not perhaps of much value, makes it twelve years. as would
allow us to add these years to four hundred and fifty, if any one
prefers that.
In Reuter's Repertorium, p. 205, Jahrgang 1855.




216                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XIII, 21-25.
V. 21. KaKE^tev, and thereafter, is here an adverb of time. -,7TcravTo, askedfor themselves, etc.  See 1 Sam. 8, 5; 10, 1.- Zr/q
-rEo-arapaKovTa, forty years, which agrees with Jos. Antt. 6. 14. 9.
The Old Testament does not mention the length of Saul's
reign.
V. 22.  aeTraor'orr-a  avrov, having removed him, i. e. from  life
(De Wet.); or from his office (Kuin.). The two events were
coincident in point of time. Saul reigned until his death, though
David was anointed as prospective king during his lifetime.-.... tLap7vpqo-as, to whom  (dat. comm.) also he testified, saying.
The dative depends on the participle. The apostle quotes the
substance of 1 Sam. 13, 14, and Ps. 89, 21.  This commendation
is not absolute, but describes the character of David in comparison with that of Saul.  The latter was rejected for his disobedience and impiety; David, on the contrary, was always faithful
to the worship of Jehovah, and performed his commands as they
were made known to him by revelation, or the messengers whom
God sent to him.
V. 23. Jesus could not be the Messiah, unless he were descended from David. TrorTOV stands first in order to give prominence to his descent from that source.- KaT' rrary'eXtav, according
to promise, as made to the fathers (v. 32); not to David merely.
V. 24.'Iowvvov. The Jews acknowledged John's authority as
a prophet, and were bound, therefore, to admit his testimony. -.rpb rporr7rov (- -    3.) rEl Eir0'8ov, before his entrance, i. e. upon his
public ministry; see Matt. 11, 10: Luke 7, 27. —3a&rrtorlca xeravotas, bacptism of repentance, i. e. such as required repentance on
the part of those who received it; see 19, 4.
V. 25. u.... 8po'lov, Now as John was finishing his course,
was near its close (De Wet. Mey.); not while he was completing
it (Kuin. Olsh.).  The forerunner was about to be imprisoned
when he bore this testimony to his successor. — rtva ie, K. T. X.,
Whom do ye suppose that Iam? Iam not, viz. the Messiah. The
predicate is omitted as well known; comp. Mark 13, 6; Luke 21,
8; John 13, 19. Some critics (Calv. Raph. Kuin.) exclude the
question, and render, he whom, (rtva = ov-tva) ye suppose, I am nltt.
This punctuation does violence to the pronoun, while the sense
has no advantage over the other. See W. ~ 25. 1.- — pxerat tLXET
KIs, K. T. X., comes after me, etc.  In this way he would express
strongly his official and personal inferiority to Christ. It was an
office of the lowest servants, not only among the Jews, but the
Greeks and Romans, to bind and unbind the sandals of their
masters.  See Jahn's Archweol. ~ 123.




CiaP. XIII, 26-28.     COMMENTARY.                          217
V. 26. avopeg ao&e.boL, men, at the same time brethren; not different classes. -- Viv includes both Jews and proselytes. — Irt
awrt1r7pLLa TralVS, of' this salvation which they preached (comp. 5,
20); or procured by Jesus, named in v. 23. - a7rEorA-r-7, was sent
forth, i. e. from God, the author of the word.
V. 27. yap confirms the implication in crr)Tqptas TaT7sr in v. 26,
viz. that Jesus, whom Paul preached, was the promised Saviour;
for (yap) he had suffered and been put to death, and so had fillfilled what was predicted of the Messiah.  De Wette, Winer
({ 57. 6), and others, maintain this view  of the connection.
Meyer (followed by Alf.) opposes v'iv in v. 26 to o[ KaTotKOVVT(E
here, i. e. the foreign Jews, being less guilty, had the message
of salvation sent to them, which the other Jews had forfeited.
This explanation arrays the passage against other passages, e. g.
2, 38; 3, 17. 26. It was not true that those who crucified the
Saviour excluded themselves from the offers of the gospel. —.oVTov.....rX'pwoo-a'v, this one, viz. Jesus not having known, failed
to recognize, and the voices of the prophets (not having known)
they fulfilled them, viz. the prophecies by condemning him to
death. This is the simplest translation and the one most approved (Calv. Grot. Kuin. Hmph.).  The principal English versions agree in this sense.  a7yvoro'avres is milder than rpvrc-ao-r3
in 3, 13; see note there. In this case we must supply pronouns
after KpLValvTaE and E7rXrpoo-av, which refer to different antecedents.
The construction may be harsh, but occasions no obscurity.
Meyer renders: Since they knew not this one.... they also fJlfilled  the voices, etc.  The Jews are usually represented as
rejecting Christ because they failed to discern the import of the
predictions concerning him. The thought here would be inverted
somewhat: the rejection appears as the reason why they misunderstand and fulfil the prophets.  De Wette construes ayvorjcavreE as a verb: they knew himn not, and the voices.... fi{/llled.
This analysis secures more uniformity in the structure of the
sentence; but such a use of the participle is infrequent.  Scholefield translates: Being ignorant of this word, and the voices of the
prophets.... fulfilled it by condemning him.  He assigns in this
way a nearer antecedent to roVTov, but must set aside the more
obvious subject suggested to the mind by the context. It is not
clear in what sense he would have us regard the rejection of
Christ as fulfilling the word or gospel.- rTa Kama, K. r. X., which
are read every Sabbath, and hence their ignorance was the more
inexcusable.
V. 28. lr,18elav... EVpOVrEq, although they found no cause of
28




218                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XIII, 29-33.
death, none that justified it, see 28, 18. They charged him with
blasphemy and sedition, but could not establish the accusation.
See 3, 13; Matt. 27, 24; Luke 23, 22.
V. 29. E8%KaV has the same subject as the other verbs, see v.
27.  The burial, however, was the particular act of Joseph of
Arimathea and Nicodemus; see John 19, 38 sq.  What the
apostle would assert is that Christ had fulfilled the prophecy,
which announced that he should be put to death, and rise again.
It was not important that he should discriminate as to the character of the agents in the transaction.  Some translate, those who
took him clown placed him, etc..  The participle in that relation to
to the verb would require the article.
V. 31. TOs ovvava3actrLv avrT, those who came up with him, i. e. the
Galilean disciples who attended him on his last journey to Jerusalem. They knew, therefore, what they testified; their mlleans
of knowledge had been ample.  This idea occurs in the Acts
often. - vUv, now.  The resurrection rested not on tradition, but
on the testimony of living men. The English version, after the
received text, omits this particle. - 7rp0 srv Xaov, unto the people,
i. e. the Jews, see v 24; 10, 42, etc.
V. 32.  Ka'ct a/nEi, and so wue, i. e. in view  of these various
proofs that Jesus is the Messiah; see vv. 23. 25. 27. 31. - EvayytXtod/Eca has a double accusative only here.  W. ~ 32. 4. -   -rayyeAcav stands in the first clause with the usual effect of that
attraction; see on 3, 10.
V. 33. EKrrE7rX'rjpwKE, has conmpletely fulflled, stronger than 7rX-4pwo-av in v. 27; because the resurrection, considered as involving
the ascension and exaltation, was essentially the finishing act in
the fulfilment of the promise relating to the Messiah. - aao-rroras'Ino-orv means, as Luther, Schott, Stier, De Wette, Meyer,
Hengstenberg, Tholuck and others, decide, having raised up Jesus
from the grave; not having brought him into existence (Calv. Bng.
Kuin. Olsh.).  The mind attaches that sense to the word most
readily after v. 30. It was unnecessary to insert EK VEKpj)V, because the context suggests the specific meaning: comp. 2, 24.
32. avaorTaoa% in the sense of having raised up merely, expresses
too little for the prophecy which that event is said to have
fulfilled. The original passage refers, not to the incarnation of
the Messiah, but to his inauguration or public acknowledgment
on the part of God as the rightful Sovereign of men. To no
moment in the history of Christ would such a prediction apply
with such' significance as to that of his triumphant resurrection
from the dead. The progression of the argument in the next




CHAP. XIII, 33. 34.   COMM E NTARY.                         219
verse demands this interpretation. To the assertion here that
God had raised Jesus to life again, the apostle adds there that this
life was one which death would invade no more. - us Kat, as also,
i. e. what took place was foretold. -- 7rproT qaXcw.  The second
Psalm in our English version is named here the first, because in
some manuscripts the Hebrews reckoned the first Psalm  merely
as prefatory.  8EvTErp  has much less support.- vwOo.... -v' (Ps.
2, 7) affirms the Sonship of the Messiah, which included his
divine nature; see Rom. 1, 4.  Hence 7EyEyvvqrK{ 0E cannot refer
to the origin of this relationship, but must receive a figurative
interpretation; either, I have begotten thee, brought thee into a
state of glory and power such as Christ assumed after his resurrection as Mediator at the right hand of God; or, according to a
familiar Hebrew  usage, I have declared, exhibited thee as begotten,
i. e. as my Son, viz. by the resurrection from the dead. The
thought here is entirely parallel to that in Rom. 1, 4.  As to the
declarative sense of Hebrew verbs, see the note on 10, 15. —
a-1/tEpov, to-day, designates the precise point of time on which the
prophet's eye was then fixed, viz. that of Christ's assumption of
his mediatoriai power, or that of his open proclamation as Messiah
on the part of God when he raised him from the dead.
V. 34. ogt....  I d &ao&3opCav, Further (as proof) that he raised
him up from, the dead as one who would die no more. 8E is progressive.  avE-rTrrq-EV repeats the idea of the foregoing avac-rro-as, for
the purpose of describing this resurrection more fully: it would
be followed by no return to death.  (K VEKpJV does not distinguish
the two words as to sense, but draws attention more strongly to
the contrast between the death which he had suffered, and his
exemption from  death in future.  IL-qKETL*.... Et &taSopav, as
applied to Christ, whose body underwent no change while it remained in the grave, must be equivalent to OVKETL aTroVarj-KEt in
Rom. 6, 9. The dissolution or corruption of the body is the ordinary consequent of death; and hence in common speech, to
return to corruption and to die, or the opposite, not to return to corruption and not to die, are interchangeable expressions.  Bengel
saw this import of the phrase. See W. ~ 66. 10. The perpetuity
of Christ's existence is an important truth in the Christian system.
In Rom. 5, 10, Paul urges it as a ground of certainty, that, if men
believe on Christ, they will be finally saved, and in Rom. 6, 9, as
a pledge that, inasmuch as he " dies no more, we shall live with
him;" see also John 14, 19; Heb. 7, 25, etc. This incidental
agreement of the address with Paul's circle of doctrine speaks
for its genuineness. -- or is the sign of quotation. --  oWi....




220                   COM M ENT A R Y.        CHAP. XIII, 35. 36.
VTrrLo-  expresses the substantial sense of Is. 55, 3: Iwillgive to
you, perform unto you, the holy, inviolable promises of David (i. e.
made to him), the sure. The language is very nearly that of the
Seventy. One of these promises was that David should have a
successor whose reign would be perpetual, the throne of whose
kingdom God would establish for ever and ever; see 2 Sam. 7,
13 sq. It was essential to the accomplishment of that promise
that the Messiah should be exempt from death, and hence, as
Jesus had been proved to be the Messiah by his resurrection, that
promise made it certain that he would live and reign henceforth,
without being subject to any interruption of his existence or
power.
V. 35. &8o Ka', Therefore also, i. e. because he was not mortal,
in further confirmation of that fact. -'v E'Tpp, sc. flaXk/r, viz. 16,
10. See on 2, 25 sq. The inspired declaration that the Messiah
should not experience the power of death had not only been
verified in his resurrection, but guarantied that he would not experience that power at any future period. - XE'yL, sc.  ooe, viz.
through David; see v. 34; 1, 16, etc.
V. 36. ydap vindicates the reference of the passage to Christ,
since it could not apply to David. — jv is antithetic to 8' in v. 37.
— Pita yEve5.... fiovX- admits of a twofold translation. yEVea may
depend on vrrlqperlo-as: having served his own generation (been useful to it), according to the purpose of God (dative of norm or rule).
Our English translators, Calvin, Doddridge, Robinson, and others,
adopt this construction.  Olshausen, Kuinoel, De WVette, Meyer,
and others, refer [3ovXfj to the participle: havzng in his own generation (dative of time), or for it (dat. comm.), served the purpose,
plan of God, i. e. as an instrument for the execution of his
designs; comp. v. 22. 7yEwE, if connected with the participle,
secures to it a personal object, and in that way forms a much
easier expression than /fovXnj with the participle. The main idea
of the clause is that David, like other men, had but one generation of contemporaries; that he accomplished for that his allotted
work, and then yielded to the universal law which consigns the
race to death.  Some join rj /3ovXjj with'KOqAh3-, which renders
the remark much less significant. - KaL rpocreTEr3r, K. r. X., and he
was added unto his fathers.  This expression recognizes the existence of the soul in a future state (Bng. Olsh. Doddr.).  Gesenius says that it is distinguished expressly both from death and
burial in Gen. 25, 8; 35, 29; 2 Kings 22, 20; see Lex. s. t.
- ETe &ao3opav, saw corruption as to his mortal part; comp.
2, 31.




CIAP. XIII, 38. 39.  COMM ENTAR iY.                       221
V. 38. oiv, illative. Jesus has been shown to be the Messiah,
and he is, therefore, the author of pardon and salvation to those
who believe on him. - &&a -robrov belongs to aEL(tLs, rather than the
verb: through this one the forgiveness of sins (having been procured) is announced unto you; comp. 10, 36; Luke 24, 47.  The
next verse reaffirms and amplifies the proposition.
V. 39. The sentence here depends still on TLt. A comma is
the proper point between this verse and the last. The apostle
declares now, first, that the forgiveness which Christ has procured is not partial, but extends to all the sins of the transgressor; secondly, that all men need it, since no other way of
pardon remains for those who are condemned by the law; and,
thirdly, since faith in Christ is the only condition annexed to it,
this salvation is free to all.- Kat J7ro raLvTWV, K. T. X., and that from
all things, i. e. sins, from  which (- a+)' &v by attraction) ye were
not able by the law of Moses to bejustified, etc.  We cannot suppose this to mean, according to a possible sense of the words,
that the gospel merely completes a justification which the law
nas commenced or accomplished in part; for such an admission
would be at variance with the doctrine of the New Testament in
in regard to the utter inefficacy of all legal obedience to cancel
the guilt of transgression, and the necessity of an exclusive
reliance on the work of Christ for our justification. We must
adopt a different view  of the meaning.  As Olshausen suggests, we may regard &v (= a+' 4v) after a&ro rravrv, not as a supplementary clause, but as explanatory of the other, or coextensive
with it, viz. fron all sins from which (i. e. from all which sins) ye
wcre unable, etc. In other words, the first clause affirms the sufficiency of the gospel to justify from all sins, while the second
clause affirms the insufficiency of the law to the same extent,
i. e. to justify from any sins; comp. Rom. 8, 3 sq. To represent
this meaning to the ear, we should read a7ro wcavToWv with an emphasis, and iv.... &KatoLvatL as parenthetic.  Neander (Pflanzung, I. p. 195) declares himself strongly for this sense of the
words. Alford's comment (similar to Meyer's) represents a different view: " Christ shall do for you all that the law could not do;
leaving it for inference or for further teaching that this was absolutely all; that the law could do nothing."  According to some,
the apostle concedes a certain value to the rites of Judaism: they
were the appointed means of obtaining the pardon of offences,
which concerned the ritual merely and social or public relations.
See Lange's Geschichte der Kirche, II. p. 171. This explanation
rests on a false view of the nature of the IIebrew rites. As Ev rTOVTr




222                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XIII, 40. 41.
stands opposed to Ev vor/u, it belongs to 8tKatoVTatl not to 7rLt0V. 40. p&EXrETE oav, beware, therefore, since ye are thus guilty
and exposed. — AdL~ iOr q7, K. T. X., lest that spoken, etc., lest the
declaration be fulfilled, verified in your case.  The mode of citing the prophecy shows that the apostle did not regard it as
spoken in view of that occasion. -- EV TroC 7rpoqrjTats, in the prophets, i. e. the part of the Old Testament which the Jews so named;
comp. v. 15; 7, 42; John 6, 45.  See W. ~ 27. 2. The passage
intended is Hab. 1, 5.
V. 41. The citation follows very nearly the Septuagint, and
agrees essentially with the Hebrew.  In the original passage
the prophet refers to a threatened invasion of the Jewish nation by the Chaldeans, and he calls upon his countrymen to
behold the judgment to which their sins had exposed them, and
to be astonished, to tremble on account of it.  Of this language the apostle avails himself, in order to warn the Jews
whom he addressed of the punishment which awaited them if'
they rejected the message which they had now heard.  Calvin:
" Paulus fideliter accommodat in usum  suum  prophetm verba,
quia sicuti semel minatus fuerat Dens per prophetam suum Habacuc, ita etiam semper fuit sui siMilis." - oi KaTaaqbpovrTatl ye despisers, occurs in the Septuagint, but not in the Hebrew.  The
apostle could retain it, in perfect consonance with the original,
because it is the incredulity of the wicked, their contempt of
God's threatenings, which occasions their ruin.  What suggested
the word to the Seventy is uncertain. It is thought that they
may have read 5.~h=, deceitfud, proudly impious, instead of tgem,
amongm the heathen.- Ka Savr&o-a-re, and wondler, be astonished,
i. e. at the fearful, certain destruction which God prepares for his
enemies. The spectacle to which the prophet directs attention
here is that of the Chaldeans, mustering their hosts to march
against the guilty Jews. -Kac aJ(avorl7rE, and perish, unable to
escape the punishment which their sins have provoked. This
word elicits an idea which the Hebrew text involves, though it
is not expressed there. Paul has retained it from the Septuagint.,- p)OV, K. T. X., a work of judgment I work, execute. The future
act is represented as present, because it was near. -The second'pyov Paul inserts for the sake of emphasis. The copies
which omit it were corrected probably after the Septuagint. - g
o0 jr~, K. T. X., which ye will not believe, thougth any one should fully
declare it to you, i. e. although apprised ever so distinctly of their
danger, they would not heed it; they are infatuated, they cling




CHAP. XIII, 42-45.     C O M M E N T A R Y.                223
to their delusive hopes of safety. The New Testament, like
most of the later Greek, employs often the subjunctive aorist in
the sense of the indicative future. W. ~ 56. 3; Lob. Phryn. p. 723
sq.,, at the head of the clause, is a better reading than ~.
That the dative, however, is not a false construction, see Rom.
10, 16.
VERSEs 42-49.  They preach a second time at Antioch.
V. 42.  The best editions insert avdrwv in place of (K rUS o-vayw/3s  rov'Iovdatv in the common text, and omit ra Evr/ after 7rapeKaXovv. - aVTrV must refer to Paul and Barnabas. - EL     e R' /Eran
oa-,3/3arov corresponds evidently to r  Exo/UEv  o-a//131arp in v. 44,
and means upon (lit. unto, as the limit) the next Sabbath (Neand.
Mey. De Wet.); not during the intermediate weelc, as explained
by some of the older critics. ILeracTv has this sense in the N. T.
here only, but belongs to the later Greek. That the apostles
were not inactive during the interval, but labored in private
circles, may be taken for granted.
V. 43. XveclO-T rvTN covvaywo"y  seems, at first view, superfluous
after tLO'VTwV aVT-v. The procedture, says Neander, may have
been this. As Paul and Barnabas were going out before the
general dispersion of the assembly, the rulers of the synagogue
may have requested that they would repeat their discourse on
the next Sabbath. The people having then withdrawn, many of
the Jews and proselytes followed the speakers, for the purpose
of declaring their assent to what they had heard, or of seeking
further instruction. - oa-E,&oltxv, se. SEOv, not devout (E. V.) above
others, but simply worshippers of Jehovah (see 16, 14) and not of
idols as formerly. --    Xaprq roa   eo, the grace of God, i. e. the
gospel, which is the fruit of his undeserved favor.
V. 44. o-XE-ov, K. T. X., almost the entire city assembled; where,
is not stated. Paul and Barnabas on that Sabbath may have
spoken to different audiences.  If they both repaired to the same
synagogue, the crowd must have filled not only the synagogue
itself, but every avenue to it; comp. Mark 2, 2 sq.; Luke 8, 19.
The hearers on this occasion were Gentiles, as well as Jews.
V. 45.  OXkov, with indignation, as in v. 17. - a-vrtXeYov-re  is
neither superfluous nor Hebraistic, but, like the participle united
with its finite verb in the classics, emphasizes avrTEXE7ov (Mey.):
not only contradicting', but blasphenzing.  The second participle
defines the extent or criminality of the act stated by the first.
W. ~ 45. 8.




224                   CO 0MMENTARY.            CIIAP. XIII, 46-48.
V. 46. vJtv ryv avayKatov, unto you it was necessary, because the
plan of God required it; comp. on 3, 26.- 7rp7TOV, first in time,
as in 3, 26. - Kat oVK.... aOYs, and ye judge yourselves not woratly
of t/he eternal life, viz. which we preach; see on 5, 20.  This
mode of speaking is not common; it rests on the just view that
a man's actions may be taken as his own self-pronounced verdict
as to his character and deserts.- Elg ra'P-Vr, unto thle heat/hen in
that place. In like manner, the Jews whom they left to their
doom were those at Antioch. They did not turn from the Jewish
nation as such, to labor in future for the exclusive benefit of the
Gentiles; see 18, 5 sq.; 19, 8 sq.
V. 47. OV'T(o, so as they had done.- -TEPELKa, K. r. X. See Is
49, 6. The prophet announces there that the Messiah whom
God promised to send would be the Saviour of the Gentiles as
well as the Jews; that all nations would be called to share ill
the blessings of his kingdom.  The passage is quoted to show
that in turning now to the heathen they were merely carrying
out the plan of God as revealed in the Old Testament (see also
Is. 11, 1. 10; Rom. 9, 25 sq.); the announcement of his purpose
in regard to the unrestricted design of the gospel required them
as his messengers to publish it to the Gentiles.
V. 48. iso0'agov.... Kvplov, th/ey glorioed, extolled, the word of
the Lord; they expressed their joy and gratitude for the mercy
which had embraced them in the plan of salvation, and had given
them this opportunity to secure its benefits. We see from the
next clause that they received the message as well as rejoiced to
hear it. - KaL 7rta'TrEvaav.... ahtvwov, and as many as were appoinlted
unto eternal life believed.  This is the only translation which the
philology of the passage allows. So Calvin, Kuinoel, Olshausen,
IJsteri, De Wette, WViner, Meyer, and others. In this position
the demonstrative part of o'-oL (those who) must be the subject of
the first verb, and the relative part the subject of the second.
Hence it is impossible to render those who believed were appointel.
Some translate rE7ra,//EVOL, disposed, inclined; but this term  as
passive, though it may signify disposed externally, as, e. g. drawn
up in military order, was not used to denote an act of the mind.
In 20, 13 the form is middle with an accusative virtually (see
note there), and in 1 Cor. 16, 15 the form is active with an accusative; those cases, therefore, so unlike this are not to be cited
here. Mr. Humphry, after Whitby, and others, defends still that
signification, and appeals for proof of it to 2 Macc. 6, 21. The
1 Entwickelung des Paulinischen Lehrbegriffes, p. 271 (1851).




ChIAr. XIII, 49-51.   C O M M E N T A R Y.                225
Greek there is ol 8C -rpSo T- rapavo'F/ o-7rXka-yXvt-   TCETaTypvot, and
does not mean "those who were set or bent on mercy" (Hmph.),
but " those appointed for the distribution of unlawful flesh.'"  See
Wahl's Clav. Libr. Vet. Apocrph., and Biel's Lex., in LXX, s.
rrXAayxvtiruos.  The use of' TETayrvllot ill that passage not only fails
to support the alleged meaning but confirms the other. E1s LoWv
alctvLov is not to be torn from its connection and joined to ircr-Tevorav.
In what sense men are appointed by God (comp. Rom. 13, 1)
unto eternal life is not taught very distinctly here, but must be
gathered from a comparison with other passages. For example,
see Rom. 8, 28, sq.; 9, 11; Eph. 1, 4. 11; 2 Thess. 2, 13; 2 Tim.
1, 9; 1 Pet. 1, 2.  The explanations of this text which have
been opposed to the foregoing, are forced and unsatisfactory.
Dr. Wordsworth (to give a favorable specimen) expounds it thus:
Those who had set or marshalled themselves to go forward in
the way to eternal life, professed their faith boldly in the face of
every danger.
V. 49. &8ecEpeTO.... Xwpag, And the word of the Lord was conveyed through all the region, i. e. in the vicinity of Antioch.  This
rapid extension of the gospel we must attribute in some measure
to the zeal of the recent converts.  Paul and Barnabas also
may have visited, personally, some of the nearest places; for
Luke may have passed over an interval between this verse and
the next, during which the missionaries could have made such
excursions.
VERSES 50-52.  They are persecuted, and depart to Iconium.
V. 50. ra's r-Ef3oLEasv  yvvaLKas. They were Gentile women who
had embraced Judaism (see 17, 4), and could be easily excited
against, a sect represented as hostile to their faith. At Damascus,
as Josephus states (Bell. Jud. 2. 20. 20), a majority of the married
women were proselytes. eCvrxLuovas refers to their rank (17, 12;
SMark 15, 43), as the wives of the first men of the city.  It was
the object of the crafty Jews to gain the men through the influence of the women, and thus effect the expulsion of the apostles
from the city. Paul alludes to this persecution in 2 Tim. 3, 11.
V. 51. E7r avrov =- EL~ /LapTvpLov &' aiVrov in Luke 9, 5.  Shaking off the dust of the feet imported disapprobation and rejection. The act derived its significancy from the idea that those
renounced in this way were so unworthy that the very dust ofc
their land was defiling. In taking this course Paul followed the
direction of Christ, given in Matt. 10, 14.- Iconiurnm, to which they
29




226                  C O A AI E N T A R Y.      CHAP. XIV, 1. 2.
came next, was about forty-five miles south-east from Antioch.
It was the principal city of Lyconia, situated at the foot of the
Taurus.  Its present name is Konieh. Leake, who approached
Iconium from the mountains which separate Antioch from Philomelium, says (Travels in Asia Minor, p. 45):" On the descent
from a ridge branching eastward from these mountains, we came
in sight of the vast plain around Konieh, and of the lake which
occupies the middle of it; and we saw the city, with its mosques
and ancient walls,. still at the distance of twelve or fourteen miles
from us."  "Konieh," says another traveller, "extends to the
east and south over the plain far beyond the walls, which are
about two miles in circumference.  Mountains covered with
snow rise on every side, excepting towards the east, where a
plain as flat as the desert of Arabia extends far beyond the
reach of the eye."
V. 52. o't %aSTra' the disciples, i. e. at Antioch, where the persecution still continued; see 14, 22. —E7rXqpoZvro, K. T. X., were filledl
with joy and the Holy Spigrit; the relation is that of effect and
author (see Gal. 5, 20). The idea suggested is, that though they
were called to suffer as adherents of the new faith, they had
sources of consolation opened to them which more than counterbalanced their trials.
CHAPTER XIV.
VERSES 1-7.  They preach at Iconium, but are persecuted and flee
to Lystra.
V. 1. Kaa ro avro together, like it rTo av'To in 3, 1; not in the
same manner, as they were wont. - Kal XaXacaL oWreo, K. T. X., and
they spake so, viz. with this effect, that (-crcE) a great multitude,
etc. (Mey. De Wet.); not with such power that. OVTwrg anticipates
the next clause, and makes it more prominent. B. ~ 140. 4.'EXXkivov. As the Greeks here were present in the synagogue,
they appear to have been proselytes (comp. 13, 43), and hence
were a different class from those in 13, 20.
V. 2. ot 8E a'reLtr'-aVTE% But those who disbelieved, viz. when the
others believed.  The present participle (arwEL3ovvrTe as in some
editions) is less correct than the aorist. - EKaKWo-av, rendered evil,
hostile.  This sense is found in Josephus, but not elsewhere
(Mey.). How the Jews produced this effect on the minds of




CrrAP. XIV, 3-6.      COMM ENT A RY.                      227
the heathen we are not told. They sometimes alleged for that
purpose that the Christians were disloyal, that they had a king
of their own, and would prove dangerous to the Roman supremacy; see 18, 5-9.
V. 3. oPv, therefbre, i. e. because they had so much success
(see v. 1), notwithstanding the opposition excited against them.
Meyer regards the third and fourth verses as an inference from
the first and second. " In consequence of that approbation (v.
1) and this hostility (v. 2) they preached boldly indeed for a
time, but a dissension also arose among the people." —LKav0v
Xpo'ov. The entire journey was evidently a rapid one and a stay
here of a few months would be comparatively a long time. This
is our only notice respecting the time spent at the places visited
on this tour. - rapp7rota'lo/JeVotL ir Tr^ KVptp, speaking boldly Tpon
the Lord, i. e. in dependence upon him. It was their reliance on
Christ that inspired them with so much courage. — The best
authorities omit Ka[ between -r /zkap-rvpovrL and &&ovrL: who testifies by granting that, etc.; comp. 4, 30.
V. 4. 7Tr Vri3os rrj  7roAXE0, the multitude of the city, i. e. the
Gentile population. Some of them may have favored the Christian party, without having attached themselves to it; comp. 19,
31. -  olav o-vv -rot'Iovua1ots, were with the Jews, i. e. in sympathy,
espoused their side; see 5, 17.
V. 5. bplri, impulse, inclination; as in James 3, 4 (Mey. Alf.);
not onset, (E. V.) because crvvL8ovre3 would then be superfluous,
and because the object of the flight was to escape an attack.
Plfot, purpose, is too strong a sense of the word. - o-v roTO aPXOVo-LV
a(VTJrv, with their rulers, i. e. those of both nations, viz. the heathen
magistrates and the officers of the synagogue.  Some restrict
avTrv to the Gentiles, others to the Jews.  Here, at this distance
from Jerusalem, members of the Sanhedrim  could not well be
meant (Rob.).
V. 6.  0-vvL&Mvres, having become aware, viz. of this feeling.
Meyer lays no stress at present on the preposition, as if they discovered the danger as well as others. — XtooXio-at aVTroV, in order
to stone them.  " Once was I stoned," says Paul, in 2 Cor. 11, 25,
which was the instance mentioned in v. 19. Hence, says Paley,
1" had this meditated assault at Iconium been completed, had the
history related that a stone was thrown, as it relates that preparations were made both by Jews and Gentiles to stone Paul and his
companions, or even had the account of this transaction stopped,
without going on to inform us that Paul and his companions
were'aware of the danger and fled,' a contradiction between




228                  C O M ME N TAR Y.         CHAP. XIV, 6. 7.
the history and the Epistles would have ensued.  Truth is necessarily consistent; but it is scarcely possible that independent
accounts, not having truth to guide them, should thus advance to
the very brink of contradiction without falling into it." — T
AvKaovtas. The district of Lycaonia extends from the ridges of
Mount Taurus and the borders of Cilicia, on the south, to the
Cappadocian hills on the north. "It is a bare and dreary region,
unwatered by streams, though in parts liable to occasional inundations. Across some portion of this plain Paul and Barnabas travelled, both before and after their residence in Iconium. After
leaving the city the two most prominent objects still in view are
the snowy mountains of Mount Argmus, rising high above all the
intervening hills in the direction of Armenia, and the singular
mass called the' Kara-Dagh,' or' Black Mount,' south-eastwards
in the direction of Cilicia. This latter mountain is gradually
approached, and discovered to be an isolated mass, with reaches
of the plain extending round it like channels of the sea." Howson, I. p. 224. - Av'orpav Kat Alp/3flv. Lystra and Derbe were not
far from the base of the Black Mountain. Their exact situation
is not yet certainly known. Lystra is marked on Kiepert's map
as nearly south of Iconium, about twenty miles distant; Derbe,
as nearly east from Lystra, south-east from Iconium.  Kiepert
appears to have followed Leake's conjecture as to the site of
Lystra, though no traveller speaks of any ruins at that place.
Mr. Hamilton agrees with Kiepert in the position of Derbe,
because it occurs on the line of a Roman road, and Divle, the
modern name, resembles the ancient one. Leake, on the contrary, would place Derbe (not quite so far to the east), at Bin-birKilesseh, a Turkish town, where some remarkable ruins have
been found, among the rest those of numerous churches. Others,
again, think that these ruins mark the site of Lystra, since they
correspond better with the early ecclesiastical reputation of this
city, than that of Derbe.- Kalt Tr-v 7rEptLXpov designates the country in the vicinity of the places just named. A few critics have
proposed to extend the term so as to include even Galatia, and
would thus assign an earlier origin to the churches in that
country than it is usual to assign to them. "But 7reptxopov," says
Neander, "cannot denote an entire province, and still less the
province of Galatia, on account of its geographical situation.
Hence, the supposition that Paul preached the gospel to the
Galatians on this first missionary tour is certainly to be rejected."
See the note on 16, 6.
V. 7. KaKEc, and there, viz. in those cities and the adjacent




CHAP. XIV, 8-10.     COMMENTARY.                         229
region. — rrav eayyeWtXO'evot, weare publishing glad tidings, implies
that they pursued their labors here for some time.
VErSEs 8-13. Paul heals a Lame Man at Lystra.
V. 8. Ev AVorpoLS, at Lystra; neuter plural, as in 2 Tim. 3. 11,
but feminine singular in v. 6. 21; 16, 1.- — Kar$To, sat (Mey. De
Wet.), because he was lame and had never walked; others
dwielt (Kuin. Rob.), which is Hebraistic, and rare in the New
Testament. - repLt7rerarjKEL.  Some editors write this pluperfect
with an augment, others more correctly omit it. W. ~ 12. 9; K. {
120. R. 2.
V. 9.  KKove, was hearing, while Paul preached. The Jews at
this place were probably few, as no synagogue appears to have
existed here. Hence the missionaries repaired to the market, or
some other place of public resort (comp. 17, 17), and there entered into conversation with such as they could induce to listen
to them. The scene reminds us of the manner in which those
who carry the same message of salvation to the heathen at the
present day collect around them  groups of listeners in Burmah
or Hindostan. It was on one of these occasions, as Paul was
preaching in some thoroughfare of the city, that the lame man
heard him; his friends perhaps had placed him there to solicit
alms (see 3, 10; John 9, 8). —    aTrevl-ca, K. T. X., who looking
intently upon him and seeing, viz., from the expression of his
countenance, which Paul scrutinized with such rigor. The manner in which the participles follow each other directs us to this
sense. Some think that the apostle may have had, at the moment, a supernatural insight into the state of the man's heart.
The language of the text contains no intimation of that nature.
-  lrrlTv ro  o w3.vat, the faith of being healed.  The infinitive
depends on the noun as a genitive construction; comp. Luke 1,
57. See W. ~ 44. 4. The faith so described may be faith that
the Saviour, whom  Paul preached, was able to heal him; or,
which accords better with the mode of expression, faith such as
made it proper that he should receive that benefit (see on 9, 33).
The requisite degree of faith would include, of course, a persuasion of Christ's ability to bestow the favor in question. Paul
may have been referring in his remarks to the Saviour's miracles of healing, in illustration of his readiness and power to bless
those who confide in him.
V. 10. UC/EYalX7 r,  ftV, with a loud voice. The article designates the voice as that of Paul (see v. 11; 26, 24), while the




230                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XIV, 11. 12.
adjective refers to the tone with which he spoke. With the idea
that his voice was a powerful one, cEyaJ7X  would have stood between the article and noun, or after the noun with Tr repeated. -
avtaHrri,9, K. T. X. Luke makes no mention here of any direct appeal to the name of Christ before the performance of the miracle;
see on 3, 6. That omission may be owing to the brevity of the
record; or the tenor of Paul's discourse may have been so explicit in regard to the source of his authority, as to render the
usual invocation unnecessary. -'Xa-ro, leap-Ged, sprung up, a single
act. For this aorist, see W. ~ 15; K. ~ 149. R. 2, AXXEro occurs
in some copies, but has no adequate support.  The next verb
passes to the imperfect, because it expresses a repeated act.
V. 11. ot oXXoL, K. T. X. Their conduct shows how imperfectly
they had understood the address of Paul, and the object of the
miracle. They saw nothing beyond what was present and palpable; they confounded the instrument of the work with its author.
0 &7rotcocv, what he had done; see on 1, 2. —AVKaovrrlT, in Lycaonic,
i. e. the native dialect of the province. Of the nature of this
dialect, nothing is known with certainty. No relic of it remains,
or at least has been identified; no description of it has been
handed down to us. Those who have examined the question
differ in their conclusions. According to one opinion, the Lycaonic was allied to the Assyrian; according to another, it was a
corrupt species of Greek.'l We have no reliable data for forming
any opinion. Luke mentions that the Lystrians spoke in their
native tongue, that we may know why the multitude proceeded
so far in their design before Paul and Barnabas interposed to
arrest it. In conferring with the people, they had used, doubtless, the Greek, which formed at that period an extensive medium
of intercourse between those of different nations.
V. 12. Ata,'Eppltv. They fixed upon these gods because Jupiter had a temple there, and Mercury, who appeared in the pagan
mythology as his attendant, excelled in eloquence.  So Ovid.
Met. 8. 626:
Jupiter hue specie mortali cumque parente
Venit Atlantiades positis caducifer alis.
See also Hor. Od. 1. 10. 1-5.  Some suggest, as a further reason
for such a distribution of the parts, that Barnabas may have been
an older man than Paul, and more imposing in his personal ap1 Jablonsky and Giihling, who wrote dissertations on the subject, arrived at the
results stated above. See Win. Realw. II. p. 37.




CHAP. XIV, 13-15.     COMMENTARY.                          231
pearance (comp. 2 Cor. 10, 1. 10). --  rjyov'evo vrow Xoyov, he who
leads the discourse, is the chief speaker (comp. 14, 12).
V. 13. o tEpens, the priest, i. e. the principal one, or the one
most active, at this time. The pagan worship at Lystra must
have required several priests. -T-ro Ai,31 K. T. A., of Jupiter who
was before the city, i. e. who had a statue and temple there consecrated to him.  The telnple of the tutelary god stood often outside of the walls. - o-'rlaTa, garlands, which were to adorn the
victimls, and perhaps'the priest and the altar (De Wet.).  See
Jahn's Archaeol. ~ 401. 5. They had the garlands in readiness,
but had not yet placed them on the heads of the animals. Some
construe Tarpovs KaL orE, Lara as = Tarpov~ Eo'-TELtVOV%, bullocks
adorned with garlands (De Wet. Rob.). With that idea the writer
would have used naturally that expression.- E-rl rob 7wrvXuva%,
unto the gates of the city (Neand. Rob. Alf. Mey. in his last ed.),
since roa'XEwo precedes and the term is plural (as consisting of
parts or being double); or less probably, of the house where the
apostles lodged (Olsh. De Wet.). --,EXE &VEtV, would sacriice,
but were disappointed (De Wet.), or was about to sacrifice, since
a'3Xo may denote an act on the point of being done.  See Mt.
1498. e; C. ~ 583.
VERSES 14-18.  The Speech of Paul to the Lystrians.
V. 14. aKov'uavrTE, having heard, i. e. a report of what was taking place, brought to them perhaps by some of the converts. -
tLap& avre Era'& tairta avTrOv, having rent their garments, i. e. according to the Jewish custom, from the neck in front down towards
the girdle. See Jahn's Archaeol. ~ 211. The Jews and other nations performed this act not only as an expression of sorrow, but
of abhorrence on hearing or seeing any thing which they regarded
as impious. Pa/rka may refer to the plural subject of the verb,
but more probably to their outer and inner garments; comp. Matt.
26, 65. - kET7rrulcrav E~ robv oXXov, sprang forth unto the crowd, i. e.
from  the city of which we think most readily after 7ro'XE(o; or
from the house, if the people had assembled in the street. Zf in
the verb, therefore, does not settle the question in regard to &rl
TroV 7rvXUvas.  The English translation, "ran in among them,"
rests upon EuE7rrr78o-rav, now a rejected reading.
V. 15. Kat connects what is said with what was in the mind:
Ye are men; and we are men like constituted with you.  Passing
over the first clause, the speaker hastens at once to the main
thought. uoLo7ra3Es means that they had the same nature, pas



232                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XIV, 16-18.
sions, infirmities. - EvawyTEXtIo/JEvot, K. T, X., cleclaring to you as glad
tidlings, viz. that you should turn, etc.  This requisition that they
should renounce their idols is called glad tidlings, because it was
founded on the fact that God had provided a way in the gospel
in which he could accept their repentance. vitas answers here
to the dative, as in 8, 25. - -ar 7'oro vTwv i-wv ta-atwV, from these
vanities, nonentities, such as Jupiter, Mercury, and the like. ToV'rov points back to those names.  Paul and Barnabas had heard
in what light the populace looked upon them. /Aara[iov does not
require SEWv. It is used like obql.=,:.ral, which the Hebrews
applied to the gods of the heathen as having no real existence;
comp. 1 Cor. 8, 4. Kuinoel renders Ia'TaloWv, vain practices, idolatry; which destroys the evident opposition between the term and'TOV 3EV TOV TOJvTa. - O &EIoLco-E, K. T'. X., who made, etc.  This relative clause unfolds the idea of g&vTa, living.
V. 16. E'laoE, left them, withdrew the restraints of his grace
and providence; comp. on 7, 42 and 17, 30. In Rom. 1, 23, the
apostle brings to view other connections of this fact. The reason
why God abandoned the heathen was that they first abandoned
him. - 7ropev'Eo-raL ra3s 8oZg avt'-v, to walk (see on 9, 31) in their
own ways; dative of rule or manner.  68ots includes belief and
conduct.
V. 17. KaltoLyE.... jaKEv, althoutgh indeed he left himself not
without witness. The desertion on the part of God was not such
as to destroy the evidence of their dependence on him, and their
consequent obligation to know and acknowledge him. The apostle's object does not lead him to press them with the full consequences of this truth. It lies at the foundation of his argument
for proving the accountability of the heathen, in Rom. 1, 19 sq.
See also 17, 27 sq. - ayaJo7rotwv, U&ovs', E/ir-rXwv, are epexegetical
of aaprvpov, but the second participle specifies a mode of the
first, and the third a consequence of the second.- i.cdv after
ovpavo'S3e is the correct reading (Grsb. Lchm. Mey.), instead of
the received?t~v. —  poos, with food, including the idea of the
enjoyment afforded by such fruits of the divine bounty. With
that accessory idea, rpofr3s is not incongruous with Kap&la% and
KapSa&s vu!v is not a circumlocution for v a- (Kuin.).  See W. I
22. 7. The common text has'1LWv, which appears in the English
version.
V. 18. rov /,wn 3ve'tv a'TroL states the result of KarE7ravc'av, not the
object/ they hardly restrained them that they did not sacrifice to
them.  See the note on 10, 47.- It is interesting to compare this
speech at Lystra with the train of thought which Paul has de



CHAP. XIV, 19. 20,   COMMENTARY.                         233
veloped in Rom. 1, 19 sq. It will be seen that the germ of the
argument there may be traced distinctly here. The similarity is
precisely such as we should expect on the supposition that he
who wrote the Epistle delivered the speech. The diversity in
the different prominence given to particular ideas is that which
arises from applying the same system of truth to different occasions.
VERSES 19-28.  Tthey proceed to Derbe; and then retrace their
Way to Antioch in Syria.
V. 19. The Jews will be found, with two exceptions, to stir
up every persecution which Paul suffers; see on 19, 23. — rov
oXxov, the crowds.  They were mostly heathen (see on v. 9); but
that some Jews resided at Lystra is evident from 16, 1. -- XL3oavTE -roS  TIIavXov, having' stoned Paul. Barnabas escapes, because
his associate here and in the other cities was the prominent man.
The nature of the outrage indicates that the Jews not only originated this attack, but controlled the mode of it.  Stoning was a
Jewish punishment. In the present instance, it will be observed,
they had no scruple about shedding the blood of their victim in
the city. It was otherwise at Jerusalem; see on 7, 58. An
incidental variation like this attests the truth of the narrative.
Vo0/.CavTES, K. T. X., supposing that he was dead, intimates a mere
belief as opposed to the reality. A slight accent on the first
word brings this out as the necessary meaning.
V. 20. KVKXOcT(raV(OV &8 avrov rv  La9lqTrV, The disciples having
surrounded him. Here we learn incidentally that their labors had
not been ineffectual.  Kuinoel decides too much when he says
that the disciples collected around Paul in order to bury him; it
may have been to lament over him, or to ascertain whether he was
really dead. In that sorrowing circle stood probably the youthful Timothy, the apostle's destined associate in so many future
labors and perils; see 16, 1; 2 Tim. 3, 11.- avao-ras, K. r. X. After
the expression in v. 19, we can hardly regard this as an instance
of actual restoration to life. If we recognize any thing as nliraculous here, it would be more justly the apostle's sudden recovery after such an outrage, enabling him to return at once to the
city and on the next day to resume his journey. ~ Paul alludes to
this stoning in 2 Cor. 11, 25. The wounds inflicted on him at this
time may have left some of those scars on his body to which he
alludes in Gal. 6, 17 as proof that he was Christ's servant. -Et
A'p/3qv, unto Derbe.  See on v. 6. A few hours would be suffi30




234                  C0MMENTARY.            CHAP. XIV, 21.22.
cient for the journey hither. We have now reached the eastern
limit of the present expedition.
V. 21.  aTEV'oEVaaVEs tKcavov's, having made many disciples (Matt.
28, 19) as the result of the preaching mentioned in the other
clause. One of the converts was probably Gaius, who is called
a Derbean in 20, 4. Their labors in this city appear to have
been unattended by any open opposition. Hence, in 2 Tim. 3,
11, Paul omits Derbe from the list of places associated in the
mind of Timothy with the " persecutions, afflictions," which the
apostle had been called to endure. Paley refers to that omission
as a striking instance of conformity between the Epistle and the
Acts. "In the apostolic history Lystra and Derbe are commonly
mentioned together; in 2 Tim. 3, 11, Antioch, Inconium, Lystra,
are mentioned, and not Derbe. And the distinction will appear
on this occasion to be accurate; for Paul in that passage is enumerating his persecutions, and although he underwent grievous
persecutions in each of the three cities through which he passed
to Derbe, at Derbe itself he met with none. The Epistle, therefore, in the names of the cities, in the order in which they are
enumerated, and in the place at which the enumeration stops,
corresponds exactly with the history. Nor is there any just reason for thinking the agreement to be artificial; for had the writer
of the Epistle sought a coincidence with the history upon this
head, and searched the Acts of the Apostles for the purpose, I
conceive he would have sent us at once to Philippi and Thessalonica, where Paul suffered persecution, and where, from what is
stated, it may easily be gathered that Timothy accompanied him,
rather than lhave appealed to persecutions as known to Timothy,
ill the account of which persecutions Timothy's presence is not
mentioned; it not being till after one entire chapter, and in the
history of a journey three or four years subsequent to this ( 16, 1),
that Timothy's name occurs in the Acts of the Apostles for the
first time." - vWrorpEIeav, turned back. Advancing still eastward
from this point, they would soon have reached the well-known'Cilician Gates,' through which they could have descended easily
to Cilicia, and then have embarked from  Tarsus for Antioch.
They had the choice, therefore, of a nearer way to Syria; but
their solicitude for the welfare of the newly founded churches
constrains them to turn back, and revisit the places where they
had preached.
V. 22.  7rucr-rITpfovTrE, K. r. X., confirming the souls of the disciples,
not by any outward rite, but by instruction and encouragement,
as we see in the next clause; comlp. 15, 32. 41; 18, 23. —'jlpiEvEtv




CHAP. XIV, 22. 23.   COMMENTARY.                         235
7, rrfcret, to adhere to the faith (see 6, 7; 13, 8), i. e. of Christ or
the gospel; comp. 3, 16; 20, 21, etc. -O'T depends on 7rapaKaXogvrEs, which, at this point of the sentence, passes to the idea of
affirming, teaching. - 3Et may mean it is necessary, because such
was the appointment of God (9, 16; 1 Cor. 15, 25); or because
in the nature of things it was inevitable (comp. 2 Tim. 3, 12).
The first is the more pertinent view, since it suggests a more
persuasive motive to submission and fidelity in the endurance of
trials. — f o/a,  we who are Christians; comp. 1 Thess. 4, 17.Trv /3aor-Xetav rov SEOV, the kingdom of God, i. e. the state of happiness which awaits the redeemed in heaven. The expression can
have no other meaning here, for those addressed were already
members of Christ's visible kingdom, and the perseverance to
which the apostles would incite them has reference to a kingdom
which they are yet to enter.
V. 23. XeLporov j~VrrE, K.. X., Now having appointed for them
elders in every church. XELpOTOVELV signifies properly to elect or
vote by extending the hand, but also, in a more general sense, to
choose, appoint, without reference to that formality. That formality could not have been observed in this instance, as but two
individuals performed the act in question. When the verb retains
the idea of stretching forth the hand, the act is predicated always
of the subject of the verb, not of those for whom the act may be
performed.  Hence the interpretation having appointed for them
by their outstretched hands, i. e. by taking their opinion or vote in
that manner, is unwarranted; for it transfers the hands to the
wrong persons. Whether Paul and Barnabas appointed the presbyters in this case by their own act solely, or ratified a previous
election of the churches made at their suggestion, is disputed.
If it be clear from other sources that the primitive churches
elected their officers by general suffrage, the verb here may be
understood to denote a concurrent appointment, in accordance
with that practice; but the burden of proof lies on those who
contend for such a modification of the meaning. Neander's conclusion on this subject should be stated here. "As regards the
election to church offices, we are in want of sufficient information to enable us to decide how it was managed in the early
apostolic times. Indeed, it is quite possible that the method of
procedure differed under different circumstances. As in the institution of deacons the apostles left the choice to the communities themselves, and as the same was the case in the choice of
deputies to attend the apostles in the name of the communities
(2 Cor. 8, 19), we might argue that a similar course would be




236                  COMMENTARY.                 CrAP. XIV, 23.
pursued in filling other offices of the church. Yet it may be
that in many cases the apostles themselves, where they could
not as yet have sufficient confidence in the spirit of the first new
communities, conferred the important office of presbyters on such
as in their own judgment, under the light of the Divine Spirit,
appeared to be the fittest persons. Their choice would, moreover,
deserve, in the highest degree, the confidence of the communities
(comp. 14, 23; Tit. 1, 5); although, when Paul empowers Titus
to set presiding officers over the communities who possessed the
requisite qualifications, this circumstance decides nothing as to
the mode of choice, nor is a choice by the community itself
thereby necessarily excluded.  The regular course appears to
have been this: the church offices were intrusted to the first converts in preference to others, provided that in other respects they
possessed the requisite qualifications.  It may have been the
general practice for the presbyters themselves, in case of a vacancy, to propose another to the community in place of the person deceased, and leave it to the whole body either to approve or
decline their selection for reasons assigned. (Clem. cap. 44.)
When asking for the assent of the community had not yet become a mere formality, this mode of filling church offices had the
salutary effect of causing the votes of the majority to be guided
by those capable of judging, and of suppressing divisions; while,
at the same time, no one was obtruded on the community who
would not be welcome to their hearts."  Ch. Hist. (Dr. Torrey's
Tr.), Vol. I. p. 189. -7rpEr-3vrTEpovs Kaz' EKKXrO-l'aV, elders in every
church. The term is plural, because each church had its college of elders (see 20, 17; Tit. 1, 5); not because there was a
church in each of the cities. The elders, or presbyters, in the official sense of the term. were those appointed in the first churches
to watch over their general discipline and welfare. With reference to that duty, they were called, also, rL-Korro7t, i. e. superintendents, or bishops.  The first was their Jewish appellation,
transferred to them perhaps from the similar class of officers in
the synagogues; the second was their foreign appellation, since
the Greeks employed it to designate such relations among themselves. In accordance with this distinction, we find the general
rule to be this: those who are called elders in speaking of Jewish
communities are called bishops in speaking of Gentile communities. Hence the latter term is the prevailing one in Paul's
Epistles.  That the names with this difference were entirely
synonymous, appears from their interchange in such passages as
20, 17. 28, and Tit. 1, 5. 7. It may be argued, also, from the fact




CIAP. XIV, 24-27.     COMMEN T A R Y.                     237
that in Phil. 1, 1 and 1 Tim. 3, 1. 8 the deacons are named immediately after the bishops, which excludes the idea of any
intermediate order. Other appellations given to these officers
were Wrotu/EVE, -7/OVLEVot, 7rpoEo'-rTOEs Twv aSEX0cWv. The presbyters,
or bishops, were not by virtue of their office teachers or preachers
at the same time; nor, on the other hand, were the two spheres
of labor incompatible with each other. We see from 1 Tim. 5,
17, that some of those who exercised the general oversight
preached also the word; comp. also 1 Tim. 3, 2. The foregoing
representation exhibits the view of Mosheim, Neander, Gieseler,
Rdthe, and others eminent in such inquiries. - 7rpoorEvajlxevoL belongs to the following verb, not to the subordinate clause which
precedes. - ai7ro0i is defined by ELs 8v 7rETrLtoTEVKELtaV, and must refer to the believers in general, not to the elders merely.
V. 24. 8tEXOVTES  rvT V ITC-L8tav, having passed through Pisidia.
Antioch was on the northern limit of Pisidia, and hence they
traversed that district from north to south. Their journey was a
descent from the mountains to the plain.
V. 25. Ev ITIEps. They now preached in Perga, as they appear not to have done on their first visit; see on 13, 13. Luke's
silence as to the result may intimate that they were favored with
no marked success. — Et'ATrraCXEav. Instead of taking ship at
Perga, and sailing down the Cestrus, which they had ascended
on their outward journey, they travelled across the plain to
Attaleia, a seaport on the Pamphylian Gulf, near the mouth of
the Catarrhactes. The distance between the two places was
about sixteen miles; see on 13, 13. The founder of Attaleia
was Attalus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus.  It occupied the
site of the modern Satalia, which Admiral Beaufort describes " as
beautifully situated round a small harbor, the streets appearing
to rise behind each other, like the seats of a theatre,.... with a
double wall and a series of square towers on the level summit of
the hill."  See a view of the present town in Howson.
V. 26.  a7rErXEvcacv ELt'AvrTLxetLV, sailed away unto Antioch;
though they may have disembarked at Seleucia as the town and
its port are one in such designations; comp. 20, 6. - o3v o-'av, K. T.
X., stands in sensu preegnanti for whence, having been committed to
the favor of God, they were sent forth; see 13, 3. IW. ~ 54. 7.tiT r3 pyov, for the work, (telic) for its performance.
V. 27. or-a.... LET aVTCv, how great things (on their journey)
God wrovght with them, i. e. in their behalf (15, 4; Luke 1, 72);
not by them, which would be &8' avr'Tv as in 15, 12. The phrase
comes from t. situ; comp. Josh. 2, 12; Ps. 119, 65, etc. Accord



238                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XV, 1.
ing to Meyer, LEr' avrTv is =- Ev ErT' afray, allied w ith them, which
is less simple. - ort IVOLtE, K. r. X., that he opened to the Gentiles a
door of faith, i. e. had given them access to the gospel, participation in its blessings, as well as to the Jews; not that he had
opened to the apostles a door of access to the heathen. This
metaphor is a favorite one with Paul (1 Cor. 16, 9; 2 Cor. 2,12;
Col. 4, 3) and may have become familiar to Luke in his intercourse with him (Alf.).
V. 28. 8tETpLtfV, K. r. X. It is necessary to inquire here how
long the apostle was probably absent on the tour followed by'
this residence at Antioch.  We must be content with a somewhat vague answer to this question. The Apostolic Council at
Jerusalem was held in A. D. 50 (Introd. ~ 6. 3); and as Paul
departed on his first mission in A. D. 45 (see on 13, 3), we must
divide the interval from A. D. 45 to 50 between his journey
among the heathen and his subsequent abode at Antioch. The
best authorities, as Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, De Wette,
and others, agree in this result. How we are to distribute the
intermediate years is more uncertain. It will be found that the
apostle travelled more extensively during his second missionary
tour than during the first; and as the limitations of time in that
part of the history allow us to assign but three years, or three
and a half, to that excursion, we may consider two years perhaps as sufficient for this journey. This conclusion would place
the return to Antioch near the close of A. D. 47; since the apostle must have set forth somewhat late in the year A. D. 45.
Compare the note on 12, 25 with that on 13, 3. Accordingly,
the years A. D. 48 and 49 would be the period not brief (Xp'ov
OVK tX'yov) which Paul and Barnabas spent at Antioch between
their return and the Council at Jerusalem. While they resided
in that city, for the most part, they would be able, both by their
own personal efforts and their supervision of the efforts of others,
to extend the gospel in the regions around them.
CHAPTER XV.
VERSES 1-5. Paul and Barnabas are sent as Delegates to Jerusa.
lem.
V. 1. A7rw tiQ'Iov8atas, from Audlea, i. e. from Jerusalem  in
Judea; comp. rLVVi Ese t' lv in v. 24. It is barely possible that




CIAP. XV, 1. 2.      COMMENTARY.                         239
Luke may include the other churches in that country.  We are
not to confound this party of Judaizers with those in Gal. 2, 12,
who "camne from James" (i. e the church over which he presided),
and caused Peter to dissemble his convictions from fear of their
censure. The notice in. the epistle refers to a different and later
event; see on 18, 23.- E[SgaerKov, were teaching.  They had not
broached the error merely, but were inculcating it. - o'Tt V, K. T.
X., that unless ye are circuzmcised, etc.  This transition to the
direct style gives vividness to the narrative. — T6  ftEL, according
to the custom, law (see 6, 14); dative of rule or manner. —o'
&Svao'3e o-oJvat, ye cannot be saved. It was this enforced submission to the rite as necessary to salvation, which -made the
error so fatally pernicious.  (Compare the note on 16, 3). The
doctrine in this form was nothing less than an utter subversion
of the scheme of Christianity. It denied the sufficiency of faith
in Christ as the only condition of pardon and reconciliation. It
involved the feeling that circumcision was an act of merit, and
that those who submitted to it acquired a virtual right to the
divine favor. In a word, it substituted the law of works for the
gratuitous justification which the gospel declares to be the only
way in which sinners can be saved. See Gal. 5, 1, sq.
V. 2. O-TarO-E(, dissension in their views; 7TrfGcE(0o% discussion on
the points which that difference involved.-  X'I-y7  belongs to both
nouns (De Wet.). The adjective is not repeated because the
words are of the same gender. W. ~ 59. 5. — a Vrodv refers to'tvsE in v. 1. Paul and Barnabas were the disputants on one
side, and the individuals from Judea on the other. It does not
appear that the Christians at Antioch took any open part in the
controversy.  The heresy reappeared among them  at a later
period, and became then so prevalent as to endanger the safety
of the entire church; see Gal. 2, 11, sq. Even Barnabas, at that
time, compromised the principle for which he was now so earnest.
— Taav, K. r. X., they (i. e. the brethren in v. 1) appointed that
they should go up, etc. It appears from Gal. 2, 2, that Paul went
also in compliance with a divine command.  Whether the revelation was first, and the action of the church subsequent, or the
reverse, it is impossible to say. It may be that Paul was
instructed to propose the mission to Jerusalem; or, if the measure originated with the church, that he was instructed to approve
it, and to go as one of the delegates. Either supposition harmonizes the notice in Gal. 2, 2 with this passage. - -Ltvas aXXovS, certain others as delegates. One of them may have been Titus,
since we read in Gal, 2, 1 that he accompanied the apostle at




240                   CO MMENTARY.              CHAP. XV, 3-5.
this time. Yet perhaps Co-vltrapaAa/Slv Kat T'rov, in that place,
taking along also Titus, may indicate, that they travelled together
as friends and not as official associates.  The fact, too, that,
being uncircumcised, he was a party in some sense to this Jewish question, may have disqualified him for such an aplpointmenlt.
V. 3. ot teLv ofv TpO7roTL03EVTrE, They having been sent.briward,
i. e. attended part of the way by some of the church, as a mark
of honor; comp. 20, 38; 21, 5; 3 John v. 6. The word, says
Meyer, does not include the viatica, or supplies for the journey,
unless the context point that out as a part of the service rendered,
as in Tit. 3, 13. -- LpXO'TO, K. r. X., passed through P/lanicia and
Samaria. See on 11, 19. As Galilee is not mentioned, they
travelled probably along the coast as far south as Ptolemais (21,
7), and then crossed the plain of Esdralon into Samaria. -- TOl
a3EX o%, unto the bret/hren in the various towns on their way.
We see here the fruits of the seed which had been scattered in
those regions (8, 5; 11, 19).
V. 4. arwE8E'X3qcrav, were cordially received; comp. 18, 27.  It
was not certain that, coming on such an errand, they would be
greeted with entire favor. It weakens the sense to restrict it to
their official recognition as messengers. This was the apostle's
third visit to Jerusalem since his conversion, and was made in
the year A. D. 50 (Introd. ~ 6. 3). — 7j  ZKKXqrLta% the church in
general, while Kat adds the prominent parts; see on 1, 14. The
existence of presbyters at Jerusalem is first recognized in 11,
30. Luke does not inform us at what time, or in what manner,
they were appointed. It was evidently no part of his intention
to unfold any particular scheme of ecclesiastical polity.  The
information which he gives on that subject is incidental and imperfect.- I/ET' aVT7WV, towards them, in their behalf; see on 14, 27.
V. 5. h$avE&rcqrav, K. T. X., But there arose (in the assembly at
Jerusalem) some of those from the sect of the Pharisees.  It is entirely natural that individuals of this class appear as the party
who insist on circumcision.  The attachment to forms, which
rendered them Pharisees out of the church, rendered them
legalists in it. These are the persons evidently, of whom  Paul
speaks so strongly in Gal. 2, 4. — aroV;, them, viz. the Gentile
believers in the communication just made (v. 4). - Some regard
the contents of this verse as a continuation of the report (v. 4),
as if the objectors were those at Antioch, and not at Jerusalem;
but in that case we should have expected KalL 7rUg or O'Tr, and how
or that as the connective between avr7yy/tLXav and  a'avE'-rqo-av.




CHAP. XV, 6-8.      COMMENTARY.                          241
VERSES 6-12 Speech of Peter in the Assembly.
V. 6. cOvv'Xc)Oav, K. r. X. This assembly is often called the
first Christian Council; but we must use some license to'apply
the term in that way, since a council consists properly of delegates from various churches, whereas two churches only were
represented on this occasion.  The apostles and elders are mentioned on account of' their rank, not as composing the entire
assembly. It is evident from v. 23, that the other Christians at
Jerusalenl were also present, and gave their sanction to the decrees enacted; see also v. 12, compared with v. 22. - In Gal. 2,
2, Paul states that, besides the communication which he made to
the believers in a body, he had also a private interview with the
chief of the apostles. That interview, we may suppose, preceded
the public discussion. The object of it appears to have been,
to put the other apostles in full possession of his views, and of
all the facts in relation to his ministry among the heathen; so
that, fortified by their previous knowledge of the case, he might
have their support in the promiscuous assembly, where prejudice
or misunderstanding might otherwise have placed him in a false
light. - Xyov TOT7OV, this matter, subject of discussion (De Wet.);
not this expression in v. 5 (Mey.), because the dispute had an
earlier origin.
V. 7. a+' L.EP&v a'pXatov, since remote days, a long time ago;
comp. iv apXI in 11, 15. The conversion of Cornelius took place
during the time that Paul was at Tarsus (see on 11, 15); and
the several years, so eventful in their character, which had
elapsed since that period, would appear in the retrospect a long
time. -  v Slv.... crrtars vowv, made choice among us (the apostles) that by my mouth, etc., (Mey. De Wet. Win.). The subsequent clause forms the proper object of E'EXEieaTo. Some supply
needlessly h/ai (Olsh.), and others incorrectly make Ev  &trv a
Hebraistic accusative, selected me or us. See W. ~ 32. 3. The
meaning is not necessarily that no heathen had heard or eimbraced the gospel till Peter preached it to them; but that it was
he whom God appointed to convey the gospel to them under
circumstances which showed it to be manifestly his will that
they should be admitted into the church without circumcision. -
For the generic Ev-q, see on 11, 18.
V. 8. 6 Kap8tLOyvCrTrS.... afroTs, the heart-knowing God (who
could judge, therefore, of the sincerity of their repentance and
faith) testified for them (dat. comm.). The testimony consisted
31




242                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XV, 9. 10.
of the miraculous gifts which he imparted to them, see 10, 45.
He had thus shown that ceremonial obedience was not essential
to his favor; for he had granted the sign of acceptance to those
who were entirely destitute of that recommendation.
V. 9. Kal ov'v.... avrwiv, and made no distinction between us,
who had practised the Jewish rites, and them, though they were
still heathen in that respect (alvouot, 1 Cor. 9, 21). The next
clause states how he had manifested this impartiality -  T- 7r'rWlEL.... avrGv, in that by faith he puprired their hearts, i. e. in connection
with their reception of the gospel, had made them partakers of
the holiness which renders those who possess it acceptable in his
sight. He had bestowed this blessing as fully and freely on the
uncircumcised believing Gentiles, as he had upon the circumcised
believing Jews. Peter represents the purification as effected by
faith, in order to deny the error which would ascribe that efficacy
to circumcision or any other legal observance. The Jewish feeling was that the heathen were unclean so long as they were uncircumcised. The Spirit is the efficient author of sanctification;
but faith as used here is a belief of the truth (2 Thess. 2, 13),
especially of that which relates to the atonement of Christ (1
John 1, 7), and the Spirit employs the truth as the means of
sanctification.
V. 10. vvv ozv, Now therefore, i. e. after such evidence that
God does not require the heathen to submit to Jewish rites. — 7
7retLpcdlE-E rv,cOv, why do ye tempt God, make presumptuous trial
of his power and patience by demanding new proofs of his will;
see 5, 9; Matt. 4, 7; 1 Cor. 10, 9. This sense is partly Hebraistic, and we must compare the verb with rn, in order to obtain
the full idea. - -rL3Etvat (-=  TtL3`VTE)' v7yO, that you should place
(= by placing) a yoke, etc. This is a lax use of the epexegetical infinitive.  W. ~ 44. 1. —  v OV'T, K. T. X., which neither our
fathers, etc.  "By this yoke," says Neander, "which Peter
represents as having been always so irksome to the Jews, he
certainly did not mean the external observance of ceremonies
simply as such, since he would by no means persuade the Jewish Christians to renounce them. But he meant the external
observance of the law, in so far as this proceeded from an internal subjection of the conscience to its power, such as exists
when justification and salvation are made to depend on the
performance of legal requirements. Those in this state of mind
must fear lest they peril their salvation by the slightest deviation
from the law; they suffer the painful scrupulosity which leads to
the invention of manifold checks, in order to guard themselves,




CHAP. XV, 11-15.     COMMENTARY.                         243
by a self-imposed constraint, against every possible transgression
of its commands."
V. 11. aXXa marks this connection: With such an experience
as to the law, we no longer expect salvation from that source;
but through the grace of the Lord Jesus believe that we shall be
saved. - KaKEVOL, also they, viz. the heathen converts. The remark
suggests its own application. If the Jews had renounced their
own law as unable to benefit them, and had taken the position
of the Gentiles, it was inconsistent, as well as useless, to require
the Gentiles to depend on the system of the Jews. The train
of thought in Gal. 2, 15 sq. is singularly coincident with this. -
The reference of KaKE'vOLt to ot 7rI-aTEpc introduces an idea irrelevant to the subject.
V. 12. E-r'qo-ce, became silent, recalls us to the 7roX;i a-VC)TVr-,~ECo in v. 7. Peter's address had calmed the excitement, so that
they refrained from speaking, and gave Paul and Barnabas an
opportunity to be heard; comp. oLy-0-at in the next verse. — qKOVOV
(imperf.) implies a copious narration on the part of the speakers.
-- irlovwtxvov, K. T. X. They gave this prominence to the miracles because these expressed so decisively God's approval of
their course in receiving the heathen without circumcision. That
was now the main point in question. We see from Gal. 2, 7 sq.,
that the narrative embraced also other topics.
VERSES 13-21. Speech of the Apostle James.
V. 13. The speaker is the James mentioned in 12, 17. Paul
names him before Peter and John in Gal. 2, 9 because he was
pastor of the church at Jerusalem and perhaps president of the
council. - a7rEKpO%-7, proceeded to speak (see 3, 12); or, very properly, answered, since the position of the Judaistic party challenged
a reply.
V. 14. Yv/lEWSv, Symeon (see 13, 1), as in 2 Pet. 1, 1, elsewvhere S(u v, Simon, after the Heb. variation i7h5 (1 Chr. 4, 20)
and ]$mt (Gen. 29, 33). This apostle is not mentioned again in
the Acts.  His speech in the council is the last act of Peter
which Luke has recorded. - 7rptrov, at first, answers to a4' 7LEp V
apXatov in v. 7.- frTEKEKaTro, graciously visited, like,ti  in its good
sense. - -r T- ovo'uav avrov, after his name (Luke 1, 9), i. e. who
should be called by it, known as his people (De Wet.); comp. v.
17; Deut. 28, 10; Is. 63, 19; 2 Chr. 7, 14, etc. But the critical
editions omit rtw, and. the dative depends then on the infinitive;
i. e. for thy name, its acknowledgment, honor.
V. 15. KaL rOVT'r  K. T. X., and with this (not masculine, viz.




244                   C O MMENTAR Y.           CHAP. XV, 16. 17.
Peter, but neuter, viz. the fact just stated) agree the words of the
prophets.  As an example of their testimony, he adduces Am.
9, 11 sq.
V. 16. The citation conforms very nearly to the Septuagint. -
avaCrrTpfIW, K. T. X., Iwi l, return and will rebuild.  The expression
implies a restoration of favor after a temporary alienation; comp.
Jer. 12, 15. Some recognize here the Hebraism which converts
the first of two verbs into an adverb qualifying the second: I will
again rebuild. Meyer, De WVette, 5Winer (O 54. 5), reject that
explanation.  It is the less apposite here, as alva repeats the adverbial idea in the three following verbs. - avoLKoo/u1ro-,  K. T. A.,
I will rebuild the tabernacle of David which has fallen, i. e. will
restore the decayed splendor of his family, to wit, in the person
of his Son after the flesh (Rom. 1, 3), in the Messiah. (rK-qVqv
represents the family as having fallen into such obscurity as to
occupy the humble abode of a booth or tabernacle.  The next
words of the text describe the same condition still more strongly.
V. 17. orrwo  v EKSrqT(qTJcOtV, K. T. X., that (telic, because the Saviour must be first sent) the rest (lit. those left remaining) of men
and all the heathen may seek out the Lord. av implies that it depends on them whether, the purpose will be attained or defeated.
See W. ~ 42. 6; K. ~ 330. 4.  The rest of men are the others of
them besides the Jews, and these others are all the heathen. The
last clause is explicative, not appositional.  The Hebrew has
they, i. e. the people of God, shallpossess the residue of Edom, i. e.
those of Edom reserved for mercy, and all the (other) heathen.
The Seventy may have confounded some of the original words
with other similar words; but the apostle followed their translation of the passage, as it contained the essential idea for which
he appealed to it. The many foreign Jews who were present
were familiar with the Greek Scriptures, but not the Hebrew. -
io' org.... /ov, upon whom my name has been called, i. e. given,
applied to them as a sign of their relationship to God; comp.
James 2, 7. See the references on v. 14. Observe that the verb
is perfect.  The application of the name was future when the
prophecy was uttered, and was still future to a great extent
when cited at this time; but the prediction was as good as already verified, because the purpose of God made it certain.
— Er' aOrov' is a Hebraism, founded on the use of lt, as the
sign of relation (Olsh. De Wet. Mey.).  Gesen. Heb. Gr. ~ 121.
1. The foregoing citation from Amos was pertinent in a twofold
way: first, it announced that the heathen were to be admitted
with the Jews into the kingdom of Christ; and, secondly, it con



CHAP. XV, 18-20.    COMMENTARY.                           245
tained no recognition of circumcision, or other Jewish ceremonies,
as prerequisite to their reception.- -rdavTa after'avra   (T. R.) is
not approved.
V. 18. The words here are a comment of James on the prophecy. —yvor-ar.... aVTroV Known from the beginning unto God are all
his works. The present call of the Gentiles, after having been
so long foretold, was an evidence and illustration of the truth
here asserted. Hence, the apostle would argue, if God, in extending the gospel to the heathen without requiring them to be
circumcised, was carrying into effect an eternal purpose, it became them  to acquiesce in it; their opposition to his plan would
be as unavailing as it was criminal. - The variations of the text
in this verse are numerous, but nearly all yield the same meaning. They may be seen in Griesbach, Hahn, Tischendorf, Green,
and others. Lachman adheres to the common reading, with the
exception of KVpt) for #Eli, and pEyov for Epya.
V. 19. Eyo KpCvoW, I (for my part, without dictating to others)
judge, decide as my opinion.  On yc6, as thus restrictive, see W.
~ 22. 6. The verb affords no proof that the speaker's authority
was greater than that of the other apostles; comp. 16, 4. —/ua
IrapevoXXEJv, that we ought not to disquiet, molest, i. e. impose on
them the yoke of Jewish ceremonies; see v. 10. The infinitive
includes often the idea of obligation or'necessity. W. ~ 44. 3. b.
Meyer urges the separate force of 7rapa,further, i. e. in addition
to their faith, not justified apparently by usage; better in his last
edition, thereby, along with their conversion.
V. 20. &rLotreAaL, K. T. X., that we should write to them, direct by
letter, that they abstain. - aXLatyJuaTrov - ELJXOh3VT(ov in v. 29. The
parts of the victim not used in sacrifice, the heathen sold in the
market as ordinary food, or ate them at feasts. The Jews, in
their abhorrence of idolatry, regarded the use of such flesh as
allied to the guilt of participating in idol-worship itself. See
Rom. 14, 15 sq.; 1 Cor. 8,  0 sq. - Kat T71 rropvEla%, and from fornication = licentiousness (Calv. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De Wet.).
Repeat &ro' before this noun.  The other practices, it will be observed, relate to things which are not sinful per se, but derive
their character from positive law, or from circumstances. The
reason, probably, for associating this immorality with such practices is, that the heathen mind had become so corrupt as almost
to have lost the idea of chastity as a virtue.l Other senses of' See Tholuck on the Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism, in the Biblical
Repository, Vol. II. p. 441 sq.




246                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XV, 21. 22.
ropvEla, as idolatry, incest, marriage with unbelievers, concubinage, have been proposed. It is against any such unusual signification of the word, that it occurs again in the enactment (v. 29).
The object of the decree would require it to be framed with as
much perspicuity as possible, and would exclude the use of terms
out of their ordinary acceptation. - Kat ro 7rYLKroV, and from what
has been strangled, i. e. from the flesh of animals put to death in
that way. The Jews were not allowed to eat such flesh, because
it contained the blood; see Lev. 17, 13. 14; Deut. 12, 16, 23.Kat rTo ap'aros, and from blood, which the heathen drank often at
their idolatrous feasts, and at other times and in various ways
mingled with their food.
V. 21. This verse assigns a reason for the proposed restrictions, and that is, that the Jewish believers, being so accustomed
to hear the things in question forbidden, were naturally sensitive
in regard to them, and hence it was necessary, for the sake of
peace and harmony, that the heathen converts should refrain
from such practices. This view of the connection is the most
natural one. Calvin, Hemsen, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and
others, agree in it. Neander follows Chrysostom, who supposes
the words to explain why it was proposed to instruct the Gentiles
only: the Jews had no occasion to be informed what the law required of them; for Moses in every city, etc. This interpretation
not only turns the mind abruptly from one train of thought to
another, but appears to concede more to the advocates of circumcision than the question at issue would allow. To have justified
the prohibitions on such ground would be recognizing the perpetuity of the Mosaic rites, so far as the Jews were concerned;
and we cannot suppose that the apostles at this time either entertained that view, or would give any direct countenance to it in
the minds of others.
VERSES 22-29. They appoint Messengers to the Churches, and
send a Letter by them.
V. 22. rorE Zo$e, K. r. X., Then the apostles.... resolved, having
selected men from themselves, to send them, etc. CKXEaufldvovS passes
into the accusative, because the object of the governing verb,
ar7rorrXo,% serves at the same time as the subject of the infinitive. K. ~ 307. R. 2.- Judas is known only from this notice.
His surname opposes the conjecture that he was Judas Thaddeus, the apostle. There is no proof that he was a brother of
Joseph Barsabas, the candidate for the apostleship ( 1, 23).- Silas




CHAP. XV, 23-25.      COMME NTARY.                       247
bacame Paul's associate in his second missionary tour (v. 40).
For 8Y1;ag in the Acts, we have always  tLXovavo'& in the Epistles.
The former was his Jewish name probably, the latter his Gentile
or foreign name; see on 13, 9. -- 7ovtEvov%, leading, eminent for
reputation and authority (Luke 22, 26).
V. 23. ypaifavTEs. The nominative of a participle refers often
to a preceding substantive in a different case, when that substantive forms in fact the logical subject of the clause. K. ~ 313. 1;
W. ~ 64. II. 2. The impersonal expression at the head of the
sentence is equivalent to a transitive verb with the dative as
nominative. K. ~ 307. R. 5.- KaTa -'v'AvTLoXEtaV, K. T. X., throughout Antioch and Syria, etc., since the brethren were in different
places. We see here how extensively the Judaizers had attempted to spread their views. The scene at Antioch (v. 1) was
only an example of what had occurred in many other places. As
to the origin of the churches in Syria and Cilicia, see on v. 41.Xatpetv, SC. Xcyov(r. It is remarkable, says Neander, that this word,
as a form of epistolary salutation, occurs only here and in James
1, 1, with the exception of 23, 26, where it is a Roman who employs it. It would account for the coincidence if we suppose
that the Apostle James drew up this document. His office as
pastor of the church would very naturally devolve that service
on him. The occurrence of xapELtv here and in the Epistle, Bengel, Bleek, and others, point out as an indication that the two
compositions are from the same hand.
V. 24. iC rjuiv, from us, which accords with v. 1. -  rapaav,
disquieted, perplexed; see Gal. 1, 7. — Xo'yots may have, as Stier
thinks, a disparaging force: with words merely, as opposed to the
truth or sound doctrine. - avacrKIva'rovTeS ra9 IvXs ~vV, subverting
your souls, i. e. unsettling, removing them from the pure faith of
the gospel. This clause describes the effect or tendency of the
views which those who received the decrees were urged by the
false teachers to adopt. -- repLTevlr 3at, K. T. X., that ye must be
circumcised, and keep the law. For this power of the infinitive,
see on v. 19. 8EiV is not to be supplied. - o  o's o 8tLErEtXaLEa,
whom we did not command, i. e. instruct, authorize.  This declaration may be aimed at a pretence on their part that they had
been sent forth by the church at Jerusalem, or at least that they
represented the sentiments of that church.
V. 25. 7yevotu&voLs touvuao'v, having met together ( Vulg. Neand.);
but better, having become of one mind, unanimous (Bnug. Str. Mey.).
Kuinoel and De Wette are undecided. According to the latter
view, the expression represents this perfect harmony as having




248                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XV, 26-28.
been attained after some diversity of opinion; see v. 5.-'KXE$aplvovs exemplifies again the construction in v. 22. - Bapva/ia Kal
lIavXfp. This deviation from the usual order of these names since
13, 13, as De Wette remarks after Bleek, testifies to the writer's
diplomatic accuracy. Paul had spent but little time at Jerusalem,
and Barnabas was still a more familiar name there (comp. 9, 27),
than that of the apostle to the Gentiles.
V. 26. avSpdxrots.... airnwv, men who have given up, jeoparded,
their lives; comp. 9, 24; 13, 50; 14, 5. 19. There was a special
reason, no doubt, for this commendation of Paul and Barnabas.
It would serve to counteract any attempts which the Jewish party
might make, or had made, to discredit their religious views and
impair their reputation as teachers.
V. 27. ozv, therefore, i. e. in conformity with the conclusion in
v. 25.-Kaf arTo0v, K. r. X., also themselves by word announcing
(when they shall be present) the same things, i. e. that we now
write to you (Neand. Mey. De Wet.); not the same things that
Paul and Barnabas have taught. &ta Xoyov indicates clearly that
the oral communication was to confirm the contents of the letter
or the written communication. "Judas and Silas," says Stier
(Reden der Apostel, I. p. 90), " should certify that the letter had
actually proceeded from a unanimous resolve of the church at
Jerusalem, and that Barnabas and Saul were thus honored and
beloved there; they should give fuller information respecting the
decrees, and answer every inquiry that might be proposed, as
living epistles, confirmed by the letter and confirming it in return; and thus by their word they should restore again the
harmony which those unsent members of their church had disturbed."
V. 28. MoeE yap, For it seemed good, i. e. and especially how it
seemed good. ya7p specifies the part of the letter which the writers had more particularly in view in Ta avrTa.- 7-rvyatL KacU Vt=V
7rvEv,-Lrt v /czv (Olsh.). See 5, 3 and note there. The expression
represents the two agencies as distinct from each other, as well
as consentaneous (De Wet.). - -7jU  includes all (see v. 23) who
took part in the action of the council.  They were conscious of
having adopted their conclusions under the guidance of the
Spirit, and claimed for them the authority of infallible decisions.
— rTv renders brarva7yKe  an adjective. B. ~ 125. 6. The things
in question are said to be necessary, not (excepting the last of
them) because they were wrong in themselves, but because the
Gentile Christians were bound by the law of charity (see Rom.
14, 15) to avoid a course which, while it involved no question of




CHAP. XV, 29-34.       COMMENTARY.                        249
conscience on their part, would offend and grieve their Jewish
brethren, and lead inevitably to strife and alienation.
V. 29. a'rE'Xo-3at, to wit, that ye abstain.  For this definitive
use of the infinitive, see W. ~ 44. 1: C. ~ 623. - It is not perhaps
accidental that 7ropvEl'a has here a different position from that in v.
20; see also 21, 25. -  t ov.... Eavrovs Neander compares with
aarrLXov  VTOrV Trqpiv ao' toV KOctov  in James 1, 27. The similarity
is striking, and may indicate the same hand in the two passages
(see on v. 23).- Ev 7rpaTErc, ye will do well, what is right and commendable; see 10, 33; 3 John v. 6. -   o('3Se, like the Latin
valete.
VERSES 30-35. Paul and Barnabas return to Antioch.
V. 30. ogv, therefore, since the foregoing decision was preliminary to their departure. -  1roXVhVTrE, having been dismissed, i. e.
in all probability with religious services (v. 33; 13, 3), and perhaps
with an escort for some miles on the way (v. 3). - ro irXilos, the
multitude; see v. 12 and 6, 2. They call at once an assembly of
the believers to hear their report.
V. 31. Er' L    7rapaKXo-Ert, at the consolation (lit. upon as the
cause) furnished by the letter. They approve of what had been
done; they rejoice at the prospect of so happy a termination of
the dispute.  Some understand 7WapaKX'1ecE of exhortation, which
certainly is not required by that sense of the verb in the next
verse (Mey.), and does not accord well with the contents of so
authoritative a letter.
V. 32. Ka[ a'root rpofqTat OVTrET, also themselves being prophets,
i. e. as well as Paul and Barnabas, and so competent to give the
instruction needed. - -rapCKaXEcoav, exhorted, viz. in view of the
present danger, that they should rely on Christ for salvation, and
not cleave to the law of works. -  Ic~rE-TripLtav, confirmed, shows
the happy effect of their labors.
V. 33. PET' E'prvl,, with peace; the parting salutation (16, 36;
Mark 5, 34; Luke 7, 50). The brethren took leave of them with
the best wishes for their safety and welfare. Judas and Silas
both returned to Jerusalem, as their commission would require,
but Silas must have soon rejoined Paul at Antioch, since we find
him there in v. 40. Luke has passed over that second journey.
V. 34.  Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and others, strike
out this verse. Most of the manuscripts omit it, or read it variously.  It is a gloss probably, supposed to be required by v. 40.
If the text be genuine and Silas remained at Antioch, we must
32




250                  COM M ENTARY.             CHAP. XV, 35-39.
understand the plural in v. 33 as including one or more persons
along with Judas, who had also come down from Jerusalem,
though the narrative is otherwise silent concerning them.
V. 35. &E-tpLPOV. This was the interval between the return to
Antioch (v. 30), and the departure on the next missionary tour
(v. 40). Some propose to insert here the scene described in Gal.
2, 11 sq.; but that such a reaction in favor of Judaism as appeared
on that occasion should have taken place so soon after the decision at Jerusalem, is altogether improbable. See note on 18, 23.
- Ka[ adds EvaLyyEXLo'/EVotL to the other participle as epexegetical:
what they taught was the glad tidings or the gospel; not instructed believers and preached to those who had not believed
(Alf.).  See 4, 18; 5, 42; 11, 26; 28, 31.
VERSES 36-41. Paul and Barnabas resume their Work in different
Fields of Labor.
V. 36. /LEca'L nvaFs rsEpa%, Now after certain days, denotes apparently a short period; comp. 9, 19; 16, 12. — -8 strengthens the
exhortation; see 13, 2.-  — KErlUKES'a.... 7   EXOVO-L may involve an attraction, viz. that of the subject of the last clause
drawn into the first: let us go to see.... how the brethren are (W.
~ 66. 5); or an ellipsis: let us visit the brethren, and see (as in the
E. V.) how they are. - ev akt is plural because r&aroav wroXtv is collective.  W. ~ 21. 3; K. ~ 332. 5. — 7rs EXov(r, how they are, in
the mind of Paul, would have respect mainly to their spiritual
welfare.
V. 37.  E/3ovXEvraaro, determined (see v. 5, 33; 27, 39).  The
feelings of Barnabas may have influenced him in this decision,
more than his judgment, since he and Mark were cousins (aveito0t;
see Col. 4, 10. cfovXAro, wished, is an ancient reading, but on the
whole less approved, in part because it softens down the altercation, and may have been added for that reason.
V. 38. 3r'tov, deemed it just, fitting.  Paul viewed the question
on its ethical side and not as a personal matter. -  ov a7roTaravTa
ax' aTrOv, who departed from  them  (13, 13), in dereliction of his
duty; comp. Luke 8, 13.- TOVTOV, this one (emphatic here), who
proved so fickle.- It is pleasing to know that Mark did not forfeit
the apostle's esteem so as to be unable to regain it. He became
subsequently Paul's companion in travel (Col. 4, 10), and in 2
Tim. 4, 11 elicits from him the commendation that he was " profitable to him for the ministry."
V. 39. 6yevEro 7rapov-,uo's, a severe contention arose. Barnabas




CRAP. XV, 39. 40.   COMMENTARY.                        251
insisted on his purpose, Paul on his view of the merits of the
case; and as neither would yield, they parted. Some writers
lay all the blame on Barnabas (Bmg.), in'spite of the impartiality of the text. There was heat evidently on both sides. - aore.... a&AXXwv, so that they departed from one another. This separation refers, not to the rupture of their friendship, but to their
proceeding in different directions, instead of laboring together as
heretofore. The infinitive after worE is said to represent the act
as a necessary or logical sequence of what precedes; the indicative as an absolute or unconditioned fact. See Klotz ad Devar.
II. p. 772. It deserves to be remarked, that this variance did not
estrange these brethren from their work, or occasion any permanent diminution of their regard for each other. In 1 Cor. 9, 6,
which was written after this occurrence, Paul.alludes to Barnabas as a Christian teacher, who possessed and deserved the
fullest confidence of the churches. The passage contains fairly
that implication. Even the error of Barnabas in yielding to the
Jewish party (Gal. 2, 13) leads Paul to speak of him as one of
the very last men (Kal Bapv3as,% i. e. even he) whom any one
would suppose capable of swerving from the line of duty. And
who can doubt that Barnabas reciprocated these sentiments
towards the early, long-tried friend with whom he had acted in
so many eventful scenes, and whom he saw still animated by the
same affection towards himself, and the same devotion to the
cause of their common Master? Luke does not mention the
name of Barnabas again in the Acts. It is impossible to trace
him further with any certainty. One tradition is that he went to
Milan, and died as first bishop of the church there; another is,
that, after living some years at Rome and Athens, he suffered
martyrdom in his native Cyprus. The letter still extant, which
was known as that of Barnabas even in the second century, cannot be defended as genuine. See Neander's Church History,
Vol. I. p. 657. That such a letter, however, was ascribed to him
at that early period, shows how eminent a place he occupied
among the Christians of his own and the succeeding age.
V. 40. C7rtXELacEvos, having chosen for himself (comp. v. 22), not
thereupon, viz. this disagreement. - 7rapa8o3c~.... it'o 7r v a8EX i-v,
having been committed unto the grace of God by the brethren. Perhaps we may infer from this remark, that the believers at Antioch took Paul's view of the point at issue between him and
Barnabas. --- X&, went forth, is used of going forth as a missionary in Luke 9, 6, and in 3 John v. 7. - The departure on this
second tour we may place in A. D. 51; for if Paul went to Jeru



252                  CO M MENTARY.              CHAP. XVI, 1.
salem in the year 50 (see on 15, 4), the remainder of that year,
added (if any one chooses) to the early part of the ensuing year,
would suffice probably for the sojourn at Antioch indicated by
Lrtvas& iPpas in v. 36. It is impossible to be more definite than
this.
V. 41.  Syria and Cilicia lay between Antioch and the eastern
limit of the apostle's first journey. We have had no account of
the planting of any churches there, but they date undoubtedly
from the period of Paul's residence in that region, mentioned in
Gal. 1, 21. See 9, 30 and note there. -    Trrqplowv ErasI KKXrqOtas,
confirming the churches, not candidates for admission to them;
see 14, 22. One of these churches may have been at Tarsus,
which Paul would naturally revisit at this time.
CHAPTER XVI.
VERSES 1-5. Paul and Silas revisit the Churches and deliver the
Decrees.
V. 1. AEp/lqv Kac AAIorrpav. Derbe and Lystra are mentioned in
this order (the reverse of that in 14, 6), because the missionaries
travel now from east to west. - Luke's exclamation Kait o68o, and
behold, shows how much this meeting with Timothy interested
his feelings. - &K, there, viz. at Lystra.  Some refer the adverb
to Derbe; but that view, so far from being required by AEppfa-os
in 20, 4, is forbidden by the text there. Lystra stands nearest
to EKEt, and is named again in the next verse, where Luke
surely would not pass over the testimony of those who had been
acquainted with Timothy from early life. Wieseler combines
the two opinions by supposing that Timothy may have been a
native of Lystra, but was now living at Derbe. - For the family
and the early education of Timothy, see 2 Tim. 1, 5; 3, 15. Paul
terms him rTEKVOV ZOv, my son, in 1 Cor. 4, 17, probably because he
had been the instrument of his conversion; comp. 1 Cor. 4, 15;
Gal. 4, 19. See the note on 14, 20. — rtvo is to be erased after
yvvatLKOs. - rturrq, believing; see on 10, 45. The mother's name
was Eunice. It was an instance of the mixed marriages of which
Paul writes in 1 Cor. 1, 17 sq. — "EXXvo, a Greek, and still a heathen, or at all events not a proselyte in filll, as otherwise the son
would have been circumcised.




CHAP. XVI, 2-4.      COMMENTARY.                         253
V. 2. EaprvpeCro, was attested, well reported of. See 6, 3; 10,
22.  Supposing Timothy to have been converted during Paul's
first visit to Lystra (see on 14, 20), he had now been a disciple
three or four years. During this time he had exerted himself,
no doubt, for the cause of Christ both in Lystra and Iconium, and
had thus given proof of the piety and talents which rendered
him so useful as a herald of the cross.
V. 3. o-vv avcri ZEX&9EtV, to go forth with him as a preacher of
the word; see 2 Tim. 4, 5. — Xa/v.... avro'v, having taken, he
circumcised him, either by his own hand (Mey. De Wet.), or
procuring it to be done (Neand.). The Jews had no particular
class of persons who performed this act. The Jewish custom, it
is said, required merely that the administrator should not be a
heathen.  See Win. Realw. I. p. 157. - 8ah rob'IovSatovs, K. T. X.,
on account of the Jews, etc. It would have repelled the Jews
from his ministry to have seen him associated with a man whom
they knew to be uncircumcised. Paul took this course, therefore, in order to remove that obstacle to his usefulness. The
history presents Paul here as acting on the principle stated in 1
Cor. 9, 20: EyEvorU/v Tro7'IovatotLs Jo'Ioov&tot  Lva'laovt   KIEp8OroJ,
K. T. X. It was urader circumstances totally different that he refused to circumcise Titus, as related in Gal. 2, 3 sq. He was
then in the midst of those who would have regarded the act as
ratifying their doctrine that circumcision was necessary to salvation; see on 15, 1. In the present instance he knew (that admission is due to his character for intelligence as well as consistency) that his conduct would not be misunderstood or perverted;
that the believers would view it as an accommodation merely to
the prejudices of the Jews, and that the Jews themselves were
in no danger of supposing him to countenance the idea that their
keeping the law would entitle them to the favor of God. - Other
passages extend our knowledge of this transaction. Timothy
was not only circumcised, but set apart to the ministry "with the
laying on of the hands of the presbytery" and of the apostle,
was endued with special gifts for the office (1 Tim. 4, 14; 2 Tim.
1, 6), and received at the time prophetic assurances of the success
which awaited him in his new career (1 Tim. 1, 18). —,jEto-av
yap, K. r. X.,for all knew his father that, etc. The structure of the
sentence is like that in 3, 10.
V. 4. US; 8Er-OpEVOVTO ra,rOXELt, As they journeyed through the
cities on the route pursued by them.  They would visit naturally
all the churches in Syria and Cilicia (15, 41), and most of those
on the main land, gathered during the apostle's former tour. As




254                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVI, 5. 6.
Antioch and Perga were so remote from their general course, it
is possible that they transmitted copies of the decrees to those
places. It is not certain that the word had taken root in Perga;
see on 14, 25.-7rapE83'ovv....  o'vycUara, delivered (orally or in
writing) to them the decrees to keep.  The infinitive may be telic:
that they should keep them; or may involve a relative clause:
which they should keep. Compare a 7rapEXal3ov KparTEv in Mark 7, 4.
See W. ~ 44. 1. ai'rots refers to the believers in these cities; not
to the heathen converts merely (Mey.), since the decrees affected
also the Jews.
V. 5. o'v, therefore, i. e. as the result of this visit, and of the
adjustment of the controversy which had divided and enfeebled
the churches. -  T- apLptjxqj, in the number of their members.
VERSES 6-10.  Theyprosecute their Journey to Troas.
V. 6. cDpvytav. See on 2, 10. To reach Phrygia from Iconium
or Antioch, they would direct their way to the northeast. - raXar~TKv X  pav.  Galatia was bounded on the north by Paphlagonia
and Bithynia, on the east by Pontus and Cappadocia (separated
from them by the river Halys), on the south by Cappadocia and
Phrygia, and on the west by Phrygia and Bithynia. Among the
principal cities were Ancyra, made the metropolis by Augustus,
and Pessinus. Kiepert draws the line of Paul's course, on his
map, so as to include these places, on the natural supposition that
he would aim to secure first the prominent towns.  See on 18, 1.
It is evident from the Epistle to the Galatians (see, e. g., 4, 19),
that it was the apostle Paul who first preached the gospel in this
country; and since he found disciples here on his third missionary tour (see 18, 23), it must have been at this time that he laid
the foundation of the Galatian churches (Gal. 1, 2). Such is the
opinion of the leading critics. See note on 14, 6. — KoXV3EVTrE,
K. T. X., being restrained by the fHoly Spirit, etc. The act of this
participle, it will be observed, was subsequent to that of &EX.0VTES
and prior to that of EXroVTEs (v. 7).  The course of the movement may be sketched thus. The travellers, having passed
through the eastern section of Phrygia into Galatia, proposed
next to preach the word in proconsular Asia (see on 2, 9). With
that view they turned their steps to the southwest, and, crossing
the north part of Phrygia, came down to the frontier of Mysia,
the first province in Asia which they would reach in that direction. Being informed here that they were not to execute this
design, they turned again towards the north and attempted to go




CHAP. XVI, 7. 8.    COMMENTARY.                          255
into Bithynia, which was adjacent to Mysia. Restrained from
that purpose, they passed by Mysia, i. e. did not remain there to
preach, and proceeded to Troas. - This portion of the apostle's
travels, though they embrace so wide a circuit, admits of very
little geograjphical illustration. Phrygia and Galatia are parts of
Asia Minor, of which the ancient writers have left but few
notices and which remain comparatively unknown to the present day. We must infer from 18, 23, that Paul gained disciples in Phrygia at this time, but in what places is uncertain.
Colosse was a Phrygian city, and may have received the gospel
on this journey, unless it be forbidden by Col. 2, 1. The opinion
of the best critics is, that the apostle includes the Colossians in
that passage among those who had not "seen his face in the
flesh." — TO 7rvEV/%a'Ib-ov, the Spirit of Jesus, i. e. which he sends.
There is no parallel passage, unless it be Rom. 8, 9.'Iq(orov has
been lost from some copies, but belongs to the text. The Spirit,
says Reuss, appears here in a sphere of activity, made more prominent in the Acts than in all the other writings of the New
Testament. " Thus, it is the Spirit who conducts Philip in the
road to Gaza (8, 29), who instructs Peter to receive the messengers of Cornelius (10, 19; 11, 12), who causes Barnabas and Paul
to be sent to the heathen (13, 2. 4), who directs the missionaries
in the choice of their route (16, 6. 7), who urges Paul to Jerusalem
(20, 22), who chooses the pastors of the churches (20, 28), etc." 1
V. 8. 7rapEX3JvTEs Tvrv Mvot'av, having passed by Mysia, having
left it aside without remaining to preach there; comp.'raparwXEvoat in 20, 16, and 7rapeX3Etv in Mark 6, 48.  Wieseler (Chronologie, p. 36), Alford, Howson apparently, and others prefer this
meaning here.  Some render having passed along Mysia, i. e. the
border of Mysia Minor, which belonged to Bithynia, whereas
Mysia Major belonged to proconsular Asia (De Wet.)   The
boundary was a political one, and no distinct frontier existed,
which the travellers could have had any motive for tracing so
exactly. - KarE'fporav, came down from the inner highlands to the
coast.- -a TpowaJa, unto Troas, the name of a district or a city;
here the latter, called fully Alexandria Troas, on the Hellespont,
about four miles from the site of the ancient Troy. It was the
transit harbor between the north-west of Asia Minor and Macedonia. Paul passed and repassed here on two other occasions
(20, 6; 2 Cor. 2, 12). It is correct that Luke represents Troas
here as distinct from Mysia. Under Nero, Troas and the vicinity
1 Historie de la Theologie Chretienne, Tome second, p. 603 (Strasbourg 1852).




256                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XVI, 9-11.
formed a separate territory, having the rights of Roman freedom
(De Wet. Bdttg.).
V. 9. Kal opa/a, K. T. X. Whether Paul saw this vision in a
dream, or in a state of ecstasy (see 10, 10; 22, 17), the language
does not decide.  La& iS VVKr&o suggests one of the conditions of
the first mode, but would not be inconsistent with the other. -
Jav-p MaKE&ov, a man revealed to him as a Macedonian; comp. 9,
12. - ta/3as, having crossed, i. e. the northern part of the AEgean.
—,lo~o-rov /rJav, help us, because the one here represented
many.
V. 10. kyrlrjao-lEV, we sought, i. e. by immediate inquiry for a
ship (Alf.). Paul had made known the vision to his associates.
Here for the first time the historian speaks of himself as one of
the party, and in all probablity because he joined it at Troas.
The introduction would be abrupt for the style of a modern
work, it is true; but, on the other hand, to have had from Luke
any formal account of the manner in which he became connected
with the apostle would have been equally at variance with the
simplicity and reserve which distinguish the sacred writers. Nor
does it account at all more naturally for this sudden use of the
plural, to imagine (it is a figment purely) that Luke adopts
here the narrative of another writer; for, we may just as well
suppose him to speak thus abruptly in his own name, as to allow
him to introduce another person as doing it, without apprising us
of the change. See marginal note on p. 16.
VERSES 11-15. Paul and his Associates arrive in Europe, and
preach at Pliilippi.
V. 11.  E3vs3ovpofjmxra/ev, we ran by a straight course. In the
nautical language of the ancients, as in that of the moderns, to run
meant to sail before the wind, see 27, 16. Luke observes almost,
a technical precision in the use of such terms. His account
of the voyage to Rome shows a surprising familiarity with sealife. —dit YaluoopadK7v, unto Samothrace, which they reached the
first day. This island, the present Samothraki, is about half way
between Troas and Neapolis, and is the highest land in this part
of the _Egean, except Mount Athos. The ordinary currents here
are adverse to sailing northward; but southerly winds, though
they are brief, blow strongly at times and overcome entirely that
disadvantage.  With such a wind, "the vessel in which Paul
sailed would soon cleave her way through the strait between
Tenedos and the main, past the Dardanelles, and near the eastern




CHAP. XVI, 11. 12.  COMMENTAR Y.                       257
shore of Imbros. On rounding the northern end of this island,
they would open Samothrace, which had hitherto appeared as a
higher and more distant summit over the lower mountains of
Imbros. Leaving this island, and bearing now a little to the
west, and having the wind still (as our sailors say) two or three
points abaft the beam, they steered for Samothrace, and under
the shelter of its high shore, anchored for the night." See the
nautical proofs in Howson. — E s NE&rroXtv, unto Naples, a Thracian
city on the Strymonic gulf, the modern Cavallo. It was northwest from Samothrace, but even with a southerly wind could be
reached in seven or eight hours. As the same verb describes
the remainder of the journey, it might seem as if they merely
touched here, but did not land, proceeding along the coast to
some harbor nearer to Philippi than this. Some writers would
place the port of that city further west than the present Cavallo.
It is generally agreed, however, that Neapolis was the nearest
town on the sea, and hence, though the distance was not less
than ten miles, was identical with Philippi as to purposes of
travel and trade. Cavallo is the nearest port at present, and the
shore appears to have undergone no change either from recession
or advance.'
V.: 12. Pthilippi was on a steep acclivity of the Thracian Hermus, where this range slopes towards the sea, on a small stream
called Gangas, or Gangitas. It was at some distance east of the
Strymon, and not on that river, as some have said. The adjacent
plain is memorable in Roman history, as the place where the
battle was fought between the Republicans under Brutus, and
the followers of Antony and Augustus.- -rds.... KoXOvta, which
is the chief city of the province of Macedonia, being a colony. 7rpdrq
designates it as one of the first places there, and KoXvLta explains
the ground of the epithet. Augustus had sent a colony thither
(see Diet. of Antt. s. colonia), which had conferred upon it new
importance. Some understand 7rpdczw  geographically: first as they
entered Macedonia, which Winer calls the simplest explanation.
That Neapolis lay farther east, does not clash with this view; for
those who adopt it take Macedonia here in the Greek sense,
which assigns Neapolis to Thrace. It is a stronger objection,
that Luke would then mean Greek Macedonia here, but elsewhere the Roman province so named, i. e. Northern Greece in
distinction from Achaia, or Southern Greece; see on 18, 5. Fur-' My thanks are due to the Rev. Dr. Hill of Athens for inquiries in relation to
this point.
33




258.         COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XVI, 12. 13.
ther, coat indicates a permanent distinction; whereas Tv would
have been more natural to mark an incident of the journey (was
first on their way). The proper capital of Macedonia (hence
not 7rpw)T- in that sense) was Thessalonica. If the earlier division into four parts still continued, Amphipolis was politically first in
pars prima. " It may be added," says Akerman, " in confirmation
of the words of Luke, that there are colonial coins of Philippi
from the reign of Augustus to that of Caracalla." It is frequenly
said, that this was the first place on the continent of Europe
where the gospel was preached; but we have no certain knowledge of the origin of the church of Rome, and, very possibly, it
may have been founded by some of the converts on the day of
Pentecost. The church at Philippi was the first church in Europe
which the apostle Paul established. --'lEpa nrvas, certain days,
denotes apparently the few days which they spent there before
the arrival of the Sabbath.
V. 13. Instead of the received Zie A- 7-roAXe, the later criticism
would read wi ri-s 7rv'xrs, out of the gate. This part of the narrative
shows often the presence of the historian. — rapa rroraJov, beside a
river, viz. the Gangas. The name was unimportant, but could
hardly fail to be known to Luke, who was so familiar with Philippi;
see on v. 40. The river may possibly have been the more distant
Strymon (Neand. Mey.); though if 7rXrVs be the correct word, the
stream intended must be a nearer one. In summer the Gangas is
almost dry, but in winter or after rains may be full and swollen. -
or.... ELvaL, where (according to an ancient usage in that city) was
wont to be a place of prayer (Kuin. Neand. Mey. De Wet.).  The
Jews preferred to assemble near the water on account of the lustrations which accompanied their worship. Neander illustrates
this usage from what Tertullian says of them (De Jejun., c. 16):
" per omne litus quocunque in aperto... preces ad celum mittunt."
See also Jos. Antt. 14. 10. 23. The rpoaoEvXr here appears to have
been, not an edifice, but a space or inclosure in the open air consecrated to this use. The word was so well known as the designation of a Jewish chapel or oratory that it passed into the Latin
language in that sense. The rendering where prayer was wont to
be made (E. V.) does not agree easily with ElvaL. Instead of the
substantive verb, the predicate would be ytveo-9at (12, 5), or 7roliCo'3at (1 Tim. 2, 1). — In.XaXOoV/Jev Luke appears as one of the
speakers. — rats aovveX.ovo'ats yvvatl, the women who came together
for prayer. The absence of a synagogue shows that the Jews
here were not numerous. Those who met for prayer were chiefly
women, and even some of these were converts.to Judaism.




CuAr. XVI, 14. 15.   COMMENT A R Y.                      259
V. 14. Ka'L TL3 7VV', K. r. X. Lydia was a very common name
among the Greeks and the Romans. It is not surprising, therefore, that it coincided with the name of her country. Possibly
she may have borne a different name at home, but was known
among strangers as Lydia or the Lydian (Wetst.). She is said
to have been a seller of puple, sc. cloths, from Thyatira.  That
city was on the confines of Lydia and Mysia; and the Lydians,
as ancient writers testify, were famous for precisely such fabrics.
They possessed that reputation even in Homer's time; see Il. 4.
141. An inscription, "the dyers," has been found among the
ruins of Thyatira. —7Kovev  (relative imperf.) was hearing, while
he discoursed (14, 9; 15, 12); not when the act (8L&voLE) took
place (Alf.). -.... ap&'av, whose heart the Lord opened, i. e.
in confbrmity with other passages (Matt. 11, 25 sq.; Luke 24, 45;
1 Cor. 3, 6. 7), elllightened, impressed by his Spirit, and so prepared to receive the truth. - rpoarEXEtv, so as to attend (ecbatic);
or less obvious, to attend (telic).
V. 15.  s 8& 6Ea7rrTkrg.9. It is left indefinite whether she was
baptized at once, or after an interval of some days. -- oLCKoS aVS,
her house, family. " Here," says De Wette, " as well as in v. 33;
18, 8; 1 Cor. 1, 16, some would find a proof for the apostolic
baptism of children; but there is nothing here which shows that
any except adults were baptized."  According to his view (in
Stud. und Krit., p. 669, 1830) of the meaning of 1 Cor. 7, 14, it
is impossible that baptism should have been applied to children
in the primitive churches. In arguing from the case of children
to that of married persons, one of whom is an unbeliever, in
order to justify the continuance of the relation, " the apostle must
appeal to something which lay out of the disputed case, but
which had a certain similarity and admitted of an application to
it. This something is nothing else than the relation which the
children of Christian parents in general sustain to the Christian
church, and the expression'your children' refers to all the Corinthian Christians. The children of Christians were not yet received properly into a Christian community, were not yet baptized,
and did not take part in the devotional exercises and love-feasts
of the church; accordingly, they might have been regarded as
unclean (dKa'apra), with as much reason as the unbelieving
consorts could be so regarded. In this passage, therefore, we
have a proof that children had not begun to be baptized in the
time of the apostles."  The OLKos avr7s, as Meyer remarks, consisted probably of women who assisted Lydia in her business.
4 "When Jewish or heathen families," he says further, "became




260                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XVI, 15.
Christians, the children in them could have been baptized only
in cases in which they were so far developed that they could
profess their faith in Christ, and did actually profess it; for this
was the universal requisition for the reception of baptism; see,
also, v. 31. 33; 18, 8. On the contrary, if the children were still
unable to believe, they did not partake of the rite, since they
were wanting in what the act presupposed. The baptism of
children is not to be considered as an apostolic institution, but
arose gradually in the post-apostolic age, after early and long
continued resistance, in connection with certain views of doctrine,
and did not become general in the church till after the time of
Augustine. The defence of infant baptism transcends the domain
of exegesis, and must be given up to that of dogmatics." Since
a conifession of faith preceded baptism, says Olshausen, " it is improbable in the highest degree that by'her household' (oTLKos
avirre) children of an immature age are to be understood; those
baptized with her were relatives, servants, grown up children.
We have not, in fact, a single sure proof-text for the baptism of
children in the apostolic age, and the necessity of it cannot be
derived from the idea of baptism."  He says on 1 Cor. 1, 17, that
" nothing can be inferred in favor of infant baptism from the word'household' (oTKoS), because the adult members of the household
(comp. 1 Cor. 16, 15), or the servants in it, may alone be Xmeant."
Neander maintains the same view of this class of passages.
" Since baptism marked the entrance into communion with Christ,
it resulted from the nature of the rite, that a confession of faith
in Jesus as the Redeemer would be made by the person to be
baptized. As baptism was closely united with a conscious entrance on Christian communion, faith and baptism were always
connected with one another; and thus it is in the highest degree
probable that baptism was performed only in instances where
both could meet together, and that the practice of infant baptism
was unknown at this period. We cannot infer the existence of'
infant baptism from the instance of the baptism of whole families; for the passage in 1 Cor. 16, 15 shows the fallacy of such a
conclusion, as from that it appears that the whole family of Stephanus, who were baptized by Paul, consisted of adults.... From
whom (if it belonged to the first Christian age) could the institution of infant baptism have proceeded?  Certainly it did not
come directly from Christ himself.  Was it from the primitive
church in Palestine, from an injunction given by the earlier apostles? But among the Jewish Christians circumcision was held
as a seal of the covenant, and hence they had so much less




CHAP. XVI, 15. 16.   COMMENTARY.                         261
occasion to make use of another dedication for their children.
Could it then have been Paul that first introduced among heathen Christians this change in the use of baptism? But this
would agree least of all with the peculiar Christian characteristics of this apostle. He who says of himself that Christ sent
him, not to baptize, but to preach the gospel; he who always
kept his eye fixed on one thing, justification by faith, and
/so carefully avoided everything which could give a handle or
a support to the notion of justification by outward things
(-capKLKa), —how could he have set up infant baptism  against
the circumcision that continued to be practised by the Jewish
Christians? In this case, the dispute carried on with the Judaizing party, on the necessity of circumcision, would easily have
given an opportunity of introducing this substitute into the controversy, if it had really existed. The evidence arising from silence
on this topic has, therefore, the greater weight."  It may be
proper to regard the decisions of such men as representing the
testimony of the present biblical scholarship on this controverted
subject. It is the more proper to accord to them this character,
because they proceed from men whose ecclesiastical position
would naturally dispose them to adopt a different view; who
contend that infant baptism, having been introduced, is allowable, notwithstanding their acknowledgment that it has no scriptural warrant.- El KEKpLtKaTe, if ye have judged, i. e. by admitting
her to baptism, and thus declaring their confidence in her. d is
preferred to 7ret out of modesty. -7rt(c-rv a-s KvpLW, trusting to the
Lord, i. e. having faith in him, a believer; comp. 10, 45; 16, 1.-rappE,8tLraL o~f as, constrained uzs; not that they needed so much
entreaty, but that she could not employ less in justice to her
grateful feelings. Some think that they were reluctant to accept
the proffered hospitality, lest they should seem to be actuated by
mercenary motives. The apostle was by no means indifferent
to that imputation (20, 34; 2 Cor. 12, 17. 19); but it is incorrect
to say that he never showed himself unmindful of it. He was
the guest of Gaius at Corinth (Rom. 16, 23), and was aided repeatedly by Christian friends, when his circumstances made it
necessary (24, 23; 28, 10; Phil. 4, 15 sq.).
VERSES 16-18. Healing of a Demoniac Woman.
V. 16.  y7viro 86, Vow it came to pass on a subsequent day
(Neand. De Wet.). - E-l rpoErCvXvjv, unto the place ofprayer, which
I Abridged from Ryland's translation. Pflanzung, u. s. w., Band I. p. 278.




262                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVI, 16-18.
may omit the article as definite, because it was the only such
place there. But some editors (Grsb. Lchm.) insert irv. - -ra8to(Kqv.... 7rrV3vos, afemale slave (Gal. 4, 22) having the spirit of
a pythoness, i. e. of a diviner who was supposed to have received
her gift of prophecy from Apollo. Luke describes the woman
according to her reputed character; he does not express here his
own opinion of the case. His view agreed no doubt with that
of Paul, and what that was we learn from the sequel. To suppose him to acknowledge Apollo as a real existence would contradict 1 Cor. 8, 4.- -rapEXE, procured. Winer (~ 38. 5) says, that
the active is more appropriate here than the middle (comp. 19,
24; Col. 4, 1; Tit. 2, 7), because the gain was involuntary on her
part. — roT KvptLOL avrs,, unto her masters. A slave among the
ancients who possessed a lucrative talent was often the joint
property of two or more owners. - IiavTEvotjEvl, by divining, was
the heathen term to denote the act. Luke would have said more
naturally 7rpoJrTE1Jovcra, had he been affirming his own belief in
the reality of the pretension. -The woman was in fact a demoniac
(see v. 18); and as those subject to the power of evil spirits were
often bereft of their reason, her divinations were probably the
ravings of insanity. The superstitious have always been prone
to attach a mysterious meaning to the utterances of the insane.
We may take it for granted that the craft of the managers in
this case was exerted to assist the delusion.
V. 17. OVTOL, K. T. X., These men are servants, etc.  Some have
supposed that she merely repeated what she had heard them declare of themselves, or what she had heard reported of them by
others. But the similarity of the entire account to that of the
demoniacs mentioned in the Gospels requires us to refer this
case to the same class of phenomena; see Matt. 8, 29; Mark 3,
11; Luke 4, 41; 8, 28, etc. According to those passages, we
must recognize the acknowledgment here as a supernatural
testimony to the mission of Paul and his associates, and to the
truth of the gospel which they preached.
V. 18. 8La7rovrsElas Hesychius defines by Xv7r.3%Es, being grieved.
With that sense it would refer to Paul's commiseration of the
woman's unhappy condition.  Taken as in 4, 2, being ind4ignant,
it would show how he felt to witness such an exhibition of the
malice of a wicked spirit; comp. Luke 13, 16. The latter meaning directs the act of the participle to the same object as that of
prrp /a~ and "ELW. It is better to preserve a unity in that respect. - rW TrVE/Lar-, to the spirit, who is addressed here as distinct
from the woman herself. The apostle deals with the case as it




CHAP. X.VI, 19-21.   COMMENTARY.                         263
actually was, and his knowledge as an inspired teacher would
enable him to judge correctly of its character.
VERSES 19-24.  Imprisonment of Paul and Silas.
V 19. OgTL iEXSEV, K. T. X., that the hope of their gain went forth,
i. e. with the exorcism  (De Wet.). - i7rLXaf3PEvot, K. r. X., having
laid hold upon Paul and Silas. Luke and Timothy may have
been out of reach just at that moment (comp. 17, 5), or may have
been spared because they were Greeks. - d1s r'v ayopav. In ancient cities the seats of the magistrates were erected commonly in
the markets, or near to them. -    Trlt rovs apxovrTa, before the rulers,
called in the next verse (r-paTyoZ3. The chief magistrates in a
Roman colony were the duumviri, or quatuorviri, as the number.
was not always the same. They frequently took, however, the
name of practors, as one of greater honor, and that in Greek was
arpa7jr)yo. It appears, therefore, that the magistrates at Philippi
affected this latter title. It is worthy of notice that this is the
only occasion in the Acts on which Luke applies the term to the
rulers of' a city. Here in a Roman colony the government would
be modelled naturally after the Roman form; and the manner
in which the narrative reveals that circumstance marks its authenticitv.
V. 20.'IovSaZot v7rapXovrEs, being Jews. They say this at the
outset, in order to give more effect to the subsequent accusation.
No people were regarded by the Romans with such contempt
and hatred as the Jews. It is not probable that the Philippians
at this time recognized any distinction between Judaism  and
Christianity; they arraigned Paul and Silas as Jews, or as the
leaders of some particular Jewish sect.
V. 21.  cr7, customs, religious practices. — OVK EETtLV, K. T. A.
The Roman laws suffered foreigners to worship in their own way,
but did not allow Roman citizens to forsake their religion for
that of other nations. This was the general policy. But beyond
that, Judaism had been specially interdicted. "It was a religio
licita for the Jews," says Neander; " but they were by no means
allowed to propagate their religion among'the Roman pagans;
the laws expressly forbade the latter, under severe penalties, to
receive circumcision. It was the case, indeed at this time, that
the number of proselytes from the pagans was greatly multiplied.
This the public authorities sometimes allowed to pass unnoticed;
but occasionally severe laws were passed anew to repress the
evil." Ch. Hist. Vol. I. p. 89. Still the charge in this instance,




264                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVI, 22-24.
though formally false, since they were not making proselytes to
Judaism, was true substantially. It was impossible that the gospel should be preached without coming into collision with the
Roman laws. The gospel was designed to subvert one system
of false religion as well as another. It proposed to save the
souls of men without respect to the particular government or
political institutions under which they lived. The apostles, in
the promulgation of their message, acted under a higher authority
than that of the Caesars; and the opposition between Christianity
and heathenism soon became apparent, and led to the persecutions which the Roman power inflicted on the church in the first
centuries.
V. 22. KaO aovve'E'rrl7, K. -. X., and the multitude rose up together
against them. The prisoners were now in the hands of the officers; hence we are not to think here of any actual onset upon
them, but of a tumultuous outburst of rage, a cry on all sides for
the punishment of the offenders.  The magistrates hasten to
obey the voice of the mob. - 7repLpparjavrrc aLrVT v Tw JZLJTLta, having
torn off their garments, not their own, but those of Paul and Silas.
The rulers are said to do what they ordered to be done; comp..7cpLtIEu/EV in v. 3. It was customary to inflict the blows on the
naked body. Livy (2, 5): " Missique lictores ad sumendum supplicium, nudatos virgis caedunt." - &KE'XEvov  pap38'EtLv, ordered to beat
with rods. The verb declares the mode as well as the act. Observe the official brevity of the expression. The imperfect describes the beating in its relation to -(vvE7rrE-rq, or as taking place
under the eye of the narrator. For the latter usage, see W  4.
40.3.d.; Mt. ~ 505. II. 1. In 2 Cor. 11, 25, Paul says that he
was " thrice beaten with rods." This was one of the instances;
the other two the history has not recorded. Such omissions prove
that Luke's narrative and the Epistles of Paul have not been
drawn from  each other; that they are independent productions.
V. 23. 7roXXaa rr7rrya& shows that no ordinary rigor would satisfy their exasperated feelings; see also v. 33. The Jewish law
restricted the blows to "forty save one." The severity of the
punishment among the Romans depended on the equity or caprice
of the judge. In regard to the silence of Paul and Silas under
this outrage, see on v. 37.
V. 24. B.... CAilqb(, who having received such a command.
We need not impute to the jailer any gratuitous inhumanity; he
obeyed his instructions. - — E T)v EoUTEpav qAvXaK'v, into the inner
prison, the remotest part, whence escape would be most difficult.




CHAP. XVI, 25-27.      C O M M E NTAR Y.                  265
Some confound this prison with the dungeon, which was under
ground, and would be differently described.  Walch's Dissertatio
de vinculis Apostoli Paulli treats of this passage. - Kat Tovs 7ro'as,
Kc. r. X., and secured their feet into the block (= nervus). This was
an instrument for torture as well as confinement.  It was
a heavy piece of wood with holes into which the feet were put,
so far apart as to distend the limbs in the most painful manner.
Yet in this situation, with their bodies still bleeding from the
effect of their recent chastisement, and looking forward to the
morrow only in the expectation that it would renew their pains,
they could still rejoice; their prison at midnight resounds with the
voice of prayer and praise. Neander cites here Tertullian's fine
remark: " Nihil crus sentit in nervo, quum animus in ccelo est."
VERSES 25-29. An Earthquake shakes the Prison.
V. 25. 7'rporEvXo'EvoL...,OEv, praying, they praised God. Their
prayers and praises were not distinct acts (hence the form of the
expression), but their worship consisted chiefly of thanksgiving,
the language of which they would derive more or less from the
Psalms. The Hebrews were so familiar with the old Testament,
especially its devotional parts, that they clothed their religious
thoughts spontaneously in terms borrowed from that source. See,
e. g., the songs of Mary and Elizabeth (Luke 1, 39 sq.), and of
Zacharias (Luke 1, 67 sq.), and Simeon (Luke 2, 28 sq.). —
KpoWvro, listened to them while they sung. The imperfect describes
the act; the aorist would have related it merely.
V. 26.'9pat rao-aL. Some ascribe this opening of the doors to
the shock of the earthquake; others, -more reasonably, to the
power which caused the earthquake. -  am 7rawvrWV, K. r. X., and the
chains of all, i. e. the prisoners (see v. 28), were loosened. advE'r is
first aorist passive from awv'iu.  B. ~ 108; S. ~ 81. I. That the
other prisoners were released in this manner was, no doubt, miraculous; it was adapted to augment the impression of the occurrence, and to attest more signally the truth of the gospel. That
they made no effort to escape may have been owing to the terror
of the scene, or to a restraining influence which the author of the
interposition exerted upon them.
V. 27.  4EcXXev, K. r. X., was about to kill himseyf  The jailer
adopted this resolution because he knew that his life was forfeited if the prisoners had escaped; comp. 12, 19; 27, 42. - vot,)v S.... -E'ctOLov%, supposing the prisoners to have fled, and to be
gone; infin. perfect, because the act though past was connected
with the present.  W. ~ 44. 7.
34




266                  COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XV1, 28-30.
V. 28. 4bRovs:/cEyXa, zwith a voice loud; see note on 14, 10.
uEtv....  KaKOv, do thyself no injury. For the mode and tense,
see on 7, 60. How, it has been asked, could Paul have known
the jailer's intention? The narrative leaves us in doubt on that
point, but suggests various possibilities. It is not certain that
the prison was entirely dark (see on v. 29), and the jailer may
have stood at that moment where Paul could distinguish his
form; or, as Doddridge suggests, he may have heard some exclamation from him, which disclosed his purpose.  The fact was
revealed to the apostle, if he could not ascertain it by natural
means. - aravre.... EvraJE, we are all here. We do not know
the structure of the prison. The part of it where the apostle
was, and the position in which he sat, may have enabled him to
see that no one of the prisoners had passed through the open
doors; or he may have been divinely instructed to give this assurance.
V. 29. aTr'o-ras b7ra, having called for lights, which could be
carried in the hand. The noun is neuter and in the plural, not
singular (E. V.). The ordinary night-lamps, if such had been
kept burning, were fastened perhaps, or furnished only a faint
glimmer. Vitra may be a generic plural, but refers more probably
to the jailer's summoning those in his service to procure lights,
to enable him to ascertain the condition of the prison. The sequlel shows that the whole family were aroused.- 7rpocr-ecrE, fell
down, cast himself at their feet in token of reverence; see Mark
3, 11; Luke 8, 28.  He knew that the miracle was on their
account.
VERSEs 30-34.  Conversion of the Jailer and his Family.
V. 30. IrpoayayaWv avroVs3 Zew, having led them forth out, i. e. of
the inner prison into another room, not into his own house; see
v. 34. -t I- E.... tva Co3 W.; What must I do in order that I may
be saved.  Their answer in the next verse shows with what
meaning the jailer proposed this.question. It cannot refer to any
fear of punishment from the magistrates; for he had now ascertained that the prisoners were all safe, and that he was in no
danger, from that source. Besides, had he felt exposed to any
such danger, he must have known that Paul and Silas had no
power to protect him; it would have been useless to come to
them for assistance. The question in the other sense appears
abrupt, it is true; but we are to remember that Luke has recorded only parts of the transaction.  The unwritten history




CHAP. XVI, 30-33.    -C 0 MMENTARY.                     267
would perhaps justify some such view of the circumstances as this.
The jailer is suddenly aroused from sleep by the noise of the earth.
quake; he sees the doors of the prison open; the thought instantly
seizes him,-the prisoners have fled. He knows the rigor of the
Roman law, and is on the point of anticipating his doom by selfmurder. But the friendly voice of Paul recalls his presence of
mind. His thoughts take at once a new direction. He is aware
that these men claim to be the servants of God; that they profess to teach the way of salvation. It would be nothing strange
if; during the several days or weeks that Paul and Silas had been
at Philippi, he had heard the gospel from their own lips, had
been one among those at the river-side, or in the market, whom
they had warned of their danger, and urged to repent and lay
hold of the mercy offered to them in the name of Christ. And
now suddenly an event had taken place, which convinces him in
a moment that the things which he has heard are realities; it
was the last argument, perhaps, which he needed to give certainty to a mind already inquiring, hesitating. He comes trembling, therefore, before Paul and Silas, and asks them to tell him
- again, more fiully -what he must do to be saved.
V. 31. Ka l      Ko3'rr7,. T. A., and thou shalt be saved and thy family.
They represent the salvation as ample; it was free not only to him
but to all the members of his household who accept the proffered
mercy. The apostle includes them, because, as we see from the
next verse, they were present and listened with the jailer to the
preaching of the gospel. As Meyer remarks, 3 oLtos (rov belongs
in effect to 7ror-Evorov and o-(rco7-q, as well as o-'.
V. 32. Kalt XaXrqo-av, K. T. X., and they spake to him the word of the
Lord, and to all who were in his house. This refers to the more
particular instruction respecting the way of salvation, which they
proceeded to give after the general direction in the preceding
verse. - -rots v E'V oTKL' aIroV, those in his family, cannot embrace
infants, because they are incapable of receiving the instruction
which was addressed to those whom the expression designates
here.
V. 33. 7rapaXa/3'v avro;v, taking them along, says Howson correctly, implies a change of place. The jailer repaired with Paul
and Silas from the outer room (see E'io in v. 30) to the water,
which he needed for bathing their bodies. -- kovcrEv ar3o Trv
7rXyy,/Jv stands concisely for washed and cleansed themfrom their
stripes. W. ~ 47, 5. b. This verb, says Dr. Robinson (Lex. N. T.
s. v.), signifies to wash the entire body, not merely a part of it,
like vw7rrw.  Trench says: "vtrrELV and vtqao-at almost always




268                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XVI, 34-35.
express the washing of a part of the body (the hands in Mark
7, 3, the feet in John 13, 5, the face in Matt. 6, 17, the eyes in
John 9, 7); while XovE'v, which is not so much'to wash' as'to
bathe,' and Xovcr-3a, or in common Greek Xov'ro3at,'to bathe one's
self,' imply always, not the bathing of a part of the body, but
of the whole; comp. Heb. 10, 23; Acts 9, 37; 2 Pet. 2, 22; Rev.
1, 5; Plato, Phaed. 115 a." To the same effect, see Tittm. Synm.
N. T. p. 175.1 --- iawTrior3, was baptized. The rite may have been
performed, says De Wette, inthe same fountain or tank in which
the jailer had washed them. " Perhaps the water," says Meyer,
"was in the court of the house; and the baptism was that of
immersion, which formed an essential part of the symbolism of
the act (see Rom. 6, 3 sq.)." Ancient houses, as usually built,
enclosed a rectangular reservoir or basin (the impluvium so called)
for receiving the rain which flowed from the slightly inclined
roof.  Some suggest that they may have used a KoXvfjl/pa, or
swimming-bath, found within  the walls of the prison (Grsb.
Rosnm. Kuin.).  Such a bath was a common appurtenance of
houses and public edifices among the Greeks and Romans.
Whether the Gangas flowed near the prison so as to be easily
accessible, cannot be decided. -Kal o[ avrov rrrcvrE, and all his, are
evidently the 7raft roVs ev -qr OiK[a avTro to whom  they had just
preached the word, as stated in v. 32.
V. 34. avEyay7v, K. T. X., having brought them up into his house,
which appears to have been over the prison. - -yaXXLtaaTro 7ravoLKt,
he rejoiced with all his family, i. e. he and all his family rejoiced.
— r,7ErrLrEVKW1 Tr  3Ep, having believed in God, states the object or
occasion of their joy (comp. 1 Cor. 14, 18). This act, like that
of the verb, is predicated of the jailer's family as well as of
himself.
VERSES 35-40.   They are set at Liberty, and depart from
Philippi.
V. 35. TOvS Aaf/l3oiovx, the rod-bearers (lictores), who waited
upon Roman magistrates and executed their orders. In the colonies they carried staves, not fasces as at Rome.  It deserves
notice that Luke introduces this term just here. Though applied
occasionally to Greek magistrates as bearing the staff of authority,
it was properly in this age a Roman designation, and is found
here in the right place as denoting the attendants of Roman
1 Synonyms of the New Testament (p. 216), by Richard Chevenix Trench,
King's College, London (New York, 1857).




CHAP. XVI, 36. 37.  COMMENTARY.                        269
-officers. -- roXvroov, release them. The rulers did not command
them to leave the city, but expected them, doubtless, to use their
liberty for that purpose. It is uncertain how we are to account
for this sudden change of disposition towards Paul and Silas.
The magistrates may have reflected in the interval on the injustice of their conduct, and have relented; or, possibly, as they
were heathen and superstitious, they had been alarmed by the
earthquake, and feared the anger of the gods on accout of their
inhumanity to the strangers.
V. 36. J&7ryyeELtE, K. r. X., Tlhe jailer reported these words unto
Paul, i. e. from the lictors who, therefore, did not accompany
him into the prison. The same verb occurs in v. 38, of the answer which the lictors conveyed to the magistrates. - OTtL arCEraAXKaoLv, that they have sent, sc. a message, or messengers. -
tdpqv,, in peace, unmolested; see on 15, 33. The jailer anticipates their ready acceptance of the offer.
V. 37. Zo/ 7rp0s avTrovs, said unto them, the lictors, i. e. by the
mouth of the jailer. -  EfpavrTE, K. r. X., having scourged us publicly uncondemned, men who are Romans. Almost every word in
this reply contains a distinct allegation. It would be difficult to find
or frame a sentence superior to it in point of energetic brevity.
Both the lex Valeria and the lex Porcia made it a crime to inflict
blows or any species of torture on a Roman citizen. " Facinus
est vinciri civem Romanumn, scelus verberari, prope parricidium
necari."  (Cic. in Verr. 5. 66).- 3qoo-t',a. It would have been a
crime to have struck them a single blow, even in secret; they
had been cruelly scourged in open day, and before hundreds of
witnesses. - aKaTaKplTovg. The Roman laws held it to be one of
the most sacred rights of the citizen that he should be tried in
due form before he was condemned. " Causa cognita multi possunt absolvi; incognita quidem condemnari nemo potest."  (Cic.
in Verr. 1. 9). Even slaves had an admitted legal, as well as
natural, right to be heard in their defence before they were punished. -'PiatLovs. In 22, 28, Paul says that he was " free born."
In regard to the probable origin of his Roman citizenship, see
the note on 22, 25. It appears that Silas possessed the same
rights, but it is not known how he obtained them. At first view
it may appear surprising that Paul did not avow himself a Roman
at the outset, and thus prevent the indignity to which he had
been subjected. "But the infliction of it," says Biscoe, " was so
hasty, that he had not time to say anything that might make for
his defence; and the noise and confusion were so great, that,
had he cried out with ever so loud a voice that he was a Roman,




270                  CO M MENTA R Y.          CHIAP. XVI, 37-39.
he might reasonably believe that he should not be regarded.
Seeing also the fury of the multitude (v. 22), it is not improbable
he might think it most advisable to submit to the sentence pronounced, however unjust, in order to quiet the people, and prevent a greater evil; for he was in danger of being forced out of
the hands of the magistrates, and torn in pieces. But whatever
were the true reasons which induced the apostle to be silent, the
overruling hand of Providence was herein plainly visible; for
the conversion of the jailer and his household was occasioned by
the execution of this hasty and unjust sentence." — KaL vvv kXapa,
K. r. A., and do they now send us forth secretly?  Some render
EKp/3aXXOVoLv, thrust forth; which is too strong (comp. 9, 40), and
draws away the emphasis from Xca9pa, to which it belongs. -oi
7yap, No, certainly; they do not dismiss us in that manner. In
this use, 7y (resolving ycap into its parts) strengthens the denial,
while apa shows the dependence of the answer on what precedes: not according to that, i. e. after such treatmzent.  Klotz (ad
Devar. II. p. 242), Winer (~ 53. 8. b), and others, adopt this analysis. - aro  thethey thenselves, instead of sending their servants to
us. — In asserting so strongly their personal rights, they may have
been influenced in part by a natural sense of justice, and in part
by a regard to the necessity of such a vindication of their innocence to the cause of Christ at Philippi. It was important that
no stain should rest upon their reputation. It was notorious that
they had been scourged and imprisoned as criminals; and if after
their departure any one had suspected, or could have insinuated,
that possibly they had suffered not without cause, it would have
created a prejudice against the truth. It was in their power to
save the gospel from that reproach, and they used the opportunity. It may be proper at times to allow the wicked or misguided
to trample upon our individual rights and interests if they choose;
but those who are " set for the defence of the gospel" owe their
good name and their influence to Christ and the church, and. have
a right to invoke the protection of the laws against any invasion
of their means of public usefulness.
V. 38. JviyyEtXcav, reported back; see on v. 36.- -bofr8,gr/rav,
were afraid. They had cause for apprehension; comp. 22, 29.
A magistrate who punished a Roman citizen wrongfully might
be indicted for treason; he was liable to suffer death, and the
confiscation of all his property (Grot.).
V. 39. rjpdrov, entreated, begged (3, 3).  This was not an unexampled humiliation for a Roman officer. Lucian mentions a
case of false imprisonment in which the governor of a province




CHAP. XVII, 1.      C O MMI ENTA R Y.                 271
not only acknowledged his error, but paid a large sum of money
to those whom he had injured, in order to bribe them to be
silent.
V. 40. 7rpbo r"-v Av&'av, unto Lydia, whose guests they were
(v. 15), and where the disciples may have been accustomed to
meet. -- ro7  a8EXoV,% the brethren, who had been converted at
Philippi, and who formed the beginning of the church, afterwards
addressed in the Epistle to the Philippians. This church was
founded, therefore, about A. D. 52. We have evidence in that
letter that no one of all the churches planted by Paul possessed
so entirely his confidence; or exhibited the power of the gospel
in greater purity. - 7rapEKOaXE-av, exhorted, viz. to be firm, to cleave
to the gospel (comp. 11, 23); not con, forted, which would be too
specific for the occasion. - CX.9ov, they went forth. The narrator,
it will be seen, proceeds now in the third person, and maintains
that style as far as 20, 5. Some have inferred from this, that
Luke remained at Philippi until Paul's last visit to Macedonia.
We find Timothy with the apostle at Berea (17, 14), but whether
he accompanied him at this time, or rejoined him afterwards,
cannot be decided. See further, on 17, 10.
CHAPTER XVII.
VERSES 1-4. They proceed to Thessalonica and preach there.
V. 1. The place which invited their labors next was Thessalonica, about a hundred miles southwest of Philippi. They travelled
thither on the great military road which led from Byzantium to
Dyrrachium or Aulona, opposite to Brundusium in Italy. It was
the Macedonian extension of the Appian way. They could accomplish the journey in three or four days (Wiesl.). — On leaving
Philippi, they came first to Amphipolis, which was southwest,
distant about thirty miles. This place was about three miles
from the sea, on the eastern bank of the Strymon, which flowed
almost round it, and gave to it its name. - Apollonia, their next
station was about the same distance southwest from Amphipolis.
They remained a night, perhaps, at each of these towns. - Thessalonica was a rich, commercial city, near the mouth of the Echedorus, on the Thermaic Gulf, about twenty-eight miles nearly
west of Apollonia. It is now called Saloniki, having a population




272                   CO MMENTAR Y.             CHAP. XVII, 2-4.
of seventy thousand, of whom thirty thousand are Jews. Luke's
record almost reminds us of a leaf from a traveller's note book.
He mentions the places in their exact order. We turn to the
Itinerarium Antonini Augusti (ed. Parth. et Pind. p. 157) and
read: From Philippi to Amphipolis, thirty-two miles; from  Amphipolis to Apollonia, thirty-two miles; from Apollonia to Thessalonica, thirty-six miles. -  - avvayoy'7, the synagogue; definite
because the Jews in that region may have had but one such place
of worship.  WV. ~ 17. 1.
V. 2. Here again, according to his custom, Paul betakes himself first to the Jews; comp. 13, 5. 14; 14. 1. Eo636 has the
construction of a noun, but governs the dative as a verb; comp.
Luke 4, 16. The genitive would have been the ordinary case.
W. ~ 31. 7. N. 2.- a7r rTv.ypa0cfv,from the Scriptures.  He drew
the contents of his discourse from that source.  W. ~ 47. p. 333.
V. 3. &tavolyov, sc. r&as ypa&a', opening, unfolding their sense;
comp. Luke 24, 32. - 7rapart.3eEvo, propounding, maintaining. -
OTL TOV XpLTOvY, K.. X., that the Jfessiah must sffer, in order to fulfil the Scriptures; comp. 3, 18; Matt. 26,.54. 56; Mark 14, 49. -
Kat OTt OVT0s, K. T. A., and that this one (viz. he who was to die and
rise again) is the Messiach Tesus (i. e. the Jesus called Messiah)
whom I announce unto you. The scope of the argument is this:
The true Messiah must die and rise again; Jesus has fulfilled
that condition of prophecy, and is, therefore, the promised Messiah; comp. 2, 24 sq.; 13, 27 sq.
V. 4.  tLvEs k4 aTrruv, certain of them, i. e. of the Jews; see v. 1.
and 2. —,rpo0oreKXqp3,c-yo-av (as middle), attached themselves to Paul
and Silas (Olsh. Whl. Rob.). This is the easier sense, and receives
support from v. 34 and 14, 4, where we meet with the same thought
in like circumstances. Others render were allotted, granted to
them, as it were by divine favor.  This may be the surer philological sense, and is adopted by Winer (~ 39. 2), De Wette,
Meyer, and Alford. - yvvatK-v.... kAiyat, and of the first women
(comp. 13, 50) not a few.  The women were evidently " devout"
(o4rco1Evwv) or proselytes (comp. 13, 50), as well as the men; so
that all those mentioned as converts in this verse were won to
Christianity from the Jewish faith, not from a state of heathenism.
But in 1 Thess. 1, 9, Paul speaks as if many of the Thessalonian Christians had been idolaters (7rEo-rpEfrare wrp5o rov eSov adr
rrv ei86Xwv). Hence it is possible, as Paley conjectures, that this
verse describes the result of Paul's labors during the three weeks
that he preached in the synagogue (v. 2); and that an interval
which Luke passes over preceded the events related in v. 5-10.




CHAP. XVII, 5. 6...  CO MM E N TAR Y.'                   273
During this interval the apostle, having been excluded from the
synagogue by the bigotry of the Jews, may have preached directly
to the heathen. Another opinion is, that he preached to the
Gentiles during the week-time, while on the Sabbath he labored
for the Jews in their public assemblies (Neand.).
VERSES 5-9.  The Jews accuse Paul and Silas before the Magistrates.
V. 5. &MrELZovre before'Iov8aeot (T. R.) lacks support. — rv
ayopaLtv, market-loungers (subrostrani, subbasilicani). Had it been
in the East, where such people loiter about the gates, the term
would have been inappropriate. It is instructive to observe how
true the narrative is to the habits of different nations, though the
scene changes so rapidly from one land to another. But why
should the Jews seek such coadjutors?  The reason is found in
their situation: the Jews out of Judea had but little power, and
must secure the aid of the native inhabitants. -'Iarovos. Jason
was their host (v. 7), and also a relative of Paul, if he was the
one mentioned in Rom. 16, 21. In the latter case, he must have
been at Corinth when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans.
So common a name amounts to little as proof of the relationship. - -E'tovv.... oov, sought to bring them unto the people,
and at the same time s roVs 7rotXLTapXaS (v. 6), i. e. into the
forum, where the magistrates were accustomed to try causes in
the presence of the people; comp. 16, 19. They raised a mob
(oXXo7roLr/oavreg) in order to arrest the offenders; but EIt rov 8?yqov
shows that they expected the trial to take place before an orderly
assembly.
V. 6. ju7 EVpOVTgE, K. T. X., but not havingfound them, they dragged Jason and certain brethren before the city rulers.  Instead of
changing their plan on failing to apprehend the leaders, they
seized upon such others as fell in their way, and treated them
as they had designed to treat Paul and Silas. Lange's remark
is incorrect that they would have sacrificed the strangers at once
to the popular fury, but must be more cautious in dealing with
citizens.  The a8EX4ovs1 appear to have been with Jason at the
time of the assault; probably they were some of the Thessalonians who had believed.- -oirot, these, are Paul and Silas, since they
are those whom Jason entertained. - Kat &v3aE 7raCpELOLtv, are present also here, as they have been in other places, and for the same
purpose. -Here and in v. 8, Luke terms the magistrates of Thessalonica politarchs; and his accuracy in this respect is confirmed
35




274                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVII, 7-10.
by an inscription of that place. See Boeckh's Corpus, Vol. II.
p. 53, No. 1967. The inscription, which is of the Roman times,
gives a list of seven magistrates bearing this title. This is the
more worthy of remark because the title is a very rare one, and
might easily be confounded with that of poliarchs, which is another appellation of magistrates in Greek cities.'
V. 7. oVrot rravrTE all these, viz. Paul, Silas, and their followers.
The pronoun includes more than its grammatical antecedent. -,r-v 8oyLa`rowv Katcoapo% i. e. the Roman laws against rebellion or
treason.  They are said to be the decrees of the emperor, i. e. of
each successive emperor, because they emanated from him,
guarded his rights, and had the support of his authority.  The
reigning emperor at this time was Claudius. -- flao-crAa TEpOV,
another king, sovereign; comp. John 19, 15; 1 Pet. 2, 13.  The
Greeks applied this term to the emperor, though the Romans
never styled him rex.
V. 8. ETapaLav, K. T. X. The statement alarmed them, because
the existence of such a party in their midst would compromise
their character for loyalty, and expose them to the vengeance of
their Roman masters.  See on 19, 40.
V. 9. Xaflovre   o tO Kavo'v, having taken bail, or security; said to
be a law phrase adopted in Greek for satis accipere. What they
engaged would naturally be, that, as far as it depended on them,
the public peace should not be violated, and that the alleged authors of the disturbance should leave the city (Neand.). Instead
of combining the two objects, some restrict the stipulation to the
first point (Mey.), while others restrict it to the last (Kuin.). —
&v XotLrwv, the others who had been brought before the tribunal
with Jason (see v. 6). - a7rAvcrav airov's, dismissed them from custody, viz. the Thessalonians, not the missionaries who had escaped arrest.
VERSES 10-13. Paul and Silas proceed to Bercea.
V. 10.  Evs,, immediately, on the evening of the day of the
tumult.  Paul and Silas had spent three or four weeks at least
in Thessalonica (see v. 2), and very possibly some time longer
(see on v. 4). Wieseler proposes six or eight weeks as the term
of their residence in that city. Being obliged to leave so hastily,
Paul was anxious for the welfare and stability of the recent conThis note is due to President Woolsey, in the New Englander, Vol. X,
p 144.




CHAP. XVII, 11-14.   COMMENTARY.                         275
verts, and departed with the intention of returning as soon as the
present exasperation against him should be allayed so as to justify
it (1 Thess. 2, 18). Subsequent events frustrated this purpose,
and under that disappointment he sent Timothy to them to supply his place (1 Thess. 3, 2). It may be added, that while Paul
was here he received supplies twice from the church at Philippi;
see Phil. 4, 15. 16. From this source, and from his own personal
labor, he derived his support, without being dependent at all on
the Thessalonians; see 1 Thess. 2, 9; 2 Thess. 3, 8. — 8a re/s
VVKTO, during the night. This secrecy indicates that they were
still in danger from the enmity of the Jews; comp. 20, 3. - E
B'potav.  Berowa, now  Verria, was about forty-five miles southwest of Thessalonica, on the Astraus, a small tributary of the
Haliacmon. See Forbg. Handb. III. p. 1061. The modern town
has six thousand inhabitants, of whom two hundred are Jews,
ten or fifteen hundred Turks, and the rest Greeks.
V. 11. EV7EvyEeTEpot, more noble in their disposition. - For 7rrao-,
without the article, see on 4, 29. -- T Ka9'  eIpav, viz. from day
to day. To particularizes the repetition or constancy of the act.
W. ~ 20. 3.-Et EXoL raTrra OV'TrW, if these things taught by Paul were
so, as he affirmed, i. e. when examined by the Scriptures.
V. 12.'EXXrqv/&wv agrees with both yvvaLtKOv and avopi0v. The
men were Greeks as well as the women. See the note on 2, 42.
- For EixcrX1jov(wv, see 13, 50.- dXcyot may be masculine because
av3piv is the nearer word, or out of regard to the leading gender.
V. 13. KaL, also, associates Berea with Thessalonica.- KyKELt
belongs to the participle, not to the verb. They excited the populace there also, as they had done in Thessalonica. - Luke's narrative implies that the Jews were somewhat numerous and influential at Bercea. Coins of this city are still extant, and, unlike
most other examples of ancient money, have on them no pagan
figure or symbol. Akerman suggests (Num. Illustr.) in explanation of this singular fact, that the magistrates may have rejected
such devices, as a concession to the feelings of the Jewish population.
VERSES 14. 15. Paul advances to Athens.
V. 14. 7ropevEcraL'S rt Tr'V &S'Xaarav, to journey as upon the
sea, i. e. as if with such a purpose.  &s with &irt, EI, or 7rpos
denotes design, but leaves it uncertain whether the design be
executed, or professed merely.  See W. ~ 65. 9; K. ~ 290. R. 2;
B. ~ 149. Lachmann would substitute iCos for us, as far as




276                 CO MMENT ARY.          C-Ar. XVII, 15. 16.
unto the sea, but against the evidence.  Some suppose the
movement here to have been a feint; that Paul's conductors,
having set out ostensibly for the sea, afterward in order to elude
pursuit, changed their course, and proceeded to Athens by land
(Grot. Bng. Olsh.). But in that event, they would have passed
through various important places on the way, and Luke might
be expected to name some of them, as he has done in v. 1. The
journey by land would have been two hundred and fifty-one Roman miles (Itiner. Anton.). With a fair wind Paul and his party
could have sailed from Berea or the mouth of the Heliaemon
to Athens in about three days ( Wiesl. ); and the probability is, that
they took this more expeditious course (Win. De Wet. Wiesl.
Mey.). - For an interesting sketch of the places and objects
which would be seen on such a voyage, the reader is referred to
Howson, I. p. 403 sq. - Tinothy was last mentioned in 16, 1.
V. 15. o'L Ka3L(TrWTi'TE3, Those wtho conductedl, lit. set him along
on the journey whether by sea or land. - Xa/3vT~E% having received
before their departure, rather than receiving (E. V.), which might
imply that they returned in consequence of the command. --
axXLto'Ta, as soon as possible (K. ~ 239. R. 2. d), i. e. after performing the service for which they had remained. Whether they rejoined the apostle at Athens, or not, is uncertain; see on the next
verse.
VERSES 16-18. How he was affected by the Idolatry at Athens.
V. 16. EK8EXObE'VO  C arTOV', while he was waiting for them, viz.
Silas and Timothy. The most natural inference from 1 Thess.
3, 1, is that Timothy, at least, soon arrived, in accordance with
Paul's expectation, but was immediately sent away by the apostle to Thessalonica. As Silas is not mentioned in that passage,
it has been supposed that he may have failed for some reason to
come at this time, or, if he came, that, like Timothy, he may
have left again at once, but for a different destination; which
last circumstance would account for the omission of his name in
that passage of the Epistle. Our next notice of them occurs in
18, 5, where they are represented as coming down from Macedonia to Corinth; and we may suppose either that they went to
that city directly from Bermca, without having followed Paul to
Athens, or that they returned from Athens to Macedonia, and
proceeded from  there to Corinth. The latter view  assumes
that Luke has passed over the intermediate journey in silence.
Such omissions are entirely consistent with the character of a




CHAP. XVII, 16.17.     C O M MENTARY.                    277
fragmentary history like that of the Acts, Still other combinations are possible. - rapwJve-ro....    v a'r~i, his spirit was aroused
in him, comp. 15, 39; 1 Cor. 13, 5. This verb represents the
apostle as deeply moved with a feeling allied to that of indignation, at beholding such a profanation of the worship due to
God as forced itself upon his view on every side.- KaTE'SoXoV
means, not given to idolatry, but full of idols. The word is otherwise unknown to the extant Greek, but is formed after a common
analogy, e. g.,carTcaorEXoS, Kaca8Evspo%, KaTaroflos etc. The epithet
applies to the city, not directly to the inhabitants. A person
could hardly take his position at any point in ancient Athens,
where the eye did not range over temples, altars, and statues of
the gods almost without number. Petronius says satirically, that
it was easier to find a god at Athens than a man. Another
ancient writer says that some of the streets were so crowded
with those who sold idols, that it was almost impossible for one
to make his way through them. Pausanias declares that Athens
had more images than all the rest of Greece put together.  Wetstein quotes Xenophon, Isocrates, Cicero, Livy, Strabo, Lucian,
and others, as bearing the same testimony.  Luke, therefore, has
not applied this epithet at random. The Greek language offered
to him  a hundred other terms which would have stated what
was true in relation to a heathen city; but we see that he has
chosen among them all the very one which describes the precise
external aspect of Athens that would be the first to strike the
eye of a stranger like Paul. This mark of accuracy in the
writer, those obliterate, or very nearly obliterate, who make the
expression refer to the devotion of the Athenians to idolatry.l
V. 17. The apostle's ordinary course was to address himself exelusively at first to his own countrymen and the Jewish proselytes.
At Athens he departed from this rule. - o'v, therefore, i. e. being
aroused by the sight of so much idolatry. The spectacle around
him urges him to commence preaching simultaneously to Jews and
Greeks. Some adopt a looser connection: therefbre, i. e. being at
Athens (De Wette).  Some restrict ovv to the second clause: his
zeal impelled him to preach in the market. It is arbitrary to divide
the sentence in that manner.- Ev -r ayopa, in the market, i. e. of
the city; not the one in which he happened to be (Mey.). It is
generally admitted that the Athenians had properly but one market,
1 Hermann (ad Vig. p. 638, ed. 1824) turns aside to correct this error: "Karet8wXos r4dAts, Actor. Apost. 17, 16, non est, uti quidam opinantur, simulacris dedita
urbs, sed simulacris referta."




278                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVII, 18.
although Leake has shown it to be probable, that, " during the
many centuries of Athenian prosperity, the boundaries of the Agora, or at least of its frequented part, underwent considerable variation." 1 The notices of ancient writers are somewhat vague as
to its course and extent; but it is agreed that the site was never
so changed as to exclude the famous ro-aro WtLKX-q, which, according to Forchammer's Plan, stood off against the Acropolis on the
west. In this porch, as is well known, the philosophers, rhetoricians, and others were accustomed to meet for conversation and discussion; and hence it lay entirely in the course of things that some
of these men should fall, as Luke states, in the way of the apostle.
V. 18. rv'EWLKOVpEwoV.  The Epicureans were the "minute
philosophers," the Greek Sadducees of the age; they admitted
the existence of gods, but regarded them as indolent beings, who
paid no attention to the actions or affairs of men; they had no
faith in a providence, or in accountability, or in any retribution
to come.  Their great practical dogma was, that a wise man
will make the most of all the means of enjoyment within his
reach. Epicurus, the founder of the sect, had taught a higher
idea of happiness; but his followers in the Roman age, and
earlier still, had reduced it to the grossest sensualism.  The
frivolous spirit of this sect, appears perhaps in the first of the
questions addressed to Paul. — rr)v rTWoKV. The Stoics were
distinguished in some respects for a more reflecting turn of mind;
they extolled virtue, insisted on subjecting the passions to reason,
and urged the importance of becoming independent of the ordinary sources of enjoyment and suffering.  Some of the most
admired characters of antiquity belonged to this school. But the
Stoics were essentially fatalists in their religious views; they
were self-complacent, boasted of their indifference to the world,
and affected a style of morals so impracticable as to render them
almost necessarily insincere or hypocritical. In Epicureanism it
was man's sensual nature which arrayed itself against the claims
of the gospel; in Stoicism it was his self-righteousness and
pride of intellect; and it is difficult to say which of the two systems rendered its votaries the more indisposed to embrace the
truth. It might have seemed to the credit of Christianity, had
it been represented as gaining at least a few proselytes, in this
centre of Grecian refinement, from the ranks of its scholars and
philosophers; but Luke has no such triumphs to record.  He relates the case as it was; the apostle was ridiculed, his message
1 Athens and Demi, p. 217.




CHAP. XVII, 18.19.   COMMENTARY.                       279
was treated with contempt. — crvvE/aXXov aivrs, conversed or disputed with him (E  V., De Wet.), comp. 4, 15; not met with him as
in 20, 14 (Bng. Mey.); since the form as imperf. applies better to
a discussion, than to a single contact of the parties such as Luke
mentions here. Kal EXEyov agrees with either sense. -T a&v 3EoA,
K. T. A., what would this babbler say, does he mean to say?  av
sharpens the taunt: if he has any meaning (Mey.). See W. ~
42. 1; C. ~ 604. o-7rcpLoX0oyos denotes strictly a seed-gatherer, and
then, as used here, one who picks up and retails scraps of
knowledge without sense or aim, an idle prater. - evov 8aLtovtwv,
foreign gods, hitherto unknown to us. As the expression is cited
from the mouth of the Greeks, we are to attach to it their sense
of aLup.ovCov, which was different from that of the Jews. The
noun may be plural, because it refers to Jesus as an example of
the class or category (see W. ~ 27. 2; S. ~ 95. 2); or it may
be founded on what Paul had said to them concerning God,
especially his agency in raising up Christ from the dead (comp.
v. 31). The latter is the best view (De Wet.). Both Jesus and
the God of whom they now heard were new to them. Many of
the older critics, and some of the more recent, explain the plural
as embracing avaUrractLV, supposing the Athenians to have understood Paul to speak of some goddess when he preached to them
the resurrection. But one can hardly conceive that the apostle
would express himself so obscurely on this subject as to give
them any occasion for falling into so gross a mistake; and we are
not authorized by any intimation in the narrative to impute to
them a wilful perversion of his language.
VERSES 19-21. Paul repairs to Mars' Htill to explain his Doctrine.
V. 19.  7rtXafloJEvol TE aVroV, and taking hold upon him, not with
violence, which would be at variance with the general spirit of
the transaction, but rather by the hand, for the purpose of leading
him  onward; comp. 9, 27; Mark 8, 23; Luke 9, 47.- -br; TOv
"ApELov wryov, upon Mars' Hill, i. e. the top of it; comp. 10, 9;
Matt. 4, 5; 24, 16, etc. The Areiopagus, whither Paul was now
brought, was a rocky eminence a little to the west of the Acropolis. See Leake's Athens, p. 165. The object of the movement
was to place Ihe apostle in a situation where he could be heard
by the multitude to greater advantage. The following is Dr.
Robinson's description of this important locality: " This is a narrow, naked ridge of limestone rock, rising gradually from the




280                COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XVII. 19.
northern end, and terminating abruptly on the south, over against
the west end of the Acropolis, from which it bears about north;
being separated from it by an elevated valley. This southern
end is fifty or sixty feet above the said valley; though yet much
lower than the Acropolis. On its top are still to be seen the seats
of the judgQs and parties, hewn in the rock; and towards the
southwest is a descent by a flight of steps, also cut in the rock
into the valley below. Standing on this elevated platform, surrounded by the learned and the wise of Athens, the multitude
perhaps being on the steps and the vale below, Paul had directly
before him the far-famed Acropolis, with its wonders of Grecian
art; and beneath him, on his left, the majestic Theseium, the
earliest and still most perfect of Athenian structures; while all
around, other temples and altars filled the whole city, On the
Acropolis, too, were the three celebrated statues of Minerva; one
of olive-wood; another of gold and ivory in the Parthenon, the
masterpiece of Phidias; and the colossal statue in the open air,
the point of whose spear was seen over the Parthenon by those
sailing along the gulf." Bibl. Res. I. p. 10 sq. The reader would
do well to consult the admirable article on Athens in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. He will find a Plan
of that city and a view of the Acropolis restored as seen from
the Areiopagus, in Mr. Howson's work. To understand the peculiar boldness and power of the speech, we must have distinctly
before us the objects and scenes which met the apostle's view
at the moment. - Some translate 7rl rlov Apetov raryov, before the
A'reiopagus (comp. 16, 19; 18, 12; 24, 8), and maintain that Paul
was arraigned at this time before the celebrated court of that
name, and underwent a formal trial on the charge of having attempted to change the religion of the state. But this opinion
rests entirely upon two or three expressions, which, like the one
just noticed, are ambiguous in themselves; while in other respects the entire narrative, as well as the improbability of; such
a procedure, testify against the idea. First, we find here no trace
whatever of any thing like the formality of a legal process. Secondly, the professed object of bringing the apostle 7 rw 7-0 "ApeLov
7rayov was to ascertain from him what his opinions were, not to put
him on his defence for them before they were known. Thirdly,
the manner in which the affair terminated would have been a
singular issue for a judicial investigation in the highest court of
*Athens. And, finally, the speech which Paul delivered on the
occasion was precisely such as we should expect before a promiscuous assembly; whereas, if he had stood now as an accused




CHAP. XVII, 19-21.  COMMENTARY.                        281
person before a legal tribunal, his plea has most strangely failed
to connect itself, at any single point, with that peculiarity of his
situation. It proves nothing in regard to the question, to show
that the court of the Areiopagus had powers (that is admitted)
which would have given to it jurisdiction in the case of Paul,
supposing that he had been charged at this time with subverting
the established worship; since the narrative on which we must
rely for our information as to what was done, not only contains
no evidence that the Athenians took this serious view of his doctrine, but ascribes their eagerness to hear him to a mere love of
novelty; see v. 21. Calvin, Kuinoel, Neander, Winer, Olshausen,
De Wette, Meyer, Baur, Doddridge, and the best critics generally,
at present, reject the opinion that Paul was carried before the
Areiopagus for a judicial examination. The authority of Chrysostom, among the ancient critics, stands in favor of it. A few
among the Germans, as Hess, Hemsen, Scholz, follow on that
side; except that some of them would say (this is true of Hemsen), that the Areiopagus was called together, not exactly to try
the apostle, but to hear from him some account of his doctrine.
" The process," says Wordsworth, " may have been only a preparatory inquiry, an avacKpLt-L&. They who laid hands on him, may
have intended to frighten the apostle by the judicial associations
of the place, and to drive him out of the city." Most of our
English commentaries assume that Paul was arraigned at this
time as a religious innovator. The other ambiguous expressions,
which have been supposed to favor this view, will be noticed in
their place. - 8vvadLEE3a yvWjvau, Can we knozw? Would it not have
been an excess even of the Attic politeness, to have interrogated
a prisoner at the bar in this manner? The object, too, of the
inquiry, as defined by the accompanying terms, shows clearly
that they did not regard him as occupying that position.
V. 20. $Evt'ovTa, surprising, since the things were foreign, unheard of before. - E-cT E'peL.....!U v, thou bring'est to our ears.
This phrase, drawn from common life, has an appearance of reality in this connection. - rt av &3EXOL. See on v. 18. rt in apposition with TracTa should be noticed. It is not precisely like the
plural. " The singular T[," says Kruger (Gr. ~ 61. 8. 2), "may
stand in such connections as rL TraTa4 EATL, when the question is,
what sort of a whole, what combined result, do the particulars
form?"
V. 21. The object of this verse is to explain why they addressed to him such inquiries. Their motive for proposing them
was that their curiosity might be gratified. -'A3-vatcot. & 7ravTE,,
36




282                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XVII, 21.
now all Athenians.  The omission of the article unites the characteristic more closely with the name, as its invariable attendant.  K. ~ 246. 5. a. — oi b&rt8loowrEs, i. e. the foreigners permanently resident there (comp. 2, 10); uncle iiclevnz mores, as Bengel
remarks. - Esi ovS&....  EKaIpovv, speint their leisure for.nothing
else. This sense of the verb is a later usage. Lob. ad Phryn.
p. 125. The imperfect does not exclude the continued existence
of the peculiarity, but blends the reference to it with the history.
See similar examples in 27, 8; John 11, 18; 18, 1; 19, 14. K. {
256. 4. a; C. 567. y. - Katvodrepov, newer, sc. than before. W. ~ 35.
4; S. ~ 118. 4; K. ~ 323. R. 7. The comparative or the positive
form of the adjective could be used in this phrase; but the
former characterizes their state of mind more forcibly than the
latter.  Bengel has hit the point of the idiom: "Nova statira
sordebant; noviora qucerebantur." -It is worth remarking, that
this singular scene of setting up the apostle to speak for the entertainment of the people occurs, not at Ephesus, or Philippi, or
Corinth, but at Athens; not only the only place, in all his journeying, where Paul met with such a reception,but just the place where
the incident arises in perfect harmony with the disposition and
the tastes of the people. We know, from the testimony of ancient
writers, that this fondness for hearing and telling some new thing,
which Luke mentions, was a notorious characteristic of the Athenians. Their great orator reproaches them with the same propensity: /foSXEo-E, EtrE' I ot, 7rEpdOVTErc avT&Iv 7rvv.a9VE3aL KaTa TV
&yopav XEyETa TtL KatLVO; (Philipp. I. 43).  The entirely incidental
manner in which the exemplification of this trait comes forth in
the narrative here, bears witness to its authenticity
Outline of the Course of Thought.
The speech which Paul delivered at this time is remarkable
for its adaptation, not only to the outward circumstances under
which he spoke, but to the peculiar mental state of his auditors.
De Wette pronounces it "a model of the apologetic style of
discourse." " The address of Paul before this assembly," says
Neander, "is a living proof of his apostolic wisdom  and eloquence; we perceive here how the apostle, according to his own
expression, could become also a heathen to the heathen, that he
might win the heathen to a reception of the gospel." " The skill,"
says Hemsen, "with which he was able to bring the truth near
to the Athenians, deserves admiration. We find in this discourse
of Paul nothing of an ill-timed zeal, nothing like declamatory




CHAP. XVII, 21.        COMMENTARY.                           283
pomp; it is distinguished for clearness, brevity, coherence, and simplicity of representation." Dr. Robinson, speaking under the impression produced on his mind by a personal survey of the scene,
says that, "masterly" as the address is, as we read it under ordinary circumstances, "the full force and energy and boldness of
the apostle's language can be duly felt only when one has stood
upon the spot." 1 The writer can never forget the emotions of
thrilling interest, which were excited in his own mind, as he read
and rehearsed the discourse, on that memorable rock. — We
have first the introduction, which, in the technical language of
rhetoric, is eminently conciliatory. The apostle begins by acknowledging and commending the respect of the Athenians for
religion (v. 22. 23). He states next, at the close of v. 23, his
design, which is to guide their religious instincts and aspirations
to their proper object, i. e. to teach them what God is, his nature
and attributes, in opposition to their false views and practices as
idolaters.  He goes on, then, in pursuance of this purpose, to announce to them, first, that God is the Creator of the outward,
material universe (v. 24); secondly, that he is entirely independent of his creatures, having all-sufficiency in himself (v. 25);
thirdly, that he is the Creator of all mankind, notwithstanding
their separation into so many nations and their wide dispersion
on the earth (v. 26); and, fourthly, that he has placed men, as
individuals and nations, in such relations of dependence on himself as render it easy for them to see that he is their Creator and
sovereign Disposer, and that they are the creatures of his power
and goodness; and that it is their duty to seek and serve him
(v. 27. 28). The ground has thus been won for the application
which follows. At this point of the discourse, stretching forth
his hand, as we may well suppose, towards the gorgeous images
within sight, he exclaims: " We ought not, therefore, to suppose
that the Deity is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, sculptured by
the art and device of men" (v. 29).  And that which men ought
not to do, they may not safely do any longer.  It was owing to
the forbearance of God that they had been left hitherto to pursue
their idolatry without any signal manifestation of his displeasure;
I Some object that the speech has been over-praised, because Paul did not succeed in bringing it to a formal close. The astonishment which one feels as he
reads the address is not that the speaker was interrupted at length, when he came
to announce to the Athenians the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, but that he
could command their attention so long, while he bore down with such effect on
their favorite opinions and prejudices, exposed their errors, and arraigned them as
guilty of the grossest inconsistency and absurdity of conduct.




284                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XVII, 22.
they were now required to repent of it and forsake it (v. 30),
because a day of righteous judgment awaited them, which had
been rendered certain by the resurrection of Christ (v. 31). Here
their clamors interrupted him, It is not difficult, perhaps, to conjecture what he would have added. It only remained, in order
to complete his well-known circle of thought on such occasions,
that he should have set forth the claims of Christ as the object
of religious hope and confidence, that he should have exhorted
them to call on his name and be saved. - It will be seen, therefore, by casting the eye back, that we have here all the parts of
a perfect discourse, viz. the exordium, the proposition or theme,
the proof or exposition, the inferences and application. It is a
beautiful specimen of the manner in which a powerful and welltrained mind, practised in public speaking, conforms spontaneously to the rules of the severest logic. One can readily believe,
looking at this feature of the discourse, that it was pronounced
by the man who wrote the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians,
where we see the same mental characteristics so strongly reflected. As we must suppose, at all events, that the general
scheme of thought, the nexus of the argument, has been preserved, it does not affect our critical judgment of the discourse
whether we maintain that it has been reported in full, or that a
synopsis only has been given. On this point opinions differ.
VERSEs 22-31.  The Speech of Paul on Mars' Hill.
V. 22. o-raE[;s. Paul spoke of course in the open air. A skilful hand has pictured to us the scene. "He stood on that hill in
the centre of the Athenian city, and with a full view of it. The
temple of the Eumenides was immediately below him, and if he
looked to the east, he beheld the Propylea of the Acropolis fronting him, and the Parthenon rising above him; and on his left the
bronze colossus of Minerva, the champion of Athens, and the
temple of Victory to the right; behind him was the temple of
Theseus; and a countless multitude of smaller temples and altars
in the Agora and Ceramicus below him."  Wordsworth, p. 85.
See also his "Athens and Attica," Ch. XI. - Ev,Euop roD'Apdeov
7rrayov could be said of a place or an assembly. It is one of the
ambiguous expressions adverted to above (p. 281), which leave
it uncertain whether'ApElov 7ra-yov is to be understood of the hill
or the court assembled there. - aVSpEq'A3rlvatoL. The remark just
made is to be repeated here. It is the style of address which
Paul would necessarily use in speaking to a concourse of Athe



CHAP. XVII, 22. 23.   C O M ME N TA Y.                       285
nians; and at the same time, he might use it in speaking before
judges. In the latter case, however, the Greeks oftener said
o alvfpe gE &KaroTaL.  See Stalb. Plat. Apol. 17. A. —KaTa 7rrvTa, in
every respect, as it were, in every possible mode of exhibition. -
W&  8ELtL8atLovecTe'pov~ v/ta~ 3SEwp,) as (i. e. those who correspond to
this character) more religious, sc. than others, Isee you (De Wet.
Win.).  See W. ~ 35. 4.  For the suppressed term  of the comparison, see on v. 21.  Josephus (Contr. Ap. 2. 11) calls the
Athenians TOVs EvO-E3EO-(rTarov rT(v'EXX-4vwv.  See other testimonies
illn  Tetstein.  &EctStaauLo vecre'po v  (a vox media) may signify also
more superstitious.  It is improbable, as a matter of just rhetoric,
that the apostle employed it in that reproachful sense at the outset of his remarks.  That he used it in a good sense is evident
for another reason.  " He proceeds," says Neander, "to deduce
their seeking after God (which he doubtless considered as something good) from  this 8ELt-aLL/ovLa (comp. 25, 19), or religious
propensity, so prevalent among the Athenians. He announced
himself as one who would guide their 8ELcrtLalvovta, not rightly conscious of its object and aim, to a state of clear self-consciousness
by a revelation of the object to which it thus ignorantly tended."
V. 23.  Kai ava3eopWv.... o/3lkv, and closely observing the objects of your religious veneration, Ifound also an altar.  creoro-plarTa
denotes, not acts of worship, devotions (E. V.), but temples,
images, altars, and the like. It is a generic term, under which
Kai arranges /Ow/ev as one of the class. -  7reyy'yparrTo (pluperf.),
had been inscribed, includes the present, and is to be explained
like the imperfect in v. 21. - ayvwro-T  3e, to an unknown God.
" That there was, at least, one altar at Athens with this inscription," says Meyer, " would appear as historically certain from this
passage itself, even though other testimonies were wanting, since
Paul appeals to a fact of his own observation, and that, too, in
the presence of the Athenians themselves." But the existence
of such altars at Athens is well attested by competent witnesses.
Philostratus, in his Life of Apollonius (6. 2), says: o(wqpovEo'TEpoV
rrEpo 7ra'T(vr 3EV EV XyEtV Kaoe  areeta ASJ7TJVL, ov K(L O aYvlTeV 3Eo(V
/Polol ZrpvvTaLt, i. e. It is more discreet to speak well of all the gods,
and especially at Athens, where are erected altars also of unknown
gods. Pausanias, in his Description of Attica (1. 1), says that
such altars (fWlaoA 3E~wv ayvwrrT-Wv) existed at Phaleron, one of the
harbors of Athens. It has been made a question, how we are to
understand the use of the plural in these passages; whether as
referring to the number of the altars on which the inscription
occurred, or to the number of the gods to whom the altars were




,286                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XVII, 23.
dedicated. Some have assumed the latter as the correct view;
and have said that Paul has arbitrarily changed the plural into the
singular, in order to accommodate the fact to his purpose; or
even that the writer, by this inaccuracy, has betrayed himself as
a person who had no direct knowledge of the circumstances
which he professes to relate. But even if the inscription on these
altars was in the plural, it does not follow that Paul may not
have found one having the language which he recites.  Here
would be Luke's positive testimony to the fact, and that outweighs the mere silence of other writers.  Such appears to be
Bengel's view. Again, it would not follow that he has necessarily misrepresented the sense, admitting that he may have substituted the singular for the plural. The heathen writers often
employed  iEOl to convey the general idea of divine power, providence, deity, and. the like.' With that meaning, the plural could
be relinquished for the singular, or the singular for the plural, just
as an individual pleased. Here the apostle might have preferred
3E(, merely for the sake of its stricterforrnal accordance with the
doctrine which he was about to advance. Kuinoel appears at a
loss to decide whether the plural in the case under remark has
reference to the number of the altars, or to that of the gods.
Some, as Calvin and Olshausen, apparently concede that Paul
deviated from the strict form of the inscription, but deny that he
violated its proper import, or availed himself of any unworthy
artifice. - But even the appearance of a difficulty here vanishes
entirely, when we give to the language of Philostratus and Pausanias the interpretation, which is beyond any reasonable doubt
the correct one.  Winer states his view of the case thus: " It by
no means follows from the passages (of the writers above named),
that each single one of the altars mentioned by them had the inscription ayvewo-,rotL SEOZs in the plural, but more naturally that each
one separately was dedicated ayvo'rt 36EX; but this singular the
narrators were obliged to change into the plural, because they
spoke of all those altars in a collective way. It appears, therefore, that there were several altars in different places at Athens
with the inscription ayvor -T&  9E."  See his Realw. I. p. 111.
Such is the decision, also, of Eichhorn, Hess, Hemsen, Meyer,
De Wette, and others. It should be added that several of the
older commentators render Jayvorr 3SE,( to the unknozvn God, supposing the God of the Jews, i. e. Jehovah, to be meant. Such
1 For examples of this interchange, see the passages collected by Pfanner in his
Systema Theologixa Gentilis Purioris, p. 102, and elsewhere.




CIIAP. XVII, 23.     CO M MENTARY.                    287
a view mistranslates the Greek, and violates all historical probability. -The precise historical origin of the altars at Athens
bearing this inscription has been disputed. The conjectures are
various. One is, that they were very ancient, and that it was at
length forgotten to whom they had been originally built; and
that the words in question were placed on them at a later period,
to apprise the people that it was unknown to what gods they
belonged. If that was their character, it is not easy to see what
proper point of connection the apostle could have found for his
remark with such a relic of sheer idolatry. Another is, that, in
some time or times of public calamity, the Athenians, not knowing what god they had offended, whether Minerva or Jupiter or
Mars, erected these altars so as to be sure of propitiating the
right one. The same objection may be made as before; since
their ignorance in this case relates merely to the identity of the
god whom they should conciliate, and involves no recognition of
any power additional to their heathen deities. The most rational
explanation is unquestionably that of those who suppose these
altars to have had th eir origin in the feeling of uncertainty, inherent,
after all, in the minds of the heathen, whether their acknowledgment of the superior powers was sufficiently full and comprehensive; in their distinct consciousness of the limitation and
imperfection of their religious views, and their consequent desire
to avoid the anger of any still unacknowledged god who might
be unknown to them. That no deity might punish them for neglecting his worship, or remain uninvoked in asking for blessings,
they not only erected altars to all the gods named or known
among them, but, distrustful still lest they might not comprehend
fully the extent of their subjection and dependence, they erected
them also to any other god or power that might exist, although as
yet unrevealed to them. - No one can say that this explanation
ascribes too much discernment to the heathen. Not to insist on
other proofs, such expressions as the comprehensive address, —
At o deorum quicquid in calo regit (Horat. Epod. 5. 1); the oftused formula in the prayers of the Greeks and Romans, Si deo,
si dece; and the superstitious dread, which they manifested in so
many ways, of omitting any deity in their invocations, prove the
existence of the feeling to which reference has been made. Out
of this feeling, therefore, these altars may have sprung; because
the supposition is so entirely consistent with the genius of polytheistic heathenism; because the many-sided religiousness of
the Athenians would be so apt to exhibit itself in some such demonstration; and, especially, because Paul could then appeal




288                COM  E NTARY.            CHAP. XVII, 23-25.
with so much effect to such an avowal of the insufficiency of
heathenism, and to such a testimony so borne, indirect, yet significant, to the existence of the one true God. - Under these
circumstances, an allusion to one of these altars by the apostle
would be equivalent to his saying to the Athenians thus: " You
are correct in acknowledging a divine existence beyond any which
the ordinary rites of your worship recognize; there is such an
existence. You are correct in confessing that this Being is unknown to you; you have no just conceptions of his nature and
perfections."  He could add then with truth, ov orv... Kar-ayyEXXow Redv, Whomn, therefore, not knowing, ye worship, this one I announce unto you. The inverted order gives point to the declaration. ayvoo0VVTE has the same object as the verb, and means having no just knowledge of him whom they worshipped; not ignorantly, as if they did not know whither their worship was directed. The word points back evidently to ayvo-rwp. Later editors
read o.... OO, instead of ov.... IroVTOV; in which case 5Ew- in
the inscription would be taken more abstractly as a divine power. The external evidence is not decisive.  Meyer defends the
common reading in his first edition, and the other in his second.
The personal sense of 9EW may have been thought to concede
too much to heathenism, and so have caused the pronouns to be
changed. Evo-E3EZre has seemed to some a strong term, as the
cognate words in the New Testament always express the idea
of true piety; but the term occurs further only in 1 Tim. 5, 4,
and denotes there, not the exercise of piety, but of something
merely kindred to it, filial reverence. It needs only a similar
modification to adapt it to the use required here.
V. 24. The God whom Paul announced is the Maker of all
things, and, as such, necessarily distinct from their false gods.
That is the point of connection between this verse and the preceding. -oVTro.....vrapXwv, this one (by his right as Creator)
being the Lord, Sovereign, of heaven and earth. It was self-evident, therefore, that he was not to be confounded with any of
their idols, whose existence was limited by the space which they
occupied. - XctpoTroLrOLts, made with hands, is contrasted with O
7rotvo'ra~.... Ev aT. -- Ev vaov. The statues or images were
kept in the recesses of the temple. - KaTOLKE. The mass of the
heathen in practice made no difference between the symbol and
its object; the block was the god (comp. 19, 26).
V. 25. The apostle illustrates the character of the true God
still further, by another contrast between him and the deities of
the heathen. He is independent of his creatures; he needs




CHAP. XVII, 25.26.       COMMENTARY.                        289
nothing from them; they can earn no merit by serving him. -
ovo&.... %Epa7reTaLt, and (after a preceding negative) he is not
ministered unto by human hands, or hands of men.  av3pworLvwv is
a more correct reading, than av3pW7rwv (T. R.).  The verb here
implies more than mere worship. The heathen considered it
meritorious to lavish wealth on the temples and shrines of' their
idols; they brought to them costly gifts, and even offerings of
food and drink, as if they stood in need of such things, and
could be laid under obligation to their worshippers. The prayer
of Chryses, priest of Apollo, in Il. 1. 37 sq., expresses the true
spirit of heathenism in this respect:
"If e'er with wreaths I hung thy sacred fane,
Or fed the flames with fat of oxen slain,
God of the silver bow! thy shafts employ,
Avenge thy servant, and the Greeks destroy."
-  7rpo38oFLevoS rTvoo, as if needing something besides, i. e. (note the
compound) out of himself as necessary to his perfection.- avTro
&3ovs, since he himself gives.  aau'o is emphatic as opposed to the
idea that his creatures are able to give to him. - Tr 7ravTTa, the
whole, i. e. of the things which they enjoy. In such an expression,
TaC restricts the adjective to the class of objects intimated by the
preceding words or the context. Some editors omit the article
here. Compare Rom. 8, 32; 1 Cor. 9, 22; Phil. 3, 8, etc. But
in most of these passages, too, the manuscripts fluctuate.
V. 2.  c7roo'1E TE, K. T. X., and he mzade of one blood every natioat
of men that they should dwell. This is the more obvious view of
the construction, and is the one which has been generally
adopted.  Yet several of the best critics (Kuin. De Wet. Mey.
Alf.) regard 7roLEt here as an instance of its use with an accusative and infinitive, like that in Matt. 5, 32; Mark 7, 37, and translate: and he caused every nation of men (sprung) from one blood to
dwell. KaTotKELtV connects itself more easily in this way, it is true,
with the rest of the sentence; but the facility thus gained renders the expression hard at s$ Evos altuaTor, so that we must supply
a word to make the thought flow smoothly. The main idea beyond question is, that God has created the entire human race
from a common stock; and the more prominent way, therefore, in
which the translation first stated brings forward this proposition,
appears to me to be a reason for preferring it. It is an objection
to the other mode, that it assigns a too subordinate place to the
37




290                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XVII, 26.
principal thought. But why does the apostle single out thus the
universal brotherhood of the race? Olshausen says it was intended as a reproof to the Athenians for their contempt of the Jews.
Meyer, Neander, De Wette, and others, consider it as directed
essentially against the polytheism of the heathen. If all are the
children of a common parent, then the idea of a multiplicity of
gods from whom the various nations have derived their origin,
or whose protection they specially enjoy, must be false. The
doctrine of the unity of the race is closely interwoven with that
of the unity of the divine existence. This more comprehensive
view of the meaning, however, does not exclude the other; since,
if all nations have the same creator, it would at once occur that
nothing can be more absurd than the feeling of superiority and
contempt with which one affects to look down upon another. As
the apostle had to encounter the prejudice which was entertained
against him as a Jew, his course of remark was doubly pertinent,
if adapted at the same time to remove this hinderance to a candid reception of his message.- KcaToKEWv is the infinitive of design. The various lands which the different families of mankind
occupied, with all the advantages connected with their position,
God had assigned to them; comp. Deut. 32, 8; Ps. 115, 16. Yea,
he had proceeded from the very first with a view to their welfare.
He designed, in creating men, that they should inhabit and
possess the earth as their own; that they should all of them
enjoy the manifold blessings allotted to them in the various
places of their abode. It was to him that they were indebted
for what they enjoyed, and not to accident, or their own enterprise, or the favor of some imaginary god. The remark, made
as applicable to all lands, has its justification in the fact, that,
notwithstanding the inequalities which diversify the condition
of nations, they have severally their peculiar advantages; it is
natural for every people to esteem their own country, in some
respects at least, as the best.l But the remark was specially
aimed, beyond doubt, at the feeling of self-congratulation with
which the Athenians were prone to contemplate the peculiar
felicity of their own position, their national renown, their past
and present prosperity. This view of the meaning prepares the
way for the thought which is next introduced.- opLtora.... Tr~
KaTrotKlta aVTrv, having fixed the appointed seasons and limits of their
abode. The second participle repeats the idea of the first, not
1 Tacitus has recognized this principle in his fine remark (Germ.~ 2), —" Informem terris, asperam ccelo, nisi si patria sit."




CHAP. XVII, 26. 27.  COM M ENTA R Y.                   291
superfluously, but with the evident effect of affirming it more
strongly. The approved reading is 7rpocrTE-TaTxU(VOvs, rather than
7rpOTETay/,EVovS (T. R.). The apostle, by adding this, admonishes
the Athenians that they, like every other people, had not only
received their peculiar advantages from the common Creator,
but that they could hold them only during the continuance of his
good-will and favor. In assigning to the nations their respective
abodes, he had fixed both the seasons of their prosperity and the
limzits of their territory, i. e. it was he who decided when and hotw
long they should flourish, and howt far their dominion should
extend. We have the same idea exactly in Job 12, 23. The
remark was adapted both to rebuke their spirit of self-elation,
and to warn them of the danger of slighting a message from
Him who had their destiny so perfectly at his command. Some
explain these last words as referring to the limits which God
has assigned to the lives of men individually: they have their
appointed seasons and bounds, beyond which they cannot pass.
But that idea lies out of the present circle of view, as the
subject of discourse here relates to nations and not to individuals.
It is also philologically inadmissible; since avTrv can naturally
refer to av3opJw7rwv only as connected with 7rayv *vos. - The antipolytheistic aim, which forms to such an extent the ground-tone
of the discourse, is to be recognized perhaps, also, in this part of
it. The separation of men into so many different nations might
seem to oppose the idea of their common parentage; that separation itself is, therefore, represented by the apostle as having
been contemplated in the divine plan. - It will be observed that
what the apostle affirms in this verse as true of God is, also,
intended to be denied in regard to polytheism. The conception,
therefore, thus brought before the minds of his heathen auditors,
was a vast one. All that power exerted in giving existence
to men, controlling their destiny, exalting entire nations or
casting them down, which they had parcelled out among such
an infinity of gods, they are now led to concentrate in a single
possessor; they obtain the idea of one infinite Creator and
Ruler.
V. 27. SqrEiv, telic,. that they should seek.  This infinitive attaches itself more particularly to the part of the sentence which
commences at KaTOLKEZV, and states the moral object which God
had in view with reference to men, in making such provision for
their convenience and happiness. It was that they might be led,
by such tokens of his goodness, to seek him, i. e. a more perfect




292                  COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XVII, 27.28.
knowledge of him and of their obligations to him. Some, on the
contrary, make the infinitive depend, almost wholly, on the clause
just before, and find the connection to be this: that, excited by
the proofs of his power, as manifested in the varying fortunes of
nations, they should seek, etc. But as already explained, the controlling idea in that clause is that of the goodness of God (subject,
as to its continuance, to the divine pleasure); while that of his
power, as displayed in the infliction of judgments, is only incidentally involved. Again, that clause is a subordinate one, as its
structure shows, and that it should break off pT-Zv so much from
the main part of the sentence would be violent. -  ad'pay.-..
Ev'poLEv, if perhaps they mightfeel after him and find him. trlXa/ro(mav denotes, properly, the motions of a blind man, who gropes
along after an object in the dark. On the peculiar AEolic termination, see W. 13. 2. d; K. ~ 116. 9; B. ~ 103. marg. 14. This
verb is chosen, as well as the problematical form of the expression (Et acpayE), because the apostle would concede the comparative indistinctness of the light which the heathen have to guide
them.- KalTOLoE, although indeed.  This clause is added to show
that the concession just made was not intended to exculpate the
heathen for their estrangement from God. Although so benighted
as to be compelled to grope for the object of their search, it
was still within reach; they had not, after all, so far to go for a
knowledge of God, that they might not find it if they would.
Compare the sentiment with 14, 17, and especially with I{o1m.
1, 20.
V. 28.  g/,WEV Kal KtvoVtLEu a Kat EOtJEv, lWe live and move and exist. The different verbs present the idea on every side. aWe
derive our existence solely from God; we depend on Him, every
instant, for life, activity, being itself. Without Him we should
neither continue to live, nor be such as we are, nor have been at
all. From creatures thus dependent, the evidence of a Creator
cannot be very deeply hidden, if they have only a disposition to
seek for it. -u s Kat4 as also, i. e. the sentiment is not only true,
but has been acknowledged.- KaY' vas, among you, i. e. Greeks
in distinction from Jews; not Athenians in distinction from other
Greeks. — rov yap Kalt,vo3 &-ELv, For his offspring also are wve.
Derivation implies dependence. The creature cannot exist apart
from the Creator. The apostle brings forward the citation correctly, therefore, a~ parallel in sentiment to Ev a3rT.... &r-/E'v.
He quotes it as an avowal that we owe our being and its preservation to a higher Power; the mythological idea of Jupiter does




CHAP. XVII, 29. 30.    COMMENTARY.                          293
not enter into the meaning.'  rov stands here for the pronoun.
W. ~ 17. 1; S. ~ 94. 1. The words form the first half of a hexameter, and are found in Aratus, a Cilician poet, who flourished
about B. C. 270. The celebrated Hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter
(v. 5) contains almost the same words, viz.;EK coV yap y1Evos o-iev.
The same idea, variously expressed, occurs in several other Greek
writers. The form of the citation the apostle took, undoubtedly,
from Aratus, but says rLves EipjKao-L because he would generalize
the idea as if he had said, The truth is so plain that even your
poetry recognizes it (see on v. 18). According to some, he uses
the plural because he had in mind other passages where the
thought is found; or, according to others, because he inferred
that so obvious a remark must be a common one. yap KaL4 as
Meyer observes correctly, has no logical connection with Paul's
speech, but is to be viewed merely as a part of the citation,
which it was necessary to retain on account of the verse.
V. 29. yEvos o~v, K. T. X., Since, therefore, we are the offspring of
God. The inference drawn here is, that idolatry is supremely
absurd, inasmuch as it makes that which is destitute of life, motion, intelligence, the source of these attributes to others. Com.
pare Isa. 44, 9 sq. - In 1ELXOQo/XEV Paul connects himself with them,
and thus softens the rebuke. - xapayjuaTt stands in apposition with
the nouns which precede, i. e. the state or form of the materials
just enumerated, artificially wrought.
V. 30. The relation of this verse and the one following to the
preceding verse is this: Since such is the nature of idolatry, you
must therefore (orv) repent of it, because God now lays upon you
his command to this effect, in view of the retributions of a judgment to come.  The most important word here is 6vrEpL8&v. It
does not occur further in the New Testament, but is found often
in the Septuagint, where it signifies to neglect, which is its proper
classical sense, then to despise, but especially to suffer to pass as
if unnoticed, to withhold the proof of noticing a thing which is, at
the same time, a matter of distinct knowledge; a frequent sense
of,5_ in Hiphil and Hithpael (see Deut. 22, 3. 4, etc.).  In this
last signification, the verb represents perfectly the apostle's meaning here. God had hitherto permitted the heathen to pursue
No more than in the words of Milton: -
"Fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil;
But lives and spreads aloft by those pure eyes,
And perfect witness of all-judging Jove."




294                   COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XVII, 31. 32.
their own way, without manifesting his sense of their conduct,
either by sending to them special messengers to testify against
it, as he did to the Jews, or by inflicting upon them at once the
punishment deserved.  The idea is virtually the same, therefore,
as that of E'"a(rE in 14, 16, and 7rape'SOKE  in Rom. 1, 24. To understand VrwEpL$'V as meaning that God would not judge or punish
the heathen for the sins committed in their state of idolatry,
would be at variance with Paul's theology on this subject as he
has unfolded it in Rom. 1, 20; 2, 11 sq. Not only so, but the
repentance which the apostle now calls upon them to exercise
presupposes their guilt.
V. 31. &o'tL, because, states the reason why the heathen also,
as well as others, must repent; they could not, without this preparation, be safe in the day of righteous judgment which awaited
them. — v &vSpti W zpLt-E, in (the person of) the man whom he
appointed. &vSpt omits the article because a definite clause follows. W. ~ 21. 4; S. ~ 89. 3.  W stands, by attraction, for the
accusative. -rLV raaV p      ra(eLv, having afforded assurance to
all, confirmation, viz. of a judgment to come. It is impossible to
say just how much the apostle intended to represent as proved
by the resurrection of Christ.  He himself referred to it, undoubtedly, in the first place, as establishing the possibility of
such a resurrection of all men from the dead as was involved in
his doctrine of a general judgment; but whether he had yet developed this doctrine so far that the Athenians perceived already
this bearing of the fact, is uncertain. It was enough to excite
their scorn to hear of a single instance of resurrection. Again,
the resurrection of Christ from the dead confirms the truth of all
his claims; and one of these was that he was to be the judge of
men; see John 5, 28, 29. But whether the apostle meant to extend the argument to these and other points, we cannot decide,
as he was so abruptly silenced.
VERSES 32-34. Paul is interrupted and leaves the Assembly.
V. 32. The apostle was heard with attention until he came to
speak of the resurrection; when, at the announcement of a doctrine which sounded so strangely to the ears of the Athenians,
some of them broke forth into expressions of open contempt. -
avao-rao-Lv VrKpwV, a resurrection of the dead. Both nouns omit the
article in this frequent combination, except in 1 Cor. 15, 42. W.
~ 19. As we do not know how much of Paul's idea the Athenians had apprehended, it is doubtful whether we are to take the




CHAr. XVIII, 1.      COMMENTARY.                         295
plural here as generic or numerical, i. e. whether Christ merely
be meant, or men in general. - -KOvco'iea.... rIepC TOVTOV, We
will hear thee again concerning this, viz. matter; not so naturally
masc., with reference to av'o'v in v. 31. It is disputed whether
we are to understand this as said seriously, or as a courteous refusal to hear any thing further from him. The latter is the prevalent view; and so Kuinoel, Hemsen, De Wette, Meyer, Bloomfield, Howson. The manner in which Paul now left the assembly,
the immediate termination of his labors at Athens, and the adversative 8E in v. 34, favor this interpretation. Such a mode of
speaking, too, was entirely consonant to the Athenian character.
Calvin, Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Alford, are among those who impute a serious meaning to the language.
V. 33. Kat ovTwo, and thus, i. e. after these events, or with such
a result; comp. 20, 11; 28, 14. - -K EICOov avrTiv, i. e. of those
whom he had addressed; not from the city (comp. 18, 1).
V. 34. rtve 8&, but certain (Mey. De Wet.), appears to be contrasted, in the writer's mind, with what is stated in v. 32, respecting the effect of Paul's speech; the favorable is opposed to the
unfavorable. Yet E' may be continuative. - Ko0XXq3.rVTE  aVTp, not
adhering, but joining, attaching themselves, to him. --'Apeowraygrs,S the Areopagite, i. e. one of the judges in the court of the
Areiopagus.  The number of these judges varied at different
times. Eusebius and other ancient writers say that this Dionysius became afterwards bishop of the church at Athens, and
ended his life as a martyr. - Ka't evvr, and a woman, not the wife
of Dionysius, as some have said, for the article and pronoun
would then have been added (comp. 5, 1); or at least the article
(comp. 24, 24). It has been inferred, from her being singled out
thus by name, that she was a woman of rank, but beyond this,
nothing is known of her.
CHAPTER XVIII.
VERSES 1-11. Arrival of Paul at Corinth, and his Labors there.
V. 1. &K TwV'A3qvyv. Wieseler limits the apostle's stay at
Athens to fourteen days. The estimate is necessarily conjectural. It is certain that, although Paul spent the most of the two
next years in Corinth and the vicinity, he did not direct his steps
again to that city. On his third missionary tour, he came once




296                - C O M M E N T A R Y.  CHAP. XVIII, 1. -
more into this part of Greece, but at that time passed by Athens,
certainly once and again, without repeating his visit thither. —,EL Koptv.ov.  The distance from Athens to Corinth by land is
about forty-five miles. The summit of the Acropolis of the one
city can be distinctly seen from that of the other.  X.,9Ev does not
show how Paul travelled. The voyage, says MVieseler, could be
made easily in two days. A Greek seaman informed the writer
that with a very fair wind he had made the passage in three
hours, though on the average, in five or six hours; that in bad
weather he had been five days on the way. The steamers between the Pirmus and Kalimaki, the eastern port of the modern
Corinth, occupy usually four hours. - Corinth at this period was
the seat of the Roman proconsulate for Achaia, or the southern
province of Greece. "In consequence of its situation," says Neander, "this city furnished a very important central point for the
extension of the gospel in a great part of the Roman empire;
and hence Paul remained here, as in other similar places, a longer
time than was otherwise usual for him."
V. 2.'AKXAav. The nominative is'AKvXag (v. 26). Aquila and
Priscilla, or Prisca (Rom. 16, 3), were Roman names; and it was
common for Jews to assume such names when they lived out of
Palestine; see on 13, 9. That Aquila was born in Pontus harmonizes with 2, 9 and 1 Pet. 1, 1; for we see from those passages
that Jews resided in that country. As we have no account of
his conversion at Corinth, the probability is that Aquila embraced
the gospel at Rome. So Hemsen, Olshausen, Neander, Wieseler, and others, conclude. Some allege rtva'Iov&aZov as proof
that he was still unconverted (Mey. De Wet.); but he is introduced in that manner on account of what follows. The notice
apprises us that he was one of the 7rovraT'Iovatlovg, whom the
decree banished. At this early period no distinction would be
made between Jews and Jewish Christians. Aquila accompanied
Paul to Ephesus (v. 18. 26), and was still there when the apostle
wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 16, 19). We
find him at Rome again when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans (Rom. 16, 3 sq.); and at a still later period at Ephesus a
second time (2 Tim. 4, 19). The nature of his business (v. 3)
led him frequently to change the place of his residence.-  t"a To
StaTrraXEvat, K. T. X., because Claudius hlad ordered, etc. Luke refers
unquestionably to the edict mentioned by Suetonius (Claud. c.
25): "Judmaos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumnultuantes Roma
expulit."  Neander remarks on that passage as follows: " re
might suppose that some factious Jew then living, of this name,




CHAP. XVIII, 2. 3.   COMMENTARY.                       297
one of the numerous class of Jewish freedmen in Rome, was
intended. But as no individual so universally known as the
Chrestus of Suetonius seems to have been considered by that
writer is elsewhere mentioned; and as Xpl'o-rTo was frequently
pronounced Xpro-rOo by the pagans, it is quite probable that Suetonius, who wrote half a century after the event, throwing together
what he had heard about the political expectations of a Messiah
among the Jews, and the obscure and confused accounts which
may have reached him respecting Christ, was thus led to express
himself in a manner so vague and indefinite."  Church History,
Vol. I. p. 49. The Roman historian does not mention the year
of that expulsion, and we may suppose it to have been about
A. D. 52, in accordance with our plan of chronology. 7rpoa-aTro),
lately, shows that it was still a recent event when Paul arrived
at Corinth. Some writers would identify this decree with that De
mathenzaticis Italiapellendis, which Tacitus mentions (Ann. 12. 52).
The mathematici, or as they were also called, Clzhaldcei, were banished on the ground of their aiding conspirators against the emperor by the use of their art as astrologers. Wieseler (Chronologie, p. 121 sq.) argues that the Jews may have been confounded
with that class of men, and were consequently banished by the
same decree. If that point were established, it would furnish a
striking confirmation of the correctness of our chronology; for
the edict to which Tacitus refers can be shown to have been
published in A. D. 52. But it must remain uncertain whether
the two events have any chronological connection with each
other.
V. 3. EpyagdEro, wrought, labored for his subsistence. He reminds the Corinthians of this fact in 1 Cor. 9, 6 sq. and 2 Cor.
11, 7 sq. — orav yap, K. T. X., for they were tent-makers as to the
trade, or (with -n E'Xvv, according to Lchm. Tsch.), in respect to
the trade (which they had). 74v vEXV7v would be a limiting accusative like rvv -po'7rov in Jud. v. 7. W. ~ 32. 6; K. ~ 279. 7. The
Jews, more especially after the exile, held the mechanic arts in
high estimation. It was a proverb among them that the father
who neglected to bring up his son to a trade taught him to be a
thief. The composition of OcrKVo7roLol indicates a definite sense.
It is difficult to see why some should suppose it to mean manufacturers of tent-cloth. It has not been shown that the usage
differed from the etymology. Tent-making was a common trade
in Cilicia, the native country of the apostle. A coarse species
of goat's hair, called cilicium, was produced there in great abundance, and was much used for that purpose. A person accus38




298                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XVIII, 4-6.
tomed to work on that material could work, doubtless, on any
other. Paul had acquired the trade, in all probability, during his
boyhood, while he lived at Tarsus.
V. 4. &EXTE'E7o, discoursed (imperf.) from week to week; whereas 8tEXEXJ? (aorist), in v. 19, refers to a single occasion. — "EXXvas,
sc. OrEpo/Avovs, i. e. Greek proselytes who attended the synagogue;
comp. 13, 43; 14, 1. The apostle had not yet addressed himself
to the heathen; see v. 6.
V. 5. In us 8E KaT'X.jov, Now when they came down, Ws is not
merely temporal (Alf.), but represents the o(vvEtXETo as immediately consequent on the arrival of the two friends. - Macedonia
denotes here the Roman province of that name, comprising Northern Greece as distinguished from Achaia, or Southern Greece; see
on v. 1. It is left uncertain, therefore, from what particular place
Silas and Timothy arrived at this time.  Compare on v. 16. -.OVVELXETO Ad Xkyy, ewas engrossed (lit. held together) with the word
(Vulg. Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. Bmg. Rob.).  The arrival of his
associates relieved him from anxiety which had pressed heavily
upon him (comp. 1 Thess. 3, 6 sq.); and he could now devote
himself with unabated energy to his work. He had the support
also of their personal cooperation.  We see from 2 Cor. 1, 19,
that Silas and Timothy took an active part in the proclamation
of the gospel at Corinth. We see also from 1 Cor. 2, 3, where
the apostle says that he was among the Corinthians "in weakness and in fear and much trembling," that he was in a state of
mind to need urgently the presence and sympathy of such coadjutors. Some say it means simply that Silas and Timothy found
Paul employed thus anxiously when they arrived (Mey. Alf.);
but unless they had something to do with the fact, it would be
unimportant whether it occurred before or after their coming: its
interest in that case lay wholly in its being a part of the apostle's experience. The common text has T- 7 rvEgaT' after -vvEtXETr:
he was impelled by the Spirit, or by his own spirit, his fervent zeal
(comp. v. 25). The evidence decides for Ty XAo'y as the original
word (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.).
V. 6.  IvrLTra Iro-odvwv $& avrwv, But they opposing themselves, is
not to be taken as explanatory of the CrvvELXEro (against Mey.),
but as describing the conduct of the Jews occasioned by the
apostle's ovvdxcETO.  — PXaacrq/LxovrTv, blaspheming, sc. his words,
message; comp. 13, 45; 19, 9.- -KT&vaaeaEvo 0 Ta'r T-rLa, shaking
out his garments, i. e. the dust upon them, as a witness against
them. For the significancy of the act, see on 13, 51. —   area
Voijv, your blood, i. e. the consequences of your guilt; comp. 20, 26;




CHAP. XVIII, 7-10.    C O M M E N T A R Y.               299
Ezek. 33, 5.- -nrl Rv KExcaXjv, sc. EXaErW; comp. Matt. 23, 35. -
Ka3apBos ~yx, I am pure, have discharged my duty.  Some point
the text so as to read, pure I henceforth will turn unto the Gentiles
(Lchm. Alf.). The two clauses utter the idea more forcibly than
one, and are better suited to so grave a declaration; comp. also
20, 26 and Matt. 27, 24. On the nature of this desertion of the
Jews, see on 13, 46.
V. 7.  kETIra&8aS EKEEV, having departed from there, i. e. the synagogue (see v. 4), not from the city, or from the house of Aquila.
-  X3Ev, K. T. X., went into the house of a certain Justus.  The
meaning is, not that he left Aquila and went to lodge with Justus (Alf.), but that he preached in future at the house of the
latter, which was so much the more convenient because it
was near the synagogue where they had been accustomed to
assemble. Paul pursued precisely the same course at Ephesus;
see 19, 9. -  -(reSoov Toyv 3Eov, worshipping God, describes Justus as a foreigner who had embraced Judaism, but was not yet
a believer. He opened his house for the use of the Christians,
because he had more sympathy with them than with the Jews.
His moral position was certainly unique; and it is easy to believe that he soon exchanged it for that of a believer.
V. 8. Crispus was one of the few persons at Corinth whom
Paul himself baptized; see 1 Cor. 1, 14.- - E7r-O'TEv'oE ov OXW T(d
OLKp aV'ro, believed with all his house. Here is another instance
in which a whole family received the gospel; comp. 16, 15; 1
Cor. 1, 16. The Apostolical Constitutions (VII. 46) say that
Crispus became bishop of 2Egina. —The Corinthians who believed were native Greeks; not Jews at Corinth. -  7&rlTEov is
imperfect, from the relation of the act to aKoVovrTE.
V. 9. &' opajaTrog, through a vision as the medium of communication; a form was seen as well as a voice heard (comp. 9, 12;
16, 9; 22, 18).- --  4o/%o9, Fear not. The form of the imperative
implies that he was beginning to despond; see the note on 10,
15.- XaXEL, continue to speak. Observe the use of the subjunctive
aorist in the next verb.
V. 10. Kat ov3E%, K. T. X., and no one shall attack thee (telic) to
injure thee, i. e. no one shall attempt it with success (De Wet.);
or ecbatic, so as to injure thee. The infinitive with Toi denotes
more commonly a purpose. The Jews made an effort to destroy
the apostle after this promise (v. 12 sq.), but were defeated. -
8&OTL.... rroXv, because I have much people, i. e. many who are
appointed to become such; see 13, 48, and 15, 17. Hence the
activity of the apostle must have free scope until they were converted.




300                 C O MM E N T ARY.      CHAP. XVIII, 11. 12.
V. 11. EKaOTE, K. 1 X., And he abode a year and six months.
It has been questioned whether this designation of time extends
merely to the arrest mentioned in v. 12 (Mey.), or embraces the
entire sojourn at Corinth.  "I regard the latter view," says
Wieseler, (Chronologie, p. 46,) "as undoubtedly the correct one.
This appears, in the first place, from the particle TE, which connects this verse in the closest manner with what precedes, and
consequently with ETSE SC, K. T. X.:' The Lord said, Fear not, but
speak and be not silent;.... and so (W. ~ 53. 2) he abode a
year and six months, teaching among them the word of God.'
The main thought of the words which the Lord addresses to
Paul in the vision (v. 9, 10) is unquestionably,' Speak in this
city, and be not silent,' and accordingly the period of time, in v.
11, during which the apostle obeys this command of Christ, must
refer to the whole time in which he had spoken at Corinth and
was not silent, i. e. must include the time until his departure.
In the second place, this follows from the general nature of the
statement:'he abode there a year and six months;' comp.
Luke 24, 49." Anger (p. 63) adopts the same conclusion. De
Wette calls it the prevalent view, but prefers the other. — 
avTro, among them in the city (v. 10); see on 8, 5.
VERSES 12-17. Paul is arraigned before Gallio.
V. 12. Gallio was a brother of Seneca, the celebrated moralist. His original name was Novatus. He assumed that of Gallio, out of gratitude to a distinguished rhetorician of that name,
who adopted him as a son. Seneca dedicated his books De Ira
and De Vita Beata, to this brother. In one of his Letters (104)
he speaks of Gallio as having resided in Achaia, though he does
not mention in what capacity he was there. Luke's narrative
represents him as acting a part in striking harmony with his reputed character. He was known among his contemporaries as
the " dulcis Gallio." He had the social qualities which make a
man a general favorite. "Nemo mortalium," says Seneca, "uni
tam dulcis est, quam hic omnibus."  (Quaest. Nat. L. 4, Prwef.)
Luke's ovb'v TOVT,;V E/EXEV in v. 17 indicates the easy temper
which contributes so much to personal popularity. Gallio, like
his brother, was put to death by the murderous Nero. - av3vra7'EVOVr0TO~.'AXAa, was governing Achaia as proconsul.  This
province (see on v. 1) consisted of Hellas and the Peloponnesus.
Here, too, we have a striking example of Luke's accuracy. Under Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 1. 76) and Caligula, the two preceding




CHAP. XVIII, 13-17.     CO M M ENTARY.                     301
emperors, Achaia had been an imperial province, governed by
proprietors.  But Claudius had restored it to the Senate (Suet.
Claud. c. 25), and under that form of administration its governors were styled proconsuls. Paul was at Corinth in the reign of
Claudius.  Compare the note on 13, 7. --  rr' To f8i3a, before the
tribunal.  The /3fia was a seat or chair from which the Roman
magistrates dispensed justice. It was sometimes fixed in one
place, and was sometimes movable so as to accommodate the
judge wherever he might wish to hold his court.
V. 13.  rrapa Tov volkov, contrary to the law, not of the Romans,
but of the Jews (comp. vo~'ov 7ro KaMY vItas in v. 15); not of both
Romans and Jews (Lange), as the charge in that form demanded
investigation. What Luke has stated here is a summary of the
charge. That the Jews went more into detail is evident from
Gallio's reply in v. 13.
V. 14. a&8KrIyia and. faS$o Spyqua designate the act perhaps legally
and ethically: this, as an offence against morality; that, as an
offence against the state or the personal rights of others. — av
2vEcXo/1J~v vJuY v, I would have suffered you, would have listened
patiently to your complaint; but the condition in the protasis not
being true, he could not now do it. For av with the aorist indicative in the subordinate clause, see W. ~ 43. 2; B. ~ 139. 3. 2; K.
{ 327. b. Gallio makes known his decision as a thing settled.
V. 15. 7rEpL Xoyov, concerning a doctrine. - -volaTrowv, names, because they had accused Paul of teaching that Jesus was the Messiah. - -Kpur  yap, K. Tr. X., For I do not wish to be judge of these
things. ycap (T. R.) is logically correct, but comes from a copyist.
It was out of his province to take cognizance of such questions.
The Roman laws allowed the Jews to regulate their religious afairs in their own way. Lysias (23, 29) and Festus (25, 19)
placed their refusal to interfere on the same ground. - The reply
which Luke attributes to Gallio has been justly cited as a mark
of that candor which distinguishes the truth.  A panegyrist, a
dishonest narrator, says Paley, would be too jealous for the honor
of his cause to represent it as treated superciliously by those of
eminent rank.
V. 16. a7r17Xacrev aTro'g, drove them away, dispersed them.  The
verb shows that they left reluctantly, but not that any violence
was used. A peremptory refusal, a decisive manner would be
sufficient for the purpose.
V. 17. The interpretation of this passage has influenced the
text. Some of the younger manuscripts insert oi'IovSaZot after
7ravTrEg; as if the Jews, disappointed in their design against the




302                 COMME N T ARY.         CHAP. XVIII, 17. 18.
apostle, attempted as their next resort to avenge themselves on
one of his principal followers. But the evidence for this reading is entirely inadequate; and it is incredible, also, that Luke
should mention Sosthenes merely as a ruler of the synagogue,
if he had become in fact a Christian. The best authorities have
7ravrTE without any appendage, and o "'EXX-qvE in the common
editions must be viewed as a gloss, correct as an explanation,
but textually spurious. As the Jews could have had no motive
for maltreating one of their own number, TcaV-TES must be the
body of those present, such as the subalterns of the court and
the Greeks whom the tumult had drawn together.  Sosthenes was
probably the successor of Crispus (v. 8), or, as Biscoe conjectures, may have belonged to another synagogue in the city. He
appears to have taken an active part in the prosecution, and
hence the Greeks, who were always ready to manifest their
hatred of the Jews, singled him out as the object of their spe
cial resentment. In winking at this, says De Wette, Gallio may
have carried his impartiality too far. If he was the Sosthenes
who is called " a brother " in 1 Cor. 1, 1, he must have been converted after this, and have removed to Ephesus. The coincidence in the name is the only reason for supposing the same
person to be meant in both places. -- rvrrrov (imperf.) shows
how thorough a beating Sosthenes received.  It may not be
wronging Gallio to suspect that he looked through his fingers
and enjoyed the scene. — oVEv TroVrTov includes most naturally the
dispute between the Jews and Christians, as well as the abuse
of Sosthenes.- -E:EXEV, when used as a personal verb, requires in
prose a neuter subject. K. ~ 274. R. 1; Mt. ~ 348. R. 2.  The
indifference of Gallio is not mentioned in commendation of him,
but as suggesting why the affair had such a termination. Owing
to the proconsul's disposition, the Jews were unsuccessful; so
far from inflicting any injury on the apostle, their attempt recoiled
in disgrace and violence upon themselves.
VERSES 18-22.  Paul proceeds by the Way of Ephesus and
Ccesarea to Jer'zsalem, and from there to Antioch.
V. 18. crc 7rpoEwavc~ rq1Epas tcKavas, having remained yet mcany
days after the arrest. Whether the arrest took place at the end
of the year and a half mentioned in v. 11, or in the course of
that time, is subject, as we have seen, to some doubt. Even if
the arrest was subsequent to the year and six months, the many
days here need not be supposed to extend the sojourn at Corinth




CHAP. XVIII, 18.      COM M E N T A R Y.                 303
beyond a few additional months (Wiesl.). During this period
the apostle planted churches in other parts of Achaia, either by
his own personal labors or by the instrumentality of his converts;
see 2 Cor. 1, 1. It was during this visit at Corinth, also, that
Paul wrote the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians.
That he wrote the first of them here, appears from several circumstances: first, Paul had been separated from the Thessalonians but "a short time" (1 Thess. 2, 17); secondly, Timothy
and Silas were with him (1 Thess. 1, 1), as they were according
to Luke (18, 5); thirdly, the apostle had been lately at Athens
(1 Thess. 3. 1), and whence, also, according to our narrative (18,
1) he came directly to Corinth;,, and, finally, he writes to the
Thessalonians as recent converts whose knowledge was very
imperfect. The date of this Epistle, therefore, would be A. D.
52 or 53; see note on 18, 23. If the first Epistle was written at
Corinth; the second must have been written at the same place.
Timothy and Silas were still with the apostle (2 Thess. 1, 1);
and as the object of the second Epistle was to correct a wrong
impression made by the first (comp. 2 Thess. 2, 1 sq., with 1
Thess. 4, 16 sq., and 5, 1 sq.), the interval between the two
must have been short. — &orarot4evos, having bid adieu, which is
an Alexandrian sense; see Lob. ad Phryn. p. 24. Among others,
he now took leave of Silas, and perhaps of Timothy, though we
find the latter with him  again at Ephesus (19, 22). — i  ri/v,vptav, unto Syria, as his remoter destination; he embarked for
Ephesus in the first instance (v. 19). —KKeLpa'/jEVO3 rv/ KeoaX'jV,
having shorn the head, most critics understand of Paul (Chryst.
Calv. Neand. Olsh. Hems. De Wet. Win. Wdsth.); some of
Aquila (Grot. Kuin. Wiesl. Mey.). IHavXos is the leading subject,
and the reader connects the remark spontaneously with him. It
is only as an act of reflection, on perceiving that'AKvXas stands
nearer, that the other connection occurs to the mind as a possible
one. KatL oVV.air'  Hpit'KLXAa KaL'AKrVXas may intervene between
KEtpa/Levao and lavXos, because the clause is so evidently parenthetic, and because e-rXEt has a tendency to draw its several
subjects towards itself. It is urged for the other view, that Luke
has placed the man's name after that of the woman, contrary to
the natural order; but that no stress can be laid on that circumstance is clear from Rom. 16, 3 and 2 Tim. 4, 19, where the
names follow each other in the same manner. Some principle
of association, as possibly that of the relative superiority of Priscilla, made it customary to speak of them  in that order. --
KEyXpEaLZ, in Cenchrea, which was the eastern port of Corinth,




304                 COMMENTARY.    CHAP. XVIII, 18. 19.
distant about ten miles.  A church had been gathered here
(Rom. 16, 1). The modern name is Kikries, a little south of Kalamaki, and, under the traveller's eye, therefore, who crosses the
isthmus.- ETXE yap EV'XqV, fbr he had a vow, i. e. one resting upon
him; not assumed at this time. This clause states why he
shaved his head.  The cutting off of the hair was a Jewish
practice, and took place at the expiration of a vow, not at the
commencement of it. It is an erroneous statement, therefore,
that the apostle subjected himself to the vow at this time, and
went to Jerusalem to obtain absolution from it. Neander would
support that opinion from Jos. Bel. Jud. 2. 15; but he adopts for
that purpose an interpretation of the passage which nearly all
others reject. The nature of Paul's vow on this occasion is uncertain. It could not have been a strict Nazarite vow, i. e. such
a vow observed in due form; for a person could absolve himself
from such an obligation only at Jerusalem, where his hair, which
had grown during the time that he had been a Nazarite was to be
cut off and burnt as an offering in the temple (Numb. 6, 2 sq.).
See Jahn's Archaeol. ~ 395. We have no account of any deviation from that rule. Yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that in
later times the original institution may have been relaxed or
modified; that after the Jews came to be dispersed, it was held
to be lawful to terminate a Nazarite vow at other places, adhering to the prescribed usages as near as the circumstances allowed.
If it was not a vow of this peculiar character, it may have been
of the nature of a thank-offering, and not subject to the regulations to which the Nazarite was required to conform. It must
be confessed that the present knowledge of Jewish antiquities is
not sufficient to clear up fully the obscurity of the passage. It
contains, says De Wette, a Gordian knot still untied.
V. 19. Els EqEocov, unto Ephesus, which was on the Cayster,
not far from its mouth. It could be approached at that time by
water, though the site of the ancient city is now two or three
miles from the coast. With a favoring wind, the passage from
Corinth to Ephesus could be made in two or three days. Cicero
mentions that he on one occasion, and his brother Quintus on another, occupied two weeks in passing from Ephesus to Athens
(ad Attic. Ep. 6, 8. 9; Ib. 3, 9); but the voyage in both instances
was retarded by extraordinary delays. See further, on 28, 13.
— avrT  Be, but he himself. This emphasis brings forward Paul
again as the prominent person, after the information that his
companions stayed at Ephesus. The order of statement outruns
the history a little, as occurs in other cases; comp. v. 1. Luke




CHAP. XVIII, 21. 22.    C O MMENTARY.                    305
cannot well mean that the apostle separated himself from Priscilla and Aquila, and went into the synagogue without them
(Mey.). So unimportant a circumstance would not be made so
prominent. Nor is it at all probable that arToOi, there, was opposed in the writer's mind to the synagogue as being out of the
city (Alf.); for in that case some intimation like'ew 7no rroArXEo
(see 16, 13), or at least ZeEXUYv, would hardly be withheld from
the reader.
V. 21.  Some critics reject all in this verse from 8Et to'Ipocro'Xva (Bng. Grsb. Neand. Lchm. Tsch.); others defend the
clause (Olsh. De Wet. Wiesl. Mey. Bmg. Alf.). The words may
be doubtful, but with the present evidence should not be separated from the text. As Meyer suggests, they may have been
omitted, from not perceiving the reference of Jvalari in v. 22, and
consequently any occasion for such haste in prosecuting the
journey. - rev Eoprqv rv 1pXoLEvlv, the coming feast. It must have
been one of the principal feasts, which Paul was so anxious to
keep at Jerusalem, in all probability the Passover or Pentecost.
In either case we discover here that the apostle made the journey in the spring of the year. Wieseler (p. 48) thinks that it
was the later festival, Pentecost, chiefly because Paul embarked
at Corinth, instead of travelling through Macedonia, as the state
of navigation would have rendered expedient earlier in the
season. - For 7roLo-rat, comp. roLG ro 7r&ao-Xa in Matt. 26, 18. - Es3'IEpooo'rJXva, at Jerusalem; see on 8, 40. -7raXLtv, K. r. X., but I will
return again, etc. The apostle soon fulfilled that promise (19, 1).
V. 22. KaTrEXUV, having come clown from the sea to the land;
comp. 27, 5. - Ccesarea was the most convenient seaport in the
vicinity of Judea; see further on 8, 40. - avais/3c, having gone up,
i. e. to Jerusalem (Calv. Neand. Olsh. Mey. De Wet. WTiesl.).
This absolute use of the verb occasions no obscurity after the
statement respecting Paul's destination in v. 21. A few have
understood it as going up into the city above the harbor. But to
mention that circumstance in addition to the arrival would give
to it a singular prominence as contrasted with the general rapidity of the narrative. Karip-i3, went down, at the close of the verse,
would be inappropriate to the geographical relation of Caesarea
to Antioch (Neand.). - -r7v &KKX'Y)clav, the church at Jerusalem.  It
should be noticed that this is the fourth journey which Paul has
made to that city since his conversion. No doubt he arrived in
season to observe the feast, as nothing is said of any disappointment in that respect. - Etd'AVTtLXELaV. How long the apostle was
absent on the tour which terminated with this return to Antioch,
39




306                 COMMENTARY.    CHAP. XVIII, 23. 24.
can only be conjectured. The year and six months at Corinth
(v. 11) would be likely to constitute the greater portion of the
period. Wieseler proposes six months as the time occupied between leaving Antioch and the arrival at Troas (16, 8). He
would allow six months also for the apostle's labors in Europe
before his arrival at Corinth. The time which this estimates allows for the Asiatic part of the tour may be too limited. The
apostle visited extensively the churches in Syria and Cilicia,
planted new churches in Phrygia and Galatia, and travelled very
circuitously throughout his journey between Antioch and Troas.
It may be safer to assign a year at least to such varied labors.
According to this view, the apostle was absent on his second
mission about three years; and if we place his departure early
in A. D. 51, he reached Antioch again in the spring or summer of
54. Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, and others, agree in supposing,Paul to have arrived at Corinth in the autumn of A. D. 52.
The admission of that date fixes the main point in this part of
the chronology.
VERSE 23. Departure of Paul on his Third Missionary Tour.
V. 23. Xpoov rLtva. The time now spent at Antioch was apparently short. It was during this time, as most critics suppose,
that Peter arrived here, and the scene took place between him
and Paul, of which we have an account in Gal. 2, 11 sq.; see on
15, 35. Neander (Pflanzung, I. p. 351) agrees with those who
insert the occurrence here. Baumgarten (II. p. 331) adds himself to the same class.  The apostle's OrE AX&E in Gal. 2, 11,
affords no clue to the time. We may assume that the apostle
went forth again to the heathen about the beginning of the year
A. D. 55. - KaSE%$, in successive order. This refers, probably, not
to the countries named, but to the different places in them where
churches existed.  In accordance with the representation on
Kiepert's map, we may suppose that Paul went first to Tarsus,
thence in a northwestern direction through Galatia, and then,
turning to the southwest, passed through Phrygia, and so on to
Ephesus. That course accounts for Luke's naming Galatia before Phrygia, instead of the order in 16, 6.
VERsEs 24-28. Apollos comes to Ephesus, and is more fully instructed in the Gospel.
V. 24. Meyer calls this section "a historical episode."  Luthardt says that it is entirely germane to the narrative: while Paul




CHAP. XVIII, 25.      COMMENTARY.                        307
labors in Asia, another builds still further upon the foundation
laid by him in Europe. —'A7roXXs =-'A-roXXkcvLo. As a native
of Alexandria, he had received probably, says Neander, "the
Jewish-Grecian education, peculiar to the learned among the
Jews of that city, and had acquired also great facility in the use
of the Greek language." - X-yLo, eloquent ( Olsh. De Wet. Mey.),
or learned (Neand.). The first sense is the best, because 8vva'ro5
Ev racs ypajaZs ascribes to him then a different talent, and because
his superior faculty as a speaker appears to have been the reason
why some of the Corinthians preferred him to Paul; see 1 Cor.
1, 12; 2, 4; 2 Cor. 10, 10. - Ev T-aZs ypa~adS, in the Scriptures. He
was familiar with them, and could use them  with power as a
source of argument and appeal (see v. 28). This clause points
out the sphere of his eloquence.
V. 25. ovroS.v, K. r. X., This one was instructed in the way of
the Lord, probably by some disciple of John, who had left Judea
before the Saviour commenced his public course; or possibly by
John himself, whose earlier ministry Apollos may have attended.
Some infer from Ta wrEpt roo'Ibro-  that Apollos was aware that
Jesus was the Messiah; but the following  -rL(raTdLEvo~, K. T. X.,
limits that expression, and if explained correctly below, excludes
a knowledge of that fact. His ignorance in this respect was one
of the defects in his religious belief, and at the same time his
views of the deeper Christian doctrines must have been meagre
in comparison with those possessed by the apostles. For the
construction of bo8v, see W. ~ 32. 5; K. ~ 281. 2. - -Eov 7 rveVtart, beingfervent in spirit, zealous in his disposition. It is less
correct to understand rvE'VarL of the Holy Spirit, since that gift
appears in the New Testament as the proper fruit and seal of
the Christian faith, which Apollos had not yet adopted; see Gal.
3, 2. For other places where 7rrvdv/ka refers to the mind, comp.
19, 21; John 11, 33; 13, 21; Rom. 12, 11 (probably); 2 Cor. 2,
12. — aKptL/3, accurately (v. 26), i. e. his doctrine was correct as
far as his knowledge extended. - 7rLoTaLEVo, K. -. X., knowing only
the baptism of John, which differed from that of the apostles
mainly in these respects; first, that theirs recognized a Messiah
who had come, and, secondly, that it was attested by the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit (19, 6). Since John, however, taught
that the Sav-iour was about to appear, and that repentance, faith
in him, and holiness were necessary to salvation, Apollos, though
acquainted only with his teaching, could be said with entire truth
to be instructed in the way of the Lord. It is not affirmed that he
had submitted to John's baptism, but we suppose that from the




308                  COM M ENTARY.           CHAP. XVIII, 26-28.
nature of the case. That he was rebaptized, Luke does not assert; though, if we regard his moral position as analogous to that
of the Johannean disciples mentioned in the next chapter, we
should infer from what is related there that such was the fact.
Meyer considers the cases dissimilar, and denies that Apollos
was rebaptized.
V. 26. r'pbaro, began, but did not preach long with such imperfect views. As soon as Aquila and Priscilla heard him, they proceeded to instruct him more fully. -  rapCl oL-ta.crSat means to speak
boldly. He exposed their sins, required them to repent, and be
prepared for the kingdom of the Messiah; comp. Matt. 3, 2 sq.JKpLcpoTEpv, more accurately.
V. 27. EL3 r-'v'AXaiav, unto Achaia, of which Corinth was the
capital, see on v. 1. It was that city which he proposed to visit;
comp. 19, 1; 1 Cor. 1, 12; 3, 4. What he heard from Priscilla
and Aquila may have turned his thoughts to this field of labor.
-7-rporpEtP'/EvoL IEypa/tpav, they wrote and exhorted.  The participle
contains the principal idea; see 1, 24.  Some supply avro'v after
orpOTpEla/EVOS (Calv. Kuin.); but that assigns to the verb and
participle different objects, and confuses the sentence. Besides,
Apollos was not averse to the journey (,ovXouevov), and had no
need of exhortation. In 2 Cor. 3, 1, Paul alludes to this letter
of commendation; or to the practice of granting such letters
((rvo'raTLKat VrtrorroXal), exemplified in this case of Apollos. — c vva/3cXEro, K. T. X., contributed (as a helper) much to those who have
believed and still believe.  See W. ~ 40. 4. a. It is not meant
that he confirmed them in their faith as Christians, but that he
co6perated with them in their promulgation and defence of the
truth.  The next verse explains the remark. — 8ta' 7  Xapuros,
through grace, belongs to the participle (De Wet.), not to the verb
(Mey.). The natural sense is that which results from the order
of the words. The doctrinal idea is that of X 7rLor-TL  8&' avroV ill
3, 16.
V. 28.'oT'VWs, powerfully. - Jtvat rO'v XptL(rrv'Iqo-roiv, that the
Messiah was Jesus, none other than he; comp. v. 5.




CHAP. XIX, 1-3.        COMMENTARY.                         309
CHAPTER XIX
VERSES 1-7. Paul comes to Ephesus, and rebaptizes certain Disciples of John.
V. 1. Ev T-W T-OV'AIroXXo ELvat iv Koptv8%, while Apollos was at
Corinth.  This notice apprises us that Paul did not arrive at
Ephesus till after the departure of Apollos.'A7roXXW (the regular
genitive, see 1 Cor. 3, 4) here rejects v in the accusative; comp.
21, 1. K. ~ 48. R. 1; W. ~ 8. 2. -Ta' aVWTeppLK&a uLp, the upper parts,
in the interior as compared with the coast. The expression may
be understood of the mountains on the frontier of Phrygia and
Asia, which the apostle would cross on his route. -- Lva's JacLrTac,
certain disciples. Luke ascribes to them that character (comp.
7rW-TE(rcaVTES in v. 2), because, though their knowledge was so imperfect, they were sincere; they possessed the elements of a true
faith, and acknowledged the name of Christ as soon as the apostle made it known to them. It is probable that they were strangers who had just arrived at Ephesus, and when the apostle
found them, had not yet come in contact with any of the Christians there.
V. 2. For dL in a direct question, see on 1, 6. The inquiry appears abrupt, because we have so broken an account of the circumstances of the case. Undoubtedly something preceded, which led
the apostle to suspect that the men entertained inadequate or mistaken views of the gospel. - 7rvEvLa aytov is the Holy Spirit here as
the author of miraculous gifts, as is made evident by v. 6. - EXa,3ET
r-Tro'EvoaVTe% Did ye receive (note the aorist) when ye believed?
The participle refers to the same time as the verb. -  AXX' jKovOuev, But we did not hear (when baptized) even if there be a Holy
Spirit.  A negative usually precedes JXX' oiv   with this force
(= No - on the contrary); but could be omitted with the effect
of a more earnest denial.  See W. ~ 53. 7. 7rveDv/a'yaov must
have the meaning in their reply which it had in Paul's question.
Hence it is unnecessary and incorrect to supply  o.9'v or EKXVvod/evov after &rT; comp. John 7, 39.
V. 3. Ecl 1r K. r. X., Unto what, as the object of faith and confession, therefore, were ye baptized? - E TO'I(waovvov /,a7rrtL-,ua should
have the sense here which it has in other passages (comp. 1, 22;
10, 37; Matt. 3, 7; Luke 7, 29, etc.), viz. the baptism which John




310                  CO0MMENTARY.             CHAP. XIX, 4. 5.
administered, or such as he administered. They may have received the rite from John himself, or from some one whom he
had baptized, but who had not advanced beyond the point of
knowledge at which John's ministry had left his disciples. That
Apollos had baptized them is not at all probable; for the presumption is that he had left Ephesus before their arrival (see on
v. 1), and because if he had not, they would have received from
him more correct views, after his own better acquaintance with
Christianity. The answer of the men, therefore, was not that
they had been baptized unto John as the Messiah; and the idea
that their error was that of adhering to him as the Messiah has
no support from this expression. That some, however, at a very
early period, entertained that opinion of John, is a fact well established. The Zabians, or Nazorwans, or Mendclans, as they
are variously called, who were discovered in the East about the
middle of the seventeenth century, are supposed to be a remnant
of that sect. See Neand. Ch. Hist. Vol. I. p. 376; and Christian
Review, Jan. 1855.
V. 4. Rev after'Iwaovvrs, which some editors reject, is genuine
(Mey. Tsch. De Wet.). The reply of Paul is apparently this:
"John indeed preached repentance and a Saviour to come (as
you know); but the Messiah whom he announced has appeared
in Jesus, and you are now to believe on him as John directed." —
ToVT' C'TLV presents the adversative idea, instead of the ordinary'. W. ~ 63. I. 2. e; K. ~ 322, R. 4.- Eida7rTLo- governs /3 7rrrto-a,
on the principle of affinity in point of sense; comp. Luke 7, 29.
W. 1 32. 2; K. ~ 278. 1. — XptoTo'v is common before'Icurovg, but
is unwarranted here.
V. 5. acKov'oavTes, K. T. X., Now they (whom Paul addressed)
having heard, were baptized. Whether Paul himself or some assistant performed the rite, the history does not decide. Their
prompt reception of the truth would tend to show that the defect
in their former baptism related not so much to any positive error,
a;s to their ignorance in regard to the proper object of faith.
Some of the older writers maintained that Luke records these
words as a continuation of Paul's remarks: Now they (whom John
addressed) having heard were baptized. It was the object of such
commentators to rescue the passage from those who appealed to
it, in order to justify rebaptism. They maintained this exegesis
not only against the Anabaptists, but as Baumgarten mentions,
against the Catholics, who disparaged John's baptism for the
purpose of exalting the Christian sacraments as distinguished
from those of the first dispensation. The Council of Trent, for




CHrAP. XIX, 6-10.     CO M MENTARY.                        311
instance, asserted: Si quis dixerit baptismurm Johannis eandem
vim  cum  baptismo Christi habuisse, Anathema esto.  (Sess.
VII, de baptismo C. 1). This interpretation not only sets aside
the more obvious meaning for a remote one, but palpably misstates the fact in regard to John's baptism: he did not administer
it in the name of Jesus.  This view of the passage may be said
to be obsolete at present.
V. 6. Compare this verse with 10, 44-46. - yX'o-o-aLt, sc. ErEpatL
(2, 4), or Katvats (Mark 16, 17).- For wrpoc'-Tevov, see on 2, 17.
V. 7. or 7LravrTEs OvpE, all the m2en together. 7ras in this adverbial
sense (- TO war, Ta 7raVTa) occurs especially in connection with numerals. Compare 27, 35. It is rare to find the adjective with this
force before the substantive. See K. A. Gr. ~ 489. B; Vig. ed. Herm.
p. 135. - And thus those twelve men who came forward so abruptly in our history disappear as suddenly, leaving us in doubt
whence they came, where they had been, and in some respects
what particular phase of religious belief they represented. The
episode is one of strange interest from the very fact of its suggesting so many questions, the solution of which our imperfect
knowledge of the first Christian age has put beyond our reach.
VERSES 8-12.  Paul preaches at Ephesus, and confirms the Word
by Miracles.
V. 8. For cbratppolcaEro, preached boldly, see on 18, 26. -7redlov,
sc. avroVS, persuading them of the things; comp. 28, 23.  The first
accusative specifies the aim of the act. K. ~ 279. 4.
V. 9.  vLve', some, i. e. of the Jews, as results from ovvawywryv in
v. 8.- 1-v 0r0v, the way, i. e. of Christian belief and practice; not
concretely, sect, party; comp. v. 23; 9, 2.- EvW7rLov Troi 7r4Sjov%
in the presence of the multitude.  This attempt to prevent others
from believing showed how hardened (Ec-KXpVvovTro) they were,
more fully than their own rejection of the gospel. - aow)pLcrOE TOVs
laSqTrLs, separated the disciples, i. e. from the Jews in the synagogue. -v i oxokXj, in the school, viz. the place where he taught.
This Tyrannus, otherwise unknown, was probably a teacher of
philosophy or rhetoric, who occupied the apartment at other hours.
Whether he rented it to the Christians, or gave them the use of
it, is uncertain..
V. 10.  rrlt'w Sv'o. These two years are exclusive of the three
months mentioned in v. 8; for TOvro opposes expressly the preaching in the school of Tyrannus to that in the synagogue.  It is
probable that they are exclusive also of the time occupied by the




312                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XIX, 10. 11.
events which took place after v. 21; for in 20, 31 Paul reminds
the Ephesians that he had labored three years among them; so
that nine months, or six months at least (if we regard 7pLErt'a
there as a general expression), must be added to the two years
and three months mentioned here. The retrospective remark in
v. 20 would be a very natural one for the writer to make on the
completion of a distinct period. -It was during this abode of.Paul at Ephesus, and probably not long after his arrival there,
that he wrote the Epistle to the Galatians. In Gal. 4, 13, Paul
speaks of the former time (ro 7rp0Epov) when he preached in Galatia; and hence (taking the expression in its strict import) he
had been there twice when he wrote the Epistle. He must have
written it, therefore, on this third missionary tour (at least, not
before it), since he founded the Galatian churches on his second
tour (see on 16, 6), and confirmed them on his present journey to
Ephesus (see 18, 23). Further, if oV'Tr raXe%& in Gal. 1, 6, refers
(as, on the whole, I think it does) to the brief interval since Paul
was among the Galatians, it follows that he wrote his Epistle to
them during the early part of his sojourn at Ephesus. In this
city Paul could obtain easily the knowledge of the Galatian
heresy, which gave occasion to the letter. A partial conclusion
may be drawn from another argument. If we are to place Paul's
rebuke of Peter between his second and third journeys (see on
18, 23), he could not have written to the Galatians at all events
before his departure on this tour. The foregoing data are not
decisive, but furnish the best supported opinion. We may refer
the Epistle to the year A. D. 56; see note on 21, 17. — (dTf....'Artlav, so that all who inhabited Asia, viz. the Roman province of that
name (2, 9). Ephesus was the capital of this province, the centre
of commerce and religious worship (v. 26), to which the people
resorted from all parts of the country. Hence the apostle had an
opportunity to preach to a vast number, in addition to those who
resided in the city; and at the same time, through the agency of
those converted by him, he could have introduced the gospel into
regions which he did not visit in person. It was but forty years
after this that Pliny, in his celebrated letter to Trajan, says, even
in reference to the more distant Bithynia: " Multi omnis wetatis,
omnis ordinis, utriusque sexuis etiam, vocantu in periculum et vocabuntur. Neque enim civitates tantum, sed vicos etiam atque
agros superstitionis istius contagio pervagata est."
V. 11. o0 us rvxovocas, not casual, i. e. uncommon, extraordinary; comp, 28, 2. As the sequel shows (v. 12), the miracles
were remarkable, because they were performed without the per



CHAP. XIX, 12-15.       C OMMENTARY.                        313
sonal agency or presence of the apostle. They were not generically different from those wrought on other occasions. — ta& rv
XEPWV llavAXov, through the hands of Paul, not as laid upon the sick
(some of the results being involuntary on his part), but through
his instrumentality.
V. 12.  orre Kalt So that (because God so wrought by him) also,
i. e. among other miracles. -  7rLt1Epeor3at, K. r. X., were carried from
his body, to which the articles had been touched for the purpose
of receiving the healing power that was supposed to reside in
him; see Luke 8, 46. They resorted to this course probably, because the throng was so great that the sick could not be brought
directly to the apostle, or in some instances were too infirm to
be removed frora their houses. - crovoapLa (Lat. sudaria), handkerchiefs, lit. sweat-cloths. They had their name from the use to
which they were principally applied. - cL-tLKt~V3ta, aprons, such as
artisans and servants wore when engaged about their work.
This, too, is a Latin word (semicinctia) which had passed into the
later Greek; see on 11, 26. - It is evident from  ras vo'ov3 and
rTa 7rvEV/Jara that the writer made a distinction between ordinary
diseases and those inflicted by evil spirits (comp. on 5, 16;
8, 7).
VERsEs 13-17.  The Defeat of certain Jewish Exorcists.
V. 13.  The common text has rtvEs a7rro W r, K. r. X. The more
approved reading is rwvLE Kac rov, K. r. X. (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.).  Kat
joins rTves with Paul, with reference to the act in ovoa'ScEtv: they
also attempted to call, as he called. — 7rEpLtpXo/Epvv, not approbriously, vagabond, but wanderisng from place to place in the practice
of their arts. - ($OpKrTrWrv, exorcists; that was their professed, reputed occupation. They appear to have regarded Paul as one
of their own class, but of a higher order. They supposed he had
obtained a name more potent than any employed by them, and
that by means of it he could perform in reality the wonders to
which they merely pretended. - OpK4o  V/a rTOv'Irqo-oiv, I acldjure
you by the Jesus. For the double accusative, compare Mark 5, 7;
1 Thess. 5, 27. See W. ~ 32. 4; C. ~ 428.
V. 14. For the Doric YKEVa, see on 11, 30. - apxtepew, a chiefpriest, a priest of the higher class; see on 4, 6. - -rTar, seven
The numeral is too remote from rtvE to be indefinite, several; see
on 23, 23.- ot rovrT 7rOLOVVrEm  denotes a habit.  The next verse
relates an instance of their practice.
V. 15. TO 7Irvevla, the spirit, viz. the one Whom  they were at
40




314                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XIX, 16-19.
tempting to exorcise on a certain occasion. — rov'IO-(rov 7LtYWOKW,
the Jesus (whom you invoke) I know, i. e. his authority and power;
and the Paul (whom you name) I know well as the servant, messenger of God (comp. 16, 17). The article is probably significant
here, though as the nouns are proper names it may be a little
uncertain. -    -aut precedes rTve%, because it takes the emphasis.
V. 16. KaL 4EfahrLO/EVo, K. r.X., and the man (impelled by the
evil spirit) leaping upon them. - KaTaKVpLEvo-a% K. T. A., having overpowered them, was strong, showed himself such against them, or
both, viz. by tearing off their garments and beating them.  d/z95orTp v is more correct than aVTWUV (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). - yv/uvov,
naked, need not be taken in its strict sense. It could be applied
to those stripped partially of their raiment; comp. John 21, 7. -
CK TOV OIKov EKIELVOV, from out of that house where the transaction
took place. The pronoun reveals a more definite scene in the
writer's view than he has described. - In the occurrence related
here, we are to recognize a special design on the part of God.
It was important, says Neander, that the divine power which accompanied the gospel should, in some striking manner, exhibit
its superiority to the magic which prevailed so extensively at
Ephesus, and which, by its apparently great effects, deceived and
captivated so many. It would have a tendency to rescue men
from those arts of imposture, and prepare their minds for the reception of the truth.
VERSES 18-20. MIany are converted, and confess their Sins.
V. 18. 7roXXol rE rWV 7rE7rLcTcVKOToV, And many of the believers
(convinced by such evidence); lit. those who have believed and
still believe. The language ascribes to them a definite character,
but does not decide when it began. They were probably new
converts (De Wet. Alf.), as the confession made by them would
be inconsistent with the life required of those who had been recognized as Christians. They were a different class, also, from
those spoken of in the next verse; hence, not the jugglers themselves, but their dupes, those who had confided in them and been
accessory to the wicked delusion. -  povro (imperf.), came one
after another. — Tb  7rpadEL aTrj)v, their deeds, superstitious practices (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.); not their sins in general (KLuin.).
It is better to restrict the meaning in this connection, especially
as with the other sense the more obvious term would be JalaprL'a
and not 7rpa'eLt.
V. 19. LKavo', K. r, A., And many of those who practised magic




CHAP. XIX, 20. 21.   COMMENTARY.                         315
arts, lit. things over-wrought, curious, recondite. - Ta PLPtXoV, the
books which contained their mysteries, i. e. magical signs, formulas of incantation, nostrums, and the like. -- KaTEKacov describes
them as throwing book after book into the blazing pile.- Kca EVpoV,
K. r. X., and they found as the sum fifty thousand (sc. 8pax/ua3) of
silver money. It was common in such designations to omit the
name of the coin. See Bernh. Synt. p. 187. The Attic drachm
passed at this time among the Jews and Romans for a denarius,
and was worth about fifteen cents; so that the books amounted
to $7,500.  Some supply shekel as the elliptical word; which,
reckoning that coin at sixty cents, would make the amount four
times as great. But as the occurrence took place in a Greek city
and as Luke was not writing for Jews, it is entirely improba.
ble that he has stated the sum in their currency. All books in
ancient times were expensive, and especially those which contained secrets or charms held in such estimation.
V. 20. rjnvave Kat'tOxvev, grew and was strong, mighty. The
first verb refers to the general extension of the gospel, the second
to its influence on the conduct of those who embraced it. What
precedes illustrated the remark in both respects. - This verse
presents a striking coincidence as compared with 1 Cor. 16, 9.
It was here at Ephesus, and about this time, that Paul wrote the
First Epistle to the Corinthians. That it was written at Ephesus
is certain from 1 Cor. 16, 8. But Paul visited this city only twice:
the first time when he touched here on his way to Jerusalem
(18, 19), and again at this present time of his prolonged residence
here. He could not have written the Epistle on his first visit,
because the church at Corinth so recently gathered would not
answer then to the character which it bears in the Epistle, and
still more decisively because Apollos who was the head of one
of the parties there (1 Cor. 1, 12) did not proceed to Corinth
(18, 27) till shortly before Paul's second arrival at Ephesus.
Again, Paul speaks in 1 Cor. 4, 17 of having recently sent Timothy to Corinth (comp. 1 Cor. 16, 10), and here in the Acts (19,
22) Luke speaks evidently of the same event, which he represents as preparatory to the apostle's intended visit to the same
place. As Paul now left Ephesus in the spring of A. D. 57
(see note on 20, 1), he wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians
a few months before his departure.
VERSES 21. 22.  The Apostle proposes to leave Ephesus.
V. 21. A new epoch begins here, viz. that from the end of
the year and three months to Paul's departure.- Travra, these




316                 COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XIX, 21. 22.
things up to this time since the arrival at Ephesus; not so naturally those relating merely to the exorcism and its effects. - -'ero
rv 7rZ VEV(LTt, placed in his mind, purposed; see on 5, 4.Macedonia and Achaia occur here also in the Roman sense. The
order of the names indicates that the apostle intended at this
time to have proceeded directly from Corinth to Jerusalem. An
unexpected event (see 20, 3) compelled him to change his plan.
- -..... LSELv, it is necessary that I should see also -Rome; not in
order to fulfil any revealed purpose of God, but to satisfy his
own feelings. He was anxious to visit the believers there, and
to preach the gospel in that metropolis of the world; see IRom.
1, 11. 14. — Paley institutes a striking comparison between this
verse and Rom. 1, 13 and 15, 23-28. "The conformity between
the history and the Epistle is perfect. In the first passage of
the Epistle, we find that a design of visiting Rome had long
dwelt in the apostle's mind; here, in the Acts, we find that design
expressed a considerable time before the Epistle was written.
In the history we find that the plan which Paul had formed was
to pass through Macedonia and Achaia; after that, to go to Jerusalem; and when he had finished his visit there, to sail for Rome.
When the Epistle was written, he had executed so much of his
plan, as to have passed through Macedonia and Achaia; and was
preparing to pursue the remainder of it, by speedily setting out
towards Jerusalem; and in this point of his travels he tells his
friends at Rome, that, when he had completed the business which
carried him to Jerusalem, he would come to them, when he should
make his journey into Spain." Nor is the argument to be evaded
by supposing the passages to have been adjusted to each other
in this manner. "If the passage in the Epistle was taken from
that in the Acts, why was Spain ptut in? If the passage in the
Acts was taken from that in the Epistle, why was Spain left out?
If the two passages were unknown to each other, nothing can
account for their conformity but truth."
V. 22. Timothy was at Corinth when last mentioned (18, 5).
He would be likely to cross over to Ephesus on hearing of Paul's
arrival there. But what connection is there between the apostle's
sending Timothy into Macedonia and his own purpose to proceed
to Achaia?  We obtain an answer to that question from 1 Cor.
4, 17-19. We learn there that Timothy was not to stop in Macedonia, but to pass on to Corinth, the capital city of Achaia, and
prepare the church for the approaching visit of the apostle. Thus
"the narrative agrees with the Epistle; and the agreement is attended with very little appearance of design. One thing at least




CHAP. XIX, 23-25.      COMMENTARY.                       317
concerning it is certain; that if this passage of Paul's history
had been taken from his letter, it would have sent Timothy to
Corinth by name, or at all events into Achaia." - Erastus may
be the person of that name in 2 Tim. 4, 20, but as he travelled
with Paul, the best critics distinguish him from the Erastus in
Rom. 16, 23 (Neand. De Wet. Win.). The office of the latter as
" treasurer of the city" would demand his more constant presence
at Corinth. -- avrTO....'Ao-iav, he himself (while they departed)
kept back unto Asia; dEs not in (De Wet. Rob.), and not for as dat.
comm. (Win.), uncommon before a proper name, but unto as the
direction towards which (Mey.).
VERsEs 23-27. Demetrius excites a Tumult at.Ephesus.
V. 23. As at Philippi (16, 19), so here the Greeks instigated
the riot; their motive was the same -fear of losing the means
of their ill-gotten wealth.  See note on 14, 19. - Kara TOV KaOtpOV
CKELVov, about that time, viz. that of Paul's intended departure.rEpt TVS o8ov, concerning the way; see on 9, 2.
V. 24. yavp explains why a tumult arose. - vaoiv aJpyvpogv'Apr'pos, silver shrines (not for in E. V. but ) of Artemis. These
were small portable images, resembling the temple at Ephesus,
and containing a figure of the goddess. The manufacture of
these shrines was a lucrative business, as they were in great request; they were set up in houses as objects of worship, or carried about the person as having the supposed power to avert
diseases and other dangers. They were not only sold here in
Asia, but sent as an article of traffic to distant countries. Demetrius, it would seem, was a wholesale dealer in such shrines.
He executed orders for them, and employed TEXvltrats artisans,
who received lucrative wages (Epyao-tav OvK oXtyqrv) for their labor.
- Compare -rapEL[Ero with the active form in 16, 16.
V. 25. ov3, K. T. X., whom having assembled and the other workmen in his employ. The artisans performed the more delicate
processes, and the py/7ras the rougher work.  So Bengel, Kuinoel,
Hemsen, and Meyer distinguish the two nouns from each other.
It appears improbable that Demetrius would confine his appeal
to his own men. It may be better to understand ~pyT-ra, of the
laborers in general, who were devoted to such trades, whether
they exercised them on their own account or that of some employer. - rotavTa preceded by Era limits the reference to vaov', i. e.
definitely, such things as those; comp. Matt. 19, 14; 2 Cor. 12, 2.
3. K. { 246. 4. It is incorrect to extend the pronoun so as to




318                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XIX, 26.27.
include statuary, pictures, coins, and the like (Blmf.).- -r(rTracr%,
ye know well; see v. 15.- -av'r7T  refers to 7ro~t&v vaovs in Luke's
narrative. It stands, therefore, for some equivalent term or idea
in the speech of Demetrius. - eV'opta, prosperity, wealth.
V. 26.'E1Ecov, of or from (not at) Ephesus depends on o'XXov
as a genitive of possession. —'Ala's has, no doubt, its Roman sense.
The effect ascribed here to Paul's labors agrees with the statement
in v. 10. - JLEcercrTl7o, turned aside, i. e. from our mode of worship.
— OTt OVK, K. T. X., that they are not gods which are made by hands.
The mode of speaking illustrates the disposition of the heathen
to identify their gods with the idols or temples consecrated to
them; see on 17, 24. We can imagine the effect of these words
on such auditors, uttered withia look or gesture towards the
splendid temple within sight.
V. 27. TOVTO TO a dpos, this part, branch of our labor (Kyp.
Mey.). The idea is, that their art as silversmiths, of whatever
use it might be in other respects, would soon be ruined, as to
this particular application of it. -- Jv, for us (dat. incomm.),
to our detriment.  Their receipts had declined perceptibly already, and at this rate would soon be cut off altogether. — aXXa
Kat, K. 7r. X., but also the temple of the great goddess Artemis is in
danger, etc. KtVSVVCVEL extends also into this clause and governs
the following infinitive.  tEy/aXrs was one of the special titles of
the Ephesian Diana. In regard to her temple, reckoned as one
of the wonders of the world, the reader will find ample details
in Howson. The edifice in Paul's time had been built in place
of the one burnt down by Herostratus on the night of Alexander's birth, and was vastly superior to it in size and grandeur.
No ruins of it remain at present on the spot; but the traveller
sees some of the columns in the Mosqaue of St. Sophia at Constantinople, originally a church, and in the naves of Italian Cathedrals.- Et a7rEXEy!LOv EXSetv, to come into contempt (Mey.); in reclargutionem venire (Vulg.), i. e. to be confuted, rejected (De Wet.).
The noun occurs only here, and its meaning must be inferred
from its relation to cognate words. A result of confittation is
shame, loss of character, and hence the expression could be used
to signify that they feared lest their business should lose its
credit in the public estimation. - /dXXELv, K. T. X., and also that her
glory will be destroyed, etc. The discourse here changes from
the direct to the indirect, as if'ry or E77re had introduced this part
of the sentence. We have a similar transition in 23, 24. See
W. ~ 64. III. 2. TE (needlessly exchanged by some for 8E) joins
the clause with what precedes, while Kat adds another argument




CHAP. XIX, 28. 29.   CO MMENTARY.                        319
to enforce the speaker's object. —v  O&KOVuXvq, the world; comp.
on 11, 28. The temple at Ephesus had been built at the common
expense of all the Greek cities of Asia. Pilgrims repaired thither
from all nations and countries. - The speech of Demetrius deserves attention for its artful character. He takes care, in the
first place, to show his fellow-craftsmen how the matter affected
their own personal interests, and then, having aroused their selfishness, he proceeds to appeal with so much the more effect to
their zeal for religion. His main reliance, as Calvin thinks, was
upon the first: " Res ipsa clamat non tam pro aris ipsos quam
pro focis pugnare, ut scilicet culinam habeant bene calentem."
VERSES 28-34.  The Mob seize two of Paul's Companions and
rush to the Theatre.
V. 28. 7rX-rpEZt Pvlxov, full of wrath against Paul and the Christians. - -pafov, continued crying.  The Greeks lived so much in
the open air, Demetrius may have harangued his men in public;
if in private, the rioters had now gone into the street. Perhaps
they traversed the city for a time with their outcry, before executing the assault spoken of in the next verse, and swelled their
number with recruits on the way.
V. 29. Kal bwrXjo.%j/, K. T. X., And the whole city was filled with
tumult, or the tumult if we read'T. The evidence for the article
is not decisive.- 5pxycr-qav, K. T. A., And they rushed with one accord
into the theatre. The subject of the verb here includes those who
excited the disturbance and those who joined in it. They rushed
to the theatre because it was the custom of the Greeks, though
not of the Romans, to use their theatres for public business as
well as for sports.  See on 12, 21. The multitude had evidently
no definite plan of action, and no definite idea of the cause of
the present excitement; see v. 32. All they knew was, that
some danger threatened their religion, and under that impression they hastened as with one impulse (0o3vtka86v) to the usual
place of concourse for further inquiry, or for consultation. Remains of the theatre at Ephesus are still visible. Its outline
can be traced, showing its dimensions to have been larger than
those of any other theatre known to us from ancient times. It
was built on the side of a lofty hill, with the seats rising in long
succession one above another, and, like similar edifices among
the ancients, was entirely open to the sky. A recent traveller
judges that it was large enough to contain thirty thousand persons. The temple of Diana could be seen from it, at no great
distance, across the market-place. Luke has violated no proba



320                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XIX, 30. 31.
bility, therefore, in representing so many people as assembled in
such a place. - crvvap7raco-avre, after having seized along (out of the
house, prior to (pl~urrav), or (coincident with the verb), having seized
along when they rushed.  See note on 21, 7. Meyer prefers the
first mode, De Wette the second.  See W. ~ 45. 6. b. For a different explanation of o-v' in the participle, see Rob. Lex. s. v.Gaius, or Caius, who was a Macedonian, is not the one mentioned
in 20, 4, or in Rom. 16, 23 and 1 Cor. 1, 15; for the former belonged to Derbe, the latter to Corinth. - Aristarchus was a Thessalonian (20, 4); see further, on 27, 2.
V. 30. IIavXov. Paul may have been absent from his abode at
the time of the assault, as was the case at Thessalonica (17, 6).
- Et ryov 83itov, unto the people in the theatre (v. 31). His idea
may have been, that his appearance there in person, or a declaration that he was willing to have his conduct examined, would allay
the tumult; comp. v. 37. His anxiety must have been the greater
from his not knowing to what danger the friends who had fallen
into the hands of the mob might be exposed. - o[ pta.%Tra, the
disciples, who were, no doubt, native Ephesians.  They understood their countrymen too well to encourage the apostle's inclination.
V. 31. rev'AortapxWiv.  The Asiarc/s were ten men (Mey.),
chosen annually from the chief towns in proconsular Asia, to
superintend the games and festivals held every year in honor of
the gods and the Roman emperor. They were chosen from the
wealthier class of citizens, since, like the Roman sediles, they
were required to provide for these exhibitions at their own expense. Those who had filled the office once, retained the title
for the rest of life. One of the number acted as chief Asiarch;
who resided commonly at Ephesus. The Bithyniarchs, Galatarchs, Syriarchs, were a similar class of magistrates in other
provinces of Western Asia. - Akerman offers here the following
just remark: " That the very maintainers and presidents of the
heathen sports and festivals of a people to whom the doctrine of
Christ and the resurrection was foolishness were the friends of
Paul, was an assertion which no fabricator of a forgery would
have ventured upon. We cannot penetrate the veil which antiquity has thrown over these events, and are only left to conjecture, either that Christianity itself had supporters, though secret
ones who feared the multitude, in these wealthy Asiatics; or
that, careless of the truth of what the apostle preached, they
admired his eloquence, and wished to protect one whom they
considered so highly gifted."




CHAP. XIX, 32-34.    COMMENTARY.                       321
V. 32. orv, therefore, resumptive as in 9, 31; 8, 4. It puts forward the narrative from the point reached in v. 29. The two
preceding verses relate to a collateral circumstance.
V. 33. E'K  TOiV O'XXov, K. T. X., Notw out of the crowd, from their
midst, they, viz. the Jews, urgedforward Alexander. " As the Jews
here lived in the midst of a numerous Greek population who
viewed them with constant aversion, any special occasion roused
their slumbering prejudices into open violence, and they had then
much to suffer. Hence the Jews on this occasion feared that the
anger of the people against the enemies of their gods - especially as many of them did not know who were really intended —
would be directed against themselves, and they were anxious,
therefore, that one of their number, a man by the name of Alexander, should stand forward, in order to shift the blame from
themselves upon the Christians; but the appearance of such a
person who himself belonged to the enemies of their gods, excited in the heathen still greater rage, and the clamor became
more violent." This is the view of Neander, and is the one
adopted by Kuinoel, Hemsen, Olshausen, Winer, and most others. Some, on the contrary, as Calvin, Meyer, Wieseler, understand that Alexander was a Jewish Christian, and that the Jews,
who recognized him as such, pushed him forward in order to
expose him to the fury of the populace. alroXoyE~o-%at has been
said to favor this opinion; but it may refer to a defence in behalf
of the Jews as well as of the Christians. The Alexander in
2 Tim. 4, 14 could hardly have been the same person; o XaX<KEv
may have been added there to distinguish him from this'individual. - 7rpolaXo'vrrwv av3rv T'rv'IovdatWv, the Jews thrusting him
forward. The subject of this subordinate clause is the same as
that of the principal clause which precedes; whereas, according
to the ordinary rule, it is only when the subjects are different that
the genitive absolute is employed.  7po/aEXXo'vrTv would have
been regularly in the nominative. Exceptions like this occur in
the classics. The idea of the secondary clause acquires in this
way more prominence.  See K. ~ 313. R. 2, as compared with
312. 3.
V. 34. E7rtyvovrTE is nominative, as if dc/yvmrjo-av 17avres had followed, instead of ovr 7.... K ravTrVo. See W. ~ 63. I. 1. The
expression with that change would have been more correct, but
less forcible. pla EK 7ravrwv is a callidajunctura, which will arrest
the reader's attention. - -   6r't opa, K. T. X. Their unintermitted
cry for about two hours, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians " not
only declared their attachment to her worship, but, according to
41




322                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XIX, 34. 35.
the ideas of the heathen, was itself an act of worship; comp.
1 Kings 18, 26  Matt. 6, 7. The Mohammedan monks in India
at the present time often practise such repetitions for entire days
together. They have been known to say over a single syllable,
having a supposed religious efficacy, until they exhaust their
strength and are unable to articulate any longer. - It has been
remarked that the reverberation of their voices from the steep
rock which formed one side of the theatre (see on v. 29) must
have rendered the many-mouthed, frenzied exclamation still more
terrific.
VERSES 35-40. Speech of the City-Recorder, who quells the Uproar
and disperses the Multitude.
V. 35. o ypapyatrcs, The Recorder. In the cities of Asia Minor,
as appears from notices and, inscriptions, this was the title of a
very important magistrate with various functions, though his more
immediate province was to register the public acts and laws, or
to preserve the record of them. See Win. Realw. I. p. 649. He
was authorized to preside over public assemblies, and is mentioned on marbles as acting in that capacity. He stood next in
rank to the municipal chief, and performed his duties during the
absence or on the death of that officer. A ypatla'rev's, or town-clerk,
of Ephesus is often mentioned on coins of that city.  See New
Englander, X. p. 144. — Ka-racretXa; To'v'XXov, having stilled the
crowd, by showing himself to them, and making a sign (13, 16)
that he wished to speak. - In 7ts yap 0rITLV, K. T. X., the conjunction
refers to a suppressed thought: You have no occasion for this
excitement; for what human being is there, etc. av.poW7rwv (comp.
1 Cor. 2, 11) and not av9pworos (T. R.) is to be read here. - Os oV,
K. r. X., who does not know that the city of the Ephesians is keeper,
guardian, of the great Diana; and hence it was unbecoming in
them to be so sensitive, as if their reputation was at stake. SgEas
after gLEyaXrs (T. R.) should be omitted.  vEWKl'pov, lit. templesweeper, became at length an honorary title, and as such was
granted to certain Asiatic cities in recognition of the care and
expense bestowed by them on the temple and worship of their
favorite deities. It is found on coins of Ephesus, struck about
Paul's time. - r-oi AtorrEovs, se. ayaXu/xaro, the image fallen fromn
Jupiter, and hence so much the more sacred. There was a similar tradition in regard to a statue of Artemis in Tauris (Eurip.
Iph. T. 977), and also one of Pallas at Athens (Pausan. I. 26. 6).
1 See Tholuck's Auslegung der Bergpredigt (3d ed.), p. 328 sq.




CHAP. XIX, 36-39.    CO M M E NTARY.                     323
V. 36. rovTOV, these things, viz. the established reputation of
the Ephesians for their attachment to the worship of Diana, and
the well-known origin of her image. Hence the argument is
two-fold: They had no reason to-fear that such a people (vEWKo'pov)
could be induced to abandon a religion which so wonderful an
event (8LOlrErous) had signalized. --  cov'o-lv vtals, it is necessary
that you, i. e. morally, you ought.
V. 37. yap confirms the implication in 7rporcrek, i. e. that they
had acted rashly. - TOVirov5 refers to Gains and Aristarchus; see
v. 29. Paul was not present. — EpoorvXovs, robbers of temples, not
of churches. It is singular that the latter translation, so incorrect,
should be found in all the English versions, except- Wiclif's and
the Rheims, which being drawn from the Vulgate, have "sacrilegious."  The temples among the heathen contained votive offerings and other gifts, and were often plundered. — ore......
vy&v, nor blaspheming your goddess. It was the effect of Paul's
preaching to undermine idolatry, and bring the worship of Artemis into contempt; but as at Athens, so here he had refrained
from denunciation, opprobrium, ridicule, and had opposed error
by contending for the truth. Hence the Recorder could urge
that technical view of the apostle's conduct, and deny that he
had committed any actionable offence. It would almost seem as
if, like the Asiarchs, he was friendly at heart to the new sect.
V. 38. oiv, therefore, since the men are innocent in regard to
such crimes as sacrilege and blasphemy. -- cv avuT, with him, i. e.
his associates in the complaint against Paul (comp. 5, 17). The
speaker knew of their connection with the case from something
which they had done or said in the assembly, which Luke has
not related.- ay6patot, se.`epal ayovTat, court-days are kept, observed. The days are so called because the courts were held in
the forum; comp. 16, 19; 17, 5. It is contended by some, that
this adjective should be marked as proparoxytone in this sense,
but as circumflex when used as in 17, 5. See W. ~ 6. 2. The
distinction is a doubtful one. — Ka 4v6v'9rarot E(tLV, and there are
proconsuls.  The plural is generic (comp. Matt. 2, 20), as but one
such officer presided over a province. The coins of Ephesus
show that the proconsular authority was fully established there
in the reign of Nero. Akerman gives the engraving of one which
has the head of that emperor on the obverse; and on the: reverse,
a representation of the temple of Diana, with the words: (Money)
of the Ephesians, Neocori, Echmocles Aviola, Proconsul. -  y-yKaXdET-crav gkXX'Xots, let them implead each other, is a, technical phrase.
V. 39. They were a mob, and could transact no public busi



324                  COMMENTARY.                  CHAP. XX, 1.
ness. - Et Et, K. T. X., But if ye make any demand (stronger than
the simple verb) concerning other things than those of a private
nature. -ev T- ivvo' P (KKX7-ca, in the lawtidl assembly which this
is not. "Legitimus cewtus est qui a magistratu civitatis convocatur et regitur."  (Grot.)
V. 40. yap justifies the intimation in ivvOpdl  as to the character
of the present concourse.- KVvVE5vo0JEV. They were in danger
of being called to account by the proconsul.  The Roman government watched every appearance of insubordination or sedition
in the provinces with a jealous eye. Thousands were often put
to death in the attempt to suppress such movements. It was a
capital offence to take any part in a riotous proceeding. The
speaker's hint, therefore, was a significant one. - cra'rdOEws depends
on rrept, not on the verb. The accent on 7rEpt is not drawn back,
though its noun precedes (B. ~ 117. 3), because an adjective
phrase follows. - 1.V8evo3 atTtov vrapXovro  explains, not why they
were liable to be arraigned, but how seriously it would terminate
if the affair should take that direction. — rwept o3, in virtue of Iwhich.
- This speech is the model of a popular harangue. Such excitement on the part of the Ephesians was undignified, as they
stood above all suspicion in religious matters (v. 35. 36); it was
unjustifiable, as they could establish nothing against the men
(v. 37); it was unnecessary, as other means of redress were open
to them (v. 38. 39); and, finally, if neither pride nor justice
availed anything, fear of the Roman power should restrain them
(v. 40).
CHAPTER XX.
VERSES 1-6. Paul proceeds a second time to Greece, and returns
from there to Troas.
V. 1. AEcra E T~o 7ravtaro3aL Tr'v &0pv/3ov, Note after the tumult had
ceased. This clause shows that Paul left Ephesus soon after the
disturbance, but furnishes no evidence, says Neander, that his
departure was hastened by it.  We may conclude that Paul
"tarried at Ephesus until Pentecost," pursuant to his intention
expressed in 1 Cor. 16, 8; and consequently, that he left that
city in the spring or summer of A. D. 57 or 58. Compare the
note on 18, 23 with that on 19, 10. —  Before taking leave of




CHIAP. XX, 1.         COMI ENTARY.                     325
Ephesus, we must notice another event which Luke has not recorded, but which belongs to this part of the history. In 2 Cor.
12, 14 (written on the way to Greece), the apostle says: i8ov
r7plOV rTOTO oETOLS / X EXX3EtV XrpSV v/ag, Behold, this third time I am
ready to come unto you. The connection decides that rpt'Tov belongs to EX%3v. It cannot refer to a third intention merely to visit
the Corinthians; for he is saying that, as he had "not been burdensome to them" hitherto when he was among them, so in his
present visit he would adhere to the same policy.  Again, in
2 Cor. 13, 1, he says: rplt'ov rTOVTO'pXpatL. Here it is expressly
said, that the apostle was now on the point of making his third
journey to Corinth. The correct interpretation of 2 Cor. 1, 15. 16
presents no obstacle to this construction of the passages here
referred to. The sixteenth of these verses explains the fifteenth.
The apostle has reference in v. 16 to a journey to Corinth which
he had purposed, but had failed to execute; viz. a journey into
Macedonia by the way of Corinth, and then a return to Corinth
from Macedonia; and in v. 15 he says that this plan would have
secured to the Corinthians " a second benefit" (evTE'pav Xaptv) in
connection with the tour proposed, i. e. the benefit of his presence, not once merely, but a second time. There is every reason
to suppose, therefore, that Paul had been at Corinth twice when
he wrote his Second Epistle to the church in that city. So conclude, among others, Michaelis, Schrader, Bleek, Licke, Schott,
Anger, RtiUckert, Credner, Neander, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler,
Osiander, Howson. But where in Luke's narrative are we to
insert this second journey to Corinth?  Of the different answers
given to this question, I regard that as the most satisfactory which
places the journey within the period of Paul's residence of three
years at Ephesus. It would have been easy for him to have
crossed over from the one city to the other at any time; and, considering the urgent reasons for such a visit furnished by the condition of the Corinthian church, one would think that he could
hardly have refrained from availing himself of the opportunity.
As his stay there was probably very brief, and unattended by
any important event, Luke has made no mention of it. Schrader,
RUickert, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler, Howson, and others, intercalate the journey at this point. Neander suggests that Paul,
at the commencement of this missionary tour, may have extended his travels before his arrival at Ephesus so far as to have
included Greece. Anger, Schott, and some others, think that
Paul's second visit to Corinth may have been a return to that
city from some excursion which he made into the neighboring




326                  COMMENTARY.               Ca'P. XX, I. 2.
regions during the year and a half of his first sojourn at Corinth
(18, 1 sq.). - ac-rao-aevos, having embraced them. How many tears
of affection must have been shed! How many prayers must
have been offered for each other and for the cause of Christ!
From such hints as those in v. 37. 38 and in 21, 5. 6, we can call
up to ourselves an image of the scene. They must have parted
with a presentiment at least that the apostle was now taking his
final leave of Ephesus; see v. 25. 38. -   KX6e, K. T. X., went forth
togo into Macedonia. The direction which the apostle took we
learn from 2 Cor. 2, 12. 13. He proceeded to Troas, where he
had expected to meet Titus, whom he had sent to Corinth in order
to ascertain the effect of his First Epistle to the church in that
city. It was his intention, apparently, to remain and labor for a
time at Troas, in case the information for which he was looking
should be favorable. But not finding Titus there, and being unable to endure a longer suspense, he embarked at once for Macedonia. On his arrival there he met with Titus, and was relieved
of his anxiety; see 2 Cor. 7, 6.
V. 2. ra wepr &KErva, those parts, i. e the region of Macedonia. —
7rapaKaXE'oras avrov', having exhorted them, viz. the believers; see
on 16, 40. The expression shows that he now revisited the places
where he had preached on his first visit here, viz. Philippi, Thessalonica, Bercea. It was here and now that Paul wrote his Second Epistle to the Corinthians.  That he wrote the letter in Macedonia is evident from 2 Cor. 9, 2.4. He speaks there of his boasting to the churches of Macedonia of the liberality of the Corinthians,
and of the possibility that some of the Macedonians would accompany him to Corinth.  See, also, 2 Cor. 7, 5. The apostle, now,
as far as we know, was in that country only three times. When
he was there first he had not yet been at Corinth at all (16, 11)
and when he passed through that province on his last return to
Jerusalem (v. 3 below), he was going in the opposite direction,
and not advancing to Corinth, as stated in the Epistle. He wrote
the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, therefore, on this second
journey through Macedonia, in the summer probably, or early autumn of A. D. 58; see note on 21, 17. — In Rom. 15, 19, Paul speaks
of having published the gospel as far as to lllyricum, which was a
country on the west of Macedonia. It was at this time, probably,
that he penetrated so far in that direction. It could not have been
on his first visit to Macedonia (16, 12 sq.); for the course of his
journey at that time is minutely traced in the Acts from his landing at Philippi to his leaving Corinth. He moved along the eastern side of the peninsula, and was kept at a distance from Illyri



CHAP. XX, 3.        COMMENTARY.                       327
cum. When he passed through Macedonia next (v. 3), he had
already written the Epistle to the Romans. Lardner pronounces
this geographical coincidence sufficiently important to confirm the
entire history of Paul's travels. - Eiv V'EXXdSa, unto Greece, which
stands here for'Axata (18, 12; 19, 21), as opposed to Macedonia.
Wetstein has shown that Luke was justified in that use of the
term. Paul was proceeding to Corinth, the capital of the province;
comp. Rom. 16, 1.
V. 3. The three months spent here preceded the summer of this
year; see v. 6. The stay was thus brief because the apostle was
anxious to return to Jerusalem  (v. 16). The Jewish plot was
contemporaneous with his leaving, but did not occasion it. - 7roLTas
is anacoluthic for 7rotr'aavrT; see 19, 24.- It was just before his
departure from Corinth, that Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans. That it was written at Corinth admits of being proved by
several distinct arguments. One is that Paul was the guest of
Gaius at the time (Rom. 16, 23), and Gaius, as we learn from 1
Cor. 1, 14, was one of the converts at Corinth whom Paul baptized.
Again, he commends to the Roman Christians Phaebe, a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea (see on 18, 18), who was on the
point of proceeding to Rome (Rom. 16, 1), and was probably the
bearer of the letter. Further, the apostle's situation as disclosed
in the Epistle agrees with that in the Acts at this time. Thus,
he was on the eve of departing to Jerusalem (Rom. 15, 25), was
going thither with contributions for the Jewish believers (Rom.
15, 25. 26), and after that was meditating a journey to Rome.
The date of the Epistle, therefore, was the spring of A. D. 58 or
59. — /LEXXovT, K. r. A., as he is about to embark for Syria, with the
intention of going directly to Jerusalem; see also 19, 21. The
effect of the conspiracy was to change his route, but not to cause
him to depart prematurely. He came with the design of passing
only the winter there; see 1 Cor. 16, 6. — E'verTo, K. T. X., it was
thought best that he should return through Macedonia. The infinitive depends on yvw4nV as a sort of appositional genitive. The
expression indicates that he took this course as the result of
advice or consultation. How his journeying by land rather than
by sea would enable him to escape the machinations of the Jews
is not perfectly clear. The opinion that he was waiting to have
the navigation of the season reopen, but was compelled to hasten
his departure before that time, is certainly incorrect; for it is said
he was on the point of embarking when the conspiracy of the
Jews was formed or came to be known. It is possible that the
Jews intended to assault him on his way to the ship, or else to




328                    COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XX, 4-6.
follow and capture him after having put to sea. Hemsen's conjecture (Der Apostel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 467) is, that he had not
yet found a vessel proceeding to Syria, and that his exposure at
Corinth rendered it unsafe for him to remain, even a few days
longer, until the arrival of such an opportunity.
V. 4. o-vel7rero avTr, followed him, formed his party. This could
be said, though they did not travel in company all the time. The
verb belongs to all the names which follow, but agrees with the
nearest. -The best manuscripts read IHv'iov after  W7Trarpos, sc.
vt;o; genitive of kindredship (see on 1, 13). This addition distinguishes Sopater perhaps from Sosispater in Rom. 16, 21, since they
are but different forms of the same name (Win.). - ~cro-aXovLKE'wV
is a partitive genitive. - Aristarchus was mentioned in 19, 29. The
Gaius in that passage must be a different person from the one
here, since they belonged to different countries. This Gains is
probably the individual of this name to whom the apostle John
wrote his Third Epistle. Some critics (Knin. Olsh. Neand.)
would point the text, so as to make Gains one of the Thessalonians, and join Aep/3ai~o with TLquo'%Seo. But that division not only
puts Kat out of its natural place, but disagrees with 16, 1, where
Timothy appears as a native of Lystra. —Secundus is otherwise
unknown.-Luke supposes Timot/hy's origin to be familiar to the
reader, and so passes it over (De Wet. Mey.). - Tychicus is named
in EI)h. 6, 21; Col. 4, 7; Tit. 3, 12, and 2 Tim. 4, 12. He was
one of the most trusted of Paul's associates. - Trophimus, who
was an Ephesian, appears again in 21, 29, and 2 Tim. 4, 20.
He and probably Aristarchus (27, 2) went with the apostle to
Jerusalem.  The others may have stopped at Miletus, since
the language in v. 13 intimates that the party kept together
after leaving Troas.  Consequently, aXptL T-^g'Art'as would state
the destination of the majority of the travellers, and would be consistent with the fact that two of them went further.
V. 5. OVTOt, these, viz. the seven mentioned in v. 4, not the two
named last. It is entirely arbitrary to limit the reference of the
pronoun. - rpoEX3ovreS, having gone forward from  Corinth in advance of Paul and Luke. Itis barely possible that they shipped at
once for Troas; but it is more probable thattheyjourneyed through
Macedonia, both because -vvE&7reorO suggests a common route of the
parties, and because Sopater and the others may havie been sent
thither to finish the alms-collection, which Paul had commenced.ud'a, ts. Luke resumes here the first person plural, which has
not occurred since 16, 17. See the remarks on 16, 40.
V. 6. tlusEi, twe, must include the writer of the narrative, Paul,




CHAP. XX, 6. 7.    COMMENTARY.                           329
and possibly others, in distinction from those who had gone forward to Troas. As Timothy was one of those who preceded
the apostle, it is evident that he and the writer of the narrative
were different persons.  Tholuck, Lange,' Ebrard, and others,
pronounce this passage sufficient of itself to disprove the hypothesis that Timothy, not Luke, wrote the portions of the Acts
in which the historian speaks as an eye witness. - iEE7rEXEtvo-a/EV
7ar3 _tX[Trirwv, we sailedforth from 1Philippi, i. e. from its harbor on
the coast; see note on 16, 12. - terrT   r  r'eL'pas rwv aL/otwv, after
the days of unleavened bread, the festival of the Passover (see on
12, 3), which no doubt they observed, not in the Jewish spirit any
longer, but with a recognition of Christ as the true Paschal Lamb;
see John 1, 36 and 1 Cor. 5, 7.  Some think that they remained at
Philippi for the sake of the celebration (Mey.); but we must
view that as an inference altogether, since Luke mentions the
Passover only in its chronological relation to the voyage. Calvin
suggests as the motive for remaining that Paul would find the
Jews more accessible to the truth during the season of such a
solemnity. — XpLt sljepV 7rrVTE, unto five days, as the limit reached;
they were so long on the way. The passage on the apostle's first
journey to Europe occupied two days only; see 16, 11. Adverse
winds or calms would be liable, at any season of the year, to occasion this variation. - 7..e'pag ira, seven days, may be indefinite, a
week's tine (comp. 21, 4; 28, 14). They arranged it so as to bring
a Sabbath within the time spent there. If the number be exact,
then they arrived just at the close of the week, since they left the
day after the Sabbath (v. 7).
VE RsEs 7-12. Paul preaches at Troas, and administers the Sacrament.
V. 7. Ev r Tiy  T(aV Ca/p3/arov, on the first day of the week; not on
one qf the Sabbaths, Jewish festivals, which overlooks the article,
and not on the one of them next after their arrival, since that would
imply that they passed more than one such festival here, contrary
to Luke's statement that they left on the day following.  In the
New Testament Etl stands generally for 7rp1ro0 in speaking of the
days of the week; see Matt. 28, 1; Mark 16, 2; John 20, 19, etc.
W. ~ 37. 1. It is an imitation of the ordinal sense of inm.  See
Gesen. Heb. Gr. ~ 118. 4. The passages just cited, and also Luke
24, 1; John 20, 1, and 1 Cor. 16, 2 show that week is one of the
senses of ro-a/3/ara. The Jews reckoned the day from evening to
1 Das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien dargestellt, Erstes Buch, p. 251.
42




330                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XX, 7.
morning, and on that principle the evening of the first day of the
week would be our Saturday evening. If Luke reckons so here,
as many commentators suppose, the apostle then waited for the
expiration of the Jewish Sabbath, and held his last religious service with the brethren at Troas, at the beginning of the Christian
Sabbath, i. e. on Saturday evening, and consequently resumed
his journey on Sunday morning. But as Luke had mingled so
much with foreign nations and was writing for Gentile readers, he
would be very apt to designate the time in accordance with their
practice; so that his evening or night of the first day of the week
would be the end of the Christian Sabbath, and the morning of his
departure that of Monday. Olshausen, Neander, De Wette,
Meyer, and most other critics, recognize here a distinct trace of
the Christian Sabbath in that early age of the church. See also
1 Cor. 16,2, and Rev. 1, 10. It is entirely immaterial, of course, to the
objects of the day or the validity of the apostolic example, whether
the first Christians began their Sabbath in the Jewish way, on Saturday evening, or at midnight, a few hours later. " Since the sufferings of Christ," says Neander, " appeared as the central point of all
religious experience and life, since his resurrection was considered as the foundation of all Christian joy and hope, it was natural
that the communion of the church should have specially distinguished the day with which the memory of that event had connected itself."  But the introduction of the Sabbath was not only
in harmony with Christian feeling, but, as we have good reason to
believe, was sanctioned and promoted by the special authority of
the apostles. " It is in the highest degree probable," says Meyer,
" that the observance of the Sabbath rests upon apostolic institution; since the gospel was extended among the heathen who had
not been accustomed to the Jewish Sabbath, it was natural and
necessary that the apostles should instruct them in regard to such
a day, on account of the importance of the resurrection of Christ;
and this supposition is an indispensable one, in order to account
for the very early and general celebration of the Christian Sabbath." In support of the last remark, this author refers to Justin
Martyr, who, born at the beginning of the second century, says
(Apol. II.) that the Christians of his time, " both in the cities and
the country, were accustomed to assemble for worship on the day
called Sunday" ('Tro^ qjov XEAyouCv/y'p/Epa). —rvv/ylLev wv, we
being assembled; not TrWv pLa&rITGJv, the received reading, which our
version follows. The latter term may have been inserted to provide an antecedent for aivroZt. The use of the pronoun is like that
in 8, 5.-For KXodraL apr-ov, see on 2, 42. 46.




CHAP. XX, 8-10.     COM MENTARY.                         331
V. 8. S-av K Xarasrd&g  Kavat, Now there were many lamps; and
hence the fall of the young man was perceived at once. So
Meyer explains the object of the remark. But that relation of the
circumstance to the rest of the narrative is not clearly indicated.
It has much more the appearance of having proceeded from an
eye witness, who mentions the incident, not for the purpose of
obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because
the entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minuteness and vividness before his mind. The moon was full at the
Passover (v. 6), and after the lapse now of somewhat less than
three weeks, only appeared as a faint crescent in the early part of
the night ( Hws.). —v rw vn7rEpw, in the upper room, which, as appears from the next verse, was on the third story. See note on
1, 13. - oi  iev~ crvvaytE'vot, where we were assembled. In the received text the verb is'rav, they were, which accords with the
variation in the last verse.
V. 9. srt 7s %vpt8o,, upon the window, the seat of it. "It will
be recollected that there were no windows of glass; and the window here mentioned was a lattice of joinery, or a door, which on
this occasion was set open on account of the heat from the many
lights and the number of persons in the room. It should be observed that the windows of such places in general reached nearly
to the floor; they would correspond well to what our word' window' signified originally, viz. windore, wind-door, i. e. a door for
the admission of wind or air." l-KaracbEpo'lEVog V7rv a3 faW, being
overcome with deep sleep. —KaTrVw'X9EL adorro vo9 vyov, having been
borne down from (the effect of) the sleep into which he had sunk.
This second participial clause states a result of the condition described by the first.- -reacv. The window projected (according
to the side of the room where it was situated) either over the
street, or over the interior court; so that in either case he fell from
the third story upon the hard earth or pavement below. — Opgr
VEKpO, was taken up dead; which it is entirely foreign to any intimation of the context to qualify by adding "in appearance," or
"as they supposed."
V. 10.  7rErtaev, K. T. X., fell upon him, and having embraced him,
after the example of Elisha in 2 Kings 4, 34. As in that instance,
so in this, the act appears to have been the sign of a miracle. —u7
&opv/l3Eire, do not lament, which, according to the Oriental habit
and the import of the word, they were doing with loud and passionate outcry; comp. Matt. 9, 23; Mark 5, 39. See on 10, 15. -
Illustrated Commentary, Vol. V. p. 206.




332                    COMMENTARY.             CHAP. X, 11-13.
v yap &vXy.... &rTtv, for his life is in him, which he could say
whether he perceived that it was not extinct, or had been restored.
V. 11. ToV aprov, the bread already spoken of in v. 7. The article
which the T. R. omits, belongs here (Tsch. Lchm. Mey.). The
fall of Eutychus had delayed the communion, which Paul now
proceeds to administer. - yEvo-ralvos, having eaten, because probably they connected a repast with the sacrament; see on 2, 42.C'0' tKavOv may refer to the time occupied in the entire service; or,
more naturally in this connection, to the remainder of the night
after the preceding interruption.- aXptL avyqs, until day-break, about
five o'clock, A. M., at that season (Alf.). - ovToS, thus, after these
events; comp. 17, 33; 28, 14. —E'iXEv, went forth, i. e. on his
journey. Yet the term may not exclude a brief interval between
the religious services and his departure, and during that time the
vessel could weigh anchor and start for Assos (see on v. 13).
V. 12.'yayov, brought him into the assembly (Hems. Mey.), not
to his home. The subject of the verb is indefinite. This circumstance is supplementary to what is stated in v. 11; not subsequent
to it in point of time.- 4)vra, living, which suggests as its antithesis that he had been dead; or, at least, that such was their belief.
— rapEKXrXro-av, were consoled, viz. by his restoration to them.
Some understand it of the effect of Paul's discourse; which is incorrect, as that is not here the subject of remark.- or iErTpLt%, not
a little, very much. Observe the litotes.
VERSES 13 — 16.  They prosecute the Journey to Miletus.
V. 13. abEts, we, viz. the writer and the other companions of the
apostle. -rrpoEX3VTE%, having gone forward, though from the circumstances of the case, it could not have been long first. They
may have left as soon as the assembly broke up, while Paul still
remained a short time (see on v. 11); or, in order to reach Assos in
good season, may have left even before the conclusion of the service. They spent the entire week at Troas as well as Paul (see
v. 6), and hence could not have preceded him before the end of
that time. - 4E rqv "A'crov, unto Assos, which was a coast-town in
Mysia, south of Troas. - iKEKSEV, from there, because the writer has
his mind, not on their arrival, but the subsequent departure or
progress. - ov(o y~ap, K. T. X.,for so (that they should take him at
that place) he had arranged for himself; the passive in the sense
of the middle. W. ~ 39. 3. — uAXXwv refers to his intention. —
rECEVELtv. This foot-journey, according to the best evidence, was
about twenty miles. A paved road extended from Troas to Assos;
so that starting even as late as seven or eight o'clock, A. M., Paul




CHAP. XX, 14. 15.  COMMENTARY.                         333
could have reached Assos in the afternoon. A friend of the wri.
ter, a native of Greece, stated that he himself had travelled on
foot between the two places in five hours. The distance by sea
is about forty miles. His object, it is conjectured, may have been
to visit friends on the way, or to have the company of brethren
from Troas, whom the vessel was not large enough to accommodate.
V. 14. u orvvE'/3aXEv /izv, as he met with us, seems to imply that
he found them already there. - Es rTv "A'oArov, at Assos, lit. unto,
because the preceding verb implies the idea of the journey thither
on the part of Paul. Mitylene, where they appear to have stopped
over night, was on the east side of Lesbos, the capital of that
island. The distance from Assos by sea was thirty miles; so
that the voyage hither from Troas was an easy one for a day.
Castro, the present capital, stands on the site of the ancient city.
The name of the island is now Metilino or Metelin, a corruption
of Mitylene.
V. 15. r TLOr 0o,, on the following day, the second from Troas.
-acvTtKpv XtIV, opposite to Chios, the modern Scio, south of Lesbos.
The language intimates that, instead of putting into the harbor,
they lay off the coast during the night. —    8E pa, K. T. X., and
upon the next day (the third from Troas) we put along unto Samos.
This island is still further down the _Egean. At one point it
approaches within six miles of the mainland. It retains still the
ancient name. They may have touched here, but as appears
from the next clause did not stop long. —Kalt /uEVavToe Ev TpwyvXX'w, and having remained at Trogyllium, which was their next
night-station, since on the following day, being the fourth, they arrived at Miletus. Trogyllium most commentators suppose to be
the promontory and the town of that name in southern Ionia, opposite Samos where it is nearest to the shore. There was also
an island of the same name on the coast of this promontory (Strab.
14. 636), which, says Forbiger (Handb. II. p. 170), was unquestionably the Trogyllium intended in this passage. The apostle
would have been nearer to Ephesus, at Trogyllium on the mainland, than he was at Miletus; but a better harbor or greater facility of intercourse may have led him to prefer the more distant
place for his interview with the elders. - Miletus was on the confines of Caria, twenty-eight miles south of Ephesus, and just
below the mouth of the Meander. They reached here on the
fourth day from Troas, hence either on Wednesday or Thursday,
some doubt existing (see on v. 7) as to the day of the week when
they sailed from Troas.




334                COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XX, 16. 17.
V. 16. The external testimony requires KCKpLKEL, instead of
KptLVE (Grsb. Lchm. Mey.): For he had determined to sail past
Ephesus, which explains why they had left that city at the north;
they were opposite to it when at Samos. As it depended on his
decision whether they stopped or proceeded, Paul and his friends
had evidently some control of the vessel. The number being so
great, they may have chartered the craft (as is very common in
the Levant at present); at all events they must have had sufficient influence with the captain to induce him to consult their
wishes. -- 0r..... vr r'Ao-Ala, that it might not happen to him,
i. e. that he might avoid inducements, to spend time in Asia. He
might have gone to Ephesus and returned during the time
that he remained at Miletus; but he feared to trust himself there
lest the importunity of friends or the condition of the church might
detain him too long, or even lead him to alter his purpose. —
FrrrEv8e d yap, K. r. X., for he was hastening, if it were possible for him, etc.
More than three of the seven weeks between the Passover and
Pentecost had elapsed already. One had expired before they
left Philippi; they were five days on their way to Troas, remained
there seven days, and were four days on the way to Miletus. -
For 2TrEvTKKOr-Tr, see on 2, 1. - y-Ev&Eat implies motion, and takes
after it els.
VERSES 17-35.  The Address of Paul to the.Ephesian Elders at
Miletus.
V. 17. His subject is fidelity in the ministerial office; first, as
illustrated in his own example; and secondly, as required of
those whom the Spirit has called to this office. In v. 18-21 he
reminds his hearers of his conduct while he lived among them;
in v. 19-25 he informs them that he is about to be separated from
them to meet no more on earth; and in v. 26-35 he charges them
to be watchful for the safety of the flock which had been intrusted
to them, and was to be exposed in future to so many dangers. -
TrpEfjVT'rpoVs = i —rtcKO7rovV (v. 28). Compare the note on 14, 23.
Our English translators render the latter term "overseers" in v. 28,
contrary to their usual practice. "The E. V.," says Mr. Alford
very candidly, "has hardly dealt fairly in this case with the
sacred text; since it ought there as in all other places to have
been'bishops,' that the fact of elders and bishops having been
originally and apostolically synonymous might be apparent to the
ordinary English reader, which now it is not." — Luke speaks
only of the Ephesian elders as summoned to meet the apostle at




CHAP. XX, 18-20.        COMM 11 E N T A R Y.                 335
Miletus; but as the report of his arrival must have spread rapidly,
it could not have failed to draw together others also, not only from
Ephesus, but from the neighboring towns where churches had
been established. See on v. 25.
V. 18. VEEst is emphatic; see on 10, 15.- -7ro' rpw-rrs..
Art'av,frotm the first day I came unto Asia, we are to connect with
rj,.... EyevoLv, how I conducted (Kuin. De Wet.); not with
rerOrao-e, ye know (Mey.).  As was to be foreseen, Meyer corrects himself here in his last edition. - The duration of the period (radvTa Xpovov) is stated in v. 31.  The position of rov before
7ravra is exceptional, as in Gal. 5, 14, and 1 Tim. 1, 16.  See K.
1 246. 5. /.
V. 19. FcE  7rao qs ra7rctvwopoOnvvr)w, with all, the utmost (see on
4, 29), lowliness of mind, humility; its opposite is tryXa OpoveZv
(Rom. 12, 16). Compare Phil. 2, 3 and 1 Pet. 5, 5. This use of
grai, says Tholuck,l is eminently Pauline; comp. Eph. 1, 3. 8;
4, 2; 6, 18; 2 Cor. 12, 12; 1 Tim. 3, 4; 2 Tim. 4, 2; Tit. 2, 15;
3, 2.-8aKpv'wv, with tears of solicitude for their salvation; see
v. 31. Compare 2 Cor. 2, 4 and Phil. 3, 18. 7roXXikv before &aKpV'ov
in the common text should be dropped (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). —
7rcLpaoolwv, trials, persecutions which he suffered from his countrymen.  Luke has not spoken distinctly of these Jewish machinations at Ephesus; but in 19, 9 he describes a state of feeling on
the part of the Jews, which must have been a prolific source of
hostility both to the person of the apostle and to the objects of
his ministry. That his situation there was one of constant peril
we see from I Cor. 15, 31. 32; 16, 9; and 2 Cor. 1, 8-10.
V. 20. 7o o;'8v, K. T. X., depends still on Eio-rao3E (v. 18), but
illustrates at the same time the intervening 7rnii ~7eYol/lJV: how
(not that) I kept back nothing of the things expedienti i. e. out of
regard to men's censure or their favor. How perfectly this remark harmonizes with Paul's character we have proof in sutch
passages as 2 Cor. 4, 2; Gal. 1, 10; 1 Thess. 2, 4. — ro/ d/ avayyeAatL, K. T. A., that I should or might (telic, as if in denial of the
possibility that he could mean to preach less than the entire truth)
not announce unto you and teach you, viz. the things expedient
for them. But both clauses contain a negative idea, and the rule
stated on 10, 47 may apply here: he withheld nothing from them,
that he should (as the effect of such withholding) not announce
1 "Die Reden des Apostels Paulus in der Apostelgeschichte, mit seinen Briefen
verglichen," in the Studien und Kritiken, 1839, p. 305 sq. I have drawn several
of the notes on this address from that instructive Article.




336                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XX, 21. 22.
and tenach.  In other words, the infinitive states not the object of
V7rE-ELXrtcLpEV as before, but a consequence of the suppression if
unhindered.  See W. ~ 44. 4.  Compare v. 27 below.- -8ourta,
in public, as in the synagogue (19, 8), or in the school of Tyrannus (19, 9). - Kar' O'KOVg, in houses, private assemblies.
V. 21. 7rqv is' rov 31Eov /uErTavotav, the repentance (which is meet)
in respect to God, i. e. exercised towards him as especially wronged
by transgression.  See Ps. 51, 4. De Wette supposes a breviloquence, as in 8, 22: repentance (with a return) unto God. Compare
26, 20. The first sense agrees best with the use of aEs in the next
clause. "In God the Father," says Olshausen, "lies expressed
the idea of the strict righteousness, to which the repentance directs itself, in Christ the idea of the compassion to which the faith
has reference." -" It appears," says Tholuck, "to belong to the
peculiarities of the apostle that he in particular appeals so often
to his blameless manner of life. The occasion for this lies sometimes in the calumnies of his enemies, as when he says in 2 Cor.
1, 12:'For our boasting (KauXv(rLg) is this, the testimony of our
conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly
wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have had our conversation
in the world, and more especially among you.' The eleventh
chapter shows what adversaries he had in view in this self-justification. But often these appeals spring only from that just confidence with which he can call upon others to imitate him, as he
himself imitates the Saviour. Thus in 1 Cor. 11, 1 he cries:'Be
ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ;' and in Phil.
3, 17:'Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark thema
who walk so as ye have us for an ensample.' Such personal testimonies are not found in the other Epistles of the New Testament, nor are they frequent in the writings of other pious men;
on which account we are authorized to consider their occurrence
in this discourse (v. 18-21) as a mark of its historical character."
V. 22. 86EpStEVos A  VrVrvw.aTL, bound in the spirit, i. e. his own,
in his mind, feelings (19, 21); constrained by an invincible
impulse or sense of duty (Hnr. Kuin. De Wet. Rob.), so as to
be indifferent to danger on the one hand (v. 23), and perhaps
immovable under any remonstrance or appeal on the other
(21, 13). The expression may be compared with our mode of
speaking when we say "bound in good faith, in conscience," and
the like. Some understand 7rvweva/rT of the Holy Spirit: urged
by his influence or command (Calv. Kypk. Wdsth.). But that
meaning is the more doubtful here, because i- &ytov in the next
verse appears to be added to distinguish that 7rvcE-a from this.




CHAP. XX, 23. 24.      COMMENTARY.                          337
The sense bound in the spirit, i. e. viewing himself as already ill
chains, a prisoner in imagination, though not yet in body (Chrys.
Grot. Bng. Hws.), anticipates the sequel of the sentence, and is too
artificial where all the rest is expressed with so much simplicity.
Meyer's first explanation was bound on the Holy Spirit (Rom. 7, 2;
1 Cor. 7, 27), i. e. dependent on him; but I am pleased to see that
in his last edition he defends the first of the views given above.
V. 23. 7rMXv, sc. ElSO, but knowing. — KaTr   roXLv, jf'om  city to
city, as he pursued the present journey. - 8tap-TVpr'pEra ruot, testifies
fully to mze, not by an inward revelation (for why should he
have received that Kara 7r4Xtv?), but through the prophetic announcement of others.  Luke has not recorded the instances;
they may have occurred at Philippi, at Troas, at Assos. HIe mentions two such communications which were made to Paul after
this; see 21, 4. 11.  The common text leaves out tuot, which belongs after the verb. - EIvovcrtv, await nze, not wherever he went,
but at Jerusalem.  7ropEv'olat EIt'Iepovo-aX/F determines the place.
- Paley compares this verse with Rom. 15, 30, which Epistle the
apostle had just written at Corinth. He there entreats the Roman
Christians "to strive together with him in their prayers to God
for him, that he might be delivered from them who believed not
in Judea."  The two passages, therefore, "without any reseml)lance between them that could induce us to suspect that they
were borrowed from one another, represent the state of Palll's
mind, with respect to the event of the journey, in terms of substantial agreement.  They both express his sense of danger in
the approaching visit to Jerusalem; they both express the doubt
which dwelt upon his thoughts concerning what might there befall him."
V. 24. oV8Ev3o Xoyov 7rotovfat, I make account of nothing, i. e.
which I may be called to suffer.  On the contrary, as he says in
2 Cor. 12, 10: "I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in
necessities, in persecutions, in distresses, for Christ's sake."  Another reading draws the two clauses of the common text into
one: aXX' ov8Evo3 Xoyov 7roLtokaL rT1v IvXrlv rthldav Etavr7C, but of no
account do I esteem my life wvorthy for myself. The construction is
less simple than the other, and may have given place to it on
that account (Tsch. Mey. Alf.). u-Is rEXEUtGoat rov vpo'lov plov, thus
(i. e. with this aim, to wit) in order to finish my course.  That he
should shrink from no danger, that he should be willing to offer
up his life for the sake of the gospel, he regarded as due to his
office; as essential to his character as an approved minister of
Christ.;u strengthens merely the telic force of the construction
43




338                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XX, 25. 26.
It occurs with the infinitive here only (unless we add 17, 14),
and in the phrase us EroQ EtrE&v (Heb. 7, 9).  W. ~ 44. 1. Alford
refers 4s to Ttc[av, held not his life so precious as to finish, etc.
But he must arbitrarily insert for that purpose the correlative
"so," and even then translates the common reading only and not
the one received into his text. - Some critics (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.)
omit uer-a xapas after 8poov,tov. It is wanting in several important authorities. - otataprv'pao'gat.... -o9.3ov- defines in what
the 8&aKov'a consisted. The infinitive may depend on the verbal
idea involved in that noun (De Wet.): (commanding or requiring)
that I should testify fully, etc.; or it may follow as epexegetical. --
In the sublime language of this verse we hear distinctly the voice
of the man who, on approaching the end of his career, could say:
" I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure
is at hand.  I have fought a good fight; I have finished my
course, I have kept the faith.  Henceforth there is laid up for
me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge,
shall give me at that day" (2 Tim. 4, 6-8). Compare also Phil.
2, 17.
V. 25. KaL vvv resumes the thought in v. 22. - oT7a expresses,
not an apprehension or a presentiment, but a conviction.  yap
ota roVrT (T. R.) has more against it than for it. Paul's ol6a
having been fulfilled, Zeller sees evidence of the post eventumn
character of the word in that agreement. -o rL OVKETt, K. -. X., that
ye shall see no mare, etc. If Paul's Roman captivity closed with
his death, he certainly never saw the Ephesian elders after this
interview. " Nor, if we suppose him to have been liberated, can
any contradictory result be urged on that ground, since the traditions of the fathers decide nothing in regard to the journeys of
the apostle between his supposed liberation and his second captivity."  (Mey.)  It has been proposed to emphasize rrTvroE, as
if some of them at least might hope to renew their intercourse
with him; but that qualification is inconsistent with v. 37. 38.Ev ovT 8&qjX3ov, among whom I went about, may intimate a wider
circuit of labor than that furnished by a single city. The apostle
either addressed those who had come from different churches in
the region (see on v. 17), or at this point of the discourse recogni.zed those before him as representatives of these churches.
Some understand 8&'X.ov to describe Paul's labors in various parts
of Ephests, or the visits which he made to the houses of the
presbyters. The expression favors the wider view, says Neander,
but is not inconsistent with the other.
V. 26. &t, therefore; since it was proper for him to close his




CHAP. XX, 27.28.       COMMENTARY.                             339
ministry with such a testimony. —  lapTvpotzaL = izapTvp0e, I testify,
declare as a witness, as in Gal. 5, 3, and Eph. 4, 17, and occasionally in the classics (Pape Lex., s. v.). It means properly obtest,
call to witness, with the accusative of a person.- o'r KaSapo,
K. T.    See on 18, 6.  The expression is peculiar to Paul's
speeches.  In this clause EI/-L may have been displaced from  the
text (Grsb. Lach. Mey.).
V. 27. oa yap, K. T. X., For I shrznk not back (while among you)
that I shozdld not declare unto you. Compare on v. 20. —Trv 0ovX'v
ToV 9EOv, the plan of God as to the way of saving men, unfolded
in the gospel.
V. 28. IrpoocrEXEE o01v, K. T. X., Take heed, therefore, (since in future the responsibility will rest on you,) unto yourselves (that ye
be faithful), and unto all theflock (that they be kept from  error).
Here Paul speaks just as he writes in 1 Tim. 4, 16. -Ev a, in
which, since the bishops made part of the flock, while they had
the direction of it. -To 7rvEva ETro may refer to their having
been chosen under the direction of the Spirit (13, 2; 14, 23), or
to their having been qualified for their office by the Spirit (1 Cor.
12, 8). - roL/atvELtv includes the idea not only of instruction, but
of government and of supervision in general; comp. 1 Pet. 5, 2.
See the note on 14, 23. —q7lv 1KKXqlct'aV TrOV KVptOV, or ECOV, the church
of the Lord or God. The reading here is disputed. The external testimony preponderates in favor of Kvpt'ov, and most of the
recent critics accept that as the original word, as Griesbach, Lachman, Bornemann, Tischendorf, Meyer, Tregelles. Some, as Bengel, Rinck, Scholz, Mill, Alford, decide for Eov'. The internal
argument is claimed on both sides. It is said that 0Eov agrees best
with the usage of Paul, since in his Epistles EKKXratla TOZ 3Eov
occurs eleven times, EKKXwOr-a'To XptoTroV once, but never EKKXWc-la
T7o Kvptov. It is replied to this, that the uncommon expression is
more likely to have been exchanged for the ordinary one than
the reverse.l  Wordsworth inclines to %Eo', mainly for internal
reasons. See Humphry's note on the other side. The variations
Tov KVplOV 3eEOVl, TOy 3OV KaLt KVpLOV, and rov KvpLov Kat 3EOV are too
slightly supported to require notice. -v rrepterotj-aTro, which, he
(redeemed and thus) obtained for himself (as a possession); comp.
tva XvTp)(cr7TraL e/ILaL aro'racrl Vaolutl KaL, Ka. 9aapto2-l  avTr  Xaov 7reptovrtov (Tit. 2, 14); and Xa' eis w7rptrotr1Ctv (1 Pet. 2, 9). -- a Tov
For a view of the testimonies in the case, see Davidson's Lectures on Biblical
Criticism, p. 175 sq. He adopts roD Kvupiou as the probable reading. Green
(p. 111) comes to the same conclusion.




340                  COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. XX, 29-32.
n8tov actja7'To represents the atonement as consisting preiSminently
in the sacrifice and death of Christ. See Matt. 20, 28; Rom. 3,
24; Eph. 1, 7; 1 Tim. 2, 6; Heb. 9, 12; 13, 12, etc.
V. 29. roVrT gives prominence to the following clause; comp.
9, 21. -- Eo-EXEvo-ovTa is said of those who should come to them
from other places. — ErTa T-'v ~aLttI tov, not after my decease (De
Wet.), but mny departure. bLETa T11-v arteLV (Ion. for atLv) Tr'v Est
3?fi3a  occurs in Herod. 9. 17. — XVKOL  apEZs, violent, rapacious,
wzolves, which represent here, not persecutors, but false teachers;
see v. 30, and Matt. 7, 15.  These men would be as far from corresponding to their professed character as guardians of the flock,
as fierce wolves are unlike the faithful shepherd.
V. 30. ~E' V'iv aVi'rlv, from, you yourselves, i. e. from their own
commlunity; not necessarily from the number of those present. -
That the danger which Paul announced was realized, we learn
from the Epistles to Timothy (see especially 2 Tim. 2, 17) and
from Rev. 2, 2. The latter passage shows that some of these
false teachers, in order to strengthen their influence, laid claim to
the authority of apostles.
V. 31. &8o yprlyopErE, Therefore watch; since their vigilance
should be equal to the dangers which threatened them. — /uV/1oVEVOVTE, K. r. X., remembering, etc.  How they should watch, with
what constancy and solicitude, they had been taught by his own
example. - -ptETrav, the space of three years, may be a proximate
expression, but must come nearer to three years than two.  See
the note on 19, 10. In Rev. 2, 2. 3, we have'an interesting proof
that the apostle's admonition was not in vain. " Thou hast tried
them," it is said of the church at Ephesus, "who say that they
are apostles and are not, and hast found them liars;....and for
my name's sake hast labored and hast not fainted."
V. 32. 7rapaTtlEuaEL,, K. T. X., I commend you to God and to the
word of his grace, i. e. in this connection, to the power of this
word as the instrumentality which God employs for the religious
confirmation and security of his people. - aiEXAo` fails in so many
copies as to be doubtful. - Tr 8vva!Evw& it is best to refer to SEx as
the principal word (Calv. Bng. Mey. De Wet.); not to Xoyy (iHnr.
Kuin.). — irotKoSo/OvcoaL, to build up further, is Pauline, but has less
support here than oiKoSoL'aL. " This term reminds us of Eph.
2, 20, and can be taken only in the sense of that passage. Remarkable, also, is the expression KX'poVO,/Ua Erv TOS -'yLao'/Evots 7raotv.
Here 7raTVres gives prominence to the idea, of a great company of
the holy, and reminds us again of Eph. 3, 18. The expression,'an inheritance among the sanctified,' i. e. participation in the




CHAP. XX, 33-35.     COMMENTARY.                          341
spiritual blessings which exist among them, is likewise peculiarly
Pauline, and occurs further only in the words of Paul in 26, 18
and in Eph. 1, 18." (Thol.)
V. 33. He warns them against avarice, against a sordid spirit.
— EreV/rqo-a, coveted when he was with them; not perf. as in
E. V. —iarto-/ko-, raiment. The wealth of the Orientals consisted
in part of costly garments; they trafficked in them or kept them
in store for future use.  See Ez. 2, 69; Neh. 7, 70; Job 27, 16;
2 Kings 5, 26.  This fact accounts for the allusion to the destructive power of the moth, as well as rust, in Matt. 6, 19 and
James 5, 2.
V. 34. KaL rots o&vrJL A/ET (Ho is an instance of varied construction: and to (the wants of) those tvith me. W. ~ 63. II. 1. Those
referred to here are Timothy, Erastus, Luke, and others, who
traversed sea and land with the apostle, attached to him as personal friends and still more as friends of the cause which they
served. - ai XETpeg aTrat, these hands, which we may suppose him
to have held up to view as he spoke, and which may have been
marked with traces of the toil to which they were inured.  See
the note on 17, 10 and 18, 3. — This allusion to the apostle's
habit of manual labor while he was at Ephesus accords remarkably with 1 Cor. 4, 11. 12. Luke has said nothing of it in his
narrative of Paul's residence in that city (19, 1 sq.). But in the
above-named passage of the Epistle, which Paul wrote just before his departure from Ephesus, we find him saying: "Unto this
present hour.... we labor, working with our own hands." Nothing
could be more undesigned than this agreement. "It is manifest
that, if the history in this passage had been taken from the Epistle, this circumstance, if it appeared at all, would have appeared
in its place, that is, in the direct account of Paul's transactions at
Ephesus. The correspondence would not have been effected, as
it is, by a kind of reflected stroke, that is, by a reference in a
subsequent speech to what in the narrative was omitted. Nor is
it likely, on the other hand, that a circumstance which is not extant in the history of Paul at Ephesus, should have been made
the subject of a fictitious allusion, in an Epistle purporting to be
written by hinm from that place; not to mention that the allusion
itself, especially in time, is too oblique and general to answer
any purpose of forgery whatever."  Paley.
V. 35. 7ravra, not all things as the object of vrsE&Lta (E. V.,
Hmph.), but adverbial, in all ways, i. e. by doctrine and by example; comp. 1 Cor. 10, 33; Eph. 4, 15. - oV'To KtorrvOrTaq, so laboring, viz. as I have done. - 86E avrtLa/,3alvEo-3aL rwv (o-3rEvovvrowv, that




342                   COMMENTARY.                 CHAP. XX, 35.
you ought to assist the weak, feeble, i. e. the poor, whom this mode
of designation contrasts with the rich, who are strong, powerful
(Chrys. K-uin. Olsh. De Wet. Rob. Hws.). The examples in
HWetstein sanction this meaning of Jo-3evor-rwv. See also Rob.
Lex. s. v. But the stricter sense of the word (4, 9; 5, 15; Matt.
25, 39, etc.) is entirely appropriate: the weak, i. e. those unable
in consequence of physical infirmity to labor for their own support. The apostle would enforce here the duty of industry and
self-denial, in order to procure the means of relieving those who
are disabled by any cause from taking care of themselves. He
holds up to them his own example, his diligence in labor,
his disinterestedness, as worthy of their imitation.  Compare
2 Thess. 3, 7 sq. -Others understand ac'o9Evo~vTwv of the weak
in their religious faith or principles. The apostle's object as they
argue, was to exhort the elders to maintain themselves by their
own labor, out of regard to those who would not appreciate their
claim to support, who would take offence at the appearance of
anything like a mercenary spirit in their teachers. So Calvin,
Bengel, Neander, Meyer, Tholuck, and others. It is alleged that
this interpretation is necessary, in order to make the cases parallel; that, as Paul labored for his own support, so the object of
their labor must be the same. But oVr'T KoTrlVTras does not require
that sort of correspondence.  Instead of the same application
of the fruits of his industry, the oVT(o may refer equally well to
the manner and spirit of his labor, i. e. to his assiduity in it, and
his benevolence, which he would have them imitate, though the
class of persons to be benefited in the two cases was different.
The positive objections to this exegesis are first, that the language is too mild, as understood of such illiberality; secondly,
that some word or the context should define aro-evo.9-Vov, qualified
by rj,TTtELt in Rom. 14, 1 sq., and in effect by r  vvLjO-EtL in
1 Cor. 8, 9 (compared with v. 7); and, thirdly, that it destroys
the opposition between the giving of personal favors and the reception of them, as contemplated in the words of Christ. The
use of rSv a&SEFvv in 1 Thess. 5, 14 weakens, it is true, the second
olbjection. It may be added, that Paul, although he waived his
own right to a maintenance from those to whom he preached, was
remarkable for the decision with which he asserted that right in
behalf of others; comp. Rom. 15. 27; 1 Cor. 9, 13. 14; Gal. 6, 6;
1 Tim. 5, 17. 18.  See also the Saviour's rule on this subject in
Luke 10, 7. Hence, if the explanation under remark were correct, it would array the author of the speech against the Epistles.
It would justify Zeller's objection, that the true Paul after repre



CHAP. X., 36.37.     COM M ENT A R Y.                     343
senting his own assumption of the expenses of his support (for
example, in 1 Cor. 9, 1-27) as unprescriptive and voluntary, would
not so forget himself as to impose his example in that respect
upon the Ephesian teachers as one which they must follow. -
OTt ato'g, that he himself. Our English translation overlooks the
emphasis. - [LaKapLoV.... XacLaqveLv, It is more blessed to give, than
to receive. The Evangelists have not recorded this saying of
Christ. It comes down to us here as an interesting specimen of
the many such words that fell from his lips and were treasured
up in the memory of the first disciples, but which no similar application has rescued from oblivion. It will be noticed that Paul
alludes to the remark as familiar to his hearers. - The best
authorities read  akXXov  L&o'vat instead of the inverse order.Nothing is wanting to attest the Pauline origin of this Miletian
speech. It agrees with Paul's history, reflects Paul's character,
bears the stamp of Paul's style. This last point deserves a fuller
illustration. The following examples show the linguistic affinity
between the discourse and the apostle's writings. $OVXEVELV T-)
KvpL'o,.3EX or XPfWAL  occurs in v. 19 above; six times in Paul, elsewhere only in Matt. 6, 24 and Luke 16, 13. Ta7rELvo(bpoo-vw] is
found only in v. 19, five times in Paul, and once in Pet. 5, 5;
v7rocrT7E~Xo  in v. 20. 27, and in Gal. 2, 12; T- arvEcupov in v. 20, once
in Heb. 12, 20, and three times in the First Epistle to the Corinthians; &LaKov'a in v. 24, and twenty-two timles in Paul; /JapTvpo/xat in v. 26, and in Gal. 5, 3 and Eph. 4, 17;  dEtobaL in v. 29, in
2 Pet. 2, 4, and seven times in Paul; VOV3TEtLV in v. 31, and seven
times in Paul; K07ra-L in v. 35, in Paul on the contrary thirteen
times; and the hortatory 7p-qyopE(rE in v. 31, elsewhere only in
1 Cor. 16, 13. See Lekebusch, Composition der Apostelgeschichte,
p. 339.
VERSEs 36-38. Paulprays with the Elders, and embarks aggain.
V. 36. 3Et T yVa&yova-a, having kneeled (7, 60; 9, 40).  This was
the attitude in prayer which prevailed among the early Christians, except on the Sabbath and during the seven weeks before
Pentecost, when they generally stood. They regarded the latter
posture as the more appropriate one for the expression of gratitude, and adopted it, therefore, on joyful occasions (Hmph.). It
cannot be shown that the distinction was observed at this early
period.
V. 37. The scene here is a touching one; the simplicity of
Luke's description heightens the effect of it. We feel instinctively that the eye must have seen what the pen has portrayed




344                  COMM E N T ARY.              CHAP. XXI, 1.
in so natural a manner. - Kalt EL7rrCrOVTE..... IIavXov, and having
fidlen upon the neck of Paul. In the same manner Joseph manifested his strong affection for Benjamin his brother (Gen. 45, 14),
and for Jacob his father (Gen. 46, 29), after their long separation
from each other. It was in accordance with Oriental manners.
- KareEblXovv, kissed tenderly (compound) and (imperf.) again and
again.  The Evangelist uses this word to describe the affected
earnestness of the traitor's kiss (Matt. 26, 49).
V. 38.  T EpO/KEL, which he had spoken (pluperf.); dative by
attraction.-O'L is declarative. -3ewperv —3eaolatL (Tittm. de Syn.
p. 120), behold, contemplate. It suggests the idea of the interest
and affection with which they looked upon that countenance for
the last time. The writer's tact in using this word of the Ephesians, but oEreo-r  of Paul in v. 25, should be noticed. - 7rpoE'7r7rov,
K. T. X., they sent him forward, escorted him, unto the ship.  See
the note on 15, 3, and the illustration on 21, 5. It is implied that
the roadstead where the vessel lay, was at some distance from
the town. The site of Miletus, though originally on the coast,
has gradually receded till it is now ten miles from the sea. It
must have lost its maritime position long before the apostle's
time, though not so far inland then as at present.
CHAPTER XXI.
VERSES 1-6.  They continue the Voyage to Tyre.
V. 1. (s 8& EYEVEro, K. T. X., When now it came to pass that we
put to sea. The construction is like that in v. 5. Luke certainly
as one of the wvas, Trophimus (21, 29), and Aristarchus (27, 2),
accompanied Paul to Jerusalem.  As the others who belonged to
the company (20, 4) are not mentioned again, the probability is
(ex silentio) that they proceeded no further.  Some suppose that
Timothy went at this time from Miletus to Ephesus, and assumed
or resumed the oversight of the church there. -  rroo-(rrao' vras a7r
airi)v, having departed from them (De Wet. Rob.); less probably,
having torn ourselves away (.Chrys. Kuin. Mey.). Usage weakened the etymological sense, and in Luke 22, 41 an emphasis
appears to me out of place. -EVvSpol[jro-avres, having run straight,
shows that the wind was in their favor; see on 16, 11. - Ku is
for Kwv, like'A7roXXd in 19, 1.  Cos was about forty miles from
Miletus; directly south, and could have been reached in six hours.




CHAP. XXI, 2. 3.      COMMENTARY.                          345
It was one of the smaller islands of the Archipelago, on the
Carian coast, between the promontories, on which stood Cnidus
and Halicarnassus. Its present name is Stanchio, which has
arisen from a slurred pronunciation of s raTv Kwv, like Stambul
from e -rav ro'XLv. - Having rounded Cape Crio, the ancient Triopium, they turned their prow  eastward, and sailed along the
southern shore of Asia Minor.  Rhodes was at the entrance of
the iEgean, on the coast of Caria.  The celebrated colossus was
prostrate at this time, having been overthrown by an earthquake.
- Patara was a coast-town of Lycia, at some distance from the
left bank of the Xanthus. " Now its port is an inland marsh,
generating poisonous malaria, and the mariner sailing along the
coast would never guess that the sand-hills before him blocked
up the harbor into which St. Paul sailed of old."' Patara was
best known for its celebrated oracle of Apollo, which, in the
height of its authority, had almost rivalled that of Delphos. How
near to it in the person of these wayfaring men was now brought
the power which was to subvert that great delusion bf heathenism! How soon after this could it be said, in the words of Milton's Hymn on the Nativity of Christ:
"The oracle's are dumb,
No voice or hideous hum
Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving.
Apollo from his shrine
Can no more divine,
With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving.
No nightly trance or breathed spell
Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell."
V. 2. The party take now another vessel. We are not informed of the reason for this measure.  The vessel which had
brought them thus far may have been adapted only to sailing
along the shore, or they may have engaged the use of it (see on
20, 16) only until they should find an opportunity like the present.
-8&a7rEppv, crossing over just as they arrived.  This particularity
is as graphic " as if taken from a journal written during the voyage."  The present participle denotes often an appointed or approaching act; comp. v. 3; 27, 6.  WV. ~ 45. 1. b.
V. 3. ava.ave'Vre 8E T&IjV KiTrpov, And having had a view of Cyprus, lit. having had it brought up to sight, made visible to us above
the horizon. The language is that of an eye-witness, and of one
familiar with the phraseology of seamen, who are accustomed to
1 Travels in Lycia by Spratt and Forbes, Vol. I. p. 31.
44




346                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXI, 3. 4.
speak of raising the land when they approach it.  The opposite
expression is 7rroKpVrrTEtv yWv; see Kriig. on Thucyd. 5. 65; Stalb.
on Prot. 338. A. The corresponding Latin words, says Mr. IHumphry, are aperire and abscondere (Virg. AEn. 3. 275, 291).  Some
render, being shown C(yprus, having it pointed out to us in the
distance (Rob.); but the composite form indicates a more specific sense. This verb, which in the active governs a dative and
accusative, retains the latter in the passive.  W. ~ 39. 1; K. 4
281. 3.  KaraXtL7,rV reg av7r`v, having left it behind. - cEvvv/lov, on the
left, is an adjective, not an adverb.  K. ~ 264. 3. a. They passed,
therefore, to the south of the island. They must have had a fair
wind to enable them to take that course. The view of Cyprus
must have carried back the apostle's mind to the days which he
and Barnabas had spent there in the missionary work.- ErrXoE'oev
Ets Yvptav, we sailed unto Syria, refers to the voyage to Tyre; for
in the Roman age Syria included Phoenicia (Win.), of which
Tyre was the commercial emporium.  For its present state, see
Rob. Bibl. Res. III. p. 392 sq. The most important ruins lie at
present beneath the sea. It was with melancholy interest that
I looked down upon them through the calm waters, in the long
twilight which closed the tenth of May, 1852. -  KELCo-E yap, K. r. X.,
is best taken as brachylogical: for having come thither the shzip
was unlacliig' (i. e. about to unlade) the cargo.  See W. 4 45. 5.
This use of the participle coincides essentially with that in v. 2;
see further Matt. 26, 28; Luke 22, 19. Some understand EKErEC of
the conveyance of the freight from the ship to the town; forthither (after the arrival) was the ship unlading the cargo (Mey.
De Wet.).  The writer would not be likely to specify so minute
a circumstance.  cKE?0E is not to be confounded with EKEL. The
clause assigns the reason (yacp) for their stopping at this port. The
voyage from Patara to Tyre need not have exceeded two days,
if the wind was fair and the vessel in a good condition. The
distance is three hundred and forty geographical miles.'
V. 4. Kai advEvpo'vTEr( To9 jua3rap, and having found out the disciples who lived there; because being strangers they must make
inquiry. The English version overlooks both the preposition and
the article.  The gospel had been preached here at an early
1 The writer embarked at Beirut (on the coast to the north of Tyre) at halfpast six o'clock, P. M.; the next day at ten o'clock, we arrived off against Larnica on the Island of Cyprus, and on the following night, at two o'clock, A. M.,
came to anchor in the harbor of Rhodes. This was very nearly the apostle's
track, except in the inverse order. An ancient vessel, under circumstances entirely
favorable, would almost equal the speed of a Levant steamer.




CHAP. XXI, 5-7.        C 0 M M E N T AI R Y.              347
period; see on 11, 19. The Saviour had performed some of his
miracles in the vicinity of Tyre and Sidon; see Matt. 15, 21;
Mark 7, 24. — wrE.LEtvapCE.  See on 10, 48. -r /Epa  7rtTa, seven
days, may be indefinite, as was remarked on 20, 6. We cannot
doubt that they occupied the time spent here in making known
the word, and in consulting for the welfare of the Tyrian church.
- -o~LvEs....   cE'IEpovocaXkAk, who said to Paul through the Spirit
that he should not go up unto Jerusalem, i. e. if he had any regard
to his own safety or personal welfare, or to their affectionate solicitude on his account; comp. 7rapeKaXoVl/eV, K. T. X., in v. 12. Theywere informed by the Spirit that bonds and afflictions awaited
the apostle at Jerusalem; but it was not revealed to them as the
will of God that he should desist from his purpose to proceed
thither.
V. 5. oTe.... ZapTiCoat.  See the first clause in v. 1. —ras
CrtEpae, the days named in v. 4. — rpo7rqrwo'vrov, K. T. X., all sending
us forward, etc.  See on 20, 38.-  o    - w e -( I  ro'XEuos, till out of the
city, quite out of it, beyond the suburbs, where they could be
alone and undisturbed. --   r Tov a'ytaXo'v, Upon the beach. The
word denotes a smooth shore as distinguished from one precipitous or rocky; comp. 27, 39. Luke manifests an autoptic accuracy here. A level, sandy beach extends for a considerable
distance on both sides of the site of the ancient Tyre. - Modern
missionary life presents its parallels to the scene so briefly
sketched in this verse.  The following extract occurs in the
journal of a college friend, whose field of labor is in the region
of Paul's birth-place. Speaking of his departure with his family from Aintab for a temporary absence, the missionary says:
" More than a hundred of the converts accompanied us out of the
city; and there, near the spot where one of our number had once
been stoned, we halted, and a prayer was offered amid tears.
Between thirty and forty escorted us two hours further, on horses
and mules, singing hymns as we proceeded on our way. Then
another prayer was offered, and, with saddened countenances,
and with weeping, they forcibly broke away from us. It really
seemed as though they could not turn back." 1
VERSES 7-16. From  Tyre they proceed to Ptolemais, and thence
to Coesarea and Jerusalem.
V. 7. -I'E't.... cEt IIToXEpaS8a, Now we, completing (thereby)
the voyage, came down from  Tyre to Ptolemais.  When the par1 Rev. B. Schneider, in the Missionary Herald, Vol. xlviii. p. 201, (1852).




348                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXI, 8. 9.
ticiple and the verb combined thus are both in the past tense, the
act of the participle may be antecedent to that of the verb or
simultaneous with it. The sense must decide this ambiguity. -
Aro- Tt6pov in this position belongs to the verb, not to 7rwXov (E. V.).
Their arrival at Ptolemais terminated the sea part of their journey. The distance is a moderate day's journey by land. A
vessel with a good breeze would make the run in a few hours.
This city was the ancient Accho (Judg. 1, 31), still called Akka
by the Arabians, and Acre or St. Jean d'Acre by Europeans.
It is on the Mediterranean, at the north angle of a bay which
bears the same name, and sweeps in the form of a semicircle
towards the south, as far as Mount Carmel. The graceful curve
of the bay appears to great advantage from the top of that mountain. -- rov &s&Xos, the brethren who were there; see on v. 4.
V. 8. They now travelled by land. Issuing from the southeastern gate, in ten minutes they would cross the Belus, now the
Nahmen, then for three hours would proceed along the beach
with the surf breaking at their feet, at the base of Carmel would
ford the mouth of the Kishon (El-Mukatta), and turning that
headland, follow the line of the coast to Cesarea. The distance
hither from Akka is about forty miles. - The received or 7repL TOV
IHagXov after ke2X3.%VrE is untenable. A church reading began
here, and a more definite subject than w/LEts was needed to suggest the connection. The gloss has passed into our English
translation. - Et KatL(rpeLav. This is the third time that Paul has
been at Cesarea. He was there on his journey from Jerusalem
to Tarsus (9, 30), and again on his return to Antioch from his
second missionary progress (18, 22).- 4)LXtr7rov. See on 8, 40.TOV Eva-yEXktorrov. This title appears to have been given to those
who had no stated pastoral charge, but travelled from place to
place and preached as they had opportunity.  See Eph. 4, 11;
2 Tim. 4, 5. — rov OVrov rr' E7rrTa, who was of the seven (E. V.), recalls Philip as already known to us in another capacity; see 6, 5.
But the best critics reject roy, and OvrosV becomes then ambiguous:
either causal, since he was of the seven (De Wet. Alf.), or simply
historical as in the other case. See Green's Gr. p. 190. It is
improbable that the office merely influenced Paul, and so much
the less, since according to this view it would be the inferior office
which Philip no longer held and not his present one. oVTroS follows
the tense of the other verbs, and is past. W. ~ 45. 1. Philip, as
an Evangelist, had relinquished his service at Jerusalem; perhaps
the occasion for it had been only temporary.
V. 9. rOVTar, K. T. X., NOW this one hadfoutr daughters, etc. Luke




CHAP. XXI, 10-15.       COM MENTARY.                        349
mentions the fact as remarkable, and not as related in any way to
the history. It is barely possible that they too (see v. 10) foretold
the apostle's approaching captivity.
V. 10. c-7rtLEvovTrov AzEpats 7rXEtovs, remaining several days (comp.
13, 31; 27, 20), a longer time than in the other places on the
way. Having travelled rapidly since he left Miletus, and being
now within two days of Jerusalem, the apostle had no occasion
to hasten his journey; see 20, 16. — "Ayalos has been mentioned
in 11, 28. He cannot well be a different person, as some have
thought; for not only his name, but office (7rpoorTqJs), and residence (7roi.s T'IovSatas) are the same in both instances. Whether
he had heard of Paul's arrival and came to Cesarea on that account (Bmg.), must be left undecided.
V. 11. G8cras.... 7rd3as. The prophet performed the act on
himself, not on Paul.  The pronoun should be aTroV, not avTov.
Many of the best manuscripts read EavTOi. — o V'T....'IovSa&ot,
So shall bind at Jerusalem the Jews.  The Romans put the apostle
in chains, but they did it at the instigation of the Jews. - Agabus,
like the ancient prophets, accompanied his prediction with a symbolic act, which served to place the event foretold more vividly
before them; the scene, being thus acted out before their eyes,
was rendered present, real, beyond what any mere verbal declaration could possibly have made it.
"Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem
Quam qua sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et qum -
Ipse sibi tradit spectator."
Examples similar to this are frequent in the Old Testament; see
1 Kings 22, 11; Is. 20, 1 sq.; Jer. 13, 1 sq.; Ezek. 4, 1 sq., etc.
V. 12..LEts, we, viz. the writer, Trophimus, Aristarchus (see
on 20, 4), and possibly others. —ot EVT67rrLOL restricts itself to the
Christians of the place.
V. 13. rt 7tOLETrE is the language of remonstrance: What are
you doing that you weep, etc.  The same mode of expression occurs in Mark 11, 5. - E'y  yap, K. T. X. Their opposition was not
only painful to him  (ovvgpi-rroV7Trs,ov r-V Kapl&av), but was useless; for (ycp) he was not to be shaken in his purpose (De Wet.);
or, which agrees better with &oipLJ  EXwo, their distress was unnecessary; for he deemed it a privilege, not a hardship, to suffer
in the cause of Christ; comp. 5, 41.
V. 15.  The text fluctuates here, but 7LrO-KEva-craJevoL has decidedly the best support: having packed up our baggage, having
placed it upon the beasts of burden; comp. ErTLKEva-arEVo t V7ro



350                  COMMENTARY.              CiAP. XXI, 16.17.
tiyta in Xen. Hell. 7, 2. 18. This is ever an important item in
Eastern travelling, and it was natural that Luke, a companion of
the journey, should mention it. If the alms which they were
carrying to Jerusalem (24, 17) consisted in part of raiment or
provisions, the loading and unloading would require more than
ordinary attention.  Another reading is a7Troc'KEvaac4j!evot, having
packed away our baggage, i. e. at Casarea, where they left it, or
at least the superfluous part of it (Olsh.). The reason for such
a step is not obvious. If it was their sea-luggage and unnecessary for the rest of the way, it is surprising that they did not
leave it at Ptolemais, where they ended the voyage. Some insist that, if we adopt this word rather than the other, we may
obtain from it the same meaning: having packed our baggage
away, i. e. from the place where they had stored it, in order to
carry it with them (Mey. De Wet.): that appears to me a forced
interpretation. 7rapaoaKEvao-aLEvoL and &7roTa$aLUevot are explanatory
variations. -" The English version," says Mr. IHumphry, "uses
the word'carriage' in the sense of' things carried,' baggage, as
in Judges 18, 21 and 1 Sam. 17, 22. Cranmer has' took up our
burdens,' and the Geneva version'trussed up our fardels.'" —
For the route "in going up " to Jerusalem, see on 23, 31.
V. 16.  -rvvX30ov, SC. rTLv, which governs ua3tqr'iv; comp. John
16, 17. W. ~ 64. 4.- a7yovTre.. Mvao-ov, stands by attraction
for a7yovTre 7rapa Mvadowva 7rap'  $EVLto3j/Lev, bringing us to Mnason
with whom we should lodge (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.).  His relation
to them as their host was more important to them than his name,
and presents itself first, therefore, in the order of statement.
Mvaowvt could depend possibly on ayovTE, bringingig us to IVlnason
(W. ~ 31. 5); but the construction is hard. Some render bringing
Mnason, i. e. with them from Cmsarea; which attributes to them
an improbable act, while it leaves the dative equally irregular. -
apXary iLa3rT- 1- isarqT- a&w' apxs, an ancient (not an aged) disciple,
i. e. who had long been such. He may have been converted on
the day of Pentecost (comp. Ev apX, in 11, 15), or have been a
personal follower of Christ.
VEa.sEs 17-26. Paul assumes a Vow, to conciliate the Jewislz
Believers.
V. 17. The apostle arrives now at Jerusalem for the fifth time
since he left it on his persecuting errand to Damascus. It is the
last recorded visit that he ever made to the Jewish capital.  His
present return could not have taken place later than the spring




CHAP. XXI, 17.18.   COMMENTARY.                        351
of A. D. 59; since we must reserve two years for his imprisonment at Coesarea (24, 27), and two for his imprisonment at Rome,
before we come to A. D. 64. See Introduction, ~ 6. 5. If we fix
upon this limitation on that side, we have then four years as the
term of the apostle's third missionary excursion, which we may
distribute as follows. He left Antioch about the beginning of
A. D. 55 (see on 18, 23), and reached Ephesus in the spring of
that year. Here he spent about three years (20, 31), and proceeded to Macedonia in the spring of A. D. 58 (see on 20, 1).
He was occupied here and in other parts of Northern Greece
during the summer and autumn of that year (see on 20, 2), and
arrived at Corinth early in the following winter. Having spent
the next three months in that city (20, 3), he returned to Macedonia and'embarked for Syria in the spring of A. D. 59. Or, our
scheme of chronology admits of a slightly different combination. If
we suppose two years and six months or nine months to exhaust
rpLETlav in 20, 31, we may assign Paul's return to Jerusalem to the
spring of the preceding year, viz. that of A. D. 58. The apostle
may have left Antioch on his third tour sufficiently early in A. D.
54 (see on 18, 22) to have spent several months at Ephesus before Pentecost in A. D. 55; and he could then have completed
the two remaining years of his residence in that city, at Pentecost
in A. D. 57. The advantage of this computation would be, that
it frees us from the necessity of crowding the two years of the
apostle's Roman captivity so near the year A. D. 64 —  ao-Evs.... aekoLt, the brethren received us gladly. This may refer to
the more private friendly greetings which preceded the interview
on the next day. Luke may have been struck with this cordiality the more, because Paul and his friends as preachers to the
heathen had reason to apprehend some coldness. See the note
on 15, 4, and Rom. 15, 31. The interview would be likely to
take place in the house of Mnason, but ol aekX/oot is too general
to be understood merely of him and his family.
V. 18. The notice here relates to a more public reception. -
i. rwtovorp, on the following day after their arrival.  cr-ov  Truv, with,
us, viz. Luke and Paul's other companions. It was now probably
that the gifts of the foreign churches were delivered up to the
almoners. —'IdKwfiov. This is James the Younger, who presided
over the church at Jerusalem; comp. 12, 17. As no one of the
other apostles is mentioned in this part of the narrative, it is probable that they were either not living or were laboring in foreign
lands. -7rper-l'TEpot. The pastor and the presbyters are named as
the principal persons (see 15, 6), not as excluding others.




352                 COMMENTAR Y.              CHAP. XXI, 19-21.
V. 19. ao7raroaJdEvos avTrovs, having embraced them. He had performed the same act of courtesy on his preceding visit to thent;
see 18, 22. — 8tar i  8LtaKovtag avTro, through his ministry in the
course of his recent journey.
V. 20. 7roorat /kvptaS3E, howt many myriads, stands for a large but
indefinite number, what multitudes.  Compare 1 Cor. 4, 15 and
14, 19. - rcoWral Tro vojpov, zealots for the latw; an objective or
causative genitive (comp. Gal. 1, 14). K. ~ 265. 2. b.
V. 21. OTt JL roorracrav &LOdCKeLt, K. r. X., that thou dost teach apostasyfrom lnloses, etc. Neander presents the following just view of
the transaction related here. " This accusation against Paul was
certainly false in the form in which it was alleged; for he opposed
the external observance of Judaism only so far as the justification
and sanctification of men were made to depend upon it. It was
his principle, that no one should abandon the national and civil
relations in which he stood at the time of his conversion, except
for important reasons; and in accordance with this principle he allowed the Jews to adhere to their peculiarities, among which was
the observance of the Mosaic law (1 Cor. 7, 18). But it could
not fail to happen that those who entered into Paul's ideas of the
relations of the law to the gospel, and were thus freed from their
scrupulous regard for the former, would be led into a freer line
of conduct in this respect, and individuals might carry this disposition further than Paul desired. It may be that such instances
gave occasion to the charge that he pursuaded the Jewish Christians to release themselves from the law. It is indeed true, that,
when it was once admitted that circumcision avails nothing as a
means of obtaining an interest in the kingdom of God, this rite
must, sooner or later, fall away of itself. But Paul would not
hasten this result by any arbitrary or violent act; he would leave
it to be the work of time, and would have no one break away
capriciously from the relations in which he has been called to be
a Christian. Hence, without deviating from the principles of
strict sincerity, he could repel that accusation of the Jewish zealots. He was far from entertaining the hatred against Judaism,
and the ancient theocratic nation, with which his violent opponents charged him. In conformity with the principle avowed in
his Epistles, viz. that he became a Jew to the Jews, as he became
a heathen to the heathen and weak to those who were weak, he
declared himself ready to do what James proposed to him, in
order to refute that accusation. He consented to refute it by
taking part in the Jewish worship in a mode which was highly
esteemed by pious Jews."




CHAP. XXI, 22-24.       COMMENTARY.                       353,.
V. 22. rt orv C&Tt; What, therefore, is it? viz. which the occasion requires; comp. 1 Cor. 14, 15. 16. —7rdvr(s.... crvvEX-SEv, It
is entirely necessary (inevitable) that a multitude (viz. of the Jewish Christians) should come together, i. e. around Paul as he appeared in their public assemblies, in the temple and elsewhere,
in order to watch his conduct and see whether their suspicions
of him were just. It is not meant that the church would assemble in a body for the purpose of consultation (Calv. Grot.); for
with that idea we should have had -ro before -XA3os (comp. 4, 32;
15, 12. 30). Nor does the language intimate that Paul's advisers
apprehended any violent outbreak on the part of the Jewish
Christians (Kuin.); the subsequent riot which led to his apprehension originated not with them, but with the unbelieving Jews
(comp. v. 27).
V. 23.   o ot X'CyopEv, which we say to thee, viz. James and the elders; for the subject of this verb must be the same as that of ET7rov
in v. 20. The narrative does not allow us to separate James from
the others; as if he merely acquiesced in the proposal while the
responsibility of suggesting it lay wholly with them  (against
Hws.). - The JvTpeS rE'o.apEq were certainly Jews, and may be
supposed from the relation implied in Elortv'jpL2v to have been also
Jewish believers. — EvXrv'XOvrEs e+' EavTWv, having a vow upon
themselves, which as appears from every circumstance of the description, must have been a Nazarite vow. This vow bound those
who assumed it to let the hair grow, to abstain from intoxicating
drink, and in other respects to maintain a life of ascetic rigor
(Numb. 6, 2 sq.). It was left to their option how long they continued such a vow; though it seems to have been customary
among the Jews of this period to extend it at least to thirty days
(Jos. Bell. Jud. 2. 15. 1). " When the time specified in the vow
was completed, the Nazarite offered a ram  of a year old for a
burnt-offering, a sheep of the same age for a sin-offering, a ram
for a thank-offering, a basket of unleavened cakes, and a libation
of wine. His hair was shaven off at the gate of the sanctuary,
and cast into the fire where the thank-offering was burning. He
offered as a wave-offering to God, the shoulders of the thankoffering and two cakes, which were both given to the priest."
Jahn's Archtol. ~ 395.
V. 24. TOVTOV3 w7apaXa/p3v, these taking with thyself as associates
in the vow. - a-yvCo-rTt (rCUv acvroTs, purify thyself with themm; enter
upon the same course of abstinence and religious consecration.
IIowson understands ayvIr-Sr3T of the ordinary ablutions before
entering the temple; but in that case o-rv ahroZs loses its signifi45




354                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXI, 25. 26.
cance, since the apostle's purification would have no more relation
to them  than to any other Jews. — Kalt 8arvrd(rov &r' av-ros, and
spend upon them, incur expense on their account. "As, in some
instances, the Nazarites had not sufficient property to enable them
to meet the whole expense of the offerings, other persons who
possessed more defrayed the expense for them, or shared it with
them, and in this way were made parties to the vow."  The
Jews looked upon it as an act of special merit to assist a Nazarite in this manner. Josephus relates (Antt. 19. 6. 1) that Agrippa
the First, on his arrival at Jerusalem after having obtained the
sovereignty of Palestine, paid the expense of numerous indigent
Nazarites who were waiting to be released from their vows. He
intended it as a thank-offering for his good fortune. - Ka  yvovrTaw 7rraVTES and all shall know by this act. yvwo-t and  yvcr(6wvTaL,
all may know (E. V.), are grammatical corrections, founded on the
false view that this clause depends on  a. — Kat avro&, also thyse~f
as well as other Jews.
V. 25. 7repp 8E ruv 7re7rLtwTEVKoTWV    E3vv, But (as we are both
aware) in regard to the Gentiles who have believed, etc.- BjLEZs, we,
i. e. the apostles and Christians at Jerusalem; for the adoption
of the decree was properly their act (comp. 15, 22), and not that
of Paul and the other delegates from Antioch who submitted to
them the question which the decree settled (15, 1). The object
of the reminiscent remark in this verse was to obviate any scruple that Paul might feel, lest the proposed measure should interfere with the liberty of the Gentile converts.- Et,q \/VXaacr(reo-3at,
K. T. X. See the note on 15, 20.
V. 26. 7rapaAa/3Wv refers to his connecting himself with the
men (v. 24), while ayvtW-LrSEt defines the nature of the connection.
-- m ixo~,v rpa,   on the following day after his interview with
James, and the third since his arrival at Jerusalem (v. 18). -- ov
a'Tots belongs certainly to  yvLWc9el& (see v. 24) and perhaps to
Ec-reL; not, in the latter case, necessarily because he now took
them to the temple in order to absolve them at once from their
vow (Hws.), but because it may have been important that they
should be present when he declared his intention to assume their
expenses. —8tayyEXXv..... adyvLot/ov, announcing, viz. to the priests
(eIs   t'Epo'V suggests the persons) the completion (lit. filling out)
of the days of the purification; in other words, making known
the interval (viz. seven days) between this declaration and the
end of the vow and the bringing of the necessary offerings. So
essentially Stier, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, Wordsworth, and
others. rov before ayvt-crpov defines the purification as that referred




CHAP. XXI, 26. 27.   C O MMENTAR Y.                       355
to in oriv avro'L (LyvLo-33ets; hence that of those associated in the
act, not that of the men merely and not that of Paul merely
(both mistakes have been made). The convenience of the priests
may have required this notification to enable them to prepare for
the concluding ceremony at the temple.  Others (as Wiesl.) explain ErXK'Xporw of the actual expiration of the days during which
the men's vow was to continue. Such a view leaves no time for
the apostle's partnership with them, and thus conflicts both with
Crv a-rozs a7yvLor'els, and with EVpoV IfE rt0r/vl-vov (EV T LtEp in 24, 18.
The apostle's arrest (v. 27) was subsequent to his present appearance in the temple, and at the time of the arrest, as we see from
the words just quoted, he was still observing his part of the vow.
-— o  oV, K. r. X., until the offering (known as necessary) was
brought. This clause depends naturally on 8tayy&AXUv, K. r. X., and
as it formed a part of the notice which Paul gave in the temple
(hence oratio directa) would have naturally the subjunctive (until
it should be brought, as in 23, 12. 21; 25, 21), instead of the indicative. It may be an instance, as Meyer suggests, in which the direct
form of the announcement glides over into the past of the narrative. See K. Ausfh. Gr. ~ 846. Some carry back the clause to
cirjet E c   iro epv as elliptical: went into the temple and staid there
until the offering was brought. In that case we must pass over
the nearer point of connection for a remoter one, and must even
insert the word in the text which renders that connection possible. Further, it is improbable that Paul lodged two or three days
in the temple; and yet as he speaks of himself as there on the
day of the riot, in order to bring the final offerings (24, 18), it
would follow on this view of the subject that he had remained
there from his first repairing to the temple till that time. The
true emphasis of hre-p vbS EKcar-rov lies in the fact that Paul was
to be answerable for the expenses of the offering of each one;
not (as Hws.) that he would remain in the temple until each one's
offering was presented.
VERSES 27-30. Paul is seized by the Jews, and dragged from the
Temple.
V. 27. us 8~ E/EXXov, K. r. X., Now as the seven days were about
to be completed, i. e. in all probability the seven days announced
to the priests as the limit to which the vow of the Nazarites
would extend, and as the period also of the apostle's partnership
in that consecration. This is the readiest explanation and the
one to which most critics assent (Bng. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De Wet.




356                   COMMENTAR Y.            CHaP. XXI, 27. 28.
Alf.). Neander's idea is that their vow embraced only seven
days in all, and that Paul joined them  on the last of these
days.  Against that construction  stands the inference from
evX7v  XOVTes e+l' &avruv in v. 23, that the vow had been resting on
them for a considerable time before the apostle's connection with
them, and, also, that Iva $vpmorrvTaL Tqrv KecbaXiV (v. 24) would signify very little if the ceremony was to take place at the expiration of a single week. - Wieseler (p. 105) has revived the opinion
of some of the older interpreters, viz. that the seven days were
those observed as the feast of Pentecost. His arguments are
mainly two: first, as obviating an objection, that this meaning
suggests itself readily enough after the information (20, 16) that
Paul was hastening to keep the Pentecost at Jerusalem; and,
secondly, that the reckoning of the twelve days between his
arrival there and his subsequent trial at Cesarea demands this
explanation. Howson adopts the same view. But the article
before  i-ra r'& E'pat recalls quite irresistibly the clays of the purification just spoken of, and the twelve days mentioned in 24, 11
may be computed in different ways (see note there), and hence
though compatible with that theory do not establish it. Above
all, the assumption that the Jews observed Pentecost as a hebdomadal festival is too uncertain to be made the basis of an explanation.  The law of its institution prescribed but one day
though the later Jews, it would seem, added a second.  Win.
Realw. I. p. 243.- o; a7ro rsi.'Aoias'IovSaToL, the Jews fromn Asia,
i. e. the province of that name where Paul had resided so long
(20, 31).  Some of them  may have been from  Ephesus, who
would recognize Trophimus (v. 29) as a fellow-townsmlan.  The
Jews here, the authors of this riot, were not believers and hence
not of the class of Jews whom the apostle expected to conciliate.
V. 28. po96CTLTE, help, i. e. to apprehend him, or to wreak vengeance on him. - ErL TE KaL, and further also; comp. 2, 26. It is
one of Luke's peculiar phrases. -'EXX'qvas may be the plural of
the class or category, because what Paul had done in the case of
one, he might be said in point of principle to have done for
many; or it may have been an exaggeration for the purpose of
increasing the tumult. - EI TO  EpO'v, into the temple, i. e. the part
of it interdicted to foreigners. The outer court or inclosure was
called the court of the Gentiles, and could be entered by them
without profanation.  The second court, or that of the Israelites,
was surrounded with marble pillars, on which, as Philo states,
was inscribed in Latin and Greek: " On penalty of death let no
foreigner go further."




CHAP. XXI, 29-31.     COMMENTARY.                        357
V. 29.'o-av 7rpoEopaKoTEs, had seen before, on some previous occasion; or possibly, had seen away, at a distance (Mey.). In this
compound the preposition refers elsewhere to the future (out of
question here) or to space, not to past time (R. and P. Lex.).
The retrospective sense lies so near to the use of 7rpo, and occurs
so readily here, that we need not scruple to admit it. - For Trophimus, see on 20, 4. He was a foreigner ('E0(':tov), and not a
Jew from Ephesus. - 3v oEVol/LOV, K. T. X., whom they were supposing,
etc. They had seen Trophimus in the city with him, and from
that rushed to the conclusion that he had brought Greeks into the
temple. " Zelota putantes," says Bengel, "saepe errant."
VT. 30. EXKOV.... IEpo, they dragged him out of the temple, so
as not to pollute it with blood (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.). They had
determined already to kill him. Bengel conjectures (whom Bmg.
follows) that they wished to prevent himl from taking refuge at
the altar. But the Mosaic law restricted the right of asylum to
those who had been guilty of accidental murder; see Ex. 21, 13.
14. —  KXEL-3.croav alt S9Vpat, the doors (of the second court) were
closed, probably by the Levites, who had the care of the temple;
see the note on 4, 1. They may have feared that the crowd
would return, or some new disturbance arise.
VERSES 31-40.  Thae Roman Commander rescues Paul from the
Hands of the Jews.
V. 31.  oiV TOVvrv K8 avToV aTOKTELVat, Now while they are seeking
to kill him; they were beating him for that purpose (see v. 32).
But as the onset had been sudden, and they were not furnished
with weapons, some delay intervened. It was nothing in all human appearance but that momentary delay, that saved now the
life of the apostle. The Roman officer had time to appear and
snatch him from impending death. - avErl-, K. T. X., a report went
up to the chiliarch of the cohort; see his name in 23, 26. It was
but the work of a moment to convey to him the information. He
had his station in the castle of Antonia, which was on a rock or
hill at the northwest angle of the temple-area. The tower at the
southeast corner of the castle "was seventy cubits high, and
overlooked the whole temple with its courts. The fortress communicated with the northern and western porticos of the templearea, and had flights of stairs descending into both; by which
the garrison could at any time enter the court of the temple and
prevent tumults."  Bibl. Res. I. p. 432. During the festivals is
was customary to keep the troops in readiness to suppress the




358                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XXI, 32-37.
riots which were so liable to occur at such times (comp. on 10,
37). See Jos. Antt. 20. 5. 3; Bell. Jud. 5. 5. 8. - The Turkish
garrison stands at present very nearly on the site of the old
castle. The traveller obtains his best view of the court of the
Haram  or mosque of Omar, the ancient temple-area, from the
roof of this garrison.
V. 32. &Karovrapxov, centurions, each with his proper complement of men. The chiliarch ordered out a force sufficiently large
to intimidate all opposition.- Kar-E'palJEv E'? aTroS, ran down upon
them.  To that despatch Paul was indebted for his escape; note
also Savr s.  This verb corresponds to avE'jrj in v. 31 - o   18e o'vTE9, K. T. X., Now when they saw the chiliarch, etc.  They knew the
consequences too well to run the risk of a collision with the Roman troops. See on 19, 24.
V. 33. &E,3%vatL LaXvoEo-L vo-rL to be bound with two chains, i. e. to
have his arms fastened to two soldiers, one on each side of him.
The mode was described in the note on 12, 6. —rti aiv E'y, who he
might be, since his name and rank were uncertain. - KaL T[ &TrL
TrE7roLvTKWF, and what he has clone.  The form of the inquiry presupposes that he had committed some crime. W. ~ 41. 4. c. He put
the question to the crowd, as the responsive clamor shows in the
next verse.
V. 34. ETs Trv 7rapE/J3oXr'v, into the garr'ison or barracks; not the
castle as a whole (E. V.), but the part of it assigned to the soldiers.
V. 35. Erl roiv ava/3a3xovs, upon the stai~rs which led up to the
castle.  On arriving here, the crowd pressed on Paul so as to
awaken the fear of some outrage or treachery. Some think that
he was lifted off his feet by the throng, and then taken and
carried up the stairs.- orvv9/Sj, K. r. A., it happened that ]he was
borne (in their arms or on their shoulders) by the soldiers.  rvvE8r1
is not superfluous. i/3ao-TacEro alone would have pointed out less
distinctly the peril of his situation, as evinced by their adopting
such a precaution.
V. 36. Now was heard again the shout which thirty years
before surrounded the praetorium  of Pilate, "Away with him,
away with him" (Hws.).  atpE is imperative present because
3KOXOV3Et (imperf.) represents the cry as a continued one; see 22,
22. Compare apov in John 19, 15, where the aorist precedes.
V. 37.'EXXvtorTI y7tV%-KELt; Dost thou know Greek?  The adverb stands in the place of the object (comp. ov'ro in 20, 13), and
XacETv is not to be supplied (Kiuin.); comp. ros YvptrI ErctLoTabLEvov3
in Xen. Cyr. 7. 5. 31, and in Latin Grcece nescire (Mey. De Wet.).




CHAP. XXI, 38.    COMMENTARY.                         359
V. 38. o&K apa, K. r. X., Art thou not therefore the Egyptian? i. e.
as I supposed. oi indicates an affirmative answer with reference
to the speaker's former state of mind. W. ~ 57. 3. The commander, on being addressed in Greek, concludes that he is mistaken; for it was notorious (it would seem) that the Egyptian
was unable to speak that language. He could not have drawn
that inference solely from his Egyptian origin, for the Greek was
now spoken more or less in almost every country. - Of this
Egyptian impostor, Josephus has given two different accounts
which need to be reconciled with each other, as well as with
Luke. In his Bell. Jud. 2. 13. 5, he relates that a juggler (ydor),
whom he also denominates o ARyVrvto%, having procured for himself the reputation of a prophet, led a great multitude of about
thirty, thousand men out of the desert to the Mount of Olives,
and promised them that the walls of Jerusalem would fall down
at his command; but Felix fell upon them, the Egyptian fled BEET'
OXtywv, with a small number, most of' his followers were slain or
taken prisoners, and the rest of the crowd (TO XoLTrov 7rXijo3) dispersed. In his Antt. 20. 7. 6 (he wrote this work later than his
Jewish War), he states that this Egyptian came to Jerusalem,
that he persuaded the populace to go out with him to the Mount
of Olives, where he would exhibit to them the wonder before
mentioned; and then he speaks of the attack of Felix, and in
that connection says merely thatfour hundred of the Egyptian's
people were slain, and two hundred were taken captive, without
any further addition. " Here now," says Tholuck (Glaubwiirdigkeit, p. 169), "Josephus has in all appearance contradicted himself in the most glaring manner; for in one case the Egyptian
brings the people from the desert to the Mount of Olives, in the
other, from Jerusalem; in the one case the greater part of thirty
thousand people are slain or taken prisoners; in the other, the
number of the slain amounts to only four hundred, that of the
prisoners to only two hundred. This example serves to illustrate
an important rule of criticism, so often violated by sceptical writers
in relation to the Bible; and that is, that, if the general credibility of an historian be acknowledged, we are bound to reconcile
an apparent difference by interpretation or combination.  The
application of this principle here enables us to view the matter
thus. The man had at first a band of sicarii, and a rabble had
also attached themselves to him; these people he leaves behind
on the Mount of Olives, and leads thither out of Jerusalem an
additional crowd, so that the entire multitude might amount to
about thirty thousand men. As usually happens in such cases,




3G60                 CO MME NTARY.          CHAP. XXI, 39. 40.
curiosity merely had drawn together most of them. Only a smaller
company belonged to the train of his followers, and among these
were the sicarii, the attack of the Romans was directed properly
against these, of whom Felix slew four hundred, and made two
hundred prisoners. With a small number, i. e. with the four thousand of whom Luke speaks, he escaped into the desert; the remaining mass, i. e. r5 rXioS, of which the first passage of Josephus speaks, dispersed. In this, or in a similar way, the Jewish
historian may be reconciled with himself, and with the writer of
the Acts." — E rTv &'prjpov, into the desert, viz. between Egypt and
Palestine, as he came from that direction. — rovb,eTpaKLtcrXXLtts,
the four thousand. The event was so recent that the precise
number was still known. The same Felix was procurator of
Judea at this time; see 23, 24. — TLKapLOV, assassins, a Latinism.
They received their name from the Roman sica, a curved dagger
adapted by its form to be concealed beneath the clothes; they
could use it for striking a fatal blow, in a crowd, without being
observed.
V. 39. iyo.... Tapoev's, as analyzed by Meyer, contains two
clauses: Iam indeed (evj) not the Egyptian, but a Jew from Tarsus. &8 below can hardly be antithetic. —KtLXtKas depends on
7roAEos; not in apposition with an implied genitive in TapcreVs'
(It. V.). - OvK aoritov, not unnoted; on the contrary, says Josephus
(Autt. 1. 6. 1), the most important city of all Cilicia. Many of
the coins of Tarsus bear the title of Autonomous and Metropolis.
See on 9, 30.
V. 40. HavIXos Eo'rn\s, K. T. X. "What nobler spectacle," exclaims Chrysostom, " than that of Paul at this moment! There
he stands bound with two chains, ready to make his defence to
the people. The Roman commander sits by, to enforce order by
his presence. An enraged populace look up to him from below.
Yet in the midst of so many dangers, how self-possessed is he,
how tranquil! " —'EppaiS& 8taXrKTp, in the Hebrew dialect, i. e.
in the Syro-Chaldaic or Aramaean, as in John 5, 2; 19, 13. See
on 6, 1. In that language, if he was not more intelligible to most
of his hearers, he could at least "speak more directly to the
hearts of the people."




CHAP. lXh1, 1-3.    COMMENTARY.                        361
CHAPTER XXII.
VERSES 1-21. Paul's Speech on the Stairs of the Castle.
V. 1. As we examined Luke's account of Paul's conversion
(9, 1-18) in connection with this address, it will be sufficient for
the most part to refer the student to the notes there, so far as the
two narratives coincide. I subjoin Mr. Humphry's introductory
paragraph. " Though the subject-matter of this speech has been
related before, it assumes here a fresh interest from the manner
in which it is adapted to the occasion and the audience. The
apostle is suspected of disaffection to the Mosaic law. In order
to refute this charge, he addresses them in Hebrew; he dwells on
his Jewish education, and on his early zeal for the law; he shows
how at his conversion he was guided by Ananias, a man devout
according to the law, and of good report among the Jews at Damascus, and how he subsequently worshipped in the temple at
Jerusalem.  So far they listen to him; but he no sooner touches
on the promulgation of the gospel among the heathen (v. 21)
than he is interrupted, and his fate would probably have been
the same as Stephen's, had he not been under the protection of
the Roman captain." —For 8EX0Vot Kat 7raTEpeg, see on 7, 2. Some
of the rulers mingled with the crowd, whom Paul knew personally or recognized by some badge of office.  Here too (1, 16)
Mv3peg is complimentary and belongs with that force to both nouns.
- ~ov depends not on aKocv-aTE (comp. 1, 4), but on (drroXoyas.
V. 3. The common rule would place /.ev after yEyevvquvoJ.    It
stands out of its place now and then in the best writers. W. ~
61. 5. The opposition lies evidently between Paul's foreign birth
and his education at Jerusalem. - KtXLKtag depends not on vro'A
understood, but on Tapo- utnder the rule of possession. W. ~ 30. 2.
— Critics point this sentence differently. Many of the older commentators, whom Meyer follows, place the comma after ra/aXLjtX,
instead of -ravlr7, so as to bring a participle at the head of the
several clauses. This division promotes the rhythm at the expense of the sense.  The comma should be put undoubtedly
after ravT-? (Grsb. Lchm. De Wet.).  Tischendorf follows this
punctuation in his second edition. 7rapa robs ~ro'83a raLaLXLtAX, at
the feet of Gamaziel, is appropriate to wrreraLtevEvoV, but not to avaTE3paJCLtJuvos; the latter having respect to his physical growth or
progress to manhood, the former to his professional training. ava46




362                     COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXII, 4-7.
TrE3pa/ltLEvoP Ev r7 t71' XEL rarOVT, having been brought up in this city,
forbids the supposition that Paul was an adult when he went to
reside at Jerusalem.  Compare, also, 26, 4.  He must have removed thither from Tarsus in his boyhood or early youth. It is
surprising that Eichhorn and Hemsen should maintain, in opposition to such evidence, that Paul did not enter the school of Gamaliel until the thirtieth year of his age. See note on 7, 58. To
be taught at one's feet was a proverbial expression among the
Jews, founded on the fact that in their schools the teachers,
whether they stood or sat, occupied a higher place than the pupils.  Sch6ttg. Hor. Hebr. p. 477. - KaTa aKpL/caLV  - KaTa T)7V aKpLEo(rcTaTv apEo-Ltv in 26, 5. Paul had been a Pharisee, and in his
zeal for Judaism  had surpassed all the adherents of that sect
who had been students with him under Gamaliel (see Gal. 1,
13). — raTpcov vdO/V =vo VOV TrV rarTEpWV; comp. T7r  7rGaTp1  gEy
in 24, 14.- -Eoio is like the genitive in 21, 20.
V. 4. Tav'Tqv Tnv o'dv (19, 23), stands concisely for those of this
way; comp. 9, 2. - -Xpt Savarov, unto death, not the aim  merely
(Grot. Mey.), but result of his persecution.  The facts in the
case justify the strongest sense of the expression; see v. 20 and
26, 10. - avSpa, K. -. X.  See on 8, 2.
V. 5. us Kac.... /ot, as also the high-priest testifies (= is witness) for me; i. e. the apXLEPEvs at that time (see on 9, 1), who
was known to be still living. Some construe the verb incorrectly
as future. --  rp0s rov  aE&Xaovs -p-rpo  ras o-vvaywyas in 9, 2; i. e.
unto the Jewish rulers of the synagogue whom Paul recognizes
as brethren (as in v. 1), to show that he was not hostile to his
countrymen or alienated from them (21, 28); comp. Rom. 9, 1 sq.
E 7ropevotrJv, was journeying; not went (E. V.). — /~v.... o.vra,
in order to bring also those there, lit. thither, because the speaker's
mind passes from where he is to them; not the emigrants thither
(Mey. Alf.), since the Jews had resided there too long to be viewed
in that light. - tva qkOwpr3jo-tv, that they might be punished, viz. by
imprisonment (v. 4; 8, 3), by stripes (v. 19; 26, 11), or by death
(v. 4; 8, 1).
V. 6. EVETro, K. r. X., But it happened to me as I journeyed (the
participle as imperfect) that, etc. --  LoL ropEVold&EV? is not an instance of the dative absolute, but depends on y&ETro; comp. v. 17.
W. ~ 31. 2. R. 2. — rep; JLEcrrO-l/4pLav, about mid-day.  See on 9, 3.
That he should have had such a vision (JcO tKavo'v) at such an
hour made it the more impossible that he should be deceived.For 7rept in 7reptLacrpcaat repeated before EJpe, see on 3, 2.
V. 7. E'rccr-a, which is changed in some copies to E'reG-ov, is an




CHAP. XXII, 9-14.      C O M M ENTA R Y.                    363
Alexandrian form; comp. Gal. 5, 4. W. ~ 13. 1. a.  Transcribers
have probably altered this termination to the second aorist in
some other passages, as John 6, 10; Heb. 3, 17; Rev. 7, 11. For
Ereoa in the classics, see K. ~ 154. R. 2; B. ~ 114.
V. 9. ol 0hv E/olO OVT E- ol crVVoSEVOVvr'  avT&r in 9, 7 (comp. 26,
14). So those might be described who happened to be travelling
with Saul in the same caravan; but the common view is more
correct, that they are the men who accompanied him as his assistants. He would need the aid of others to enable him to convey his prisoners in safety to Jerusalem (v. 5). - -qv - 8 &wveov oVK,jKovroav, but the voice of him who spoke to me they understood not.
For this translation, see the remarks on 9, 7.
V. 11.  &S 6 OVK EvEPXE7ro/, As now I saw not, i. e. any thing;
here only without an object. - adrr rTs &d''  ro3  wtr~o lKEtvov, fro2m
the glory, splendor, of that light, which was " above the brightness
of the sun;" see 26, 13. "The history (9, 9) mentions simply
the fact of his blindness, but the apostle states its cause, as an
eye-witness would naturally do."  Birks, p. 328.1
V. 12. ev(Oe/3', is the authorized word, not EvXa/38s. " The historian (9, 10) calls Ananias a disciple; but the apostle'a devout
man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews
who dwelt there.' Such a description was admirably suited to
his immediate object, to conciliate his audience in every lawful
way. How consistent it was with the other account appears
from  21, 20, in the words of James:'Thou seest, brother, how
many thousands of Jews there are who believe, and they are all
zealous of the law."' Birks, p. 329. - KaroLKOSvTV, SC. Ev AauaorKW.
-— rtror&, standing near, in order to place his hands upon him;
comp. 9, 17.- The recapitulation here omits the vision to Ananias, related so fully in the history (comp. 9, 10 sq.).  The circumstances of that event were unimportant to the apostle's
defence, and would have made his commission to the Gentiles
needlessly prominent at this stage of the address.
V. 13. advcflXElov, look up and see; and so in the next clause,
avXeCl3 a el avdo'v, I looked up upon him.  We are to think of
Paul as sitting there blind, and Ananias as standing before him
(Mey ).  The verb does not vary its meaning, but suggests in
the first instance what it asserts in the second. The involved
idea prevails over the direct one in such a use as that in 9, 12.
V. 14. o 3Eos rTWv aTrEptov  Hjiv, the God of our fathers, is another of
Horme Apostolicae, by the Rev. T. R. Birks, late Fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge (London 1850).




364                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXII, 15. 16.
"those conciliatory touches which mark a real discourse." -7rpoEXELptaaTO, K. T. X., appointed (destined, as in 3, 20) thee to know his
will, not as to the way of saving men (i. e. 8ovX'rv in 20, 27), but
as to what he was to do and suffer in his future sphere of labor;
comp. 9, 15. 16.- KaL 18Etv.  See the last remark on 9, 7. —rov
&KaLov, as in 3, 14; 7, 52.
V. 15. OTL Er(.... &vSp A ov, for thou shalt be a witness for him
unto all men.  This is the reason why Christ had revealed himself to Paul; comp. Gal. 1, 16. 7ravra,!v.pw7rov3 takes the place
of lCSv'v Kai /3aortXov, v[Wiv rE'Io-palA in 9, 15.  The more guarded
phraseology here evinces the tact of the speaker. Paul would
keep back for the present the offensive cEs Vvr which when
uttered at length (v. 21) was the last word that the bigoted Jews
would bear from him. - The idea of our English " martyr" was
not attached to /JpTrvp or!cdprvs till a later period.  We see the
word in its progress to that signification in v. 20 and Rev. 17, 6.
Towards the close of the second century it had become so honorable a title, that the Christians at Lyons who had been condemned to suffer torture or death, fearful that they might waver
in the moment of extremity, refused to be called "martyrs."
" This namne," said they, "properly belongs only to the true and
faithful Witness, the Prince of Life; or, at least, only to those
whose testimony Christ has sealed by their constancy to the end.
We are but poor, humble confessors, i. e. o'dXoyoL."  (Euseb.
Hist. 5. 2).- -v instead of J, which the verb requires, arises from
the suppressed &KEL'VWV after piapTrvs.
V. 16. avaorTrc-  stands opposed to JA~XXELt, i. e. without delay;
see on 9, 18. — da7rrt-aL, be baptized, or, with a stricter adherence
to the form, have thyself baptized (De Wet.). One of the uses of
the middle is to express an act which a person procures another
to perform for him. W. ~ 38. 3; K. 250. R. 2. This is the only
instance in which the verb occurs in this voice, with reference to
Christian baptism. In the analogous case (1 Cor. 10, 2) the reading is ]/3a7rrroavro or ~E/a7rTo'rr7av. -KaL a7rodXovocat ras alpartar crov,
and wash (bathe) away thy sins.  This clause states a result of
the baptism, in language derived from  the nature of that ordinance.  It answers to El, aEmo-Lv tJapTLOv in 2, 38, i. e. submit to
the rite in order to be forgiven. In both passages baptism is represented as having this importance or efficacy, because it is the
sign of the repentance and faith which are the conditions of salvation. Compare a&reXov0ao-r3e in 1 Cor. 6, 11. The sort of outward
washing expressed by this verb has been noticed on 16, 33.
Hence there can be no question as to the mode of baptism in




CHAP. XXII, 17-21.     COMMENTA RY.                         365
this instance; for if it be maintained that 3a6rwtecat is uncertain
in its meaning, a definition is added in Adroovo-at which removes
the doubt. -   LrKaXEc-/IEvo 9 To ovo/LL aVroV supplies essentially the
place of irlt rs ovokart'Iqc-rov XpLC-TOV in 2, 38; see the note on
that clause. ro9 KvpLoV after o'vo/a has much less support than
aTrog. The pronoun can refer only to Christ; comp. on 9, 14.
V. 17. For this journey to Jerusalem, see on 9, 10. - E-yEVETO
governs pkot as in v. 6. — In rrporoEvXoiLEVov Jov the construction
changes to the genitive absolute. On account of this intervening
clause, /Es accompanies yE'Vrr-aL, though 7EVETro has the same logical subject (see on 15, 23). W. ~ 44. 3.- On &KOT'roEt, see 10,
10.  Some, as Schott, Wieseler, and others, would identify this
"ecstasy" with the vision to which Paul alludes in 2 Cor. 12, 2;
and would establish by this coincidence the date of the composition of that Epistle. But as the apostle had so many similar revelations in the course of his life, and as the character of this vision
is so unlike that described in 2 Cor. 12, 2, the conjecture that
they are the same must be pronounced vague and improbable.
V. 18. iv TrXEL, quickly, accords with Gal. 1, 18.  On this first
visit Paul remained at Jerusalem but fifteen days, and received
this command probably on one of the last of them. In that passage of the Epistle the apostle says nothing respecting this vision
in the temple, as it was sufficient for his object to mention the
reason for this journey thither and the brevity of his stay. -- LOTt.....repi 7 log, because they (viz. his unconverted countrymen) will
not receive thy testimony, i. e. although he should continue to declare it to them. See the note on 9, 30.
V. 19. E7ov,, K. r. X. The apostle states the reason here why
he supposed Jerusalem to be his proper field of labor. His history as a converted blasphemer and persecutor was notorious in
that city; the testimony of such a man might be expected to have
more weight among those who had witnessed the change in his
character, than among those to whom his previous life was unknown.
V. 20.,tapTrvpods rov, thy witness, not " martyr" (E. V.); see on
v. 15. - Ka OVTO, then (see on 1, 10) I myself —In respect to
cOVVEV8oKWV, see the note on 8, 1. rj avatLpE'EL avro3 the critical
editions of the text omit, or put in brackets. It is probably an
addition from 8, 1. - On /vXao-O-crv, K. r. X., see 7, 58.
V. 21. 7ropEvov is present, because he was to obey at once.
He proceeded to Syria and Cilicia (9, 30 and Gal. 1, 21), and
remained there three or four years before his arrival at Antioch
(see on 9, 30). As he was ordered to leave Jerusalem because




366                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XXII, 22-24.
God would send him to the Gentiles, we may infer (though this
is not the common opinion) that he preached to heathen as well
as Jews during his sojourn in those regions.  See note on 13, 3.
— " Paul relates this vision to show," as Alford remarks, " that his
own inclination and prayer had been, that he might preach the
gospel to his own people; but that it was by the imperative command of the Lord himself that he went to the Gentiles."
VERSES 22-29. Paul pleads his Roman Citizenship, and escapes
the Torture.
V. 22.  3KOVOV, continued to hear. a-XpL rovTro 7ro Xo'yov, unto
this word, viz. that God would send him to the heathen. - aTpE is
present because it was a repeated cry; see on 21, 37. - For ro'v
with r0tOmTOV, the one such as he, see on 19, 25. - ov yTp KahI~KEV
av-rov Rv,for it was not fit he should live; imperfect because he had
forfeited life long ago. W. ~ 41. 2. Meyer refers the past tense
to the chiliarch's interference; he ought not to have rescued the
man, but should have left him to his fate. Some copyists, stumbling apparently at the imperfect, wrote Kaa3KOV or KajKEL.
V. 23.'LrrovrUov ra lCpMLa means, not throwing off their garments as a preparation for'stoning Paul (Grot. Mey.), for he was
now in the custody of the Roman captain; but throwing them up,
tossing them about, as a manifestation and an effect of their incontrollable rage. Their casting dust into the air was an act of the
same character.  This mode of demonstrating their feelings was
suited also to inflame the populace still mlore, and to impress the
tribune with the necessity of conceding something to their demands. Sir John Chardin, as quoted by Harmer,' says that it is
common for the peasants in Persia, when they have a complaint
to lay before their governors, to repair to them by hundreds, or a
thousand, at once; they place themselves near the gate of the
palace, where they suppose they are most likely to be seen and
heard, and there set up a horrid outcry, rend their garments, and
throw dust into the air, at the same time demanding justice.
V. 24. K&EXEVcrEV, K. T. X. It is not surprising that the chiliarch
gave this order. He had been unable to follow Paul's address on
account of his ignorance of the language; and witnessing now
this renewed outburst of rage, he concludes that the prisoner
must have given occasion for it by some flagrant offence, and
determines, therefore, to extort a confession from him. -ES-rv....
a'rov, directing that he should be examined by scourges.  The plural
X Observations, Vol. IV. p. 203.




CHAP. XXII, 25.26.     COMMENTARY.                        367
refers to the blows or lashes of the scourge. It was proposed to
torture him into an acknowledgment of his supposed crime. —
Lva ErLyvq, that he migUht ascertain. - o'r W'7rE~cvovv avrrC, were so
crying out against him; not cried out (E. V.).
V. 25.  os 8E 7rpoETELvav aiOv roZ3 TtsL/go-Lv has received two different explanations.  Some, as De Wette, Meyer, Robinson, render:
But as they (sc. the soldiers, see on v. 29) stretched him forth for
the thongs, i. e. for the scourge, which consisted sometimes of two
or more lashes or cords. They placed the apostle in an upright
posture, so as to expose him  more fully to the blows, or caused
him to lean forward in order to receive them more effectually.
The stripes, it will be remembered, were inflicted on the naked
back (see 16, 22).  Others translate, they stretched him, forth twith
the thong's, against a block or pillar, i. e. bound him  to it with
them, preparatory to his being scourged.  The article in this case
would designate the thongs as those which it was customary to
use on such occasions. B6ttger (Schauplatz, p. 84), who advocates the view last stated, deduces a strong confirmation of it
from v. 29. It is said that the chiliarch feared when he ascertained that Paul was a Roman citizen, because he had bound him;
but that fear could not relate to the command in 21, 33, for he
kept Paul in chains until the next day (v. 30), and Felix left him
still in that condition at the expiration of his term  of office (24,
27). It was not contrary to the Roman laws for a magistrate to
bind a criminal or suspected person for safe-keeping, although he
was known to be a Roman citizen; and hence it is difficult to
see what can be meant by &E$EKLO in v. 29, unless it be the binding connected with the scourging to which the commander had
ordered Paul to be subjected.  That was an outrage which was
not to come near the person of a Roman even after condemnation; the infliction of it on the part of a judge or magistrate exposed him to the severest penalty. (Wdsth. concurs in this view.)
Several critics (e. g. Kuin. Olsh.) render 7rpoE'ELvav, delivered, consigned, i. e. to the scourge, which is too vague for so specific a
term. —rrpoS TOv E&r7G-ra EKaTOVTapXOV, unto the centurion standing
there, having charge of the inquisition. It was the custom of the
Romans to commit the execution of such punishments to that
class of officers; comp. Mark 15, 39.-KatL JaKa-raKptrov, and (that
too) uncondemned, without previous trial; see on 16, 37.
V. 26. 0gpa, rendered take heed in the English version, Griesbach and others omit, after decisive authorities. It was added
apparently to give more point to the caution. - 6 yHp, K. T. A., for
this man is a Roman. It may excite surprise that the centurion




368                   COMMENTA RY.           CHAP. XXII, 27. 28.
believed Paul's word so readily.  We have the explanation of
this in the fact, that a false claim of this nature was easily exposed, and liable to be punished with death. (Suet. Claud. c. 25.)
It was almost an unprecedented thing that any one was so foolhardy as to assert the privilege without being entitled to it.
V. 27. XE'ye /oOL, K. r. A. He asks the question, not from any
doubt of Paul's veracity, but in order to have the report confirmed
from his own lips, and at the same time to elicit an explanation
of so unexpected a fact. The inquiry indicates his surprise that
a man in Paul's situation should possess a privilege which he
himself had procured at such expense.
V. 28.?roXXov KEfaXalov, for a great sum. It has been inferred
from this circumstance, and from his name, that Lysias was a
Greek. It was very common under the emperors to obtain the
rights of citizenship in this way.  Havercamp says in a note on
Josephus (Antt. 1. p. 712), that a great many Jews in Asia Minor
were Roman citizens at this time, who had purchased that rank.
It did not always require great wealth to procure it. A few years
earlier than this, in the reign of Claudius, "the rights of Roman
citizenship were sold by Messallina and the freedmen, with
shameless indifference, to any purchaser, and it was currently
said that the Roman civitas (Diet. of Antt. s. v.) might be purchased for two cracked drinking-cups." - Kat, also, connects the
fact of his freedom with its origin. — yeyEvvlat, sc.'Po/aitog, i. e.
he had inherited his rights as a Roman citizen. In what way the
family of Paul acquired this distinction is unknown.  Many of
the older commentators assert that Tarsus enjoyed the full privileges of citizenship, and that Paul possessed them as a native
of Tarsus.  But that opinion (advanced still in some recentworks) is certainly erroneous. The passages in the ancient writers which were supposed to confirm it are found to be inconclusive; they prove that the Romans freed the inhabitants of Tarsus
from taxation, allowed them to use their own laws, and declared
their city the metropolis of Cilicia; but they afford no proof that
the Romans conferred on them the birthright of Roman citizenship. Indeed, the opinion to that effect, could it be established,
so far from  supporting Luke's credibility, would bring it into
question; for it is difficult to believe that the chiliarch, after being told that Paul was a citizen of Tarsus (21, 39), would have
ordered him to be scourged, without any further inquiry as to his
rank. It only remains, therefore, that Paul's father, or some one
of his ancestors, must have obtained Roman citizenship in some
one of the different ways in wlhich foreigners could obtain that




CHAP. XXII, 29. 30.  COMMENTARY.                           369
privilege. It was conferred often as a reward for fidelity to the
Roman interest, or for distinguished military services; it could be
purchased, as was mentioned above; or it could be acquired by
manumission, which, when executed with certain forms, secured
the full immunities of freedom to the emancipated. In which
of these modes the family of Paul became free can only be conjectured.  Some adopt one supposition, some another.  Nothing
is certain beyond the fact that Paul inherited his citizenship.
V. 29. ol ALE'XXovres are soldiers who aided the centurion (v. 25).
Luke does not mention the command of Lysias, which caused
them  to desist so promptly. - -TLyvo;V  ort'Pwcxa-ls O-TtL, having
ascertained that he is a Roman. "Illa vox et imploratio,' Civis
Romanus sum,' quw saepe multis, in ultimis terris, opem inter
barbaros et salutem  tulit," 1 proved itself effectual, also, in this
instance. — Tt.... 8e8EKWS, because he had bound him.  Those who
understand this of his having ordered him to be chained in 21, 33,
must suppose that his present fear was very transient.'Xvo-Ev
in v. 30 shows that Paul was kept in chains during the night.
VERSE 30. Paul is examined before the Sanhedrimz.
V. 30. For the use of o' before the interrogative clause, see
on v. 21. —t KaTrrryopeLTatL rapa rwv'IovSaldv, why he is accused on
the part qf the Jews, not directly or formally, but, in point of fact,
by their persecution of him, their clamor for his death. 7-apa is a
more exact preposition for this sense (W. ~ 47. p. 327) than vr-d,
which has taken its place in some manuscripts.  Some have
joined 7rap' rTwv'Iov8at'wv with yvOJvat ro ado-aXE, as if it could not
follow a passive verb. -- a7ro vv 8EOc-xJv after EXAvcev expands the
idea, and was added to the text probably for that purpose. It is
destitute of critical support. - KarayayWv rov IlavXov, having' brougqht
clown Paul from his prison in the castle (see on 21, 31) to the
lower place where the Sanhedrim assembled. According to Jewish tradition, that body transferred their sittings at length from
Gazith, an apartment in the inner temple (see on 6, 13), to a
room on Mount Zion, near the bridge over the Tyropcoon. It
was here probably that the council met at this time; for Lysias
and his soldiers would not have presumed to enter the sacred
part of the temple. The Romans conceded to the Jews the right
of putting any foreigner to death who passed the forbidden limits;
comp. on 21, 28. See Lewin, II. p. 672.2
Cic. in Verr. Act. 2. 5. 57
2 The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, by Thomas Lewin of Trinity College,
Oxford (1851).
47




370                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXIII, 1. 2.
CHAPTER XXIII.
VERSES 1-10. Paul's Speech before the Jewish Council.
V.  1.  rWo2 crUVEtrE L a&ya39, with all good conscience; or, more
strictly, consciousness, i. e. of integrity and sincerity. See on 20,
21.- -rErroXLrEv/Jaat rc' WE, I have lived unto God, i. e. for his service
and glory; dative of the object (see Rom. 14, 18; Gal. 2, 19).
The verb refers to his conduct in all respects; not specially to
his political or civil relations.  Compare adoes ro9 EvacyyEX~ov 7roXLrevEcro-E in Phil. 1, 27. - aIXpL rTavrq  - r' yldEpa, unto this day, from
the time that he became a Christian. As his conduct before his
defection from Judaism was not in question now, he had no occasion to speak of that part of his life, though he could claim in
some sense to have acted conscientiously even then (see 26, 9).
V. 2. o apxLEpEvb'Avavtag. This Ananias is to be distinguished
from the Annas, or Ananus, of whom we read in 4, 6; Luke 3, 2,
and John 18, 13. He is unquestionably, says Winer (Realw. I. p.
57), the son of Nebedaous, who obtained the office of high-priest
under the procurator Tiberius Alexander, in the year A. D. 48, and
was the immediate successor of Camydus or Camithus (Jos. Antt.
20. 5. 2). He filled this office also under the procurator Cumanus,
but, having been implicated in a dispute between the Jews and
the Samaritans, he was sent by the Syrian propraetor to Rome,
in A. D. 52, in order to defend himself before the Emperor Claudius.  The subsequent history of Ananias is obscure.  He either
lost his office in consequence of this journey, or, which is more
probable (Jos. Antt. 20. 6. 3), he was acquitted, and continued to
officiate as high-priest until he was superseded by Ismael, son of
Phabi, just before the departure of Felix from Judea. In the
latter case, says the same writer, he was the actual high-priest at
the time of the occurrence'related here, and is called apXLEPEVs on
that account, and not because he had formerly held the office, or
because he occupied it during a vacancy. - Tots ErapEr(T-wLv aur`,
those who stood near to hinm; not members of the council, or spectators, but the vr-7lp'ra, the servants in attendance; see on 4, 1.
- Tv7rrEv avTrov  r (rro'ka, to strike his mouth.  The mouth must be
shut that uttered such a declaration. It was not to be endured
that a man arraigned there as an apostate from the religion of his
fathers should assert his innocence.  This mode of enjoining




CAxr. XXIII, 3-5.    COMMENTARY.                         371
silence is practised in the East at the present day. -" As soon as
the ambassador came," says a traveller in Persia, "he punished
the principal offenders by causing them to be beaten before him;
and those who had spoken their minds too freely, he smote upon
the mouth with a shoe."  He relates another instance: "'Call
the Ferasches,' exclaimed the king;' let them beat the culprits
until they die.' The Ferasches appeared and beat them violently; and when they attempted to say anything in their defence,
they were struck on the mouth." 1
V. 3. TV7-'TEWV.... 0 &EO%, God shall smite thee.  The apostle
declares in terms suggested by the outrage that God would punish
the author of the brutal insult; he does not imprecate vengeance
on him, or predict that he would die by violence. As Ananias
was killed by an assassin (Jos. Bell.Jud. 2. 17. 9), some have supposed Paul's language to prefigure such an end. -   rotxe KEKOVLa/~EVE,
thou whited wall, i. e. hypocrite, because, as stated in the next
clause, he did one thing while he professed another. For the
origin of the expression, see Matt. 23, 27. The Jews painted
their sepulchres white, so as not to defile themselves by coming
unexpectedly in contact with them; hence they were fair to the
eye while they were full of inward corruption. Jahn's Archtool.
~ 207.- Ka' 0- KJ.9-, And dost thou sit? etc. The verb is a later
form for Ka.3-cuat. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 358. Kat conforms here to
its use in questions designed to bring out the inconsistency of
another's views or conduct.  Compare Mark 4, 13; Luke 10, 29.
K. ~ 321. R. 1. - KplwUv V/LE KaTa T-Ov voov, judging me according to
the law, states what was true of him in theory, 7rapavopuiv, transgressing the law, what was true in point of fact.
V. 5. OVK?16tw, I did not know at the moment, bear in mind
(Bng. Wetst. Kuin. Olsh. Wdsth.).  Compare the use of this
verb in Eph. 6, 8; Col. 3, 24. Some understand that Paul did
not know, was ignorant, that Ananias was now the high-priest; a
possible ignorance, certainly, since he had been absent from the
country so long, and the high-priest was changed so frequently
at that period. On the contrary, if the high-priest presided on
such occasions or wore an official dress, Paul could tell at a glance
who that dignitary was, from his position or his costume. But
this view is liable to another objection; it renders the apostle's
apology for his remark irrelevant, since he must have perceived
from the presence of Ananias that he was at least one of the
rulers of the people, and entitled to respect on account of his
Morier's Second Journey through Persia, pp. 8, 94.




372                 COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XXIII, 6.7.
station. Others think that Paul spoke ironically, meaning that
he did not know or acknowledge such a man as high-priest (Mey.
Bmg.). The sarcasm so covertly expressed would not have been
readily understood, and the appeal to Scripture in that state of
mind, becomes unmeaning, not to say irreverent. - yhp yEypa7rrat
connects itself with an implied thought: Otherwise I should not
have so spoken; for it is written, viz. in Ex. 22, 28. The passage
applies to any civil magistrate, as well as to the high-priest. Paul
admits that he had been thrown off his guard; the insult had
touched him to the quick, and he had spoken rashly. But what
can surpass the grace with which he recovered his self-possession,
the frankness with which he acknowledged his error? If his
conduct in yielding to the momentary impulse was not that of
Christ himself under a similar provocation (John 18, 22. 23),
certainly the manner in which he atoned for his fault was Christlike.
V. 6. yvo'3 8', K. r. X. Neander: " In order to secure the voice
of the majority among his judges, Paul availed himself of a measure for promoting the triumph of the truth which has been oftener
employed against it, -the dividrle et impera in a good sense; in
order to produce a division in the assembly, he addressed himself
to the interest for the truth which a great part of his judges acknowledged, and by which they really approached nearer to him
than the smaller number of those who denied it. He could say
with truth that he stood there on trial because he had testified
of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead; for he
had preached Jesus as the one through whom this hope was to
be fulfilled. This declaration had the effect of uniting the Pharisees present in his favor, and of involving them in a violent dispute with the Sadducees.  The former could find no fault with
him. If he said that the spirit of a deceased person, or that
an angel, had appeared to him, no one could impute that to him
as a crime; what he meant by this, and whether what he alleged
was true or not, they did not trouble themselves to decide." -
7rEpl iXrro'o, K. r. X., for hope's sake and (that) a resurrection of the
dead (Mey. De Wet.), i. e. by hendiadys, the hope of the resurrection, (Kuin. Olsh.).  The first mode of stating it analyzes the
grammatical figure.
V. 7. 1EEVErTO STaLs, there arose a dissention, difference of views
respecting Paul's case; see on 15, 2.- As the effect of this difference, (r Xtlcr3 To rXrk3os, the multitude was divided, took opposite
sides.
V. 8. i  cva7.... 7rvcv/a, that there is no resurrection, nor




CHrP. XXIII, 8-10.   COMMENTARY.                         373
angel or spirit.  See Mark 12, 18.  vU3s adds a second denial to
the first, while /lrTE expands this denial into its parts.  See W. ~
55. 6. Josephus confirms this statement as to the belief of the
Sadducees. In one place (Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 14) he says, that " the
Sadducees reject the permanence or existence of the soul after
death, and the rewards and punishments of an invisible world;"
and in another place (Antt. 18. 1. 4), that " the Sadducees hold
that the souls of men perish with their bodies." The Talmudists
and other Jewish writers make the same representation. — r
a/,JoTepa, both, i. e. according to the above analysis, a resurrection
and the reality of spiritual existences, whether angels or the
souls of the departed. Josephus belonged to the sect of the
Pharisees,'and he represents their opinion to have been, "that
souls have an immortal vigor, and are destined to be rewarded or
punished in another state according to the life here, as it has
been one of virtue or vice; that the good will be permitted to
live again (i. e. in another body on the earth), and that the wicked
will be consigned to an eternal prison." (Antt. 18. 1. 3.) "There
was a variety of opinions concerning the resurrection," says Biscoe, " among the Pharisees, or traditionary Jews. In this account
of it, which resembles the heathen idea of transmigration, Josephus, as I apprehend, has given us that which comes nearest to
his own belief, or which he was inclined to have the Greek philosophers understand to be his own. For he is accused by learned
men, and certainly not without reason, of sometimes accomlniodating the Jewish revelation to the sentiments of the heathen,
or bringing it as near to what was taught by them as might be."
V. 9. oi ypa/JLarets, K. Tr. X., the scribes of the party of the Pharisees contended, disputed violently. They appear as the champions
of their party, because they were the men of learning, and accustomed to such debates. - El    V 7roveta, K. T. X., but if a spirit
spoke to him, or an angel -; undoubtedly, a designed aposiopesis. A significant gesture or look towards the Sadducees
expressed what was left unsaid: that is not an impossible thing,
the matter then assumes importance, or something to that effect.
See W. ~ 64. II. For other examples of aposiopesis, see Luke
19, 42 and 22, 42. Some maintain that the sentence is incomplete, because the remainder was unheard amid the tumult that
now ensued.  The common text supplies' 3#EOlaXWl;ev as the
apodosis; but the testimonies require us to reject that addition.
It was suggested, probably, by 3EopaTxot in 5, 39.
V. 10. p   acr araco3  b HIakXog Tr'' avr'Tv, lest Paul should be
pulled in pieces by them, as the parties struggled to obtain posses



374                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XXIII, 11-15.
sion of him; their object being on the one side to protect him,
and on. the other to maltreat or kill him. - TO - rpaTEv"La, the solcdiery, some of the troops stationed in the castle; see v. 27.- Observe the collateral Te after ay7EV, since the rescue and the conveyance to the garrison are parts of the same order.
VERSES 11-15.  A Conspiracy of the Jews to slay Paul.
V. 11. 0 KVopwtoi e. Christ. -- a9pcE, be courageous still.  The
tense is present. Though he had not begun to despond, he was
on the eve of trials which would expose him  to that danger. -
IIavXE in the T. R., which the E. V. retains, is to be struck out.
- E-'IEpovcraXl  and Eg ~'P wqv involve an ellipsis like that noticed
on 8, 40.-8-E, is necessary, because such was the purpose of God;
comp. 27, 24.  Paul had long cherished a desire to see Rolme
(19, 21; Rom. 1, 13); but as far as we know, he was now assured for the first time that such was to be his destiny
V. 12. 7ro-tqc-avrE o(T-vorTpO/'V, having formed a combination (Mey.
Rob.), which orvwopo-tav in v. 13 defines more precisely. - o['Iov&atot, the Jews, since this party of them  manifested the Jewish
spirit; see the last remark on 4, 1. TLVwE r1v'Iov&atlv is an unapproved reading.
V. 14. To-t apXtLPEvLt Kalt ots 7rpEr8ivrE'poL% the chief-priests and
the elders, i. e. those of these classes who were hostile to Paul,
the Sadducee members of the council (Mey. De Wet.). This
limitation suggests itself without remark, after the occurrence
which has just been related. - aveEarLaTtaev a avrois, wa e cursed
ourselves.  The expression points to some definite ratification of
the atrocious oath. The reflexive of the third person (see v. 12)
may follow a subject of the first or second person.  K. ~ 303. 8;
B.~ 127. n. 5.
V. 15. obv I-' orvvcEppt, with the Sanhredrim, i. e. in the name
of that body, as if it was their united request. -a ptov has been
added to the text in some copies, because it occurs in v. 20.
aKpL/SErTEpov, more exactly than on the former trial.- 7rpo roV Eyyylrat
avTov, before he has come near, i. e. to the place of assembly. Their
plan was to kill him on the way; see v. 21.- -ro aveXEiv depends
on ETOL/tOL as a genitive construction. W. ~ 44. 4. - It would be
difficult to credit the account of such a proceeding, had Luke
related it of any other people than the Jews. Here, as Lardner
suggests (Credibility, I. p. 224), are more than forty men who
enter into a conspiracy to take away Paul's life in a clandestine
manner; and they make no scruple to declare it to the council,




CHAP. XXIII, 16-21.    COM MENTARY.                     375
relying upon their approbation. It is clearly implied that these
teachers of religion, these professed guardians of the law, gave
their assent to the proposal; they had nothing to object, either to
so infamous a design, or to the use of such means for accomplishing it. But, out of place as such a passage would be in any
other history, it relates a transaction in perfect harmony with the
Jewish opinions and practices of that age. A single testimony
will illustrate this. Philo, in speaking of the course to be pursued towards a Jew who forsakes the worship of the true God,
lays down the following principle: " It is highly proper that all
who have a zeal for virtue should have a right to punish with
their own hands, without delay, those who are guilty of this crime;
not carrying them before a court of judicature, or the council,
or, in short, before any magistrate; but they should indulge the
abhorrence of evil, the love of God, which they entertain, by
inflicting immediate punishment on such impious apostates, regarding themselves for the time as all things, senators, judges,
praetors, sergeants, accusers, witnesses, the laws, the people;
so that, hindered by nothing, they may without fear, and with all
promptitude, espouse the cause of piety." Josephus mentions a
similar combination against the life of Herod into which a party
of the Jews entered on account of the religious innovations which
they charged him with introducing. (Antt. 15. 8. 1-4.)
VERSES 16-22.  The Plot is disclosed to the Roman Commander.
V. 16. o vLos rys a&EXts, the son of his sister. Whether the
family of this sister resided at Jerusalem, or the nephew only,
does not appear from the narrative. His anxiety for the safety of
Paul may have arisen from a stronger interest than that prompted
by their relationship to each other. See the note on 9, 30. He
was not a bigoted Jew at all events; for in that case he would
have allowed no tie of blood, no natural affection to interfere
with the supposed claims of his religion. - ErEaEXM)v, K. T. X., having entered into the castle, whence it appears that his friends, as
afterward at Cesarea (24, 23), had free access to him. Lysias
may have been the more indulgent, because he would atone for
his fault in having bound a Roman citizen. —,~v'vpav, the ambush which the Jews were preparing.
V. 18. O 8Eo'uLos shows that Paul was still bound, i. e. by a
chain to the arm of a soldier. - EXOvTa rt XaX'-cua crot, since he has
something to say to thee; comp.;XEL 7EP, K. T. X., in v. 17.
V. 21. &veSpEv'ovot, lie in wait, which they were doing inasmuch




376                    COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XXIII, 22-24,
as their plot was already so mature; comp. EvE'pav 7roL~v're in 25, 3.
—'E~o-oapaKovTa, SC. avapiv, as in v. 13.- ETool  ErftL, sC. -roz aVXEJiv
avTov; comp. v. 15. - 7rporSEX,/evoL r —v aro' crov 4rayyEXtav, awaiting
the (expected) promise from  thee.  E7rayyeXta has this constant
sense in the New Testament.
V. 22. Note the change to the direct style in On raavra Eveka'vtoag 7rpog /E. W. ~ 63. II. 1. Compare Luke 5, 14. The opposite
change occurs in v. 24.
VERSES 23-30.  The Letter of Lysias to Felix.
V.23. svo tvave'rjv EKarovTrapXov, some two or three of the centurions; not one or two (Hws.), from the nature of the expression
and because less than two would be an inadequate command
for so large a force. Though it is not said expressly, the inference is that these officers were to take charge of the expedition,
as well as prepare. for it. ris joined with numerals renders them
indefinite; comp. 6Vo rLtva 7-uv /tar)wV   in Luke 7, 19.  W. ~ 25.
2. b; K. ~ 303. 4. —c rpartWTras, soldiers, who, as they are distinguished from the other two classes named, must be the ordinary,
heavy-armed legionaries. - -SoXxadfov' occurs only here and in
two obscure writers of the iron age.  "Its meaning," says De
Wette, "is a riddle."  The proposed explanations are these: 7rapa/vXaKCE, military lictors who guarded prisoners, so called from
their taking the right-hand side (Suid. Bez. Kuin.); lancers (Vulg.
E. V.); a species of light-armed troops (Mey.), since they are
mentioned once in connection with archers and peltasts. Codex
A reads  Etoflo'Xovs, jaculantes dextra (Syr.).  See De Wette's
note here. - -a7ro''p&t   pas,from the third hour, i. e. nine o'clock
with us; it being implied that they were to march at that hour
as well as be ready.
V. 24. KT7rV- T-E rapao'-rcrat, and that they should provide beasts
of burden, as two or more would be needed for relays, or for the
transportation of baggage. The discourse changes at this point
from the direct to the indirect; comp. on 19, 27. -'va  rtft3dacoavTCE, K. T. A., that having mounted Paul (on one of them) they might
convey hinm in safety unto Felix. 8ta in the verb refers to the intermediate space, not to the dangers through which they were to
pass; comp. 18, 27; 27, 44; 1 Pet. 3, 20.- ZFelix was the procu
rator of Judea, having received this office from  the Emperor
Claudius, probably in the autumn of A. D. 52 (Win. Ang. Mey.).
He was originally a slave, was a man of energy and talents, but
avaricious, cruel, and licentious. Tacitus (Hist. 5. 9) has drawn




CHEA. XXIII, 25-29.    COMMENTA R Y.                        377
his character in a single line: " Per omnem smvitiam ac libidinem
jus regium servili ingenio exercuit."  See further, on 24, 3. 24.
V. 25. yphausa belongs to the subject of E7rEV in v. 23. — 7repEXovoav rTV rVrov roTroV, containing this outline, draught, i. e. a letter to this effect.  The Roman law required that a subordinate
officer, in sending a prisoner to the proper magistrate for trial,
should draw up a written statement of the case. The technical
name of such a communication was elogium.
V. 26. Kpaeto-rwr is an honorary epithet; see on 1, 1. -- rYqE[tove
stands in the New  Testament for the more specific 7rrtpo7ros
(comp. Matt. 27, 2).- Xa/petv. Compare the last remark on 15,
23.
V. 27.'ov avSpa is the object of'ELaXo'4v, which avrov repeats
on account of the distance of the noun from the verb; comp.
roVTorV in 1, 22. -  ctdXXovra avatpeio-at, on the point of being killed;
not should have been (E. V.). — o-v T( o-TparElparL, with the military
(see v. 10). - /aeov o'Tt'Pw/uat^o  rant, having learned that he is a
Roman, which is stated as a reason why Lysias was so prompt
to rescue him.  It was not until after he had taken Paul into his
custody that he ascertained his rank; but, as was not unnatural,
he wished to gain as much credit as possible in the eyes of his
superior. This deviation from truth, says Meyer, testifies to the
genuineness of the letter.  Some resolve yzarnv into KaL E/ta.ov,
as if he learned the fact that Paul was a Roman citizen after his
apprehension.  The Greek of the New Testament affords no instance of such a use of the participle.  See W. { 46. 2. Luke
with his inquisitive habits (see his Gospel 1, 1) would find an
opportunity to copy the letter during his abode of two years at
Czasarea.
V. 28. f/ovXopsEvo%, K. r. X., Tishing to know or ascertain (yv0vat
and E7rtyvwvat are both found) the crime (not charge), of which at
this stage of the affair Paul was supposed to be guilty.  The
weaker sense of atlrtav (Hws.) makes EVEKaXoVV repetitious. -- 
WV, K. T. X., on account of which they were accusing him, not formally,
but by their continued outcry, as Luke has related. - KaTrWyayov
avroJv, I brought him clown in person, as he must be present to
gain the desired information; see on 22, 30.
V. 29. 7rEPL  7Trq/LLarTv rov vodtov aVrirv, concerning questions of
their law.  See the note on 18, 15.- As 9avarov and aEcrruov denoted the highest and lowest penalties of the law, the idea is
that Paul had no crime alleged against him that required his
detention or punishment (Bdttg.).  Every Roman magistrate before whom the apostle is brought declares him innocent.
48




378                    COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXIII, 30. 31.
V. 30.  The writer falls out of his construction here. He says
Vnvv.9ELO' at the beginning of the sentence, as if he would have
added rs jEXXAo-oq; but in the progress of the thought adds
u;XX&tv, as if he had commenced with g/rLvvTraov.... E7rLjovXiv,
K. T. X.  The idea of the thing disclosed gives place to that of the
persons who disclose it. W. ~ 63. I. - -v7ro  v'Iovoat'v after  eo —
Sals the recent editors omit (Tsch. De Wet. Mey.). — E'-taa,   I
sent; since the future act would be past on the reception of the
letter (comp. Phil. 2, 28; Philem. 11).  W. ~ 41. 5. 2.-  grc c(rov,
before thee,
VERSEs 31-35.  Paul is sent to Felix at Ccesarea.
V. 31.  avaXaaf3vres, having taken up, answers to Errtl/3oa'ravres
in v. 24. — 8t rrs VVKr&O, during the night, which would include the
hours from nine o'clock, P. M. (v. 23) to six, A. M. —eit T7v'AVTL-arp['a, unto Antipatris, which was about thirty-eight miles from
Jerusalem, on the route to Caesarea.  It was built by Herod the
Great, on the site of a place called Caphar Saba, and was named
by him Antipatris, in honor of his father Antipater. See Jos.
Antt. 16. 5. 2; Bell. Jud. 1. 21. 9.  The modern Kefr Saba, about
ten miles from Lud, the ancient Lydda, stands no doubt on the
same spot.l It is an instance, like Ptolelmnis (21, 7), in which the
original name regained its sway, on the decline of the power
which imposed the foreign name. The Romans had two military
roads from Jerusalem to Antipatris; a more southerly one by the
way of Gibeon and Beth-horon, and a more northerly one by
way of Gophna. Bibl. Res. II. p. 138. If Paul's escort took
the latter as the more direct course, they would arrive at Gophna
about midnight, and at day-break would reach the last line of
hills which overlooked the plain of Sharon. Antipatris lay on a
slight eminence, at a little distance from the base of these hills.
To perform this journey in the time allowed, would require them
1 See the account of a visit to Kefr S'ba by the late Dr. Smith, in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1843, p. 478 sq. "It is a Muslim village, of considerable size, and
wholly like the most common villages of the plain, being built entirely of mua.
We saw but one stone building, which was apparently a mosque, but without a
minaret. No old ruins, nor the least relic of antiquity, did we anywhere discover.
A well by which we stopped, a few rods east of the houses, exhibits more signs
of careful workmanship than anything else. It is walled with hewn stone, and is
fifty-seven feet deep to the water. The village stands upon a slight circular eminence, near the western hills, from which it is actually separated, however, by a
branch of the plain." Raumer (Palastina, p. 132, 3d ed.) and Ritter (Erdkunde,
XVI. p. 571) suppose Antipatris to have been at this place.




CHAP. XXIII, 31-35.    COMMENTARY.                       379
to proceed at the rate of about four miles an hour. As those who
conducted Paul had a good road (traces of the old Roman pavement are still visible), they could accomplish a forced march of
that extent, in nine hours, Strabo says that an army, under ordinary circumstances, could march from two hundred and fifty to
three hundred stadia in a day, i. e. an average of about thirty
miles. Forbiger (Handb. der Geog. p. 551) gives a table of the
various distances of a day's journey among the ancients.  Some
understand'yayov &&a r-si VVKTOS to mean that they brought him by
night, in distinction from the day; in which case they could have
occupied two nights on the road. It is suggested that the escort
may have proceeded to Nicopolis the first night, which was
twenty-two Roman miles from Jerusalem, and, remaining there
the next day, have arrived at Antipatris the night following. Biscoe, Meyer,] Kuinoel, and others, adopt this opinion. In this case
VM V7ravpLov in v. 32 must denote the morrow after the arrival at
Antipatris on the second night, instead of the morrow after leaving Jerusalem, as the text would more obviously suggest. If it
be thought necessary, we may consider &ta rTys vVKTOs as applying
only to the greater part of the journey. It would be correct to
speak of the journey, in general terms, as a journey by night,
although it occupied two or three hours of the following day.
This view, which Winer maintains (Realw. I. p. 65), allows us
to assign twelve hours to the march, and the rate of travelling
would then be a little more than three miles the hour.
V. 32.  acEravTe, K. r. X. The remaining distance to Caesarea
was not more than twenty-five miles.  They were now so far
from the scene of danger that they could with safety reduce the
escort. Whether they had orders to do this or acted on their
own discretion, we are not told. They commenced their return
to Jerusalem on the morrow, but after so hurried a march would
travel leisurely, and may have occupied two days on the way.
T. 34. o?JyE wv appears in the common text, without sufficient
reason -  7repwrro'-a%, K. T. X., having asked from what province he is.
He makes the inquiry, perhaps, because the letter stated that
Paul was a Roman citizen.
V. 35. &aKovcSrozat o-ov, 1will hear thee fully.  Observe the compound.  The expression exhibits a singular conformity to the
processes of Roman law. The rule was, Qui cum elogio (see on
1 J. A. G. Meyer in his Versuch einer Vertheidigung und Erluterung der
Geschichte Jesu und der Apostel aus Griechischen und Rimischen Profanscribenten (p. 461).




380                   COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XXIV, 1.
v. 25) mittuntur, ex integro audiendi sunt. The governor of a
province was not to give implicit credit to the document with
which a prisoner was sent to him; he must institute an independent examination of the case for himself.  See Bdttger, Beitrage,
u. s. w., II. p. 8. - Ev Ad 7rpatuTwptI Tdov'Hp&ov, in the prcetoriun of
Herod, i. e. in the palace built by him at Casarea, and now occupied as the residence of the Roman procurators.  Paul was confined in some apartment of this edifice, or within its precincts.
See Win. Realw. II. p. 324.
CHAPTER XXIV.
VERSES 1-9. Tertullus accuses Paul before Felix.
V. 1. As to Ananias, see on 23, 2. - iETa 8E rTEVE r/Epa%, Now
afterfive days, i. e. in popular usage, on the fifth since Paul's departure from Jerusalem (Kuin. Mey. De Wet.); not since his
capture there, or since his arrival at Caesarea. The escape from
the Jewish conspiracy is nearest to the mind here after what has
been related; and further, according to Roman usage, a case referred like this should be tried on the third day, or as soon after
that as might be possible (comp. 25, 17).  See Bdttger, II. p. 9.
The reckoning in v. 11 admits of this decision. - /IETa Tiv 7rp(o —
/vp OWv, with the elders, i. e. the Sanhedrists, represented by some
of their number. TtI-VV is a gloss. - fpTopog TEpTvXXov. As the
people in the provinces were not acquainted with the forms of
Roman law, they employed advocates to plead for them before
the public tribunals. Tertullus was one of this class of men, and
may have been a Roman or a Greek. It is not certain, that "the
proceedings before Felix were conducted in Latin.  In ancient
times the Romans had attempted to enforce the use of Latin in
all law courts, but the experiment failed. Under the Emperors
trials were permitted in Greek, even in Rome itself, as well in
the senate as in the forum, and it is unlikely that greater strictness should have been observed in a distant province." Lewin,
II. p. 684. - EvEavLoav,  K. X. X., informed the governor against Paul,
lodged their complaint. " The beginning of any judicial action,"
says Geib, " consisted in the formal declaration on the part of the
accuser, that he wished to prosecute a particular person on account of a certain crime." 1
1 Geschichte des R6mischen Criminal-processes, p. 115.




CHAP. XXIV, 2-5.       COMMENTARY.                          381
V. 2. KXqySEVTro avrov, he having been called, after information of
the case had been given (EvEaxvLw-av), but before the charges
against him were produced. The Roman law secured that
privilege to the accused; see 25, 16. Nothing could be more
unstudied than this conformity to the judicial rule.-'p aro
KaTryopELv, proceeded to accuse.  Tertullus  insisted  on  three
charges; viz. sedition (KLvorvTa r7aoLtv), heresy (7rpwrooT0rrdav rTv
Naowpacov), and profanation of the temple (0s KaL, K. T. X.); see
on v. 5. 6.
V. 3. In this verse the participial clause forms the object of
a7roEOXO/EEc3a; comp. evXapLUtrT  T( Se  7ra'VTV v vLv /LakXov 7ycXrocat
XaXwv in 1 Cor. 14, 18. W. ~ 46. 1. a.  Translate, That we enjoy
much peace throughl thee, and (the benefit of) many (sc. wroXXWv)
excellent deeds performed for this nation by thy prudence, we acknowledge, with, all gratitude.  Most critics transfer the idea of.roXXA7s to KarOp~SwU/ualTv (De Wet. Mey. Rob.), which term refers
to the general measures of his administration.  The speaker
employs the first person plural, because he identifies himself with
his clients. — 7ravTrlT Te KaL 7ravTaxoV some join with yLvoLEvwOv: both
in every {way and everywhere (Rob.); others with a7roX0o'/eSa, and
render, both always and everywhere; not merely now and here
(De Wet. Mey.).  The first is the surer sense of 7rrav-r. The
best editors write this word without iota subscript. W. ~ 5. 4. e.
-The language of Tertullus is that of gross flattery.  History
ascribes to Felix a very different character. Both Josephus and
Tacitus represent him as one of the most corrupt and oppressive
rulers ever sent by the Romans into Judea.  He deserved some
praise for the vigor with which he suppressed the bands of robbers by which the country had been infested. The compliment
had that basis, but no more.
V. 4. Eva.... y7Ktrrrw, But that Imay not hinder, weary, thee too
much, I will be brief, i. e. in what he proposes to advance. Eri
7rXEtov refers, not to the few words of his preamble (Mey.), as if
that was beginning to be tedious, but to his subsequent plea.
aKcovora.t qv ~ oVVTr(0, to hear us briefly, where the adverb qualifies
the verb.  It is unnecessary to supply XE OVTwv after uqr/v.
V. 5. The sentence is irregular. We should have expected
EKpaTrrralcev avro6v at the beginning of the apodosis; but instead of
that the writer says ov Ka', influenced apparently by g0 KaL in the
clause which precedes.  W. ~ 46. 2. -yap, namely: the case is
as follows (comp. 1, 20). - Xoto'v, pest, like our use of the word.
- KLvovTra....'Iovadotgs, exciting disturbance unto all the Jews, i. e.
among them and to their detriment. The latter idea occasions




382                  COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXIV, 6-10.
the use of the dative.  The charge is, that he set the Jews at
variance with one another; not that he excited them to rebel
against the Romans. - Nagwpalwv occurs here only as a term of
reproach (Olsh.); see on 2, 22.
V. 6.  S.... 3e3Xicra-at, twho also attempted, etc.  See 21, 28.
- The entire passage Ka m Kara.... Tt ao- (v. 6-8) is of doubtful
authority.  It is rejected by Griesbach, Bengel, Mill, Lachmann,
Tischendorf, De Wette, and others.  Manuscripts of the first
class omit the words, and others contain them with different variP
ations. "If they are genuine," says Meyer, "it is difficult to see
why any one should have left them  out; for KaTa ToYv VbZETEpoV
vtov 3e7OclaJuev KpVELtV would be no more offensive in the mouth
of the advocate who speaks in the name of his client, than the
preceding EKpa-o-'aLaev. The indirect complaint against Lysias in
v. 7 was entirely natural to *the relation of the Jews to this tribune, who had twice protected Paul against them." It is urged
for the words that their insertion answers no apparent object, and
that they may have been dropped accidentally (Wdsth.). -'SeX1raeLEv, K. r. X., we wished to judge, etc.  We obtain a very different view of their design from 21, 31; 26, 21.
V. 7. In uETa vroXXA3 fil'ag, with much violence.  Tertullus misstates the fact. The Jews released Paul without any struggle,
on the appearance of Lysias; see 21, 32.- Erl a-r, before thee.
V. 8. trap' or would refer to Paul, if we exclude the uncertain
text which precedes; but more naturally to Lysias, if we retain it (comp. v. 22). - vaKplvas may be used of any judicial
examination.  It is impossible to think here of a trial by torture, since both  Paul and Lysias were exempt from  it in
virtue of their rank as Roman citizens.  It was illegal at all
events to have recourse to this measure. See Howson's note,
II. p. 322.
V. 9. Go'VVETreEVTO, K. T. k., And the Jews also assailed him at the
same time, viz, by asserting that the charges were true.  This is
a better reading than o-vve3Evro, assented, agreed, though we have
that word in 23, 20.
VERSES 10-23. Paul's Defence before Felix.
V. 10.,K?roXXuwv ETw2V, since many years. As Felix became
procurator probably in A. D. 52 (see on v. 24), he had been in
office six or seven years, which was comparatively a long time,
at this period when the provincial magistrates were changed so
rapidly.  Some of them  exceeded that term of service, but a




CHAP. XXIV, 11.      COMMENT A R Y.                       383
greater number of them fell short of it. Before his own appointment as procurator, he had also governed Samaria for some years,
under Curnanus, his predecessor.  See Hertz. Encyel. IV. p. 354.
-- eaEL depends on KptrTv as dat. comm.,judge for this nation,:since the relation existed ideally for their benefit. B. ~ 133. 2. h;
W. ~ 31. 2. Paul avoids the usual Xao' and says Z3vos, because
he is speaking to a foreigner; see, also, v. 17. - Ev3vj6rEpov, more
chzeerfully (T. R.); or EVSv/,4w% cheerfully (Tsch.); the former more
correct since the comparative as less obvious was liable to be displaced.
V. 11. 8avavk&ov (rov yvvat, since you are able to know, i. e. by
inquiry; or, yrtyv0.vaL (Tsch.), to ascertain.  Paul adds this as another reason why he was encouraged to reply. The subject lay
within a narrow compass. Felix could easily ascertain how the
prisoner had been employed during the time in which he was
said to have committed the crimes laid to his charge. — The common text inserts ~ before &8Kas8o, which the later editions omit.
See on 4, 22. The best mode of reckoning the twelve days is the
following: First, the day of the arrival at Jerusalem (21, 17);
second, the interview with James (21, 18); third, the assumption
of the vow  (21, 26); fourth, fifth, sixth, and seventh, the vow
continued, which was to have been kept seven days (being interrupted on the fifth); eighth, Paul before the Sanhedrim (22, 30;
23, 1-10); ninth, the plot of the Jews and the journey by night
to Antipatris (23, 12. 31); tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth,
the days at Caesarea (24, 1), on the last of which the trial was
then taking place.  The number of complete days, therefore,
would be twelve; the day in progress at the time of speaking
not being counted. The five days mentioned in v. 1 above agree
with this computation, if, as suggested there, we reckon the day
of leaving Jerusalem as the first of the five, and that of the arrival at Caesarea as the last. So essentially Wetstein, Anger, Meyer,
De VWette, and others.  Some, as Kuinoel, Olshausen, would exclude the days spent at Cmsarea, and extend the time assigned
to the continuation of the vow. But Elol g OLt (note the tense)
evidently represents the days as reaching up to the present time.
According to Wieseler's hypothesis, that Paul was apprehended
on the second day of the vow, the at E7rrTa -drtEpat in 21, 27 form no
part of the series. He distributes the time as follows: two days
on the journey from Caesarea to Jerusalem (21, 15); third, interview with James; fourth (rEvr-TKoorrT), seizure of Paul in the
temple; fifth, the session of the Sanhedrim; sixth, the departure
by night to Cmsarea; seventh, the arrival at Cesarea; twelfth




384                   COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XXIV, 12-15.
(five days after that), the journey of Ananias from Jerusalem
(24, 1); and thirteenth, his arrival at Caesarea, and the trial of
Paxul. -a+b' B is abbreviated for a&7rrb i   lps'. -' -pOCrKVVCmOV,
in order to worship, i. e. in the temple; which was an object entirely different from that imputed to him.  For this use of the
future participle, see B. ~ 144. 3.
V. 12. The grammatical analysis here requires attention. The
first OVITE extends to oXXoL, and a, or (not notr), connects merely the
participial clauses, not EJpov expressed with that verb repeated.
Before the second and third o'TE we are to insert again EVpOV....
6'XXov; so that both acts, the having disputed and the having excited a tumult, are denied with reference to the temple, the synagogues, and the city. -  The 8taXEyoL/EVO was not in itself censurable, but in this instance he could. urge that he had not even had
any religious discussion during the few days in question. —Ev TraZ
o-vvaywyaZs, in the synagogues at Jerusalem, where they were numerous; see on 6, 9. - KaT riv rwroXtv, throughout the city, up and
down the streets (Alf.); not excluding 8taXE7o4Evov, but refering
especially to 7rLtcrvcrTactv.
V. 14. Having replied to what was falsely alleged, he states
now (o& adversative) what was true in the case. — rL Ka~ raT-v bBv,
K. T. X., that according to (those of) the way (9, 2; 19, 9, etc.) which
(not in which) they call a sect (a'pEo-Lv, with a shade of reproach)
so (i. e. after their mode) I worship, etc. This appears to me
more simple than to make ov'To prospective: so, viz. by believing all
things, etc. (Mey. De Wet.). - Kara rov vol ov, throughout the law,
in all the books of Moses; see on 13, 15.
V. 15. EXr[ta.... SEOv, having a hope in reference to God, i. e.
founded on him, since his word and his promise furnish the only
basis of such a hope. - -v Kal, K. r. X., which also these themselves
entertain, that it is appointed there shall be (see on 10, 28) a resurrection of the dead, etc. avroi ouVrot are the Jews present, viewed
as representatives of the nation. Hence most of his accusers
here were Pharisees, and the breach between them and the
Sadducees (23, 7) had been speedily repaired. VEKp&CV in T. R.
lacks the requisite support (Lchm. Tsch.). - 8Kaltov TE KQa a8tKWV,
not only of the just (those accepted as such by faith), but of the
unjust. The resurrection of the wicked in order to be punished
is as clearly taught here, as that of' the righteous to be rewarded.
The apostle represents this hope as the prevalent Jewish faith.
Comp. 26, 7. "The Sadducees," says Biscoe, (p. 68) "were so few
in number, that they were not worthy of his notice by way of exception. Josephus expressly tells us,' that they were a few men




CHAP. XXIV, 16-18.    COM M E N T A R Y.                  385
only of the chief of the nation' (Antt. 18. 1. 4); that they prevailed only with the rich to embrace their sentiments, and that
the common people were all on the side of the Pharisees (Ib. 13.
10. 6)."
V. 16. Ev TroVTs, therefore (comp. John 16, 30), i. e. in anticipation of such a day.- Kat aro,0', also I myself; as well as others
who exemplify the proper effect of this doctrine.  It is impossible, the apostle would argue, that he should entertain such a persuasion, and yet be guilty of the crimes imputed to him.- -     KW,
I strive, exert myself. - a7rpo(rKo7rov, blameless, lit. not made to
stumble, preserved from it, and hence unoffended.  The term is
passive here, as in Phil. 1, 10, but active in 1 Cor. 10, 32.
V. 17. The defence here (US metabatic) goes back to the specification in v. 6. -8' ETOV rv 7rXELOv, after several years, i. e. of absence. It was now A. D. 58 or 59. He had made his last visit
to Jerusalem in the year A. D. 54 or 55. -  kXEr/oo-rva'a  7royoo-wv, in
order to bring alms which he had collected in the churches of
Macedonia and Achaia, for the relief of the believers at Jerusalem; see Rom. 15, 25. 26; 1 Cor. 16, 1-4; 2 Cor. 8, 1-4. This
allusion is very abrupt. It is the first and only intimation contained in the Acts, that Paul had been taking up contributions on
so extensive a plan. The manner in which the Epistles supply
this deficiency, as Paley has shown, furnishes an incontestable
proof of the credibility of the New Testament writers. - 7rpoo —
4opas depends loosely on 7roocroov: and while there I was making
or would have made, ofErings; which after the information in
21, 26 we naturally understand of those that he engaged to bring
in behalf of the Nazarites. They are not the oblations which
were made during the feast of Pentecost; since no connection
would exist then between irporo-opa& and the purification spoken
of in the next verse.
V. 18. &v ot, in which, the business of the offerings.  For this
use of the pronoun, comp. 26, 12. -  epov.... iv ar acps, they, sc.
the Jews, found nze purfijed as a NaVzarite in the temple. rtYvwLLvov must have this sense here, since it points back so evidently
to 21, 24. 26. —0 oir Aa oXXov, not with a mob, as Tertullus had
given out (v. 5), but conducting himself altogether peaceably.He now retorts this charge of a riot upon the true authors of it.
TLvAE 8o aro n7-'Aoulat'Iov8aoLt, but certain Jews from Asia-it is they
who excited a tumult, not I. The verb could be omitted (a true
picture of the speaker's earnestness) because it suggests itself
so readily from 3opv;3ov, and because the details of the affair have
been related at such length (21, 27). The common text omits 84
49




386                 COMMENTA R Y.            CHAP. XXIV, 19-22.
and makes rvues the subject of Epov. This is incorrect, as E' must
be retained. Our English translation is founded on the omission
of this particle.
V. 19. ov;s SEct, whom it became to he present; imperfect because
they should have been there already (comp. Ka3CKEV in 22, 22).
The instigators of the riot were the persons to testify how it
arose. — E r ExoLev, if they mnight have anything; a possibility
purely subjective, and hence optative.
V. 20. i) avrot ovrot, or (since the proper witnesses are not
here) let these themselves (see v. 1. 15) say what crime they founld.
With El in the T. R. we must read if they found any, etc. (E. V.);
but El is unauthorized.
V. 21.  A) 7rept puLas graVSTr qovxw, No other offence than (that) concerning this one expression. The sentence is framed as if rT'AAo
a'8lKtqua had preceded (Mey. De Wet.).  The Sadducees might
object to his avowal of a belief in the resurrection, but the rest
of his countrymen would esteem that a merit and not a crime.q 3EKpaea, which I cried; an attracted genitive, instead of the accusative, which this verb would properly take as having a kindred sense. In Matt. 27, 50, and Mark 1, 26, bwvy( after the same
verb denotes the instrument of speech, not, as here, what was
spoken. See W. 4 24. 1.
V. 22. avroi's, them, viz. both parties like 6vas just below.aKptLE0rTEpoV E83S ra T  rpt, "ii   oovr, knowing the things in regard to
the way (the Christian sect) more accurately, i. e. than to give a
decision against Paul (comp. 25, 10), or than the complaint against
him had taken for granted. " Since Felix," says Meyer, "had
been already procurator more than six years, and Christianity had
spread itself, not only in all parts of Judea, but in Cawsarea itself,
it is natural that he should have had a more correct knowledge
of this religion than the Sanhedrists on this occasion had sought
to give him; hence he did not condemn the accused, but left the
matter in suspense."  Other explanations of the comparative are
the following: knowing the case more accurately, i. e. as the result
of the present trial (which would have been a reason for deciding it, instead of deferring it); knowing it more accurately than to
postpone it, i. e. (a remark of Luke) Felix should have acquitted
Paul at once (which brings a severe reflection on his conduct
into too close connection with the account of his lenity in the
next verse); and, finally, knowing the case more exactly, i. e.
(joined with what follows) when I thus know it, after hearing
the testimony of Lysias, judgment shall be given.  This last
sense is out of the question, because it disregards utterly the




CHAP. XXIV, 23. 24.    COMMENTARY.                          387
order of the words, as well as the proper meaning of 8taryv(ro-oat,
I will know fully, not will decide.
V. 23.  The 7o before'KaTOVTdapXq7, designates the centurion as
the one who had charge of Paul, and perhaps other prisoners (see
27, 1; 28, 16); whether he belonged to Cwesarea or had come from
Jerusalem.  This officer is. not necessarily the one who had conducted the troops from Antipatris (23, 32) in distinction from the
one who returned, since r-  admits of the other explanation, and
since 35o rtvaS in 23, 23 leaves the number indefinite.  Hence as
the article does not identify the centurion, the inference to that
effect (Blunt,1 p. 323 and Birks, p. 344) is not to be urged as a
proof of the verity of the history. -- 7TpEL3aL avro'v, not middle,
to?keep him (E. V.), but that he should be kept as a prisoner, be
guarded.-  (XELv re VrerLv, and should have respite or alleviation, i. e.
be treated with indulgence, and not subjected to a severe captivity. One of the favors which he received is mentioned in the
next clause. — The grammatical subject changes before KOXVeLV
of which Kat (note TE between the other verbs) admonishes the
reader. - ~vrrpereTv, serve hinm, minister to his wants. --  7rpGoo:E;XEo-JaL is doubtful, and may be borrowed from 10, 28.
VERSES 24-27. Paul testifies before Felix and Drusilla.
V. 24. 7rapacyEv4'/OEvo%, having come, not to Cuesarea, after a temporary absence, but to the place of audience; comp. 5, 21; 25, 23.
— otv ApovroXX7....'Iov8at', with Drusilla, his wife, being a
Jewess, which would imply that she still adhered to the Jewish
religion.  This Drusilla was a younger daughter of Agrippa the
First, who was mentioned in 12, 1 sq., and a sister of Agrippa the
Second, who is mentioned in 25, 13. We turn to Josephus (Antt.
20. 7. 1 sq.) and read the following account of her: "Agrippa
gave his sister Drusilla in marriage to Azizus, king of the Emesenes, who had consented to be circumcised for the sake of the
alliance.  But this marriage of Drusilla with Azizus was dissolved in a short time after this manner.  When Felix was proczratorfor Jzudclea, he saw her, and, being captivated by her beauty,
persuaded her to desert her husband, transgress the laws of her
country, and marry himself." " Here," as Paley observes, " the
public station of Felix, the name of his wife, and the circumstance of her religion, all appear in perfect conformity with the
1 Undesigned Coincidences in the Writings of the Old and New Testaments
by Rev. J. J. Blunt, London 1847.




388                  COMMENTA R Y.            CHAP. XXIV, 25-27.
sacred writer."  The fate of this woman was singular.  She had
a son by Felix, and both the mother and the son were among
those who lost their lives by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius,
in A. D. 79. — Luke does not inform  us why Felix summoned
Paul to this conference. We may infer from the presence of
Drusilla, that it was on her account. In all probability it was to
afford her an opportunity to see and hear so noted a leader of the
Christian sect.
V. 25. 7rEpt &8KatLCov'v7, concerning justice, which the conduct
of Felix had so outraged. Tacitus (Ann. 12. 54) draws this picture of him as a magistrate: " Relying upon the influence of his
brother at court, the infamous Pallas, this man acted as if he had
a license to commit every crime with impunity." - KaL EyKpaCretaa
and self-control, especially continence, chastity. Here we have
another and double proof of the apostle's courage. At the side
of Felix was sitting a victim of his libertinism, an adultress, as
Paul discoursed of immorality and a judgment to come. The woman's resentment was to be feared as well as that of the man.
It was the implacable Herodias and not Herod, who demanded
the head of John the Baptist. -- j/o/los y7vOLEVos, having become
alarmed. -r   vvv,xov, as to what is now, for the present (Kyp.
De Wet. Mey.).  The construction is that of an adverbial accusative.  K. ~ 279. R. 10.- Place a comma or colon, not a period,
at the end of the verse.
V. 26. atLa Kal XA'ri'owv, at the same time also (that he gave this
answer) hoping.  The participle connects itself with ar6EKpl'3,
(comp. 23, 25), and is not to be taken as a finite verb. - OTtXP
/xaTa, K. T. A., that money will be given to himt by Paul, i. e. as an
inducement to release him. --  grwo Xvk'r warcTv (T. R.), that he
might loose him (E. V.), suggests a correct idea, but is not genuine. Felix had conceived the hope that his prisoner would pay
liberally for his freedom. He may have supposed him to have
ample resources at his command. He knew that his friends
were numerous, and had been informed (see v. 17) that they
were not too poor or too selfish to assist one another.
V. 27. 8LEtas 8S 7rXr-/pw.OEwt/s, Two years now having been compyleted, i. e. since Paul's imprisonment at Caesarea. - EXafl &ta8oXov
o:Xt$ TIo'pKLoV iTroV, Felix received Porcius Festus as successor.
Luke wrote first, or we might suspect him of having copied Josephus who says, HopKov 8E o'r Tov StaaXOV (DXLtKL 7rrE/t3CVTOS (Antt.
20. 8. 9). As to the year in which this change in the procuratorship took place, see Introd. ~ 6. 4.- — 3hXwv.... ro'IIovSadots, and
wishing to lay up jfvor for himself with the Jews, to make himself




CHAP. XXV, 1. 2.       COMMENTARY.                     389
popular among them; which was the more important at this time,
as they had a right to follow him to Rome, and complain of his
administration if they were dissatisfied with it. His policy was
unsuccessful; see Introd. ~ 6. 4. An act like this, on leaving
such an office, was not uncommon. Thus Albinus, another corrupt procurator of Judea, having heard that Gessius Florus had
been appointed to succeed him, liberated most of the state prisoners at Jerusalem, in order to conciliate the Jews. - KaTlEL7TE,
K. T. X., left Paul behind chained, still a prisoner, instead of setting
him at liberty. I correct my former note here in view of Mr.
Howson's suggestion. As we are not to infer from lavoetv in 24,
23 that Paul was freed from his chains, 8E8lEvVov does not mean
that he was rebound after a temporary release. Wieseler (p. 380)
has shown that the custodia libera was granted only to persons of
rank, and hence Paul could not have enjoyed that favor, as is
proved, also, by his subjection to the surveillance of the centurion. Meyer has changed the note in his last edition to agree
with this view. According to De Wette, Felix loaded Paul again
with the chains which he had removed. Lange (II. p. 326),
speaks of the custodia libera as exchanged now for the custodia
militaris.
CHAPTER XXV.
VERSES 1-5. Festus refuses to bring Paul to Jerusalem.
V. 1. o'v, therefore, since he was the successor of Felix. —" The
new procurator," says Mr. Lewin (II. p. 699), "had a straightforward honesty about him, which forms a strong contrast to the
mean rascality of his predecessor. He certainly did not do all
the justice that he might have done; but allowing somewhat for
the natural desire to ingratiate himself with the people of his
government, his conduct, on the whole, wvas exemplary, and his
firmness in resisting the unjust demands of the Jews cannot fail
to elicit our admiration." - zErTa TpEZL Pipas, after three days, i. e.
on the third, which allows him one day for rest between his arrival at Caesarea and his departure for Jerusalem.
V. 2. If o apXtEPEvs (T. R.) be correct, this higZh-priest must
have been Ismael, son of Phabi, who succeeded Ananias (Jos.
Antt. 20. 8. 8). Two years have elapsed since the trial before
Felix (24, 1 sq.), at which Ananias was so active. Instead of




390                   COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXV, 2-6.
the singular, some read o; apXtEpEt3 (Lchm. Tsch.), which was introduced probably to agree with v. 15 (De Wtet. Alf.). — or rp&rot,
the first men, are the chief-priests and the ellers in v. 15, except
that the apXLEPE6v mentioned separately here would be one of the
aPXLEPELs there. - rapEKacXovv, as imperfect, shows their importunity.
V. 3. aTrovLevoto XaptLv, K. 7. X., asking for themselves a favor against
him, viz. that lhe would send for him, etc. - Evepav 7roLoVVTre, vmaking an ambush, arranging for it; see 23, 21. They anticipated
no obstacle to their plan, and may have already hired their assassins and pointed out to them the cave or rock whence they
were to rush forth upon their victim.  Compare the note on
v. 16.
V. 4. dJrEKp[lr-, answered, viz. to their second request (see note
on v. 16). — r -peto'3at, K. T. X., that Paul was kept as a prisoner at
(lit. unto) Ccesarea, as the Jews were aware; and hence as the
governor was about to proceed thither, it would be more convenient to have the trial at that place.  The English version, viz.
that Paul should be kept, conveys the idea of a too peremptory refusal. So decided a tone would have given needless offence.
rnpel~at announces a fact rather than a purpose. - Eis  KaLtrapEtav
(more correct than Ev with the dative) opposes tacitly his being
kept back unto Ccesarea to his removal thence; not unlike ELd'Aorlav in 19, 22.
V. 5. olt vvarot'v Jvt, the powerfil among- youl, your chief men;
not those who are able, who may find it easy or possible to perform
the journey (Calv. Grot. E. V.).  Their attendance at the trial
was imperative, and the magistrate would not speak as if they
were to consult their convenience merely in such a matter.
Kuinoel has shown that'Iovat'lv ot 8vvaTro was common among
the Jews as a designation of their rulers; see Jos. Bell. Jud. 1.
12. 4; 2. 14. 8 and elsewhere. Compare, also, 1 Cor. 1, 26 and
Rev. 6, 15.  Howson, after Meyer, renders those who are compettn/, are authorized to act as prosecutors, but without offering any
proof of that absolute use of the term. - 0-qt should stand before E'v'i6v, not after it (T. R.).
VERSEs 6-12.  Paul appealsfromn Festus to Ceesar.
V. 6. &tarptlag, K. r. X., Having now spent not more than eig'ht
or ten days, i. e. having returned speedily, as he had intimated
(Ev rTXet in v. 4).  Instead of oi3 7rXELovs OrKT) X 3EKa (Grsb. Tsch.
Mey.) as above, the received text (and so E. V.) reads wrXEtovs V




CHAP. XXV, 7-11.       COMMENTARY.                        391
EKa, more than ten days, as if Festus (8, adversative, but) had
not fulfilled his word (v. 4). - T-f EcraLpLov = T-r  ~  in v. 17.
V. 7. 7r-Epdacrrqav, stood around him, not the tribunal (Kuin.);
comp. 7rEpt o' ETTaEVTES in v. 18. - Most manuscripts omit KaT&a TO
IHavaov after OEpovrTE. Tischendorf writes KaTaO/pOVTrE; but others
defend the simple participle. - The heavy charges (/lapEa aCrtW(/ara) as the defence of the apostle shows (v. 8), were heresy,
impiety, and treason; comp. 24, 5. 6.
V. 9. EKdL.... Er' iLOVE, there to be judged (viz. by the Sanhedrim) before me, i. e. in his presence, while he should preside
(Mey. De Wet. Wiesl.), and perhaps confirm or reject the decision. There are two views as to the import of this proposal. One
is, that Festus intended merely to transfer the trial from Caesarea
to Jerusalem; and the other is, that he wished to change the
jurisdiction in the case, to surrender Paul to the Jews, and allow
them to decide whether he was innocent or guilty. The explanation last stated agrees best with the intimations of the context.
The reply of the apostle (Irn roi /- arao. ro..... KplvW-at in v. 10),
and the fact that he proceeds at once to place himself beyond
the power of Festus, would appear to show that he regarded the
question (9EXECL, K. r. X.) as tantamount to being deprived of his
rights as a Roman citizen.
V. 10. Erl To/ /j/LUaT'o, K. r. X., before the tribunal of Ctscesr ant 1
standing, am under Roman jurisdiction since Festus was the representative of the emperor.  The answer of Festus, unto CGesar
]hast thou appealed, unto Ccesar shalt thou go (v. 11), is founded on
the apostle's subsequent Kataapa ~E7rKaXoiLuat, and is not proof
(Wdsth.) that Paul viewed himself as "already standing in his
own resolve before Ccesar's judgment-seat." - o.... KprEV(rEat,
where I ought to be judged (present), to be having my trial; as
matter of right (Gi), not because it is God's will (comp. v. 24
and 24, 19). - u( Kalt a KaLXXWv E7rrLyLVWCoKEt, as also thou perceivest
better, i. e. than to make such a proposal; comp. 24, 22.  WT. ~
35. 4.  Such a comparative is very convenient as suggesting
something which it might be less courteous to express (Wdsth).
After hearing the charges against Paul, and his reply to them,
Festus knew that the prisoner was entitled to be set free, instead
of giving him up to a tribunal where his accusers were to be his
judges. The temporizing Roman confesses in v. 18 that Paul
was right in imputing to him such a violation of his convictions.
V. 11.  I oUv a8tKW, if therefore I am unjust, guilty, i. e. in consequence of past wrong-doing. The verb expresses here the result




392                    COMMENTARY.    CHAP. XXV, 12. 13.
of an act, instead of the act itself. See W. ~ 40. 2. c. yap in the
common text (for in E. V.) is incorrect. The clause is illative
with reference to the assumption (v. 9) that the Jews might find
him guilty. Some combine the present and past in d&.KJ, and
render if Ihave dlone and am doing wrong.  See K. ~ 255. R. 1.Kal tLov.... TL defines the degree of guilt. If it was such that
he deserved to die, he was willing to die. - d oV8E'v (oTLV WV    EL
OVeV ErTTL T7oToV a.
V. 12. a'vXXaXo'aara   utra Tro o-vu3ovX`ov, having spoken with the
council, i. e. the assessors or judges (OrapE8poL, consiliarii) who assisted him at the trial. It was customary for the proconsul, or his
substitute, to choose a number of men whose office it was to aid
him in the administration of justice.  The proconsul himself presided, but was bound to consult his assessors, and to decide in
accordance with the views of the majority.  See Geib's Geschichte, p. 243 sq. The subject of consultation in this instance,
doubtless, was whether the appeal should be allowed or refused.
Writers on Roman law inform us that the provincial magistrates
had a certain discretionary power in this respect. An appeal to
the emperor was not granted in every case. It was necessary to
consider the nature of the accusation, and also the amount of
evidence which supported it. Some offences were held to be so
enormous as to exclude the exercise of this right; and when the
crime was not of this character, the evidence of guilt might be
so palpable as to demand an immediate and final decision. —
Kato'apa ErttKEKKX'7qaL is declarative (not a question as in E. V.) and
repeats Paul's last word before the consultation, for the purpose
of attaching to it the verdict. — 7r Kat'oapa 7ropevary, unto Ccesar
shalt thou go, be sent, announces the ready conclusion in regard
to the present appeal.  I perceive no severity in this answer
(Bng.), beyond that of the abrupt official form. The prisoner is
told that the government would carry out his appeal, and take
measures to convey him to Rome; see on 27, 1.
VERSES 13-22. Festus confers with Agrippa concerning Paul.
V. 13.  ctxEPWv, K. 7. X., certain days being, past since the appeal.
—'Aypt7rras o PaotXEv. This Agrippa was a son of the Agrippa
whose tragical end has been related in 12, 20-24. At his father's
death, as he was considered too young to succeed him on the
throne, Judea was committed again to the government of procurators.  He passed his early life at Rome. In A. D. 50, on the
death of Herod, his uncle, he received the sovereignty of Chalcis,




CHAP. XXV, 15. 16.  C O MM ME NTA R Y.                  393
and in A. D. 53 the dominions of Philip, and Lysanias (Luke
3, 1), at which time he assumed the title of king. In the year
A. D. 55 Nero added to his possessions a part of Galilea and
Perea. He died, after a reign of nearly fifty years, in A. D. 100.
It will be observed that, although Luke in this passage styles
Agrippa a king, he does not style him king of Judea; whereas,
in speaking of his father (12, 1 sq.), he not only applies to him
this title, but mentions an instance of his exercise of the regal
power at Jerusalem. The facts stated above show how perfectly
this distinction conforms to the circumstances of the case.BEpvrt[Kr. Bernice was the eldest daughter of Agrippa the First,
and a sister of Drusilla (24, 24). She was noted for her beauty
and her profligacy. Luke's accuracy in introducing her at this
stage of the history is worthy of remark. After a brief marriage
with her first husband, she became the wife of Herod, her uncle,
king of Chalcis, and on his death remained for a time with Agrippa her brother. She was suspected of living with him in a criminal manner. Her third marriage with Polemon, king of Cilicia,
she soon dissolved, and returned to her brother, not long before
the death of the Emperor Claudius. She could have been with
Agrippa, therefore, in the time of Festus, as Luke represents in
our narrative. Her subsequent connection with Vespasian and
Titus made her name familiar to the Roman writers.  Several
of them, as Tacitus, Suetonius, and Juvenal, either mention her
expressly or allude to her. — arrar-/lcEvoL Tov 4 o'rrov, in order to
salute Festus.  It was their visit of congratulation.  Agrippa,
being a vassal of the Romans, came to pay his respects to this
new representative of the power on which he was dependent.
V. 15. EvEcfxavLtav, informed, i. e. judicially, brought accusation;
comp. v. 2; 24, 1.- aiTrovt'ECvo.... 8&Kyv, asking for themselves
justice against him. The idea of condemnation lies in'KaT' a'roV,
not in 8tK)Vr. Tischendorf decides against KaTaStK-qV.
V. 16. In v. 3 the request of the Jews was that Paul might
be brought to Jerusalem; and in that case the accusers and the
accused would have met face to face. Hence the reply of Festus here, in order to warrant his objection, must relate to a different proposal, viz. that he would condemn Paul at once (see v.
24) and in his absence. On his declaring that as a Roman magistrate he could not be guilty of such injustice, the Jews, as it
would seem, changed their tactics. If it was so that the parties
must confront each other, they asked then that he would summon the prisoner to Jerusalem and have him tried there. But
this second request was a mere ptetence. They knew the weak50




394                    CO M MENTARY.            CHAP. XXV, 18-21.
ness of their cause too well to await the result of a trial, and
wanted only to secure an opportunity to waylay and kill the apostle on the road. The two proposals may have been made at different times; so that in the interval they could have begun the
ambuscade (as intimated in v. 3), believing that though baffled
in their first attempt they could not fail in the second. — OrTt....'PwoatoLts, that it is not a custom for ]Romans, if it was for
Jews.  The article (E. V.) obscures the opposition. - av,9porwov
(as generic) declares the rule to be universal. The claim to this
impartiality was a human right in the eye of the Roman law. -
Es a7rwAELav after'v3porrov (T. R. and hence E. V.) is unapproved.
V. 18.  rcpt o;, around whom, belongs to craTaVTcEs (comp. v. 7),
not to &E'rEepov, against whom (E. V.). The antecedent of o; is
~vSpa, not the remoter fi3'uaTos. - aiav, sc. 7TOVTrV. - wv ( —   by
attraction) Vr7EVoovV, which I was suspecting, i. e. some capital offence, as treason, murder, or the like.
V. 19. 7rEpl rs ita;s 8sco-LSao'ovla;, concerning their own religion;
not superstition.  Compare the note on 8EtcL8a&Lvov-TE'rpovs in 17,
22. Agrippa was known to be a zealous Jew, and Festus would
not have been so uncourteous as to describe his faith by an offensive term.  18&a refers not to the subordinate o', his own, viz.
Paul's, but to KaT/yopot, the leading subject. —rwpt rTVOS'Irqoz,
K. T. X., concerning a certain. Jesus, etc.  As to Luke's candor in
recording this contemptuous remark, see note on 18, 15.
V. 20.  aWropovl/EvoS, perplexed, uncertain, as Festus may have
said with truth, but could not honestly assign as the motive for
his proposal; see v. 9 above. — Eis Trv rrEplt TOVTOV  T-ql-LV, in regard
to the dispute concerning this one, viz. Jesus (v. 19); not this mnatter; as if it were neuter.  But the best reading is 7rEpl rovroyv,
concerning these things, viz. in relation to their religion and the
resurrection of Jesus.
V. 2 1. -rov 8  IavXov, K. T. A., But Paul havivg appealed (and so
demanded) that he should be kept in Roman custody, instead of
being tried at Jerusalem. - Es r-qv roe E3acrO-rov &ta'yvwortv, with a
view to the examination of Augustus.  The Senate conferred this
title on Octavius in the first instance; but it was given also to
his successors. - -KEXEV-a.... avro'v, I commanded that he should
still be kept (infinitive present) at Caesarea.  In rqp-qvat just
before, the time is entirely subordinate to the act. -'ws ow rEr/u/o
avrov, until I shall send him (T. R.); but the surer word is Jva7r4qow, shall send up (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.); comp. Luke 23, 7. 11.
Festus would intimate that he was waiting only until a vessel
should sail for Italy.




CHAP. XXV, 22-26.     COMMENTARY.                         395
V. 22. C/3ovXo'tLv Kal oVro'S, I myself also could wish, i. e. were
it possible. The Greeks employed the imperfect indicative to
express a present wish which the speaker regarded, or out of
courtesy affected to regard, as one that could not be realized.
Compare Rom. 9, 3; Gal. 4, 20. W. ~ 41. 2; S. ~ 138. 3; K. ~
259. R. 6. It is less correct to understand the wish as one long
entertained.
VERSES 23-27. Paul is brought before Agrippa.
V. 23.?/T& 7roXXi.s 0avTart'as, with much pomp, display, which
consisted partly in their personal decorations (comp. 12, 21), and
partly in the retinue which attended them. — Es O aKpoar-ptOV,
unto the place of audience, which the article represents as the customary one (Olsli.), or as the one to which they repaired on this
occasion (Mey.). - o-v ro XtLXtapXots, with the chiliarchs, the commanders of the cohorts stationed at Casarea, which were five
in number (Jos. Bell. Jud. 3. 4. 2). Compare the note on 27, 1.
V. 24. The procurator could say 7rav ro -rX.9os rw'v'Iovoatv, all
the multitude of the Jews, because he had reason to know that the
Jewish rulers (v. 2. 15) who had demanded the death of Paul
represented the popular feeling. Meyer suggests that a crowd
may have gone with them to the procurator and enforced their
application by clamoring for the same object. - EivErXov v/oLt, interceded (in its bad sense here) with me, against him. A genitive
or dative may follow this verb. - Some manuscripts read 6v
avrov, and others avTov tijv; and so, in the next verse, some read
%avaTrov airo'v, and others avr'v 9avacrov.  Such transpositions,
which have no effect on the sense, show how unimportant are
many of the various readings of the sacred text. -  7rt,3ovrEs,
crying against him, etc.; see on v. 15. —[ TKEC't. A qualification
like this in a negative sentence requires a compound, containing
the Ad or OV'K which precedes. K. ~ 318. 6; B. ~ 148. 6.- Ecptva,
I decided, viz. at the time of the trial when he appealed.  The
perfect (E. V.) is less accurate than the aorist.
V. 26. 7rEpt oZ, K. r. X., Concerning whoim I have nothing sure,
definite, to write to the sovereign. In such cases of appeal it was
necessary to transmit to the emperor a written account of the
offence charged as having been committed, and also of all the
judicial proceedings that may have taken place in relation to it.
Documents of this description were called apostoli, or literce dimissorie. — KVpt' is the Greek for dominus.  The writer's accuracy
should be remarked here. It would have been a mistake to have




396                  COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XXVI, 1.
applied this term to the emperor a few years earlier than this.
Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would allow himself to be called
dominus, because it implied the relation of master and slave.
The appellation had now come into use as one of the imperial
titles. -  — X   rt ypCafw, may hare what (future) I shall write; not
aL ypqcaL (T. R.), what to write (E. V.).  Some repeat oa-aXhs
after rt (Mey.), which is not necessary. Meyer leaves out the
ellipsis in his new edition.
V. 27. JXoyov'yap /oL 8oKEL, For it appears to me absurd. It
was illegal, too; but Festus thinks of the act as being a violation,
not so much of the law, as of the propriety which dictated the
law. - -r4l7rovra, sc. rlay, K. T. X., that any one (De Wet.) sendcling a
prisoner should'not also signify the chag'es (not crimes) against
him.  Some would make 7rE7rovra the subject of oaryavat, without
any ellipsis. K. ~ 238, R. 2. e. Some supply iE'u as the subject.
It is more forcible in such a case to state the general rule or principle which controls the particular instance.-Josepbus (Bell. Jud.
2. 14. 1) describes Festus as a reasonable man, who was not destitute of a regard for justice and the laws, and who approved himself to such of the Jews as were willing to submit to any foreign
rule.  What Luke relates of him shows him to be worthy of this
encomium.
CHAPTER XXVI.
VERsEs 1-23. Paul's Speech before Agrippa.
V. 1. This speech of the apostle is similar to that which he
delivered on the stairs of the castle (22, 1 sq.). The main topic
is the same in each, viz. the wonderful circumstances of his conversion; but in this instance he recounts them, not so much for
the purpose of asserting his personal innocence, as of vindicating
the divine origin of his commission, and the truth of the message
proclaimed by him. So far from admitting that he had been unfaithful to Judaism, he claims that his Christian faith realized the
true idea of the religion taught in the Old Testament. On the
former occasion, " he addressed the infuriated populace, and made
his defence against the charges with which he was hotly pressed,
of profaning the temple and apostatizing from the Mosaic law.
He now passes by these accusations, and, addressing himself




CHAP. XXVI, 2.3.     COMMENTARY.                          397
to a more intelligent and dispassionate hearer, he takes the
highest ground, and holds himself up as the apostle and messenger of God. With this view, therefore, he paints in more striking colors the awful scene of his conversion, and repeats more
minutely that heavenly call which was impossible for him to disobey (v. 19), and in obeying which, though he incurred the displeasure of his countrymen (v. 21), he continued to receive the
divine support (v. 22)."  Humphry, p. 192. —'LTpE'rET'aL....
EyELtv. It is Agrippa who gives the permission to speak, because
as he was the guest on this' occasion and a king, he presides by
right of courtesy; comp. 21, 40. — EKTE-vag rTv XEtpa, having stretched
forth the hand, is the same as KarTao EtLrac r7T KELp in 13, 16 (comp. 21,
40), and Ka-rao-raorag riv XEtpa in 19, 33. The gesture was the more
courteous, because the attention asked for was certain from the
known curiosity of the hearers. On the arm which Paul raised
hung one of the chains, to which he alludes in v. 29.
V. 2. vr ro'IovatWv, by Jews, without the article (comp. 22, 30)
because he would represent the accusation as purely Jewish in its
character.  The best manuscripts omit rav before the proper
name. - /3aoLXEV. For Agrippa's claim to the title, see on 25, 13.
- Some copies place itrl o-o after p/aKaptov, others after!7roXo7yEoSaL. The first is the best position, because it secures a stronger
emphasis to the pronoun (Grsb. Tsch.). - The object of BeyqaL is
the same as the subject, but the latter, which is more prominent,
controls the case of uEXXov. This verb is perfect, have thought;
not think (E. V.). Paul distinguishes the tenses in Phil. 3,
7. 8.
V. 3. paXutcra, especially, rendered namely in the older versions
(Tynd. Cran. Gen.) states why Paul was so eminently fortunate;
not how much Agrippa knew. - 7yv0rlyv ovra aE, since thou art
expert, lit. a knower.  The accusative is anacoluthic, instead of
the genlitive (Mey. Win. Rob.). W. ~ 32. 7. Some explain it as
an instance of the accusative absolute; but we have no clear
example of that construction in the New Testament. 0oaXov's
in Eph. 1, 18, has been cited as an example of it, but stands
really in apposition with 7rvEga, or depends on &8(7. Beza's unauthorized esw3 (whence " knowing " in E. V.) obviates the irregularity.  The Rabbinic writers I speak of Agrippa as having excelled in a knowledge of the law. As the tradition which they
follow could not have flowed from this passage, it confirms the
representation here by an unexpected agreement. - Kar'Iova'1 Sepp gives the testimonies in his Das Leben Christi, Vol. IV. p. 138.




398                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXVI. 4-6.
ova, among Jews, of whom we are led to think as existing in different places. WV. ~ 53. d. - So, therefore. In the presence of
such a judge, he proposes to speak at length, and requests a
patient hearing.
V. 4. o'v, therefore, i. e. encouraged thus he will proceed. The
apostle enters here on his defence — K vE(O'rrlro,from youth.  See
on 22, 3.- Jrw' ap- X, friom the beginning, refers to the same period
of his life, but marks it more strongly as an early period.  It will
be observed that, while the apostle repeats this idea in the successive clauses, he brings forward in each case a new circumstance in connection with it.  He states, first, how lon  the Jews
had known him-; secondly, where they had known himn so long
((v *T  *%vEl /tov (v'IEporooX/vOLt); and, thirdly, what (oTr KaTa T-Lv
aKPLlEorTarTr V a'pEO(LV, K. T. X.) they had known of him  so long and
in that place.
V. 5. 7rpoy-tvOrKovrTE  LE, knowing me before (i. e. the present
time).-  av  EXoat  iaprvpElv, if they would be willing to testify, as
he had not the confidence in their honesty to expect. -  rTt KarT,TqV aKpLEcoTa'T-v atpCtLv, t/hat according to the strictest sect in regard
both to doctrine and manner of life.  See 22, 3. Josephus describes this peculiarity of the Pharisees in similar language:
EVcE/EO-TEPOV ELvaL TOWV.XXWV Kat TOVY vo1l'ovg aKpEOTErEpov aclyec'3aL
(Bell. Jud. 1. 5. 2). ONTt reaches back to'lo-avtL.
V. 6. Kat vvv, and now, compares his present with his former
position. If his rigor as a Pharisee had been a merit in the eyes
of the Jews, his hope as a Christian was merely that of the true
Israel, and should as little be imputed to him as a crime. — re
7rpbS roS 7raTrpaS'lgv Erracy7EXas 7yEVO/EV-J5, of the promise (i. e. of a
Messiah) made unto our fathers (Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. Mey.).
The same expression occurs in Paul's discourse at Antioch (13,
32), where it is said that God fulfilled the promise, or showed it to
be fulfilled, by raising up Jesus from the dead. See the note on
that passage. Compare 28, 20. —EiE Cv, unto which, viz. the promise, its accomplishment. This is the natural antecedent and not
the remoter  X7 rL. - &o8EKaIbVX0oV ( — rai  8WoEKa bvXa^s in James
1, 1) exists only here, but is formed after the analogy of other
compounds from  &8O8EKa. The Jewish nation consisted of those
who were descended from the twelve tribes; which fact justifies
the expression historically, though the twelve tribes had now lost
their separate existence. —Ev rKTEVEta, with ear'nestness.  See on
EKT7EVTr in 12, 5. The noun is a later Grecism. Lob. Phryn. p. 311.
Such forms help us to fix the age of the New Testament writings.
-  VKTa Kat 7Elpav Xarpeov, worshipping night and day.  This was




CnAP. XXVI, 7-9.       C O MMENTARY.                      399
a phrase which denoted habitual worship, especially as connected
with fasting and prayer. See Luke 1, 75; 2, 37; 18, 1; 1 Thess.
5, 17; 1 Tim. 5, 5.
V. 7. 7rept rs EiTX'os EyKaXov3ukaL, concerning which hope I am accused. The apostle means to say, that he was accused of maintaining that this hope of a Messiah had been accomplished in
Jesus, and had been accomplished in him because God raised him
from the dead. The presence of the latter idea in the mind of
the apostle leads to the interrogation in the next verse. -'A-ypt7rra
after /ao-LXE~ has decisive evidence against it --  ro'IovatWv, by
Jews, is reserved to the end of the sentence, in order to state
more strongly the inconsistency of such an accusation from such
a source. Here, too, the article (E. V.) weakens the sense, and
is incorrect.
V. 8. rt is printed in some editions as a separate question:
What?  Is it judged incredible?  Other editions connect ir with
the verb: Why is it judged incredible?  Griesbach, Kuinoel, De
Wette, Howson, and others, prefer the first mode; Knapp, Hahn,
Meyer, Tischendorf, and others, prefer the second mode. The
latter appears to me more agreeable to the calm energy of the
apostle's manner. "It is decisive against the other view," says
Meyer in his last edition, " that -r alone was not so used; the expression would be rt yap, Tt ouv, or Tt 3&."  The examples of r[ as
interrogative in Rom. 3, 3. 9; 6, 15 and Phil. 1, 18 agree with this
criticism. --  /Lv  extends the inquiry to all who were present.
The speaker uses the singular number when he addresses Agrippa personally; see v. 2. 3. 27.- -el O S9E, K. T. X., if God raises the
dead; where El is not for Sont, but presents the assertion as one
that the sceptic might controvert. -  y7EtpEL is present because it
expresses a characteristic act.  The resurrection of Jesus was
past, but illustrated a permanent attribute or power on the part
of God.
V. 9. This verse is illative, with reference to the preceding
question. EyW kEpv ov, I indeed, therefore, i. e. in consequence of
a spirit of incredulity, like that of others. -'o&a iavri, I seemed
to myse~f; thought.  The pronoun opposes his own to another and
higher judgment.  This same act in which Paul gloried at the
time, appeared to him as the crime of his life after he became a
Christian.  In 1 Cor. 15, 9 he declares that he " was the least of
the apostles, that he was not meet to be called an apostle, because he persecuted the church of God." -- rpo Sro5 vo/a'Itrov,
against the name of Jesus; comp. 7rpo'& in Luke 23, 12. - 7roXXa vav
rta, many things hostile.




400                  CO  M E N T A R Y.      CHAP. XX.VI, 10. 11.
V. 10. o refers to the collective idea in 7roXXa Evav'ta. - Ka'
connects rrotLo-ra with 8sooa.- KacL 7roXXov%, K. r. X., adds the facts
in illustration of what was stated in general terms. — rv dywtov,
the saints, is no doubt a chosen word here. It does not occur in
Luke's account of the apostle's conversion (9, 1 sq.). Paul himself avoids it in his speech to the Jews (22, 4 sq.) who were so
sensitive in regard to any claim of merit in behalf of the Christians. " But here before Agrippa, where there was no such need
of caution, the apostle indulges his own feelings, by giving them
a title of honor which aggravates his own guilt."  Birks, p. 327.
- Ey7, emphatic.  The imprisoning was the speaker's act. -The
common text omits'v before OvXaKaZs, I shut up unto prisons,
which would be an instance of the local dative sometimes found
after verbs compounded with Kara. See Bernh. Synt. p. 2143.
But Griesbach, Tischendorf, and others, allege good authority for
reading E'v vXaKaZi, which would be the ordinary construction;
comp. Luke 3, 20. — rapa rTvj apXLEPEWV. See the note on 9, 2.avaLpoVlEVvov.... i4rov, and as they (which refers to dyiwv as a
class, not to all those imprisoned) wereput to death, I broaght or
cast my vote against them, i. e. encouraged, approved the act (Bng.
Kuin. De Wet. Mey.); comp. crvvEv0oKOv in 22, 20.  Some insist
on the literal sense of the phrase, and infer from it that Paul was
a member of the Sanhedrim, and voted with the other judges to
put the Christians to death. But the Jews required, as a general
rule, that those who held this office should be men of years; and
Paul at the time of Stephen's martyrdom, could hardly have attained the proper age. It is said, too, on the authority of the
later Jewish writers, that one of the necessary qualifications for
being chosen into the Sanhedrim was that a man should be the
father of a family, because he who is a parent may be expected
to be merciful; a relation which, from the absence of any allusion
to it in the apostle's writings, we have every reason to believe
that he never sustained. The expression itself affords but slight
proof that Paul was a voter in the Sanhedrim. qC/pOo%, a stone
used as a ballot, like our " suffrage," signified also opinion, assent,
and accompanied various verbs, as LhEvat and KaTaE'pELv, as meaning to think, judge, sanction, with a figurative allusion only to the
act of voting. Plato uses the term often in that sense. See R.
and P. Lex., p. 2576. - aivTWv agrees with the intimation of other
passages (8, 3; 9, 1; 22, 4), that Stephen was not the only victim whose blood was shed at this time.
V. 11. KaL KaTa' 7racas, K. T. X., and punishing them often throughout all the synagogues in the different places where he pursued




CHAP. XXVI, 11-14.    COMMENTARY.                         401
his work of persecution.  See 22, 19. "The chief rulers of the
synagogues," says Biscoe (p. 81), " being also the judges of the
people in many cases, especially those which regarded religion
(comp. on 9, 2), chose to give sentence against offenders, and see
their sentence executed in the synagogue. Persons were always
scourged in the presence of the judges (Vitr. de Synag. Vett. p.
177). For punishment being designed'in terrorem,' what more
likely to strike the mind with awe, and deter men from falling
into the like errors, than to have it executed in their religious assemblies, and in the face of the congregation? Our Lord foretold that his disciples should be scourged in the synagogues
(Matt. 10, 17; 23, 34), and we learn here that Paul was an instrument in fulfilling this prediction, having beaten them that
believed in every synagogue." --  vdayKa~ov BXarfo-r/eLv, I was constraining them (i. e. urged them  by threats and torture) to blaspherte, viz. Jesus, or the gospel; comp. 13, 45; James 2, 7. The
imperfect states the object, not the result of the act.  That,
among the many who suffered this violence, every one preserved
his fidelity, it would be unreasonable to affirm. We learn from
Pliny's letter to Trajan (Lib. X. 97), that heathen persecutors
applied the same test which Saul adopted, for the purpose of ascertaining who were truly Christians. "Propositus est libellus
sine auctore, multorum nomina continens; qui negarent se esse
Christianos aut fuisse, quum prseeunte me deos appellarent et
imagini tuas (quam propter hoc jusseram cum simulacris numinum adferri) thure ac vino supplicarent, prawterea maledicerent
Christo; quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur qui sunt revera Christiani."-' o Ka' El rTas Ze( 7ro'TXEL, as far as even unto foreign cities,
as those would be called which were out of Judea. Among these
Luke and Paul single out Damascus, because a train of such
events followed the apostle's expedition to that city.
V. 12. a'v os KaL, in which also, while intent on this object;
comp. E' o'T in 24, 18. Ka4, so common in Luke after the relative, some of the best copies omit here. —  ovrLt'a and ErLTpoTrW
strengthen each other; he had ample power to execute his commission.
V. 13.    a, pa  e'rrs, at midday. "ioE'ovr po'pa, pro meridie cornniunis dialecti est, at /E'&ov`yjEpaT, aut /eo-rqLPpt'a (22, 6) elegantiora."  See Lob. ad Phryn. p. 55.- KarTa  rv  6o'v, along the way
(Mey. Rob.); not on the way (De Wet.). - For [Le after 7rEptLXa/pav, see on 9, 3. - For roVs o-'v'I 01 7'ropevoeEVOV, those journeying
with me, see on 22, 9.
V. 14. 7ravWrv....; W  /riv 7v, And we all having fallen down
51




402                   COMMENTARY.             CIAP. XXVI, 15-17.
upon the earth, from  the effect of terror, not as an act of reverence; comp. 9, 4; 22, 17. In regard to the alleged inconsistency
between this statement and Ew-T-?KEt(rav in 9, 7, see the note on
-that passage. - (rKXrIpov rotL 7rpo KeYrpa XaKTlrt'etL, It is hard for thee
to kick against goads. The meaning is, that his opposition to the
cause and will of Christ must be unavailing; the continuance of
it would only bring injury and ruin on himself.  Wetstein has
produced examples of this proverb from both Greek and Latin
writers.  Euripides (Bacch. v. 791) applies it as here: Sv/kov/AEVOg 7rpos KVTrpa XaKTLoLt[ot,.9vrTO's &v AEl.  Terence (Phorm. 1. 2.
27) employs it thus: "Num  qum inscitia est, Advorsum stimulum calces?" Plautus (4. 2. 55) has it in this form: " Si stinmulos
pugnis ceadis, manibus plus dolet." The Scholiast on Pind. Pyth.
2. 173 explains the origin of the expression: - 8o Tporr~ a7ro Trv
Ol;v' r(,V ycap oL aTacKTOt KaTa 7V yEoTptav KEVTrpL5COVO L E rWO TO aTpovvTOt, XaKT,'OVcLt TO\ KEVTPOV KaUL,XXOV 7rX'jTTOVTat. The same or a
similar proverb must have been current among the Hebrews,
though this is the only instance of it found in the Scriptures.
The common plough in the East at present has but one handle.
The same person, armed with a goad six or eight feet long, holds
the plough and drives his team at the same time.  As the driver
follows the oxen, therefore, instead of being at their side as with
us, and applies the goad from that position, a refractory animal of
course would kick against the sharp iron when pierced with it.
In early times the Greeks and Romans used a plough of the like
construction.
V. 16. Ebg rovro prepares the mind for what follows; see on
9, 21. - yap shows that the command to arise was equivalent to
assuring him that he had no occasion for such alarm (v. 14); the
object of the vision was to summon him to a new and exalted
sphere of effbrt. — 7rpoXELp-aor-at aE ~VrqpEr1qv, to appoint thee as a
minister, call him to his destined work.  The antecedent purpose
must be sought in the nature of the act, rather than in the verb.
See on 3, 20. - Understand TroVT(ro after acpTrvpa as the attracting
antecedent of &v. —  v re TI3%qroLao Crot is an unusual construction.
The best solution is, that Wv stands for a, as a sort of explanatory
accusative (K. ~ 279. 7): as to which, or -  t' a, on account of which
(Mey.), I will appear unto thee.  See W. ~ 39. 3. 1. Many commentators assign an active sense to 0%30o-ouaLt: which I will cause
thee to see or know.  This use of the verb has no warrant either
in classic or Hellenistic Greek.
V. 17. Eeatpovtevos.... Evwgv, delivering thee fiqom  the people,
i. e. of the Jews (see on 10, 2), and the heathen. For this sense




CHAP. XXVI, 18. 19.    COMMENTARY.                          403
of the participle, see 7, 10; 12, 11; 23, 27. Such a promise was
conditional from the nature of the case.  It pledged to him the
security which he needed for the accomplishment of his work
until his work was done.  Some render $atlpoviXEvo' 0rE, selecting
thee, so as to find here the idea of O-KEvos  KXo/7p in 9, 15 (Kuin.
Hnr. Rob. Hws.).  This interpretation would suit tov Xaog, but, as
De Wette and Meyer remark, it is inappropriate to 7Riv ei'vrv.
Paul was not one of the heathen, and could not be said to be
chosen from them. -, EL ov, unto whom, refers to both the nouns,
which precede. — The correct text inserts E7W before  E', and
omits vvv. — aroroo-rEXX  is present, I send, because his ministry
is to begin at once.
V. 18. It is important to obseve the relation of the different
clauses to each other.  avo~:at 0  aXjpobv avrwTv, to open their eyes,
states the object of &aroa-rErXvo. - rov b7rtCrpTE'at, that they may turn,
derives its subject from avrcv.  The verb is intransitive (see v.
20; 14, 15); not active, in order to turn them (E. V.). This clause
states the designed effect of the illumination which they should
receive. -- -oa XaLEv, K. T. X., that they may obtain forgiveness of
sins, expresses the direct object of the second infinitive and the
ultimate object of the first. - For KXjpoV (v roS o1yLaa-[Evot%, an inheritance among the sanctified, see the note on 20, 32. -rtrzloE[ T 7
EVS cpi, byfaith on me, our English translators and some others
join with y'taorEvotL; but the words specify evidently the condition by which believers obtain the pardon of sin and an interest
in the heavenly inheritance.  qytaor!Evots is added merely to indicate the spiritual nature of the KXjpov.
V. 19. oJEV, whence, accordingly, i. e. having been so instructed,
and in such a manner. - OVK yEvo'rqv a71riE-, I proved not disobedient, affirms the alacrity of his response to the call more strongly
than if the mode of expression had been positive, instead of negative.  arErom.h  attaches itself to the personal idea of 4r3raort, and
demands that element in the meaning of the word. The service
required of him and so promptly rendered evidently was that he
should preach the gospel to Jews and Gentiles (v. 17).  It is impossible to reconcile such intimations with the idea that the
apostle after this remained for years inactive in Arabia, or spent
the time there in silent meditation and the gradual enlargment
of his views of the Christian system. I cannot agree with Dr.
Davidson, that " Paul was not a preacher of the gospel in Arabia,
but went through a process of training there, for the purpose of
preaching it."  See his Introduction, II. p. 80. —vr opav'v  Irracrta, the heavenly vision, manifestation of the Saviour's person;




404                 COMMENTARY.               CHAP. XXVI, 20-22.
comp. Luke 1, 22; 24, 23; 2 Cor. 12, 1.  See the note on
9, 7.
V. 20. To'0 Ev AuaOaLrK' 7rpWTov, to those in Damascus first, as
stated in 9, 20, and implied in Gal. 1, 17. —'IEpoo-oXvots with iv
repeated, in Jerusalem; hardly unto as a direct dative (Mey.). —
ds 7rao-av, K. T. X., and unto (i. e. with a union of the local idea
with the personal, the inhabitants of) all the region of Jutdea;
comp. a7rqyyetAav,tl E rrv roXtv in Luke 8, 34. Meyer extends Tots1
from the other clause into this: and unto those throughout all the
region. But in his last edition he gives up this analysis and approves the other. - The apostle during his labors in Syria and
Cilicia, after his first visit to Jerusalem, was as yet unknown in
person to the churches of Judea.  See Gal. 1, 22.  Hence he
must have preached there, as intimated in this passage, at a later
period. He could have done so when he went thither at the
time of the famine (see on 11, 30) or while he was at Jerusalem
between his first and second mission to the heathen (18, 22). -
~ata Tr7i IeTavota3 c'pya, deeds worthy of repentance, such as showed
that they were changed in heart and life. Zeller charges that
Paul would not have spoken so, because his doctrine was that of
justification by faith alone. The answer is that in Paul's system good works are the necessary evidence of such faith, and
further, that IrrlTrOt T7 Ebt u' above (v. 18) shows that he adhered
fully on this occasion to his well-known doctrinal view. — rpadoovrTa deserts the case of *VEOtv and agrees with avTrov5s as the
suppressed subject of the verbs.
V. 22. E7rtKovpLas.... 3Eov, Having therefore obtained assistance
from God; since exposed to such dangers in the fulfilment of
his ministry (iwErtpWvro 8taXELpt'oar-aLt in v. 21 ) he must otherwise
have perished. The assistance was an inference (ofv) from his
present safety. -  LtLapvp0oevo0 /tKpW TE Kat,EyacX.a, testifying to both
small and great (Rev. 11, 18; 13, 16; 19, 5); not young and old
(8, 10). The phrase admits either sense, but the more obvious
distinction here is that of rank, not of age. The grace of God
is impartial; the apostle declared it without respect of persons.
It is uncertain whether this is the correct participal or the received /%aprvpov'cvog.  The latter would mean attested, approved,
both by small and great (Bretsch. Mey.); comp. 6, 3; 10, 22; 16, 2.
It is objected that the sense with the latter reading is inipossible, because Paul was so notoriously despised and persecuted by
Jews and heathen (Alf.). But the meaning might be that though
not openly approved he had received that verdict at the bar of
their consciences; he had not failed to commend himself and his




CIAP. XXVI, 23. 24.    COMMENTARY.                        405
doctrine to every man's better judgment. The avowal would
imply no more than Paul affirms to be true of all who preach
faithfully the system of truth which he preached; see 2 Cor. 4, 2.
Some render IuapTvpov'/evo; as middle, bearing witness, instead
of passive; but confessedly without any example of that use.
Knapp, Hahn, Tischendorf, Baumgarten, and others, approve of
ptaprvpoflEvog. It has no less support than the other word, and
affords an easier explanation.
V. 23. This part of the sentence attaches itself to XEywv rather
than to u/EXXVTWV`yLVEoc3at. — el ra3Ts b XpL-ro', if the Messiah
can suffer (passibilis in Vulg.), not so much as a possibility of his
nature, as one of the conditions of his office, i. e. would be appointed or allowed to suffer, and so could be subject to infirmity,
pain, death.  Verbals in ro' express possibility and correspond to
Latin adjectives in ilis. B. ~ 103. N. 2. The apostle, as I understand, approaches the question on the Jewish side of it, not on
the Christian; and that was, whether the Messiah, being such as
many of the Jews expected, could sufer; not whether he must
sufer, in order to fulfil the Scriptures. et presents the points as
questions which he was wont to discuss.  Many of the Jews
overlooked or denied the su/fering character of the Messiah, and
stumbled fatally at the gospel because (their -K&av&aXov) it required them to accept a crucified Redeemer. Some make di
OV, that, i. e. the sign of a moderated assertion.- -  XpLTo-r, the
Messiah as such; not a personal name here.- -rprTOS Ed avaoTaOceos vrKpWV -rtpWTOTOKo S EK Tiv VEKp(V in Col. 1, 18. If Moses
and the prophets foretold that the Messiah would suffer, die, and
rise from the dead, it followed that Jesus was the promised Sayiour of' men, and the author of eternal life to those who believe
on him. The apodosis (CE'XXEt KaTayyEAXEtV, K. T. A.) depends logically on the protasis (ei rraq3T&, Ed 7rpGTro, K. T. X.).
VERSEs 24-29.  The answer of Paul to Festus.
V. 24  r-ara refers more especially to the words last spoken
(Mey.), and not in the same degree to the entire speech (De
Wet.). The idea of a resurrection, which excited the ridicule
of the Athenians (17, 32), appeared equally absurd to the Roman
Festus, and he could listen with patience no longer. It is evident that TroVruv in v. 26 has reference to iE Vac-LraOrr'ro  VcKpGV in
v. 23, and the intermediate ravra would not be likely to turn the
mind to a different subject. - aroXoyoviydvov may be present, because Festus interposed before Paul had finished his defence




406                  COM M ENTARY.           CHAP. XXVI, 25-27.
(Mey.). — uzEyaXAd  /7 wv. See on 14, 10. The "loud voice"
was the effect of his surprise and astonishment.-!,atLvq, thou art
mad, which he says earnestly, not in jest (Olsh.), because it really appeared to him that Paul was acting under an infatuation
-which could spring only from insanity (Neand. Mey. De Wet.).
Bengel: " Videbat Festus, naturam non agere in Paulo; gratiam
non vidit." - -T aro.XX& ypaptlara admits of two senses: the many
writings which thou readest (Kuin. Mey. Hws.), or the much learning which thou hast or art reputed to have (Neand. De Wet.
Alf.). The latter is the more natural idea (as Meyer now holds),
and may have been suggested to the mind of Festus from his
having heard that Paul was distinguished among the Jews for
his scholarship. It is less probable that he was led to make the
remark because he was struck with the evidence of superior
knowledge evinced in Paul's address. It was able and eloquent,
but would not be characterized as learned in any very strict sense
of the term.
V. 25. ov xatlvoplat, K. T. X., I am not mad, etc.  This reply of
Paul is unsurpassed as a model of Christian courtesy and selfcommand. Doddridge takes occasion to say here, that, " if great
and good men who meet with rude and insolent treatment in the
defence of the gospel would learn to behave with such moderation, it would be a great accession of strength to the Christian
cause." - KpraTtLTE, most excellent, as in 23, 26. - JXr3EtL'a, of truth,
as opposed, not to falsehood (his veracity was not impeached),
but to the fancies, hallucinations, of a disordered intellect. —
ro-wpoo-ivrv is the opposite of vLavta, i. e. a sound mind.
V. 26.  17rl'TaTaL.... o fIao-tkEXv, For the king knows well concerning these things, viz. the death and resurrection of Christ.
The apostle is assured that Agrippa has heard of the events connected with the origin of Christianity, and could not deny that
they were supported by evidence too credible to make it reproachful to a man's understanding to admit the reality of the facts. -
7rpo3 ov Kat 7rap7PrtaLWo/AEVOq XaXL', unto whom also (i. e. while he has
this knowledge and on that account) I speak boldly, without fear
of contradiction. - Ev ywvt, in a corner, secretly (litotes); on the
contrary, at Jerusalem, the capital of the nation. The expression
was current in this sense (Wetst.). - roro = rovrv just before.
The plural views the circumstances in detail, the singular as a
whole. See the note on 5, 5.
V. 27. IrtrLTEVEL3, K. 7. X. As Agrippa professed to believe the
Scriptures, which foretold that the Messiah would rise from the
dead, he was bound to admit that there was nothing irrational or




CHArP. XXVI, 28. 29.    COMMENTARY.                      407
improbable in the apostle's testimony concerning an event which
accomplished that prophecy.
V. 28. Ev 6XV7'  (sc. Xpo'v).... yevE3at, In a little time (at
this rate) you persuade me to become a Christian (Wetst. Raph.
Kuin. Neand. De Wet. Rob.). It was not uncommon in Greek
to omit Xpo'vos after this adjective. Wetstein, Raphel (Anott. II.
p. 188), ahd others, have produced decisive examples of this ellipsis.  By taking Ev oXL'ty  as quantitative, instead of temporal,
Meyer brings out this sense from the expression: With little, i. e.
trouble, effort, you persuade me to become a Christian; in other
words (said sarcastically), You appeal to me as if you thought
me an easy convert to your faith. This would be, no doubt, the
correct explanation, if, with Meyer, Tischendorf, and others, we
adopt lv,LEyaX? as the correct reading in Paul's reply, instead of
ev 7roXXp; but the testimony for the common text outweighs that
against it (Neand. De Wet.). It is held, at present, to be unphilological to translate iv Xyrqy, almost (Bez. Grot. E. V.). The
Greek for that sense would have been oXLyov, XL-Yov 8Et, or wrap'
o^X'yov. The translation of the common version appears first in
the Geneva version. Tyndale and Cranmer render: " Somewhat
thou bringest me in mind for to become a Christian."  Agrippa
appears to have been moved by the apostle's earnest manner,
but attempts to conceal his emotion under the form of a jest.
V. 29. ECZt'irv av re #eOE, I could pray to God, i. e. if I obeyed
the impulse of my own heart, though it may be unavailing. For
av with the optative, see W. ~ 41. 1. b; B. ~ 139. m. 15..-KaLt 
6X/tY  Kal Ev 7roXXp, both in a little and in much time. We may
paraphrase the idea thus: " I could wish that you might become
a Christian in a short time, as you say; and if not in a short time,
in a long time. I should rejoice in such an event, could it ever
take place, whether it were sooner or later."  If we read Ev
LEYcaXw, the words would then mean, whether by little effort or by
great; whether he was to be converted with ease or difficulty. -
7rapEKro -rwv 8,Ec-j&V TOVToJV, except these chains, which were hanging
upon his arms as he made his defence. See note on 12, 6.
Though separated from his keepers, he must wear still the
badges of his condition. Hess writes (II. p. 459) as if the soldiers were present and Paul was bound to them. Some have
taken the language as figurative: except this state of captivity.
The literal sense is not inconsistent with an occasional Roman
usage.'racitus mentions the following scene as having occurred
in the Roman Senate (Ann. 4. 28): " Reus pater, accusator filius
(nomen utrique Vibius Serenus) in senatum inducti sunt. Ab




408                  COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXVII, 1.
exilio retractus et turn catena vinctus, orante filio. At contra reus
nihil infracto animo, obversus in filium quatere vincla, vocare ultores deos," etc.
VERSES 30-32. Agrippa pronounces Paul innocent.
V. 30. The best authorities read  vE'rC-r rTE without. KaL ra-ra
drrOoVTO avTov. — -   is repeated before 3aoatXEvs and -qye/,yEv, because
they are the titles of different persons. - ot (rvyKa3c7!Evot aTrots,
those who sat with them, are the military officers and magistrates
who were mentioned in 25, 23. The parties are named as rising
and leaving the hall in the order of their rank.
V. 31. avaXwop-(ravres, having retired, withrawn from the place
of audience (see 25, 23); not apart simply in the same room. -
iXXovv'rpv s w kXXrXovs, talked with one another.  The object of the
conference was to ascertain Agrippa's opinion in regard to the
merits of the case. For ov&Ev 9avdarov aLov } 8oEo-lstv, nothing worthy of death, etc., see on 23, 29. -ov8'v zrparo —t, does nothing in
that he holds such opinions, pursues such a course.  See W.
~. 40. 2. c. It is not an instance of the present for the perfect
(Kuin.).
V. 32. aJ7roXcEX1rSaL is'varo, could have been (not could be) released, i. e. at any previous time since his apprehension, before
his appeal to Caesar. It will be seen that both verbs are in the
past tense.  As the appeal had been accepted, it could not be
withdrawn, even with the consent of the parties.  The procurator had now lost the control of the case, and had no more power
to acquit the prisoner than to condemn him (Bottg. Grot.). — One
effect of Agrippa's decision may have been that Festus modified
his report, commended Paul to the clemency of the court at
Rome. See on 28, 16.
CHAPTER XXVII.
VERSES 1-5. Paul embarks at Caesarea for Rome, and proceeds as
far as Myra.
V. 1. W, as, presents EKp3-rq as immediately antecedent to
7rapEc83ovv. - EKpt3- relates to the time of departure, not to the
original purpose that Paul should be sent; see 25, 21. —rov aro7rXELv is a lax use of the telic infinitive; the conception being that




CHAP. XXVII, 1.       CO M MENTA RY.                        409
the decision took place with a, view to the sailing.  W. ~ 44. 4. b.
-— Baa, us, includes the historian as one of the party; last used
in 21, 18.- -rape81sovv, proceeded to deliver (imperfect as related to
EKp[%7), or, delivered, as a series of acts.  The plural subject of
the verb refers to those who acted in this case under the command of the procurator.- &TEpov3, other, i. e. additional, prisoners,
not different in character from Paul, viz. heathen, as Meyer supposes.  Luke uses that term and LXXos indiscriminately; see 15,
35; 17, 34. - The statement here, that not only Paul, but certain
other prisoners, were sent by the same ship into Italy, implies, as
Paley remarks after Lardner, that the sending of persons from
Judea to be tried at Rome was a common practice. Josephus
confirms this intimation by a variety of instances. Among others,
he mentions the following, which is the more pertinent as it took
place about this time. "Felix," he says (Life, ~ 3), "for some
slight offence, bound and sent to Rome several priests of his acquaintance, honorable and good men, to answer for themselves
to Caesar." -- i arr eaLsri   YEflarg, of the Augustan cohort.  It is well
established that several legions in the Roman army, certainly
the 2d, 3d, and 8th, bore the above designation. No ancient writer, however, mentions that any one of these was stationed in the
East.  Some critics suppose, notwithstanding the absence of any
notice to this effect, that such may have been the fact, and that
one of the cohorts belonging to this legion, and distinguished by
the same name, had its quarters at Caesarea. The more approved
opinion is, that it was an independent cohort, assigned to that
particular service, and known as the Augustan or imperial, because, with reference to its relation to the procurator, it corresponded in some sense to the emperor's life-guard at Rome.' It
may have taken the place of the Italian cohort, which was mentioned in 10, 1; or, very possibly, as Meyer suggests, may have
been identical with it. The two names are not inconsistent with
this latter opinion.  Augustan may have been the honorary appellation of the cohort, while it was called Italian by the people,
because it consisted chiefly of Italians or Romans. The other
four cohorts at CGesarea, as stated by Josephus (Antt. 20. 8. 7;
19. 9. 2), were composed principally of Caesareans, or Samaritans.
Hence, again, some explain o-7rE'ps:E/a&or7s as meaning Sebas1 Such exceptions to the general system occur under every military establishinent. Speaking of that of England at a certain period, Mr. Macaulay says that
" a troop of dragoons, which did not form part of any regiment, was stationed
near Berwick, for the purpose of keeping the peace among the moss-troopers of
the border."
62




410                  CO X M ENTA R Y.        CHAP. XXVII, 2.
tenean or Samaritan cohort, since the city of Samaria bore also
the Greek name  rp8ao-rT in honor of the Emperor Augustus.
But in that case, as Winer (Realw. II. p. 338), De Wette, Meyer,
and others decide, we should have expected ef3alraTvowv, instead
of Ee3acrro+, or an adjective equivalent in sense, formed like'ITaXLKqj in 10, 1. Wieseler (p. 391) has proposed another view
of the expression. It appears that Nero organized a body-guard,
which he denominated Augustani (Suet. Ner. 20. 25) or Augustiani (Tac. Ann. 14. 15). The critic just named thinks that Julius may have been a centurion in that cohort, whose station of
course was at Rome; and that, having been sent to the East for
the execution of some public service, he was now returning to
Italy with these prisoners under his charge. But that guard, as
Wieseler himself mentions, was organized in the year A. D. 60;
and, according to his own plan of chronology in the Acts, it was
in that very year that Paul was sent from Casarea to Rome.
This coincidence in point of time leaves room for a possibility
that the centurion may have left his post of duty thus early, but
encumbers the supposition with a strong improbability. Mr. Howson admits the force of this objection. The Roman discipline,
says Meyer, would have given the procurator no clain to the
service of such an officer.
V. 2. 7rXoit'AspaLvTrr'qvj, a vessel of Adramyttium, which was
a seaport of Mysia, on the eastern shore of the AEgean Sea, opposite to Lesbos. It was on a bay of the same name, and was
then a flourishing city. Pliny speaks of it as one of the most
considerable towns in that vicinity. No antiquities have been
found here except a few coins. - Some critics prefer  A4XXovrt to
the common EbXovrc7T  (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.), though it is doubtful
whether the latter should be relinquished (De Wet.). —rXE&v To"v
KarTa riv'Atlav  r07rov3, to sail the places along (the coast of) Asia,
i. e. touch at them here and there on the way to their port. This
intransitive verb may govern an accusative, after the analogy of
r-opEvEro-9at 0 ov and the like. K. 279. R. 5. See Kriig. Gr. { 46.
6. 3. Some regard Tr07rovq as the place whither (Win. De Wet.),
which confounds the incidental delays with the end of the voyage. A few copies have Eki after,rXEtv, which was inserted, no
doubt, to render the construction easier. As Myra was one of
the places where the ship stopped, Asia here may denote Asia
Minor. Luke's prevalent use of the term restricts it to the western countries washed by the.iEgean. —It would appear that they
embarked in this Adramyttian ship because they had no opportunity at this time to sail directly from Caesarea to Italy. " The




CHAP XXVII, 2. 3.        COMMENTARY.                           411
vessel was evidently bound for her own port, and her course from
Casarea thither necessarily led her close past the principal seaports of Asia. Now, this is also the course which a ship would
take in making a voyage from Syria to Italy; they would, therefore, be so far on their voyage when they reached the coast of
Asia, and in the great commercial marts on that coast they could
not fail to find an opportunity for proceeding to their ulterior destination." I The opportunity which they expected presented itself
at Myra (v. 6). —'AptorTapXov.  This is the Aristarchus named in
19, 29; 20, 4. Our English translators speak of him, very strangely, as "one Aristarchus," as if he were otherwise unknown. That
he accompanied Paul to Rome appears also from  Philem. 24;
Col. 4, 10; which Epistles the apostle wrote while in that city.
In the latter passage he terms Aristarchus rrvvatXatLXaros, which,
if taken literally, would lead us to suppose that he too had been
apprehended and was now sent as a prisoner to Rome. But in
Philem. 24 he is called merely ovvEpyo', and hence it is more probable that he went with the apostle of his own accord, and that
he received the other appellation merely as a commendatory one,
because by such devotion to him he had thus made Paul's captivity as it were his own. This is the general opinion of critics.
VWe have every reason to suppose that Luke also went as the
voluntary companion of the apostle.
V. 3.  KaT'rX 3qlEv dEl ~t8&Va, we landed at Sidon, the modern
Saida. This city had anciently one of the finest harbors in
the East, and was celebrated at this time for its wealth and
commerce. It was the rival of Tyre; see 21, 3. The vessel
stopped here perhaps for purposes of trade. They must have
sailed quite near to the shore, and the views on land which
passed under their notice were, first, the mountains of Samaria in
the background, then the bold front of Carmel, the city of Ptolemais with the adjacent plain of Esdraelon, the hills about Naza" The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul," etc. By James Smith, Esq., of
Jordanhill, F. R. S., etc. London, 1848 and 1856. I have availed myself freely
of the illustrations of this valuable treatise in the commentary on this chapter and
the next. No work has appeared for a long time that has thrown so much light upon
any equal portion of the Scriptures. The author is entirely justified in expressing his
belief, that the searching examination to which he has subjected the narrative has
furnished a new and distinct argument for establishing the authenticity of the Acts.
It would occasion too much repetition to quote this work in a formal manner. I
am indebted to Mr. Smith for nearly all the quotations from English travellers
and for most of the explanations which involve a knowledge of nautical matters.




412                     COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXVII, 3. 4.
reth,' and perhaps the heads of Gilboa and Tabor, the white cliffs
of Cape Blanco or Ras el-Abiad, Tyre with its crowded port, and
the southern ridges of Lebanon.- Saida is now the seat of a
flourishing mission from  this country, with an outpost at Hasbeiya near the foot of Mount Hermon.-  The distance from
Casarea to Sidon was sixty-seven geographical miles. As they
performed the voyage in a single day, they mait have had a favorable wind. The prevailing winds now in that part of the
Mediterranean, at the period of the year then arrived, are the
westerly; 2 and such a wind would have served their purpose.
The coast line between the two places bears N. N. E. The season of the year at which Paul commenced the voyage is known
from v. 9. It must have been near the close of summer, or early
in September. -  0tXav3pWrrws.... Xp-ro-ca1evo0.  It is interesting
to observe that the centurion manifested the same friendly disposition towards the apostle throughout the voyage.  See v. 43;
28, 16. It is not impossible that he had been present on some
of the occasions when Paul defended himself before his judges
(see 24, 1; 25, 23), and that he was not only convinced of his
prisoner's innocence, but had been led to feel a personal interest
in his character and fortunes. -rois 4tova, the friends, believers
in that place.  Sidon was a Phoenician city; and, as we learn
from 11, 19, the gospel had been preached in Phoenicia at an early
period. See on 21, 4. The narrative presupposes that Paul had
informed the centurion that there were Christians here. - 7ropEvEvTra agrees with the suppressed subject of TvXEJv; comp. 26, 20.
K. ~ 307. R. 2.  It is corrected in some manuscripts to 7ropEvNSrt,
agreeing with avrT, implied after E7rTE'pEE.
V. 4.  V7rErXE~VcraEV, K. r. X., we sailed under Cyprus because the
winds were contrary.  It is evident from the next verse that they
left this island on the left hand and passed to the north of it, instead of going to the south, which would have been their direct
1 From Neby Ismail on the hill behind Nazareth, I could see distinctly Mount
Carmel with its foot running out into the sea, the entire sweep of the bay from
Carmel to Akka, the plain of Akka and the town itself, with glimpses of the
Mediterranean at other points up and down the coast between the opening hills. It
is not certain that Tabor can be made out at sea, though the sea can be distinguished as a blue line along the edge of the horizon from the summit of Tabor.
2 An English naval officer, at sea near Alexandria, under date of July 4th,
1798, writes thus: "The wind continues to the westward. I am sorry to find it
almost as prevailing as the trade winds." Again, on the 19th of the next month,
he says: " We have just gained sight of Cyprus, nearly the track we followMed six
weeks ago, so invariably do the westerly winds prevail at this season."




C,AP. XXIV, 4. 5.      C OMMENTARY.                       413
course in proceeding fiom Sidon to Proconsular Asia. The reason assigned for this is, that the winds were adverse to them.
Such would have been the effect of the westerly winds which,
as before stated, prevail on that coast at this season, and which
had favored their progress hitherto. It may be supposed, therefi)re, that, these winds still continuing, they kept on their northern
course after leaving Sidon, instead of turning towards the west
or northwest, as they would have done under favorable circumstances. It is entirely consistent with this view that they are
said to have sailed under Cyprus, if we adopt the meaning of this
expression which some of the ablest authorities attach to it.
WTetstein has stated what appears to be the true explanation as
follows: " Ubi navis vento contrario cogitur a rectu cursu decedere, ita ut tune insula sit interposita inter ventum  et navem,
dicitur ferri infra insularn." (Nov. Test. II. p. 637.) According
to this opinion, v7ro in the verb affirms merely that the ship was
on that side of the island from which the wind was blowing, i. e.
to use a sea phrase, on the lee side. It decides nothing of itself
with respect to their vicinity to the island; though, from the nature of the case, it would not be natural to speak of sailing under
a land, or being on the lee of it, unless the land was somewhere
near, rather than remote. In this instance they passed within
sight of Cyprus, since that island was visible from the Syrian
coast. See the note on 13, 4. Many commentators, on the other
hand, render VrcrrXEV'raz/uev r'jv Kv7rpov, we sailed near Cyprrus, as it
were under its projecting shore. In this case they must have had
a different wind from that supposed above, in order to enable
them to cross from the coast of Palestine to that of Cyprus; but
having gained that position, they must then have gone around to
the north of that island, in accordance precisely with the other
representation.
V. 5. To rl'EXayoq To KaTai T-V KLXLKtav Kalt Ha[pvXtav, the sea along
Cilicia and Pamnphylia, i. e. the coast of those countries.  The
Cilician Sea extended so far south as to include even Cyprus.
That pass the Greeks called also Aulon Cilicium.l  The Pamphylian Sea lay directly west of the Cilician. Luke says nothing of
any delay in these seas, and the presumption is that the voyage
here was a prosperous one. This agrees perfectly with what
would be expected under that coast at that season of the year.
Instead of the westerly winds which had been opposed to them
since their departure from Sidon, they would be favored now by
1 Hoffmann's Griechenland und die Griechen, Vol. II. p. 1385.




414                      COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXVII, 5. 6.
a land breeze 1 which prevails there during the summer months,
as well as by a current which constantly runs to the westward
along the coast of Asia Minor.2  Their object in standing so far
to the north was no doubt to take advantage of these circulmstances, which were well known to ancient mariners. -  Mvpa us3r
NvKL1a. JMfyra was in the south of Lycia, two or three miles from
the coast (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 256). The vicinity abounds still
in magnificent ruins, though some of them, especially the rock
tombs, denote a later age than that of the apostle.3 The ancient
port of Myra was Andriaca, which was identified by Captain
Beaufort at the bay of Andraki, "where the boats trading with
the district still anchor, or find shelter in a deep river opening
into it."
VERsEs 6-12.  Incidents of the Voyagefrom Myra to Crete.
V. 6.  7roXtov'AXE$av8ptvov 7rAeov, an  Alexandrian ship  about.,.ailing.  The participle describes a proximate future, as in 21, 2.
3, etc.  This ship was bound directly for Italy, having a cargo of
wheat, as we learn from v. 38. See the note there. Egypt at
this time, it is well known, was one of the granaries of Rome;
and the vessels employed for the transportation of corn from that
country were equal in size to the largest merchant-vessels of
modern times.  Ience this ship was able to accommodate the
centurion and his numerous party, in addition to its own crew
and lading. Josephus states (Life, ~ 3) that the ship in which he
1 M. de Pages, a French navigator, who was making a voyage from Syria to
Marseilles, took the same course, for which he assigns also the reason which influenced probably the commander of Paul's ship. " The winds from the west," he
says, "and consequently contrary, which prevail in these places in the summer,
forced us to run to the north. We made for the coast of Caramania (Cilicia) in
order to meet the northerly winds, and which we found accordingly."
2 "From Syria to the Archipelago, there is a constant current to the westward."
— Beaufort's Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 39. Pococke
found this current running so strong between Rhodes and the continent, that it
broke into the cabin windows even in calm weather. -Description of the East,
Vol. II. p. 236.
3 " The village of Dembra (the Turkish name of the modern Myra) occupies a
small part of the site of the ancient city of Myra. The acropolis crowns the bold precipice above. - We commenced the ascent to the acropolis, at first exceedingly difficult, until we found an ancient road cut out of the rock, with steps leading to the
summit. The walls of the acropolis are entirely built of small stones with mortar.
We saw no remains of any more substantially or solidly built structures; but it is
evidently the hill alluded to by Strabo, upon which'Myra is said to have been
situated.' "- Spratt and Forbes, Vol. I. p. 132.




CHAP. XXVII, 6. 7.    COMMENTARY.                     415
was wrecked in his voyage to Italy contained six hundred persons. Myra was almost due north from Alexandria; and it is
not improbable that the same westerly winds which forced the
Adramyttian ship to the east of Cyprus drove the Alexandrian
ship to Myra. The usual course from Alexandria to Italy was
by the south of Crete; but when this was impracticable, vessels
sailing from that port were accustomed to stand to the north till
they reached the coast of Asia Minor, and then proceed to Italy
through the southern part of the.Egean. See the proofs of this
statement in Wetstein. The Alexandrian ship was not, therefore, out of her course at Myra, even if she had no call to touch
there for the purposes of commerce. It may be added, that "the
land breeze on the Cilician coast appears to be quite local, and
consequently might enable Paul's ship to reach Myra, although
the prevalent wind did not admit of the ships in that harbor proceeding on their voyage." — This vessel must have reached Myra
in August or early in September, according to v. 9 below. That
an. Alexandrian wheat ship now should have been here, just at
this time, suggests a coincidence which may be worth pointing
out. At the present day, the active shipping season at Alexandria commences about the first of August. The rise of the Nile
is then so far advanced that the produce of the interior can be
brought to that city, where it is shipped at once and sent to different parts of Europe. At the beginning of August in 1852, as
I saw it stated in the circular of a commercial house at Alexandria, there were twelve vessels then taking on board grain cargoes, just received from Upper Egypt. Thus it appears that the
Alexandrian ship mentioned by Luke may have left Egypt not
only after the grain harvest of the year had been gathered (it is
ripe at the end of March), but just at the.time when cargoes or
the earliest cargoes of that kind could be obtained there; and,
further, that the ship would have had, after this, just about the
time requisite for reaching Myra, when Paul's ship arrived at the
same place. - evE/3tfao-aEv -  a7 El1 avro (a vox nautica), he put us on
board of it. It will be noticed that Luke employs such terms
with great frequency, and with singular precision. He uses, for
example, not less than thirteen different verbs which agree in this,
that they mark in some way the progression of the ship, but which
differ inasmuch as they indicate its distance from the land, rate
of movement, direction of the wind, or some such circumstance.
With the exception of three of them, they are all nautical expressions.
V. 7.  rv eKavaZs &!uEipat3 ipasvwXoogvrTE. The distance from




416                   COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXVII, 7.
Myra to Cnidus is not more than a hundred and thirty geographical miles.  They occupied, therefore, "many days" in going a
distance which with a decidedly fair wind they could have gone
in a single day. We must conclude from this, that they were retarded by an unfavorable wind.  Such a wind would have been
one from the northwest, and it is precisely such a wind, as we
learn from the Sailing Directions for the Mediterranean, that prevails in that part of the Archipelago during the summer months.
According to Pliny, it begins in August, and blows for forty clays.
Sailing vessels almost invariably experience more or less delay
in proceeding to the west in this part of the Mediterranean at
that season of the year. But with northwest winds, says Mr.
Smith, the ship could work up firom Myra to Cnidus; because,
until she reached that point, she had the advantage of a weather
shore, under the lee of which she would have smooth water, and,
as formerly mentioned, a westerly current; but it would be slowly and with difficulty. pLoAtX refers evidently to this laborious
progress, and not (E. V.) to the fact of their having advanced
barely so far. - Kv3ov. Cnidus was the name both of a peninsula on the Carian coast, between Cos on the north and Rhodes
oni the south, and of a town on the Triopian promontory which
formed the end of this peninsula. It is the town that is intended
here. It was situated partly on the mainland, and partly on an
island, with which it was connected by a causeway, on each side
of which was an artificial harbor (Forbg. Hand. II. p. 221). " The
small one," says Captain Beaufort, "has still a narrow entrance
between high piers, and was evidently a closed basin for triremes.
The southern and largest port is formed by two transverse moles;
these noble works were carried into the sea at the depth of nearly a hundred feet.  One of them  is almost perfect, the other,
which is more exposed to the southwest swell, can only be seen
under water." x   /,  7rpoce vrTOsR Alqas roTi aveuov, the wind not permitting us unto it, i. e. to approach Cnidus, to take shelter in the
harbor there, which would have been their first preference. They
adopted, therefore, the only other alternative which was left to
them. 7rpoo-rEa does not occur in the classics. rrpo' cannot well
meanfurther, as some allege, since they would have had no motive to continue the voyage in that direction, even if the weather
1 Caramania, or a Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 76.
"Few places bear more incontestable proofs of former magnificence. The whole
area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins; among which may be traced
streets and gateways, porticos and theatres."




CHAP. XXVII, 7. 8.      COMMENTARY.                          417
had not opposed it.' — ~vE7rXrV'0vatev Trv Kp7rqlV KaTA YClaX/,lWvrv, lwe
sailed under (i. e. to the leeward of) Crete against SaZmone, a promontory which forms the eastern extremity of that island, and
bears still the same name. An inspection of the map will show
that their course hither from Cnidus must have been nearly south.
The wind drove them in this direction. It has been said that
they avoided the northern side of Crete, because it furnished no
good ports; but such is not the fact. Soudra and Longa Spina
are excellent harbors on that side of the island. Having passed
around Salmone, they would find a northwest wind as much opposed to them in navigating to the westward as it had been between Myra and Cnidus; but, on the other hand, they would
have for a time a similar advantage: the south side of Crete is
a weather shore, and with a northwest wind they could advance
along the coast, until they reached that part of it which turns decidedly towards the north. Here they would be obliged to seek
a harbor, and wait until the wind changed. The course of movement indicated by Luke tallies exactly with these conditions.
V. 8.  LoXA  TrE 7rapaXcXEyolEVo acvVTV, and with difficulty coasting
along it, viz. Crete, not Salmone, since the former, though not so
near, is the principal word.  Besides, Salmone was not so much
an extended shore as a single point, and at all events did not extend so far as the place where they stopped. This participle is
a nautical word. — Eit T0'rov.... Xyqjzva%, unto a certain place called
Fair Havens. No ancient writer mentions this harbor, but no one
doubts that it is identical with the place known still under the
same name, on the south of Crete, a few miles to the east of
Cape Matala.  This harbor consists of an open roadstead, or
rather two roadsteads contiguous to each other, which may account for the plural designation.  It is adapted, also, by its situation, to afford the shelter in northwest winds which the anchorage
mentioned by Luke afforded to Paul's vessel.  Nautical authorities assure us, that this place is the farthest point to which an
ancient ship could have attained with northwesterly winds, because here the land turns suddenly to the north. —.... Aao-ata,
near to which was the city Lasaea. The vicinity of this place ap1 Mr. Smith supposes that the winds did not permit their proceeding on their
course, and in his second edition (p. 76) urges against me the authority of Admiral Penrose as maintaining the same view. It is not claimed that the Greek word
is at all decisive, but that the nautical reason demands their interpretation. It does
not become me to urge my opinion on such a point in opposition to that of experienced navigators. One would say as a critic that 7rxpoaeEvTros in such proximity
to KaTra Tr7  KvZaov would have naturally the same local direction.
53




418                    COM ME NTA R Y.    CHAP. XXVII, 8; 9.
pears to be mentioned because it was better known than Fair
Havens. In the first edition I wrote that all trace of Lasma was
supposed to be lost. Since then an English traveller in Crete
reports that the name is applied by the natives to the site of an
ancient town on the coast, about five miles east of Fair Havens.
Two white pillars, masses of masonry and other ruins occur on
the spot.l  Here EyyV' governs, as an adverb.  yv, was, incorporates the notice with the history without excluding the present.
Compare 17, 21. 23. K. ~ 256. 4. a.
V. 9.  LKavov  e xp Xpov LtayevoLE'vov, Nown a long time having
elapsed, i. e. since the embarkation at Cuesarea. The expression
is to be taken in a relative sense. On leaving Palestine they
expected to reach Italy before the arrival of the stormy season,
and would have accomplished their object had it not been for
unforeseen delays.-'vros ~8r7 E7rL0rraXkov To rrXoo&, the navigation
being now unsafe, i. e. at this particular period of the year. -rrXoo'3
is a later Greek form for rrXov. W. ~ 8. 2. b; S. { 22. 2.- 83t'To
Kat, K. T. X., because also the fast was now past. Kac adds this clause
to the one immediately preceding, in order to fix more precisely
the limits of the'j8- there, by informing us how far the season
was advanced.  See W. ~ 53. 3. c. - -rv vqO-TEtlav denotes the fast
KaT''eoXv, which the Jews observed on the great day of expiation, which fell on the tenth of the month Tisri, about the time
of the autumnal equinox.  See Lev. 16, 29; 23, 27.  Jahn's
Archteol. ~ 357. Philo also says that no prudent man thought of
piutting to sea after this season of the year. The Greeks and
Romans considered the period of safe navigation as closing in
October, and recommencing about the middle of March. Luke's
familiarity with the Jewish designations of time rendered it entirely natural for him to describe the progress of the year in this
manner. It was not on account of the storms merely that ancient mariners dreaded so much a voyage in winter, but because
the rains, prevailed then, and the clouds obscured the sun and
stars on which they were so dependent for the direction of their
course. See the note on v. 20. -7rapwjvE, exhorted them, viz. to
remain here and not continue the voyage. It is not stated in so
many words that this was his object, but it may be inferred from
the argument which he employs, and from the representation in
the next two verses, that they renewed the voyage in opposition
to his advice. See also v. 21.
1 Mr. Smith inserts an interesting account of this discovery (p. 262) in his edition of 1856.




CHAP. XXVII, 10. 11.    CO M  E N T A RY.                  419
V. 10. SEoWpi, Iperceive, have reason to think.  This verb expresses a judgment which he had formed in view of what they
had already experienced, as well as the probabilities of the case,
looking at the future.  The revelation which he afterward received respecting their fate, he announces in very different terms;
see v. 23. He may be understood as declaring his own personal
conviction, that, if they now ventured to sea again, the ship would
certainly be wrecked, and that among so many some of them at
least would lose their lives.  None lost their lives in fact, and
hence Paul could not speak as a prophet here. The apostles
were not infallible, except in their sphere as religious teachers.In OTt LJUETa V/3pEWO, K. T. X., we have a union of two different modes
of expression. The sentence begins as if juLXXEL S 7rAXo3 was to
follow, but on reaching that verb the construction changes to the
infinitive with its subject, as if O5TL had not preceded. See W. ~
63. 2. c. Such variations are so common, even in the best writers,
that they are hardly to be reckoned as anacoluthic. — LLEra v/fpueog
Kat 7roiXz S  fylacS, with violence (lit. insolence, i. e. of the winds and
waves) and much loss.  The second noun states an effect of the
first, which is applied here in a sort of poetic way, like our " sport"
or "riot" of the elements.  Kuinoel quotes To TE Ka- a Kal Tlv a7r'rJv;./J3pov -v]ptv (a7roLCaXl Eva in Jos. Antt. 3. 6. 4, as showing this
sense.  Horace has the same idea in his "ventis debes ludibrium" (Od. 1. 11. 14).  To render the words injury and loss does
violence to the first of them, and makes them  tautological.
Some have relied for this meaning on Pind. Pyth. I. 140; but the
poet is speaking, says Professor Vdmel,l not of a shipwreck, but
a sea-fight, and Zfipit is used there in its strictest sense. Meyer
understands it of the rashness, the presumption, which they would
evince in committing themselves again to the deep. If we assume that meaning here, we are to retain it naturally in v. 21;
and it would be there a term of reproach, which we should not
expect the apostle to employ in such an address.
V. 11. EKaTovTapX-lq. In regard to the termination, see on 10,
1. --   KV/SEpV T-7, the steersvman, whose authority in ancient ships
corresponded very nearly with that of the captain in our vessels.
- TO vavKXqpp, the owner, to whom the ship belonged.  The proprietor, instead of chartering his vessel to another, frequently
went himself in her, and received as his share of the profit the
money paid for carrying merchandise and passengers. The
Of the Gymnasium at Frankfort on the Maine. In his Programme for 1850,
he inserts a translation of this chapter of the Acts, with some critical remarks.




420                    COM M ENTA R Y.              CHAP. XXVII, 12.
owners of the cargo hired the captain and the mariners.- TroZ
ler5 ro  HIav'Xov XE7O/LEVOLt changes the object of the verb ( rrEE'Tro)
from that of a person to a thing.  Compare 26, 20.
V. 12.  avev9eTrov, not well situateld, inconvenient.  The harbor
deserved its name undoubtedly (see v. 8), for many purposes, but
in the judgment of those to whose opinion it was most natural
that the centurion should defer, it was not considered a desirable
place for wintering (-rp6b IrapaXELt/aortav).  The question was not
whether they should attempt to proceed to Italy during the present season, but whether they should remain here in preference
to seeking some other harbor where they might hope to be more
secure. In this choice of evils, the advice of Paul was that they
should remain here; and the event justified his discernment.' --
o  rAsXElov% the mtajority.  Their situation had become so critical,
that a general consultation was held as to what should be done.
-  KaKE(JEV, also fromn there, as they had sailed previously from
other places, see v. 4. 6;'KE^tEV (Lchm.) is less correct. —Ei1
)otvKa, unto Phoenix, which must have been a town and harbor
in the south of Crete, a little to the west of Fair Havens; comp.
on v. 13. The palm-trees in that region are supposed to have
given occasion to the name. Strabo mentions a harbor with this
name on the south of Crete, and Ptolemy mentions a town called
Phmenix, with a port which he terms Phmnicus.  On the contrary,
Stephanus Byzantinus calls the town Phanicus, which Hierocles,
again, calls Phoenice. See Hoffm. Griechenland, II. p. 1334.
The best way to harmonize these notices is to suppose that the
different names were, at times, applied promiscuously to the town
and the harbor.  It is uncertain with what modern port we are to
identify the ancient Phonix.  Anapolis, Lutro (unless the places
differ merely as town and harbor), Sphakia, Franco  Castello,
Phineka, have each been supposed to be that port. -  El(ow lUvaLvro,
if by any means they might be able, etc. Those who advise the step
consider it perilous. - X      UqsVa rTq KprTE3 /8XE7rOVTaa KAT A8a hpa  KaO KaT
1 Paul's dissent from the general opinion has appeared to some very singular;
for the bay at Fair Havens, open to nearly one-half of the compass, was ill adapted,
it was thought, to furnish a permanent shelter. But recent and more exact observations establish the interesting fact that " Fair Havens is so well protected by
islands and reefs, that though not equal to Lutro, it must be a very fair winter
harbor; and that considering the suddenness, the frequency, and the violence with
which gales of northerly wind spring up, and the certainty that if such a gale
sprung up in the passage from Fair Havens to Lutro (Phcenix), the ship must be
driven off to sea, the prudence of the advice given by the master and owner was
extremely questionable, and that the advice given by St. Paul may possibly be
supported even on nautical grounds." Smith, p. 88 (1856).




CHAP. XXVII, 12.    COMMENTARY.                        421
Xpov, a harbor looking towards Lips and towards Corus, i. e. the points
from which the winds so called blew, viz. the southwest and the
northwest. The intermediate point between these winds is west;
so that the harbor would have faced in that direction, while the
opposite shores receded from each other towards the south and
north. This mode of employing the names of the winds is a
constant usage in the ancient writers to designate, as we say, the
points of the compass. Such is the general view of the meaning
of this expression, and there can be no doubt of its correctness.
- Mr. Smith (p. 80) maintains that the Phwenix of Luke is the
present Lutro. That harbor, however, opens to the east. To
reconcile Luke's statement with this circumstance, he understands KaTa A/f3a Kat KaraT Xopov to mean according to the direction
in which those winds blew, and not as is generally supposed,
whence they blew. " Now this is exactly the description of Lutro,
which looks or is open to the east; but having an island in front
which shelters it, it has two entrances, one looking to the northeast, which is Kara Ata, and the other to the southeast, Kar&
Xcopov."  But it is unsafe to give up the common interpretation
for the sake of such a coincidence; it rests upon a usage of the
Greek too well established to justify such a departure from it.
This mode of explaining KaTr At/3a involves, I think, two incongruities: first, it assigns opposite senses to the same term, viz.
southwest as the name of a wind, and northeast as the name of a
quarter of the heavens; and, secondly, it destroys the force of
3iX&E7ovra, which implies certainly that the wind and the harbor
confronted each other, and not that they were turned from each
other. Mr. Smith adduces KaTaL KV/Ja KaYt aIveOV from Herod. 4.
110; but the expression is not parallel as regards either the preposition or the noun.  Kara denotes there conformity of motion,
and not of situation where the objects are at rest, and JVE/ko3 does
not belong to the class of proper names, like Lips and Corus,
which the Greeks employed in such geographical designations.
"There is a passage in Arrian," he says, " still more apposite to
this point. In his Periplus of the Euxine, he tells us that, when
navigating the south coast of that sea, towards the east, he observed during a calm a cloud suddenly arise, which was driven
before the east wind. Here there can be no mistake; the cloud
must have been driven to the west." But to translate Kar' evpov
in that manner assumes the point in dispute. The context presents no reason why we should not adopt the ordinary sense of
such phrases; viz. towards the east, i. e. the cloud appeared in




122                       COMMENTAR Y.                 CHAP. XXVII, 13.
that quarter. In this expression, therefore, Eurus would denote
the point from which the east wind blows, and not whither.l
VERSES 13-16.  A Storm rages, and drives the Vessel to Claude.
V. 13.  v7ror7rvEravTros 8E NOrov, lbwTo    when a south wind blew
moderately.  After passing Cape Matala, the extreme southern
point of Crete, and only four or five miles to the west of Fair
1 The writer published some remarks on Mr. Smith's explanation of cKaT& A[La
ical Kar& X6pov in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1850, p. 751. Mr. Smith has had the
kindness to address to me a letter, stating some additional facts ascertained since
the publication of his work on " The Voyage and Shipwreck of Paul." In this
letter he reaffirms his view of the expression referred to, and calls my attention
again to the passage in Arrian, as conclusive in support of his position. A distinguished Hellenist (Professor Felton of the University at Cambridge) has favored
me with the following remarks on that passage:-" It is true that the cloud of
which Arrian speaks was borne towards the west; but that is not expressed by
Kcar' edpov, but must be inferred from the circumstances of the case. The course
of the voyage they were making was eastward; after a calm, during which they
used their oars alone,' suddenly a cloud springing up broke out nearly east of us'
(&ceoWo ZEXf'raTva'adaa O eppdy7V KtaT' sepoV' tdXl'Ta), and brought upon them a
violent wind. The wind, of course, was an easterly wind, because it made their
further progress towards the east slow and difficult. But the navigator in the
phrase Kar' epeov is speaking of the direction in which he saw the cloud, not in
which the cloud was moving. If he had been simply describing the direction in
which the cloud was moving, as Ierodotus is describing the motion of the ship
(and not the direction in which the ship is seen from another point), then KaiT'
Eiopo would mean with the Eaurus or before the Eurus......  If a person is floating
on the wind, or driven by the wind, if he is in motion according to the wind,
then of course his direction is determined by that of the wind. But if he is at
rest, and looking according to the wind, he is looking where the wind is the most
prominent object; that is, he is facing the wind, as Arrian's crew were facing the
cloud and the wind, and not turning his back upon it." —As this question has
excited some interest, it may be well to mention how it is viewed in works published since the preceding note was written. Humphry (1854) says (p. 202) that
Mr. Smith's passages are not quite conclusive as to 8/Xeovra Ka'Ta Atga. IIe supposes Phoenix to be the modern Phineka which opens to the west, and thus adopts
the common explanation of the phrase. Alford (1852) agrees with Smith that
carT& Ail3a and similar combinations denote whither and not whence the winds blow,
but intimates a purpose to fortify his ground against objections in a future edition. Howson (II. p. 400) would admit an instance of that usage in Jos. Antt.
15. 9. 6 (sic), but says that the other alleged proofs are untenable or ambiguous.
TIe mediates between the two opinions by suggesting that the point of view
($AxErowra) is firom the sea and not the land; so that iKaT A[la would have its
usual meaning and yet the harbor open towards the east, like Lutro. Wordsworth (p. 120) has a copious note on this question. Hie reviews the arguments on
both sides, and sums up with the result that we should "not abandon the ancient
interpretation;" or, at all events, should " suspend our decision till we have more
complete topographical details for forming it."




CHAP. XXVII, 13.14.   COMMENTARY.                         423
Havens, the coast turns suddenly to the north; and hence, for
the rest of the way up to Phoenix, a south wind was as favorable
a one as they could desire.- 0SdavTE3s vi-T  rpo7%o-Ecos KEKpaUrTKE'VaL,
thinking to have gained their purpose, regarding it as already secured. It was somewhat less than forty miles from Fair Havens
to Phoenix.  With a southern breeze, therefore, they could expect to reach their destination in a few hours. — JpavTE, SC. Tsc
ayKvpas, having weighed. -  o-orov 7rapEXEyovro Tr'v KpqT-rV, they coasted
along Crete nearer, se. than usual, i. e. quite near. This clause,
as we see from the next verse, describes their progress immediately after their anchorage at Fair Havens. It applies, therefore,
to the first few miles of their course. During this distance, as
has been suggested already, the coast continues to stretch towards
the west; and it was not until they had turned Cape Matala that
they would have the full benefit of the southern breeze which
had sprung up. With such a wind they would be able just to
weather that point, provided they kept near to the shore. We
have, therefore, a perfectly natural explanation of their proceeding in the manner that Luke has stated.
V. 14. /ETr' OV,roX6, After not long, shortly; comp. 28, 6. The
tempest, therefore, came upon them before they had advanced
far from their recent anchorage. They were still much nearer to
that place than they were to Phoenix. It is important to observe
this fact, because it shows what course the ship took in going
from Crete to Claude. -,BaXE KaT avTrTs avCEoO Tv(OvtLKo(s, a typhonic
wind struck against it, i. e. the ship. Ela~XE may imply EavTO'v, or be
intransitive.  Luke employs avr'T, because the mental antecedent is vas3, which actually occurs in v. 41, though his ordinary
word is 7rXotov. It would be quite accidental, which of the terms
would shape the pronoun at this moment, as they were both so
familiar. See W. ~ 47. 5. k. KaTa takes the genitive, because the
wind was unfriendly, hostile, as in the Attic phrase KaTa KOpp'nV.TV7rTELr. Bernh. Synt. p. 238. Some critics, as Kuinoel, De Wette,
Meyer, refer avTr~ to KprTTrV, and render drove us or the ship
against it. Similar is the Geneva version: " There arose agaynste
Candie a stormye wynd out of the northeast."  But how can we
understand it in this way, when we are told in the next verse
that they yielded to the force of the wind, and were driven by it
towards Claude, which is southwest from  Fair Havens?  WTe
must discard that view, unless we suppose that the wind in the
course of a few minutes blew from precisely opposite quarters.
Luther refers avT7rs to 7rpo93o'e(wo: struck against it, defeated their
purpose.  Tyndale lived for a time with the German Reformer,




424                    COMMENTARY.              CHAP. XXVII, 14.
at Wittenberg, and took his translation perhaps from that source:
" Anone after ther arose agaynste ther purpose a flawe of wynd
out of the northeaste." The Greek expression is awkward for
such an idea and is unsupported by proper examples. Some recent commentators refer ar;v't as before to the island, but vary
the preposition: struck down from} it, viz. Crete, i. e. from  its
mountains, its lofty shores (Alf. Hws. Hmph. Wdsth.).  KaraL admits confessedly of this sense; but does the verb?  Was it used
of winds unless the object struck was added or implied after it?
And if the striking was in the writer's mind here and led to the
choice of this particular verb, how can Kar' avTrTs (i. e. the ship)
fail to be this object?  It is questionable whether "to strike
down" as said of a wind, and "to blow, come, rush down," are
convertible terms; and unless they are so, KaTcr/- in Matt. 8, 23,
EyEVEro in Matt. 7, 24, and ytVErat in Mark 4, 37 do nor bear
specially on the case. In the Greek Thesaurus (Paris ed., II.
p. 90) it is said of /a3XXELv: " Feriendi significatione dicitur de sole,
luce, vento, voce et qtovis sonitu ad corpus aliquod accedente."
Z]3aXXov occurs of winds in Il. 23, 217, but with the accusative of
the object struck.l - rTVwVoLKS describes the wind with reference
to the whirling of the clouds occasioned by the meeting of opposite currents of the air. Pliny (2. 48), in speaking of sudden
blasts, says that they cause a vortex which is called " typhoon;"
and Aulus Gellius (19. 1) mentions certain figures or appearances
of the clouds in violent tempests, which it was customary to call
"typhoons."  This term is intended to give us an idea of the fury
of the gale; and its name, EvpaKXowv as the word should most
probably be written, denotes the point from which it came, i. e.
_Euroaqutilo, as in the Vulgate, a northeast wind.  This reading
occurs in A and B, which are two of the oldest manuscripts, and
in some other authorities.  It is approved by Grotius, Mill, Bengel, Bentley, De Wette, and others. Lachmann inserts it in his
edition of the text. EcpaKXoWv, says Green (p. 117), " which simply
Grecises Euroaquilo, demands the preference among the various
shapes of the name." The internal evidence favors that form
of the word. A northeast storm accounts most perfectly for the
course of the ship, and for the means employed to control it,
mentioned or intimated in the sequel of the narrative. The other
principal readings are EVPOKXV'8WV (T. R., Tsch.), compounded of
EIpos and KXV'8wv, Eurus fluctus excitans, or, as De Wette thinks
This criticism may not be useless if it should serve to elicit further inquiry
before discarding the common view. My means do not allow me to treat the
subject more fully at present.




CHAP. XXVII, 15.16.    COMMENTARY..425
more correct, fluctus EEuro excitatus; and EVpVKX&OvO, from EVPV
and KX&owv, broad wave.  It appears, therefore, that the gentle
southern breeze with which they started changed suddenly to a
violent north or northeast wind. Such a sudden change is a very
common occurrence in those seas. An English naval officer, in
his Remarks on the Archipelago, says: " It is always safe to anchor under the lee of an island with a northern wind, as it dies
away gradually; but it would be extremely dangerous with southerly winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly
wind.
V. 15. crvvapwrao'EvTrog, being seized, caught by the wind. —avroS3aXk/ELtV, to look in the face, withstand. It is said that the ancients
often painted an eye on each side of the prow of their ships. It
may not be easy to determine whether the personification implied
in this mode of speaking arose from that practice, or whether the
practice arose from the personification. -   tlt80'VTE%, SC. r7 -RXoiov,
givinzg up the vessel to the wind.  Some supply av-rov' as the
object of the participle, in anticipation of' the next verb. The
idea is the same in both cases. — ~Epo4LE3a, we were borne, not
hither and thither, but at the mercy of the wind, the direction of
which we know from the next verse.
V. 16. v.o-iov.... KXav'j7v, Running under a certain small island called Claude. This island Ptolemy calls Claudos. It bears
now the name of Gozzo. As the gale commenced blowing soon
after the departure from Fair Havens, the ship, in order to reach
Claude, must have been driven to the southwest. Their course,
had they been near Phcenix at the commencement of the storm,
would have been due south. The effect which the wind produced shows what the direction of the wind was; it must have
been from the north or northeast, which agrees, as we have seen,
with the probable import of the name which Luke has employed
to designate the wind. VTro8paplo/VTES implies, first, that they went
before the wind (see on 16, 11); and secondly, according to the
view suggested on v. 4, that they passed Claude so as to have
the wind between them and that island, that is, since the direction of the wind has been already determined, they went to the
southeast of it instead of the north. That they approached near
to the island at the same time, may be inferred from their being
able to accomplish the object mentioned in the next clause.
Others infer their vicinity to the island from the preposition,
which they take to mean under the coast; but as in the other
case, they suppose that this was the southern coast, from the direction in which such a wind must have driven the ship. — XoAt
54




426                  COMMENTARY.            CHAP. XXVII, 16.17.
r....   aKs frK, we were able with difficulty to secure the boat.
Luke includes himself, perhaps not from sympathy merely, but
because he took part in this labor. The preservation of the boat
was important, as affording the last means of escape; see v. 30.
They may have begun already to have forebodings of the result.
Those expert in maritime affairs say, that, while a vessel is scudding before a strong gale, her boat cannot be taken on board or
lashed to the side of the vessel (see on v. 32) without extreme
danger. Hence it is probable, that, when on the southern side
of Claude, they were sheltered somewhat against the storm, and
were able to arrest the progress of the ship sufficiently to enable
them to accomplish this object. Yet the sea even here was still
apparently so tempestuous as to render this a difficult operation.
It may have added to the difficulty, that the boat, having been
towed more than twenty miles through a raging sea, could hardly
fail to have been filled with water. They had omitted this precaution at the outset because the weather was mild, and they
had expected to be at sea but a few hours. It will be observed
that Luke has not stated why they found it so difficult to secure
the boat. We are left to conjecture the reasons.
VERSES 17-20.  They undergird and lighten the ship, but despair
of safety.
V. 17, flor3EtaLts EXPvro, they used helps, i. e. ropes, chains, and
the like, for the purpose specified in the next clause, viz. that of
undergirding the ship. Most scholars take this view of the meaning, and it is doubtless the correct one. De Wette would extend
flo%&'atLs so as to include other similar expedients: they used helps,
of which V7rotoVVVTVrsT r1 rTXoZov was an example. poq9ElaatL cannot
denote the services of the passengers, as some have said; for we
have no such limiting term annexed as that sense of the expression would require. The " helps " here are the v7ro-txara, which
Hesychius defines as " cables binding ships round the middle."
It is probable that ships were occasionally undergirded with
planks; but that could only be done in the harbor, and was a
different thing from performing the process at sea. But how, the
question arises next, were the cables applied so as to accomplish
the proposed object? Falconer, in his Marine Dictionary, describes the mode of undergirding ships, as practised in modern
navigation, in the following terms: " To frap a ship (ceintrer un
vaisseau) is to pass four or five turns of a large cable-laid rope
round the hull or frame of a ship, to support her in a great storm;




CHAP. XXVII, 17.         COMMENTARY.                           427
or otherwise, when it is apprehended that she is not strong enough
to resist the violent efforts of the sea. This expedient, however,
is rarely put in practice."  In ancient times it was not uncommon
to resort to this process. The larger ships on their more extended
voyages carried with them V'rofluara, or ropes for undergirding, so
as to be prepared for any emergency which might require them.
The Attic arsenals kept a supply of them always on hand for
public use. This mode of strengthening a ship at sea, although
not adopted so often as it was anciently, is not unknown in the
experience of modern navigators.  In 1815, Mdr. Henry Hartley
was employed to pilot the Russian fleet from England to the
Baltic. One of the ships under his escort, the Jupiter, was frapped round the middle by three or four turns of a stream-cable.
Sir George Back, on his return from his Arctic voyage in 1837,
was forced, in consequence of the shattered and leaking condition
of his ship, to undergird her. The Albion, a British frigate, in
1846, encountered a hurricane on her voyage from India, and was
under the necessity of frapping her hull together to prevent her
from sinking. To these more recent instances many others of
an earlier date might be added.' The common representation in
regard to the ancient mode of applying the hypozomata to a ship
makes it different from the modern usage. Boeckh's view is the
one followed in most of the recent works. According to his investigations, the ropes, instead of being passed under the bottom
and fastened on deck, "ran in a horizontal direction around the
ship from the stern to the prow.  They ran round the vessel in
several circles, and at certain distances from one another. The
length of these tormenta, as they are called in Latin, varied accordingly as they ran around the higher or lower part of the ship,
the latter being naturally shorter than the former. Their number
varied according to the size of the ship." 2 Mr. Smith, in his Dissertation on the Ships of the Ancients (p. 173 sq.), controverts the
foregoing opinion, as being founded on a misapprehension of the
passages in the ancient writers which have been supposed to
1 Some suppose that Horace alludes to this practice in Od. 1. 14. 6:-" Sine
funibus Vix durare carinae Possint imperiosius 2Equor." I was once explaining
this passage to a college class, according to that view, when one of the members
who had been at sea stated that he himself had assisted in such an operation on
board a vessel approaching our own coast.
2 This is quoted from the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Art.
Ships. The account rests on Boeckh's authority. The writer of the article on
Navis in Pauly's Real-Encycklopiidie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, follows the same authority.




428                    C O M ME N T A R Y.       CHAP. XXVII, 17;
prove it. He maintains that the cables, instead of being applied
lengthways, were drawn around the middle at right angles to the
ship, and not parallel to it.1  The other mode, he says, "must
have been as impracticable as it would have been unavailing for
the purpose of strengthening the ship." Luke states a fact sillmply in relation to this matter; he does not describe the mode.
The question, therefore, is one of archeological interest merely;
it does not affect the writer's accuracy. - /, Ecs T'V v EpTtV EKTrEo-o-r, lest they should be stranded u2pon the Syrtis. The verb literally
means to fall out, i. e. from  the sea or deep water upon the land
or rocks; comp. v. 26. 29.  Syrtis Major is here meant, which was
on the coast of Africa, southwest from Crete. This gulf was an
object of great dread to mariners on account of its dangerous
shoals. The other Syrtis was too far to the west to have been the
one to which they would feel exposed in their present situation.
Some have taken,'prTtv to denote a sand-bank  near Claude; but
as any such bank there must have been comparatively unknown,
the writer with that allusion would more naturally have left out
the article. - XaXaravreE TO rrKE(VO., having lowered the sail.  O-KEros
is indefinite, and may be applied to almost any of the ship's appurtenances, as sails, masts, anchors, and the like. Many have
supposed it to refer here to the mast, or, if there was mlore than
one in this case, to the principal mast; but it would seem to put
that supposition out of the question, that according to all. probability the masts of the larger sailing ships among the ancients
were not movable, like those of the smaller vessels, but were
fixed in their position, and would require to be cut away; a mode
of removal which the accompanying participle shows could not
have been adopted in the present instance. The surprising opinion of some, that 0-K(VEZO is the anchor, is contradicted by the following oV'rTow'0Epovro.  Of the other applications of the word, the
only one which the circumstances of the ship at this juncture
naturally suggest is, that it refers to the sail. It is not certain
how we are to take the article here.  It leads us to think most
directly perhaps of the large, square sail, which was attached to
the principal mast. The ancients had vessels with one, two, and
three masts.2  To would then point out that sail by way of emi1 The mode of executing this manceuvre, as I am informed, or at least one
mode, is to sink the ropes over the prow, and then draw them towards the middle of the ship, fastening the ends on deck.
2 See Pauly's Real-Encyklopidie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, Vol.
V. p. 463.




CHAP. XXVII, 17.    COM M ENT A RY.                   429
nence. The presumption is, that, if the ship carried other sails,
as cannot well be doubted, they had taken them down before
this; and now, having lowered the only one which they had continued to use, they let the vessel " scud under bare poles." This
is the general view of the meaning. It would follow from this,
that the wind must have changed its direction before they were
wrecked on Melita; for some thirteen days elapsed before that
event, during which the storm continued to rage; and within that
time, had they been constantly driven before a northeast wind,
they must have realized their fear of being stranded on the African coast.- But an eastern gale in the Levant, at this season of
the year, is apt to be lasting; the wind maintains itself, though
with unequal violence, for a considerable time, in the same
quarter. Professor Newman, of the London University, states
the following fact1 in his own experience: "We sailed from
Larnica in Cyprus in a small Neapolitan ship with a Turkish
crew, on the 2d of December, 1830. We were bound for Latika,
in Syria, - the course almost due east, — but were driven back
and forced to take refuge in the port of Famagousta, the ancient Salamis. Here we remained wind-bound for days. Owing
to our frequent remonstrances, the captain sailed three times, but
was always driven back, and once after encountering very heavy
seas and no small danger. It was finally the first of January, if
my memory does not deceive me, when we reached the Syrian
coast." It was probably such a gale which Paul's ship encountered, that is, a series of gales from the east, but not a constant
hurricane; for the seamen were able to anchor and to let down
their boat, and a part of the crew to attempt to escape in it to
the shore. If, then, we assume that the wind blew from the
same point during the continuance of the storm, we must suppose that they adopted some precaution against being driven
upon the African coast, which Luke does not mention, although
his narrative may imply it. The only such precaution, according
to the opinion of nautical men, which they could have adopted
in their circumstances, was to lie-to, i. e. turn the head of the
vessel as near to the wind as possible, and at the same time
keep as much sail spread as they could carry in so severe a gale.
For this purpose, they would need the principal sail; and the sail
lowered is most likely to have been the sail above it, i. e. the
topsail, or sulnparum, as the Romans termed it. By the adoption
of these means they would avoid the shore on which they were
I Mentioned in Mr. Smith's letter, alluded to on p. 422.




430                  COMMENTARY.    CHAP. XXVII, 18. 19.
so fearful of being cast, and drift in the direction of the island
on which they were finally wrecked. ro, according to this supposition, would refer to the sail as definite in the conceptions of
the writer, or as presumptively well known to the reader. - oYrouT
kE'EpovTO, thus (i. e. with the ship undergirded, and with the mainsail lowered; or, it may be, with the topsail lowered and the
stormsail set) they were borne on, at the mercy of the elements.
Here closes the account of the first fearful day.
V. 18. crqtoapws 86 X~cta~ otEvov CrIv, VNow we being violently
tempest-tost. — r   si, on the following clay, i. e. after their attempt to reach the port of Phoenix. The night brought to them
no relief. The return of day disclosed to them new dangers.
The precaution of undergirding had accomplished less than they
hoped. It was evident that the ship must be lightened or founder at sea. Their next step, therefore, was to try the effect of
this measure. - EKOX-Jqv 7rotLo3vro, proceeded to throw overboard, is
one of the sea-phrases which Julius Pollux mentions as used by
the ancients to denote the lightening of a ship at sea. The noun
omits the article, because they cast out only a part of what the
vessel contained. We are not told what it was that they sacrificed
at this time; it may have been their supernumerary spars and
rigging, and some of the heavier and more accessible articles of
merchandise with which the ship was laden. It appears from v.
38 that the bulk of the cargo consisted of wheat, and they reserved that until the last. The seamen in the vessel in which
Jonah embarked had recourse to the same expedient. " There
was a mighty tempest in the sea, so that the ship was like to be
broken. Then the mariners were afraid, and cried every man
ulnto his god, and cast forth the wares that were in the ship into
the sea, to lighten it of them " (Jon. 1, 4. 5).
V; 19. r Trpbr'. The third day arrives and the storm has not
abated. They are obliged to lighten the ship still more. This
renewed necessity appears to indicate that the ship was in a
leaking condition, and that the danger from this cause was becoming more and more imminent. It was one of the great perils to
which ancient vessels were exposed. Their style of architecture
was inferior to that of modern vessels; they were soon shattered
in a storm, " sprang leaks " more easily, and had fewer means for
repairing the injury. " In the accounts of shipwrecks that have
come down to us from ancient times, the loss of the ship must,
in a great number of instances, be ascribed to this cause. Josephus tells us that, on his voyage to Italy, the ship sunk in the
midst of the Adriatic Sea (a7TrrLTtrEvros yap Ikwav T7o rrXoov Ka7r




CHAP. XXVII, 19. 20.   COMMENTARY.                         431,EG-ov r7v0'A8ptav).  He and some of his companions saved themselves by swimming; the ship, therefore, did not go down during the gale, but in consequence of the damage she sustained
during its continuance.  One of St. Paul's shipwrecks must have
taken place under the same circumstances; for he tells us, a day
and a night I have been in the deep (2 Cor. 11, 25), supported
no doubt on spars or fragments of the wreck. In Virgil's description of the casualties of the ships of./Eneas, some are driven
on rocks, others on quicksands; but'laxis laterum compagibus omnes
Accipiunt inimicum imbrem, rimisque fatiscunt.'
The fact, that the ships of the ancients were provided with hypozomata or cables ready fitted for undergirding, as a necessary part
of their stores, proves how liable they were to such casualties."
It is easy to see, therefore, what must have been the fate of
Paul's ship had they not discovered land so providentially; she
must have foundered at sea, and all on board have perished. -
aVroXEtpes....  qppaleJv, we cast out with our hands the furniture
of the ship, such as tables, beds, chests, and the like (Mey. De
Wet. Lng. Alf. Wdsth.).  The self-inflicted loss in this case
(avTo'XeLPEs), which affected so much the personal convenience of
each one, showed how urgent was the danger.  Yet o(KErvV is a
very doubtful word.  Some understand it of the masts, yards,
sails, and other equipments of the ship similar to these. With
this interpretation, we must regard the term as applying to that
class of objects in a general way; for we see from v. 29 that they
retained at least some of their anchors, and from v. 44 that, at
the last moment, they had boards and spars at command to assist
them in reaching the shore. According to some again, as Wetstein, Kuinoel, Winer, OaKEVv denotes the baggage of the passengers. aVTroXEtpe is more significant with that sense, but 7rXotov as
genitive of the container, the baggage on board the ship, is very
harsh.'rv 0cKEV'rV means, says Smith, " the rnainyard, an immense
spar, probably as long as the ship, and which would require the
united efforts of passengers and crew to launch overboard.  The
relief which a ship would thus experience, would be of the same
kind as in a modern ship, when the guns are thrown overboard."
— Some read  pspaEv, some'Epltav.  Tischendorf retains the
former, as in T. R.  Meyer is too positive that the first person
betrays its origin in avTroxECtPE.
V. 20. /NTrE.... E'7rKEL/LEVOV, Now neither sun nor stars shining
upon us for many days, and a storm not slight pressing upon us.




432                COMMENTA R Y.          CHAP. XXVII, 20. 21.
Observe the force of the compounds. The absence of' the sun
and stars increased their danger, since it deprived them of their
only means of observation. The Greeks and Romans, in the
most improved state of navigation among them, were reluctant
to venture out to sea beyond the sight of land. During the day
they kept the high lands on shore, or some island, in view, to
direct them; and at night depended for the same purpose on the
position, the rising and setting of different stars. Dict. of Antt.,
Art. Ship. The many or several clays include, probably, the three
days which have been mentioned, but how many of the eleven
days which followed (v. 27) before the final disaster is uncertain.
WVe do not know how long the interval was between Paul's address and that event. The expression would be inappropriate,
however, unless it comprehended the greater part of them. —
Xouro'v,for the future, thenceforth. They relinquish now their last
hope of escape; destruction seemed to be inevitable. In their
condition they must have felt that their only resource was to run
the vessel ashore. But the state of the weather rendered it impossible for them to distinguish in what direction the shore lay;
and thus they were unable to make the only further effort for
their preservation which was left to them. In judging of the
dangers which menaced them, we must take into account the
state of the vessel, as well as the violence of the storm. - 7reptypcvto means was utterly taken away. - ro  aCEoSatL depends on
6^rrls as a genitive construction; comp. 14, 9.
VERSEs 21-26.  The Apostle cheers them with the Hope of Deliverance.
V. 21. iroXXks aritTtas denotes much abstinence as to time and
degree, i. e. both long continued and severe, but not entire; see
on v. 33. This abstinence was not owing to their want of provisions (see v. 36), but was the effect, in part at least, of their
fears and dejection of mind (see v. 22. 36); and in part, also, of
the difficulty of preparing food under such circumstances, and of
the constant requisition made upon then for labor. " The hardships which the crew endured during a gale of such continuance,
and their exhaustion from labor at the pumps, and hunger, may
be imagined, but are not described." - SEL LE~v, K. T7. X., you ought
(past as a violated duty) having obeyed me, because the counsel
was wise, not authoritative as from an apostle. - avadyero-Sa is
present because they were still at sea. Note the aorist which
follows. - Paul recalls to mind their former mistake in disregarding his advice, not to reproach them, but in order to show his




CHAP. XXVII, 22-25.    CO M MENTARY.                      433
claim to their confidence with reference to the present communication. p'v is unattended here by any responding s'. - KepS&oat[
TE r7V v/3ptLV av-rav Kat 7'-v gitav, and to have escaped (lit. gained) tzis
violence and loss; see on v. 10. Lucrari was used in the same
manner. An evil shunned is a gain as well as a good secured. As
/3lptv refers to something actually suffered, it cannot mean harm,
to their persons (Hws.); for the exemption from such injury of
which Paul assures them in the next verse and still more emphatically in v. 34, applies undoubtedly to the whole voyage.
V. 22. 7rwXv TO 7 rXotov, There shall be no loss except of the
ship. This limitation qualifies, not the entire clause which precedes, but only Jt/ro'oX' ov8e/tcla'rn-at, which we are to repeat before the words here. p&vov would have marked the connection
more precisely. See W. ~ 66. 1. e. As to the rest, compare the
remarks on 0Ewop&J in v. 10.
V. 23. 7rap~er'. Whether the angel appeared to the apostle in
a vision or a dream, the mode of statement does not enable us to
decide.  See on 16, 9. — ra'vd r- VVKTtl, this night just passed, or
that which was passing.  Most think it probable that Paul did
not communicate the revelation to those in the ship until the return of day. - o' EshtL, whose I am, to whom I belong as his property; in other words, whose servant I am. - -   Kal XaTrpEv', w]hovm
also I worship, to whom I offer religious service and homage. This
verb refers to external acts of worship, and not to a religious life
in general, except as the latter may be a concomitant of the
former.
V. 24. Kalaaplt r-  8et 7rapao-rirvat, thou must stand before CGesar.
See on 23, 11;  To remind the apostle of this still unfulfilled
purpose of God, was the same thing as to assure him that he
would escape the present danger. - KEXaptrraL.... Coo, God has
given to thee all those who sail with thee.  They should be preserved for his sake. No one supposes the declaration here to
affirm less than this. Many think that it implies also that Paul
had prayed for the safety of those in the ship with him; and
that he receives now the assurance that his prayer in their behalf has prevailed. " For I hope," says Paul in Philem. v. 22,
"that through your prayers I shall be given unto you."  Such is
the view of Calvin, Bengel, Olshausen, De WMette, Lange, and
others. Bengel remarks here: " Facilius multi mali cum paucis
piis servantur, quam unus pius cum mialtis reis perit. Navi huic
similis mundus."
V. 25.  Lo-re-cv, K. 1. X.  It is evident from v. 32 that the apostle had acquired a strong ascendency over the minds of the pas55




434                 COMMENTARY.            CxAP. XXVII, 26. 27.
sengers in the ship, if not of the others. He could very properly,
therefore, urge his own confidence in God as a reason (yap) why
they should dismiss their fears (E3JQrEcTE), SO far at least as the
preservation of their lives was concerned.
V. 26. Ek vr(oo'v  nva, upon some island. More than this was
not revealed to him. Paul was as ignorant of the name of the
place where they were wrecked as the rest of them; see v. 39.
- 8 opposes what they must suffer to what they would escape.
-- 8E in such a communication may represent the event as not
merely certain, but certain because it was fixed by the divine
purpose.-  E'K7EorEV, be cast away.  Se the remark on v. 17.
VERSES 27-32.  The Discovery of Land; and the frustrated Attempt of the Mariners to desert the Ship.
V. 27. TEo-apEcrKatLSEKaT7 vV$, the fourteenth night since their
departure from Fair Havens. - &a0EpoE/OVWv p7~/lv Ev Vr'A8pta, as
7we were borne throughz (sc. the waters, comp. v. 5) in the Adriatic.
They may have been driven hither and thither, or onward in one
direction; the participle is indefinite. Mr. Smith's calculation
assumes a uniform drift towards Melita. It has been said that
the modern Malta lies too far south to be embraced in the sea so
designated. The statement is erroneous. In its restricted sense,
the Adriatic was the sea between Italy and Greece; but in a
wider sense it comprehended also the Ionian Sea around Sicily,
near which was Melita. (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 19; Win. Realw.
I. p. 23.) The later Greek and Roman writers, as Biscoe has
shown, gave the name to the entire sea as far south as Africa. —
V7rEVoovv.... Xwpav, the mariners suspected that some 7and twas approaching them.  As Mr. Smith remarks, Luke uses here the
graphic language of seamen, to whom the ship is the principal object, whilst the land rises and sinks, nears and recedes. The narrator does not state on what ground they suspected their vicinity
to the land. It was, no doubt, the noise of the breakers. This is
usually the first notice of their danger which mariners have in
coming upon a coast in a dark night.  This circumstance furnishes reason for believing that the traditionary scene of the
shipwreck is the actual one. It is impossible to enter St. Paul's
Bay from the east without passing near the point of Koura; and
while the land there, as navigators inform us, is too low to be
seen in a stormy night, the breakers can be heard at a considerable distance, and in a northeasterly gale are so violent as to form
on charts the distinctive feature of that headland. On the 10th of




CHAP. XXVII, 28. 29.   COMMENTARY.                       435
August, 1810, the British frigate Lively fell upon these breakers,
in a dark night, and was lost. The quartermaster, who first observed them, stated, in his evidence at the court-martial, that at
the distance of a quarter of a mile the land could not be seen,
but that he saw the surf on the shore. - The distance from
Claude to the point of Koura is 476.6 miles. Luke's narrative
allows a fraction over thirteen days for the performance of this
voyage. It must have occupied a day, or the greater part of a
day, to have reached Claude after they left Fair Havens (see v.
13-16). According to the judgment of experienced seamen, " the
mean rate of drift of a ship circumstanced like that of Paul"
(i. e. working its way in such a direction in a gale of moderate
severity, against a northeast wind) would be thirty-six and a half
miles in twenty-four hours. "Hence, according to these calculations," says Mr. Smith (p. 122 sq.), "a ship starting late in the
evening from Claude, would, by midnight on the fourteenth, be
less than three miles from the entrance of St. Paul's Bay. I admit that a coincidence so very close as this is, is to a certain extent accidental; but it is an accident which could not have happened had there been any great inaccuracy on the part of the
author of the narrative with regard to the numerous incidents
upon which the calculations are founded, or had the ship been
wrecked anywhere but at Malta."
V. 28..BpaXvJ 8 &ao' —rrpavre~. K. T. X. There was but a short
distance, it will be observed, between the two soundings; and
the rate of decrease in the depth of the water, viz. first, twenty
fathoms, and then fifteen, is such as would not be found to exist on
every coast. It is said that a vessel approaching Malta from the
same direction finds the same soundings at the present day. —
opyvta, fathom, (from 3pEyw, to stretch,) oL-a'veL r~rv EKatv RLV  XetpOv o-v vr 7T'XartEL -ro3 crr3ovS. Etym. Magn.
V. 29. Ei rpaXEts ro&rovq, upon rough, i. e. rocky, places. Their
apprehension arose, not from what they saw, but from what they
had reason to fear in a dark night on an unknown coast. The
alarm was well founded; for " the fifteen fathom depth here is as
nearly as possible a quarter of a mile only from the shore, which
is girt with mural precipices, and upon which the sea must have
been breaking with great violence." -  K 7rpzvr!q..... r. ro-apas,
having cast out four anchors from the stern. " To anchor successfully in a gale of wind, on a lee shore, requires holding-ground
of extraordinary tenacity.  In St. Paul's Bay, the traditionary
locality of the shipwreck, the anchorage is thus described in the
Sailing Directions:-' The harbor of St, Paul is open to easterly




436                 COMMENTARY.   CHAP. XXVII, 29. 30.
and northeast winds. It is, notwithstanding, safe for small ships,
the ground, generally, being very good; and while the cables
hold there is no danger, as the anchors will never start.'"  The
ancient vessels did not carry, in general, so large anchors as
those which we employ; and hence they had often a greater
number. Athenueus mentions a ship which had eight iron anchors. Paul's ship, as we see from the next verse, had other anchors besides those which were dropped from the stern. One
object of anchoring in that way was to arrest the progress of the
ship more speedily. No time was to be lost, as they knew not
that they might not founder the next moment upon the shoals
where the breakers were dashing. Had they anchored by the
bow, we are told, there was reason for apprehending that the
vessel would swing round and strike upon the rocks. The ancient ships were so constructed that they could anchor readily by
the prow or the stern, as circumstances might require. Another
advantage of the course here taken was that the head of the
vessel was turned towards the land, which was their best position
for running her ashore. That purpose they had no doubt formed
already. "By cutting away the anchors (ras ayKV'pas EptEXOVTES),
loosing the bands of the rudders (advE'VTE  s ETag VKTr1pLaS), and hoisting the artemon (E'7rpaVTES TOrv apT'ELova), all of which could be
done simultaneously, the ship was immediately under command,
and could be directed with precision to any part of the shore which
offered a prospect of safety." - The English ships of war were
anchored by the stern in the battle of Copenhagen and rendered
very effective service in that position. Mr. Howson mentions
the singular fact that Lord Nelson stated after the battle that he
was led to adopt that plan, because he had just been reading this
twenty-seventh chapter of the Acts. — qvXovro'qge'pav yevE'gatL, they
desired that day might come. The remark is full of significance.
In the darkness of the night they could not tell the full extent
of the dangers which surrounded them. They must have longed
for returning day on that account. In the mean time it must
have been difficult to preserve a vessel which had been so long
tempest-tost from sinking. Their only chance of escape was to
strand the ship as soon as the light enabled them to select a
place which admitted of it. It is evident that every moment's
delay must have been one of fearful suspense, as well as of peril
to them.
V. 30. rTv & vavr&v, K. T. X. This ungenerous attempt of the
seamen to escape confirms the remark before made, that the ship
was probably in so shattered a state, as to render it uncertain




CHAP. XXVII, 31-33.   C 0 M M E N T A R Y.               437
whether it could outride the storm until morning. They may
have had another motive for the act. The shore might prove to
be one on which they could not drive the vessel with any hope
of safety; and they may have deemed it more prudent to trust
themselves to the boat, than to remain and await the issue of
that uncertainty. - XaXaaoa'vrwv  v  orKa'orqV, having lowered down the
boat, which they had previously hoisted on board; see v. 16. 17.
— CK rrppas, from the prow, since it was nearer thence to the shore,
and was there only that they could pretend to need anchors, the
stern being already secure.- JyKvpas KTELVELV, not to cast out
(E. V.), but stretch out anchors. The idea of extending the cables
runs into that of carrying out and dropping the anchors. Favored
by the darkness, and under color of the pretext assumed, they
would have accomplished their object, had not Paul's watchful
eye penetrated their design.
V. 31. ErEV.... orpaTtWTats. Paul addressed himself to the
centurion and the soldiers, because the officers of the ship were
implicated in the plot, or, in consequence of the general desertion, had no longer any power to enforce their orders.  The soldiers are those who had charge of the different prisoners (v. 1),
subject probably to the command of the centurion who had the
particular care of the apostle. -o VOTL, these, viz. the mariners. -
vJets Ur    01)ovaL o0 8vvacroe, you cannot be saved. The pronoun is embphatic. The soldiers were destitute of the skill which the management of the ship required. It could not be brought successfully to land without the help of the mariners. This remark of
Paul proves that the plan to abandon the vessel was not confined
to a portion of the crew, but was a general one.
V. 32. &rEKolav ra  ~  Xorva cU rKdcL/s, cut off the ropes of the
boat, which fastened it to the vessel; not those by which they
were lowering it as that was already done (v. 30). The short
sword of the soldiers furnished a ready instrument for the summary blow. - taav aVr'Tv EgK7ECO-cZv, let it fall off (i. e. from the side
of the vessel), go adrift. The next billow may have swamped
the frail craft.
VERSEs 33-35. Paul assures them again that their Lives would be
saved.
V. 33. axp..  ytvErc3at, Now until it should be day, i. e. in the
interval between the midnight mentioned in v. 27 and the subsequent morning. —cqjpEpov is appositional in sense with qdE'pav.
-rrpO(O8OKWVTrE, waiting for the cessation of the storm (De Wet.).




438                   COMMENTARY.   CHAP. XXVII, 34-37.
-- TLTOL 8taTEXaTe, ye continue fasting, where the adjective supplies the place of a participle.  W. ~ 45. 4.- -,ulev 7rpocrXa'd/Etrot,
having taken nothing, adequate to their proper nourishment, no
regular food during all this time; see v. 21. "Appian," says Dodridge, " speaks of an army, which, for twenty days together, had
neither food nor sleep; by which he must mean, that they neither
made full meals nor slept whole nights together.  The same interpretation must be given to this phrase." The apostle's language could not be mistaken by those to whom it was addressed.
Compare v. 21.
V. 34.  OVTO.... WvrapXt, for this (viz. that they should partake
of food) is important for your preservation.  For 7rpo's with this
sense, see W. ~ 47. 5. f. They would have to submit to much
fatigue and labor before they reached the shore, and needed,
therefore, to recruit their strength. - ovEvos.... 7rmra —at, For there
shall not a hair fall, etc. This was a proverbial expression, employed to convey an assurance of entire safety.  See 1 Kings 1,
52; Luke 21, 18.
V. 35. aprov, bread. This word, by a Hebraistic usage, often
signifies food in the New Testament; but KXaras, which follows,
appears to exclude that sense here. Yet the present meal had
no doubt its other accompaniments; the bread only being mentioned because that, according to the Hebrew custom, was broken
and distributed among the guests after the giving of thanks. The
apostle performed, on this occasion, the usual office of the head
of a Hebrew family.  Olshausen expresses the fanciful opinion,
as it seems to me, that the Christians among them regarded this
act as commemorative of the Lord's Supper, though the others
did not understand Paul's design. The language employed here,
it is true, more frequently describes that ordinance, but it is used
also of an ordinary meal; see Luke 24, 30.
VERSES 36-38.  They partake of Food and again lighten the Ship.
V. 36. EVcv,/ot 8~ YEvo/LEvotL ravrTE, Having all now become cheerful. It is not accidental that the writer makes this remark in
connection with 7rpoo-EXflovTo TpoOirs. In their despair they had
lost their inclination to eat; but the return of hope brought with
it a keener sense of their wants, and they could now think of satisfying their hunger. See on v. 21. 33.- Kat a-vro, also themselves
as well as he. The apostle had set them the example (' PaTo
C'09itv), and they all followed it.
V. 37. The emphatic 7ravTEs in v. 36 leads the writer to specify




CHAP. XXVII, 37. 38.  COMMENTARY.                        439
the number. - al iraaL lvXa', all the souls together. For this adverbial use of rras, see the note on 19, 7. For this use of fvXai,
see on 2, 41.- &LaK&toaL 1E/foi0UKovTa Z, tZUo hundred and seventysix. The number of persons on board shows that the vessel must
have been one of the larger size. In the reign of Cornmodus, one
of the Alexandrian wheat ships was driven, by stress of weather,
into the Piraus, and excited great curiosity on the part of the
Athenians. Lucian visited this vessel, and has laid the scene of
one of his Dialogues (7rXotov V EvXa') on board of her. From the
information furnished by him it has been estimated that the keel
of this ship was about one hundred feet in length, and that she
would measure between eleven and twelve hundred tons. Her
dimensions, therefore, although inferior to those of many modern
vessels, "were quite equal to those of the largest class of modern
merchantmen." Luke's ship was engaged in the same commerce
(being, to use Lucian's language, pl'av ryv arr''ALyv'r.rov  sS'IraXlav
or-Tayt),Wv); and we have no reason to be surprised at her containing such a number of men. See further, on v. 6.
V. 38. ZKOV'nov TO 7rXotov. Among the nautical terms of Julius
Pollux, we find KoviXtaL 7'V Va;V; see on v. 18.  Luke states
merely the fact, that they lightened the ship again (it is the third
time), but gives no explanation of it. The object may have been
to diminish the depth of water which the ship drew, so as to enable them to approach nearer to the shore before striking. It has
been conjectured, also, that the vessel may have been leaking so
fast that the measure was necessary in order to keep her from
sinking. -  KBaXXo'Evot Tov a-rorv, casting out the wheat or grain, corn,
since the term has frequently that wider sense. As suggested
on v. 18, we are to understand here that they threw into the sea
the grain which constituted the cargo, or the bulk of the cargo,
which the ship carried. The fact that the ship belonged to Alexandria is presumptive proof that she was loaded with grain, since
that was the principal commodity exported from Egypt to Italy.
The explicit notice here, that they lightened the ship by throwing the grain into the sea, harmonizes with that presumption, and
tends to confirm it. Some have thought that o(r-ov may denote
the ship's provisions; but these would have consisted of various
different articles, and would not naturally be described by so specific a term as this. The connection, which has been said to favor
the opinion last stated, agrees equally well with the other. Having their hopes revived by the spectacle of Paul's undisturbed
serenity, and by his animating address, and being reinvigorated
after so long a fast by the food of which they had partaken, they




440                COMMENT A R Y.         CHAP. XXVII, 38. 39.
were now in a condition both of mind and body to address themselves to the labors which their safety required.  This view,
therefore, places their lightening of the ship in a perfectly natural
connection with the circumstances related just before. In addition to this, as Hemsen urges, their remaining stock of provisions,
after so protracted a voyage, must have been already so reduced
that it could have had little or no effect on the ship, whether they
were thrown away or retained. - Mr. Blunt (p. 326) has very properly called attention to the manner in which the narrative discloses to us the nature of the ship's cargo. In the fifth verse we
are informed that the vessel "into which the centurion removed
Paul and the other prisoners at Myra belonged to Alexand'ria, and
was sailing into Italy. From the tenth verse we learn that it was
a merchant-vessel, for mention is made of its lading, but the nature of the lading is not directly stated. In this verse, at a distance of some thirty verses from the last, we find, by the merest
chance, of what its cargo consisted. The freight was naturally
enough kept till it could be kept no longer, and then we discover
for the first time that it was wheat; the very article which such
vessels were accustomed to carry from Egypt to Italy. These
notices, so detached from each other, tell a continuous story, but
it is not perceived till they are brought together. The circumstances drop out one by one in the course of the narrative, unarranged, unpremeditated, thoroughly incidental; so that the chapter might be read twenty times, and their agreement with one
another and with contempory history he still overlooked."
VERSEs 39-44.  Thze Shizpwreck.  Thiose on board escape to the
Shore by swimming, or on Fragments of the Vessel.
V. 39.  ri-v n-v OVK E'7tVtW0crKov, they recognized not the land,
within view. The day has dawned, and they could now distinguish it. It has appeared to some surprising that none of those
on board should have known a place with which those at least
who were accustomed to the sea might be expected to have been
so well acquainted. The answer is, that the scene of the shipwreck was remote from the principal harbor, and, as those who
have been on the spot testify, distinguished by no marked feature which would render it known even to a native, if he came
unexpectedly upon it. The Bay, so justly known as St. Paul's
Bay, is at the northwest extremity of the island, and is formed
by the main shore on the south, and the island of Salmonetta on
the north. It extends from east to west, two miles long and one




CHAP. XXVII, 39. 40.   COMMENTARY.                         441
broad at the entrance, and at the inner end is nearly land-locked
on three sides. It is several miles north of Valetta, the famous
rock-bound harbor of Malta.l - KOArov.... alytaXov, they perceived
a certain inlet, creek, having a shore, one open or smooth (see on
21, 5), on which they could run the ship with a hope of saving
their lives. "Luke uses here the correct hydrographical term."
The remark implies that the coast generally was unsafe for such
an attempt. The present conformation of the coast on that side
of Malta confirms Luke's accuracy in this particular.  The shore
there presents an unbroken chain of rocks, interrupted at only
two points. - EIS o....?rXotov, into which they determinedl, f they
could, to thrustforth (i. e. from the sea), to drive ashore, the ship.
For iro-at from ieoew, see W. ~ 15; K. ~ 165. 7. The wind must
have forced them to the west side of the bay, which is rocky, but
has two creeks. One of these, Mestara Valley, has a shore. The
other has no longer a sandy beach, but must have had one formerly, which has evidently been worn away by the action of the
sea.  The vessel grounded (v. 41) before they reached the point
on shore at which they aimed, though they may have entered the
creek.
V. 40. Kai T-a  ayKvpaS....   Xa —crcav, and having entirely cut
awiay the anchors they abandoned them unto the sea.  On this force
of the preposition in 7rrEpLEXvrES, comp. rTEPL?7PET in v. 20. It has
been referred to the position of the anchors as being around the
ship; but they had all been dropped from the stern (v. 29), and
as the strain would be mainly in one direction, they would not be
likely to be found on different sides of the vessel. Our English
translators followed the Vulgate in their inaccurate version of
this clause. - &apa.... rmns8aXtov, at the same time having' unfastened the bands of the rudders. Most of the ancient vessels were
furnished with two rudders.  No sea-going vessel had less than
two, although small boats and river craft, such as those on the
Nile, were sometimes steered by one. The l8akLXta were more
like oars or paddles than our modern helm. They were attached
to the stern, one on each quarter, distinguished as the right and
the left rudder.  In the larger ships the extremities of the rudders were joined by a pole, which was moved by one man and
kept the rudders always parallel.  See Diet. of Antt., Art. GuberSmith's chart of St. Paul's Bay is copied in Howson, with the necessary explanations. 1 had the gratification of a hurried visit to this locality on my way
to Alexandria. It appeared to me to fulfil every condition of the narrative, as
the scene of the apostle's shipwreck.
56




442                 COM M ENT A RY.    CHAP. XXVII, 40. 41.
naculum. When a vessel was anchored by the stern, as was the
case here, it would be necessary to lift the rudders out of the
water and to secure them by bands. These bands it would be
necessary to unfasten when the ship was again got under weigh.
aVEVTe3 is the second aorist participle in the active from avL'Trlt.
K. ~ 180.  See on 16, 26. —, 7rpavr~e.... 7- rveov'o-, sc. avpa,
having hoisted the foresail to the wind. apTiEuwv has been taken by
different writers as the name of almost every sail which a vessel
carries, e. g. mainsail, topsail, jib, etc. We have no ancient definition of the term which throws any certain light upon its meaning. It passed into some of the modern languages, where it is
variously applied, but occurs in no ancient Greek author out of
Luke's account of this voyage. Most commentators, without
any attempt to substantiate their opinion, put it down as the
"mainsail."  The nautical argument is said to be in favor of the
foresail, i. e. the sail attached to the mast nearest the prow; or
if there was but one mast, fixed to a spar or yard near the prow.
"As the ancients depended for speed chiefly upon one principal
sail, an appendage or additional sail at the bow  of the ship
was required for the purpose of directing the vessel when in
the act of putting about; for, although there could be no difficulty in bringing the ship's head to the wind with the great
sail alone, a small sail at the bow would be indispensable for
making her'pay off,' that is, bringing her head round; otherwise
she would acquire stern-way, and thereby endanger the rudders,
if not the ship itself."  The vessels on coins and in other ancient
representations exhibit a sail of this description. With this sail
raised, it is said that a ship situated like.that of Paul would move
towards the shore with more precision and velocity than with any
other. "A sailor will at once see that the foresail was the best
possible sail that could be set under the circumstances."
V. 41. 7repLTr7crEO'vTEs   E  0'r&rov Lt3Xaocr(ov, having fallen into a
place having two seas. This has been supposed by many conlmentators to have been a concealed shoal or sand-bank, formed
by the action of two opposite currents. In the course of time
such a bank, as is frequently the case at the mouth of rivers or
near the shore, may have been worn away,l so that the absence
of any such obstruction there at the present time decides nothing
against that supposition.  It has also been understood to have
been a tongue of land or promontory, against the shores of which
1 For examples of this, see Lyell's Principles of Geology, p. 285 sq. (8th ed.,
1850).




CHAP. XXVII, 41. 42.  COMMENTARY.                      443
the sea beat strongly from opposite quarters. It is not stated that
any projection exists there now, to which Luke's description, if
explained in that manner, would apply. Mr. Smith is of the
opinion that To7rog 8tdaXaXCros may refer to the channel, not more
than a hundred. yards in breadth, which separates the small island Salmonetta from Malta; and which might very properly be
called a place where " two seas meet," on account of the communication which it forms between the sea in the interior of the
bay and the sea outside. He would place the scene of the shipwreck near that channel, and, according to the representation on
his map, a little to the north of the place to which tradition has
generally assigned it. The creek near here, at present without
a beach (see v. 39), may be the one which they attempted to
enter. The final shock now ensues. - Kalt - /Ev 7rpJpa, K. T. A.,
And the prow, sticking fast, r'emained immovable, but the stern was
broken by the violence of the waves. "This is a remarkable circumstance, which, but for the peculiar nature of the bottom of
St. Paul's Bay, it would be difficult to account for. The rocks
of Malta disintegrate into extremely minute particles of sand
and clay, which, when acted upon by the currents, or surface
agitation, form a deposit of tenacious clay; but in still water,
where these causes do not act, mud is formed; but it is only in
the creeks where are no currents, and at such a depth as to be
undisturbed by the waves, that the mud occurs. In Captain
Smyth's chart of the bay, the nearest soundings to the mud indicate a depth of about three fathoms, which is about what a
large ship would draw. A ship, therefore, impelled by the force
of a gale into a creek with a bottom such as has been described,
would strike a bottom of mud into which the fore part would fix
itself and be held fast, whilst the stern was exposed to the force
of the waves." —  Meyer defends r'v KvLUafTro  with good reason
against Tischendorf and others.
V. 42. It is the soldiers who initiate this scheme; since they
only and not the mariners were interested in the fate of the prisoners. - fovXr, plan, resolution, not counsel merely; comp. flovXr/LaTros below. - va TOVs 8ECorTxras a7rOKTELVWOL, that they should kill the
prisoners, defines fNovXO, and circumscribes the declarative or supplementary infinitive. W. ~ 44. 8; S. ~ 162. 3. 2. Meyer after
Fritzsche never admits this use, but insists on'ta as telic even
here. -Of the rigor with which those were liable to be punished
who were charged with the custody of prisoners, if the latter
escaped from them in any way, we have had proof in 12, 19 and
16, 27.




444                 COMMENTARY.                CHAP. XXVIII. 1.
V. 43. It will be recollected that, according to the Roman
custom, each of the prisoners was chained to a particular soldier,
who was his keeper. As to the relation of these soldiers to the
centurion, see on v. 31. - EKC)XVOEV avTroVs Tro fPovXj/aTos, restrained
them fromn their purpose.  Thus it happened again (see v. 24) that
Paul's companions were indebted to their connection with him
for the preservation of their lives. rE connects this clause with
the next, because of their co-ordinate relation to /ovXdo`JEvos.arop"ll[avras has a reciprocal sense. -   edvat, to go forth, not fromn
the ship, which is the force of w7ro in the participle just before,
but from the sea E rit v yiTqv.
V. 44. rovs o Xrov's is the subject of  t&dvat, repeated from the
preceding clause. --  Ert  avwo-tv, upon boards, such probably as
were in use about the ship, but not parts of it, which would confound this clause with the next. - 7ri Trtvw r&V J7' ro9 wrXotov, tupo~t
some of the pieces from the ship, which they themselves tore away
or which the surge had broken off:  Most critics distinguish the
two expressions in this manner.  Kuinoel renders c-avlr'tv, tables.
A few understand that term of the permanent parts of the vessel,
and rtvcv &a7ro9 TO  rXoov of such things as seats, barrels, and the
like which were floating away from the wreck. But articles of
this description they would be likely to have lost, or to have
thrown into the sea before this time.- iovs, thus, i. e. in the two
ways that have been mentioned. - -tarcTowvat, were saved.  This
was not the first peril of the kind from which the apostle had
been delivered. In 2 Cor. 11, 25, he says, "thrice I suffered
shipwreck, a night and a day have I spent in the deep;" and he
recorded that statement several years before the present disaster.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
VERSES 1-10.  Their Abode during the Iinter at Melita.
V. 1. ErE'yvoo-av, K. T. X., they ascertained (by intercourse probably with the inhabitants) that the island is called Melita.  That
this was the modern Malta cannot well be doubted.  An island
with the same name, now Meleda, lies up the Adriatic on the
coast of Dalmatia, which some have maintained to be the one
where Paul was wrecked. Bryant defended that opinioln.  It is
advocated still in Valpy's Notes on the New Testament. The




CHAr. XXVIII, 1. 2.    COMMENTARY.                     445
argument for that opinion founded on the name Adriatic has been
already refuted in the remarks on 27, 27. It has also been alleged for it, that no poisonous serpents are found at present on
Malta. Mr. Smith mentions Coleridge (Table Talk, p. 185) as
urging that difficulty. The more populous and cultivated state
of the island accounts for the disappearance of such reptiles.
Naturalists inform us that these animals become extinct or disappear as the aboriginal forests of a country are cleared up, or
as the soil is otherwise brought under cultivation. See note on
v. 3. It would be difficult to find a surface of equal extent in so
artificial a state as that of /Ialta at the present day. The positive reasons for the common belief as to the place of the shipwreck are, that the traditional evidence sustains it; that Malta
lies in the track of a vessel driven by a northeast wind; that the
reputed locality of the wreck agrees with Luke's account; that
the Alexandrian ship in which they reembarked would very naturally winter there, but not at Meleda; and that the subsequent
course of the voyage to Puteoli is that which a vessel would pursue in going from Malta, but not from the other place. Malta is
sixty miles from Cape Passero, the southern point of Sicily, and
two hundred miles from the African coast. It is farther from the
main land than any other island in the Mediterranean. It is seventeen miles in length, nine miles in its greatest breadth, and
sixty miles in circumference. It is nearly equi-distant between
the two ends of the Mediterranean. Its highest point is said to
be six hundred feet above the level of the sea.
V. 2. ol 83E 3ap/lapoL.  The inhabitants are called barbarians
with reference to their language, which was not that either of
the Greeks or Romans; not because they were rude and degraded. It is strange that Coleridge should say that the Meliteans
cannot be meant here because they were highly civilized. These
islanders belonged to the Phoenician race, and spoke a Senlitic
dialect, most probably the Punic, i. e. the Phoenician as spoken
by the people of Carthage.  " The Hebrew language," in its
widest extent, says Hupfeld, "was the language not merely of
the Hebrews, but of the other nations that inhabited Canaan, or
Palcestina, especially of the Phoenicians, so renowned as a commercial people in the ancient world, and of the Carthaginians
descended from them. This is proved especially by the proper
names of the Canaanites in the Bible, and of the Phoenicians
and Carthaginians in the classic writers, which are all formed in
the Hebrew manner, and also by the remains of the Phoenician
and the Punic language on Phoenician monuments and in the




446                     COMM E NTARY.              CrAP. XXVIII, 2. 3.
classics, so far as these have been as yet deciphered." I The
Greeks and Romans who settled on the island at different times
never introduced to any great extent their language or customs.
-ov rTv TvXovcav.  See on 19, 11. — rrporEX1/3ovro, received to thenmselves, or to their regard; comp. Rom. 14, 1 (De Wet.); not to
their fire (Mey.). — — 8ta Tov vErToV iTOv   Eo-TrTa, on account of the
rain which came upon us (De Wet. Rob.); the present rain
(Wetst. E. V.).  They would suffer the more from  this inclement weather after so much exposure and fatigue.  This remark
in regard to the rain and cold disproves the assumption of some
critics that it was a Sirocco wind, i. e. from the southeast, which
Paul's ship encountered. That wind does not continue to blow
more than two or three days, and is hot and sultry even as late
as the month of November.
V. 3.  o-v-crrpE'avros.... 7rVXSo%  Now  Paul having collected a
great number (a heap) of dry sticks, such as would naturally be
found among the rocks around the shore. -  EXL8va, c viper.  The
Greeks applied this term to that reptile in distinction from  other
serpents, as is evident from Aristot. Lib. I. c. 6: aXX' ot REv JXXot
woTroKoVLV OrfELt, 0    x' 1XLtva eO~v 5twoooKct.  Vipers are the only viviparous serpents in Europe.  It was remarked above that the
viper is unknown in Malta at the present day. " No person,"
says Mr. Smith, "who has studied the changes which the operations of man have produced on the Fauna (animals) of any country, will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should
have disappeared from  that of Malta.  My friend, the Rev. Mr.
Landsborough, in his interesting excursions in Arran, has repeatedly noticed the gradual disappearance of the viper from that
island since it has become more frequented. Mr. Lyell,2 in quot1 It has been frequently asserted that the ancient Punic is the basis of the language spoken by the native Maltese of the present day. That opinion is incorrect. Malta, at the time of the Saracen irruption, was overrun by Arabs, from
whom the common people of the island derive their origin. The dialect spoken
by them is a corrupt Arabic, agreeing essentially with that of the Moors, but intermixed to a greater extent with words from the Italian, Spanish, and other
European languages. The Maltese language approaches so nearly to the Arabic
that the islanders are readily understood in all the ports of Africa and Syria. Gesenius first investigated thoroughly this dialect in his Versuch fiber die maltesische
Sprache, etc. (Leipzig 1810). He has given the results of this investigation in
his Article on Arabien in Ersch and Gruber's Encyklopiidie. In his History of
the Hebrew Language, he remarks that, although the ancestral pride of the Maltese themselves may dispose them to trace back their language to the old Punic,
yet it contains nothing which is not explained far more naturally out of the
modern Arabic, than as the product of so ancient a tongue.
2 Principles of Geology (7th ed.), p. 655.




CHAP. XXVIH, 3.4.    COMMENTARY.                          447
ing the travels of Spix and Martius in Brazil, observes:' They
speak of the dangers to which they were exposed'from the jaguar,
the poisonous serpents, crocodiles, scorpions, centipedes, and spiders. But with the increasing population and cultivation of the
country, say these naturalists, these evils will gradually diminish;
when the inhabitants have cut down the woods, drained the
marshes, made roads in all directions, and founded villages and
towns, man will, by degrees, triumph over the rank vegetation
and the noxious animals.' -- EK Tre  #pis, from, the heat, the
effect of it (De Wet.); or (less appropriate to the noun) from the
place of it, as explained by Winer (~ 47. 5. b.) and others. But
the best manuscripts read a7ro (Lchlm. Tsch. Mey.), and the sense
then is (comp. 20, 9; Luke 19, 3), on account of the heat.  The
viper had evidently been taken up among the sticks which Paul
had gathered; and, as may be inferred from  ErLt3ErVToS  &i rTv
rrvpav, had been thrown with them into the fire. This latter supposition is required by the local sense of EK rUs #e'p/s, and is entirely consistent with the causal sense. The viper was probably
in a torpid state, and was suddenly restored to activity by the
heat. It was now cold, in consequence both of the storm and
the lateness of the season (v. 2); and such reptiles become torpid as soon as the temperature falls sensibly below the mean
temperature of the place which they inhabit. Vipers, too, lurk
in rocky places, and that is the character of the region where the
incident occurred. They are accustomed, also, to dart at their
enemies, sometimes several feet at a bound; and hence the one
mentioned here could have reached the hand of Paul as he stood
in the vicinity of the fire.1 - Instead of EEXo-aocra (T. R.), having
come forth, the more descriptive 8&E$EX.O9o-ca (Tsch. Mey.), represents the viper as having come forth (from the fire) through the
sticks among which it was taken up. - Ka3/O~, fastened itself; in
the sense of the middle. This reflexive use of the active occurs only here, which accounts for KaN3~aTo, as read in some
copies.
V. 4. us 8', K. r. X., Now as the barbarians saw the animal hanging from his hand, to which it clung by the mouth. Aristotle also
uses 3rptlov of the viper. That it was "venomous" (E. V.) results, not from this mode of designation, but from   XL8va. Luke
does not say expressly that Paul was bitten; but the nature of
the reptile, the leap, the clinging to his hand, leave us to infer that
For the information in this note concerning the habits of the viper, I am
indebted chiefly to Professor Agassiz of Cambridge.




448                  COMME N T A R Y.        CHAP. XXVIII, 5-7.
with almost entire certainty. Those who stood near and witnessed the occurrence supposed evidently that such was the fact.
That he should have escaped being bitten under such circumnstances would have been hardly less miraculous than that the
ordinary effect of the poison should have been counteracted. We
seem to be justified, according to either view, in regarding his
preservation as a fulfilment of the promise of Christ, in Mark 16,
17. 18. On the form of KpEpLafEVOV, see K. ~ 179. 5. - covEV....
VTros, this mnan is a murderer. They perceived from his chain, perhaps, or some other indication, that Paul was a prisoner.  The
attack of the viper proved to them that he must have committed
some atrocious crime. OovEv' points, not to a specific offence, but
to the class of offenders to which they supposed he might belong. -   $& &lKr  4'v O1VK E'datEV, justice suflered not to live. Observe
the past tense. They consider his doom as sealed. Vengeance,
in their view, had already smitten its victim.
V. 5. E;rahEv ov8Ev KaKOV, suffiered no evil. This statement agrees
with the supposition either that he had not been bitten, or that
the poison had produced no effect upon him.
V. 6. avrTv!AXXELV  7r/l 7rpaorSat, that Ahe would be inflamed (lit.
burn), since inflammation is attended with heat.- KaTa7rt7rTELv
alvco VEKpOV, that he would suddenly fall clown dead.  Sudden collapse and death ensue often from the bite of serpents. Shakspeare speaks as a naturalist when he says of the asp-bitten
Cleopatra,
"Trembling she stood, and on the sudden dropped."
-,18uEv a-Towov, nothing bad, injurious; in a moral sense, in Luke
23, 41.- i[Era/3aXXa/levoL may take after it -rv TyvdSqv or omit it. -
ESov avrov etvat, that he was a god. Bengel: "Ant latro, inquiunt,
aut deus; sic modo tauri, modo lapides (14, 13. 19). Datur tertium; homo DEI."
V. 7.' Trept Tov rT67rOv KEitVOV, around that place, the one where
they were wrecked.  Tradition places the residence of Publius
at Citta Vecchia, the Medina of the Saracens; which, though in
the centre of Malta, is but a few miles from  the coast (see
on v. 1). —     7prp(v? T- v7r-ov.  There can be no doubt that
Publius is called the first (or chief) of the island because he
was the Roman governor. Melita was first conquered by the
JRomans during the Punic wars, and in the time of Cicero (4 Ver.
c. 18) was annexed to the praetorship of Sicily. The prietor of
that island would naturally have a legate or deputy at this place.




CHAP. XXVIII, 7.         CO MMENTAR Y.                               449
The title 7rpJrTO% under which he is mentioned here, has been
justly cited by apologetic writers, as Tholuck, Ebrard, Krabbe,
Baumgarten, Lardner, Paley, Howson, as a striking  proof of
Luke's accuracy. No other ancient writer happens to have given
his official designation; but two inscriptions, one in Greek and
the other in Latin, have been discovered in Malta, in which we
meet with the same title employed by Luke in this passage.l It
is impossible to believe that Publius, or any other single individual, would be called the first nan in'the island, except by way
of official eminence. It will be observed that the father of Publius was still living, and during his lifetime he would naturally
have taken precedence of the son, had the distinction in this
case been  one which belonged to the family.2 —  a/a  ~E'VLOEV,
" The one in Greek is supposed to form a votive inscription by a Roman
knight, named Aulus Castricius,'first of the Melitans' (rpCTo0S MEXLTaiWv), to
the emperor. The Latin inscription, on the pedestal of a column, was discovered at Citta Vecchia, in excavating the foundation of the Casa del Magistrato,
in 1747."
2 I have allowed this note to remain as it stood in the other edition, as it represents the general opinion of scholars respecting the official rank of Publius.
Yet it is possible that they have erred in assigning this precise import to the
title. I insert with thanks for the suggestion the following criticism of President
Woolsey on this point: " The best information which we can obtain respecting
the situation of Malta at the time of Paul's visit, renders it doubtful, to say the
least, whether the interpreters are in the right as it regards the station of Publius.
In a Greek inscription of an earlier date we find mention made of two persons
holding the office of archon or magistrate in the island. A later inscription of
the times of the Emperors may be translated as follows:'Lucius Pudens, son of
Claudius, of the tribe Quirina, a Roman eques, first [7rprTos, as in Acts] and
patron of the Melitaeans, after being magistrate and having held the post of
flamen to Augustus, erected this.' Here it appears that the person named was
still chief man of the island, although his magistracy had expired. From this
inscription and others in Latin found at Gozzo, it is probable that the inhabitants
of both islands had received the privilege of Roman citizenship, and were enrolled
in the tribe Quirina. The magistracy was, no doubt, that of the Duumvirs, the
usual municipal chief officers. The other titles correspond with titles to be met
with on marbles relating to towns in Italy. Thus the title of chief corresponds
to that of princeps in the colony of Pisa, and is probably no more a name of
office than the title of patron. For no such officer is known to have existed in
the colonies or in the municipia, and the princeps coloniez of Pisa is mentioned at a
time when it is said that owing to a contention between candidates there were no
magistrates."- The difference does not affect the value of the alleged proof of
the narrator's accuracy; for in either case the term is a Roman title, and is applied by Luke to a person who bears it at the right time and in the right place.
Indeed, the appellation of prince or patron would be more striking than that of
magistrate, inasmuch as the range of its application is narrower, and a writer who
was not stating the truth would be more liable to introduce it under circumstances that would render it inadmissible.
57




450                  CO M M E N T A R Y.    CHAP. XXVIII, 8-11.
entertained us, viz. Luke, Paul, Aristarchus (27, 2), and no doubt
the noble-hearted Julius; not the entire two hundred and seventy-six (Bmg.), as so indiscriminate a hospitality would be uncalled for and without any sufficient motive.
V. 8. 7rvpe-roL. The plural has been supposed to describe the
fever with reference to its recurrent attacks or paroxysms. This
is one of those expressions in Luke's writings that have been
supposed to indicate his professional training as a physician.
See also 12, 23; 13, 11; and especially the comparison (o6 18p;o
aj0ro;'' 9pof3OLo a'aro' KaTa/3aLvovT-E3) in his Gospel (22, 44).
It is correct to attach to them that significancy. No other writer
of the New Testament exhibits this sort of technical precision
in speaking of diseases. The disorder with which the father of
Publitus was affected was dysentery combined with fever. It
was formerly asserted that a dry climate, like that of Malta, would
not produce such a disorder; but we have now the testimony of
physicians resident in that island, that it is by no means uncommon there at the present day.
V. 10. ot Kat, who also, on their part, i. e. while they came and
were healed of their maladies. - -roXXat v/JaLs ETLtrl7cYav Wuags, honored us (viz. Paul and his companions) with many honors, courtesies. They were entertained with a generous hospitality, and
distinguished by marks of special regard and kindness. Some
render r-LatZ rewards or presents; but the next clause appears to
limit their reception of the favors in question to the time of their
departure and to the relief of their necessary wants.  It is certain that they did not, even then, accept the gifts which were
proffered to them as a reward for their services; for that would
have been at variance with the command of Christ in Matt. 10, 8.
VERSES 11-16. Prosecution of the Journey to Rome.
V. 11. Hera& TpEvg 6Ivas. The three months are the time that
they remained on the island. They were probably the months
of November, December, and January. The season may have
admitted of their putting to sea earlier than usual. The arrival
at Melita could not have been later than October, for a brief interval only lay between the fast (27, 9) and the beginning of the
storm  (27, 27). -v 7rXo/t 7rapaKeXELJUaKOrt. Luke does not state
why this vessel had wintered here. It is a circumstance which
shows the consistency of the narrative. The storm which occasioned the wreck of Paul's vessel had delayed this one so long,
that it was necessary on reaching Melita to suspend the voyage




CHArP. XXVIII, 12. 13.   COMMENTARY.                         451
until spring.  This vessel had been during the winlter at Valetta,
which must always have been the principal harbor of Malta.vrapaor/y  AtooKOVpot, twith the sign Dioscuri, or distinguished by
Dioscftri, i. e. having images of Castor and Pollux painted or
carved on the prow, from which images the vessel may have been
named.  This use of figure-heads on ancient ships was very common.  See Diet. of Antt., Art. InsiGne.  Castor and Pollux were
the favorite gods of seamen, the winds and waves being supposed
to be specially subject to their control. It is of them that Horace
says (Od. 1. 12. 27-32):
" Quorum simul alba nautis
Stella refulsit,
Defluit saxis agitatus humor;
Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes,
Et minax. (quod sic voluere) ponto
Unda recumbit."
See, also, Od. 1. 3. 2. 7rapao-rIyp may be a noun or an adjective.
The former appears to have been most common in this application.  The other construction is easier as regards the dative, and
is preferred by De Wette.
V. 12. 2vpaKoVca% Syracusce.  This city, the capital of Sicily,
on the southeastern coast of that island, was about eighty miles
north from Melita. It was built partly on the adjacent island of
Ortygia, and from that circumstance, or as others say because it
intluded at length several villages, may have received its plural
name.  The modern Siracusa or Siragossa occupies only a part
of the ancient city, viz. Ortygia (Forbg.). - -retE'vac/.v.  They
may have stopped here for trade, or in the hope of a better
wind.
V. 13. 7r-EPEXp'VrTE, having come around or about.  The sense
of the preposition it is impossible to determine with certainty.
One supposition is, that it refers to their frequent alteration of
the ship's course; in other words, to their tacking, because the
wind was unfavorable.  So Smith, Howson, and others, explain
the word.  Mr. Lewin thinks that "as the wind was westerly,
and they were under the shelter of the high mountainous range
of Etna, they were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill
their sails, and so come to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep." 1
Another view is, that they were compelled by the wind to follow
"' I was informed by a friend many years ago, that when he made the voyage
himself from Syracuse to Rhegium, the vessel in which he sailed took a similar
circuit for a similar reason." Lewin, II. p. 736.




452                 CO M MENT A R Y.        CHAP. XXVIII, 13.
closely the sinuosities of the coast, to proceed circuitously. De
Wvette says, which is much less probable, that they may have
gone around Sicily, or the southern extremity of Italy.- EL'PyLOV, unto Rhegium, now Reggio, which was an Italian seaport,
opposite to the northeastern point of Sicily. Here they remained
a day, when the wind, which had been adverse since their leaving Syracuse, became fair, and they resumed the voyage. The
steamers between Naples and Malta touch at Messina, and Reggio appears in full view on the Italian side. If Paul passed here
in February (v. 11 above), the mountains on the island and on
the main land were still covered with snow, and presented to
the eye a dreary aspect. -  TrL'evolVV VOTOV, a south,,wind ha vinzg
arisen on them; comp. the compound participle in v. 2, and in 27,
20. The dative of the person is often expressed after E7rt with
this force; see Herod. 8. 13. - &evEpatOL, on the second day; comp.
John 11, 39. This adverbial use of the ordinals is classical. K. ~
264. 3. b. - EL HIo-rLXovm. Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, was eight miles
southwest from Neapolis, the modern Naples.  It derived its
name from the springs (putei) which abound there, or from the
odor of the waters (a putendo).' Its earlier Greek name was
AtKaCtapxEta. It was the principal port south of Rome. Nearly
all the Alexandrian and a great part of the Spanish trade with
Italy was brought hither. The seventy-seventh Letter of Seneca
gives a lively description of the interest which the arrival of the
corn-ships from Egypt was accustomed to excite among the inhabitants of that town. A mole with twenty-five arches stretched
itself into the sea, at the entrance of this bay, alongside of which
the vessels as they arrived cast anchor for the delivery of their
freight and passengers. Thirteen of the piers which upheld this
immense structure, show their forms still above the water, and
point out to us as it were the very footsteps of the apostle as he
passed from the ship to the land. - The voyage from Rhegium
to Puteoli, which the Castor and Pollux accomplished in less than
two days, was about one hundred and eighty miles. The passage, therefore, was a rapid one; but as examples of the ancient
rate of sailing show, not unprecedented. Herodotus states that
a ship could sail seven hundred stadia in a day, and six hundred
in a night, i. e. thirteen hundred in twenty-four hours, which
would be at the rate of about one hundred and fifty English miles
a day. Strabo says, that a voyage could be made from Sammo1 As examples, travellers will recollect the Grotto del Cane near Cumae, and
the Baths of Nero at Baia.




CHAP. XXVIII, 13. 14.   COMMENTA R Y.                     453
nium to Egypt in four days, reckoning the distance at five thousand stadia, or about five hundred and seventy-three miles. This
would be sailing one hundred and forty-three miles in twentyfour hours, or six miles an hlour. Pliny mentions several voyages
which would be considered very good in modern times. He says
that the prefects Galerius and Babilius arrived at Alexandria, the
former on the seventh:, the latter on the sixth day, after leaving
the Straits of Messina. He states, also, that passages were made,
under favorable circumstances, from the Straits of Hercules to
Ostia, in seven days; from the nearest port of Spain, in four;
from the province of Narbonne, in three; and from Africa, in two.
Probably the most rapid run mentioned by any ancient writer is
that of Arrian, in his Periplus of the Euxine, who says that
" they got under way about daybreak," and that by midday they
had come more than five hundred stadia; that is, more than fifty
geographical miles, which is at least eight miles an hour.l The
mean of the foregoing examples is seven miles an hour; and if
we suppose that the Castor and Polux sailed at that rate, the
passage would have required only about twenty-six hours.  This
result agrees perfectly with Luke's account; for he states that
they left Rhegium on one day and arrived at Puteoli on the next.
Their course, it will be observed, was nearly due north, and they
were favored with a south wind.
V. 14. er' aVro%, with (lit. upon) them; comp. 21, 4. The local
idea blends itself with the personal.  See W. ~ 48. c. - yEpas
7rTar, a week,; see on 20, 6. They had an opportunity to spend a
Sabbath with the Christians there. The centurion granted this
delay, not improbably, in order to gratify the wishes of Paul.
After such events, the prisoner would have a power over his
keeper well nigh unbounded. In the mean time, the news of
the apostle's arrival would travel to Rome, and thus prepare the
way for what we read in the next verse. - KaL oV;roT, K. T. k., and
so, after the interval thus spent, we went unto Ronze; not came
unless the remark be proleptic.  The incidents in v. 15 occur on
the way thither.  On leaving Puteoli, Julius and his party would
proceed naturally to Capua, about twelve miles, the nearest point
for intersecting the Appian Way.  The distance from  Capua
to Rome by this road was about one hundred and twenty-five
miles.2
l I have relied for these statements, partly on Forbiger, and partly on Biscoe
and Smith.
2 Mr. Howson's map of this journey to the city will enable the reader to follow
the apostle's course very distinctly.




454                 COMMENTARY.   CHAP. XXVIII, 15. 16.
V. 15. Two companies of the Christians at Rome went forth
to meet the apostle; but separately and at different times. Hence
the advanced party reached Appii _Forum, about forty miles from
Rome, before Paul appeared; the later party met him at Tres
Tabernce, which was thirty miles from Rome. (Itiner. Antonin.)
Other estimates (Itiner. IHieros.) place Appii Forum a few miles
nearer to Rome. This town was named from Appius Claudius
Crocus, who built the Appian Way. It lay on the northern border of the Pontine Marshes, at the end of the canal which extended thither from a point a few miles above Anxur or Terracina. Horace (Sat. 1. 5. 4) speaks of Appii Forum as "full of
boatmen," who were engaged in forwarding passengers over this
canal, a distance of twenty miles. The Appian WVay ran near
the canal, and it would depend on circumstances unknown to us,
whether the centurion travelled in one mode or the other. Strabo
mentions that night-travellers (as in the case of Horace) usually
preferred the boat.  The present Locanda di Foro Appio, a
wretched inn, marks probably the site of Appii Forum.  It is
almost the only human shelter in the midst of a solitude enlivened once by incessant commerce and travel. - Tres Tabernce,
as appears from one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (2. 12), must
have been near where the cross-road from Antiunm fell into the
Appian Way. It is thought to have been not far from the modern Cisterna, the bulk of which lies on the traveller's left in
going from Rome to Naples, under the shadow of the Volscian
Hills. - oi.... 9Sapoos, whom Paul seeing.-gave thanks to God and
took courage. He may have met a few of the Roman Christians
in foreign lands, but was a stranger to nearly all of them except
in name, and would approach the city with the natural anxiety
of one who had yet to learn what feelings they entertained towards him. Such a cordial reception, such impatience to see him
and welcome him to their hearts, would scatter all his doubts,
and thrill his bosom with gratitude and joy. The church at Rome
contained heathen converts as well as Jewish. The apostle of
the Gentiles would see a special cause for encouragement and
thanksgiving, in the presence of such witnesses of the success
of the gospel in the great metropolis.
V. 16. As Paul travelled on the Appian Way, he must have
entered Rome through the Capenian Gate, not far from the modern Porta San Sebastiano. -   KarovrapXo.....  TparoTrwE&px2v, the
centurion delivered the prisoners to the conmmancler of the canmp, i. e.
the prsetorian camp, where the emperor's body-guard was quartered. See Phil. 1, 13. This camp or garrison had been built




CHAP. XXVIII, 16.    C OMMENTARY.                        455
by Sejanus, the favorite of Tiberius, in the vicinity of the Porta
Nomentana (Win.).  The exact spot is known to be that within
the projection, at the northeast corner of the present city-wall.
Nearly all critics at present, as Olshausen, Anger, De Wette,
Meyer, Wieseler, suppose this officer, i. e. the praefectlus prcetorio,
to be meant here. The prisoners who were sent to Rome from
the provinces were committed to his custody. There is a difference of opinion in regard to the article. The command of the
preatorian guard was originally divided between two prefects, but
during the reign of Claudius, Burrus Afranius, a distinguished
Roman general, was appointed sole prcefectus prcetorio, and retained this office as late certainly as the beginning of A. D. 62.
On his death the command was committed again to two prefects,
as it had been at first, and this continued to be the arrangement
until a late period of the empire. The time of Paul's arrival at
Rome could not have been far from A. D. 62, as admits of being
shown by an independent calculation (see Introd. ~ 6. 5). Wieseler (p. 86) supposes - (rTpaToTrE8apX? to refer to Burrus, as sole
prefect at that time, and he urges the expression as a reason for
assigning the apostle's arrival to A. D. 62, or the year preceding.
It is very possible that this view is the correct one. It would
furnish a striking coincidence between Luke's narrative and the
history of the times. Yet, in speaking of the prefect, the writer
may have meant the one who acted in this particular case, the
one who took into his charge the prisoners whom the centurion
transferred to him, whether he was sole prefect or had a colleague
with him; comp. 24, 23. De Wette assents to Meyer in this explanation of the article. The expression, as so understood, does
not affirm that there was but one prefect, or deny it. - -r  8 IIavk~, K. 7. A., But it was permitted to Paul (i. e. by the prefect to whom
he had been consigned) to dwell by himself, instead of being confined with the other prisoners. This was a favor which the Roman laws often granted to those who were not suspected of any
very serious offence. The centurion, who had already shown
himself so friendly to the apostle, may have interceded for him;
or the terms in which Festus had reported the case (see on 26,
32) may have conciliated the prefect. In the use of this liberty,
Paul repaired first to the house of some friend (v. 23), and afterwards rented an appartment for his own use (v. 30). - cvv rw
avXarroovrt aVTOrv O7parTCrg, with the soldier who guarded him, and
to whom he was fastened by a chain. Different soldiers relieved
each other in the performance of this office. Hence, as Paul
states in Phil. 1, 13, he became, in the course of time, personally




456                  COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XXVIII, 17-20.
known to a great number of the prmtorian soldiers, and through
them to their comrades. The notoriety which he thus acquired
served to make his character as a prisoner for the sake of the
gospel more widely known, and thus to aid him in his efforts to
extend the knowledge of Christ. To this result the apostle refers in Phil. 1, 12 sq.
VERSES 17-22. Paul has an Interview with the chief Men of the
Jews at Rome.
V. 17. ILTEra YPe'pa rTpEat, after three days, on the third from his
arrival; comp. 25, 1. The apostle's untiring activity is manifest
to the last. —rg(V'IovSatwv are the unbelieving Jews, not the Jewish
Christians. Theirfirst men would be the rulers of the synagogue,
or would include them. - Evavrtov governs the dative here, as in
1 Thess. 2, 15; comp. 26, 9. -  ro'otrag, though I had done. —iC'IEpocooXVXwv, from Jerusalem, whence he had been sent to Casarea. —d~ ras XE-pa T  TvW'Ptw~oa'%v, into the hands of the Romans,
viz. Felix and Festus, who represented their countrymen. The
remark refers to them, as is evident from  avaKptvavrEs in the next
verse.
V. 19. avrTXEYOy'rE,, objecting, describes very mildly the opposition of the Jews to the apostle's acquital.  a&EXoL, Xaya, rarpcots,'loparX, which follow so rapidly breathe the same conciliatory
spirit. Such expressions show how self-forgetting Paul was, how
ready to acknowledge what was common to his opponents and
himself. - -vaTyKar-3v E7rLKaXeao'aaL Katroapa, I was compelled to
appeal unto Cesar; as his only resort in order to save himself
from assassination or judicial murder; comp. 25, 9 sq. - ovX s,
K. r. X., not as having (i. e. because I had) anything (as the motive for this appeal) to charge against my nation, viz. before the
emperor. The apostle would repel a suspicion which he supposed it not unnatural for the Roman Jews to entertain; or, possibly, would deny an imputation with which the Jews in Palestine had actually aspersed him  (Wiesl.).  Paul says my nation
(ESvovs /,ov) and not people (see Xal  above), because Kar'oapa
just before distinguishes the Romans and the Jews from each
other.
V. 20. &A ravr7vV ovv 7Tv a-'rtav, On this account, therefore, viz.
that his feelings towards the Jews were so friendly.-7rape KaXEra
~lMs t1tELV,  I called, invited, you that I might see you.  Some supply bpy' as the object of I8tV, which destroys the unity of the sentence. - EVEKEV....'ITpaqX, for on account of the hope of Israel




CHAP. XXVIII, 21. 22.    C OMME N TARY.                  457
i. e. the hope of a Messiah which the nation entertained; comp.
26, 6. This clause is coordinate with the one which precedes.
It states an additional reason why he had sought the present interview. — rqv aXvo-tv raVrT7v rrcptl'KepLa, I am comrnpassed with this
chain, have my arm bound with it.  So, also, when the apostle
wrote in Phil. 4, 4, "Rejoice in the Lord always; and, again, I
say, rejoice," he was manacled as a felon, and was liable at any
moment to be condemned to the wild beasts or the block. The
construction is similar to that of the accusative after passive verbs;
comp. rEpLKELTar a rSvetav in Heb. 5, 2.
V. 21.  c/LEs OvTe ypad/aTa, K. r. X., We received neither letters,
etc. This statement refers to their having received no official
information, either written or oral, in regard to the circumstances
under which Paul had been sent to Rome. Some have supposed
the Jews to be insincere in this declaration, as if it was improbable that they should have been uninformed in regard to so important an event. But we have no sufficient reason for calling
in question their veracity. The Palestine Jews could hardly have
foreseen the issue to which the case was so suddenly brought;
and hence, before the apostle's appeal, would have deemed it
unnecessary to apprise the Jews at Rome of the progress of the
trial. It is barely possible that they could have forwarded intelligence since the appeal had taken place. Paul departed for Italy
evidently soon after he had appealed, and must have availed
himself of one of the last opportunities for such a voyage which
the season of the year allowed. Having spent the winter at
Melita, he had proceeded to Rome at the earliest moment in the
spring; so that in the ordinary course of things he must have
arrived there in advance of any ship that might have left Palestine after the reopening of navigation. — Repeat aro rity'Iovsat'a
after 7rapayevoEvoe. - r V' TCv a8EX0Wiv, any one of the brethren, of our
countrymen, i. e. as a special messenger, as a complainant.
V. 22. aOvEv 8 7r,rapa cro alKovcrat, But (though in the absence
of such information we offer no complaint) we deem it proper
(Mey. Rob.) to hear from thee; comp. 15, 38. The verb may also
mean we desire (De Wet. E. V.), but is less common in that
sense. -  rEpt!Ev'yap ry apIEreoE  TWaVTs7, for concerning this sect of
which Paul was known to be an adherent; and as that circumstance (yap) was not in his favor, they intimate that he was
bound to vindicate himself from the reproach of such a connection. The Jews, it will be observed, in their reply to the apostle,
abstain from any allusion to the Christians at Rome; indeed,
they might have expressed themselves in the same manner had
58




458                COMMENTARY.                  CHPXXVIII, 22.
no church existed there at this time, or had they been entirely
ignorant of its existence. To understand them, however, as affirming that they had heard of the sect only by report, that they
possessed no personal knowledge of any who were connected
with it, is certainly unauthorized. Baur l proceeds on this false
assumption, and then represents the passage as inconsistent with
the Epistle to the Romans, which was written several years before this, and exhibits to us a flourishing church in the Roman
metropolis. Zeller says the same thing. The peculiarity in the
case is not by any means that the Jews denied that they were
acquainted with those who held the Christian faith, but that they
avoided so carefully any reference to the fact; what they knew
was matter of general notoriety (ravTaxov av-rtLXETat); they decline the responsibility of asserting anything on the ground of
their own personal knowledge.  Various explanations have been
given of this reserve on the part of the Jews.  Olshausen's
hypothesis is, that the opposition between the Jewish Christians
and the Jews had become such, before Claudius banished the
latter from Rome, as to separate them entirely from each other;
and consequently that the Christians there remained in fact unknown to the Jews who returned to Rome after the decree of
banishment ceased to be in force.  This view is improbable, and
has found no supporters. The opinion of many of the older
critics, to which Tholuck2 also has returned, is that the 7rpwroL
r7v'Iov~a"lv affected to be thus ignorant in regard to the Roman
Christians; that they wished to deceive the apostle, and uttered
a direct falsehood when they told him that they had received no
information concerning him from the Palestine Jews. The best
account of this peculiarity, it appears to me, is that which Philippi has suggested in his recent Commentary on the Epistle to
the Romans.3  The situation of the Jews at Rome, after their
recent banishment by Claudius, was still critical and insecure. It
was very important for them to avoid the displeasure of the government; to abstain from any act or attitude that would revive
the old charge against them  of being quarrelsome or factious.
They saw that Paul was regarded with evident favor by the
Roman officers; they had heard from him that the procurator
would have acquitted him, but the obstinate Jews had compelled
1 Paulus, der Apostel, sein Leben und Wirken, seine Briefe und seine Lehre,
p. 368 sq.
2 Commentar zum Briefe Pauli an die RWmer (1842), p. 14.
3 Commentar fiber den Brief Pauli an die Rimer, von Friedrich A. Philippi
(1848), p. xv.




CHAP. XXVIII, 23-25.   COM M E N T A RY.                 459
him to appeal to Caesar. Having had no intelligence from Judea,
they might fear that their countrymen there had gone too far, and
had placed it in the power of Paul to use the circumstance to
the disadvantage of the Jewish cause at Rome.  Hence they
considered it advisable for. the present to conciliate the apostle,
to treat him mildly, to keep out of sight their own relations to
the Christian sect. They say what was true. No special and
express information had been forwarded to them respecting his
person and the occurrence mentioned by him, and they knew
that the sect had everywhere an evil name. But they suppress
their own view in regard to the Christian faith, as something
they do not consider it necessary and expedient to avow, and,
out of fear of the Roman magistrates, would draw as little attention as possible to their hostile position towards the Christiaus.
VERSES 23-29. His Second Interview with the Jews.
V. 23. TadtxfkLEvot 8E aT&-'tjxpav, Now having appointed for him a
day, at his own suggestion perhaps, since by leaving it to them
to designate the time he would be more sure of their presence.
— Els TrrV  E'vav, unto his lodging. The term implies (Hesych.)
that it was a place where he was entertained as a guest (comp.
Philem. 22); and those critics are right who distinguish it from
the "hired houses" mentioned in v. 30.  The apostle, at first,
as would be natural, was received into some one of the Christian families at Rome; but after a time, for the sake of greater
convenience or independence, he removed to apartments which
would be more entirely subject to his own control. That Aquila
(Rom. 16, 3) became his host again as he had been at Corinth
(18, 3) is not impossible. - 7rXXdovEs, more than on the former occasion. -- 7rSv.....'I-o-, i. e. and persuading them of the things
concerning Jesus. For the double accusative, see on 19, 8. Here,
too, the act of the participle refers to the speaker's aim or object,
without including the result. It may be inferred from what follows, that the greater part of those whom Paul addressed withstood his efforts to win them to the truth; conlp. v. 25.
V. 24. o[ Ev, and oi 8E distribute the Jews into opposite parties. The proportion which the convinced bore to the unbelieving we must gather from the drift of the narrative.
V. 25. aOvv/mvotL 8 ovgres 7rpos a&XX',Xovs, And being discordant
among one another. This variance they may be supposed to have
evinced by an open declaration of their different views, by the




460                 C O M   E N T AR Y.   CHAP. XXVIII, 26-30.
expression of dissent and objection on the part of those who disbelieved. - Ebr'VTroS roi IIav'Xov tryka I'v, Paul having said one word,
at the time of their departure (De Wet.); not as the occasion of
it (Mey.). It was one final, significant word, as opposed to many
words; comp. Luke 20, 3. - &a'Haatov, through Isaiah.  See on
2, 16.
V. 26. XEyov, viz. Isa. 6, 9 sq., cited according to the Seventy.
The passage is quoted also in Matt. 13, 14 sq. and John 12, 40.For the Hebraistic aKO~'KOVErE, see the note on 4, 17. — ovi /k
Gcv1TrE may express the future result with more certainty than the
future indicative.  See on 13, 41.- For 3XE7rovrTE3 3BeETre, see on
7, 34.
V. 28. orv, therefore, i. e. since they ar'e so hardened and incorrigible.- On-.... (oUTcpwov, that to the Gentiles the salvation was
sent, i. e. by God in the coming of the apostle to Rome. - aVrot
they (emphatic), although they are heathen. - Kal aKovoCovraL, also
will hear it, viz. the message of this salvation. The object of the
verb is implied in arEor-ra7X. Kat connects the reception with the
offer of the gospel. — Our eyes trace here the last words in
Luke's record, which fell from the lips of Paul. It is remarkable
that they are precisely such words. The apostle of the Gentiles
points again to his commission to preach to all nations, and declares that the heathen, to whom he was sent shall accept the
Saviour whom the Jews disowned.
V. 29. This verse in the common text repeats what has been
said in the eighteenth verse. It appears to be not genuine. Its
principal witnesses are G H, the Ethiopic, and some of the
later fathers. It is wanting in A B E, the Syriac, and the best
Latin authorities. Leading critics, as Mill, Lachmann, Tischendorf, Green, reject the verse.
VERsEs 30. 31. The Condition of the Apostle during his Captivity.
V. 30.  ELvE &8tErtav oXrv, remained two whole years, i. e. in the
state mentioned, with the evident implication that at the end of
that time his condition changed. Some critics deny the correctness of this inference; but the better opinion affirms it. Had
the apostle been still in confinement, the writer would have employed more naturally the present tense or the perfect (remains
or has remained) instead of the aorist. The reader's conclusion
is, that the two years completed the term of the apostle's captivity, and that when Luke penned the sentence, the prisoner
was either at liberty or else was no longer living. Lekebusch




CHAP. XXVIII, 30. 31.    C O M M E N T A R Y.                         461
(p. 415) pronounces this view an inevitable one. See on next
verse. -The 8tErt'av oXv would bring the narrative down to A. D.
64. Some months lay between the commencement of this year
and the outbreak of Nero's persecution.  See Introd., p. 27.ev IB[ tLrlAo- lanTt in his own hired house, i. e. hired at his own expense.  In the bosom  of a Christian church, the apostle could
not have been destitute of the means of providing for such an
expense. We learn, also, from Phil. 4, 14. 18, that during this
captivity Paul received supplies from the church at Philippi. —
a7rrE8XETo, in its special sense, received gladly, because it afforded
him such joy to preach the Gospel; comp. 15, 4; 18, 27.
V. 31.  &tala-KoV, sc. arTovs.  The construction is similar to that
in v. 23. -  aKWXV'TwO, without molestation on the part of the Roman
government.l According to the Roman laws, a citizen under
arrest, in ordinary cases, could give security or bail, and thus
enjoy his personal liberty until he was brought to trial. The
freedom  granted to Paul was so ample, that one might almost
suppose that he was permitted to exercise that right; but it is
rendered certain by Phil. 1, 13. 16, that he continued to be
guarded by a Roman soldier.- Among the friends with Paul
during this confinement who have been mentioned in our narrative, were  Luke, Timothy, Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, and
Tychicus. The interruption of his personal intercourse with the
1 Agrippa the First was imprisoned in early life, at Rome. The account of
his captivity confirms so entirely Luke's account of the manner in which Paul
was treated as a Roman prisoner, (so unlike our modern usages,) that it may not
be amiss to mention some of the circumstances. We obtain the information
from Josephus (Antt. 18. 6. 5 sq.). Agrippa, on being arrested, was committed
to Macro, the prcetorian prefect, and confined in the praetorian camp. He was
there kept under a guard of soldiers, to one of whom he was chained (called his
OvsVETds). A particular centurion had the oversight of the prisoner and the soldiers who guarded him. But the condition of those confined in this manner depended very much on the character of those who had the immediate charge of
them. The soldiers who watched Agrippa treated him, at first, with great severity. Hence Antonia, a sister-in-law of Tiberius and a friend of Agrippa, interceded with Macro and induced him to appoint a guard known to be of a milder
disposition. The situation of Agrippa was now improved. His friends who had
been excluded from him, were permitted to visit him and to supply his necessary
wants (comp. 24, 23). But during this time, about six months, he was still confined in the proetorian camp.  On the death of Tiberius the mode of his captivity was changed again. Caligula ordered him to be removed from the pretorium to the house which he had occupied before he was bound. Here he was
still guarded as a prisoner, but was subject to so much less restraint that his condition was one of comparative liberty. His captivity, in this last form of it, was
doubtless like that of Paul during the two years that he "dwelt in his own hired
house " at Rome.




462                 COMMENTARY.             CHAP. XXVIII, 31.
churches caused the apostle to address them by letter, and thus
the restraint on his liberty proved the means of opening to him a
sphere of activity, which has given him access to all nations,
which makes him the contemporary of every age. As nearly all
critics allow, he wrote during this captivity his Epistles to the
Ephesians, the Colossians, the Philippians, and Philemon. — It
must suffice to allude merely to the subsequent history of the
great apostle. I cannot hesitate to agree with those who believe
that Paul on being brought to trial under his appeal to the emperor was acquitted, and, casting aside his chains, went forth to labor again for the spread of the gospel. We see from his letters
written while he was a captive that he was expecting to regain
his liberty. See, for example, Phil. 1, 25; 2, 23. 24; Philem. v.
22. Even if Paul entertained this belief as a matter of judgment merely, and not in the exercise of a faith warranted by a
special revelation, we must allow at all events that he had good
means for forming a correct opinion of his prospects, and should
be supposed, therefore, to have realized his hope, and not to have
been condemned, contrary to such manifest intimations of a different result. The journeys and labors indicated in the Pastoral
Epistles make the supposition of an interval between a first and
second imprisonment important if not indispensable as a means
of reconciling Luke's account with this part of the apostle's correspondence. The facts mentioned in the letters to Titus and
Timothy have no natural place in the portion of Paul's history
recorded in the Acts. The style, too, and the circle of ideas in
these Epistles indicate a later period in the life of the writer and
in the progress of the churches, than that of the conclusion of
Luke's narrative. Finally, the historical testimony, as derived
from the earliest sources, asserts a second Roman captivity in the
most explicit manner. Clemens, the disciple and companion of
Paul, affirms that the apostle before his martyrdom travelled "to
the boundary of the West," an expression which the Roman writers in that age applied to the Trans-Alpine countries; and the
Canon of Muratori (A. D. 170) represents " a journey into Spain,"
as a well-known event in Paul's history. Eusebius states the
common belief of the early churches, in these words: "After
defending himself successfully it is currently reported that the
apostle again went forth to proclaim the gospel, and afterwards
came to Rome a second time, and was martyred under Nero."
Hints in the Epistles and traditions supply all that is known or
conjectured respecting this last stage of the apostle's ministry.
It is supposed, that on being liberated (writers do not agree as to




CHAP. XXVIII, 31.   C O M M E N TA R Y.               463
the precise order), he visited again parts of Asia Minor and
Greece; went to Crete and founded or more probably strengthened the churches there; made his long-contemplated journey to
Spain; wrote his First Epistle to Timothy, and his Epistle to
Titus; after several years of effective labor, was apprehended again
as a leader of the Christian sect; was brought a second time as a
prisoner of Christ to Rome; was tried there and condemned to
suffer death. His Roman citizenship exempted him from the
ignominy of crucifixion, and hence, according to the universal tradition, he was beheaded by the axe of the lictor. The same testimony places his martyrdom in the year A. D. 68, the last year
of Nero's reign. It was in the daily expectation of this event
that he wrote the last of his Epistles, the second to Timothy. It
is in that Epistle, written as the aged servant of Christ looked
back to his trials all surmounted, forward to the hour when he
should soon "be forever with the Lord," yet amid his own joy
still mindful of the welfare of others, that we hear his exultant
voice: 1 I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight, I have finished
my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up
for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous
judge, shall give me at that day; and not to me only, but unto
all them also that love his appearing."








ABBREVIATIONS.
NAMES OF WRITERS ABBREVIATED  IN THE NOTES.
THE works of those referred to in the following list are mostly Commentaries, and may be presumed to be well known. The titles of some of those
which are less common have been given at the foot of the page where they
occur for the first time.
Alf.        Alford.               Hnr.         Heinrichs.
Ang.        Anger.                Hws.         Howson.
Bez.        Beza.                 Krug.        KrUger.
Blmf.       Bloomfield.           Kuin.        Kuinoel.
Bmg.        Baumgarten.           Kyp.         Kypke.
Bng.        Bengel.               Lchm.        Lachmann.
Bottg.      Bittger.              Light.       Lightfoot.
Bretsch.    Bretschneider.        Lng.        Lange.
Brud.       Bruder.               Mey.        Meyer.
Calv.       Calvin.               Neand.      Neander.
Chryst.     Chrysostom.           Olsh.       Olshausen.
De Wet.    De Wette.              Raph.       Raphael.
Doddr.      Doddridge.            Rob.        Robinson
Ebr.        Ebrard.               Schottg.     Schottgen.
Forbg.      Forbiger.             Str.        Stier.
Frtz.       Fritzsche.            Suid.       Suidas.
Gesen.      Gesenius.             Thol.       Tholuck.
Grot.       Grotius.              Tsch.       Tischendorf.
Grsb.       Griesbach.            Vitr.       Vitringa.
Hems.       Hemsen.               Wetst.      Wetstein.
Heng.       Hengstenberg.         Wdsth.      Wordsworth.
Hertz.      Hertzog.              Whl.        WVahl.
Hesych.     Hesychius.            Wiesl.      Wieseler.
Hmph.       Humphry.              Win.        V iner.
OTHER ABBREVIATIONS.
Cranm. Cranmer's Version of N. T.     T. R.   Received Greek Text.
E. V.   Common English Version.       Vulg.   Vulgate N. Testament.
Genv.  Geneva Version.                Wicl.   Wiclif's Version.
Tynd.  Tyndale's Version.
59








I N DEX I.
The following Index is intended to exhibit the contents of the Notes as distinguished for the most part from the contents of the History.
A.                     obscure, 39 sq.; gave the law, 142;
were supposed to be the guardians of
Abraham, not the oldest son of Terah,  men, 200.
125.                                Anointing, its import as a symbol, 95.
Aceldama, 45.                         Antioch in Syria, by whom  built, the
Achaia, how applied by Luke, 296; inter-  seat of missionary operations, 190; its
changed with Hellas, 327.             harbor, 206 sq.; visited by Paul four
Acropolis of Athens and Corinth, 296.    times, 306.
Acts qf the Apostles, by whom written, 11 Antioch in Pisidia, on the central tablesq.; authenticity of the book, 16 sq.; its  land of Asia Minor, 213; discourse of
object and plan, 19 sq.; when and where   Paul in the synagogue, 213 sq.; may
written, 20 sq.; why closed so abruptly,  have been visited on the apostle's sec21 sq.; its relation to Luke's Gospel, 33.  ond missionary tour, 254.
Adramyttium, its situation and its present Antipatris, supposed to be the modern
state, 410.                           Kefr Shba, 378; night journey thither,
Adriatic, how extensively applied, 434.    379.
Agabus, 193, 349.                     Antonia, castle of, 357; Paul's speech
Agrippa the First, year of his death, 23;  from the stairs, 361 sq.
his family, 195; his character, 196; Aorist, peculiar form, 63; mistranslated
circumstances of his death, 202 sq.;  often, 93, 136, 395; epistolary use, 378.
account of his imprisonment at Rome, Apollonia, on the way from Philippi to
461.                                  Thessalonica, 271.
Agrippa the Second, his history, 392 sq.; Apollos, at Ephesus, 306; his talents, 307;
object of his visit to Caesarea, 393;   at Corinth, 308.
turns off Paul's appeal with a jest, 407. Aposiopesis, instances of, 373.
Ain Haniyeh, Philip's fountain, 157.  Apostates, how treated by the Jews, 370,
Akerman, Numismatic Illustrations, 174,  375.
275.                                Apostles, what was necessary to their ofAkka, 348.                              fice, 36, 38; main point of their testiAlexander, of whom the apologist, 321.    mony, 47; not limited to twelve, 50;
Alexandrian corn-ships, 452.            were not ignorant that the gospel was
Alms-distributors, cause of their appoint-  to be preached to the heathen, 69; rement, 114; not called deacons, 116.   linquished the Jewish rites by degrees,
Amphipolis, on the military road through   74; acknowledged a higher law than
the north of Greece, 271.             that of men, 92, 107, sq., 264; did not
Ananias, nature of his crime, 99; why   insist on a community of goods, 99;
punished with such severity, 102.     were empowered to confer the Spirit,
Ananias, (high-priest,) to be distinguished   149; aimed in their missionary policy
from Annas, 370; was the actual high-  to secure the chief towns, 254, 296;
priest, 370.                          how far they were infallible, 419.
Andriaca, port of Myra, 414.          Appeal judicial, how limited, 392.
Angels, import of their address in 1, 11 Appian Way, 454.




468                              INDEX.
-.Appii Forum, 454.                       companies the apostle in his first misAppointed unto life, 224.                sionary tour, 204; why he was called
Aquila, where he was converted, 296;   Jupiter at Lystra, 230; went as a delehis frequent change of residence, 296;   gate to Jerusalem, 238 sq.; his disawhy mentioned after Priscilla., 303; his  greement with Paul, and their subse.
connection with Apollos, 307.          quent relations to each other, 251; the
Aramnaean, 45, 360.                      letter ascribed to him not genuine, 251.
Aratus, a poet, 293.                   Baths of Nero, 452.
Areiopagus, in what part of Athens, 269 Baumgarten, his theory of the design of
sq.; Paul not tried before the court of   the Acts, 34.
this name, 280; outline of his speech Bernice, facts in her history, 393.
there, 282 sq.                       Berwea, its distance from  Thessalonica,
Aretas, took possession of Damascus, 22   on what river, present name, 275.
sq.; assisted the Jews to capture Paul, Betlhany, the scene of the Ascension, 40
168.                                   sq.
Aristarchus accompanied Paul to Jerusa- Beth-horon, 378.
lem, 328; in what sense his "fellow- Bethzur, fountain there, 157.
prisoner," 411.                      Birks, his Horae Apostolicae, 363.
Artemon, what sail intended, 442; its ef- Biscoe, on the Acts, 131.
fect on a vessel, 442.               Bishops, the same as presbyters, 236.
Article, with proper names, 35; before Bithynia, not entered by Paul, 254; the
partitives, 104; Middleton's rule, 150;   persecution there under Trajan, 401.
force of, 85, 187, 387, 455; disregarded Blasph/emy, 118.
in E. V., 173, 187; for the pronoun, Blunt, his Undesigned Coincidences, etc.,
293; wrong in E. V., 397, 399.         387.
Ashdod, its present site, 159.         Boeckh on the mode of undergirding anAsia, how much it included, in the Acts,  cient ships, 427.
55; rapid extension of the gospel there, Body, with which Christ rose, 36, 163.
312; may denote Asia Minor, 410.    Bolingbroke, remark of, 156.
Asiarchs, their office, and occasion of Brethren, in what sense, 166; how contheir friendship for Paul, 320.        structed, 217; conciliatory use, 78, 135,
Assos, its situation, 332; why Paul went  362, 456.
thither on foot, 333.                Burial, hastened in the East, 101,
Astrology, among the Orientals, 208.   Burrus, prefect at Rome, 455.
Athens, how far from Beraea, 276; extent
of its idolatry, 277; had but one agora,
277; character of its inhabitants, 278                 C.
sq.; origin of its altar "to an unknown god," 286 sq.; visited by the Ccesarea, its importance in Jewish history,
apostle but once, 295.                 159; the seaport of Judea, 305; how
Attaleia, distance from Perga, 212; its  often Paul was there, 348.
site described by Beaufort, 237.     Ca.f, why worshipped by the Hebrews,
Augustan cohort, 409.                    138.
Canal, through the Pontine Marshes, 454.
Candace, mentioned in the classics, 154;
B.                     the name of a dynasty, 154.
Candor of the sacred writers, 185 sq.,
Bdihr's Symbolik, 95.                    301, 394.
Baptism, administered in the name of Canon of Muratori, 462.
Christ, 68; that of Cornelius and other Capenian gate, 454.
heathen, 187; that of Lydia and her Captain of the temple, 85.
household, 259 sq.; how it was per- Captivity, Paul's second at Rome, 462.
formed in the jail at Philippi, 268; Copua, how far fiom  Rome, 453.
words relating to, 268; how that of Carriage, sense of in N. T., 350.
John differed from that of the apos- Castor and Pollux, name of a ship, 451,
ties, 307; was repeated in the case of   453.
certain disciples at Ephesus, 310 sq.; Cayster, a river, 304.
mode of, 364; was the sign of repent- Cen/etery, signification of the word, 145;
ance and faith, 364..                 first used by Christians, 145.
Barbarian, how applied, 445.           Centurions, always mentioned favorably,
Barnabas, signification of his name, 98;   175.
his influence at Jerusalem, 169; his in- Chains, how fastened to prisoners, 197.
terview with Paul at Tarsus, 192; ac- Charran, in Mesopotamia, 124.




INDEX.                                 469
Chios, an island in the lEgean, 333.   Community of goods, in the first church,
Chrestus, an instigator of the Jews at  96, sq.
Rome, 297.                           Conspiracy against Paul, 374.
Christ made his resurrection certain to his Copenhagen, battle of, 436.
disciples, 35; was omniscient, 48; in Corinth, how  far distant from  Athens,
what capacity he reigus as Mediator,  276; how long Paul remained there,
67; miracles were wrought in his name,  300; made a second journey thither
75, 89, 174; is the author of natural  which is not recorded, 325; his third
and spiritual life, 77; his final coming   journey, 326.
described as near, because near to a Corinthians, Epistle to, 315, 326.
true Christian consciousness, 80 sq.; Cornelius, not a Jewish proselyte, 175;
was worshipped by the first disciples,   nature of the homage which he offered
145, 165, 180; is the final Judge of  to Peter, 179; time of his conversion
men, 186, 294; fulfilled the prophe-   189; in what sense he was the first
cies, 216, 272; was destined to suffer,  convert from heathenism, 241.
405.                                 Cos or Co, its situation, 344; why now
Chios, now Scio, 333.                    called Stanchio, 345.
Cicero, his letters, 304, 454,         Council at Jerusalem, 241.
Citta Vecchia, in Malta, 448.          Council of Trent, decree of, 311.
Christians, origin and import of the name, Crete, 41 7; has good harbors on the north
192 sq.                                side, 417.
Chronoloyy, why that of the Acts still dif- Crispus, bishop of 2Egina, 299.
ficult, 22; dates that may be estab- Custodia lib)era, 389.
lished, 22 sq.; computed by the Jews Cqydnus, a river, 170.
in different ways, 127; on what prin- Cyprus, visited by Paul on his first tour,
ciple we are to judge of the accuracy   207; traversed by a good road, 209;
of chronological designations, 214 sq.   governed by a proconsul, 209; left to
Cilicia, why named always after Syria,  the windward  on Paul's voyage to
170.                                   Rome, 412 sq.
Citizenship Roman, immunities which it
secured, 269; seldom claimed falsely,                  D.
367; how acquired by foreigners, 368.
Claude, now Gozzo, 425; distance from Damascus, its situation, 160; labors of
the point of Koura, 435.               Paul there, 167.
Claudius, the famine in his reign, 194; David, his tomb, 65; was inspired, 67;
his banishment of the Jews, 296; re-   would build the temple, 141.
stored Achaia to the Senate, 301.    Davidson, his Introduction to the New
Clemens, his letter, 462.                Testament cited, 13, 17,131; his LectClergj, origin of the term, 43.          ures on Biblical Criticism, 339.
Climate in Palestine, 106.             Day, commenced early in the East, 106.
Cnidos, name of a town and promontory, Death, as viewed by Christians, 145.
416; ruins which exist there, 416.   Dembra, modern name of Myra, 414.
Coincidences between the'Acts and the Demetrius, his occupation, 317; his artful
Epistles, 227, 232, 234 sq., 247, 315,  speech, 319.
316, 326, 337, 338, 339, 340, 341. 365, Demons, their.testimony to Christ, 147.
385; between the Acts and Josephus, Derbe, near the base of the Black Moun11, 124, 181, 196, 202, 373, 381, 387,  tain, 228; remarkable ruins still found
388, 389, 409; between the Acts and   there, 228; why not mentioned in the
Philo, 124, 143, 375; between the Acts   Second Epistle to Timothy, 234; why
and the classical writers, 154, 209, 259,  named before Lystra, 252.
269, 277, 282, 285 sq., 296 sq., 300 sq., Diana, use made of her shrines, 317;
312, 388, 395 sq., 407.                how extensively worshipped, 319; reCoins still extant, of Cyprus, 209; of   peating her name a religious act, 321;
Philippi, 258; of Berea, 275; of Ephe-  tradition as to the origin of her image,
sus, 322,323; of Tarsus, 360; of Ad-   323.
ramyttium, 410.                      Dioscuri, an image and a name, 451.
Colerid.qe, his singular opinion, 445.  Dispolitans, an Egyptian dynasty, 13.2.
Colonnade at Damascus, 164,            Dominus, its Roman use, 396.
Colosse, whether visited by Paul, 255.   Drachm, Attic, its value, 315.
Coming, final of Christ, 40, 81; when ex- Drusilla, her family, and facts in her his.
pected, 82.                            tory, 387.
iComnmunion, when first used of the Lord's Dust thrown into the air, 366.
Supper, 71.                          Duumviri, 449.




470                              INDEX.
E.                   Foreknowledge of God, as related to his
purpose, 63, 402.
Egyptian impostor, referred to by Lysias,,,
359; how Luke's account of him may                    G.
be reconciled with that of Josephus,
359 sq.                              Gains, different persons of this name,
Egyptian history obscure, 132.           320, 328.
Elam or Elamais, where situated, 55.    Galatia, not visited on Paul's first misElders.  See Presbyters.                 sion, 228; when the gospel was first
Elymas, the Magian, introduced so as   preached there, 255; why named be.
to present a true.picture of the times,  fore Phrygia, 306.
201k; origin of his name, 210.       Galatians, Epistle to, 312.
Ephesus, Paul's first visit there, 304; his Gall, of what the figure, 152.
return, 309; residence of the proconsul, Gallio, his character correctly  drawn,
323..300; carried his impartiality too far, 302.
Epicureans, the "minute philosophers of Ganmaliel, how described in the Talmud,
their day," 278; their principles, 278.   109; alleged anachronism in his speech,
Epistles of Paul, when and where written:  110 sq.; singular character of his adthose which he sent from Rome, 30, 462;   vice, 112.
the First and Second to the Thessalon- Ganzqas, a stream near Philippi, 257.
ians, 303; that to the Galatians, 312; the Garlands, used in sacrifice, 231.
First to the Corinthians, 315; the Sec- Garrisosn, R]oman at Jerusalem, 357;
ond to the Corinthians, 325; that to   Turkish, 358; at Rome, 455.
the Romans, 327.                     Gate, the Beautiful, its situation, 74 sq.;
Erastus, 317.                            Capenian, through which Paul entered
Esdud, 159.                             Rome, 454'; Nomentana, near the preEthiopia, of what country the name, 154;  fect's camp, 455.
the gospel preached there at an early Gates, Cilician, 234.
period, 158.                         Gaza, when destroyed by the Romans,
Ethiopian eunuch, his country and rank,   153; the roads which lead thither, 153 sq.
154; why he was reading the prophe- Gazith, hall of council, 369.
cies, 155; traditional scene of his hap- Gehenna, how understood by the Jews,
tism, 157; his reputed name, 158.     49,
Eucharist, how observed, 71.           Geib, on Roman law, 380.
Eunuzch, where baptzied, 157.          Genitive of relationship, 41.
Enuroclydon, 424.                      Gentiles, their acceptance of the gospel
Eutychus, whether restored to life, 332.    foretold by the prophets, 69, 244.
Evangelist, application of this term, 348. Gesenius, his view of the Maltese lanExorcism at Ephesus, 313 sq.             guage, 446,
Gift qf tongues, how conferred on the day
F.                     of Pentecost, 51; object of the endowment, 52; the miracle unquestionable,
Faith, an act of divine power, 78, 308; its  53; why described so concisely, 187.
purifying efficacy, 242; the condition Gophna, 378.
of pardon, 403; proved by the life, Gospel, universality of its design, 184;
404.                                  first preached to the heathen, 191;
Fair Havens, on the south of Crete, 417;   characterized as a system of grace, 223;
the council held there, 420.          why subverted by the Jewish attachFantine, foretold by Agabus, 193; how   ment to circumcision, 239.
extensive, and when it occurred, 194.  Gozzo, an island, 425.
Felix, when recalled from office, 24; his Green, his Developed Criticism, 95.
character, 376, 377, 381; how long he Greek Language, used with great purity
was procurator, 382; attempted  to  by Luke, 14; spoken extensively in
bribe Paul, 388.                      Palestine, 123; furnished a medium of
Felton, Prof., his opinion on a passage in  intercourse between different nations,
Arrian, 422.                          230, 359,
Ferasches, their office, 371.          Grotto del Cane, 452.
Festus, when appointed procurator, 25;
his character, 389; why he wished to                 H.
send Paul to Jerusalem, 391; why he
conferred with his council, 392; Luke Hades, personified, 65.
describes him in accordance with his- Haliacnlon, a river at whose mouth Paul
tory, 395 sq.                         embarked for Athens, 276.




INDEX.                                471
Harvest, when ripe in Egypt, 415.      stationed at Caesarea, 175; may be
Hauran, east of the Jordan, 160.       identical with the Augustan, 409 sq.
Heathen, described as those "afar off,"
69; have sufficient light to create obligation, 232, 292; acknowledged blind-               J.
ly the existence of God, 288; have no
excuse for their idolatry, 292; must Jacob, where buried, 130; the number of
repent to be prepared for the judgment,  his family on his descent into Egypt,
293.                                 129 sq.; his bridge over the Jordan,
Heathenism, its immorality, 245.       160.
Hebraisms, 39, 40, 83, 99, 108, 134, 136, Jailor at Philippi, how we may view the
137, 165, 244, etc.                  circumstances of his conversion, 266 sq.
Hebrews, Epistle to, 30.             James the Elder, 196.
Hebron, whether confounded by Stephen James the Younger, pastor at Jerusalem,
with Sychem, 131.                    351; his advice to Paul, 353.
Hellenists, how distinguished from Greeks, Jerusalem, destruction of, a type, 61; how
114, 191; why Paul labored specially  often visited by Paul after his converfor them, 169.                       sion, 305, 350 sq.; why supposed to be
Herod Antipas, his war with Aretas, 22;  his proper field of labor, 365.
his exile on the banks of the Rhone, Jest, thatof Agrippa, 407.
205.                               Jews; desired to die at Jerusalem, 53;
Hess, his History of the Apostles, 54.  could not inflict capital punishment,
Holy Spirit, why expressed often without  144; numerous in Cyprus, 207; way
the article, 35; inspired those who  in which they instigated the heathen
wrote the Scriptures, 43; his agency   against the Christians, 225, 227; encharacteristic of the new economy, 60;  joyed religious toleration, 263, 301;
bestowed on the apostles, 96, 99; re-  expelled from Rome, 296; were hated
sisted by the Jews, 142; in what sense   by the Greeks, 302; held that the end
unknown to John's disciples, 309; qual-  justifies the means, 375; their singular
ified religious teachers for their office,  reserve in the interview with Paul at
253, 339; peculiar sphere of in Acts,  Rome, 457.
255.                               Joel, his prophecy (3, 1-5) explained,
Horace, quoted, 349, 427, 451.         58 sq.
Horeb, why interchanged with Sinai as an John the Baptist, his disciples, 309 sq.;
equivalent designation, 135.         his confessed inferiority to Christ, 216;
Humiliation of Christ, 156.            nature of his baptism, 307; by whom
Humphrey, his Commentary on the Acts,  slain, 388.
34.                                Joppa, how far from  Lydda, 172; its
Hupfeld, on the prevalence of the He-  present name, 173.
brew language, 445.                Josephus, his shipwreck in the Adriatic,
430.
Judas the Galilean, the place of his birth,
111; ground of his opposition to the
Roman government, 112.
Iconinm, how far from Antioch, 226; de- Judas the traitor, his end well known
scribed by Leake, 226.               at Jerusalem, 43; no inconsistency
illiterate in the Jewish sense, 91.    in the different accounts of his death,
Illyriculm, when visited by Paul, 326.  44.
Imperative, dehortatory use, 145, 178.   Judgment, day of, 80 sq.; to be universal,
Impluvium in ancient houses, 268.      186, 294; for the righteous and the
Indich, name of the Eunuch, 158.       wicked, 384; moral effect of looking
Infant Baptism, founded on no sure proof-  for, 385.
text in N. T., 260; opinion of schol- Julius, his kindness to Paul, 412.
ars concerning, 259 sq.; confessed to Justin Martyr, his testimony concerning
be not scriptural, 260.              the Sabbath, 330.
Infinitive, as used with the article, 74;
not pleonastic, 75; how constructed,                K.
327.
Inzscriptions that corroborate Luke's his- Kefr Sdba, the supposed site of Antipatory: one given by Gruter, 174; one  tris, 378.
found at Thyatira, 259; two in Malta, Kingdom of God, sense of the phrase, 235.
449.                               Kingdom of Christ as Mediator, tempoItalian cohort, why so named, 174; why   rary, 68.




472                             INDEX..Kirchhofer, his work on the New Testa- Malta, 445.
ment Canon, 11.                     Maltese language, 446.
Kishon, river near Carmel, 348.        Manaen, in what sense " brought up with
Knobel, his VWlkertafel, 124.            Herod," 205.
Konieh, 226.                           Marches, how  rapidly  performed  by
Koura, a point at the entrance of St.  ancient armies, 378 sq.
Paul' s Bay, 434; the scene of a mod- Mark, his relationship to Barnabas, 204;
ern shipwreck, 434 sq.                in what capacity he attended Paul,
Kurtz, his article on " The Angel of the   208; his abrupt return from the misLord," 136.                           sion, 212; regained the apostles' confidence, 259.
L.                   Markets, the resort of loungers, 273;
courts held in them, 273, 323.
Laity, denied the cup by Catholics, 71.  Martyr, how distinguished in sense from
Lange, his Leben Jesu, 329.              witness, 364.
Laodicea, whether visited by Paul, 355.  MIatala, cape of, 422.
Lascea, its site identified, 417 sq.   Medina, 448.
Latin, not used in the courts, 380.    Meleda, not the island where Paul was
Latinismls in the Greek of the New Testa-   wrecked, 444 sq.
mcnt, 193, 313, 360.                 Melita, why not recognized by the marinLaw, the higher, 107.                    ers, 440; the island where Paul was
Laying on of hands, its significance, 116.  wrecked, 445; its extent, 445; annexed
Levites, as a temple-guard, 85; their  to the prsetorship of Sicily, 448.
right of property, 98.              Ml1estara Valley, 441.
Lewin, his Life and Epistles of Paul, 369. Middle voice, how used, 364.
Liberality of the first Christians, 72; of Miletian speech, attested as genuine, 343.
the believers at Antioch fobr those in Miletus, how far from Ephesus, 333; adJudea, 194; true rule of, 194.        dress of Paul there to the Ephesian
Libertines, who they were, 117.          elders, 334; how far from the sea, 344.
Lie-to, a sea phrase, 429.            Milton, 293, 345.
Lucian, his account of the ship driven Miracles, how designated, and import of
into the Pireus, 439.                 the terms, 62 sq.; what rendered those
Luke, the writer of the Acts, 11; peculi-  at Ephesus remarkable, 313.
arities of his style, 13; sketch of his lilitylene, 333.
life, 14 sq.; value of his testimony as Mohammedan monks, 322.
a physician, 15; examples of his ac- Mole at Pozzuoli, 452.
curacy as an historian, 174, 196, 209, Moloch, how to be understood in Steph263, 272, 277, 300, 379, 449; has not  en's speech, 139.
shown himself ignorant of Jewish cus- Morier, his Travels, 371.
toms, 181; his first connection with Moses, how a mediator like Christ, 83;
Paul, 256; writes as an eyewitness,  his age, 135; his eloquence, 137; how
264, 331, 345; abounds in the use of   regarded by Stephen, 137.
nautical terms, 415; traces of his medi- Mosque of Omar, 358.
cal profession, 450.                Movers, his explanation of Remphan,
Luthardt, his review of Meyer, 215.      140.
Lutro, perhaps Phcenix in Crete, 420.    Myra, its situation, the ruins found
lycaonia, its extent, 228.               there, 414.
Lycaonian dialect, what is known of it,
230.:N.
Lydia, her name, 259; members of
her household, 259.                  Name of the Lord, meaning of, 62, 68.
Lysias, why he favored Paul, 375; his Namies used among the Jews, 210; of
letter, 376; his misrepresentation, 377.  places, permanent, 375.
Lystra, its bearing from Iconium, 228; its Navigation, in what part of the year comexact position not fixed, 228.         menced and closed by the ancients,
418; how regulated at a distance fiom
the land, 432.
M.                   Nazarene, how applied to Christ, 62, 75,
89.
Macedonia, how applied by the Greeks, Nazarites, rules to which they were sub257; its Roman signification, 298.    ject, 304, 353; their expenses defrayed
Macro, the prefect, 461.                 often by others, 353.
Madiam or Midian, where situated, 135. Nazorceans, 310.




INDEX.                                 473
Neapolis, whether Paul landed there, 257.  323; his unrecorded visit to Corinth,
Areby Dauid, a mosque, 65; that of Is-  325; characteristic of him that he remail, view from, 412.                 fers so often to his own example, 336;
Negatives, not confounded, 164.          duration of his third missionary tour,
Nicopolis, 379.                          351; his attempt to conciliate the JewNumerals, how constructed, 74, 332; in-  ish believers justifiable, 352; at what
definite use of, 376.                 age he entered the school of Gamaliel,
362; his zeal as a Pharisee, 362; how
O.                     he acquired his Roman citizenship,
368; noble-minded confession of his
Obedience to God, the first law, 107.   error, 372; how he viewed his perseOlivet, origin of the name, 40.         cution of the church, 399; was not a
Omissions in the Acts show the history to   member of the Sanhedrim, 400; when
be independent of the Epistles, 264.  he preached in Judea, 404; manner in
Oracles abolished, 345.                 which he replied to the charge of inOrdination of Timothy, 253.             sanity, 406; his accuracey vindicated,
Oriental Custoims, laying gifts at the feet  420; his calmness amid the tempest,
of kings, 97; imposition of hands, 116;  433; his ascendency over others, 433,
uncovering the feet, 136; shaking off   453; how  he felt on  approaching
the dust of the feet, 225; rending the   Rome, 454; how he became known to
garments, 231; throwing dust into the   the Prsetorians, 456; his last words
air, 366; silence enjoined by striking   recorded by Luke, 460; his condition
on the mouth, 370 sq.                 while he was a prisoner at Rome, 461;
Orontes connected Antioch with the sea,  his companions at that time, 461;
206 sq.                                whether he was released, 462; his subOrtygia, 451.                           sequent labors, 462 sq.; his joy in the
Overseer, same as bishop, 334.          prospect of death, 463.
Pentecost, of what commemorative, 50;
how long it continued, 356.
P.                   Perga, Paul's course thither, 212; its site
described by Sir C. Fellows, 212.
Paphos, what place of this name intended, Periplus, of Arrian, 421, 422.
208.                                Peter, an affinity between his speeches
Paronomasia, a striking case, 155.       and his Epistles, 17; why lie repreParticiple past with a past verb, 348.   sented the pardon of Simon as doubtParthia, its boundaries, 55.            ful, 151; had not the ordinary Jewish
Pastoral Epistles, when written, 462, 463.  prejudices, 174; how he regarded the
Paul, year of his conversion, 22; how old   homage of Cornelius, 180; devolved
then, 144; early life and training, 145;  baptism on his assistants, 188; manner
how long he remained in Arabia, 167;  in which he was chained, 197; his
his first journey to Jerusalem, 169;  journey to Rome, 200; posture in
mode of his journey from Cesarea to   which he was crucified, 201; in what
Tarsus, 170; how long he remained in  sense he first preached to the heathen,
Syria and Cilicia, 170; why he says   241; his last recorded act, 243; at
nothing of his alms-visit to Jerusa-   what time he arrived at Antioch, 306.
lem, 195; in what year he made his Peutinger's Table, 208.
second journey to Jerusalem, 204; why Pharaoh, his policy towards the Hebrews,
his name was changed from  Saul to  132 sq.
Paul, 210; encountered  "perils of Pharisees, their opinions, 373;'represented
rivers " and " perils of robbers " in the   as strict by Josephus, 398.
Pisidian highlands, 213; how long hlie Philip, in what city of Samaria lihe
was absent on his first mission, 238;  preached, 147; his residence at Cmesahis relation to Barnabas after their se-  rea, 159; why he was called an Evanparation, 251; year in which he de-  gelist, 348.
parted on his second mission, 251; on Philippi, its port, 257; its rank as a city,
what principle he circumcised Timo-  257; few Jews reside there, 258; why
thy, 253; why he neglected to plead his  its magistrates were called  prmetors,
Roman citizenship at Philippi, 269 sq.;  263; character of the church there,
whether he was tried before the court  271.
of the Areiopagus, 280 sq.; the trade Philippi, Prof., his mode of accounting
at which he wrought, 297; how long   for the silence of the Jews in regard to
he was absent on his second tour, 305  the Roman Christians, 458.
sq.; his mode of preaching at Ephesus, Philippians, Epistle to, 462.
60




474                              INDEX.
Phlineka, 422.                                           Q.
Phoenicia, how extensive, 190.
Phoenix, its situation, 420; direction in Quaternion, 197.
which its harbor opened, 421; Mr. Quatuorviri, where found, 263.
Smith's view untenable, 421.         Queen, Candace, 154; of Adiabene, 194.
Phry.gia, how bounded, 56; little known, Qui facit, &c., a law phrase, 44.
255.                                 Quirina, a Roman tribe, 449.
Pliny, his letters, 312, 401.          Quotations from  the Old Testament, how
Plough, used in the East, 402.           applied sometimes in the New, 46;
Politarchs, accurately used, 274.        with what degree of verbal accuracy
Pools, around Jerusalem, 70.             made, 58, 79 sq. 140, 222, 244; why
Porta Nomentana, 455; San Sebastiano,   conformed to the Septuagint, 244.
454.
Portress, among the Jews, 199.                           R
Possession, denmoniac, distinguished from
ordinary disease, 104, 147 sq.       Ras-el-Abiad, a cape, 412.
Potter's Field, its situation, 46.     Readings, various, occur in thle Acts, 55,
Pozzuoli, 452.                           84, 158, 161, 249, 339, 348, 382, 424;
Prcetorium, at Cesarea, 380; at Rome,  many of them unimportant, 395.
455.                                 Recorder, at Ephesus, 322; his speech
Prayer, at what hours offered by the   adroit, 324.
Jews, 58, 73; was addressed to Christ Redemption, effected chiefly by the death
by the first disciples, 48, 165; a part  of Christ, 339 sq.
of the preacher's work, 115; whether Rejfieshing, times of, 80.
uttered in concert, 94; the attitude in Remphan, 139.
which it was offered, 343; was the Repentance, a divine gift, 108, 190, 259;
means of saving Paul's companions in  required of those who received baptism,
the ship, 433.                         216.
Precipices, south of Jerusalem, 45.    Reservoirs, how used in the East, 70.
Presqyters, how elected, 235 sq.; Nean- Restoration, what intended by, 82.
der's view, 235 sq.; origin of the term, Resurrection, that of Christ ascertained
236 sq.; same as bishops, 334.         confidently by his disciples, 36; proved
Priests, divided into classes, 85; distin-  the Saviour's mission, 47; denied by
guished from Levites, 98; many con-  the Sadducees, 86; excited the ridiverted, 116.                           cule of the Athenians, 294; an article
Prisoners, in what manner they were   of the Jewish belief, 373; effect of the
chained, 197; were subject to different   belief of, on the mind of Paul, 384.
degrees of rigor, 387,388,460 sq. some- Reuss, his Histoire de la Theologic, 255.
times wore their chains when on trial, Revealer, under the ancient dispensation,
407; were often sent to Rome from the   identical with the Logos, 136.
provinces, 409; were committed to the Revelation, important law of, 52.
prtetorian prefect, 461.             Rheqium, now Reggio, 452; distance to
Proconsuls, how distinguished from  pro-   Puteoli, 452.
pretors, 209.                        Rheims translation, whence made, 323.
Prodigies, how precursors of calamity, 61. Rhodes, 345; journey thither from Beirut,
Prophesying, Scripture sense of, 59.     346.
Prophets, how related to teachers, 204.   Road between Bethlehem  and Hebron,
Prosetlcha, at Philippi, 258.            157.
Protestants, their view of the gospel, 116. Roads from Jerusalem to Gaza, 153.
Proverbs, examples of, 362, 402, 438.    Robinson, his description of Mars' Hill,
Provinces divided into imperial and sena-   279 sq.; of the castle of Antonia, 357.
torian, 209.                         Roofs, how built, 176.
Psalms explained (69, 25,) 46 sq.; (109, Ronsans, Epistle to, 327.
8)? 47; (16, 8-11), 64; (118, 22), Rudders, in ancient vessels, 441.
90; (2, 1. 2), 94.
Ptolemais, situation and modern name,
348.                                                   S.
Publius, his title confirmed by inscriptions lately found, 449; a question as Sabbath, Christian traces of its ohservto his rank, 449.                      ance in the New Testament, 329; rests
Purpose of God in saving men, 244.       on apostolic institution, 330.
Puteoli, its situation, 452; entry-port of Sacarii, 360.
the wheat ships, 452.                Sacrifices, their typical import, 73.




INDEX.                                    475
Sadducees, their principles, 86, 373.    Stier, on the discourses of the Apostles, 87*
Salamis, the scenery there, 207.         Stoics, the tendency of their philosophy,
Salmone, the eastern promontory of Crete,   278.
417.                                  Straight, the street so called, 164.
Salmonetta, an island in St. Paul's Bay, Strikiny, as said of winds, 424.
440.                                  Stuart, Prof., his Interpretation of the sixSalvation gratuitous, 239.                teenth Psalm, 64; his view of Christ
Samaritan Codex, its critical value, 126.   as Mediator, 67.
Samothrace, 256 sq.                      Sun, darkening of, a prophetic symbol, 61.
Sanhedrim, its organization, 87; its pro- Synagogues, how numerous at Jerusalem,
ceedings public, 88, 91; place of ses-   117 sq.; their officers, 160; punishsion, 119; different modes of designa-   ment inflicted in them, 401.
tion, 94, 160; extent of its power, 160; Syracuse, how far from Melita, 386.
qualifications of its members, 400.
Schneider, B. Rev., extract from his journal, 347.                                                T.
Scorpion, a peculiar scourge, 113.
Scribes, the Jewish scholars, 373.       Tabor, sea visible there, 412.
Seleucia, the great seaport of northern Sy- Tarsus, its literary eminence, 170; its
ria, 206 sq.; appearance of the coun-   political importance, 360; did not postry from the bay, 207.                   sess the rights of Roman citizenship, 368.
Sepp, his Leben Jesu, 168, 397.          Tell ell-lHasey, 158.
Sergius Paulus, his office, 209; his title Temple, how its services were performed,
confirmed as correct, 209.               85; its destruction foretold by Stephen,
Servant, a title of the Messiah, 77.       119; constructed so as to shadow forth
Shekinah, what it was, 123.                spiritual truths, 140; regarded with exShips, ancient, their size, 414 sq., 438,   cessive veneration by the Jews, 142;
sq.; how they were undergirded, 426   portion of it interdicted to foreigners,
sq.; were easily shattered, 430; could   356.
anchor by the stern, 435 sq.; were Temple-sweeper, 322.
steered with  two rudders, 441; de- Terracina, 454.
pended for speed chiefly on one sail, Tertullus, his gross flattery, 381.
442; had figure-heads, 251; how rap- Testament Old, as divided by the Jews,
idly they could sail, 452.               213.
Shipwreck, scene of Paul's, 443.         Theatres, used among the Greeks for pubSidon, its harbor, its distance from Cesa-  lic business, 202 sq, 319.
rea, 412.                              Theophilus, a representative of those for
Simon, the Magian, character of his pre-   whom Luke wrote, 19; his rank and
tensions, 148; exposure of his hypoc-   country, 33.
risy, 150; whether indentical with a Thessalonians, Epistles to, 303.
certain other Simon, 152.              Thessalonica, its distance from  Philippi,
Simony, how the word arose, 150.           272; result of Paul's labors there, 272
Smith, E., his visit to Antipatris, 378.   sq.; how long he remained, 274.
Snith, J., his work on " The Voyage and Theudas, why not mentioned byJosephus,
Shipwreck of St. Paul," 411.             110; may have been referred to under
Solomon's Porch, why so called, 76.        a different name, 11.
Sonntag, his explanation of the difficulty Tholuck, on the influence of heathenism,
in regard to Theudas, 110 sq.            245; on Paul's speeches as compared
Spain, Paul's journey to, 462.             with his Epistles, 335; his mode of recSpirit, see Holy Spirit.                   onciling Luke's account of the EgypSt. Paul's Bay, described, 440; visit to, 441;  tian imposter with that of Josephus,
place of the apostle's shipwreck, 443.    359.
St. Philip's Fountain, 157.              Timothy, was a native of Lystra, 252;
Stephanas, his family, 260.                why required to be circumcised, 253;
Stephen, his doctrines, 118; nature of the   whether he rejoined Paul at Athens,
accusation against him, 119; analy-   276; why he was sent from Ephesus
sis of his speech, 120 sq.; Neander's  into Macedonia, 316; could not have
analysis, 121; that of Luger and Baur,   written any part of the Acts, 329;
122; was probably a Hellenist, 123;   Epistles to, 463
difficulties in his discourse examined, Titus, Epistle to, 463
125, 127, 129, 130 sq., 139 sq.; his dy- Toleration, granted by the Romans to the
ing prayer, 145; not the only witness   Jews, 369.
whose blood was shed, 400.             Traditions, among the Jews sanctioned as




476                              INDEX.
true: —in regard to Abraham's first                   W.
call, 125; in regard to the tomb of the
patriarchs, 130 sq.; in regard to the age Wailing, oriental mode of, 146.
of Moses, 135; the giving of the law  Waalch, his Dissertationes, etc., 91.
by the agency of angels, 142 sq.; the WTay Appian, 454.
length of Saul's reign, 216.         Way, those of the, 161, 384.
Tres Tabernce, 454.                    Wiclif, source of his translation, 323.
Troas, correctly distinguished from Mysia, Wieseler, his view of the duration of Pen
255.                                   tecost, 356; his mode of reckoning the
Troq.yllium, name of a town or an island,  twelve days, 383.
333.                                 Windows, how made in Eastern houses
Tyldale, at Wittenberg, 423.            331.
Tyre, the emporium of Phoenicia, 346; Winds, which prevail in the Mediterraits ruins beneath the Sea, 346; the   nean near the end of summer, 412;
gospel preached there at an early pe-   which blow off the land on the coast
riod, 347 sq.                          of Cicilia, 414; as denoting points of
Tyropron, 369.                          the compass, 421; change suddenly
fiom the south to the north, 423 sq.;
U.                    those from the east apt to be lasting,
429; at what rate they would drive a
Undergirding of vessels, how performed,   ship situated like that of Paul on the
426.                                   voyage to Rome, 435.
Unity of the human race, asserted by Winer, limits assigned by him to ProPaul, 289 sq.                          consular Asia, 55; his opinion of the
Unknown God, at Athens, 285.             night-journey to Antipatris, 379.
Upper Room, its use, 41, 331.          Witness inward, of the Spirit, 109.
Ur of the Chaldees, 124.               Women, heathen, converts to Judaism,
Ur.fa, a modern city, 125.               225.
User, his chronology, 125.            Woolsey, President, suggestions of, 274,
449.
V.                   Wordsworth, his Notes on the Acts, 191.
Worship, began at dawn in the temple,
Valetta, 451.                            105; nature of Sabaism, 139; that
Validity of the choice of Matthias as an   of the temple emblematical, 140; perapostle, 48.                           formed at the river-side by the Jews,
Valpy, Notes on N. T., 444.              258.
Vengeance, not imprecated on Simon by
the apostles, 150.                                     Y.
Verbals in ilis, 405.
Via Appia, 454.                        Year of Paul's conversion, 22.
View from the Aci'opolis at Corinth, 296; Yoke, Jewish, 242.
of ruins at Tyre, 346; from Nazareth, Young man, as said of Saul, 144..412.
Vintage, time of in Palestine, 57.
Viper, why extinct in Malta, 446; its hab-              Z.
its, 447.
Virgil, on the dangers of the sea, 431.   Zabianls held that John was the Messiah,
Vizier, Joseph's office in Egypt, 129.  310.
Voiscian Hills, 454.                  Zealots unknown as a sect till after the
Vi'mel, his translation of the twenty-sev-  time of Christ, 42; designated those
enth chapter, 419.                    in the church who contended for JewVow, whether that mentioned in 18, 18  ish rites, 352.
was Paul's or Aquila's, 303; how long Zeal of Paul as a Pharisee, 362.
that of a Nazarite continued, 353.   Zeller, nature of his objections, 87.
Voywa.yes, how  rapidly made in ancient Zion Mount, a burial place, 65.
times, 453.




INDEX II.
THE following are the Contents of the History, with the chapters and verses,
and the pages of the Commentary on which the sections may be found.
Chap. Verse.                                                             Page.
I..1-3 Relation of the Acts to the Gospel of Luke,                 - 33
4, 5 Promise of the Saviour to send the Spirit,  -   -   -               36
6-11 His last Interview with the Disciples, and His Ascension,   - 37
12-14 Return of the Disciples to Jerusalem, -                       40
"    15-22 Address of Peter on the Choice of a new Apostle,       - - - 42
23-26 Appointment of Matthias as an Apostle,   -   -   -                 48
II.    1-4 Descent of the Holy Spirit,    -   -   -   -   -                -   - 50
"     5-13 Impression of the Miracle on the Multitude,    -   -          53
"    14-36 The Discourse of Peter,     -   -   -   -   -   -   - 57
"    37-42 Effect of the Discourse in the Conversion of three Thousand,   68
"    43-47 Benevolence of the First Christians; their Joy, their Increase,   71
III.   1-10 Healing of the lame Man by Peter and John,    -   -   -   73
" 11-26 Testimony of Peter after the Miracle,                         - 76
IV.    1-4 The Imprisonment of Peter and John,         -   -   -   -   85
I t    5-7 Their Arraignment before the Sanhedrim,                    - -  - 87
" 8-12 Testimony of Peter before the Council,         -   -   -          89
" 13-18 Decision of the Sanhedrim, -                   -              - 91
( 19-22 The Answer of Peter and John,                                    92
23-31 The Apostles return to the Disciples, and unite with them in
Prayer and Praise, -                                       93
"    32-37 The Believers are of one Mind, and have all Things common,  96
V.    1-11 The Falsehood of Ananias and Sapphira, and their Death,       98
"    12-16 The Apostles still preach, and confirm  their Testimony by
Miracles,                                                 103
"    17. 25 Renewed Imprisonment of the Apostles, and their Escape,    104
"    26-28 They are arrested again, and brought before the Council,     106
"    29-32 The Answer of Peter, and its effect,                         107
cc   34-39 The Advice of Ganlaliel,     -   -   -   -   -   -   -  109
" 40-42 The Apostles suffer joyfully for Christ, and depart to preach
Him anew, -                                               113
VI.    1-7 Appointment of Alms-Distributers in the Church at Jerusalem,    -   -   -   -   -   -   -   -   -   -   -  114
8-15 The Zeal of Stephen, and his Violent Apprehension,       -   117
Discourse of Stephen before the Sanhedrim,    -       -     120
VII.   1-16 History of the Patriarchs, or the Age of the Promises, -   - 123
"    17-46  Age of Moses, or the Jews under the Law,            -       132
"    47-53 Period of the Temple and the Prophets,                   -  141




478                           INDEX II.
Chap. Verse.                                                         Page.
Vl[.  54-60 TheDeathof Stephen,-          --  143
VII.   1-3 The Burial of Stephen,   -..                145
4-8 The Gospel is preached in Samaria,           *            147
"    9-13 Simon the Sorcerer, and his Professed Belief,   -  - 148
"    14-17 Peter and John are sent to Samaria,                       14i)
18-24 The Hypocrisy of Simon, and its Exposure,                       150
"  25-35 Conversion of the Ethiopian, ---                 -          15
"    36-40 Baptism of the Eunuch,       -    -                     -157
IX.    1-9 Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus,     -       159
"    10-18 Ananias is sent to Saul, and baptizes him,   -   -      - 164
"    19-22 Labors of Paul at Damascus,     -    -   167
"    23-25 The Flight of Paul from Damascus,     -                   167
"   26-31 Paul returns to Jerusalem, and goes thence to Tarsus,      169
"   31-35 Peter preaches at Lydda, and heals a Paralytic,    -     - 171
"  36-43 Peter visits Joppa, -                                       173
X.    1-8 Vision of Cornelius, the Centurion,                       - 174
9-16 The Vision of Peter, -                -.                 176
17-22 The Messengers arrive at Joppa,            -  178
23-33 Peter proceeds to Caasarea, --                                 179
34-43 The Address of Peter,               -                   - 183
"   44-48 Cornelius and others receive the Spirit, and are baptized,  187
XI.   1-18 Peter justifies himself at Jerusalem for his visit to Cornelius, 188
i    19-24 The Gospel is preached at Antioch, -       -190
"   25, 26 Paul arrives at Antioch, and labors there,     -   - -   - 192
"   27-30 Barnabas and Saul are sent with Alms to Jerusalem,       - 193
XII.   1-2 Renewed Persecution at Jerusalem, and Death of James, -  195
IC    3-5 The Imprisonment of Peter, -        -         -          -196
"    6-11 Miraculous Liberation of Peter,   -- -                     197
"    12-17 Peter repairs to the house of Mary, where the Disciples are
praying,                                              - 199
"   18, 19 Trial and Execution of the Soldiers,   -   -   -   -   -  201
"   20-24 Death of Herod Agrippa at Caesarea,                      - 202
25 Barnabas and Saul return to Antioch, -           -     -         204
XIII.   1-3 Barnabas and Saul are sent to preach to the Heathen,    - - 204
"    4-12 The Journey to Cyprus, and its Results,          - -       206
13-15 They proceed to Perga, and thence to Antioch in Pisidia,   - 212
"    16-41 Discourse of Paul at Antioch,    -   -        -  -   -  213
" 42-49 They preach a second time at Antioch,                      - 223
50-52 They are persecuted, and depart to Iconium,              -    225
XIV.   1-7 They preach at Inconium, but are persecuted and flee to Lystra,                                                  - 226
" 8-13 Paul heals a lame Man at Lystra,          -.           229
14-18 Speech of Paul to the Lystrians,                             - 231.19-28 They proceed to Derbe; and then retrace their way to Antioch in Syria,    -                                     233
XV.    1-5 Paul and Barnabas are sent as Delegates to Jerusalem, -   - 238
c    6-12 Speech of Peter in the Assembly, -                    -  241
C    13-21 Speech of the Apostle James,                            -  243
22-29 They appoint Messengers to the Churches, and send a Letter
by them, - -                                           246
"   30-35 Paul and Barnabas return to Antioch,                     - 2149
CC  96-41 Paul and Barnabas resume their Work in different Fields of
Labor,.-                              - -.  250




INDEX II.                                479
Chap. Verse.                                                          Page.
XVI.   1-5 Paul and Silas revisit the Churches and Deliver the Decrees,  252
6-10 They prosecute their Journey to Troas,    -   -   -   -   254
"   11-15 Paul and his Associates arrive in Europe, and preach at Philippi,   --   -   -                                   - 256
16-18 Healing of a Demoniac Woman, -   -   -   -   -   -   261
19-24 Imprisonment of Paul and Silas,                         - 263
"    25-29 An Earthquake shakes the Prison, -265
30-34 Conversion of the Jailer and his Family,    -   -        - 266
"    35-40  They are set at Liberty, and depart from Philippi,   -    268
XVII.   1-4 They proceed to Thessalonica, and preach there, -      -   271
5-9 The Jews accuse Paul and Silas before the Magistrates,  -   273
"    10-13 Paul and Silas proceed to Beroea,                          274
"    14, 15 Paul advances to Athens,.                 275
"    16-18 1 How he is affected by the Idolatry there,             - 276
"    19-21 Paul repairs to Mars' Hill to explain his Doctrine,  -   -   279
"    22-31 Speech of Paul on Mars' Hill,              -            - 284
"    32-34 Paul is interrupted, and leaves the Assembly,   -   -      294
XVIII.  1-11 Arrival of the Apostle at Corinth, and his Labors there,    - 295, 12-17 Paul is arraigned before Gallio,                              300
"    18-22 Paul proceeds by the way of Ephesus and Cesarea to Jerusalem, and thence to Antioch,     -                        302
23 Departure of Paul on his Third Missionary Tour,   -       306
"    24-28 Apollos comes to Ephesus, and is more fully instructed in the
Gospel, -                                                306
XIX.   1-7 Paul comes to Ephesus, and re-baptizes certain Disciples of
John,                                                   309
C    8-12 Paul preaches at Ephesus, and confirms the Word by Miracles, 311
13-17 The Defeat of certain Jewish Exorcists,   -   -   -       313
18-20 Many are converted, and confess their Sins, -   -   -   - 314
"21, 22 The Apostle proposes to leave Ephesus,      -   -   -   315
"    23-27 Demetrius excites a Tumult at Ephesus,     -   -   -   - 317
"    28-34 The Mob seize two of Paul's Companions and rush to the
Theatre, -                                              319
" 35-40 Speech of the City-Recorder, who quells the Uproar and disperses the Multitude, -                                322
XX.    1-6 Paul proceeds a second time to Greece, and returns from there
to Troas,   -                                           324
"    7-12 Paul preaches at Troas, and administers the Sacrament,    - 329
13-16  He and his companions advance to Miletus,    -   -            332
17-35 Address of Paul to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus,    -   - 334
36-38 He prays with the Elders, and embarks again,  -           -     343
XXI.   1-6 They continue the Voyage to Tyre,            -            - 344
"     7-16 From Tyre they proceed to Ptolemais, and thence to Cmsarea
r         and Jerusalem,                                           347
"    17-26 Paul assumes a Vow, to conciliate the Jewish Believers,   - 350
"c   27-30 He is seized by the Jews, and dragged from the Temple,     355
"    31-40 The Roman Commander rescues Paul from the hands of the
Jews,  357
XXII.  1-21 Paul's Speech on the Stairs of the Castle,    -   -      - 361
22-29 He pleads his Roman Citizenship, and escapes the Torture,   366
CC     30 He is examined before the Sanhedrim,    -   -   -           369
XXIII. 1-10 Paul's Speech before the Jewish Council,       -.         - 370
11-15 A Conspiracy of the Jews to slay him,    -        - -      374




480                           INDEX II.
Chap.  Verse.  Page.
XXIII. 16-22 i The Plot is made known to the Roman Commander,           375
23-30 The Letter of Lysias to Felix,    -       -376
"    31-35 Paul is sent to Felix at Cnsarea,          -               378
XXIV.  1-9 Tertullus accuses Paul before Felix, --                 -    380
"   110-23 The Apostle's Defence before Felix,    -  382
"    24-27 Paul testifies before Felix and Drusilla,    -             387
XXV.   1-5 Festus refuses to bring Paul to Jerusalem,          -        389
"     6-12 Paul appeals from Festus to Ccsar, -    -    -390
"   13-22 Festus confers with Agrippa concerningo Paul,    -     -   392
"   23-27 Paul is brought before Agrippa, -     -395
XXVI.  1-23 His Speech before Agrippa,                                - -396
"  124-29 Answer of Paul to Festus, -                                 405
"   ]30-32 Agrippa pronounces him innocent,                           408
XXVII.t  1-5 Paul embarks at Coesarea for Rome, and proceeds as far as
Myra, -                                                  408
[.612 Incidents of the Voyage from Myra to Crete,              - 414
i13-16 A Storm rages and drives the vessel to Claude, -422
( 17-20 They undergird and lighten the ship, but despair of safety,   426
21-26 The Apostle cheers them with the hope of Deliverance,     432
/27-32 The Discovery of Land, and frustrated Attempt of the Mariners to desert the Ship,                          -     434
i33-38 Paul renews his Assurance that their Lives would be saved,   437
]39-44 The Shipwreck. Those on board escape to the Shore,      - 440
XXVIII 1-10 Their Abode during the Winter at Melita,            -        444
"   11-16 Prosecution of the Journey to Rome, -                       450
" 17-22 Paul meets with the Chief Men of the Jews at Rome,       456
"   23-29 His Second Interview with the Jews                       - 459
"   30,31 Condition of the Apostle during his Captivity,  -           460




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(1)




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IMIPORT-ANT WOORKS.
ANALYTICAL CONCORDANCE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES; or, The Bible presented
under Distinct and Classified Heads or Topics. By JOHN EnDmr, D.D., LL.I)., author of Biblical Cyclpcedia;
Dictionary of the Bible, etc., etc. One Volume, royal octavo, 836 pp. Cloth, $3; Sheep, $3.50. Just Published.
The publishers would call the special attention of Clergymen and others, to some of the peculiar features of this
great work.
1. It is a concordance of sul'ects, not of words. In this it differs from the common concordance, which, of course,
it does not supersede. Both are necessary to the Biblical student.
2. It embraces all the topics, both secular and religious, which are naturally suggested by the entire contents of
the Bible. In this it differs from the Scripture Manuals and Topical Text-books, which are confined to religious or
doctrinal topics.
3. It contains the whole of the Bible without abridgment, differing in no respectfrom the Bible in common use,
except in the classification of its contents.
4. It contains a synopsis, separate from the concordance, presenting, within the compass of a few pages, a
bird's-eye view of the whole contents.
5. It contains a table of contents, embracing nearly two thousand heads, arranged in alphabetical order.
6. It is much superior to the only other work in the language, prepared on the same general plan, and is offered
to the public at much less cost.
7. The purchaser gets not only a Concordance. but also a Bi le, in this volume. The superior convenience arising
out of this faet,-sasving, as it does, the necessity of having two books at hand, and of making two references,
instead of one,-will be readily apparent.
The general subjects (under each of which there are a vast number of sub-divisions) are arranged as follows,
viz.:- Agriculture-Animals-Architecture-AArmv-Arms-Body-Canaan-Convent-Diet and Dress-Disease,
and Death —Earth —Family —Genealogy-God-Heav en-Idolatry-Idols-Jesus Christ-Jews-Laws —Magistrates
-SMan —Iarria(e-TMetals and Minerals —Ministers of Religion —Miracles-Occupations-Ordinances-Parables and
Emblems-Persecution-Praise and Prayer-Prophecy-Providence-Rledemption-Sabbaths and Holy DaysSacrifice-Scriptures-Speech —Spirits —Tabernacle and Temple-Vineyard and Orchard-Visions and DreamsWar-Water.
MENTAL  PIIILOSOPHY; including  the Intellect, Sensibilities, and Will.  By  JOSEPtH
HAVEN, Professor of Intellectual and Moral Philosophy, Amherst College. Royal 12mo., cloth $1.50.
Prof. Park, of Andover, having examined a large portion of the work in manuscript, says, I It is iSTINGOuISOEI)
for its clearness of style, perspicuity of method, candor of spirit, acumen, and comprehensiveness of thought. I
have been heartily interested in it."
II As a text book, it is possessed of rare merit. "-I-Y. Y. Evangelist.
Immediately on its publication, this work was adopted as a text book in Brown lUniversily, 11t. liolyo7;e
SenLLary, Asehlerst Colle3e, Spina3ler Institute, N. Y. Worcester l'nmale C)lleyje, and others.
THE  GREYSON  LETTERS; Correspondence of R. E. II. GREYSON, Esq   Edited by
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Mr. " GREYSON'I and Mr. ROGERS are one and the same person. —" The Letters are intellectual gems, radiant
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reflections, and written in an attractive style."'-Boston Couieir.  " Full of entertainment, and full of food for
thought.' —Pheila. Presbyterian.
IIISTORY  OF CHURCH  MUSIC IN  AMERICA.  Treating of its peculiarities at different
periods; its legitimate use and its abuse; with Criticisms, Cursory Remarks, and Notices relating to Composers,
Teachers, Schools, Choirs, Societies, Conventions, Books, etc   By NATIIANIEL D. GOULD, Author of Social
Icarmenony; Church Harmony; Sacred Minstrel, etc. 12mo., cloth, 75 cents.
THE LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN FOSTER.  Author of Decision of
Character, Essays, etc. Edited by J. E. RYLAND, with notices of MIr. FOSTER, as a Preacher and Companion.
By JOEIN SHEPPARD. A new edition, teeo volumes in one, 700 pages. 12mo, cloth, $1.25.
[MALCOM'IS (NEW) BIBLE  DICTIONARY  of the most important Names, Objects, and
Terms, found in the Holy Scriptures; intended principally for Sabbath School Teachers and Bible Classes  By
Rev. HOWARDn MALCOe31, D.D., President of Lewisburg College, Pa. 16mo, cloth, 60 cts.
A COMMENTARY ON THE ORIGINAL TEXT OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
By HORATIO B. HAnCKEMr, D.D., Prof. of Biblical Literature and Interpretation, in the Newton Theo. Institution.
A    This most important and very popular work, has been thoroughly revised (some parts being entirely
rewritten), and considerably enlarged by the introduction of important new matter, the result of the Author's
continued laborious investigations, since the publication of the first edition, aided by the more recent published
criticisms by other distinguished Biblical Scholars, in this country and in Europe.
CRUDEN'S CONDENSED CONCORDANCE; a New and Complete Concordance to the
Holy Scriptures. By ALEXANDER CRUIDEN  Revised and Re-edited by the Rev. DAVr  I INxG, LL.D. Octavo, cloth
backs, $1.25.
The principal variation from the larger book, consists in the exclusion of the Bible Dictionary (which has always
been an incumbrance), the condensation of the quotations of Scripture, arranged under their most obvious heads,
which, while it diminishes the bulk of the work, greatlyfacilitates the finding of any required passage.
We have, in this edition of Cruden, the best made better; that is, the present is better adapted to the purposes
of a Concordance, by the erasure of superfluous references, the omission of unnecessary explanations, and the
contraction of quotations, etc. It is better as a manual, and better adapted by its price, to the means of many who
need and ought to possess such a work, than the former large and expensive edition.-Puritan Recorder.
GOULD & LINCOLN, Publishers, Boston.
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JIMIPOBRTANT WORKS.
KITTO'S POPULAR CYCLOPJEDIA OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE. Condensed from
the larger work. By the Author, JOHN Krvro, D.D., author of Pictorial Bible; History of Palestine; Scripture
Daily Readings, etc. Assisted by JAMES TAYLOR, D.D., of Glasgow. With over five hundred Illustrations.
One volume, octavo, 812 pp., cloth, $3.
This CYCLOPADIA is designed to furnish a DIcmnONARY OF THE BIBLE, while at the same time it answers the place of
a COMnESTARY, embodying the products of the best and most recent researches in biblical literature, in which the
scholars of Europe and America have been engaged. The work, the result of immense labor and research, is, by
universal consent, pronounced the best work of its class extant. It is not only intended for ministers and theological
students, but is also particularly adapted to parents, Sabbath-school teachers, and the great body of the religious public.
A condensed view of the various branches of Biblical Science comprehended in the work.
1. BIBLICAL CRITICISM.-Embracing the History of the Bible Languages; Canon of Scripture; Literary History
and Peculiarities of the Sacred Books; Formation and History of Scripture Texts.
2. HIsroRY.-Proper Names of Persons; Biographical Sketches of prominent Characters; Detailed Accounts of
important events recorded in Scripture; Chronology and Genealogy of Scripture.
3. GEOGRAPHY.-Names of Places; Description of Scenery; Boundaries and Mutual Relations of the Countries
mentioned in Scripture, so far as necessary to illustrate the Sacred Text.
4. ARCHsOLOGY.-Manners and Customs of the Jews and other nations mentioned in Scripture; their Sacred
Institutions, Military Affairs, Political Arrangements, Literary, and Scientific Pursuits.
5. PHYSIcaL SscENCE.-Scripture Cosmogony and Astronomy, Zoology, Mineralogy, Botany, Meteorology.
In addition to numerous flattering notices and reviews, personal letters from more than fifty of the most distinguished Ministers and Laymen of different religious denominations in the country have been received, highly
commending this work as admirably adapted to ministers, Sabbath-school teachers, heads of families, and all
Bible students.
The following extract of a letter is a fair specimen of individual letters received from each of the gentlemen
whose names are given below:-;" I have examined it with special and unalloyed satisfaction. It has the rare merit of being all that it professes
to be; and very few, I am sure, who may consult it, will deny that, in richness and fulness of detail, it surpasses
their expectation. Many ministers will find it a valuable auxiliary; but its chief excellence is, that it furnishes
just the facilities which are needed by the thousands in families and Sabbath-schools who are engaged in the important business of biblical education. It is, in itself, a library of reliable information. "
W. B. Sprague, D.D., Pastor of Second Presbyterian Church, Albany, N. Y. —J. J. Carruthers, D.D., Pastor of
Second Parish Congregational Church, Portland, Me.-Joel Hawes, D.D., Pastor of First Congregational Church,
Hartford, Ct.-Daniel Sharp, D.D., late Pastor of Third Baptist Church, Boston. —N. L. Frothingham, D.D., late
Pastor of First Congregational Church (Unitarian), Boston. —Ephraim Peabody, D.D., Pastor of Stone Chapel Congregational Church (Unitarian), Boston.-A. L. Stone, Pastor of Park Street Congregational Church, Boston.John S. Stone, D.D., Rector of Christ Church (Episcopal), Brooklyn, N. Y. —J. B. Waterbury, D.D., Pastor of
Bowdoin Street Church (Congregational), Boston.-Baron Stow, D.D., Pastor of Rowe Street Baptist Church, Boston.
-Thomas H. Skinner, D.D., Pastor of Carmine Street Presbyterian Church, N. Y.-Samuel M. Worcester, D.D., Pastor
of the Tabernacle Church (Congregational), Salem.-Horace Bushnell, D.D., Pastor of Third Congregational Church
Hartford, Ct.-Right Reverend J. M. Wainwright, D.D., Trinity Church (Episcopal), N. Y.-Gardner Spring, D.D.,
Pastor of the Brick Church Chapel, Presbyterian Church, N. Y. —W. T. Dwight, D.D., Pastor of Third Congregational
Church, Portland, Me.-E. N. Kirk, Pastor of Mount Vernon Congregational Church, Boston.-Prof. George Bush,
author of Notes on the Scriptures, N. Y.-Howard Malcom, D.D., author of Bible Dictionary, and President of
Lewisburg University.-Henry J. Ripley, D.D., author of Notes on the Scriptures, and Prof. in Newton Thee.
Ins.-N. Porter, Prof. in Yale College, New Haven, Ct.-Jared Sparks, Edward Everett, Theodore Frelinghuysen,
Robert C. Winthrop, John McLean, Simon Greenleaf, Thomas S. Williams,-and a large number of others of like
character and standing of the above, whose names can not here appear.
HISTORY OF PALESTINE, from the Patriarchal Age to the Present Time; with Introductory Chapters on the Geography and Natural History of the Country, and on the Customs and Institutions of
the Hebrews. By JOHN Irrro, D.D. With upward of two hundred Illustrations. 12mo. cloth, $1.25.
A very full compendium of the geography and history of Palestine, from the earliest era mentioned in Scripture,
to the present day; not merely a dry record of boundaries, and the succession of rulers, but an intelligible account
of the agriculture, habits of life, literature, science, and art, with the religious, political, and judicial institutions
of the inhabitants of the Holy Land in all ages. The descriptive portions of the work are increased in value by
numerous wood-cuts. A more useful and instructive book has rarely been published.-N. Y. Commercial.
Whoever will read this book till he has possessed himself thoroughly of its contents, will, we venture to say, read
the Bible with far more intelligence and satisfaction during all the rest of his life.-Puritan Recorder.
Beyond all dispute, this is the best historical compendium of the Holy Land, from the days of Abraham to those
of the late Pasha of Egypt, Mehemet Ali.-Edinburgh Review.
Abb In the numerous notices and reviews the work has been strongly recommended, as not only admirably
adapted to thefamily, but also as a text book for Sabbath and week7-day schools.
A TREATISE ON BIBLICAL CRITICISM; Exhibiting a Systematic View of that Science.
By SAMUEL DAVIDSON, D.D., of the University of Halle.  Revised and enlarged edition, two elegant octavo
volumes, cloth, $5.
These volumes contain a statement of the sources of criticism, such as the MSS. of the Hebrew Bible and Greek
Testament, the principal versions of both, quotations from them in early writers, parallels,-every thing, in short,
is discussed, which properly belongs to the criticism of the text, comprehending all that comes under the title of
General Introduction, in Introductions to the Old and New Testaments.
GOULD & LINCOLN, Publishers, Boston.
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