~\ iI- ~,ANDREW OARN~EQ1
&I'llZJ


7'7
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THE FILLPINO*. PEOPLE


ASK JUSTICE






* SPEECH
oF'
HON. MANUEL L. Q0      ZO
-  O~   TH   PHILIP INE
IN MHE


HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
FE BRUARY 13, 1913


83083-11807


WASHINGTON
1913


I
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6'rPR ~'ttjJ9




SPEECH
OF
-HON. MANUEL L. QUEZON.
The House in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the
Union had under consideration the bill (H. R. 28607) making appropriations for the Diplomatic and Consular Service for the fiscal year
ending June 30. 1914.
Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, after listening to two of the
most brilliant gentlemen in this House for nearly two hours
speaking with absolute self-assurance of the country where I
was born and have lived all my life, I feel that I have lost my
country because I can not find it. I do not recognize from their
description the Archipelago of the Philippines, nor can I
identify in what they have said the Filipino people-my own
people. Far be it from me to harbor the slightest thought of
charging these wise and distinguished gentlemen with deliberate
purpose to misinform the House. I know them both well and
have for neither anything but the highest regard and respect.
They have merely conveyed to the House in the very best of
faith their own misinformation.
Some time ago I heard the story of a friar who lived for 70
years and then died in the Philippine Islands.
As a preacher he went from town to town mingling with the
people of all classes, living with them in their own houses and
eating their food. He spoke their language. With all these
opportunities he devoted himself to the study of the characteristics of the Filipino people for the purpose of writing a book
on this subject. When he-died a large volume was found in his
bedroom inscribed with these words, "My Knowledge of the
Filipino People." Those who first saw the book were greatly
pleased. Knowing the qualifications of the author, they anticipated that the work would be a valuable contribution to
knowledge. There would appear, they thought, with its lights
and shadows, the life of a new country. Eagerly they opened
the volume. But what a disappointment!    Not a line was
written there. And yet in those blank pages soke plainly as
well as eloquently the wisdom of a student. That is one story.
Here is another in contrast to it. There are gentlemen who devote 5, 10, or even 30 minutes of their time to reading a small
part of a report. At most they will make a flying trip through
the islands for 10, 15, or 30 days, admirethe beautiful scenery
of my country, "take a look" at my people, without mingling
with them, without listening to the words that their hearts and
their minds would speak; and then proceed to say, "I know all
about the Philippines." [Applause and laughter.]
And they want you, Mr. Chairman, to take them as authorities on things Philippine. It is often true that after we have
read something in print about a country or have seen a part
of it. we feel satisfied that we may with authority speak of
83683-11867                                      3




4
that country. When we do so speak. when in speaking we use
our own language, our mastery of a tongue which we have
used from our childhood gives the advantage of presenting our
ideas so brilliantly that we ilmpress our audience with the
belief that we really know of what we are talking. [Laughter
and applause.]
Ah, Mr. Chairman, you may read the history of a country
and learn it by heart. You may know its statistics; the extent
of the population; what proportion of its people can read and
write, and how many can speak this, that, or the other language;
how much they sell and produce; but to know the people, their
characteristics, capabilities, and shortcomings, is not necessarily
to know their numbers, their literacy, or their internal or foreign
trade. To know a people you must not only live with them for a
number of years, but share their feelings, possess a sympathy for
their aspirations, and, most important of all, be broad minded
enough to abandon race prejudice and fixed views on the superiority of one civilization over another. You must be so
elastic as to take the place of those whom you are studying,
and from their points of view consider their life and deeds.
This is emphatically true in the case of any occidental country
when studied by an occidental. But it is very much more true
in the case of an oriental people because of the infinitely greater
difficulty an occidental finds in knowing them. There is not as
yet any American who has the qualifications I have mentioned
to express an opinion about the Philippines. The high authorities on things Philippine cited by the gentleman from Pennsyl-vania [Mr. OLMSTED] are, as we shall demonstrate presently,
altogether lacking in those qualifications.
Mr. TOWNSEND. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. QUEZON. Certainly.
Mr. TOWNSEND. How many years did the gentleman from
New York [Mr. REDFIELD] live in the Philippine Islands?
Mr. QUEZON. I understand he went there on a short trip —
perhaps a month.
Mr. TOWNSEND. Only one month?
Mr. QUEZON. Yes.
Mr. TOWNSEND. Oh, I thought he had lived there for some
years.
Mr. QUEZON. Oh, never.
Mr. MURRAY. Will the gentleman tell us how long the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. JosNE] was there?
Mr. QUEZON. Mr. Chairman, what I say about the Philippines and the Filipinos is not based upon the authority of the
gentleman from Virginia; it is-based upon my own authority. I
want to tell the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. MURRAY]
that I was born in the Philippine Islands, that I have lived
there all of my life, that I have studied my country, and that I
have studied my people. I have devoted my life to their service, and I shall do so as long as God gives me breath. [Applause.]
Having said so much by way of introduction, I shall now
proceed to answer specifically the statements of the gentleman
from  Pennsylvania [Mr. OLMSTED] and the gentleman from
New York [Mr. REDFIELD]. But let us remember, lest it may
be forgotten, that the gentleman from Pennsylvania has admitted, in answer to a question I put to him in the course
of his remarks. that he has never been in the Philippines, and
83GS8-311867




5
he will admit, I think, that he has not devoted a great deal of
-his time to the study of Philippine questions. As for the gentleman from   New York, his personal knowledge can not be
more than "impressions" obtained from a short and-flying
trip which he has made to the islands.
Curiously enough, the statements made and arguments presented by both of these gentlemen are in cases similar and in
others absolutely identical. With only two exceptions, to which
I shall presently refer, the speech of the gentleman from New
York is either textually or in thought contained in the speech
of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. This last being the more
extensive and elaborate of the two, I shall address myself
mainly to it.
PHILIPPINE INDEPENDENCE BILL.
The first part of the speech of the gentleman from Pennsylvania was devoted to a brief discussion of the bill now pending before the House, H. R. 22143, entitled "A bill to establish a qualified independent government for the Philippines and';//
to fix the date when such qualified independence shall become
absolute and complete, and for other purposes."
He calls this bill " remarkable and dangerous."  I shall not
occupy the time of the House at present in discussing the merits
of this bill. I hope it will soon be brou   up for discussion,
and with all the power at my comman d      shall then support
it. Just now.I wish merely to say that the people of the
Philippines have approved it. The Philippine Assembly, on December 10, 1912, passed a resolution unanimously indorsing it,
which in part is as follows:
Resolved by the Philippine Assembly, That it is the opinion of the
assembly that the Jones bill contains those provisions which confirm
and ratify conclusively the demands of the people, based on their
present capacity to govern themselves, and that it is its sense that said.
bill completely closes the indefinite, absurd, and notoriously unpopularperiod of apprenticeship, against which the people have been protesting
to this day, the Filipino Government created by said bill being given
only the time necessary for studying, continuing, and completing the
fundamental organization of the Filipino republic;
Resolved further, That the Congress and the President of the United
States be, and they hereby are, petitioned through the Philippine Resident Commissioners in Washington to approve the Jones bill at this -.
regular session of the Congress of the United States;
Resolved further, That in case the Jones bill can not be approved
during said session the new President of the United States be, and he
hereby is, petitioned that if a special session of Congress is called he
recommend to it- in his message the consideration of the aforesaid
bill; and
Resolved, finally, That copies of this resolution be forwarded to the v
Resident Commissioners, the House of Representatives, the Senate, and
the President of the United States.
I have also in my possession copies of the resolutions passed
by every municipality in the archipelago indorsing this bill.,j
IM~PROVEMENT OF THE BILL,
I do not doubt that certain provisions of the bill may be
improved. In fact, in the opinion of the Filipino people. it
could, and would be improved by shortening the time within
which absolute independence shall be granted. But the essential
~thing which makes the bill popular among the Filipinos is that
it is a signal change from an indefinite, ambiguous, and obnoxious policy to an open, fraink, and honest pledge of Philippine independence within a reasonable time and under wise
safeguards.
83083-11867




6


DR. SCHURMAN ON' TIE INDEPENDENCE BILL.
As it may interest the gentleman from Pennsylvania to read
thie opinion of President Schurman, of Cornell University, on
this bill, I shall print it in connection with my remarks. Presideint Schurlman,. Itepnblicall like the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. OL.MSTrD], hls had the advantage-that the latter'
has not had-of knowing the Filipino people by personal contact, for he wa1s in the Philippines a much longer time than
the gentleman from New York [Mr. RIEDFIELD], and was charged.
as ch'airmhaiLuQf the tirst Philippine Commission appointed by
President McKinley, with the duty of investigating the conditions in the Philippines. Here is President Schurlan's opinion:
I think no honest mind can carefully and imparti'lly.study this bill
without recognizing it as a great piece of constructive statesmanship.
It conserves the best interests both of the people of the United States
and the people of the Philippine Islands, while at the same time it
expresses loyalty to their highest political ideals and aspirations. And
it minimizes the risk which is inseparable from every great legislative
measure by establishing a period of probation and experiment before the
final policy is irrevocably realized.
PElIOD OF ILLUSION. IS OVER.
The period of illusion with regard to American sovoreignty' over the
Philippine Islands has passed away. That sovereignty is no longer
*regarded by the American peop)le as an advantage: they now know that
in annexing the Philippines they assumed a heavy burden and a grave
responsibility. This is not to say that the course followed by our
Government in 1898 and 1899 was not the right course. I for one.
believe that no other policy could at that timne have been properly and
safely adopted. But the question before us to-day concerns not only
our doings in the past. but our proposals for the present and the future.
What shall we do with the Philippine Islands over which, as a matter
of fact, American sovereignty now extends? They are not of financial
advantage to the United States, but a disadvantage and a burden. And
the continued enforCement of our sovereignty upon 7.000,00Qcivllized
and Christian Filipinos is a defiance of their aspirations anf-a violation of our own political ideals and traditions.
The American people have never declared that they proposed to retain
permanent control of the Philippine Islands.   On the contrary, Ibelieve it is the desire and the intention of the American people to
relinquish sovereignty over the Philippine Archipelago just as soon as
the Filipinos express their. desire for independence and show their
(capacity for exercising it. The people of the Philippine Islands hav.e
already unanimoisly and repeatedly expressed their desire for independence. Theit participation in the government of the islands since
their cession to the United States strikingly evinces their capacity for
self-government. * But in order that further demonstration may he
afforded, the bill under consideration proposes to give them the exclusive management of their own affairs, subject to veto of their legislation either by the President or the Congress of the United States, for a
_jeriod of eight years during which, while the president of the Philipline Republic shall be appointed by the President of the United States
and confirmed by the S(nate, all other officials of government-legislative, executive, and judicial-shall be elected or appointed by the Filipilioys tlemseilves or their diuly constituted authorities. And duting
this lprobationary period all treaties and commercial conventions which
the Plhilippline Government prop)oses to make with foreign powers shall
1e) submitted to the President of the United States and by. him to the
Senate fur their approval.
JONES BILL COVERS ALL POINTS.
Wise and statesmanlike legislation takes account not only of principles, but also of circumstances and actual conditions. The present bill
admirably satisfies this test. If there are any advantages accruing to
the lnited States from the exercise of sovereignty over the Philippine
Islands, this bill Iprovides that those advantages shall be retained by the
United States after the islands have become independent. Americans
are to have' freedom of travel and access in the Philippines for business,
pleasure, or missionary purposes. And they are to be protected and to
enjoy the same advantages; as shall be furnished the Filipinos themselves.._No higher tax shall le levied upon their property, merchandise,
or business than that payablde by the Filipinos themselves under like
83683-11867.SI




circumstances. No citizens of other countries are ever to enjoy greater
trade or other advantages in the Philippine Islands than those accorded
to the citizens of the United States. Of course, the Government of the
Philippines is to assume and carry into effect the treaty obligations contracted by the United States with the Kingdom of Spain in relation to
the Philippine Islands. Important as these safeguards are, they do not
complete the story. The most important provision is still to be mentioned. The bill provides that the United States are to have and retain
control, ownership, and complete sovereignty over such lands and harborage waters as the American Government may deem necessary for
coaling and naval stations and for terminal facilities for cables.
It is thus seen that under the terms of this bill all' results that may
be desired by the people of the United States are accomplished. In the
first place, the people of the United States relieve themselves of the /
expense of maintaining a large army in the Philippine Islands.-andescape the grave danger of being involved in war on their accountIn
the second place, they show fidelity and loyalty to their own political v
ideals and institutions by recognizing the right of the Filipinos to govern themselves. In the third place, while relieving themselves of the-.
burden of sovereignty over the Philippine Islands, the American people
retain all the advantages of commerce and intercourse which ordinarily go with sovereignty. And in the fourth place, the strategical
advantage which sovereignty over the Philippines is supposed to have '
conferred upon the United States is not lost or even impaired with the
independence of the islands, for this bill grants in perpetuity to the
United States the right to retain control, ownership, and complete sovereignty over such lands and harborage waters as are actually necessary
for coaling and naval stations and convenient terminal points for cables.
There is another respect in which this bill shows not only loyalty to
principle but regard for sentiment and even prejudices. I believe the
overwhelming majority of the American people desire to see the Philippine people sovereign masters of their own destiny; they will not, however, on any condition, admit the Philippines as a State to the American
Union; they would like, on the other hand, to see the Filipinos a selfgoverning, independent, and sovereign nation. If. however, they are
asked to grant the Filipinos their independence, these same American
people draw back and hesitate on the ground that the Filipinos may
not be able to govern themselves.
CAPACITY OF FILIPINOS.
Unfortunately, interested parties, hostile to the best interests and
aspirations of the Filipinos, have misrepresented to the American people
their character, capacity, and conditions. Many, even well-informed
Americans, have therefore come to believe that the Philippine population is made up laigely of savages and barbarians who are steeped in
ignorance and who would be at one another's throats if the restraints
of American power were removed. But the census taken by the Amer ---
icans themselves shows that of the 7,635,000 Filipinos in the archi- /
pelago in 1903, 6,087,000 were civilized and only 647,000 wild or
uncivilized.
These civilized Filipinos are the only Christian nation in the Orient.
I have often said that in culture, education, capacity, and governing
ability the Filipinos may be compared with the people of Latin America.
If they were granted their independence, they would not at once become
a great nation, like the Argentine Republic or Brazil, but they would. in
my opinion, take fair rank with the smaller countries of Central and
South America. They have had the same sort of tutelage and training
as the South American people. That is, they derive their civilization \
and religion and ideas of law and government from Spain. But in the
case of the Filipinos there is the additional favoring circumstance that
for 13 years they have now been under the beneficent tutelage of the
United States, and during this period they have had much experience
in local self-government, and the blessings of education have been widely
diffused all over the archipelago. The report of the secretary of education for the year ending June 30. 1911, shows that the public-school
enrollment for that year was 610,493, while the number of public
schools in operation was 4,404 and the number of teachers 9,086, of
whom 8,403, or over 92 per cent, were Filipinos.
PROBATIONXARY PIeB O       MEETS ALL OBJECTIONS.
The bill, however, recognizes that there is no complete answer to the
doubt felt by so many people in the United States regarding- the
capacity of the Filipinos to govern themselves short of the answer of
actual demonstration. It is proposed, therefore, that there shall be a
probationary period of self-government and sovereignty during a period
of eight years, qualified by a veto right in the President and Congress
of the United States. This will give the Filipinos ample opportunity to
83683-11867




8
demonstrate their capacity to manage their own affairs. It will also be
for them a school of constantly enlarging self-government, finally expanding itself to independent and sovereign self-government. And when
on the 4th day of July, 1921. the full and complete independence of the
Philippines shall be acknowledged, thp United States will thereafter
have no responsibilities for the affairs of the Philippine people, and
will have no obligation to defend them either against foreign invasion
or internal disorder. The large army that we now maintain in the Philippines can be called home. The danger of Asiatic_comRplications will be
greatly reduced.                          --
But can the Philippine Republic stand alone? The Filipinos, who are
the best judges of the matter, think it can. If they are mistaken, the
penalty falls on them and not on us. And it must be acknowledged
that recent events in Asia make for the immunity of the Filipinos. A
republic has been established in China, devoted to peace and modern
civilization; if it fights at all. it will be in defense, not for purposes of
aggression. Furthermore, Japan's victories both over China and Russia
have shifted its center of gravity from the islands confronting the coast
of Asia to the mainland. Its development for the future is not through
the islands soutlhward by way of Formosa. but on the mainland westward through Korea and Manchuria. And while Asiatic nations are
thus drawn away from the Philippine Islands, there seems to be no
European nation which would have special interest in annexation.,NEUTRALIZATION DESIRABLE.
The bill. however. proposes to give the Filipinos the best possible opportunity for maintaining their independence and national sovereignty.
and an effective means of protection is at hand. How are the integrity
and independence of Switzerland and Belgium maintained? As everyone knows, they are maintained by international neutralization. The
bill accordingly provides that the President of the United States shall
open negotiations with foreign Governments, including those of Great
Britain, Germany, France, Russia. Japan. and Spain, with a view to
securing the neutrality of the Philippine Islands and the recognition. of
their independence through international agreement.
I repeat. finally,. that this bill offers the wisest. justest, and most
statesmanlike solution of the Philippine problem which has yet been
presented. It conserves all the material interests of the people of the
United States and the islands. It embodies the political ideals of the
American people and responds to the ardent aspirations of the people of
the Philippines. Had such a measure been enacted into law earlier the
United States would have had the honor and eternal glory of establishing the first republic in the Continent of Asia. Now that the Chinese
people have.anticipated our action, we ought not to delay in responding
to their challenge to set tip beside the big Rlepublic of China the neighboring Republic of the Philippines. But whatever any other nation
may do or not do, justice, honor,. and true Americanism combine with
national self-interest and expediency in prescribing that we should,
without delay, permit the Filipinos to govern themselves and to set up
within the next few years an independent and sovereign Philippine
Republic.
JACOB,GOULD SCHIL'RMAX.
PHILIPPINE EXPLOITATION.
The gentleman from    Pennsylvania, under the headilng "The
Philippines not a bad bargain," spoke of the islands as " very
rich possessions," and said that " if Germany or Japan or any
other foreign nation possessed them they would never let thenm
go."  Then he proceeded to enumerate the number of acres of
rich soil in the Philippines, to estimate how much population
they could support. and to sketch their imports and exports.
I-e ends his tale with this suggestive remark:
Think of the vast possibilities if these people (the Filipinos) were
taught modern methods and the use of modern implements so as to
make the most of their land. and think of the vast trade and of the
vast market for our products when those islands sh:all become more
densely poptflated. as they are destined to be when intelligent methods
of agriculture shall prevail over their now untouched millions of
acres.
I tirn glad to find the gentleman from Pennsylvania treafding
in this path. For once I am face to face with the argument
that independence should never be granted to the Philippines
for reasons v(,ry mulch aIt variance with altruistic purposes. It
8:1iS3t-11S(;7




9
is true that after saying all this.the gentlemlan hastens to disclaim any purpose of " making an argument in favor of the permanent retention of the Philippines," and I believe he is honest:
but the gentleman can not escape froml the logical conclusion of
his discourse, namely, that the Philippines should forever be retained under the control of the United States on the ground that
it will pay. For the gentleman from Pennsylvania, in showing
that the Philippines are not a bad bargain, put his stress not so
much upon what they produce now as upon what they may produce later on. " Think of the vast possibilities," he says, " if
these people," and so forth. I ask the gentleman, If the Philippines ought to be kept under American control now because of
what they may purchase from and sell to the United States when
they shall become more densely populated and developed, will he
let them go then when they have actually attained the state that
he is predicting?
The gentleman from N'ew York [Mr. REDFIELD], in an article
entitled "A suggested Demlocratic policy," which he wrote for
the National Monthly Magazine, has also spoken of these untold possibilities for investment in the Philippine IslanIs. I
do not believe that either of these gentlemen look upon the
Philippine problem from the standpoint of dollars and cents.,lnd if it were only a question of arguing with them, I should
leave this phase of the question wholly untouched, for I do
not understand how in a matter like this, where the rights of
5,000,000 human beings are at stake, the imports and exports
of a country could have any bearing or exert any influence upon
the decision one way or the other.
There are, however, some people in this country whose hostility to Philippine independence is dictated by the profits they
are making or expect to make out of the present relationship
between the Philippines and the United States. Who would care
to deny that the Philippines have been so far a good bargain for
those who have purchased Philippine Government bonds at the
g-uaranteed rate of 4 per cent interest; those who own our railroads and to whom the Philippine Government guarantees 4 per
cent profit on every dollar they invest; those who are benefited
by the rebate on our hemp exported to the United States; and
those who, in spite of the positive injunction of an act of Congress, have been able to acquire, hold, and exploit vast tracts
of our sugar lands?  Of course, these interests will leave no
stone unturned to oppose Philippine indepdedence, but they do
not disclose the real motive that underlies their conduct.
Theirs is not the voice of conquest, of greed, of territorial
aggrandizement. When they appeal to the American people
for 'the retention of the Philippines they always do so in
the name of justice and of sympathy for the poor, ignorant
Filipinos who are badly in need of American rule. Will
the American people listen to this hypocritical cry?  Shall
the American people longer continue to bear a burden that
entails the expense of an increasing Army, the building of fortifications, the enlarging of the Navy, merely to allow men who,
not content with exploiting their own brothers at home, wish
to control the lands and opportunities of another country which
have been given by the will of God to the inhabitants thereof
for their own use?' This is but another phase of the great battle
which is being waged by the American people against predatory
83683 —11SG7




10


wealth. It is the old conflict between the rights of man and
the insatiable greed of gain.
T'HE PHILIPPINES A WHITE ELEPHANT.
Mr. Chairman, I have no quarrel with any man who chooses to
oppose Plilippine independence because he thinks that it is to
his own interest, or to the interest of his own country, to keep
the islands in subjection. It is but human that when our own
interests are at stake that we should look after them. It is
our duty-the duty of every man —to care for the interests of
his own country. But, I assert, Mr. Chairman, that the possession of the Philippines by the United States is in no respect
to the interest of the American people; and that when once the
present generation of Filipinos is convinced that it may not
look forward to its freedom within its lifetime, such control will
not be profitable even to the private interests I have indicated.
PROFITLESS EXPENSE OF TIIHE AMERiICAN PEOPLE.
The American people must lose by it, because the retention
of the islands means more Army, more fortifications, and more
Navy, all of which involves increase in national expenditures.
How much, may I ask, has the average American gained from
the possession of the Philippines? Nothing. Outside of those
who are employed in the Philippine service or have capital invested in the Philippines no other American gets any benefit.
And how much, after all, do these few privileged Americans
gain? Not even a score of millions a year. Yet the Philippines
cost the people of the United States 10 years ago, according to
the late Senator Hoar, as well informed a man as any who ever
sat in the Congress of the United States and who was as good
a Republican as the best, not less than $600,000,000. The.gentleman from Virginia [Mr. JoNEs] said a few days ago in this
House, and proved it, that they are now costing the United
States $40,000,000 yearly. These figures have not been controverted by our adversaries, save only one insignificant item.
FORTICOMING LOSS TO THE " INTERESTS."
As for the capitalists who have money invested in the islands
let them consider what they are doing before they commit this
country to a policy of permanent or indefinite retention. They
must never forget that trade can not be imposed upon a people
by force; that commercial or iidustrial enterprise is essentially
voluntary, and that to succeed financially in the islands they
must reckon with one-important factor-the good will of the
Filipino people.
The Filipinos are now harmoniously working hand in hand
not only with the American Government in the Philippines, but
with American enterprises in the islands, because they still believe that they will receive justice at the hands of the United
States and that it is only a matter of a.short time before their
indeplendence i-ill be granted. If, to their misfortune, the day
shoull ever come when, owing to the efforts of the few Alnerica;n "interests " in the islands, they shall be deprived of their
s.cred right to freedom, I doubt very much if these "interests"
will be able to secure the cooperation of the people in their
business. I should fear that under those conditions the gains
which they have promised to themselves will be converted into
real losses..' -UTHORITIES " ON THE PHILIPPINES.
I come now t t that portion of the remarks of the gentleman
fromn Pennsylvania that is apparently most carefully prepared
83GS3-11867




4 -

and most elaborate. I refer to his statement on the ignorance
and lack of homogeneity of the FUipino people and their unfit-;
ness for self-government. Of course everything that the gentleman says on this phase of the subject is taken from other
authorities, such as President Taft, ex-President Roosevelt,
ex-Secretary of War Dickinson, and the Philippine census.
His statements do not rest upon his own knowledge. The
gentleman from Pennsylvania says that Mr. Taft is "better
qualified than any other American to testify concerning"
the Filipinos because "his familiarity with the Spanish language enabled him to acquire an unusual amount of information as to their-the Filipinos'-intelligence, their habits of
thought, and their desires." No wonder that Mr. Taft has not
acquired the information that the gentleman from Pennsylvania
attributes to him, for he does not and has never possessed the
knowledge of Spanish by which the gentleman from Pennsylvania asserts that he has acquired that information. President
Taft has never known the Spanish language, and, in so far as I
am aware, he never asserted that he knew it.
Mr. OLMSTED. But I have heard him talk with Spanfiards.
Mr. QUEZON. I suppose he has said "buenos dias."     He
does not speak Spanish, and he never had any direct communication with the Filipinos except with those very few who at that
time could speak English.
CURRY AND BLOUNT VERSUS TAFT.
But it is true that Mr. Taft had been for two years governor
general in the Philippines. He visited nearly every Province
and has met personally many Filipinos. He has undoubtedly
more knowledge about the Philippines than the great majority
of the American people, but I question the statement that he is
" better qualified than any other American" to testify concerning the Filipinos. There are many Americans who have
had more intimate contact with the people of the Philippines,
who have lived for a longer period of years in the islands, and
who speak Spanish and native dialects. Some, at least, of these
Americans are utterly at variance with Mr. Taft in his opinion
as to the unfitness of the Filipino people for self-government,
their ignorance, and lack of homogeneity. I can cite the case
of Gov. CRBBY, now a Member of this House from New Mexico,
who has been in the Philippines for eight years, has traveled
throughout the islands, was an officer of Volunteers, governor
of one Province in the northern part of Luzon and of another
in the south in the group of the Visayan Islands, and chief of
police of Manila. Gov. CURBY says that the people of the
Philippines are homogeneous; that they constitute a nation and
are capable enough to establish and maintain a government,
republican in form, that will certainly suit their own needs
better than any American government that can be imposed upon
them. There likewise is the testimony of Judge Blount, whose
book, The American Occupation of the Philippines, has already
attracted wide attention, and of many others.
FILIPINOS AGAINST TAFT.
Even admitting that Mr. Taft is better qualified than any
other American to testify concerning the Filipinos, would anyone assert that he is better qualified than the Filipinos to testify about themselves? And the Filipinos are united in their
assertion that they constitute a homogeneous people, capable of
83683-11867


e




12


governing themselves, with one common, paramount ambitionto see their country free. It must be remembered that President
*Taft has been found, by theverdict of every State of the Union
save Utah and Vermont, wrong in his domestic policies. Yet Mr.
Taft ought to be better qualified to say what is best for the
American people. May he not be equally wrong in his Philippine policy',
Ex-PrESIDENT ROOSEVELT ON THE PHILIPPINES.
As for ex-President Roosevelt, his knowledge about the Philippines is as little dependable as that of President Taft. ExPresident Roosevelt became an authority on the Philippines, I
suppose, because of the fact that since the islands came under
American control he was for a time President of the United
States and thus had the responsibility of administering their
affairs. Mr. Roosevelt was never in the Philippines. While he
Nwas President Mr. Taft became the first Governor General of
the islands and later Secretary of War. Of course, not knowing the Philippines from personal observation Mr. Roosevelt
had to depend altogether upon what Mr. Taft, his own subordinate. told him.
EX-SECRETArs  DICKIN'SON'.
As to ex-Secretary of War Dickinson, he was appointed Seeretary of War by President Taft at the beginning of the latler's 'administration. Prior to that time he never was in the
Philippines and has made no special study of those people.
Upon taking office he at once became responsible for the administration of the affairs of 8.000.000 people without knowing
much about them, and as administrator of those people was
called upon to carry out the policy that was laid down, not by
himself, but by Mr. Taft. The vi6es, ideas, and policies of this.administration with regard to the Philippines were, of course,
known to ex-Secretary of War Dickinson. as they were known to
all of us. The administration believed that the Filipino people
were not ready for self-government, and it was natural that exSecretary of War Dickinson, not having himself made any personal and deep study of the islands, should take the views of the
administration. After having been at the head of the War Department for two years, living in an atmosphere of disbelief in the
~bility of the Filipinos for self-government, the Secretary of War
went to the islands. He visited, it is true, several provinces of
the archipelago and met many people in private conferences and
-at banquets, dances, and public receptions that were tendered
to him. He did not speak Spanish or any native dialect. His
visit was so short that he could not have formed any real
opinion of his own concerning the Philippine situation strong
enough to replace that which he had formed in the imperialistic atmosphere of the War Department before he went to the
Philippines.
From these observations it will be seen that the opinion of
the "authorities' cited by the gentleman from Pennsylvania
is not to be taken as conclusive or final, much less when it is
realized that other Americans equally, if not better, qualified
entertain an opposite theory. and that the Filipinos are altogether on this side of the question and by all la'ws of naltre
ought to know themselves better,nid have more regard for their
own welfare than do the American imperialists.
836I83-11867




13


THE rTILIrPINE CENSUS.
Thie gentleman from Pennsylvania in his efforts to establish
the ignorance and lack of homogeneity of the people of the
Philippines, which exists only in the ilmagination of those who
do not know those people, quoted extracts from the Philippine
census that, in the opinion of the gentleman, prove conclusively
his contention. The same thing was done by the gentleman
from New York. It is well to remember that the census of the
Philippines was taken under the guidance of the Philippine
Commission, at that tilme headed by Mr. Taft. and that the
opinions of Mr. Taft and his colleagues as to the capacity for
self-government of the Filipino are reflected in that work. The
director of the census himself-Maj. Gen. Sanger, United States
Army, retired-was appointed at the request of Gov. Taft, and
was placed at the head of this' important work without any
previous connection or knowledge of the Filipino people. It is
unnecessary to say that Gen. Sanger believed with Mr. Taft
and with the majority of his -Army comrades that the Filipinos
were better fitted to be governed than to govern themselves.
But even at' that, if the tables of the census are carefully
studied, there will be found ample material to support the
opposite theory, and much more so if to this we should add
the consideration that this census was taken 10 years ago, and
that since that time great progress has been made by the Filipino~-along — educational, commercial, and industrial lines, a
fact to which present Government officials take pride in testifying.
An-'analysis of the quotations made by the gentleman from
Pennsylvania from   the census, as well as of his comments
thereon, shows that his quotations and comments are not altogether reliable. For instance, he quotes that passage in the
census which says:
The selection of a sufficient number of intelligent Filipinos able to
read, write, and speak the Spanish language, as well as the various
dialects of the people, to serve as enumerators and special agents was
)by no means a trivial undertaking, for although it was estimated
that of the 7,000,000 of civilized population 700,000 approximately
could read and write Spanish, according to the Archbishop of Manila,
not more than 7,000 belong to the educated class.
THREE PER CENT OF FlLIPINOS h AVE SUPERIOr EDDUCATION.
On page SO, volume 2 of the same census, we read:
Out of the total number of males of voting age the number having
superior education was 50,140, or 3 per cent.
This is certainly in open contradiction to tile statement that
only 7,000 Filipinos belonged to the educated class, unless, in
the opinion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, those having
superior education do not constitute an educated class.
ALMOSr 50 PER CENT OF LITERACY.
Again, on pages 78Sand 79 of the same volume of the census
we find this statement:
The total number of males 10 years of age and over was 2,473,777.
* * * There were 1,161,925. males who were able to read.  * *
The number of males who could both read and write was 735,504.
These figures convey an idea entirely different from   that
which the paragraph quoted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania would seem to convey.
THE -FILIPINOS A HIO.MOGENEOUS PEOPLE.
The gentleman seems greatly elated:nt finding certain reports
from provincial governors testifying to the lack of homogeneity
83683-118G7




.and kcuowledlge of the Filipinos. These san" repOrt-s aire cluotd
by the gentleman fromn New York FX~r. IDELDel      ]. The '[entleman from Pennsylvaniat atfirmed thait the reports -in question
aeinteresting and important in this connection "1)e( -inse they
are mnade by native Filipiiios.." It is to bo reoretted tb'at the.
gfentlemlan did not take greater pwius to verify the-.,e 'tsertionus
before lie masde them. for he wvould havs~e found tint the, governors whose reports he quoted! are not F iliassnos ait ill. The
gov101erno11r of Batntan, whosze report he quotes. was Capt. John
II. (4oldiman, and the governior of Ainbos Camiarhies. whose reItort is also quoted. was Capt. James floss. The cenIlsus Onl page'
59D of -volume 1 gives the naimes of these governiors.
In contrast as. wve~l as in answver to the reports of these
American governors, I beg to quote now foro reports of gov'ernors who are in truth "native Filipinos,."'
Got'. J. Ortega, of La 'Union, Ilocano Province, says of the
ipeople under isis jurisdiction:
The Ilocano-s are of medium height, brown color, fair constitation.
aind tbey eno   ood health as a rule; have healthy customs, area moral
and honest, chastity and love of home predominating among them, and
notwithstanding the, fact that, they are submissive, obedient, and of a
timid character-. they would commift crime when offended in their honor,
and when they do not find any more satisfactory vindication for conjugal infidelity, then the death of the offender and the faithless one at
the hand of the offended.
(lox'. Gracio G oanz aga, of Cagayan, Cagayan Province, sa Ys:;
TEime customs of the inhabitants of this Province are temperate, they
alre obedient to the authorities, and their character is pacific, hospitabile, and moderate and frugal in food and drink.
Gro '. ISimeon Luz, of Batangas, Tagalog Province, speaks thus
of his people:
The mnanners and customs of the natives of this Province differ veery
little, if at all, from those of the other inhabitants of the.archipelago,
this, being dlie case mome especially w~ith regard to the Tagalog Provinice
of Luzon.   As a rule, the Filipino of Liatang-as is v'ery hos~pitable'.
moderate, sobcr. religious, and very much,attached to the soil of his
birth, ch~aracteristics which distinguishi the race in general.
Likewise Gov'. Miucatin Delgado,- of Iloilo, Visayan ProvN-lce,
says:
Tim customs and manner of living of the hinhabitants of this Province
arle, ge~nerally speaking, identical with or very similar to those in the
ocher P1rovinces, of the archipelago; they are moderate, temperate, 'siniple, and liospil-able in every respect. They are very much attached- to
their barnes and families, which they do siot leave except wvhen forced
io ito so by reason of being obliged to seek their support in other
sect cues.
And Goy. Juan Cliluaco, of Cebu, Visayan Provi-nce, says:
There are- scarcely,any peculiarities wvhichs distingnish in a marlked
deaice the (2ebutanos from the other inhabitants of the islands-. The~
caIltuor, religion, disposition. manners, and customis of all are similar.
The1' re is~ to bie noted, however, a greater industrial activity among theml
thanr among those of the neighboring Provinces, especially in all that
relates to agriculture, due, perhaps, to the necessity of stimulating,
p~roduction. The soil of Cebu is not naturally extremely fertile, and'
miantial labor is necessary in order to make it supply mnans necessities.
These, reports are the best answer to the sometimes ignorant,
solumetimes malicious, statemnent that the Filipinos do not constitute a hioimto-geneous people, but are instead a c~ engloineralion of differeist tribes, with different characteristics."' Those
differctit " tribes,' it is said, are the Ilocanos anld Cagnyanes,
hillalblithtg the' northern part of time island of Luzon; the Ti-tg-altogs, who itlilbit the cen,,ter and south of that islanld; an,.d the
Visityanus, wvio inhmibit the southern group of the archipelago.




15
The reports I have quoted come from an Ilocano, Cagayan,
Tagalog, and Visayan governor. The Provinces over which
they have authority are situated-La Union and Cagayan in
the most northern part of Luzon, Batangas in the border of the
center and south of Luzon, Iloilo and Cebu in the southern
islands of Panay and Cebu. All these governors attribute to
the people of their respective Provinces the same characteristics,
namely, hospitality, sobriety, piety, morality, and love for order,
home, and family. They are unanimous in statin that the culture, manners, customs, and habits of thought of the people of
their respective Provinces are identical with those of the rest
-of the archipelago.
The different denominations given to the inhabitants of certain regions of the islands-Ilocanos, Cagayanes, and so forthare, to those not intimately acquainted with the Filipinos, most
misleading. The impression naturally conveyed by these different names is -that the people thus differently named are
heterogeneous. The Filipinos do not among themselves apply
the names Tagal, Ilocano, or Visayan, but use the word
' Filipino." In their gatherings nobody knows, or cares to know,
from what region of the archipelago this or that man may
come.. There is no more difference, except that of local dialect,
between the Ilocano of the northernmost and the Visayan of
the southernmost Provinces than there is between a Californian
and Oregonian. In fact, there does not exist, nor has there
ever existed, an antagonism between the inhabitants of different
Provinces, since, fortunately, there has never been a bloody
contest like the War of Secession, nor any sectional warfare
amongst us.
No intelligent man who knows the contemporaneous history
of the Philippine Islands and has had an intimate contact with
the people of the Philippines can honestly say that the Filipinos
do not constitute a homogeneous people, conscious of their own
nationality. Racially the Filipinos are more homogeneous than
the people of the United States, because while the American
people to-day include elements coming from  different parts
and races of Europe, the Filipinos all belong to the same stockthe Malay race. In religion they are also more homogeneous
than the people of the United States, for practically all the
civilized people of the Philippines, numbering more than seven
and a half millions out of the total population of eight millions,
are Roman Catholics. Belonging to the same race, molded by
the same church and the same civilization for the past 300
years, the Filipinos would naturally have, as they have in fact,
the same characteristics, customs, habits, and ideas.
THE FILIPINOS CONSTITUTE A NATION.
That they constitute a nation, that they have common national aspirations and feelings, is a fact proven beyond any
question. The pages of the contemporary history of the Philippines are illuminated with the most eloquent proofs of tie
4inity of the Filipino people. In the struggle for freedom the
ions of the northern as well as those of the southern islands
have given their lives.
There is not a region in the whole Philippine Archipelago
which has not been sprinkled with the blood of the inhabitants
of that territory in the common struggle of the country for
liberty; At the call of the Philippine independence cause, every
83683-11867




16
Province in the archipelago. those Provinces said to be inhabited by people of different tribes, responded, and headed by
one man, whose local origin no one cared to inquire, they revolted against Spain and conquered every garrison and imprisoned every Spanish soldier outside the city of Manila. In
defense of that same independence which they had so bravely
wrung from their former masters and under the direction of a
government which they themselves had established they opposed -American domination in the islands, in spite of the fact
that they knew but too well that their opposition would be
crushed and that their reward for love of country would be
death.  The following extract from    a declaration made by
Admiral Dewey before the Senate Committee on the Philippines
indicates how  united were the Filpinos in their revolution
against Spain. When the admiral was asked how large was the
Philippine army which revolted against Spain he said it numbered about 25,000, and added:
They could have had any number of men; it was just a question of
arming them. They could have had the whole population.
Gen, MacArthur, the man who successfully defeated the
Philippine Army, in a report in 1900 to the War Department, explaiiiing how with few and a poor quality of arms the Filipinos
were capable of offering a long resistance to the United States
Army, which at that time in the Philippines amounted to
120.000 men, said in so many words that from the inception of
hostilities it was decided by a council of war that owing to the
great difference between the American Army and the Filipino
army a guerrilla warfare would be best adapted to the peculiar
conditions of the struggle; but in order to give the world a
practical demonstration of their capacity for organization and
self-government it was thought necessary that at first the war
should be conducted in a regular manner, with a concentrated
field army. After this plan had been carried out, about November 12, 1898, the form of guerrilla warfare was adopted. Describing this guerrilla warfare, Gen. MacArthur textually says:
The success of this unique system of warfare depended upon almost
complete unity of action of the entire native population. That such
unity is a fact is too obvious to admit of discussion. Intimidation has
undoubtedly accomplished much to this end, but fear, as the only
motive. is hardly sufficient to account for the unity and apparentl:y
spontaneous action of several millions of people. One traitor in each
town would effectually destroy such a complex organization. It is
more probable that the adhesive principle comes from ethnological
homogeneity, which induces men to respond for a time to the appeals
of consanguine leadership.
The same officer made the following statement before the Senate committee:
"When I first started in against these rebels I believed that Aguinaldo's troops represented only one faction. I did not believe that the
whole population was opposed to us: but I have been reluctantly conmpelled to believe that the Filipinos are loyal to Aguinaldo and the government which he represents.
The testimony of the two men most competent to judge how
the Filipinos fought against Spain and later against the United
States shows conclusively, that they were united in both those
struggles. Was it possible, if there did not exist a common
sense of nationality, a common national ambition, that these
people, said to be so heterogeneous, would unite to make the
greatest sacrifices that any people can make-those of their
lives 'nriid of their property'.
S:>;S3 -11G87




17
While the people of the Philippines have shown in time of
war that they are one, they have given a like proof in time of
l)eace. There are at present two political parties in the Philil)pine Islands. They are not based upon sectional policies. Both
of these parties extend throughout the archipelago and hold
local as well as national conventions. Both these parties advocate Philippine independence, the difference being only with
reference to the method of obtaining it. There is a Philippine
Board of Commerce, wherein the commercial interests of every
part of the country are represented. There is a Philippine
farmers' organization, which holds occasional national conventions, attended by representative farmers from all parts of the
archipelago. The lower house of the Philippine Legislature,
namely, the Philippine Assembly, is composed of Filipinos from
every civilized Province of the Archipelago. There are represented. the so-called Ilocanos, Cagayanes, Pampangos, Tagalogs.
and Visayans, by districts and according to population, and they
select their speaker and other officers of the house, regardless of
the region from which they come. The Hon. Sergip Osmefia,
speaker of the assembly, is a Visayan, and he -being a nationalist received the unanimous support of the members of the
nationalist party in the house, regardless of whether the member was a Tagal, Ilocano, or Cagayan. Members who were
Visayans, coming from the speaker's region, but belonging to the
progresista party, voted for the Hon. Vicente Singson, an Ilocano, who is the leader of the minority. The Resident Commissioners in the United States are elected by the Philippine Legislature, and he who has the honor to address you, being himself
a Tagal, received not only every vote of the Tagal assemblymen
but also of every Visayan, Ilocano, and Cagayan-in fact, of
every member of the two political parties of the assembly,
because I advocated Philippine independence and both parties
are united in favor of my contention.
Speaking of the Philippine Assembly, Mr. James Alexander
11obertson, librarian of the Philippine Library, who is by no
means a partisan of immediate independence for the Philippines,
says:
Conversations with various -of the delegates show them to be on the
whole men of relaltive superior intelligence, alert, and anxious for the
7east good of the Philippines. This last is a very significant faict. The
delegates, although elected to represent -a certain locality, are keenly
alive to the fact that they represent all the Philippines and must
obtain the best good for the wchole country.
DR. JOS]t RIZAL, NATIONAL tERO.
The recognition of a national hero in any country is evidence
of the national consciousness of the people thereof. The Filipinos have their national hero-Dr. -Jos6 Rizal, who was shot
to death by order of the Spanish Government on the 30th of
December, 1896. The crime of Dr. Rizal was the crime of
George Washington-he loved his people and sought their freedom. He paid for his patriotism with his life, and he died
gladly. On the eve of his martyrdom he wrote one of the
noblest poems that ever came from a patriot pen. In every
town in the Philippine Archipelago the 30th of December is
consecrated to the memory of Dr. Rizal; he is venerated by
every Filipino, and his picture hangs prominently in every home,
from the costliest to the humblest. Each and every man in
every one of the so-called tribes of the Phlilippines regards Dr.
Rizal as Americans regard. George Washington.
83683-11867 2 -



18
LACK OF VUNVERSAL LANGUAGE NOT AN OBSTACLE TO INDEPENDENCE.
The gentlemen from Pennsylvania and New York, and, like
them, every enemy of Philippine independence, assert that
since there are many different dialects spoken in the archipelago, and there is no language known to and spoken by every
Filipino, hence the Filipinos, not understanding one another, can
have no national feeling or thought.
Nobody cares to deny that there are different native dialects
spoken in the Philippines and that there is no one language
which is understood and used by every Filipino-man, woman,
and child. But the facts which I have already stated show con- /
clusively that the lack of a universal language in the Philippines
has not prevented the Filipinos from being a homogeneous and
united people. Indeed, the opponents of Philippine independence, in their efforts to postpone the recognition of that innate
right of ours to become the sole masters of our destiny, demand
that there should exist in the Philippines conditions that do not
exist anywhere else in the world. In the United States itself
how many thousands of people are there constituting a part of
this body politic who have no understanding of English?
There are many well-governed democracies as well as kingdoms in Europe where the people speak different languages.
The model of all republics and democracies, that small country
of Switzerland, has three official languages-Italian, French,
and German-because the people inhabiting the cantons bordering Italy speak Italian, those bordering Germany speak German, and those bordering France speak French. In the Austrian
Empire also different languages are spoken. In England the
polished style of the English gentleman is scarcely understood, and is not spoken by the masses of the people, nor is the
Cockney English understood by the elegant Englishman. And a
like condition prevails in many other independent countries of
Europe and Asia.
INTERCONMMUNICATION IN TIlE PIIILIPPINES.
The fact is that it is not a prerequisite of freedom or nationalism that a people shall speak the same language. It is enough
that there be some language-maybe one or several-imposed and
accepted as the official language, aend by means of which political, governmental, commercial, and industrial inteicommunication could be had between the different parts of the country.
Spanish has long been the official language in the islands, and
through it not only administrative but also business affairs have
been successfully conducted throughout the archipelago. The
manner by which knowledge of public questions and policies is
conveyed to every inhabitant, regardless of his knowledge of the
Spanish language, is simple. Besides Spanish newspapers there
are also native journals, not only in Manila but also in the
Provinces. These native papers inform the reader, who does not
speak Spanish, of-every current topic in his own native dialect.
Thus the lack of a common language does not serve as an'
obstacle for the diffusion of knowledge of public matters. Another way by which every question of public interest is discussed by the masses of the people is that of popular meetings,
which take place in every town and village of the archipelago,
just as is the case in the United States. In those meetings
/the speakers use the vernacular of the locality, and the people
are thus informed of subjects of general concern.
83683-11867




19
AMnEIC UAN ADMINISTRATOIRS, 'OT KNOWING SPANISIH. GOVERNED THBI
ISLANDS TIIIIOLUGI THAT LANGCUAGE AS OFFICIAL.
Certainly the lack of a universal language has never been
in the Philippines an obstacle to the carrying on of governnment
nor for the pursuit of any business enterprise. Spain Ieas been
governing the islands for three centuries through this Ilanguage,
land the United States has done the same for 13 years despite
the remarkable circumstance that the governing class did not
speak the official language which they had to use in governing
the people. Since it has been possible for American administrators to govern the Philippines, using Spanish as the official
language, although that language was not universally spoken by.the Filipinos and was altogether unknown by most of those administrators. it would certainly be easier for the Filipinos to
govern the Philippines using Spanish as an official language.
But the conditions during the next eight years will improve still
more in the use and knowledge of this official language in the
Philippines. By the date contemplated in the Jones bill for the
granting of Philippine independence the official language of the
islands will have come to be English, and it will then be spoken
by the majority of Filipinos.
Alore than 700,000 children have already been given the knowledge of English through the public schools. These are now. or
are about to be, of voting age. Within eight years another million
or more will have passed out of the schools. The enrollment
for the last 10 years in public schools has never been less than
500,000, but besides these schools there have been private as
well as parochial schools, colleges, and universities, where
hundreds of thousands of children are given education and also
taught English. The enrollment for 1911 in the public schools
was over 600,000. Of 8,360 teachers in the public schools, 7,696 x/
are Filipinos.
Coupled with the knowledge of English, literacy in the Philippines has grown immensely since the taking of the census. Ten
years ago those who could neither read nor write were 2,762,093
of the total population of 4,973,526 of 10 years of age and over,
or 55.5 per cent. To-day the illiteracy can not be more than 40
per cent, and within eight years, without any question, it will
be less than 30.
My prediction is by no means due to a groundless optimism,
but to the fact that the Filipinos are doing everything to educate
themselves. This is a statement which the most extreme imperialist dares not deny. Not only the children, but their parents
also, are learning. Col. J. G. Harbord, of the Philippine Constabulary, who has been in the islands for many years and who
is still there, has said:
No sojourner in the Philippines can fail to notice the intense desire
of all classes of the people for education. It is the wish of which he
will be most constantly reminded. Servants, coachmen, laborers, hundreds of them carry little phrase books of short language methods and
are earnestly striving to learn English. * * * Public money for
education is one appropriation never criticized by the vernacular press
of Manila. Night and day schools are well attended, and in some of the
former local officials, overcoming their fear of ridicule and swallowing
their pride, have sat beside their own children as pupils learning English. Certainly the desire for education is one of the moving motives
of Filipino life to-day. Parents make the most complete sacrifices to
send their children to school. and the pupils themselves endure hunger
and privations to secure learning.
83683-11867




20
sNUMnBER OF FILIPINO VOTERS.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania alleged that there are very
few qualified electors in the Philippines, and in support of his
contention he said that of 8,000,000 people but 9S,257 voted at
the election of the first Philippine Assembly, which took place
in 1907; that at the election of 190S but 192,975 voted; and at
the election of 1912, 248,154 registered and 235,786 voted. From
these figures the gentleman concluded that only a very small
percentage of the total population of the islands has the lawful
qualification to take part in public affairs and that therefore
the inhabitants are not able to establish and maintain a republican form of government as that is understood by the people
of the United States.
Comparing the figures given by the gentleman from Penny-lvania of the registered votes at the last election, 28S,154,
with the total voting population, 1,500,000, the- electors in the
Philippines are 15 per ceat of the voting population. The gentleman says that this is too small a percentage for the people
thus qualified to be able to establish a republican form of government, as this kind of government is understood by the people
of the United States, and therefore the Filipinos should not be
given independence.
A WRONo' THEORY.
The proposition of the gentleman from Pennsylvania seems
to be, and, in fact, he said so in the course of his remarks, that
the Filipino people should not be granted independence until
they are capable of establishing af republican form of bd-ernment as the idea is conceived and understood by the people
of the United States. 'If the gentleman is right, we may as
-well renounce once and for all the hope of ever becoming
an independent nation.' First, because it will be an insoluble
problem for the Filipino people to find out at this juncture just
what the American people's idea is of a republican government.
We have heard in the last national campaign from the leaders
of the different political parties in this country so many different expressions of what they consider to be true democricy- and
popular government that we are almost lost in the conflict of
these opposite theories. Second, because if there was unanimity
among the Americans as to how they shall be governed it will
require the Filipinos to adopt it, that they shall be an alter ego
of the American people. Of course it is out of the question to expect that such a condition will ever come.
The gentleman's theory is wrong, and he must know that
it is untenable. More than this, if carried to its ultimate
consequences it is anarchical. The theory, in effect, means,
when expressed in general terms, that the United States has a
right to subjugate every country incapable of establishing a republican form of government according to American ideas.
HIow long has this been a political tenet in this country? I have
always, thoughlt that the United States has proclaimed to the
world the fundamental principle that every people has the right
to establish such government as they choose. Let us carry into
effect the theory of the gentleman from Pennsylvania,- and the
United States should have to deprive England, Germany, Russia,
Italy, and every kingdom of Europe of their independence; it
should not have recognized the independence of Cuba, and never
should have retired from Mexico.
83G83-11867




21
AMERICAN OLIGARCHY.
There is another point which shows the inconsistency of the
position of those who would keep the Philippines under the
United States, because only 15 per cent of them have the right
to share in the conduct of the government. The proposition is
that it is not Americanism to permit that so small percentage of
the population shall have in their hands the sole guidance of the
ship of state. If it is not Americanism to permit 15 per cent of
the Filipinos to govern their countrymen what is it to permit
five Americans to govern the whole population? For this is in
fact the government of the Philippines to-day, an oligarchical
government, monopolized by the American commissioners appointed by the President of the United States acting without
even consulting the will of any Filipino.
But in considering the number of voters in the Philippines
at present it should be borne in mind that the electoral laws
in the islands, enacted by the Commission, require certain qualifications that should not be required anywhere and would not be
required by the Filipino people if they had their own government. Fifteen per cent only can vote in the Philippines, because many good and well-qualified citizens have been deprived
of this right by laws enacted by American officials. The Filipinos who should be permitted to vote, and will be permitted
to vote by an independent Philippine Government, because they
are intelligent, law-abiding men, constitute a majority of the
voting population.
QUALIFICATIONS TO VOTE.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania cited in the following language the qualifications required by law to be an elector in the
Philippines: "Anybody may vote who was an officeholder under
the Spanish regime, or who is able to speak or write either
English or Spanish, or who possesses property to the value of
$250 gold, or who pays taxes to the amount of $15 per annum."
The gentleman considers these requirements very "simple."
I beg to take issue with the gentleman from Pennsylvania in
his proposition that these requirements are "simple," if by
this he means that in civilized countries the majority of the
people, at least, should have these qualifications. Were they
to be applied in the United States there would be an enormous
reduction in the electorate.
ENGLISHI O0 SPANISH QUALIFICATION TO YOTB.
I have asked the gentleman from Pennsylvania how many
voters there would be in this country if the people of the'
United States were required to read and write German or any
other foreign language. And I ask the same question again.
Neither Spanish nor English are native languages in the Philippines. There are millions of Filipinos who read and write their
native dialects, but who do not read or write either Spanish or
English, and they are unwisely, nay, unjustly, deprived of the
franchise.
To demand the capacity to read and write English or Spanish
as a prerequisite to the use of the ballot is wholly unreasonable.
A Filipino may be a very intelligent man, wholly able to vote
on public questions affecting his town, his Province, or the entire
archipelago, without knowing one word of either Spanish or
English, if he reads and writes his own native dialect, for the
native dialects of the Philippines have their own literature..
Public questions are discussed in native writings and there
83683-11867




22
are many important texts translated into these native languages as well as others written originally in native tongues by
native Filipinos. A Filipino, Baltazar, wrote a poem in Tagalo
which can be compared with any of Shakespeare's dramas, yet
he never had any acquaintance with a foreign language. if
the people of the Philippines who know how to read and'write
their own native dialects were to be allowed to vote, the number
of voters would be increased manyfold.
PROPERTY QUALIFICATION.
A property to the value of $250 gold is a great deal of property
in the Philippine Islands. Two and a half acres of land devoted to any kind of crop can easily support a large family in
the Philippines. The average price of land per acre is not
more than $50, and in some localities it does not reach $15
per acre. How greatly would the number of voters in the
United States be reduced if in order to vote they had to own
$250 worth of property! It must, moreover, be borne in mind
that $250 of property in the Philippines is equivalent, at least, to
$1,000 in the United States. The gentleman from Pennsylvania
seems to think that there are but few Filipinos of that class
which constitute the backbone of every country-farmers. He
is very much mistaken.
NUMBER OFr FARMIS.
The Philippine census gives as the total number of farms in
the island 815.453, the average size of a farm being 71 acres.
Think of it! In a country of 8,000,000 people there are 815.453
farms, which means that an equal number of families own land
and are engaged in farming.
American statesmen claim, and with justice, that the strength
and solidity of this Government rests upon the American
farmer. What, then, shall we say of the Philippines, where
there are, comparatively speaking, many more farmers than
in the United States? And yet the majority of their farmers,
who support that Government with their taxes, are denied the
right to vote simply because their farms are not worth $250.,
although there may be enough means at hand to support them
and educate their children.
FIFTEEN DOLLARS REQUIREMENT.
Fifteen dollars direct taxes per annum! That- is certainly a
large sum for the average citizen to pay in any country. I ask
again how many people in the United States would be deprived
of the right to vote if they had to pay annually $15 in direct
taxes?
There is another provision in the electoral law which the
gentleman from Pennsylvania failed to cite, and which is of
some consequence in enlarging or diminishing the number of
voters in the islands or anywhere else. This is the provision
that although a man might speak and write English or Spanish,
own property valued at more than $250, and also pay $15 taxes
per annum, if he happens to owe any amount, no matter how
little, to the treasury for his taxes, he is deprived of the right to
vote until he has paid every cent of it.
SOM1 FILIPINO ELECTORS DO NOT VOTE.
Thus that my first answer to the figures given by the gentle- -
man from Pennsylvania as to the small number of voters in
the Philippine Islands is that the requirements of the law in
83683-11867




23
the Philippines, though they may be " simple," as the gentlemaii says, are far too rigorous. Were these same requirements
imposed by law in any other country, there would be fewer
voters, proportionately, than there are in the Philippines. Further, the actual number of people who have been going to the
polls so far does not really constitute the only voting population of the islands. There are still many who do not vote for
causes other than a lack of the qualifications required by the
present laws. The figures given by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, even at first sight, illustrate my contention. Nothing
has taken place between the years 1907 and 1912 which would
indicate a great change in the condition of the people in the
Philippines; yet, while in 1907 only 9S,257 people voted, in 1912
248,154 registered and 235,786 actually voted-almost 300 per
cent increase in less than four years.
Some of the reasons why Philippine voters do not care to
exercise their right to vote may be traced to, and found, in the
nature of the government we now have. Everybody in the
islands realizes that while the people are given the right to
select their officers for municipal and provincial governments
and the lower house of the legislature, the powers granted to
those officers are not only limited in character, but are also
subject to the supreme will of the Governor General or of the V
Philippine Commission, and that the policies of native officials
can be carried out only so long as. they meet with the pleasure
of the American administrators in the islands, Thus many
think that it is not worth their while to spend their time in
going to the polls to select officers who can not, after all, be
real representatives of the people, except to the extent that
they are permitted to be so by their masters, the American
officials.
There are, in fact, many who do not vote for this reason. I
could give the names of some whom I personally know. The
increase in the number of voters at the last election was due
to the fact that the people of the Philippines are more hopeful
of success in their struggle for independence.
And finally, by virtue of acts of Congress, over 500,000 people
are deprived of the right to vote in the Philippines, and therefore this number ought to be deducted from the total #opulation
of the islands when comparison is drawn between the voters
and the population. Those who are thus deprived of the right'
to vote are the non-Christian Filipinos.
MONOPOLY OF BUSINESS BY FOREIGNERS.
In the effort of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to convict
the Filipinos of being an incapable people he made the following
remarks:
The incapacity of the Filipinos for prominent participation even in
important private affairs is apparent from the fact that nearly all the
commercial houses there are in the hands of Spaniards, Englishmen,
Germans, or Americans, and much of the smaller business is in the
hands of the Chinese. If they are incapable of managing important
private affairs it is not difficult to reason that they are not qualified
to participate desirably in the important affairs of -government.
It is not true that the Filipinos are not managing important
business enterprises in the Philippines. There are important industries, commercial enterprises, and banking houses with large
capital entirely owned and managed by Filipinos. These are a
few instances: The " Germiuhal." one of the largest tobacco factories in the islands; the "Hogar Filipino," a company doing
83683-11867


i-a




24
banking operations; the "Compaifia Maritima," the largest
insular steamship company; and the " Cervezeria de S. Miguel,"
the largest brewery in the islands, are all organized on a basis
of Filipino capital and managed by Filipinos, although the majority of the customers of the brewery are foreigners. There
are many other important houses in the islands engaged in different kinds of business which are controlled by native capital
and subject to native management.
But it is true that the Filipinos do not control the business
of the archipelago as they should and as they are entitled to.
This is not because of their lack of capability to manage business affairs, but because, having always been under foreign rule,
they have never had a fair chance. That, indeed, is one of the
reasons why the Filipinos wish to govern their own country;
because, as is the case in every colony, the citizens of the governing nation first and after them other foreigners are given
by the Government every aid and opportunity for developing
and exploiting the territory. Of course, the laws of the Philippines do not discriminate as between a Filipino and an American
or any other foreigner in the islands; but the executive officials,
whenever they can, without disregarding the letter of the law,
help the American business man do so, and whenever they can
refuse their help to a Filipino business man they also do so.
In the early days of American occupation of the islands many
of the Filipino business men were rather inclined' to support
American sovereignty; but their experiences in their business
undertakings have convinced them that sooner or later, if foreign rule should c6ntinue to control the affairs of their country,
their business will go into foreign hands.
The Filipinos do not wish to deprive foreign capital of opportunities for investment in the Philippines. On the contrary,
they invite foreign capitalists to come to the islands and help
to develop the natural resources. But they rightly claim that
there should be an equal opportunity for all; that the law
should be administered so as to give no preferences to natives
or foreigners. If we ever obtain our independence, we pledge ourselves to the faithful carrying out of the policy of equal opportunities for all, without discrimination between. races or
countries.
TIE DE DFACTO PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania referred to the short-lived
Philippine independent republic; and, quoting the opinion of
one or two Army officers, who naturally were not very sympathetic with a government which they fought, said in conclusion
thatIt does not seem to have been very much of a republic.
The fact is that there can not be found another instance in
the history of the world where the people, subdued by a foreign
nation and starting a revolt against that nation with but very
few armls and little ammunition, succeeded in a few months in
throwing off the yoke of their foreign master, and from the
ashes of that revolution, and facing an imminent war with another
nation, built up a government with a liberal and democratic
constitution which did not only keep order and enforce law but
proceeded at once to establish schools and make public improvements. This is exactly what took place in the Philippines.
'  Admiral Dewey, having witnessed the working of that Philippine independent government, cabled to the Navy Department
83683-118G7




on June 23, 1899, that the Filipinos were more ca-pable of selfgovernment than the Cubans are, and later on, in another message, reiterated this same opinion. He said:
In a telegram sent to the department on June 23, I expressed the
opinion that "this people are far superior in their intelligence and
more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am
familiar with both races." Further intercourse with them has confirmed me in this opinion.
Admiral Dewey sent two naval men, Leonard Sargent and
W. B. Wilcox, throughout the archipelago to investigate the
conditions as they stood in the Philippines at that time, and
the report of these men was referred by the admiral to the
INavy Department with the following indorsement:
Approved and respectfully forwarded for the information of the
Navy Department. Especial attention is invited to this interesting
and carefully prepared report, which, in my opinion, contains the
most complete information obtainable in regard to the present state
of northern part of Luzon Island.
Among other things, Mr. Sargent says in that report:
"It has been my privilege to have been intimately associated with
the Filipino people for a short time at a most interesting period of their
history. With the permission of Admiral Dewey I spent the greater
part of the months of October and November of 1898, in company
with Paymaster W. B. Wilcox, United States Navy, in the interior
of the northern part of the island of Luzon. It will be remembered
that at the date the United States had not yet announced its policy
in regard to the Philippines. The terms of the treaty with Spain
were being negotiated by our commissioners at Paris, and the fate
of the islands hung in the balance. In the meantime, the native
population, taking matters into their own hands, had declared their
independence from all foreign jurisdiction, and had set up a provisional government, with Aguinaldo at its head.  * * Although
this government has never been recognized, and in all probability will
go out of existence without recognition, yet it can not be denied that
in a region occupied by many millions of inhabitants for nearly six
months it stood alone between anarchy and order. The military forces
of the United States held control only in Manila, with its environs.
and in Cavitc. and had no authority to proceed further; while in the
vast remaining districts the representatives of the only other recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands of their despised
subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during this anomalous period
in our Philippine relations, and possibly in the United States as well,
that the state of affairs must breed something akin to anarchy. * * *
I can state unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox and I found the
existing conditions to be much at variance with this opinion. During
our absence from Manila we traveled more than 600 miles in a very
comprehensive circuit through the northern part of the island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and important district. In this way
we visited seven provinces, of which some were under immediate control of the central government at Malolos. while others were remotely
situated, separated from each other and from the seat of government
by natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's government
and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that
Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security.
and returned to Manila with only the most pleasing recollections of
the quiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading
under the new regime."
TIE XONCIVILIZED FILIPINOS.
Let me say a word about these non-Christian inhabitants of
the archipelago.  The gentleman from     New  York [Mr. REDFIELD] in his delightful way refers to the Igorrotes, the inhabitants of the hills of the northern part of Luzon, and described
their manners and customs to the House. He says: "They were
guiltless of all clothing."  And he adds, "There is a village
there: and I will tell you in a moment about the village, because
what I shall tell you will show how fit for self-government some
portions of these people are whose claims for independence are
pressed upon us."
83683-G11867




.26
I find, it difficult to conceive how the gentleman from New
York can take the position that because there are 100,000
Tgorrotes in the Philippine Islands, even if they may be " guiltless of all clothing,' seven millions and a half of clothed Filipinog should be deprived of their right to self-government.
What would the gentleman from New York think were he told
that there are many thousands of Indians in the United States
who have no notion of freedom and self-government and that
therefore the American people should be deprived of their power
of self-government?,
COM1PARISON BETWEEN rTNCIVILIZED ]PEOPLE IN THE'PHILIPPI-NES TO-DAT
A ND IN THE UNITED STATES IN 177O.
The existence. of a half million uncivilized people in the
archipelago, including the Igorrotes, other hill tribes, and Moros,
has been time and agazin alluded to by the opponents of Philippinie independence as a reason why the islands should not be
free f rom tbe control of.- the U nited States. H-ow soon these
men forget the history of their own country! When the United
States acquired its independence from England the proportion of
uncivilized inhabitants and of others who, although not altogether uncivilized, were denied the right to share in the govermient of the Colonies was vastly larger than 'it is in the
Philippines to-day. The inhabitants of the 13 Colonies, in 177G
numbered not more than 3,000,000 whites, and while the figures
g-iven: ais to the Indians vary, no, one believes there were less
than 1 400,000 at that time;- If we also include fhe'negro population then enslaved, what is the -proportion between the civilized
Americans who fought for their independence and the uncivilized Indians and niegro slaves?
In the Philippines, 011 the other hand, the civilized Filipinos
niumber over 7,400,000, and the uncivilized, according to the census, number only 5 00,000. Would any Americani care to affirm
that the Colonies ought not to have been given independence because there were many uncivillized people in thfis country? If
Americans have showvn that they were entitled to their independeunce, regardless of the presence of Indians and of the niegro
sldave, and if, after they acquired their independence, they have
alanied,and exercised the right to govern their wards. upon
what logic can the Filipinos 1)e deprived of -their independence
bec~ause of 'the existence of the Igorrotes and Moros, who lmust,
no doubt, be governed as wards by the civilized Filipinos?
But we ar told, and it is urged by both the. gentleman from
Pennsylvania and the gentlemnan fronm New -York, that some
of these non-Christian inhabitants of the islands wvili not submit to a Philippine government. They refer to alleged statemnents made by:501oni MIoro chief before ox-ISecretary of War
Dickinson to tihe t6ffeet that tile 'Mores prefer American control.
The alleged preference of lihe MNores for Amkierican rule has been
shown to 1)e without basis,. After these statements had been
made before ex-Secretary, of War Dickinson many Americani
officers and soldiers were killed by the 'Moros despite their
love for Amnerican rule. I deny that the non-Christian Filipinos refu~se to -submit to a Philippine government, and I deny
it the more positively because during the short-lived Philippine
Government all of them recognized the authority of that Governmenlt. But suppose that these non-Christian Filipinos should,
with armus, ol)pose the authority of a Philippine independent
governmnent, is that aniy reason whyv we should not be given our
sat3 0S33 8- 15c7




27
independence? How many years have the Indians resisted the
authority of their white brethren, and how many men were
~killed during the struggle?  Following the precedent of the
United States, we therefore assert that the civilized Filipinos,
constituting to-day a larger irajority over their uncivilized compatriots than did the Americans over the Indians and the
negroes when the United States freed itself from England, have
a perfect right to ask that an independent government be
granted them irrespective of the presence of these elements in
the population, and that they be intrusted with the power to
govern the noncivilized people in the Philippines.
THIE FILIPINOS CAN GOVERN TIIE UNCIVILIZED POPULATION.
But are the Filipinos strong enough to govern the uncivilized
population of the islands?  We say we are. Our assertion is
fully justified by the superiority in numbers as well as in
civilization of the Christian Filipinos. Moreover, we affirm that
the noncivilized Filipinos will more readly accept the authorty
of a Philippine indepeende t government than that of their present rulers. I have told you that these uncivilized leople have
already, during the eight mlonths of the Philippine de facto iniepelldent government, recognized the-authority of that governInent. There is, moreover, the tie of blood between the civilized
and the uncivilized Filipino lwhich does not exist between either.of them. on the one hand. and the Aimericans on the-other, and
which will make the control of the former easier than that of
the latter.
THE FILTIINOS CUNANIxIMOS IN F.AVOR OF INDEPENDENCE.
The gentleman frolm New York [Mr. IEDFIELD1] read'I as an
introduction to his relmarks a letter Which lie says was written
by a promilent local official of Orinoc, island of Leyte, in whlich
it is asserted tlat the abandonment of the Philippines by thle
United States will be disastrous to the Filipinos. The name of
thle writer is not given, nor is it stated whether he is a Filipino
or anl American; but if he be a Filipino I do not understand
how the opinion of one lan, against that of the rest of his coinpatriots, can have any wieight whatever.  The Filipinos are
united ill their belief that they are capable of self-government.
They are also unitedl in their constalt- representation to tlie
American people that they should be given independence. The
Philippine Assembly, a body;vllich stands for the whole population of the archipelago, has at every session since it was
organized Ipassed unanilmous resolutions urging Congress to
grant the islands independence, on the ground thlat the people
are capable of administering their own affairs and eager to do
so. In every municipality of the archipelago, at public meetings, the Philippine independence bill now pending before the
House has been indorsed. In the city of Manila a mass meeting was held on May 30. 1912, wherein a committee of men
representing all walks of life was appointed to ndraw suchl a
resolution, which later was unanimously approved by the meeting, and whose Oording in part is as follows:
Resolved, That all those present in' this mccting express, and do
hereby express. their acceptance of nll parts of thle Jones bill providing
for the establishment of a cqLalified independent government for tlhe
Philippines and that the Congress of the United States be res.pctfiliy
requested to pass the bill as the formula that embraces the highest
ideals of the Filipino people and safegnards all interei-ts.
83683-11867




28
The members of the committee which framed this resolution
were:
Mr. Tecdoro R. Yangco, representing the bankers and merchants; Mr. Cecilio Lopez, representing the manufacturers; Mr.
Mauro Prieto, representing the property owners and capitalists;
Dr. Isidoro Santos, representing the professional classes; Hon.
Maximo Mina, representing the Nationalist Party; Dr. Santiago
Barcelona, representing the Popular Nationalist League; Dr.
Alejandro Albert, representing the Progressist Party; Mr. Martin Ocampo, representing the native press; IMr. Hermenegildo
Cruz, representing the labor unions; Mr. Francisco Arellano,
rel)resenting the Philippine youth.
NATIVE CLERGY WANT INDEPENDENCE.
t  The native priests of the islands, upon the occasion of the
/ election of Gov. Wilson as President of the Unitted States, sent
me the following communication:
POLO, BULACAX, P. I., 'Norember 12, 1912.
DEAR SIR: We, the undersigned, Filipino Roman Catholic priests, in
a-fraternal meeting at Polo, Bulacan, send you our most cordial greetings  We respectfully request that you extend to the Hon. Woodrow
Wilson our hearty congratulations on his election as President of the
L'nited States and our fervent hopes that his administration may bring
to the islands a government for and by the Filipinos.
Very respectfully,
M. Sevilla, parish priest of Hagonoy; Juan de la Rosa, Rizal,
P. 1.; Arcadio Resurreccion, parish priest of Meycauayan, Rizal; Francisco Alto, parish priest of Guiguinto;
Bonifacio de la Cruz, parish priest of Rigoa; Juan
Somera, parish priest of Paombong; Vicente Pingol,
parish priest of Pulilan; Osmundo Lim, parish priest
of Barasoain; Juan Dilag, parish priest of Obando;
Esteban Daez, parish priest of Polo; Alejandro Carlos,
parish priest of Marilao.; Ladislao Santos, parish priest
of Cuenca; Cipriano Aguirre, parish priest of Bocawe;
Francisco Carreon, parish priest of Tonsuya; TomAs
Changko, parish priest of Norzagaray; Aquilino Borlongan, parish priest of Calumpit   Mateo Evangelista, parish priest of Bulacan: Benito Cebrero, parish
priest of Baliuag; Victorino Lopez. parish priest of
Quinua; Cirilo Abela, parish priest of Santa Maria; Magdaleno Castillo, parish priest of Malolos: Angel Cortazar, parish priest of San Jose; Excequiel Morelos, parish
riest of Bustos; Silvino Manalo, parish priest of
Pandacan.
The views of the Filipino clergy are further explained by Rev.
Silvino Manalo in the following words:
The reasons why the Filipino clergy favors the freedom of the Philippines are easily explained. Our history shows that we have been always
in favor of a Filipino independent nationality. We believe that the
-interests of Christianity in the islands, which are the interests of all
the civilized world and which are our main concerns, can be better protected under a Filipino independent government. We have, therefore,
no greater desire than the liberty of our country-liberty which means
the free and just management of our national and international affairs
through the will and sovereignty of the people. Such a liberty is but
the sequel of ' independence," which is enjoyed by most peoples of the
world.
We extend our sincere and enthusiastic congratulations to the lion.
Woodrow Wilson, because we believe that, being a man of sound democratic doctrines and a world-known lover of justice, he would do all he
can to convert into law the Jones bill and thus insure to us the right
which is justly and inalienably ours.
That there may be one or two Filipinos for American rule is
not impossible; but should the voice of one man or of a dozen
men in favor of American domination ble heeded?     Have gentle83C83-118S7




29
men forgotten that when the thirteen Colonies were struggling
for freedom from Great Britain, sacrificing for the independence
of their country everything they cared most for in this world,
there were a few Americans who took sides with the English?
Have gentlemen forgotten that there were those who in the history of that war of revolution were known to be Tories?
ASSEMBLY BILL NO. 395.
One part of the remarks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania
[Mr. OLMSTED] has given me a great deal of concern and sorrow.
The gentleman alluded to a certain bill passed by the Philippine
Assembly in a mannel- which must be construed as reflecting
upon the character of the members of the assembly and the
Filipinos in general. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania is
too gentle and honorable a man to have willfully done so. I
wish to use his own words that I may not misrepresent him in
any -way. He said:
As an instance of one of these bills, here is assembly bill No. 3950,
which passed the lower house December 27, 1910, but was laid on the
table in the upper branch January 31, 1911, after the presentation of a
report of the proper committee showing the object and effect of the bill.
I will print that report. together with a translation of the legal terms
used. The effect of the bill, as explained by the committee. would have
been to allow many persons guilty of rape and certain other specified
offenses to go unpunished. Such crimes were to be considered and
dealt with as offenses against the victim, who might or might not institute proceedings, but not as public offenses or offenses against society.
Is the gentleman from Virginia willing-would any gentleman be
willing-to have that most horrible of offenses no longer subject to
public prosecution? Should Filipino women be placed in that position?
Was the passage of such an act through the lower branch a very high
tribute to their capacity for self-government?
The accusation thus made against the Philippine Assembly.
and in fact against the whole Filipino people, is so unjustified
and undeserved that I tried then to interrupt the gentleman
from.Pennsylvania to explain to him the circumstances upon
which this bill is founded, but, owing to lack of time, he was
not able to yield the floor.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania was asked by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. MURRBAY] the circumstances relating to the bill. and the gentleman from  Pennsylvania answered that he did not know them. He said that he knew that
" the bill was passed by the lower branch, and that is enough."
It is not enough. The gentleman from Pennsylvania before
making a statement that, at least, by innuendo indicted the
Philippine Assembly of being unmindful of the honor of Filipino.
women, should have devoted more time to the study of the
measure which he criticizes.   The gentleman from    Pennsylvania, before accusing the representatives of the Filipino people
of permitting rape, one of the most horrifying crimes, to go
unpunished, should have made himself thoroughly acquainted
with thle subject.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania is known and considered to
be onei of the great lawyers not only of Congress but of the
lnited States as well. I wonder. therefore, how this gentleman
could have been ignorant of the fact that the law which lihe
criticizes was not intended to allow any man guilty of rape to
go unpunished, nor was it an original invention of the Philippine Assembly. This bill merely purported to repeal section
4t6: and to reenact sections 448 and 467 of the Penal Code
83683I-11867




30
of the Philippine Islands, which were amended by act 1773
of the Philippine Colmmission. The penal code of the Philippines is still the criminal law of the land except as it has been
specifically amended by the acts of the commission or the legislature. This code is the same as the Spanish penal code, and
is almost identical to the French, Austrian, Napolitan, and
Brazilian codes. Section 448 of the Philippine penal code corresponds to section 463 of the Spanish penal code and is similar
to sections 337 and 338 of- the French penal code; section 247,
second part, of the Austrian code; sections 326 and 327 of the
Napolitan code; and section 250 of the Brazilian code.
Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania mean that the legislative bodies of every one of these countries proposes to allow
men guilty of rape to go unpunished? Does he mean to assert
that the legislators of those countries propose to leave their
women unprotected when assailed?
~Surely the gentleman could not have meant to draw such an
indictment against the legislators of countries which are amongst
the most advanced nations of the world in civilization and in the
science of'legislation.
The bill which the gentleman. from Pennsylvania criticizes,
like the dispositions in this respect of the French, Austrian,
Spanish, Italian, and Brazilian codes, is framed upon an altogether different theory and purpose from that which the gentleman thinks underlie it. They are based on the theory that
the crimes of seduction, abduction, rape, adultery, and so forth;
involve the dishonor of the person and of the family offended;
or, in other words, to the belief which exists the world over
that a woman loses her honor, and with 'her's her people's,
if she has had, even unwillingly, illegitimate intercourse with a
man. The purpose of the bill is to give, in these cases, to the
offended parties ample liberty to choose whether they would
rather keep to themselves their disgrace or mnlke it known to
tlhe public by the prosecution of the crime. But the gentleman
from Pennlsylvaia is very much mistaken when he asserts that
rape by virtue of this bill is not subject to public prosecution.
Paragraph 3 of section 1 of the assembly's bill says:
In order to proceed in case of rape and in those of abduction committed with unchaste design the denunciation of the interested party,
of her paretnts, grandparents, or guardians shall suffice, even though
they do not present a formal petition to the judge.
'The construction of this paragraph, familiar even to law stu-.dents in the countries where similar provision exists, is that
the.Government shall institute criminal proceedings as soon as
it is advised of the facts, even orally, by any of the parties
mentioned.
While the bill passed by the Philippine Assembly may not be
in accord with the legal views of the gentleman from Pennsylvania or his own personal opinion, it is not by any means an
indication of the inability or ignorance of the rmembers of the
Philippine Assembly. Much less does it indicate any lack of
proler sense of morality in the people of the Philippine Islands.
1MOIRLITY IN TIHE PHILIPPINES.
It is interesting to cite in connection with this matter the
statements of the census in Volume II, page 117:
The number of women who reported themselves prostitutes was 476,
nearly all of whom were in Manila. Of these, 75 were white, nearly all
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thle countrties of Euirope being4 represented besides the United States;
2(60. or more than half, were yellow, practically all of whom wiere Tapaniese:and (only 141, or 1 in 25,000 of the femnale popuilation of the
islands. wei-e Filipinos. It is rather extraordinary that in this 'Malay
archip~elago seven-tenths of all the prostitutes were from foreign lands,
a fact which speaks -volumes for the chastity of the Filipinos.
This Amierican-11inade book pay-s the highest l)ossible tribute to
the morality of the people of the Philippines, and 1_s a final
"ails-Wer to the gentleman from Pennsylvania.
LEGISLA~TIVE 'MISTAKES MADE EVEEYWi1ERE.
But even admitting that the assembly hod passed seine unwis-_e,
legislation, is that to be considered a conclusive proof of the
incapacity off the 1ilipinos for seif-governme'nt? Shall it be
held a ground tor denyisag them their God-given right to indepenidence? How m mxy of the legislatures of the different States
of the Union, including the National Congress, have made mistalkes hin their legislative policies?  Is there anly legislature.
wh~ether hi Europe, Americat, or Asia, free from mistakes? If I
were to cite instaiincee I could convict every country on earth
of lack of ability for self-government. The legislative record
of the -assembly is indeed most extraordinary if, after four
reg(ular and three extra sessions, its critics have found but twvo
bills to criticize out of hundreds passed, and even when Iin thios'e
instances I have shown that the criticism is unwarranted.
INDEPENDENCE SHOULD BE GRANTED AS A MATTER 0O' JUSTICE.
Ihave dwelt at leiigth. on every subject touched upon by both
the gentlemian from Pennisylv~ania and the gentleman from New
York.   I have, I think, demionstrated that their arguments
agaiiist Philippinehindependence are baseless. There is, in f act.
no reason for withholding- the exercise of the sacred right of
s-elf-government from the Filipinos unless it be the determination to deprive them- of that right. We have given in every- case,
-wheni we have beeni afforded the opportunity, proof that weC
know how to managne our own,affairs.-, anti that we -can do it
better than anybody can dlo it for us.
We dlo not seek the pity of the American people. - We a.s-k
no favor from themn. We only- want them to comiply with lie
divine -rule,  Do unto others w-Nhat -you would that others should
do unto you.' The gentleman from New York, in his generosity,
relmeated in the beginning of -his remarks what he once told 111,
that lie ssought for his people nio freedom that he does not want
for may- people. If he means what he says, how caim he countenance the coiitinuation in the Philippines of Amaerican sovereignity for a single day against the wviii of the inhabitanUts'
when he certainly- does not inteisd to permit his own countryto 1)e governed by- a foreign nation for one minuite? Ilie desires,;
that the Filipinos shall be as free as time Americans. And yetwe are niot as free as time Americans are.   W~e dlo not enjoythe samie privileges and the same political rights that they- do.
They have their ow-n. flag. We have nione. Trley have their
own Government, administered hy' meii of their race and their
selection. We have not. And all that we need to be on time
saimie footing with themi is that the gentleman fromt New Yo:rk
anid all his colleagumes in the 'house of Repres-entatives and in
the Senate vote for a bill grantingii independence to the Philippaine Islantis. [Appl~ause.]
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