.. -— I I -, Ibp, I. I. THE ~FILIPIITLON FJA S"AVAGES? What Am'erica'n Officials Say..What the Encyclopdias Say. WVhat a Filipino -Says. PUBLISHED BY THE ANTI-I-MPERIALIST LEAGUE OF NEW YORK 150 NASSAU STREEFr. BFF~~4Q 0~n V E4WZ4 LI t) "' ARE THE FILIPINOS SAVAGES? Governor Roosevelt justifies the war for the forcible annexation of the Philippines on the ground that the people are "savages." This is, perhaps, the best excuse offered for this war, but in offering it the Governor shows more than his customary recklessness of statement. The testimony of our representatives in the island-even of the military men-concurs wvth that of geographers in declaring that the Filipinos have attained as high a level of civilization as any people of Spanish-America. What American Officials Say: ADMIRAL DEWEY cabled the.President as follows:. "In my opinion these people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races." BRIGADIER GENERAL CHARLES KING confirmed the Admiral's testimony in terms even stronger. On-June 2z, I899, he wrote: "The capability of the Filipinos for self-government cannot be doubted; nine-tenths of the people-read and write; all are skilled artisans in one way or another. In my opinion they.rank far higher than the Cubans." GENERAL ANDERSON'S testimony differed from those only in that he compared the Filipinos with the Japanese. His words were as follows: "I regard the Filipinos as being not far below the Japanese in intelligence and capability of culture. Nearly. all can read and write; they have many schools, and there are a number of newspapers. Their cities are populous and well laid out and kept. Their taste and aptitude for music is inherently remarkable." EX-MINISTER BARRETT, the arch-imperialist, who champions militarism more eagerly than military officers themselves, compared the Filipinos with the Japanese in terms almost equally promising for the future of the Philippines if they are allowed the same independence the world, under our lead, has allowed Japan. His words were, in speaking of Aguinaldo: "He captured all the Spanish garrisons on the island of Luzon outside of Manila, so that when the Americans were ready to proceed against the city they were not delayed and 'troubled by a country campaign. Moreover, he has organized a government which has practically been administering the affairs of that great island since the American occupation of Manila, and which is certainly better. than the former administration; he has a properly formed Cabinet and Congress, the members of which in appearance and manners would compare favorably with Japanese statesmen," Our Consuls, WILLIAMS, of Manila, and WILDMAN, of Hong Kong, were still stronger in their commendation of the Philippine government, the latter writing as follows: "Whatever the outcome of our policy in the Philippines will be, the islands will ever owe a debt of deep gratitude to Aguinaldo. He has made life and property safe; preserved order, and encouraged a continuation of agricultural aind industrial pursuits. He has made brigandage and loot unprofitable; respected private property; forbidden excess either in revenge or in the name of the State, and made a woman's honor safer in Luzon that it has been for 300 years." What the Encyclopedias Say. Perhaps Governor Roosevelt will plead that he had never read the reports of any of our representatives in the Philippines, and'did nofthave them in reach when he prepare.d -his Philadelphia speech. Why then did he niot,.ut. p-his encyclopedias and read what they -'said.:' ' ' He would have found in the Brittanica that even the unchristianized tribes, for the most part, are not savages,,but peaceful agriculturalists. Each of these tribes, furthermore, is small, and the fact that there are over a score of them signifies no more than the fact that there are over a score of Indian tribes in Mexico. Indeed, the Indian tribes of Mexico constitute a far greater part of the whole population and offer a 'far greater hindrance to national unity. In Mexico full-blooded Indians form one-third of the whole population and mixed breeds another third. Yet the Mexican people are not only fit for self-government, but by universal admission they have been advancing in.5 civilization by leaps and bounds ever since we expelled the alien government of Maximilian and left the Indian Liberal leader Juarez at the head of the republic. In the Philippines racial unity is far more complete. Except the Negritos and the Chinese immigrants, all the people are of the same race. Chamber's Enclycopedia classifies thm as follows: Aborigins (Negritos)................ 20,000 Pagan Malays (about twenty tribes).. 380,000 Mohammedan Malays, about....... 300,000 Christian Malays (Tagals and Visayans), about.................. 6,ooo,ooo The Mohammedan tribes which live in the commercially worthless/southern island are accorded the government of their choice, their King, the Sultan of Sulu, being placed on the pay-roll of our national government'. It is the populous northern islands whose people are denied the right to establish a republic. In these islands nine-tenths of the people. have been Catholics for generations. Upon what ground does Governor Roosevelt. claim that the administration is merely waging war against home rule for "savages?" What a Filipino Says: Governor Roosevelt's charge against the Filipinos, when repeated, in a slightly different form in his St. Paul speech, attracted the attention of Sixto Lopez, who was formerly the Secretary of the Filipino Cornmission in Washington, and is now living in London. Senor Lopez's reply would take high rank in the political literature of any people. It is addressed to Governor Roosevelt and reads as follows: 0) Dear Sir:-I have read your remarkable speech delivered recently at St. Paul, Minn., in which you charge the Filipinos with being the "precise analogies" of the Boxers and Apaches, and our Government with being a "bloody Aguinaldian oligarchy." Nothing appeals to the best human emotions so much as the spectacle of a brave man. Permit me to say that I cordially join with the American people in admiration of the chief of the Rough Riders. But, while admiring your achievements as a soldier and a fearless reformer, my admiration ceases when you strike at what I believe to be the truth. Indeed, I am afraid that your brilliant career may receive a check in the unequal contest, for truth has never yet been vanquished. I cannot believe that a gentleman and a soldier will make serious charges against an opponent without being in possession of absolute proof of the truth of his statements. Consequently, if your charges are true, I must cease to be a champion of the cause of my people. If they are false, you ought to cease to be the champion of yours. Therefore, in the.name of my countrymen, for whom you and your colleagues have made such lavish professions of friendship, I challenge you to furnish proof of the truth of your charges or else withdraw them. Let me draw your attention to the circumstances as we Filipinos view them. You come to our country. You call us "dear General/Aguinaldo." You ask, accept, and profit by our aid in the defeat of your enemy. You deliver Spanish prisoners over to our charge; you place a large number of your own sick and wounded practically in our care. When y!our enemy lias been defeated you turn upon us, shoot us down by thousands, and when our resistance is greater than you anticipated you declare that we are the "precise analogies" of Boxers and Apaches, and him you once styled "dear General," when you required his aidc, you now refer to as "bloody Aguinaldo." Honor bright, do you consider all this as consistent with the conduct of a gentleman and a soldier? There is only one escape-prove your charges. Look at it in another light: You are powerful and wealthy. You can bring to your task of extermination the most deadly weapons of so-called civilized warfare. Your soldiers are well armed, well fed, well quartered. We, on the contrary, are without wealth, and without a single field piece. We shave. very few arms and inferior ammunition. We have only such food as our soldiers can find in forest and mountain, and we have to live in swamps, jungles, exposed to every weather. The contest is thus fearfully unequal, but of this we have not complained. Our Philippine mothers and sisters have "silenced the pang" when an Imperialist shell or bullet has robbed them of husband, father, or brother. We have fought fairly; even your own officers have admitted that we "have conducted the war fairly and in accordance with the customs of modern war." Yet, not content with having all advantages on your side, you would not try to take from us our good name. How pitiable! How infinitesimal! A brave man will always sympathize with the "smaller dog." A worthy foeman will be generous to his weaker opponent. A gentleman and a soldier will not heap dishonor upon his adversary, Do you believe these mere truisms? Then there is only one escape: Prove your charges. Indeed, you ought to have proved the charges when making them. Honor, fair play, the generosity you should have shown to a weaker opponent who is absent, all proclaim that you ought to have given proof at the time. But let that pass. It is not too late even now. It will not, however, suffice to appeal to imagination or assumption, to rumor, or unfounded report. Such rumors and reports cut both ways. There have been as many evil reports against the American soldiers as against the Filipinos. Your own Commissioners admit "isolated occurrences, regretable, indeed, but incident to every war"; but they do not "feel called upon to answer idle tales without foundation in fact." Why do you and they not apply this noble reasoning to the Filipinos? Similar charges have been made against Boer and Briton, against Unlion and Federal, against every army in active war since time immenmorial. We also admit "isolated occurrences," which we regret. But you, sir, have charged us collectively with being the vilest of the vile. Every consideration of honor and fair play demands that you shall furnish, not "idle tales without foundation in fact," but absolute proof. But, not content with declaring us to be vile, you proceed to infer hypothetical acts of vileness. You declare that if the Filipinos had gained control "the streets of Manila would have witnessed such scenes as those of the streets of Pekin." Fortunately, I 'can prove that you are wrong. The city of Iloilo was a "precise analogy" to Manila. It 9 - contained a large foreign population and. a Spanish garrison. The city was besieged and finally capitulated to Aguinaldo's troops. It was under his absolute control for a considerable time. There was no massacre, no looting; not even petty lawlessness. On the contrary, life and property were efficiently protected, and both the' foreign and native inhabitants admit that the city had never been better governed and policed. Under similar circumstances, what would the Boxers have done? If we are the "precise analogies" of the Boxers, let us carry your analogy further and see where it will lead you: The people of America' will be surprised to learn that Admiral Dewey telegraphed to the chief of the Boxers, "Dear General Prince Tuan, come as soon as possible"; or that he wrote to the State Department: "These Boxers are far superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-government than the native. of Cuba,.and I am familiar with both races. Further acquaintance with the Boxers confirms me in this opinion." received Tuan on board the Olympia in the Gulf of They will also be surprised to learn that the Admiral Pe-Chi-Li; that he handed over to him some thousands of European prisoners, and many of his own sick and wounded, and that he declared, "I have frequently advised Tuan to conduct the war humanely, which he has done invariably." These statements are not true, but they are the "precise analogies" of your charges. Enough. We are prepared to abide by the verdict of all fair-minded people in America.' We have only to ask comparison of Aguinaldo's and our soldiers' treat meent of the Spanish prisoners-upon whom we had every incentive to mete out a just vengeance on account of their having outraged every principle of humanity, morality, and law, but our treatment of whom General Whittier declared to be "deserving of the praise of the world"-with the treatment now being meted out to that gallant band of foreigners in Pekin, whose only fault is that they are foreigners. 'With the belief that you will either prove your charges of withdraw them, and offer the amende honorable, I have the honor to be, etc., SIXTo LOPuZ. A fortnight has gone by since the publication of this letter, but Governor Roosevelt's reply is not yet at hand. -.; For copies. address the Anti-Imperialist League of New York, J5o Nassau Street, or P. 0. Box Ir.1, New York City. AI 4~f