-            -
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684-888


MISGOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES
AND
COST TO THE UNITED STATES OF
AMERICAN OCCUPATION


f
/1"
(-I}


SPEECH
OF
*    HON. WILLIAM Al JONES
OF VIJRGINIA.
IN THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES


JANUARY 28, 1913
WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1013
76329-11728.
1O l




SPEECH
OF
HON. WILLIAM' A. JONES.
The House in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the
Union had under consideration the bill (H. R. 28186) making appropriations for fortifications and other works of defense, for the armament thereof, for the procurement of heavy ordnance for trial and
service, and for other purposes.
Mr. JONES.     Mr. Chairman, the newspapers of Sunday of
last week report that President Taft, in the address which he
delivered in New York City on the Saturday evening previous
at the Ohio Society dinner, severely attacked the Philippine
independence bill reportel from the Committee on Insular Affairs and now upon the calendar of this House. What the
President said upon this subject is reported in a dispatch to
the Washington Herald, which is in these words:
After an emphatic appeal for an enlargement of the Navy, following
an address upon similar lines by Representative HOBSON, the President
launched forth into an attack on the Jones bill, now before Congress,
providing for the freedom of the Philippines within eight years.
The President termed such a measure " suicidal and highly defective,"
and said that the United States should treat the Philippines just as
Great Britain treats Canada and Australia-as colonies-but should
not free them under any circumstances.
WOULD CREATE TROUBLE.
"Were I a political party," said the President, "I could wish the
Democrats no worse fortune than the passage of the Jones bill, which
I am positive, from my long acquaintance with the Philippine Islands,
would result in a mess and a muss which would forever return to plague
its makers. The Philippines have cost the United States to 'date
$3,000,000 for civil expenses, and this money was appropriated to save
them from starvation. The expense of maintaining troops in the islands
'is practically nil, and I always will be opposed to any measure looking
to their freedom."
In a somewhat different account of this address, published in
the Washington Post, President Taft is reported to have askedIs it possible that little as.this Democratic administration knows
about the Philippines they are going to let them go and defeat our
efforts to raise and educate the Filipino people?  Is it possible that it
is going to do that with no foundation whatsoever and without the approval of somebody who knows the islands? I hope not.
2                                    -' 76329-11728




3


On the 6th of December last President Taft sent a special
message to Congress, in which he expressed in rather vigorous
terms and at considerable length his disapprobation Af this
Philippine independence measure. Among other things he told
us in this message thatTo confer independence upon the Filipinos now is therefore to subject the great mass of their people to the dominance of an oligarchical
and probably exploiting minority.
A present declaration even of future independenceHe informed Congresswould retard progress by the dissension and disorder it would arouse.
It has been to me a matter of no little regret, to say nothing
of surprise, that President Taft, for whom I entertain personally the highest regard and the very kindest feelings, should
have thought fit to severely criticize and attack in a message to
Congress a measure there pending.
It is quite true that it is the constitutional duty of the President to "from time to time give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient,"
but this message neither conveyed information nor recommended
legislation to the Congress. On the contrary, it severely denounced and vigorously opposed pending legislation.  If the
President shall disapprove any bill which has passed the two
Houses of Congress, he is empowered by the Constitution to
return it to the House in which it originated, along with his
objections; but I have failed to find anywhere in that instrument warrant for the course pursued by the President in this
case.
But I am not so much conoerned over the method employed
by the President to make' public his views in respect to this
measure as I am in the views themselves.
With great deference for his superior knowledge and information, I must nevertheless dissent from the unsupported opinion
expressed by him that to confer independence upon the Filipinos
would subject the masses " to the dominance of an oligarchical
and probably exploiting minority," and I believe that his statement that "a present declaration even of future independence"
would arouse disorder and retard progress is opposed to the
76329-11728




4


enlightened opinion and best judgment of a vast majority of
the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I not only assert, but I shall undertake to prove
by incontrovertible facts, that the government which the United
States has imposed upon the Filipinos, and under the dominance
of which they are now forced to live, is an oligarchy of the most
intolerable, despotic, and unrestricted character.
I shall attempt no reply to President Taft's alleged characterization of the pending Philippine independence bill as
"suicidal and defective"; nor. shall I endeavor at this time. to
convince the House that the Filipinos are capable of governing
themselves and that it is the duty of the United States to grant
them their independence. It will be time enough to discuss the
merits and demerits of this measure when it comes up for consideration. 'I hope-to have the opportunity in the near future
of presenting at greater length than could now be done the
reasons which impel my belief thlt some such mieasure as
that '-hich seems to have so greatly aroused the opposition of
President Taft will prove a wise and just solution of the Philippine problem. In the meantime I shall avail.myself of this,
the first oppiortunity that has presented itself, to nmake reply
to a few of the statements in wh-ich he is allegel to have indulged at the Ohio Society dinner.
The United States, he is reported to have said, should treat
the Philippinles just as Great Britain treats Canaida and Australia, but should not free them  under any circumlstances.
Whon, may I ask, did he reach this coinclusion? Canlada and
Australia are in every essential respect, if not absolutely and
completely, self-governing colonies. Each has its own elective
parliament; each makes its own laws, lays its own taxes, and
collects and disburses its own revenues. Great Brital'n exercises absolutely no control over the domestic affairs of either of'
these colonies. They not only control their internal affairs, but
they negotiate their commercial treaties, and they lay their
tariff duties, and-in this and other respects ara more self-governing and autonomous than any State in odr American Union.
Lr. HELM. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. JONES. Yes.
76329-11728                                          -




5
Mr. HELM. Does Great Britain reserve any veto power as
to legislation passed by Australia or the Canadian Parliaments?
Mr. JONES. I am coming to that directly. It is true that
they do not select their own governors general, but it is also
true that not within the memory of living man has the veto
power been exercised by a governor general of either colony.
The people of Canada and Australia are virtually as free and
independent as those of England herself.
We are indebted to Australia for the secret-ballot system in
vogue in every State in our Union. I wonder, too, if President
Taft knows that pure democracy prevails to such an extent in
Australia that the initiative, referendum, and recall have already been adopted there. Surely he, of all men, would not like
to see the recall of judges introduced in the Philippines. How
is it with the Philippine Islands?The act of Congress under which they are governed was
passed more than a decade ago, and President Taft, more than
any other human being, is responsible for its provisions. The
governor general, vice governor, members of the Philippine
Commission, and the heads of the various executive departments are all appointed by the President of the United States.
The legislature since 1907 has consisted of two houses, this appointive commission, which is known as the upper house, and
an elective assembly. This body legislates for the civilized,
Christianized people, but the commission, under the organic act,
is the sole legislative body for the non-Christian and uncivilized
tribes, and exercises supreme and exclusive legislative authority over all their territory, their lives, their property, and their
public revenues.. Let us see what has been the practical operation-some of the actual, tangible results-of this anomalous
condition of affairs. In the first place, no measure originating
in the assembly can become a law unless it meets the approval
of the commission, and, of course, the reverse of this proposition is also true. Realizing that disagreements would inevitably arise between the commission and the assembly, and that
the annual appropriation bills for the support of the government might thus fail of passage, the organic act provides that
in such event "an amount equal to the sums appropriated in
76329-11728




6
the last appropriation bills for such purposes shall be deemed
to be appropriated, and until the legislature shall act in such
behalf the treasurer may, with the advice of the governor,
make the payments necessary for the purposes aforesaid." The
purpose of this law is, as has been said by another, to provide
for the contingency of an honest difference of opinion between
these two houses as well as for unreasonable or factious attempts on the part of either house to embarrass the government
by withholding the supplies necessary for its existence.
Twice has the legislature failed to pass these supply bills.
One of the causes for the disagreements which led to the deadlock between the two branches of the legislature and which
resulted in these failures to pass appropriation bills was that
the assembly insisted that the salaries of the members of the
commission, who were also heads of executive departments,
should be so reduced as to make them more nearly correspond
to those received by members of the American Cabinet. But
the chief cause of disagreement was the insistence of the commission upon the right which it claimed to appropriate large
sums of money out of the public revenues of the insular treasury, to be expended upon what is known as the Benguet Road,
without the concurrence and despite the earnest opposition of
the other coordinate branch of the legislature.
-iThe Benguet Road is a highway less than 20 miles in length,
built at a cost of several millions of dollars in gold through a
mountain gorge to a health resort or residential park, calledr
Baguio, to which place, at great expense, the seat of goverrment is transferred from Manila for several months each year,
and where American officials have handsome homes, clubhouses,
polo grounds, and other sources of recreation and amusement.
The Filipinos have from the beginning been violently opposed
to these vast and absolutely inexcusable expenditures. Not
only has it cost' nillions to build this automobile road through
rigged mountains, a highway that is used solely for purposes
of recreation and pleasure, but the cost of its upkeep is perhaps
not less than $100,000 a year,.and in times of great freshets
it has been 'necessary to rebuild entire sections at an enormous cost. Nothing that our Government has done in the
76329-11728




Philippine Islands has aroused more feeling and created more
resentment on the part of the helpless Filipinos of every sta-,
tion in life than this wanton and indefensible disregard of
their wishes and interests. [Applause.]  This one act of the
Philippine Commission has greatly shaken, if not destroyed, the
confidence of the Filipino people in the American sense of justice
and fair dealing. It has removed every vestige of any sentiment which may have existed in favor of American annexation.
Is it then to be wondered at that the assembly, composed as
it is entirely of natives, refused to lend itself to such inexcusable and, under the conditions of poverty so common in the
islands, criminally wasteful expenditures of the public moneys
as I have attempted to describe?
The pretext for thevcommission's action was that the Benguet
Road traversed a part of a non-Christian Province, and that
inasmuch as the commission exercised exclusive legislative
functions over non-Christian territory it was empowered to
expend any amount of the public funds it might desire in the
construction and maintenance of that road, and that without
either the concurrence or approval of the assembly. The members of. the assembly claimed, on the other hand, and with
reason, that the commission was only empowered to expend
the public money in non-Christian Provinces for the use and
benefit of the non-Christian and uncivilized tribes residing
therein, and that it was a flagrant violation of law and a perversion of public funds to use them in the construction of an
enormously expensive automobile road leading to a mountain
resort maintained exclusively for the benefit of themselves and
other rich residents of Manila.
It was these disagreements between the commission and the
assembly that resulted in the nonpassage of the annual supply
bills of which I have spoken, and I believe that every libertyloving and right-thinking American citizen, when he comes to
understand their motives, will applaud Speaker Osmena and
his legislative associates for the courage and patriotism which
they thus twice displayed. [Applause.]
Whether or not the commission deliberately planned to bring
about this unfortunate condition of affairs in order to deprive
76329-11728




8
the Filipinos of any control over their revenues the result has
been the same. Acting under the authority of the provision of
law which I have just quoted the Governor General has'ordered
the appropriation of a sum equal to the total appropriations
made in the previous year for the support of the Government.
Having thus gotten into his hands more than $12,000,000 in
1911 and somewhat less than $14,000,000 in 1912 of the public
revenues of the Filipino people the Governor General proceeded
to expend these large sums according to his own will, and as in
his sole judgment seemed desirable, and with an utter disregard for the purposes for which the prior legislative appropriations had been made. Is there, I ask, a Representative upon this
floor who, after reading the law under which 'Gov. Forbes is
supposed to have acted, will not denounce his actions as both
arbitrary and illegal?  Many an official has been impeached for
less than this. Baguio 'and the Benguet Road were, of course,
liberally provided for, new offices were created, and- the salaries
of existing offices increased. It is needless to say that the'salaries of the heads of executive departments were not decreased.
It is asserted by d former member of the commission that
there were as many as 123 new offices thus created, among
them a secretary to the Governor General at an annual salary of
$4,500, and it is a most amazing and stupendous fact that the
expendit4res on account of bureaus and offices for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1912, were $9,63S,369.80, as against $8,318,051.56
for the next preceding year, the excess being a mere bagatelle of
S1,320,318.24 in gold. A people whose self-restraint is equal to
orderly and peaceful submission to acts of tyranny and oppression such as these are surely capable of governing themselves.
It is but just to say that therexwere membeis of the commission vwho questioned the legality of these executive acts, and
that at least one American member formally and vigorously protested against them. These protests, however, were wholly unavailing. In pursuing this arbitrary and, as I clharge, absolutely illegal course the Governor General acted, at least, so far
as is publicly known, without legal advice. although -not himself
a lawyer. He consulted neither the solicitor general nor the
attorney general of the islands, and, as I am informed, these
76329-11728




9
legal advisers of the Government did not agree with the Governor General in his construction of the law or approve his action. Certain it is that the ablest lawyer on the commission,
the Hon. Charles B. Elliott, formerly a member of the Supreme
Court of the State of Minnesota, who was recently requested to
resign as a result of his emphatic disapproval of the course of
Gov. Gen. Forbes, regarded the latter's action as a most flagrant
disregard of both the spirit and the letter of the law, for his
opinion to this effect is upon record in Manila, and was rendered
long before he had any thought of resigning as a member of the
commission. Whether or not the Filipinos are capable of selfgovernment, I question the right of Gov. Gen. Forbes to longer
govern them.
President Taft tells us that "a declaration even of future
independence would retard progress by the dissension and disorder it would arouse." I am curious to know what results
he thinks such arbitrary and illegal acts as the one to which
I have just called attention are likely to produce. To my mind
the fact that the Filipino people have exercised such selfcontrol as to refrain from even the semblance of disorder under
conditions so inexpressibly hard and cruelly exasperating as
these constitutes the highest tribute to their self-restraint and
respect for constituted authority. [Applause.]
Whenever attention is directed to acts such as these on the
part of the government which we have set up in the Philippines, the reply has always been glibly made, as if that were
sufficient in itself to disarm criticism and forever silence all
complaint, that within the past 10 years public schools have
greatly -multiplied in the Philippines; that the inhabitants of
the islands have made wonderful progress in the acquisition of
knowledge of various kinds; that sanitary conditions have improved; and that many important public works have been inaugurated as a result of our beneficent rule. The Filipino who does
not accept this reply as conclusive of the question is frequently
denounced as an ingrate..Indeed, his failure to accept such reasoning as conclusive is cited as evidence of his incapacity for
self-government. Nobody denies these things. Nobody denies that
there has been great educational and material progress in the
76329-11728




10
Philippines. I will evefi admit, for it is a fact, that the parcel
post was in the Phi  nes before Congress could be convinced
that it was not too jtensive to be thought of for the farmers
of the United States. But it must not be forgotten that every
Collar of the money contributed for these purposes came out
of the pockets of the Filipinos. Nor must it be forgotten that
much of it, as I have shown, was needlessly and shamefully
wasted, and that the benefits derived from its expenditure, even
in those cases where the expenditure was proper, have rarely,
if ever, been commensurate with the cost.
Mr. MURRAY. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. JONES. Certainly.
Mr. MURRAY. What evidence has the gentleman as to the
accuracy of the statements which he has just made, which
have shocked me and I have no doubt shocked many Members
of this House?
Mr. Chairman, perhaps I ought to say that, I have no disposition to be out of harmony with the gentleman in his statement of the facts. I have been shocked to hear them and I
have wondered whether or not the gentleman has any plans
for verification or proof of them, which I think ought to go
with all such statements.
Mr. JONES. I will say to the gentleman that I will submit,
and ask to have printed in connection with my remarks, a
statement made by a former member of the commission itself.
I have already stated that one member of the commission,
Judge Elliott, of Minnesota, has placed upon record in Manila
his protest against the construction which Gov. Forbes has
placed upon the act of Congress which I have quoted. I will
further state to the gentleman that he will find all the information he desires with respect to the Benguet Road if he will
read the reports of the investigations of the friar lands sales.
Mr. MURRAY. Of course, Mr. Chairman, in such matters
as have been referred to they can throw no possible light in
regard to the alleged arbitrary and illegal conduct that has
taken place with respect to these appropriations.
Mr. JONES. I may say to my friend that there is not a
particle of question as to the action of the Governor General
76329-11728




}


11
to which I have called attention, and I am sure that every
word I have said on that subject will be verified by the InsuLar
Affairs Bureau in this city. These facts are well known and
are not questioned in any quarter, so far as I know. It is not
denied that Gov. Forbes holds that in disbursing the public
funds, if the legislature fails to pass the regular supply bills, he
is not confined to the objects named in the last regularly enacted
bill.
When the opportunity is afforded me I shall undertake to
give this House some idea as to what extent the government
we have imposed upon the Filipinos has been extravagant and
wasteful. The American people have not the slightest conception of what has been going on in the Philippines. Whilst the
head of every bureau-and they are almost innumerable-is
provided with a costly automobile, the upkeep of which is also
paid for by the Filipinos, there are hundreds of thousands of
natives who can not afford shoes for their bare feet.
Mri SHERLEY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman permit an
inqUiry?
Mr. JONES. Yes.
Mr. SHERLEY. Does that statement go beyond the question
of expressing a view as to the right of the Governor General
to expend the moneys? Does it go to the question of extravagance in expenditure or misappropriation of funds?
Mr. JONES. It goes to the question of both extravagance
and misappropriation.
Mr. SHERLEY. I have no knowledge, and I want to find out.
Mr. JONES. It goes to both.
Mr. SAUNDERS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. JONES. Yes.
'Mr. SAt  EW 3. I would say, in the same connection, is it
not best for th gentleman to print as a part of his remarks
the opinion g en by Judge Elliott in relation to the power of
the Governor General?
Mr. JONES. I will say to the gentleman that I have in my
possession a long and exhaustive legal document bearing upon
this subject. I had not intended to put that in the RECORD, but
I can put it in if gentlemen so desire. It is in the form of a
76329-11728




12


letter from one of the commissioners to the auditor of the in-      '
sular government..
Mr. MURRAY. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr.. JONES. Mr. Chairman, I would prefer to have the gentleeman defer his question until I- have concluded what I am
now saying; then I shall be glad to.rxeply to any question he
may address to me.
Mr.-MURRAY. I want to have incorporated here the suggestions.that I have in my mind, that-the- gentleniman has made
statements which are in the nature of very serious charges,
and I think we ought to have the letter to which the gentleman
refers as the basis of the presentment.
Mr. JONES. I will publish in connection with my- remarks
a statement given out by a former member of the commissionwhich -fully- confirms my statement.
This reckless extravagance and -studied disregard for the
interests of the poor and defenseless Filipinos has led, as might
have been expected, to -a deficit, or; perhaps, it would be more
accurate to say a deficit was only averted during the past fiscalyear by the transference of $1,698,513.S2 from the gold-standa-rd
fund to the general funds in the Treasury. Unless, therefore,
great reduction in expenditures is made during the year 1913
there will be a very large deficit, for I can not believe that the
commission will again invade the gold-standard fund, although,
I confess, that I am prepared for anything it may do. For the
commission has not in the past hesitated to lay its hands upon
a, if anything, more sacred fund than this.
Mr. COOPER. Mr. Chairman, I would like to have the gentleman explain the gold-standard fund, because the gentleman
sitting in front of me does not undtrstand it.
Mr. JONES. The gold-standard fund, of course, is a fund
created for the protection of the silver currency in the islands,
the pesos and other fractional silver currency.
The President said in New York that '; the Philippines have
cost the United States to date only $3.000.000 for civil expenses,
and that this money was appropriated to save them from starvation." Well do I remember that Congress donated this money
to save the famishing Filipinos from starvation, but does Presi76329-11728




13


dent Taft know that a considerable part of it was expended on
the Benguet automobile road, of which I have spoken? -The act
of Congress declared that the money should be expended "for
the relief of distress in the Philippine Elands." In the estimation of the commission these starving Filipinos stood more
in need of an automobile road than of the rice to purchase
which the American people in their generosity gave this money.
But at the proper time and in due season those who are
responsible for conditions in the Philippines will have graver
charges than these to answer. I predict, for instance, that
somebody will be required to explain why it was that three
prominent American officials of the city of Manila were not
removed from office as was recommended by the committee
appointed to investigate the grafting charges preferred against
them. Some of their subordinates were prosecuted and convicted; but, notwithstanding the findings and recommendations
of a committee of investigation, one of whom was Solicitor
General Harvey and another Gen. Bandholtz, chief of the constabulary, their superiors have escaped all punishment and two
of them are still enjoying the salaries of their lucrative offices.
The third has since been removed from office for usury and
extortion. The head of this powerful triumvirate, the man who
was kept in office by the Governor General, notwithstanding his
grafting, and who was removed during the absence of the
Governor General last year, was then and is now the Manila
correspondent Of a great American newspaper. He realizes,
of course, that the Filipinos do not love him, and does anybody
imagine that his American readers will- ever be told through his
published letters that the Filipinos are capable of self-government? And it is upon such 'disinterested and unprejudiced
testimony as this that the American people are asked to pronounce the Filipinos incapable of self-government.
But, Mr. Speaker, I shall not pursue this particular subject
any further.
I think I have said enough to convince the most doubting
Thomas that there is not the least similitude between the Government which we have forcibly set up in the Philippines and
those enjoyed by the people of Canada and Australia.
76329-11728




14
If President Taft really thinks, as he is reported to have said,
that we should treat the Philippines just as Great Britain
treats Canada and Australia, why, may I ask, has he postponed
until the very end of his administration to offer this gratuitous
advice to his Democratic successor? -Why has he not made
some effort during the four years of his administration to give
the Filipinos a government in some slight respect- modeled
after those the like of which he said they should have? It
was within his power long ago to have substituted a liberal,
progressive, and practically autonomous government, one at
least resembling in some respects those of Canada and Australia, for the irresponsible and odious autocracy under which
they are now governed.
I shall not now consume much of the time of the House in
combating the President's statement that the expense of mainining troops in the islands is practically nothing.
will be recalled that in response to a resolution of this
Hous asking for information upon this subject the President
sent a message to Congress in July last in which he declared
that aside from certain enumerated direct appropriations, the
cost accruing to the United States on account of the military
and naval operations in and about the archipelago and from
the construction of fortifications there could not be determined
with lany degree of accuracy. The problelm presented by the
resolution, he said, was "practically insoluble."  Now he is
moved to say, because of his violent opposition to even a declaration by Congress of any future purpose to grant the Filipinos their independence, that this cost is practically nothing.
To me this is a most incomprehensible, a most amazing statement.
I shall not attempt to inform the House, even approximately,
what our military and naval operations in the Philippines have
cost the United States from the beginning of American occuI)ation up to the present time. Ten years ago it was variously
estimated at from $200,000,000 to $6000000,000. On June 19,
1902, former Secretary of War ROOT, in response to a Senate
resolution, informed Congress that our military occupation had
cost up to May 1 of that year $170,326,586.11. He gave no
76329-11728




15
information as to what had been the cost of our naval operations
and none with relation to the Marine Corps, but he did under-take to say with a remarkable "degree of accuracy " what had
been the cost of our military occupation. Surely the present
Secretary of War could, with an equal degree of accuracy, have
informed the President- what military occupation at least has
cost the United States from May 1, 1902, up to the present time.
Secretary ROOT'S figures were based upon the assumption that
if the Army had not been in the Philippines an equal number
of troops, exclusive,of Philippine Scouts, would have been
maintained in the United States, which, to my mind, is a very
violent assumption. The most casual examination of Mr. RooT's
report will make it apparent that he excluded from his account
many large items of cost which should properly have been
included. But, as I have pointed out, he did not assume to say
what had been expended by the United States on account of
our naval operations and those,.f the Marine Corps, and I
venture the assertion that $600,006,000, the estimate of the late
Senator Hoar, is much nearer correct than the figures furnished
by the ex-Secretary of War-what the grand total really is will
never be even approximately known. One reason for this is
that it is not possible in numberless instances to segregate the
items which are properly chargeable to military occupation of
the islands from those which are not so chargeable, when these
appropriations are made in lump sums for the support of the
Army as a whole.
Having made these somewhat general observations, I shall
now proceed to give' the House some definite information in the
way of figures, which if they represent, as they do, only a part
of the expenditures being made in the Philippines out of the
Treasury of the United States, will at least serve to show that
what President Taft may regard as practically nothing is, in
the estimation of most people, a very considerable sum.
We have for the past few years kept stationed in the Philippines approximately 12,000 Regular troops and 6,000 native
scouts, all of whom are maintained at the cost of the United.States. At this time the scouts number 5,660.
76329-11728




16
It is denied by some of our imperialistic friends that the cost
of the!aintenance of these 12,000 United States troops in the
Phili-pilnes should be considered in estimating the expense to
us of holding them. They say that the strength of the Regular
Army would have been maintained at its present proportions
even if the United States had not possessed the islands. I
challenge their statement, but even if it were true the expense
of our military establishment in the islands would still be far
from inconsiderable.
The Army appropriation bill which passed this House on
TuesLday last carried an item of $1.069,470.66 for the pay of the
Philippine Scouts for the next fiscal year, and another item of
$500,000 to be expended for permanent quarters and barracks
for our trools in the islands. It will not be contended, I think,
that these scouts would be needed or ever available were we
to withdraw, from the Philippines, and in such an. event we
would not be required to spend half a million dollars a year
for the erection of permanent barracks and costly oflicers'
quarters. as we have been doing for years in furtherance of
elaiborate plans involving an expenditure of millions of dollars.
But enlisted men get 20 andlotficers 10 per cent additional pay
wbe'.l engaged in foreign service, and this Army bill carried a
little item of t$95.000,' practically every dollar of which is paid
to our troops serving in the Philippines, for service in the
Canal Zone. in Panamia, a aaii, and Por to IRico is not regarded
under thle lh\w as foreign serviice.
I state this to anticipate the objection of the gentleman from
Kenltuclky [Mr.,SnE.LEYI,], and tlhe only..1art of this $99).000
that is not plaid in the Philippine Islands is a very trifling
sum paid to a battalion of troops in'Alaska.
lMr. SHIERiEY. Mr.. Chairman, I suggest to the gentleman
tha.t perhals it would be fairer in debate to anticipate something that the gentleman fromi Kentucky has warranted the
gentleman from Virginia in believing he was going to contend.
Mr. JONES. I beg the gentleman's pardon, if I mistook his
intention.
Mr. SHERLEY. I trust the gentleman's other conclusions
are based on more detailed study.
706329-11728




17


Mr. JONES. They are based on figures and facts that I do
not think the gentleman from Kentucky or anybody else can
successfully challenge.
Mr. HELM. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield at this
point?
Mr. JONES. Yes.
Mr. HELM. Is it a fact that our Government has to pay
a tariff on all of the supplies that are taken to the Philippine
Islands from countries other than the United States for the
support of the American soldiery in the Philippine Islands?
Mr. JONES. I believe that is true.
These three items alone aggregate $2,574,470.66, a sum which
can scarcely be called "practically nothing."
The fortification bill which we are now considering carries
for fortifications, searchlights, repair of torpedo-repair structures, mining casemates, and so forth, all to be expended in the
Philippines, $782,350. In addition to this sum it contains appropriations aggregating $720,000 to be expended in our insular
possessions, the bulk of which is to be spent in the Philippines.;The naval, general deficiency, and sundry civil bills, yet to be
reported, will carry large items for the Philippines, as has alwnys been the case heretofore.
What it costs to feed, clothe, house, and otherwise care for
6.000 scouts in the Piilippines I can not say, but the sum far
exceeds their actual pay, which I have shown to be $1,069,470.66
annually. What it costs to provide for the 12,000 Regular troops
in the Philippines over and above what it would cost: were they
- kept in continental United States I can not even guess. It is well
within bounds to say, however, that the items I have mentioned
will exceed in the aggregate $6,000,000. Is this a mere bagatelle?
The Trails-Pacific Fleet consists of nine Army transports,
not all of which, however, are in commission at the same time.
The cost of the operation and maintenance of these vessels,
which are used in the transportation of troops to and from the
Philippines and in transporting animals and supplies for the
use of the army of occupation, is enormous. The ordinary
repairs for each one of them, for each and every round trip,
cost $2,500, and occasionally they require overhauling, at an
expense of hundreds of thousands of dollars each.
76329-11728




18
To give some idea as to what this transport service is costing
the United States, I may state that in 1908 repairs to transports and launches amounted to $606,350.20, whilst the fuel bill
far that year was $632,500. In 1909 these repairs amounted to.387,212, in 1910 to $489,921, and in 1911 to $331,278. The fuel
bills were even larger. Just what it costs annually to man and
operate these transports I can not say, but for several years the
shore expenses of the transport service, such as office and watehouse rental, wharfage charges, employees, and so forth, have
averaged around $1,500,000 annually.
But in addition to the trans-Pacific service there is also an
interisland transport service owned, maintained, and operated
by the United States. This service costs more than $500,000
annually. Will it be said that this Army transport service
would be necessary were we out of the Philippines?
I have said nothing as to the railroad transportation of troops
en route to and from the Philippines, but it is several hundred
thousand dollars annually. Nor have I attempted to enumerate
the almost numberless other purposes and objects, incident to
our occupation, for which we are annually expending large
sums of money in the Philippines. Some of these are water
and sewer systems, artesian wells, shelter for troops and animals, storehouse rentals, hospitals, clubhouses, military telegraph and telephone lines, a small-army of civilian employees,
interpreters, guides, and so forth. I have had neither the time
nor the opportunity to dig all of these items out of the many different appropriation bills which have carried.them, and it is
needless to say that the custodians of the accounts in which
they are buried have not volunteered me any assistance. The
official reports show that for the year 1911 the Quartermaster's
Department alone paid out on account of the Philippines more
than $5,000,000, and that the annual expenditures by this department by reason of our military occupation of the islands,
leaving out the years when war existed, were more than
$6,000,000.
Mr. MURRAY. Mr. Chairman, in order that I may understand clearly the purpose of the gentleman in collecting together
these figures, may I inquire-and the inquiry is for informa76329-11728




19
tion-if the point he is developing is that they are so expensive
that we ought to get rid of them?
Mr. JONES. My primary purpose is to show that the President of the United States, when he said in his speech before
the Ohio Society in New York that- they cost the United States
practically nothing, was greatly mistaken.  I also hope to
demonstrate incidentally that the Philippine Islands are costing
the Amnerican people so much that the sooner we free ourselves
of them the better it will be for the American people.
Mr. SAUNDERS. May I ask the gentleman a question?
Mr. JONES. Certainly.
Mr. SAUNDERS. Approximately, can the gentleman say
what will be the aggregate of these totals which the gentleman
has given us?
Mr. JONES. If the gentleman will wait, I will come to that
in a few moments.
Mr. KAHN. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. JONES. Certainly.
Mr. KAHN. In relation to the transport service, does the
gentleman know the transports run to Honolulu, to Guam, to
Alaska, and even down to the Isthmus of Panama?
Mr. JONES. No; I did not know that.
Mr. KAHN. That is a fact.
Mr. JONES. I. beg the gentleman's pardon. I know that
these Pacific transports do, Mr. Chairman, touch at Honolulu,
and they do touch at ports in Japan for the purpose of coaling.
I do not know that they always ftop at Guam. It is considerably out of the way to touch at Guam. I know of no reason
why they should do so regularly. I do know, however, they
do not run to Panama. We have an Atlantic Fleet of transports, several of the ships of which are now out of commission
at Newport News, in my district. These ships may be sometimes sent to Panama.
Mr. KAHN. An occasional transport goes to Panama —
Mr. JONES. I have never known of one.
Mr. KAHN. And to Guam also.
Mr. JONES. There may have been such instances, but if so,
the steamers that are in commission, and which run regularly
76329-11728




20
between San Francisco and Manila, are not, I think, ever so
used. I think the gentleman will agree to that.
Mr. KAHN. Of course, all are taken out of commission from
time to time. We have four transports that are used between
Manila and San Francisco.
Mr. JONES. I will say to my friend I have very little time
and that I must hurry on.
Mr. KAHN. I did not want to interfere with the gentleman.
Mr. JONES. I can not now state from memory what it costs
annually to maintain at Washington the large Bureau of Insular Affairs, but I think the amount exceeds $1,000,000.
Within the last 10 years we have expended in fortifying the
entrances to Manila and Subic Bays more than $11,000,000.
In the figures which I have thus submitted I have charged
nothing against the 12,000 Regular troops that are stationed in
the islands except their additional pay for foreign service and
their transportation to and from the islands; but, in my judgment, it is manifestly proper that their whole pay, as well as
the entire cost of their subsistence, should be so charged. If
we have no use at home for these troops, then the Army should
to that extent be reduced. But we are told by Col. Goethals
that 25,000 troops will be required as a permanent garrison at
the Panlama Canal.
Mr. SHERLEY. Mr. Chairman, if the gentleman will permit,
I would just like to say that Col. Goethals's testimony, made
before the Committee on Naval Affairs and subsequently having
that testimony before the Committee on Appropriations, does
-not warrant the newspaper statement constantly made that he
thinks 25,000 men should be put there.
Mr. JONES. I will say to the gentleman that I got my information from the newspapers, but I will ask him how many
troops does he think ought to be stationed in Panama?
Mr. SHERLEY. He is in accord with the policy of the department that now contemplates something over 8,000 men.
Mr. JONES. If that be true, thenThe CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. JONES. Mr. Chairman, I would ask the gentleman to
yield me 15 minutes more in which to conclude my remarks.
76329-11728




21


Mr. SHERLEY. If the gentleman pleases, I purposely did.
not take any time in my own right, so it is not mine to give,
but I would be very glad to ask that the gentleman be permitted
to continue for 15 minutes.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Kentucky asks unanimous consent that the gentleman from Virginia have permission
to continue for 15 minutes. Is there objection?  [After a
pause.] The Chair hears none.
Mr. JONES. I hope in the circumstances, Mr. Chairman, that
no questions will be asked me until I have concluded what I
wish to say. It will require all of 15 minutes.
Mr. BUCHANAN. Mr. Chairman, in regard to Col. Goethals,
I heard him make the statement before the Committee on Naval
Affairs, and he said it would be necessary to have 25,000 troops
there, and that is what he asked for and desired.
Mr. JONES. I thank the gentleman. If, then, instead of recruiting our Army to that extent, we transfer the 12,000 troops
from the Philippines to the canal, we will save at least $12,000,000
annually, since the exact cost per man for maintaining our military establishment was, last year, $913.23. Within the past five
years it has ranged from that sum to $1142 per man, aiid it
costs much more, of course, to maintain troops in the Philippines
than in the United States.
When to the cost of the Army of occupation of the Philippines
there is added our expenditures on account of the Navy and
the Marine Corps, which I shall not undertake to discuss, it
will, in my opinion, be found that it is costing the American
people to hold the Philippines not less than $40,000,000 annually. This sum exceeds th3 total annual value of the commerce
between the Philippines and the United States.
We have expended within the past 10 years more than
$1,500,000 in the construction and equipment of the naval station
at Olongapo, in addition to'some $1,275,000 on a floating dry dock
located at that place. Large sumns too, have been expended at
the Cavite naval station, and other large sums for naval hospitals,
prisons, magazines, and other objects too numerous to mention.
There may be those who Will question my judgment as to the
sum total of these expenditures, but I venture to believe that
76329-11728




22
there will be few who will agree with President Taft that they
constitute " practically nothing."  The chief of the Bureau of
Insular Affairs, however, has actually gone upon record as saying that "even the additional cost of the support of the troops
in the Philippines above the cost of support of the same number in the United States can not properly be regarded as part
of the cost of the Philippines." Indeed, he would even deny
that the cost of maintaining the Philippine Scouts can be considered a part of the cost of the Philippines to this country.
If, therefore, these remarkable ex cathedra statements are to be
accepted, the Philippines have certainly cost us nothing. But
they are " affirmation pure and simple."
The only comment that I shall make upon the President's
alleged statement that were he a politician he could wish -the
Democrats no worse fortune than the passage of the Jones bill,
since its passage would result in a mess and muss which would
forever return to plague its makers, is that if the Democratic
Party is to be deterred from keeping the solemn pledges it has
made to the American people, and upon which it was given control of every branch of the Federal Government, by the political
prophecies of one whose administrative policies have been so
emphatically discredited and repudiated by the voters of every
State of the Union, save only those of Utah and Vermont, its
defeat in 1916 will be as deservedly overwhelming as was that
of the Republican Party in November last. But whilst I recognize President Taft's great ability and nost cheerfully concede
the purity of his motives, it must be admitted, I think, by his
most ardent political followers that he has not achieved great
success as a political prophet.
Mr. LONGWORTH. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. JONES. If, when I get through, I have a moment left,
I will yield to the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, it has been made most manifest of late that
the administration has been bringing to bear every possible influence, commercial, political, and ecclesiastical, in its efforts to
defeat the declared purpose of the Democratic Party to give the
Filipinos their independence. The country is being told that
the incoming Democratic administration is too ignorant as to
76329 —11728




23
conditions in the Philippines even -to attempt a change of the
policy which the Republican Party inaugurated and has been
pursuing for the past 10 years in respect to them. All those
who have any personal and intimate knowledge of the Filixino
people and of the real conditions existing in the islands are,
we are told, unanimously of the opinion that it would be
"suicidal" to recognize the independence of the Philippines.
I readily admit that there is apparently great unanimity of
opinion in respect to this subject on the part of the people
from whom the administration secures its information, but I
absolutely deny that its sources of information are either the
most dependable or the only sources.
Many, of our naval and military people favor the indefinite
retention of the Philippines for purely personal reasons. Naval
officers argue, and with reason, that holding the islands will
mean the enlargement of the Navy, and any increase in our
naval establishment means more rapid promotion for the personnel. Army officers have told me that our withdrawal from
the Philippines would mean a reduction of the size of the Army
which would be prejudicial to them. Of course, the Americans
who have gone to the islands for purposes of exploitation are
opposed to their independence.
But the largest and perhaps the most influential class from
which the administration derives its information is that of the
American officeholders whose names are truly legion. These
men are naturally in full accord with the policies of the administration to whom they owe their positions. They wish to
continue to hold their jobs, and it is absurd to suppose that
they will ever give public utterance to opinions not in accord
with those held by the powers that be. Many of them have no
sympathy for the poor Filipinos, and some, at least, despise
them and take no pains to disguise the fact.
If the American public are to seriously heed testimony derived from sources such as these, we may as well abandon now
and forever all hope that the Filipinos are ever to be given
their independence, and that the American people are ever to
be' relieved of the enormous financial burdens which their
retention yearly entails.
76329-11728




24


But, Mr. Speaker, we are not left in that complete ignorance
as to conditions in the Philippines which the President assumes
to be the case. Not all Americans who have resided in the
Philippines and who are thoroughly well-informed as to conditions there, are either exploiters or officeholders, and these have
never hesitated to give the true facts, although experiencing
difficulty in getting them before the American public. And
now that there is to be a change of administration which will
remove the restraint which has heretofore been placed upon the
officeholders, we may expect to receive some valuable information from that source.
The newspapers are publishing extracts from the last annual
report of the Philippine Commission, given out by the War Department, a report which I have not as yet seen, which are, as
was to have been expected, fully in line with the statements
which have so frequently been given out by the administration
and intended, of course, to create in America a sentiment averse
to Philippine independence. I do not believe that this last expiring wail of this American-made, law-defying, self-interested
oligarchy, which, when legislating for the Filipinos, sits behind
closed doors, will accomplish the intended purpose. A governing body which has plunged the Philippines in debt, defeated
the administration of justice, and violated, as I have shown, the
organic act of Congress, will, when these facts are generally
known, become so discredited in the eyes of the people of the
United States that it will be a waste of time to make reply to
their representations.
Mr. Speaker, I now ask leave to publish in the RECORD, in
connection with my remarks, a resolution unanimously passed
by the Philippine Assembly, praying Congress to investigate
the conduct of Dean C. Worcester, a member of the commission;
an interview from Judge Charles B. Elliott, of Minnesota, late
a member of t ehilippine Commission, recently published in
a Minneapolif newspaper; a letter received by me from Mr.
L. M. Southwo h, a prominent member of the Manila bar and
for eight year/ a resident of the Philippines; and a letter written by Mr. William S. Lyon, an American who has been engaged for eleven or more years in farming and other business
pursuits in the Philippines. These are not prejudiced or inter76329- 11728




25
ested witnesses. Their long and intimate acquaintance with the
Filipino people entitles their testimony to great weight.
Now, Mr. Chairman, I will be glad, if I have the time left, to
answer any question which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. LONGWORTH] desires to ask me.
Mr. LONGWORTH.         I wanted to ask the gentleman this
question: Can the gentleman state whether it is true or not that
the President elect has declared in favor of the bill introduced
by the gentleman from Virginia?
Mr. JONES. I will say to my friend that he has doubtless
read, just as I have, and other Members of the House, what the
President elect said upon that subject in his speech at Staunton.
I am not authorized to speak for the President elect, but I
will say this to the gentleman: President Elect Wilson is a
Democrat; he is a man of honor, and he stands squarely on the
Democratic platform adopted at Baltimore, and I do not doubt
for a moment but that he favors Philippine independence.
[Applause on the Democratic side.]
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Virginia asks unanimous consent to extend his remarks in the RECORD by inserting
certain documents to which he has referred.     Is there objection?  [A:fter a pause.]  The Chair hears none.
The letters and papers are as follows:
JUDGE ELLIQTT'S INTERVIEW.
Judge Charles B. Elliott, Minneapolis jurist, who announced in Washington a week ago that his resignation as secretary of commerce and
labor of the Philippine Islands was at the request of President Taft,
and who reached Minneapolis late yesterday, talked freely at the HIampshire Arms last evening of the disagreements with Gov. Gen. W.
Cameron Forbes which led to his retirement. Judge Elliott did not feel
like discussing the matter when in Washington.
' I am perfectly satisfied," said Judge Elliott, to quit office upon the
issues which are involved. Congress is going to investigate official matters in the Philippines, and my protest will be found on record in
regard to matters which will be found subjects for severe criticism.
"In a general way conditions in the Philippines are good, and an
immense amount of good is being done, but in the administration of
details thee is much that is outrageous. Two things are a public
scandal in the islands now, and will be found whene the congressional
investigation is made. One is the extravagant and often improper use
of public funds by direction of the Governor General and the other is
his interference with the administration of justice.
CHARGES DISREGARD OF LAW.
'"The only charge against me, if it can be called a charge, was that
Mr. Forbes and I did not work harmoniously together. The record
76329-11728




26
shows that there is no criticism of my official work, and unless it
shows that I should not have resigned. Mr. Forbes's complaint was
that I was an obstructionist. I confess that I have been. I have protested as far as I was able against what I felt to be illegal acts. I
have fought them with some pretty drastic opinions, I admit. I have
said, and still say, that it is an infernal outrage to run the government of the Philippines with so little regard for law. We are trying
to teach these people how to run a government, and that sort of conduct is setting them a poor example. I opposed Gov. Gen. Forbes continually on those matters; without any personal feeling on my part. I
did not know there was any on his until after my resignation had been
requested.
" Gov. Gen. Forbes preceded me to the United States on our vacations
last spring. He was still in' this country when I left recently on my
return to the islands. I had no inkling then of any complaint. He
did not let me know that there was any issue between us before the
President or the department. Evidently he did not care to meet me
and discuss the matter before officials at Washington.
TALKED WITH PRESIDENT.
"President Taft visited Mr. Forbes at Boston just a week before I
sailed. I saw the President after he had seen Forbes, and he knew
nothing then of any complaint. He talked with me about when Forbes
would leave and about my departure. Evidently within a few days
after I sailed Mr. Forbes came to Washington and told the President
that I would have to resign, as we could not get along together. In the
circumstances I was wholly unprepared for the cable message I received.
That is the only thing I have any personal feeling about. I should
have been saved that unnecessary trip to Europe with my family and
preparations for return to the Philippines, which' cost me about $2,000."
With regard to his differences with the Governor General, Judge
Elliott said that some of them were on trivial matters of administration, and with him never have been personal, but evidently were taken
as personal by Mr. Forbes.
ALLEGES WASTE OF MONEY.
"He has been in wretched health, which I think has had much to do
with it," said Judge Elliott. " He is personally a fine fellow, but he is
impatient of restrictions; not being a lawyer,-fs impatient of the law;
and being a millionaire, he seems to have a contempt for economy. He.
took the government three years ago with a surplus of $3,500,000, and
at the end of last July had run it into a deficit of nearly $4,000,000.
"My differences with him began over such matters as this: As. secretary of commerce and police I had the distribution of $1,500,000 a
year for roads and bridges. It was to be spent in the discretion of the
secretary. Mr. Forbes often wanted to direct the expenditure of some
of this fund, and frequently where it was not needed, except to placate
a deputy in the legislature from some district. In cases where I did
not consider the expenditure was justified I would decline. I offered
sometimes to approve an item if he would request it in writing, but
that he never would do, and I declined to take the responsibility
otherwise.
"Mr. Forbes attempted to get legislation through to concentrate
more power in his hands. I opposed such legislation as a member of
the. senate, and believed I was justified.
QUARREL OVER $12,000,000.
"Our most important difference, however, arose about a year ago.
The legislature refused to pass the regular appropriation bill for the
76329-11728




27
support of the government. For such a contingency Congress has provided that an amount equal to the appropriation for the previous year
shall then be deemed to be appropriated and paid out by the treasurer.
Gov. Gen. Forbes took the ground that the sum of $12,000,000 in gold
was thereby placed at his disposal, to spend according to his own
judgment. IHe and his clerks drew up a new appropriation bill and
declared it in effect, changing salaries, changing the methods of disposal, and creating 123 new positions, including a secretary to the Governor General, at $4,500 a year.
"I took a stand against this. I held that legally the old appropriations were merely renewed during the interregnum until a new bill
could be passed. I asked that the question be referred to the attorney
general of the islands, which was refused. I then asked that it be
referred to the Attorney General of the United States. Mr. Forbes
refused to do either, and proceeded without a legal opinion. The senate
referred the matter to a committee of three commissioners, including
Seiior Areneta, secretary of finance and justice, former attorney general
and the leading native lawyer, Commissioner Palma, and myself. We
held unanimously that the old appropriations merely held over. Nevertheless, the Governor General continued to dispense the funds at his
own discretion, and still is doing so.
"He prepared one bill in December, 1911, dating it in July, when the
old appropriations expired. He was advised from Washington to cut
out some of his numerous new appointees, so he prepared a new bill
in March, and dated it back again to July. As a member of the senate
I opposed confirming his secretary, and the senate was against it on
legal grounds. In order not to reflect on the young man we asked Mr.
Forbes to withdraw the appointment. He did so, but immediately
appointed him again,, and is still employing him, without confirmation
and without warrant in law.
NOT A CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR GENERAL.
"That is the main issue on which we differed, though always, as I
supposed, without personal feeling. I have learned since that before
leaving for home last March he told friends that he was going to get
my removal. I think his feeling against me was increased by the fact
that there was gossip of my being a candidate for Governor General.
I was never in any sense, and deplored the talk of it that frequently
was current in the native papers. I found it also gossip at Washington,
but it was wholly untrue.
"To being an obstructionist I plead guilty as to the things I knew
to be illegal. My fight against them was supported with some pretty
drastic opinions, I admit. I am satisfied with the record as it stands.
There will be a congressional investigation of the administration in the
Philippines, I was told in Washington, just as soon as the Democrats
get in full control next spring. It will be a hostile investigation, and
it will bring out some sensational matter. I have done nothing to stir
up the investigation, but my protest will be found on file as to all the
acts I felt to be illegal or unwarranted. Much public money has been
wasted or misspent. The Governor General has interfered often in the
administration of justice to favor personal or political friends."
The Filipinos fully expect independence from the coming Democratic
administration, Judge Elliott says. "They have every right to expect
it," he declared last evening. "The Democrats have promised it in
every platform, and if they do not grant it they will break their word.
If it is not granted, I fear there will be trouble in the islands."
76329-11728




28
Petition of Frank B. Sanborn, Frederick Starr, and others.
To the President, the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States in Congress assembled:
Whereas D. C. Worcester, a member of the commission appointed for
the government of the Philippine Islands, and acting as secretary of
the interior of said commission, has become notoriously unpopular
among the natives of the islands, the final and culminating evidence
of which was given by a resolution (annexed) unanimously passed
by the General Assembly of the Philippine Islands as the closing act
of its last session; and
Whereas the late President McKinley proclaimed that all American officials appointed during our control of the Philippine Islands should
be agreeable and acceptable to the inhabitants as a condition precedent to successful administration; and
Whereas D. C. Worcester has endeavored to bring to bear repressive
measures in the United States upon the press favorable to Philippine
independence similar to those exerted by him upon Manila newspapers; and said Worcester has antagonized and publicly villified the
friends of the Filipinos in the United States, the officers of the AntiImperialist League, ant their counsel, and has provisionally threat-,
ened a Member of the House of Representatives in execution of his
duty with a suit for libel similar to those with which he secured the
imprisonment of a member of the assembly in the Philippine Islands:
Therefore
URsolved, That you are respectfully requested at once to institute a
special inquiry into the manner in which the said D. C. Worcester has
discharged the duties of his office as commissioner in the Philippine
Islands.
Frederick Starr, Frank B. Sanborn, E. H. Clement, Whitfield L. Tuck, John Ritchie, Walter C. Wright, Lincoln
R. Stone, Lucius F. C. Garvin, B. C. Fox, W. H. Fox,
John F. Jennings, Francis E. Woodruff, Robert E. Bisbee, A. A. Berle, W. H. H. Bryant, Gamaliel Bradford,
Louis R. Ehrich, Oswald Garrison Villard, Louis H.
Bonelli, jr., C. B. Wilby, Prescott Smith.
Resolution declaring censurable the attitude taken by the Hon. Dean C.
Worcester, secretary of the interior, in his address delivered October
10, 1910, referring the facts, with the opinion of the house, to the
President of the United States.
Resolved, That the regret of the assembly be recorded for the language attributed to Hon. Dean C. Worcester, secretary of the interior
of the Philippine Government, in a discourse before the Young Men's
Christian Association October 10, 1910.
It is improper and censurable in a man who holds a public office and
who has the confidence of the Government, and as the statements made
as facts are false, slanderous, and offensive to the Philippine people,
their publication is a gr~e: violation of those instructions given by
President McKinley whic&.required that public functionaries should feel
and express respect fo~the prejudices, beliefs, and sentiments of the
Philippine people and,iould show to them the highest consideration.
The words and the cond'uet of Mr. Worcester tend to sow distrust between the Americans and the Filipinos, whose aspirations and duties
should not separate them but unite them in the pathway which leads
to the progress and emancipation of the Philippine people. The influence of Mr. Worcester has caused injury to the feelings of the Filipinos,
76329-11728




29
encouraged race hatred, and tended to frustrate the work undertaken
by men of real good will to win the esteem, confidence, and respect
of the Philippine people for the Americans.
It is resolved besides that this house desires that these fact. should
be communicated to the President of the United States, through the
governor of the Philippines and the Secretary of War.
This resolution was unanimously adopted by the house without discussion.
JACKSONVILLE, FLA., December 9, 1912.
Hon. WILLIAMN A. JONErS,
Chairman Committee on Insular Affairs,
lous. of Representatives, Washington, D. C.
MY DEAn SIn: I am an American citizen, but have been living in the
Philippine Islands for eight years, going there in September, 1904, and
returning, to the United States in September of the present year.
During my entire residence in the Philippines I have been engaged
in the private practice of law, with the exception of two years spent
in the office of the prosecuting attorney of the judicial district of
Manila. While engaged in the practice of my profession my. business
carried me to every section of the islands and brought me in contact
with the people of all classes.
During my service as prosecuting attorney of the judicial district
of Manila, 'containing. approximately 500.000 inhabitants, the duties of
my position brou'ht me into intimate relations with many of the people
of the district. including,ll of the native lawyers, all of the native
judges,-and most of the native employees of the Government.
The prosecuting attorney of the Manila judicial district acts not only
as a prosecutor, but also serves in the capacity of a grand jury. He
determine.s from an examination of the witnesses. whether or not an
in3-rtment, or, more accurately, an information or complaint shall be
presented to the court. In my opinion, this official h;s a better opportunity to observe the general character and inteiiigence of the people
than  ny other official in the islands.
In the course cf myi private practice and in the discharge of my official duties I have come in contact with native lawyers of the highest
talent and legal attainments; physicians and surgeons. learned and
skillful in their profession: merchants who employ the latest commercial methiods and observe the strictest business' integrity: and people
in the private walks of life of the highest intellectlal attainments,
educated in the best universities and colleges of Europe, speaking, in
many instances, as many as five foreign linguageos.
From  my irtirmate knowledge of the Filipino people, gained in the
manner above stated and from my social intercourse with them, I do
not hesitate to say they are capable of self-government.
If granted their independence, I believe that they will maintain a
government whifch will be not only more satisfactory to them. but one
which will more nearly meet their needs and demalnds than the government under which they have lived for the past 14 years or any government which could be given them in the future by the United States
or any other foreign power. In saying this I am not unmifidful of
the great improvements which have been made in these islands since
American occupation, nor do I intend to underestimate the able and
faithful services rendered these people by many American officials.
However, I do mean to say that the United States has maintained a'
government in these islands too expensive and far beyond the needs and'
resources of these people and, at times, extravagant and wasteful.
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But, regardless of all these considerations, the people of these
islands never have been and never will be satisfied to be governed by
the United States or any other foreign power.. They want independence. It is the one dream and aspiration of their,aves. It is the only gleam of sunshine that cheers their dark fate, the
r-sult of war, pestilence, and famine.
With a strong religious sentiment underlying the lives of these
people, a virtuous womanhood from whom must spring their future
citizens, a-iigh regard for law and official authority, a fair amount of
general education now, and a wonderful aptness for learning, and a
patriotism which is so lofty and pathetic that it should touch the heart
tf every unselfish American in the islands there is no reason on earth
why these people should not be granted independence.
I do not believe that any American.who does not like the Filipino
people is qualified to speak with any degree of impartiality regarding
their capacity for self-government, and I believe the fundamental mistake into which the Republican Party has led the American people
during the last 14 years has been due to the circumstances that the
reports of its agents have always been tinctured with the residuum of
the early hostility and a strongly acquired taste for official life in the
Philippine Islands.
I am heartily in sympathy with the vital principle of your bill in
that it holds out to the living among the Filipino people a reasonable
hope of living to see the independence of their country. I have discussed its provisions with many intelligent Filipinos, and they were
unanimous in their desire for it to become a law.
The Republican Party has always been willing to imply a promise
of independence, but no Republican administration has ever been bold
enough and honest enough to commit itself to the proposition that the lawmaking power of the Government, the final depository of the real author- -
ity, should formally commit itself to a definite promise of independence.
To substitute frankness in this matter, in lieu of temporizing and evasion, is the democracy's opportunity -with regard to the Philippine Islands.
Very cordially, yours,                 L. MI. SOUTHWORTH.
Letter of William T. Lyon.
GARDENS OF NAGTAJAN,
Manila, P. I., November 8, 1912.
Many Democratic Congressmen and Mr.- Wilson himself are bound to
be influenced by the enormous volume of evidence testifying to the disqualification of the Filipino for self-government. Every high official
in the Filipino service, every, white civilian employee, every military
officer, every newspaper printed in English, 95 per cent of the white
merchants or traders, and, worse than all, every visiting statesman
will treat with scorn and ridicule the slightest intimation that now, or
at any other time, these people will ever be equipped for autonomous
government.
This is an everwhelming array, and it is no discredit to the sanity,
wisdom, or patriotism of any Congressman, Senator, or President to say,
"Why, these are the people who know; the -people who live or have
lived amongst them for years. They are a unit on this matter. Who
am I that from a smattering of newspaper items should put my belief
against such a cloud of witnesses?"
The evidence is seemingly so conchisive that the almost essential
feature, its sources, are entirely overlooked. Here is the rub. Without
exception this evidence is biased and prejudiced and, with the excepton of the " visiting statesman," I can clearly show you how it can not
be otherwise.
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To first take up the case of the "visiting statesman."  When Mr.
Dickinson was here-Mr. Taft's first Secretary of War-it was all prearranged that he should be permitted to meet strictly two classes of
people, none others. One, the. very limited but thoroughly pro-American
type of native who, more or less the beneficiary of American patronage,
could be counted on to decry and belittle his countrymen. The other
class were with equal care culled from the most ignorant and brutal of
the two types that so cunning and astute a manager as Mr. Frank
Carpenter could select. Throughout his itinerary, all cut and dried
before his arrival, this program  was adhered to. If any rank outsider who was not on the slate butted in, he was promptly ejected by
the official hustler. This is the basic difficulty with which visiting
statesmen or delegations have had to contend and must continue to
have, for we have far too much at stake to permit an intelligent man
to wander about here unchaperoned and pick up information at firsthand which might be detrimental to our ends. The more prominent the.man in public life and the better known, the more impossible for him
to escape our official sleuth.
I would be tempted, if I was sure of considerate reply, to urge upon
President-elect Wilson the selection of some bright man who knew
Spanish and was willing to acquire a bit of Tagalog to travel alone and
incognito in these islands and mingle with these people for six mouths
and without the customary accompaniments of banquets, brass bands,
ovations, and orations from leading citizens. Under such conditions
the visitor has less insight into the real Filipino than one who has
never put foot on these 'islands. Under such conditions our high officials.always travel. Under such conditions Mr. Taft always traveled, and
he has traveled thousands of miles in this archipelago.  That his
ignorance is not total is due solely to a remarkable acumen and insight
into character, which has counterpoised in a very small degree the
vicious influence of travel under such conditions.
The other classes are more:summarily disposed of. We Americans
hold all the offices there are which are worth while except some of the
judgeships. As long as we continue to want the salaries of those positions, so long are we going to be a unit in declaring that the Filipinos
are disqualified to hold them. Nor is a change of politics going to
cause any change of heart. -Although a Democrat myself, I am quite
well assured there will be no lack of Democrats who are patriots for
revenue, who, if they succeed to these' positions now filled by Republicans,
will just as quickly discover the unfitness of the native to hold any
good-salaried job.
There are 167 high-salaried positions of which about 150 are held by
Americans. We are guilty of a lot of tommy rot about "training up
the natives to holding these positions," and we have no intention of
letting them progress further than to be porters or messenger boys.
That a number of high-salaried Filipinos are judges is to our shame,
not to our credit. We could not help it. Mr. Taft declared that the
collective intelligence, probity, and legal knowledge of the American bar
in Manila fell short of the best judicial standards. He had to appoint
Filipinos. A single instance will illustrate the status of every American
officeholder in the Philippine Islands.
Both the civil and military governments are buyers of enormous
quantities of supplies. They now favor American tradesmen, a patronage'which would naturally revert to Filipino dealers upon a change of
governmental policy. The daily (American) newspapers are, of course,
the most virulent advocates of the "uplift ". rot. Given to them the
loss.of the government and- of their commercial advertising and they
could not live a week. They-newspapers and merchants-are strenuous
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and:united hn urging the ingress'of Atmerican capit i '-very 'doliar of
American capital planted in their country cements by a new tie the
continuity of present relations. These benighted " savages," so unfit for
self-government, have the perspicacity of vision and acumen to grasp
this fact and oppose it bitterly.
The newspapers use this as an argument to show that these people
have not intelligence enough to grasp the fact that outside capital
brings prosperity to a people, ergo, they have not sense enough to
govern themselves. The military are no whit behind. They like their
tour of duty. They are at less living expense, their travel back and
forth is free, and their pay automatically goes up 10 per cent during
their detail to the Philippines. In short, we, about all of us, have an
ax to grind. Even I am not quite fit to cast the first stone. I have
resided here for 11 years because I love the Tropics, and my occupations
has given me opportunity to explore this great country from   the
Batanes to the Sulu Archipelago, and I am sometimes inclined to question if my sense of personal security would be quite as great under a
native regime.
At the same time I feel I have no right whatsoever to let my selfish
inclinations weigh for an instant against my country's unquestionable
duty to give these people the bread (independence) and not the stone
("uplift") with whi:h we attempt. to fool them.     When I said
above, "my personal security," I rather meant to include my country-'
men at large, upon whom reprisals might be made for having spoiled the.
Egyptians. As an individual, I am persona grata to my neighbors, and
would feel more secure here at any time than on the streets of Boston.
Having no copyright upon your reserved, powers of endurance, I
will close.
Very truly,         -   -.       WM. S. LYON.
P. S.-As an afterthought,. and which should have been embodied in
my communication, I would call attention to the hollowness and
insincerity of any pretense of ours that we mean to ever get out of
the Philippine Islands. At this moment the Philippine Assembly is
besieged on every side with an attempt to load ourselves upon them
in perpetuity with a service pension bill. Not only is every official
from the Governor General down lobbying for it, but even the Philippine judges, whose influence is great, are making the-same fight.
Realizing that their pro-American tendencies would, under native rule,
relegate them to private life, they are making hay while the sun shines
to get securely landed on the pension roll for. life, after a State service of 12 to 15 years. Such being the insolence of Mr. Forbes's and
Mr. Worcester's demands. There is enough intelligence in the assembly
to realize the nature of this assault upon their pockets. They know
that under no circumstances will the United States grant them
autonomy except upon their solemn obligation to sacredly observe all
their laws affecting citizens of the United States, and they realize the
iniquity of being forced to accep this life-everlasting burden.
But forced they are in danger of being. The American commissioners
have now an outrageous bill of this nature to hand the assembly. The
ultimatum will be, pass it or we will veto your most"cherished legislation. Then publish you to the world as obstructionists incapable of
self-government. Between the devil and the deep sea, and rather than
be branded with so undeserved a stigma, there is a chance that they'
will be coerced into swallowing this bitter pill. Once.give us a life
grip upon all the good salaries there are, and we will give these people
all the independence they ask for.
L.
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