QN "EHLE

 

‘W’AS1':HNGTON CITY:
EFRKNTED AND PUBLISHED BY mm}: s. I\u1EEH£~‘LNfi
GGLUMBEAN OFFICE, mmn E smmmx,

E I Q O I I I O I I OW

Me. VVE¥B@TER’S SPEECH

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ON the 8th of December, 18%, Mr. Vvebster pre-
sented, in the House of Repreeentetives, the follow-
ing resolution :

“ Resaleecl, That previeien eught to be made, by
law, for ctefmying the expense i11ci€te11t to the ep-
peintment of an Agent or Commissioner to, Greece,
‘whenever the Presiztent shall deem it expedie11t to
make 311011 appoi:=2tment.”  A

The House havinfg, on the 19th of Jenner r, re»
eolved iteetf into he Committee of the ‘Whole, amt

this reselution being taken into censi(1e1°etion_, XML.

'VVehJste1' speke to the f01lewing_.; etfect :
I am e.fra.id, Mr. Climimnetl, that, so far as my

part in this (tiecuesien is cehcemed, ttxeseeexpectzv

tiens which the public excitement, existing on the
subject, and certain associations, eeeily cmmected
with it, have conspired to miee,e111ey he (tiseppeintext.
An eccasieh which cells the "attention to :1 spot, so
distinguished, so connected, with inte1‘eetingt reset»
tectiehs, as Greece, 1nayena,tm*el1y excite eemething
of warmth and entttuxsiaem. In at grave, pehticet
diecussielt, however, it is necessary that that feeling
should be clmetised. I shall eztdezweul‘ properly be

A repress it, although it  i1t1‘f_10S?‘stMt3t§I11t it ehehht he

4 .
altogether extinguishetl. We must, indeed, fly hes

yond the civilized World, we must pass the dominion
of law, and the boundaries of knowledge 5 We must,

more especially, withdraw ourselves from this place, a

and the scenes which here surround us, if We
would separate ourselves, altogether, from the influ-
ence of all those memorials of herself which ancient
Greece has transmitted for the admiration, and the
benefit, of mankind. This free form of government,
this popular assembly, the common council, held for
the common good, where have we contemplated its
earliest models? This practice of free debate, and
public discussion, the contest of mind with mind,
and that popular eloquence, which, if it were now
here, on a suhj ect like this, would move the stones of
the Capitol, whose was the language in which all
these were first exhibited? Even the Edifice in
which we assemble, these proportioned columns,

this ornamented ”architectu1'e, all remind us that A

Greece has existed, and that We, like the rest of man»
kind, are greatly her debtors. But Iliaveiilnot intro.
duced this motion in the vain hope of discharging
any thing of this accumulated debt of centuries. I
have not acted upon the expectation, that we, who
have inherited this obligation from our ancestors,
should now attempt to pay it, to those who may seem
to have inherited, from their ancestors, a right tore»
ceive payment.‘ llvly object is nearer and more imme-
diate. I Wish to talte occasion of the struggle of
an interesting and gallant people, in the cause of lib»

erty and Christianity, to draw the t attentionrof the

House" to the circumstanceswhich= have ‘accompa-
nied thatrstruggle, andto the principleswhich appear

5

to have governed the conduct of the great States of
Europe, in regard to it; and to the efi"ects and conse-
quences of these principles, upon the independence of
nations, and especially upon the institutions of free
governments. ‘What I have to say of Greece, there-
fore, concerns the modern, not the ancient; the liv-
ing, and not the dead. It regards her, not as ‘she
exists in history, triumphant over time, and tyranny,
and ignorance; but as she now is, contending,
against fearful odds, for being, and for the common
privilege of human nature. .

As it is never difficult to recite cornlnonplace re»-
marks, and trite aphorisms ; so it may be easy, I am
aware, on this occasion, to remind me of the wisdom
which dictates to men a care of their own afiairs, and
admonishes them, instead of searching for adventures
abroad, to leave other men’s concerns in their own
hands. It maybe easy to call this resolution Quimotic,
the emanation of a crusading or propagandist spirit.
All this, and more, may be readily said; but all this,
and rnlo1*e,twill not be allowed to tix a character upon

M  this proceeding, until that is proved, which it takes for
A granted. Let it first be slzozen, that, in this question,
i there is nothing which can afiect the interest, the cha-

racter, or the duty of this country. I .et itbe proved, that

We are not called" upon, by either of these considers;

tions, to express an opinion on the subject to which
the resolution relates- Let this be proved. and then
it will, indeed, be made out, that neither oughtthis
resolution to pass, nor ought the subject of it to have
been mentioned in the communication of the Presi-
dent. to us.   But, in, my opinion, this cannot be
shown. In my judgment, thesubject is interesting

t5

A to the people and the gevernmellt eftt1is_eom1t1*y, anti

we are celled upon, by censi(tera;tien,s of great weight
emlmement, to e:q,21'ess em opinions upon it. ‘These
Censittemtie11s, I think, sp1*i11g' frem 3. sense of our
mm duty, our clmmcter, end our own interest. I
wish tu t1'ea,tthe subj ect en such grounds, exclusively,
es are t1*ulysuirrze7'i(:mz ; but then, in considering it
as an Ame1*ica.11 question, I czmnet fwrget the age in
which We live, the prevailing spirit eat‘ the age, the
’tnte1'esting que‘stiens ‘Vt’hiC}’1 agitate it, ends our own
peculiar 1*e1;,ttien, in regard to these inte1*estinge quest
tiens. Let this be, then, and as fares I am c0uee1?n~
ed, I hope it xt'i11be;1)ure1y an Axneriezm c1isct1ssiten;
but let it embrace, neveertheless, everything that fab.‘-st
ty cencems r‘U11m‘iCa; let it cenaprehettct, not Inelely
her present entvatatage, but her permanent interest,
her elevated c11a1‘:;wter, as one of the free states of
the vvetld, zmd her duty tmm1*ds these great p1'inc.i~
pies, which lmve t1ithe1°t0 meintainecl the 1'e1a,tiVe in-~
atepettdenee of nations, 21.1111 which have, more espe-
etzttty, matte herftvhat she is. A

At the commencement of the session, the President,
in the disctmtgge of the lltigh duties of his efice,
called our attent.ienss to the subject, to Wteticln this
resolution 1'et’ers. “A. St1‘t)B2§_';hO7{}@,” saystt1etcen1~
mttaaieetion, “ has been lezag en'te1'taiz1ed, feumtett
on the hereto st1*u.g;g!ee of the Greeks, that theyweutzl
suacceett in their centest, and resu;ne tltaeir equal ste-
tien ameng he mttiens e:t' the e:,11°ttt. It is t)e1ie_Ved
that the wt2e1e.eivi‘;ieed world takes at deep interest in
t.t1eit* “st*ettIe.st*e. Although no pmver has declared in,
ttteir t‘zwe0u1',t yet 1"1m1e, aec0m;ti.trgtt0 Our information,
Ems taken tltart egeiust."tttem. T'§.ttttl.‘CftttS&_ttt1(1 ttteir

7
meme, lxeve protected them from daxigecs, wliieh.
might, ere this, hzwe overwhelmed any other people.
The ordinety cslculetieiis cf iteltetest, and ef ecquisi»
ties with a, ‘Vl(WV te egmreiitlizeiiieet, whicli mingle
so much in the t1'ense.cti011s of nations, seem to have
had no eifectf in regertl te tliem. Frmn the facts

;which have come to eur lmowlerlgle, there is good.

cause to believe that their enemy has lost}, fer ever, all
tlonlieion evelftlinem : tl1ets.;(htetetcelVV*il1 become again.
an inzlepemlenlt naiti011.”’

It has appeared to me, that the House should
adopt some 1'esclutim1, 1°ecipreceti;.2g these ‘semimentsy
so far as it should approve them. More than twenty
;§ree.rs Imve elepsecl, since Uclngiiessi first ceased to
receive such it cenixnumcetionfrom the President, as
could properly be made the subject of 3. general
:'msw*e1'. I donut A mean to find fault with this re»
linquishment of a. former, amlt an ancient pmcftice.
It may: have been ettetntletl with inconveniences
which justified its aholitioil. A But, certainly’, there
was cue edvaxxtage belonging tci it; and tlmt is,ltl1et;
it fumishecl a. fit opportunity for the teixpressien cf
the opinion of the Housesl of Congress, upon those
topics in the Executive cemmuliiczttien, which were
not expected to The maszle the immediate subjects of
direct legislation. A Since, therefere, the President’s
message does not now receive a’. ggeneral answer, it
has seemed to me to betpropely that in some made,
eg1*ees.hleltetcuI' own usual form of ]31’0C€E(llI]§._§, we
should express our sentiments upen the impe1*tent

it and interesting topics cm which it treats.

 If the isentiments of the message in respect to
Greece be p't'0pe1‘_, t it is equally prepexf that this

8

House should reciprocate those sentiments. The
present resolution is designed to have that extent,
and no more. If it pass, it will leave any future
proceeding where it nor}? is, in the discretion of the
Executive Grovernrnent. It is but an expression,
under those forms in which the House is accustomed
to act, of the satisfaction of the House with the gene»
ral sentiments expressed in 1*egardW to this subject in
the messagec,r and of, its readiness to defray thecex-
pense incident to any inquiry for the purpose of fur»
ther inforlnation, or any other agency which  the
President, in his discretion, shall see fit, in what-
ever manner, and at whatever time, to institute. The
Whole matter is still left 3 in his judgment, and

it this resolution can in no way restrain its unlirnited

exercise. .
I might well, Mr. Chairman, avoid the responsi-

bility of this measure, if it had, in my judgment,

any tendency to change the policy of the country.
Wltdll the general course of that policy, I am quite
satisfied. The nation is prosperous, peaceful,

and happy ; and I should very reluctantly put its

peace, prosperity, or happiness, at risk. It appears
to me,» however, that this resolution is strictly con-Q
formable to our general policy, and not only consist-

. ent with our interests, but even demanded by a. large

and liberal View of those interests . t
It is certainly true, that the just policy of this coun-

try, is, in the first place,apeaceful policy. No nation V

ever had less to expect from forcible aggx*a11dizem“ent.

The mighty agents which are worlring out our great,  

ness, are time, industry, and the arts. Our augh1enta-

tion is by growth, not lay acquisition; bypinternal de-- y

59

velopernent, not by external accession. No schemes
can be suggested to us, so magnificent as the prospects
which a A sober contemplation of our own condition,
nnaitlecl by projects, nninfluenced by ambition, fair»
ly spreads before us. A country of such vast extent,
with such varieties of soil and climate; with so much
public spirit and private enterprise; with a popula-

r tion increasing so much beyond former examples,

with capacities of improvenient not only unapplied
or unexhausted, but even, in algreat measure, as yet,
unexplored; so free in its institutions, so mild in its

laws, so secure in the title it confers on every man

to his own acquisitions; needs nothing but time and
peace to carry it forward to ‘almost any point of
advancement. A t i

In the next place, I take it for granted, that the
policy of this country, springing from the nature of
our government, and the spirit of all our in-stitutions,
is, so far as it respects the interesting questions
which agitate the present age, on the side of liberal
and enlightened sentiments. The l age is extra.ordi~
nary; the spirit that actuates it, is peculiar and
marked ; and our own relation to the times we live
in, andto the questions which 7 interest them, is
equally marked and peculiar. \’Ve are placed,
by our good fortune, and the Wisdom and valour
of our ancestors, in a condition in which We can

not no obscure part. Be it for honour,‘ or be

it for dishonour, whatever we do, isnot likely to
escape the observation of the world. As one oi"

the ‘free , states among the nations, as a great and V‘
Lrapidly rising Republic, it would be impossihlet for

as, if We were so disposed, to prevent our principles,
B t .

10

our sentiments, and our exanlple, from producing;
some eflect upon the opinions and hopes of society
tli1'o11§;l1ot1t the civilized world. It restsprobably
with ourselves to determine, whether the influence
of these shall be salutary or pernicious.

It cannot be denied that the great political question

V of this age, is, that between absolute and regulated

governments. The substance of the controversy is,

wllethersociety shall have any part in its own gov-t

ei‘11menl:.;l Wl'1etl1er the forln of government sllall be

A that of limited monarchy, with more or less mixture

of hereditary power, or wholly elective, or represen-
tative, may perhaps be considered as subordinate.
The main controversy is between that absolute rule,
which, Awhile it promises to govern well, means
nevertheless to govern without control, and that regro-
lated or constitutional system, which restrains sove-

reign discretion, and asserts that society may claim,

as matter of1'ig;l1t, some etfective power in the estab-

i lisliment of the laws which are to regulate it. The

spirit of the timessets with a most powerful current,

in favour of these last mentiolled opinions.   It is op-—t

posed, however, wl1eneve1-‘land wherev'e1~ it shows
itself, by certain of the great potentates of Europe ;

A and it is opposed ongrounds as applicable in one

civilized nation as in another, and which would
justify such opposition in relation to the United

"States, as well as- in relation to any other state, or

nation, if time and circumstance should renderfisuch
opposition expedient. i t

. 7' VV”hat partitr becomes this country totalte ona
pquestioti of this sort, so far as it is called‘ upon to
talceanypart, cannot be doubtful. Our side of this

it

question is settled for ‘us, even without our own vow
lition. Our history, our situation, our character,
necessarily decide our position andour course, before

we have even time to ask tvhether we have an op» ,

tion. Our place is on the side of free institutions. From
the earliest settlement of these states, their inhabitants
were accustomed, in ag1'eate1'o1?less degree, to the en-
joyment of the powers of self—governn1ent; and for the
last half century, they have sustained systems of
government entirely representative, yielding l to them-
selves the greatest possible prosperity, and not leav»-it
ing them without distinction and respect aniong the

i “nations of the earth. This system We are not likely

to abandon; and While We shall no farther recom-
mend its adoption to other nations, in Whole ;or in
part, than it may recommend itself by its visible in»
fiuence on our own growth and prosperity, we are,
nevertheless, interested, to resist the establishment of
doctrines which deny the legality of its foundations.
“Tell stand as an equal among nations, claiming the
full benefit of the established international law; and
it is our duty to oppose, from the earliest to the latest

moment, any innovations tuponthat code, Which shall

i pendent rights.

bring into doubtor question our own equal and inde«

I will now, Mr. Cihairmitn, advert to those prem
tensions, putsfo1*tl1hy“ the Allied Sovereigns ot’con--
tinental Europe, whicli seem to me caleulated,.if un-
resisted, to bring into disrepute the principles of our
gove1'nment, and indeed to be wholly incompatible
with any degree of national independence. I do not
introduce these considerations for the sake of topics,
I am not about to decla.iml'against crowned heads,

‘site
nor to quarrel with any country for pfeferring 3. fhrm
of goV'e1*nn1ent (lifierent from our own. The choice

that We e1\:ercise- for ourselves, I am quite Willing tel

leave also to others. But it appears to me that the
pretensions of which I have spoken, are wholly ins
consistent with the independence of nations .gener-ally,
without regard to the question, Whether their govern»

men ts be abselttte‘, monarchicel anal limited, or purely
popular and representative. I have a most deep and  

thorough conviction, that e newceraclxesi arisen in the
‘world, that new and dangerous combinations are
taking place, promulgating doctrines, and frzulght
with ‘consequences, Wholly %st1bveI-sive, in their ‘ ten«
dency; of the puhliolew of nations, and of the gen-
eral liberties of mankind. Whether thishe so, 02*
not, is the question Which I now propose to examine,
upon such groumls of iuforntation, as the common
and public means of knowledge tlisclose.

Ever 1' hotly knows that, since the final restoration A

of the Bolurbons to the throne of France, the conti-
noental powers heve enteredinto sundry a.llia.nces,,
which haves been made public, and have held severest

meetings or Congresses, at which the principles of their“

political coi1(lu.cthave been declared. These things
II1HStl}BCeSSa‘.I‘lly have an efihct upon the internationail

_ law of the states of the world. If that efihct he goorl,~

and caccording to the girinciples of that law, they (le— '
serve to be applaudedt If, on the contra.ry,thei1' ef-1 A

feet and temlency he most dzmgerous, their princi;

pies wliolly inadmissible,their pretensions such as

\t*ou1d abolish %e.ver;.* (lessee of nmiozaal indeepeem
deuce, then they are to be resisted. “

y l t3
 begin, Mr. Uhairtilan, by drawing your atteu‘=-

  t'~io11 to the treaty, concluded at Paris in Septenrber,

1815, between Russia, Prussia, and Ausltria,'cou1mou»
ly called the Holy Alliance. This singular alliance
appears to have originated with the Emperor of
Russia ; for We are informed that a draft of it was
exhibited by him, personally, to a plenipotentiary of

one of the great powers of Europe, before it was A

presented to the other sovereigns who ultimately
signed itfilt This instrument p1=ot'esses nothing,
certainly, which is not extremely commendable and
praiseworthy. It promises only that the contract-
ing parties, both in relation to other states, and iii
regard to their own subjects, will observe the rules
ofustice and Christianity. In confirmation of these.

promises, it makes the most solemn and devout reli~

gious invocations. N ow, although such an alliance
is a novelty in European history, the worltl» seems to

l have received this treaty, upon, its first promulgation,
with general cha.rity. It was commonly umlerstoofi A

as little or xiothiug; more than an explessiou of
thanks for the successful termination of the momeun
tous contest, in which those sovereigns hadtbeeu es.-4
gauged. It still sewems somewhat unaccountable, how»
ever, that these good resolutions should require to
be confirmed by treaty. VVho doubted that these
august sovereigtis would treat each other with justice,
and rule their own subjects in mercy ? And what ne-.

cessity wasithere, for a solemn stipulation by treaty, ,

* Vide Lord Castleroagh’s Speech in the House of Commons, February ~

3, 1816. Debates in Parliament, vol. 36, page 5355 ; where 3lS0a’$ll‘»-“« Tr?-‘W’
may‘ be found. at length, i

ii»

to ensure the perlhrinatice of i,l".'I3.i3, which is no more
than the oroinary duty of every government? It

tvouldiharclly be atlmitted by these sovereigns, that, it

bythis compact, they suppose themselves bound to
introcluce an entire change, or any change, in the
course of their own C0l’1(l11Cl3.. Nothing substantially

new, certainly, can be supposed to have been intend-

ed. VVhat principle, or what practice, therefore,
called for this solemn cleclaration. of the intention lot"
the parties to observe the rules of religion and justicei“

, , It is not a littleremarliable, that a writer of repu-
“ tation upon the Public Law, “described, many, years
ago, not inaccurately, the character of this alliance :

I allntie to Pufi‘entlo1'ti'. “ It seems useless,”f says

  he, 4%‘ to frame any pacts or leagues, barely for the
»tlefence and support of universal peace; for, by such

a league, nothing; is superatlyyded to the obligation of
natural law, and no agreement is niaderfor the per~
ihrmance of anything, which the parties werenot

jpreviously l)Ot111(ll1O perform 3, nor is the original obli- A

ggatioxz rendered firmer or st1'(r13ge,r by such an adcli-
tion. Men of any tolerable culture and civilization,
might well be ashamed of entering into any such com.-
pact, the contlitionsof which imply only that the parties
concernetllshall not some inany clear point of duty.
iiesi(les,r we should be guilty of great irreverence to»-
n*amlsGotl, should We suppose that his injunctions
had not .‘:1lt‘~3tt(lyl'l£1itl a sutfioient obligation upon us
to act justly, unless we oursel,ves voluntarily»con-

sented to the same engagement, to as if ;our obligation

to obey this will, ‘tlepentletl upon our own pleasure.
4‘ If one leiigaage to serve another, he does not set

itrlown. expressly and particularly among the terms

15
and conulitions of the bargain, that he will not be.
tray, nor murder him, nor pillage nor burn his house,

 For the same reason, that would be a dishonourable

engagement, in which men should bind themselves
to act properly and decently, and not break the
peace.” 9* r A A

t Such were the sentiments of that eminent writer.
How nearly he had anticipated the case of the Holy
Alliance, will appear from comparing his observa.-
tions with the preamble to that alliance, which is as
follows : A

“ In the name of the most Holy and Indivisible
Trinity, their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the

King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia,”-«~« '

“ solemnly declare, that the present act has no other
object than to publish, in the face ‘of the whole world,
their fixed resolution, both in the administration of
their respective states, and in their political relations
with every other government, to take for their sole

guide the precepts of that holy religion, namely, the,

precepts of justice, Christian charity, and, peace,
Which, far from being applicable only to private con-
cerns, must have an immetliate influence on the coun-
cils of princes, and guide all theirsteps, as being the

ionlyymeans of consolidating human institutionsn, aml

remedying their imperfections.” A
This measure however a ears rinci all int»
9 3 V

iportant,asit was the first of a series, and was fol-

lowedt afterwards by others of amore direct anti
practical nature- 'I'hese measures, taken together,

profess to establish two principles, which the Alylrieil 

*, Book 2, cap.  i

is

Ponrers lrvouldi enforce as a part of the law of _’ the ‘

civilized? world, and the enforcement of which is
rnenaced by a million and a half of bayonets.

. The first of these principles is, that all popular, or
constitutional rights, are holden no otherwise than‘ as
grants from the crown. Society, upon this principle,

a has no rights of its own ;, it takes good government,

a whenit gets: it, as a boon and a concession, but can .

‘demand nothing. ltis to live in that favour which
emanates from royal authority, and if it have the
misfortune to lose that favour, there is nothing to
protect. it against any degree of injustice and oppres-
sion. It can rightfully‘ make no endeavour for a

“ change, by itself ;its~whole* privilege is to receive

the ‘fB;;V,0u1‘s that may be dispensed by the sovereign
power, and all its duty is described in the single
word, sztbrmission. t This is the plain result of the
principal continental state papers ; indeed it is nearly
the identical text uofsome“ of them. o

The Laybachcircular of_May, 1821, alleges, “ that A

‘esefnl and necessary changes in legislation and ad»
ministration, oughfonly to ernanate from the free will
and intelligent conviction.of r those Whom God has
rendered responsible r for power; all that deviates
from this line necessarily leads to disorder, commo-
tions, and evils, far more insufierable than those which

they pretend to remedy.”*“ Now, Sir, up this iprinci- V
ple would" carry Europe back again, atonce,into the A
middle of e the" ‘dark ages.   It is the old doctrineiof A
the A divine right of A kings, advanced now, bynew

advocates, and  suletainetd by ltaforrnidable tnass of

l    isannut1egs.ee,rtrl:a2i.  l  

17' ,
power. That, the people hold their fundamental

privileges, as matter of concession, or indulgence,
from the sovereign power, is a sentiment not easy to

diffuse in this age, any farther than it is enforced by_

the direct operation of military means. It is true,
certainly, that some six centuries ago, the early found-
ers of English liberty called the instrument which
secured their rights a Charter; it was, indeed, a
concession; they had obtained it, sword in hand,
from the king ; and, in many other cases, whatever
was obtained, favourable to human rights, from the
tyranny and despotismj of the feudal sovereigns, was
called by the names of prizaileges and liberties, 
being matter of special favour. And, though were-~
tain this language at the present time, the principle
itself belongs to ages that have long passed by us.
The civilized world has done with the enormous
faith of many made for one. Society asserts its own
rights, and- alleges them to be original, sacred, and
unalienable. It is not satisfied with having kind mas»

ters ; t it demands‘ a participation in its own govern»

ment : and, in states much advanced in civilization,

it urges this demand with a constancy and an energy,

that cannot well, nor long, be resisted. There are,
happily, enough of regulated governments in the
world, and those among the most distinguished, to
operate as constant examples, and to keep alive an
unceasing pantingin the bosoms of men, for the en»
j oyment of similar freeinstitntions. t l

VV hen the English revolution of 1688 took place,
the English people did not. content themselves ~ with
the example of Runnymede  they did not build their
hopes upon royal charters; they did not, like the

C V

18

Lahach circular, suppose that all useful changes in

constitutions and laws must proceed from those,

only whom God has rendered responsible for power.
They were somewhat better instructed in the prin--

ciples of civil liberty, or at least they were better

lovers of those principles, than the sove1'eigns of Lay».
hach. Instead of petitioning; for charters, they de-
clared their rights, ancl, While they offerecl to the

family of Orangethecrown with one hand, they  

held in the other an enumeration of those privileges
wllich they did not -orofess to hold as favours, but
which they rlemantclecl and ilnsietetl upon, as their nu»
donbted 1'igl1ts. A   ‘

lneed not stoptt to ohserve, Mr. Chairman, how
totally hostile are these doctrines of Layhach, to the
fundsnientalt pringtiples of our government. They
are in direct contradiction : the principles of good
and mil are hardly more opposite. If these princi-

‘L les of the soVe1‘ei0*ns be true we are but in a state
:3 .3

of rebellion, or of anarchy, and are only tolera-
ted among civilized states, because it has not yet
been ,convenient to conform us to the true standard.
But the second, and, if -possible, the still more oh-»
jectionahle pi-intciple,, avowed in these papers, is the
1'ight of forcible interference in the aifairs of other
states.  right to control nations in their desire to
changge their oxini government, Wherever it may he

‘c-;mjectured., or pretended, that such change might

furnish an emuwnple to the subjects of a other states, is

plainly and distinctly asserted. The same Congress at

that made the tlieclaration at Layhach, had declared,

before its removal from Troppau, “ thattlie "powers A

have an undolubtedoriglitgto take a hostile attitutde in.

19
regard to those states in which the overthrow of the
government may operate as an example.”

A There cannot,  I think,’ be conceived a more
flagrant violation of public law, or national independ-
ence, than is contained "in this declaration.

No matter what he the character of thegovern-»
ment resisted; no matter with what weight the foot‘
of the oppressor bears on theneck of the oppressed;
if he st1‘t1ge;le, or if he complain. he sets a dangerous
example of resistance.----atnd from that moment he
becomes an object of hostility to the most power-i
fnl potentates of the earth. I want WOI‘(lS to ex-
press my abhorrence of this abominable principle.
I trust every enlightened man througghout the World
will oppose it, and that, especially,‘ those who, like
ourselves, are fortunately out of the reach of the bay.
onets that enforce it, will proclaim their detestation
of it, in a tone both loud and decisive. tThe avoW-‘-
ed object of such declarations is to preserve the
peace of the World. But by what means is it ‘pro-»
posed to preserve this peace  Simply, by bringing
the power of all governments to bear against all subl-
jects. Here is to be established a sort of double,
or treble, or quadruple, or, foranght I know, a qnin-
tuple allegiance. An ofi'ence against one king is

to be an offence against all hings,an(l the power of i

all is to beput forth for the punishmentof the offen-
der. ' A right to interfere in extreme‘ cases, in the
-case of contiguous states, and where imminent dan-

ger is threatened to one by what is ltrianspiring in

another, is not Without precedentlin modern times,
npon what has been called the law of vicinage ; and
when confined to extreme cases, and limited to a cor»

4 so

tain extent, it may ‘perhaps be defended upon prinn
eiples of necessity and self-defence. But to maintain
that sovereigns may go to war upon the subjects of
another state to repress an example, is monstrous
indeed. What is to he the limit to such a principle,
or to the practice growing out of it ? What, in any
case, but sovereign pleasure is to decide whether the

i example he good or bad '3’ And what, under the
j operation of sucl1 rule, may be thought of out: exam-

ple ? Why are we not as fair objects for the opera-
tion of the new principle, as any of those who may
attempt to reform the condition of their government,
on the other side of the Atlantic P A . o l
The ultimate efiect of this alliance of sovereigns,
for objects personal to themselves, or respecting only
the permanence of their own power, must be the de-
struction of all just feeling, and all natural sympau
thy, between those who exercise the power of go»-
vernment and those who are subject to it. The old
channels of mutual 1~egard and confidence are to be
dried up, or cut oil’. 0bed',ience can now be expect»
ed no longer than it is en't'o;cecl. Instead of relying
on the afiections of the governed, sovereigns are to

A rely on the afiections and friendship of other sove-

reigns. 'I‘here ‘are, in short, no longer to be nations.
Princes and people no longer are to unite for inter-
ests common tothem both. There is to be an end
of all patriotism, as a distinct national feelaing. So»
ciety is to be divided horizontally; all sovereigns
above, and all subjects below ; the former coalescing
for their own security, and for the more certain sub-
jection of the emu-ndiistingnished multi;tu_de beneath.
This, Sir, it is no gpictnre, drawn by it imagination. 

1%

have hardly used ianguage stronger than that in
which the authors of this new system havecomrsentu
ed on their own Work. Mr. Gh,atea11hrianrl,t in his

speech in the French Chamber of Deputies, in Feb-

ruary last, declared, that he had a. ctonference with
the Emperor of Russia at Verona, in which that auu
gust sovereign uttered sentiments which appeared to
him so precious, that he immediately hastened home,
andwrote them down While yet fresh in his recollec-
tion. “ The Emperor declared,” said he, “ that
there can no longer be such a thing as an Englislz,
French, Russian, Prussian, or .flustrian policy .2’
there is henceforth but one policy, which, for the
safety of all, should be adopted both by people and
kings. It was for me jirst to show mg/self convinced
of the principles upon which I founded the alliance;
an occasion ofered itself ; the rising in Greece.
.N'othing certainly could occur more for my inter.»
ests, for the interests of people ; nothing' more ac-
ceptable to nzy country, than a religious war in Tar...
hey .- but I have thought I perceived in the troubles
of the .Morea, the sign. qr?" revolution, £mdeI have
held back. Providence hes not put under my com»
mand 800,000 soldiers, to satisfy my ambition, but to
protect religion, morality, and j astice, and to secure

0 the prevalence of those principles of order on which

lzuonan society rests. It may well be permittedthat
tcingspmay have pnblicgallianices to defend themselves

against secret e~nemiee..’_’ t

These, Stir, are the words which the French minis-
ter thought so important asthatt they deserved to be

_ ‘recorded ; and I, too, Sir, am» of the same opinion.
;B,ut,] if it be true that there ishereafter‘rtorbe nei-

ther of Russian policy, nor a. Prussian policy, nor an
Austrian policy, nor a. French policy, nor even,
which yet I will not believe, an Engli.sh policy;
there will be, I trust in God, an uflmericaiz policy.
If the authority of all these gover11me11ts he he1'eufter
to be mixed and blended, and to flow in one unga-
mentecl current of p1'e1‘()gative, over the face of E2114-
rope, sweeping away all resistoance in its course, it
will yet remain for us to secure our own happiness,

by the preservatioxl of our own principles ; which I 

hope we shall lmve the nmnliness to express on an
proper oc.ca.sions, -and the spirit to defend. in every
extremity. The end oml scope of this amolgema,-s
ted policy is neither more nor less than this :----to in-
terfere, by force, for any government, against any
people who may resist it. Bethe state of the peo-
ple what it may, they shall not rise; be the govern-
ment What it Will, it shall not he opposed. The
practical colnmentary has corresponded with theplain
language of the text. Look at Spain, :.md_a.t Greece.
If men may not resist the Spenislleinqtxisitioxl, and
the '1‘u‘rl«:ish scimitar, what is tliereto which 1111-»
manity must not submit 2° Stronger cases can never
arise. Is it not proper for us, at all times-——~is it not
our duty,at this time, to come forth, and deny, and
condemn, tlxesemonstrous principles. "Where, but
here. and in one other place, arethey likely to here-
sisted '5’ They are advanced with equal coolness and

7 boldness ; and they are supported by immense power.

The timid will tsln-ink and give wa.y-‘-e--and many of
the brave may be compelled to yield to force. Hus
mun liberty may yet, perhaps,be obliged to llrepolse its
principal hopes on the intelligence and the vigour of

the Saxon race. As far as depends on us, at least,
I trust those hopes will notbe disappointed; and that,
to the extent which may consist with our own settled,
pacific policy, our opinions and sentiments may
be brought to act, on the right side, and to the right
end, on an occasion which is, in truth, nothing less
than a momentous question between an intelligent
age, full of knowledge, thirstiug for improvement,
and quichened by a thousand impulses, and the most
arbitrary pretensions, sustained by unprecedented
power.

This asserted right of forcible intervention, in the
al‘l’airs of other nations, is in open violation of the
public law of the World. Wlio has authorized these
learned doctors of 'l.‘roppau, to establish new articles
in this code P "Whence are their diplomas? Is the

A Whole world expected to acquiesce in principles,

which entirely subvert the independence of nations ?
On the basis of this independence has been reared the
beautiful fabric of international law. Oil the princi»
ple of tlgis inydepeudence, Europe has seen a, family“
of nations, flourishing within its limits, the small
among the large, protected not always by power, but
by a principle above power, byrllallltsense of propriety
and ustice. On this principle the great connnom
wealth of civilriaecl states has been hitherto upheld.
‘There have been occasional   departures, by or viola-
tions, and always disastrous, as in the case of Po-
land; but, in general, the harmony in of the system has
been wonderfully preserved. In the production and
preservation of this sense of justice, this predominat-
ing principle, the Christian religion has acted a main
part. Christianity and civilization have laboured

§..»”‘ls

together; it seems, indeed, to be a law of our human
condition, that they can live and flourish only to»
gether. From their blended influence has arisen
that delightful spectacle , of the prevalenceof reason
ando“priuciple., over power and interest, so well de-
scribed‘ by one who was an honour to the age-----

“ And sovereign Law, the -world’: collected will,
0’er thrones and globes elate,

Sits Empress——-crowning good, repressing ill 2'
Smit by her sacred frown,

i The fiend, Discretion, like a vapour, sinks,

And e’en the all—dazzling crown

Hides his faint rays, and at her bidding shrinks.”

But this vision is past. While the teachers of Lay»  

bash give the rule, there will be no law but the law

-of the strongest.

It mayinow be required of me to show what inter-

est we have, in resisting this new system. What is y

it to us, it may be asked, upon what principles, or
what pretenses, the European governments assert a
right of interfering in the affairs of their neigh-«
hours P The thunder, it may he said, rolls at a dis—
tance. The Wide Atlantic is between us and dan-
ger 3 and, however others may suffer, we shall re-
main safe.  ‘ i

I think its. sufficient answer to this, to say, that
We are one of the nations; that We have an interest,
therefore, in the preservation of that system of nation-
al law and national intercourse, which has heretofore
subsisted, so beneficially for all. Our system of

 government, it i should also be reu1embe1"e(l, is,

througliout, founded on principles. utterly hostile to
the new code; and, if We remain undisturbed by
its operation, we shall owe our security, either to our

A35

eitu‘ation»cr our spirit. The enterprising character.
of the age, our own active comrnercialspirit, the
great increase whichhas taken place in the inter»;

a course between civilized and commercial states, have '

necessarily connected us with the nations of the earth,
and ggiven us a highconcern. in the pi*ese1'vation of
those salutary principles, upon which that intercourse
is founded. A We have as clear aninterest in interna...
tional law, as individuals have in the laws of society.
, But, apart from the soundness of the policy, on
the ground of direct interest, we have, Sir, a duty,
connected with this subject, which, I trust, we are
willing to perform. Wl1at(l0 we not owe to the
cause of civil and religious liberty ? to the principle
of lawful resistance? to the principle that. society
has a right to partake in its own gove1*n1ner1t i’ As
the leading Republicof the world, living and breath-
ing in these principles, and advanced, by their opera-
tion, with unequalled rapidity, in our career, shall We
give“‘0u-2' consent to bring them into disrepute and
disgrace? It is neither ostentation nor boasting. to
say, that there lie before this country, in immediate
prospect, a great extent and llelgllt of power. ‘We

are borne along towards this, without effort, and not

always even with a full knowletlge of the rapidity of
our own motion. Circumstances whicli never com.
bined hefcre, have combined in our favour, and a
mighty current is setting us forvvard,iwhicl1 vvecould
not resist, even,  wewould, and which, while We
would stop to make an observation, and take the
sun, has set us, at the end of” the operation. far in
advance of the place where we commenced it. Does

“it not become us, then, is notra duty imposed on us,

£6
to give our Weight to the side of liberty and jLl.SlLlC6-:~==e=
to let mankind know that we are not tired of our own
zinstitutionsiw--and to protest against the asserted power
of , altering, at pleasure, the law of the civilized
world P T r »

But, whateve r We do, in this respect, it becomes
us to do upon clear and consistent principles. There
is an important topic in the Message, towhich I have
yet hardly alluded. I mean the rumoured combine-
tion of the European continental sovereigns, against
the new established free states of South America.
‘Whatever position this government may take A on
that subject, Itrust it will be one which can be de-
fended, on known and acknowledged grounds of
right. The near approach, or the remote distanceof

danger, may affect policy, but cannot change princi-t

ple. The same reason that would authorize us to
protest against unwarrantable combinations to inter-
fere between Spain and her former colonies, would
authorize us equally to protest, if the same cornbiua.-.
tion were directed against the smallest state in Eu-
rope, although our duty to ourselves, our ..policy, and
Wisdom, might indicate very ldifierent courses, as

fit to be pursued by us in the two cases. We shall A

not, I trust, actupon the notion of dividing the world
with the Holy Alliance, andcomplain of nothing done
by them in their hemisphere,‘ if they will not interfere

with ours. At leastthis would not be such a course i

of policy as I could recommend or support. We
have not ofiendyed, and, I hope, we do not intend to

ofiend, in regard to South America, against any

principle of national independence or of public law.
We have done‘. nothing, we shall do nothing, that

$7

We need to i hush up or to compromise, by forbearing’
to express our sympathy for the cause of the Greeks,
or our opinion of the course which other governments
have adopted in regard to them. ‘    A
It may, in the next place, be asked, perhaps, sup-
posing all this to be true, what can we do P a Are We
to go to War? Are We to interfere in the Greek
cause, or any other European cause? Are We to
endanger our pacific relations P-—-No, certainly not.
What, then, the question recurs, remains for us? If
We will not endanger our own peace; if We will
neither furnish armies, nor navies, to the cause Wl1icl1
we think the just one, what is there within our power 3‘
Sir, this reasoning mistakes the age. The time
has been, indeed, when fleets, and armies, and subt-
sidies, were the principal reliianees even in the best
cause. But, happily for mankind, there has come a
great change in this respect. Iii/loral causes ‘coins
into consideration, in proportion as the progress of
knowledge is advanced; and the pztbl-ic opz'm'on of
the civilized virorld is rapidly gaining an ascendency
over more brutal force. It is already able to oppose
the most forinidable obstruction to the progress of in»
justice and oppression ; and, as it grows more intel-
ligent and more, intense, it will he more and ‘more
formidable. It maybe silenced by military power,
but it cannot be conquered. It is elastic, irrepressi-

A bio, and invuluerable to the Weapons of ordinary
, warfare. It is that impassible, unextinguishahle ene-
flimyof mere violence and artbitrary rule, Which, like

Milton’ s angels,
l l “ Vital in every part, 1
5‘ Cannot, but by annihilating, die.” A‘ t _

it

Until this he propitiated or satisfiecl, ‘it is vain
for power .. to talk neither of triumphs or oftrepose,
ho matter what fields are desolated, Whatfortre'sses
surrendered, what armies sul)'(lu_ed, or What pros
vi11ces overrun. In the history of the year that has
passed by us, and in the instance of unhappy Spain,
we have seen the vanity of all triumphs, in a cause
which violates the general sense ofustice of the civ.»
ilizedworld. It is nothing, that the troops of France
have passecl from the Pyrenees to Cadiz; it is no-
thing that an unhappy and prostrate” nation has
fallen before them ; it is nothing that arrests, and con-»
fiscation, and execution, sweep away the little rem-
nant of national resistance. There is an enemy that

still exists to check; the glory of these triumphs. It

followsthe conquerorpback to the very scene of his
ovations; it calls upon him to take notice that Eu-
rope, though silent, is yet indignant; it shows ‘him’
that the sceptre of his victory is a barren sceptre; that
it shall confer neither joy nor honour, but shall
mqul(le1* to dry ashes in his grasp. In themidst of
his exultation, it piercesllis ear with the cry of in-
juretl justice, it denounces against him the indigyna-4
tion of an enlightened and civilizetl age; it turns tee
bitterness the cu‘p~of» his rejoicing, and Wounds him
with the sting which belongs to the consciousness
of having outraged the opinion of mankind.

In my own opinion, Sir, the Spanish nation is now

nearer, not only in point of time, butiin point of.“ cits» A

eumstance, to the acquisitiorrof at negtxlatecl got*‘ern-
ment, than at the moment, of thehFrench invasion.
Nations must, no doubt, undergo these trials in their
progress to the establishment of free institutions. 'l‘he

flfi‘

I ‘Very trials benefit them, and render them more capes

Able both of obtaining and of exljoying the object
which they seek. a it ” ii
I shall not detain the Committee, Sir, by laying;
before it any statistical, geograpliical, or commercial
account of Greece. I have no knotvleclge on these
subjects, which is not comnzon to all. It is nniver.
sally admitted, that, Within the last thirty or forty
years, the condition of Greece has been greatly im-
proved. Her marine is at present respectable, con»
taining the best sailors in the Mediterranean, better
even, in that sea, than our own, as more accustomed
to the long quarantiues, and other regulationsiwllich
prevail in its ports. The number of her seamen has
been estimated as high as 50,000, but I suppose that
estimate must be much too large. Tlley have pro»
bably 150,000 tons of slzippingg. It is not-easy’ to
state anaccnrate account of Grecian population. Tlxe
Turkish government does not trouble itself with any
of the calculations of political economy, and ‘there

has never been such a thing; as an accurate censusy,

probably, in any part of the 'l‘urkish empire. In the

V absence of all potiicial informatioup, private opinions
- ‘Wiclely (user; By the tables trvbich have been com»

rnunicated, it would seem that tbere a1*e":2,‘-100,000
Greeks in Greece proper and the Islandsganamount,
as I am inclined to think, somewhat overrated. There

are,probab1y, in the Wholeiof. European‘Tmfl:ey,

5,ooo,ooo ‘Greeks, and e,ooo,ooo more in the Asi~
atic (lominions of that power. The moral and intel-
lectual progress of tbis nmneroéus population, under
the horrible qppressietl which crushes it, has been

A sum as1rm;a;r ‘well excite regatta. fifiiavost umier bare

3.0

harous masters, the Greeks have still aspired after

the blessings of knowledge, and civilization. Before _

the breaking out of the present revolution, they had
established schools, and colleges, and libraries, and
the press. W"hereVer, as in Soio, owing to particu-
lar circumstances, the Weiglit of oppression was miti-
gated, the natural vivacity of the Greeks, and their
aptitude for the arts, were discovered. 'I‘hough cer-
tainly not on an equality with the civil/ized and Chris-
tian states of Europe, and how is it possible under
such ‘oppression as they endured that they should be?

they yet furnished a striking contrast with their

Tartar niasters; It has been Well said, thatit is
noteasy to form a just conception of the nature of the
despotism exercised over them. Conquest and sub.
jugation, as used among European states, are inade-
quate modes of expressiorl by which to denote the
dominion. of the Turks. Atcouquest, in the civilized
World, is generally no more than an acquisition of a
new part to the conquering country. M It does not
imply a neveiuending bondage imposed upon the
eonquered, a perpetual mark, and opprobrious dis»-
tinction between them and their masters; a. bitter
and unending persecution of their religion; an ha-
hitual violatiori of their 1'igl1ts of person and proper-
ty, and the unrestrained indulgence towards them,
of every passion which belongs to the character of a

barbarous soldiery. Yet, such is the stateof Greece. A

The Ottoman power over them, obtained originally
by the sword, is constantly preserved by theisame
means. 'Wherever it exists, it is a mere military
power. is The 1*eligious and civilcode of the state,
being boithifixed in the Alcoran, and equally the ob-

at

ject of a11i5>._.;nora11t and furious faith, have been found
equally incapable “of change. “ The Turk,” it has
been said, “ has been encamped in Europe for four
centuries.” He has hardly any raore participation
in European lmanners, knowledge, and arts, than
when he crossed the Bosphorns. But this is not the
Worst of it. The power of the empire is fallen
into anarchy, and as the principle which belongs to
the head belongs also to the parts, there are as many
despots as there are pachas, beys, and visiers.
Wars arealmost perpetual, between the sultan and
some rebellious governor of a province; and in the
conflict of these despotisms, the people are necessarily

* ground between the upper and the nether niillstone,

In short, the Christian subjects of the sublime Ports,
feel daily all the rniseries which flow from despot-
ism, from anarchy, from slavery, and from religious
persecution. If any thing yet remains to lieigllten
such a‘ picture, let it be-added, that every oflice in the
government is not only actually, but professedly, veal
nal ;--4-tlixe pachalics,the Visierates, the cadiships, and
whatsoever other denomination may denote the de-
positaryof power. In the whole World, Sir, there
is no such oppression felt, as by the Christian
Greeks. Invarious parts of India, to be sure, the

, government is bad enough ; but then it is the govern-

ment of barbarians over barbarians, and the feeling
of oppression is, of course, not so keen. There the
oppressed are perhaps not better thanfltlleir oppres-

stirs ; but in the case of Greece, there are millieiis of a

Christian men, not without knowledge, not Without
refinement, not rvirithouta strongthirst for all the
pleasures of civilized life, trampled into the Very

£33

earth, century after century, by apillagi11g, savage,
relentless soldiery.  Sir. the case is unique. There

exists, and has existed, nothing like it. The world

has no such misery to show; there is no case in
which Christian communities can he called upon,
with such emphasis of appeal. e
Butl have said etiough, Mr. Chairman, indeed
I need have said nothing, to satisfy the House, that
it must be some new comhiiiation of circumstanc.es,i
or new views of policy in the {cabinets of Europe,

which have caused this interesting struggle not mere:

ly to be regarded with indifference, but to be mark»-
ed with opprohriurn. , The very statement of the
case, as a-contest between the Turlis and Greeks,
suiiiciently indicates what must be the feeling of
every individual, and every government, that is not
hiassed by a particular interest, or a particular feel-
ing, to disregard the dictates of justice and humanity.

And now, Sir, what has been the conduct pursued
by the Allied Powers, in regard to this contest?

Wllell the revolution broke out, the sovereigns were

in Congress at Layhach; and the papers of that
assembly suficiently manifesttheir sentiments. They
proclaimed their ahhorrence of those “ criminal
combinations which had been formed in the eastern
parts of Europe 3” and, although it is possible that
this denunciation vvas aimed, more particularly, at

i the disturbances in the provinces of it ‘Wallachia and

Moldavia, yet no exception is made, from itsgeneral
terms, in favour of those events in Greece, ,Which
were properly the commencement of her, revolution,

‘and which could nothut bewell known at Layhach,
A before the date of these declarations. ‘NOW it must he

33

’ren1enahe1'ed, that Russia was a lioaclingpartyt in this
denunciation of the efiorts of the t8t1*eeks to achieve
theirliheration; and it cannot but he expected by‘
§iRnssia that the World shall also remember What part
she herself has heretoihre acted, in the same concern.
It is notorious, that within thelast half century she,
has again and again, excited the Greeks to rebellion
against the Porto, and that she has constantly kept
alive in them the hope that she Would, one day, by
her own great power, break the yoke of theiroppres
sor. Indeed, the earnest attention with which Rite-
sia liasregartled Greece, goes much farther back than
to the time I have nientioned. Ivan the third, in
t¢1+8;2, having espoused a Grrecian princess, heiress
of the last Greek emperor, discarded St. George
tf"1'on1 the Russian arms, and adopted in its stead the
G7‘eel.¢ two-headed black eagle, which has continued
in the rfiussian arms to the present day. In virtue
of the same marriage, the liussiati princes claimed
the Grreek throne-astheir inheritance. V A A A .
t Under Peter the Great, the policyof Russia de-

veloped itself rnorefully. In 1696, he rendered:

hiinself master of Azoph, and in 1698, obtained
the rightto pass the Dardanelles, and to maintain,
hy that route, cornrnercial intercourse with the Medi-
terranean.  had emissaries throughout Greece,
a11(lpartict1la1=l;v applied himself to gain the" clerg .

,He adopted the lLabcm"um of Constantine, ‘"112 I200

signo o-inces;” and medals were struck, a with

1 the ,il1SC1‘i[Jfi"O11, ,“kPet7'2L3 I. Russo-Grcecamivnp Im-

goerator.” In whatever newdirection the principles of

e the Holy Alliance rmray new lead the politics ofB.us-

rsia, orfwhatever course she may, suppose Christian-.,

titty new j)1~esscribes to her, i in regard tothe Greek cause,
the time has been when she professed to he contend»-t
hlg for that cause, as identified With Gh1*istia1i.~
ity. The white ha.nner under which the sehiiere of
Peter the first usually foug,l1it,I)o1*e. as its insc1*i[3tion_,
“ In the 12  of the tl“’ri22c+e, and j"b'r- our count’)?/.”
Relying en the aid of A the Greeks:, in his war with
7the Pm't.e~, -hechenged the whiteiflag to red, and dis»-

phayettl on it the words, “ In the nctmenf God, and

for ‘(t?lz:+2'st‘1ani'ity.” 't"l}1e unfortunate issue of the
war is well kmwvin. ’l"heugh A.nne am!" E1i_za1)ettl1;,-

A the su“ccesse?rs ef Petretf, did not possess his active

~“¢:.}1areetei*t, tthety ‘kept up a; eenstant cexnmunicetiefi
Wtitht t}1‘*eteeee,t and he-ht eut hnpes of restoring the

 exnpix-e. A ‘3ethe.1*‘i‘ne the eeeend, as is well
*k1TU>‘t‘VY1,"Excited" 3; geneml revolt in 1769. “A.
Russian fleet appeared in the Me(iiterre.11eat11,‘a11d at
Rt.w».:e:?:as1 army   was landed in the B/Io1'ee. 'I‘hB_

i5Greeike in t:l1eend were disgusted by beixiig1*equi1'e&
te take an ezttl1'ot' allegiance to Russia, and the em-
press was (1isg;11s£:e(] theiceuse they 1*efuee(1 to ‘take it,

  121] 1774», peace twee signed between Russia and the
PO1'~te, and the ‘Greeks of the Bvterea.» were left tie

thei1' fate. T y this tt*e‘at.y the Porte aCkn(i)tV1B(igCii
the indevpendemte of the hheni of the ‘Crimea; “e.
p1'elin1ine1*y ettepito the acquisition of that country by

itflueeia. It is. not unvverthy of remark, as”a. cir..

4C'umeta.i1cet~ which rlistie-gt~1its;l'1ed this from mostotlier
‘-diplomatic t1*zmsta:c‘tie1*1s;,i that iteenceded the tritght tar

 c;abi=n.et of  Petere~!e)u~1~g, ‘ef interventietiin the

?in’t‘erier aemna of 'l“u.rl<ey, in reward to whatever"
»%et1ce1*nedM:ttih(a reiigioti of. the Gtreeks. iThe trueltiee

fa;!id&t1essac1'ee that lieppened to the Greeksi after the A

35 p A
, peace between Russia and the Polite, notwithpstauclo
ing the general pnrdoll VVi1l(:h‘ heal been sltipulateti foot‘
“them, need not now to he recited. Instead of re.»
tracing the deplorable [)ictore, it is encaugh A to say,
that in this respect the past is justly reflected in the

Tp1'esent.. The empress soon after invndetl and con-

uquerecgl the Gritnea, and on one of the gates of Kerson,
its capital, czmsecl to be ineerihed, “ Tlze road to
Bysantium.” V The present Emperor, on his aceee*~»

eion to the throne, Inztnifestecl an intention to adopt‘

the policy of Catllarine the II. as his own, and the
world l‘l:‘;l,S' not been rigl1t, in all its snspicione, if n
project for the partition of 'l‘urkey did not form 2.
part of the negotiations of Napoleon and Alexander
at Tilsit. 1

All this course of policy ‘seems eutldenly to be

, chaiaged. Tu1'key is no longer regarded, it Woulcl

appeal‘, as an object of partition or ‘ accioieition, and

G1'eekp1'evolts lmvel, all -at once, become, a,cco1~'cli‘ng ‘I

to the tlecliemtpiooxx of Laybncll, “A Cl‘l!1‘l‘lll_tll Colllblllfl.-+
tio11e.” The recent COIlg‘l‘t3Sf-‘S Vernon lexcreeded

 its predecessor atLayl)ocll1, in its de*nonmeintioll1e of
” tl1e.G1*eek<etruggle. In the circulartof the Mtli. of

Decen1l)er, 1832, ittrleclnred the Grecian resist:-uixce to

A _ the Turl(isl1 power to he melt and culpable, and la.»

mented that A“ the fireborentl of rebellion had been
% thrown into the Ottoman empire.” ‘ Tllis rebuke and
-cirirnination, welinow to have proceeded on those
settled principlese of conduct, Wlaicill the continental
powers had prescribed for themselves; y\ T'he sove-

1 reigns sa.w,*as well as otl1e1's., the real condition of

tl1eGp1'-eeks ; tlleyknew," as well as otl1ere;..litlmt it was

A "most ~natura.1 and most justifiable, ttlliat they shoulcl

36

emleevour, at whatever hazard, to change that Cfilltiir
tion. They knew, thatthey, themselves, or at least
one of tliem, lnul more than once urged the Greeks to
similar efi"orts ; that they, tliemselves, had tlirown the
same firehrand into the midst of the Ottoman eintpire.
And yet, so much does it seein to be their fixed’ object
to discountenance Wlietsoever threatens to disturb the
actual government of any coulitry, that, Christians as
they were,a.nd allied as they professed to be, for pur-
poses most important to human happiness and reli-
gion, they have not hesitated to declare “to the _world,
that they have Wholly forborn“=e to exercise any com»-

i passion to the Greeks, simply because they thought i

that they saw, in the struggles of the Morea, the sign

of reVolu.tion., This, then, is coming to a plain, ‘praeti- l

cal result. The Grecian revolution h as been d iscourag:
ed, discountenanced, and denounced, for no reason but
because it is at revolution. Independent of all inquiry
into the I'E3itSO11fl._i)lBi1t3SS of its causes, or the enormity
of the oppression which produced it ; regardless of the
peculiar clatitns which Greece possesses upon the civil-
ized world ; and 1'ega1*dless Of‘.~V11atllitSi)€3l‘5l1]..ti7l6i1‘O\7‘»7l1
conduct towards her for at century; egsrdless of the
interest of the Ciliristien religion, the sovereigns at
Verona. seizetl upon the case of the. Greek revolu-
tion, as one above all others ca.lcula.ted to illustmte

the fixed principles of their policy. 't”lie aboiiiinable A

rule of the Ports on one side, the valonr and the suf-

ferings of the Chifistien Greeks on the other,furnish« t,

ed a, cesye likely to convince even an incredulous
World of i the sincerity of the professions of the Allied
Powers. t They embraced the occasion, with appe-
rent axdour gendithe v}o1*ld, I trust, is sa.tisfied..,,  

    37
p I We see here, Mr. Chairman, thedirect anrll actual
applicationof that system which I have attempted to

describe. We see it in the very case of Greece. We '
V learn, authentically at1'{ll,l1illSpL1lal)ly, that the Allietl

Powers; holding that all chenges in legislation anal
administration _0‘t.'lgl'1l3 to proceed. from kings alone,
were Wliolly inexorable to the suli'erings of the
Greeks,.aml Wholly hostile to their success. Now
it is upon this practical result of the principle of the
continental powers, that I wish this llouse to inti-
mate its opinion. Tlie great question is a. question
of principle. Greece is only the si;.f;;nal. l11F%l2£'tti(f(50f
the application of that principle. elf the principle be
right, if we esteem it conformable to ether. .l.ttW of . na-I
tions, if We have notl1i_ng to say ‘against it, or ii’ We
uzleem ourselves unfit to express an opinion on the
subject, then, ofcotlrse, no resolution ouglit to pass.

It‘, on the other hanrl, we see in the declarations of t A
the Allied Powers, principles not only utterlyhostile
to our own free institutions, but hostile also to theine *

depeetlemse of all nations, and altogether opposed to
the i1np1'o\'einentof thecoutlition of hmnaninature;
if, in the instance before us, we see a most Sil"ll{ll)g‘
exposition and application of those principles, and if
we deem our own opinions to be omitted to any
Weiglit in the estimation of rmankintl 3 then, I thinlr,
it is our duty to adopt some such lmeasure as thepro~

V posed 1*esolutio11; ‘

It is Worthy of observation, Sir, that as early as

| Ll11ly,t1?3.‘:%1, Boron St1'og:;oi1ofi‘, the Rnssiauniinister‘

at Oonstentinoplel, representecl to the Porto, that, if the
endistiiigttisliecll xnossecres of the Greeks, both of such

. as werein open resistance,anLl of those who remain;«

" es"

ed patient in their submission, were continued, anti
~shoul(l become a settled habit, they would give just
cause of War against the Ports to all (‘hristian states.
This was in 18%. It was followed, early in the
next year, by that indescribable enormity, that appal-
ing monument of" barbarian cruelty, the destruction of
Scio; a scene”! shall not attempt to describe; 5; scene
from which ihmnantnatuire shrinks shu<l.(lerin,at away;
a scene having hardly a parallel in the history of fall.-

" on man. A This scene, too, was quickly followedhy

the massacres in Cyprus ; and all these llll'lllgS were
'perfectly known, to the Christian powers assemliled

iat_Verona. Yetthlese powers, iniasteatl of acting upon

the case supposed by Baron Strogonoif, and Which,
one would think, had been then fully made out;
instead of being moved by any compassion for the
snfierings of the Greeks ; these powers, these i("5l1ris.-

tian powers, rebuke‘ their g;a.llz211t1*y, and insult their 

sufferings, by accusing them of “throwing a fire-
hrand into the Ottoman empire.” l .

Such, Sir, appear to me to be the principles on,

which the continental powers of Europe have agreed

hereafter to act; and this, anieminent instance of the ‘

application of those principles.

I shall not detain the Committee, hir. Cihairrnanx A

by any attempt to recite the events of the Greek strug-

gle, up to the present time. t Its o1'igin may be

found, doubtless, in that improved state of li1710Wl(:3.(lge,
Which, for some years, has been gradually taking place
in that country. y W The emancipation of the Greeks has
been a subject frequently diséussed in modern times.
They themselvesare represented as having a . vivid
yremembranceof the distinction of their: ancestors, not

l"-.«_;

379

unmixed with an indignant feeling, that oivilizegi

and Clhi'istianl‘l*I111'¢;ipe should not, ere noW,l1eVe «

‘aided them in b1*ea”kir:g their intolerable fetters.

In 1816, a. society was founded in Vienna, for the
oencoumgemeint of Greicien ,]iteretu1*e. ,It was con.
nected with at similar inlstitutioniat Athens, and an-

other in 'l’l1eee:1ly, called the “ Gymnasium of Mount

Pelion.” The treasury and general ofiice of the in:-=
lstitution was estelrliehetl at Munich. No political

4 ‘object Was,a.voWe¢l by these institutions, probably

none contemplatecl. Still, however, they have, no

doubt, lied -their effect in llastening that condition of

thinggge, in which the Grreeke felt competent to the es-
tablishment of their independence. Many young

men lmve been, for yeere, annually sent to the univer-

sities in the western states of Jfiurope for their ecloce»
tion; and, after the general pacification of Europe,
many military men, tliecliergetl from other employ»-
ment, were re-zulyl to enter even into sormpromising
3, service as that of the relvolutionasry Greeks. A
in 1820, war commeuceai between the Porte aml

Ali, the well known peche of Alhmiia. Difi"erencee

In

existed also with i*‘er:-sie, eml with Russia.

this “state of tlliI'igS, at the hegitixiixig of 18%,

an insurrectimira,ppee1'e to have broken out in Moi-it

lrdevia, under the (lirection of Alexern<le1* Ypeileliti,

a well etlucated eoldoier, who haul beefll mejor—gene-
ml in the Russian service. From his clmrecter, anti
the I1Lll11lJ€‘31’ of those who seemed disposed to join.

‘him, he was supposed to he countensmced by the

mart ofSt. Petersl)u1',°'. This, however, was a great
im,i:-stake, which the em_gperox', then at Leylmcli, tool‘;

v and early opportunity to rectify. The_Perte, it Vweulzi i

$0

seem, hoWeve1=,ell.-armed at these ocscurrences in the

_ not~th?e.m provinces, caused search to be made of ‘ all

Vessels elitefing the Black Sea, lest"a1*111s or other
zniliteqr means should be sent inthat manner to the
lt'iSttI.’g{mtf-"3.'¢ This proved inconvenient to the com-
merce of Russia}, and to caused some unszttisfactory
"cowespotxtlettce between the two powders. It may be
Worthy; of reme1*l{,.t as an exhibition of tletional chad-4
1'ecte1',tlmt,egitete(l by these appearances ofintestioe
commotion; the sultan issued ex proclamation, calling
olilealllotlhlltmusselmans “to renounce the pleasures of
social life, teem-'epe.1'e arms and horses, and to ‘return

A to the manner of theirencestors, the life of the plains.

The Turk seems to htwe‘ thougllt that he had, at last,
caught soteetlaiog: of the claogerous cotltegion of En-
ropeancivilization, and that it was Iteoessary to reform
his habits, by 1*ect11*1*i11g A to the original mzmners of
military roving bet‘-be1*ians. t

It was about this time, that is to say, at the com-
mencement of 18?-31, that the Revolution burst out in
t'2mZous parts of Greece and the Isles. Gi1*cu1n—
s*tenees, eertai11ly_., were not unfavourable, as one pot-

1 tion of the Tm'l~:isl1t a1*u1y was emfiployed in the War

against A_1iPaehe in Albania, and another partin
the provinces north of the Dtmube. ~The Greeks
soon possessed themselves of the open country of the
Morse, an(ltt*l1*oV*etheir enemy into the fortresses.

A Of these, that of A T1*ipolitza,, with the »city,$fell into
the lmnds of the G1°eel;:s,, in the comse of the sum» A
met.‘ Having after these fi1*sto_o_movements obtttainled»

time to breathe, it boecame, of .oolu1*se,t. an early object
to establish ettgovermnent. ‘Fox’ this purpose dele-

gates% of the people assembled, under that name

‘let

which M (leSC1"llJE.S the assembly in which We one»
selves” sit, that meme which “ freed the Atlantic,”
:3. Congress. A W’l‘ltBl’, who undertakes to mutter‘
to the civilized World that service which was
once perf'o1*med by Edmuncl l:lnn'*la:e, I- Ineon the

eompiler of the English A1111u.alRegiste1*, aslts, by

what atttI2.ow3ty this assembly could call itself’ it (."on~
greeet ‘Si1npl_y, E-Sir, by the same 2llli.l§lf§)'l‘li,y, by which
thezpeople of the Unitml States hzwe givetl the same
name to their own leg;isletu1'e. ‘We, at least, should
he 11aitu1'a.lly inclined to think, not only es for as
names, but things also, are concerned, that the
Greeks could lmmlloy lmve begun their revolution un-
tler better mlspices ; since they have emlmvoured to
1'emle1* eppl‘iceble to themselves the ge_r1erel p:rinci-
ples of our thr1n% of governnaent, as Well as its name...
This constitution went into toperntion at the com.-
mencement of the next year. In the lrneen time, the
war with Ali Peclm was tendecl, he lxeving slunren-
tiered, and being ei‘te1~Wartls essassinetetl, by an in-
stance of tree.chery mid perlidy, Which,if it l1:ulll1tap—
pened elsewltere than uneler‘ the government of the
T'111*ltsl,woul(ll1e.ve cleservetl notice. The xtegotiel.
tion with Ressie,t too, took it turn unfnvotnmble to
the Greelts. The gm:-..a.t point upon which ltuseia.
insistetl, beside the eba.ndonment of the xneesureitiof

eea.‘1'ching Vessels bound to the Black Sea, was, tlmt V

the Porte should %wi.thdrawt its er1nie»e from the
tleiglllt)--€911't°’ll00(l of the Russietl frontiers ; and the 'im-
mecliete consequence of this, Wllllll etfectetl, was to
atltl so much more to the disposable force, ready to
he employed a.ga.inst.tl1e Greeks.   These events

seetnétl to iheve left the whole force of. the l5{1n1}_mire_t



at the commencement of 18§.;2,i11 a confiitton te 
emplojyett against the tihreek rebeflien ; and, accent.“
izaglyfi Very many anticipeteét the immettiete cleetmc»
tion of their cause. The event, however, was OM13!-‘»-
ed otherwise. VVhere the gree.teet eftt-'c731":; wee nlette,
it wasmet and defeated. Ente.1'f.ng the jmeree. _wit}2.
an army Which; seemed capable tot’ beming dewe
e,'l1tt'eeistenee=,— the Tttrks were lI‘6't’€.1’fl'tB}QSS det'ea.tec‘t
and dt'iv‘en.t beck, and puwuett beyond the iethmusy
"Within wlfich, as far as it appears. from that time
td the presen't, they have not been able tee set their"
‘foot. % ‘ A A t V | A

it 'Wft£3.iI1.Attpi“~i1,-‘Of thiueyeetg, the-,t the €iestt*t2etie1t
of .3010 took: place. That islmldt, 9. smst of iznppevm-=
 ef the Summa mother, eztteyeel teem’ p.1*ix*ite;_.:;ee
peeet,iatr to itself. In it pepuletiert of 130,000 (H!
1~l.»O_..O0O, it bed no m-ere titan $000 or 3000 ’i.“t’t1‘ts'..~'5‘ gt.
indeed, by some accounts, not Ileer ztstmzmy. The
absence of these mfita11 nmsters, had, in some t1e,gree,
alleweti opportunity for the promotion of k110w*1ed,gge,
the ecctunulatiou of wezt1=th,. and See‘ genemt cultivz .-
tien of society. Here was the eeztt of the medtem
G1-eel: literature  here were 1ibraries,. printing
pt-esees,:a11d other eetatalislinnentsgt which izltltcete
some ettvencement Min refinement and knowledge.

Celétain of the inhabitants of Samos, it would seexmtt
‘ enviouts of thitstcfllil-pz11‘£tti1’ehappi'm3Ss5 of Sale, tent}-

ed upon the iS«_1i1I1d,~ in ax1i1°regutau* multitude, for the
epurpeee of (-301I1p'8HiI?fg its i:1ha.hitents- to 11t'z3_k€: com»
.:menfca,uee with their (30W£1*i'f.“t‘_‘yj'iI1=t3‘i1 ageixlet thexir op»=
presents. 'I‘I1eee,bteing jeinetl by U.]Bt1')€flS{tl'lt'tl‘}_»'y

1nal‘Si}B(1\>tfl‘ the city, agntl drove the 'l‘Ll1‘1{E-3' into A he ‘

castle. _71‘h&8~'Fu1‘ktiS'-II fleet,-1at«ely 1*te—.'t~e'f<;x*ceLE fmma



Egypt, llappened to laein the neighbouring seas, anti
leo.1'n1z1g; these events, tlnntletl a force on the island of
£5,000 men. There was nothing to resist such an

_e1'1ny. These trooys innnetlietely entered the city,

and began an intliscrintinate massacre. The city
Wes fired; and, in four (lays, the fire entl the sworcl
 the Ttlrlt, 1"£‘.I1(l{31“B(l the beautiful Scio a, clotterl

‘mess of blood and ashes. The (letztile are too shocil:-;-

i'og to he recited. Forty thousancl women and cliii?
(l.1‘(_Ll1, nnliappily saved from the general destruction,
were afterwards sold in the market of Smyrna, anti

i sent olf it')t0,tl'lSt£t2'tt and hopeless servitude. Even.

on the wharves of our own cities, it has been said,
have been sold the utensils of those ltearths which
now exist no longer. Of the whole population

 which ll]. lmve mentionetl, not above 900 persons were

left livin,f.: upon the islentd. I will only repeat, Eii1',tl1at* ,

these tragicel scenes were as fully ll-::nown‘ at the Con»

fgress of Verona, as they are now known to us go anti
it  not ‘too much to cevlll on the powers that consti-

A tuted that" Congress, in the name of conscience, mlvtl

in the name  humanity, to tell us, if A there he no?-
tliing even in these unparalleled -eixcesses“ of 'I'urkish,
l)n1~l3e1*ity, to excite a. sentiment of cornpassion; new
thing which they regard as so ohjeictionahle as even
the very idea of popular resistance to power.

The events of the year which has just passed, by,
as fer as they lmve become known to us, have been
evetl more fa.voura.ble to the Greeks, than those of

. the ye:1rp1°er:etling. I omit all details, as being as

well known to others as to myself. Sufice it to say,
tzhst with no other enemy to conteml With, ftlltl’ no die-
ee1'sior~n of l1i.sf«3rce to other objects, the Porte has not

415%;

been able to carry the war into the Morea ; and tlllatg
by the last accounts, its armies were acting‘ defen-
sively in Thessaly. I pass over also the naval en—-
gagements of the Greeks, althooglx that is a mode of
warfare in which they are calculated to excel, and
in which they lmsve already pert'ormed. actions of

such distinguished skill and bravery, as would draw’
" iapplatlse upon the best mariners in the world. The

present state of the War would seem to be, that the
Greeks possess the whole of the Morea, with the ex-
ception of the three fortresses of Patras, (Boron and
Modon; all Candie, but one fortress; and most .of
the other islands. T hey possess the citadel of
Athens, lflissolainglxi, and several other places in
Livatlia. They have been able to act on the often»
sive and to carry the war beyond the istlnnus. There
is no reason to believe their marine is weakenetl ;
probably, on the other hantl, it is strengthened. But,
What is most ‘of all important, they have obtained
time and experience. 'l‘l.1ey,. have awakened a sym-
pathy thronglwnt §Europe and th1'ong',hout America;
and they have formed a government which seems
suitecl to the e111e1*gLaz1cy of their condition.

Sir, they have (lone much. It would be great in-~
justice to compare their achievements with our own.
VVe began our revolution, already possessed of gov—
ernment, antl,.conoparatively, of civil liberty. Our
ancestors had, for centuries, been accustomed in a

great measure to govern thennselsves. They were
well acquaintetl with popular elections and l.egisla«

tive assemblies, and the general principles and prac»
tice of free governments. 'l‘hey had little else to do

than to throw ofi' the paramount authority of the .

  <15

At}-tt1“8I’1tlStt;Lte. Enough was still left, ‘hath oftew Mid

ef t»t'3.,;a.nizz1tiet1, te cenduct eeeiety in its ecett“etem--
ed eeerse, end to unite men together for a. cemmee
ehject. The Greeks, of ceurse. ceetd act with little
eeneert at the begimlingg they were utlaeeustemetl tn
the exercise of pewer, without experience, wEth1i~mit-
ed knowledge, witheut aid, and eumreuncled by ne-
tiens, which, whetevet-' ehtims the G1'eette,n1ight.eeen1
to have hztd upon them, have et't'erded them 11t)tt1t.'L}§.;
hut ttieeettt*egete1eet E-tl1ttt"e}_)1’0t1Ct‘l. They lmve hetd
out, however, for three eemtpeigtleg amt that, at

least, is setnethieg. Chttetzentimpte and the 11erthe.m.

provinces huttve eeht t"e1*th thettsemts ett't1*0eps ;---—they
have been deteetetl. Triiwetti, and A A.tg.j.;ie1'e, and
Eggypt, heve C0tltI”:it)‘L1tJ(5d, their met-ine eelltingeltts ;——--
they have 11()tk.e2pt the eeezm. A Hordes of 'J;‘ertere
have crossed the B(3.€6[31t0‘l'tl.S ;---t12e;,I have died where
the Pt31‘Sif.1l1S died. ".t‘he powerful mnnarchiee in the
neighbourhood have denounced their cause, and ed»
mellished themte ebenden it, am] submit te theizj
fete. A They heve zmsweted them, that, ittttltltttgtl two
htmdred. thmtszmd ef their countrymen hme eit'ex'ed
up thei1* livee, there yet 1*eme.in lives to efi’er; end
ttmt it is the determinzttien of all,‘ ” yes, et’.tL1.,,” te
pet'eevei?e until they shall heve,est.eh1ishedtheir1iher--
t , or until the power of their eppreesere suhetl he’ve
1:'e1iev;*ed them from the hm-then of existence. V

It 1tl£ty11€)VV he asked, perhaps,»Whethe'r the ex-
yreesien 01' our ewe eyt11patt.}.y, and that of the com»-
try, may (to them geed? 1 hepe ‘it may. It may
give them ceurege tmd epirit, it may assure them of
ptlhtic: regent, teach them that they ere not wholly
’tt}Fg{.}ttEI1 hy the citilizett Werht, ttt1ttit}Spit’B them

Ni

with p3i1sta1‘ac§* in tin: pursuit of timzeir great csmi. V M;
:3.n;y iratey Sii1*,ita.ppea.rstn me, timt the r.1e.:1sL1w3.
"W:i:‘1iCi.1 I iiaw. pr’-oposml is due to our own ciiai-actexr,
and cniied far by our own duty. YVi1m1 we shaii.
iim discimrgeal tizzitdixiay, we may 1e:;We2ti1e rest in

. the dispositioxl of Pi'0vic1e11ce.

I (in mt see how it can be ¢‘i011bte.d, that thi.® 111611“
:'s'u1°e' is entirely pacfflcri I liriifess 111;; iimbility to
‘§')E‘.1"C8i‘V'C3 tizat it lms any {}055E~}'ii.Iv1E5 t(fi’[)(}‘enC§r to illV0iV(:':.
bur €3{1i;i’£)’ti. 1'cia.ti011s. If the msuiutioii paws, it is
:1(»t,V11eC:esssa1'iiy, to be iiiimetiizimiy acteti cm. It will
not heactetii on at ilii, 111119.33, in the hpininn of the
:Pi‘:3.€~s‘i(iE3nt, an pR‘Oi}(‘F1‘ai](i safe: occasimi f(1i'i:1ctingLi1>on
it shall misc. i If We adopt the rcsoiiitirm towiziy, mm
reiatioiis with éve1*y fxireigzl state will be it0~‘m01*row
pmcisely wlmt they now zwe. The 1-esoliitioii will
he gaaifiiciezit to Q3Xp1’E.S&3 our seziitiniciits on the sxxlmjects-fs
to which I izzwc ::1.(iVCv1*i;(E(i. Usefiii to that pu1'p<»ss<_i,

it can be niisschievous to no pm'p0:=se.. Iftiie mpici

were-. pmperiy imm«iu«z;:eei into the, Nictssnigc, it can-
I10i}i)x'?;;i;I11}')l"§(‘!I)(31‘i:_‘y’ i1izi;1'miizi<:e.(i into disacus-sssicui in this
Nausea. Liifit wow p1*opm', which no one danubta, for
the Pmsident to c::s;p1'e$:-3 his»; cipiniiiiims upon it, it can»-
not, I think, he. in'ipmpe1' fin‘ us to 0Xp1‘BSS oum.
The only certaizm eiiiact of thisi ressoiuiion is to ex.»
1)1*cssa,ii11 3. form ussuzii in bodies cnilstituted like this,
our a;gp1'0hati011 oftlie ge11e.t'211sscmi:nent of the Magi»
sage. . Do we wish to withhold timt amirohation?‘
’I':’ac-2A Q€éio30l*ut£02z canjbrs an the I“‘1’*esi.r[erzt ’1'l0’)2£32l."-
gdower, 1207' does it eznjoitz on him the emefcrise qfczizg;
new duty ; 1201* clues‘ it lzastedziiilzinz in time (li3cILarga%
43]’ any existiaig dziity. i  

I canzwt izxxagizie tlmt this resolution can add an';§:'

It

séla
1.‘ S

fl3i::;.;,r to tTixo.€=e cxciteazxzcnis whicix int Ems; been 
posed, I think very causclcssly, nliyght possibly paw
‘cake the 'I'L11*ki:~sh gpverxilmcnt to acts cf l1ost'§iity..
The1'e. is ahscady flw. _.Mams-scfgc, ezqwesasing-the hope
of success; to the Gmeks, and dis21ste1° to the Tu1‘}{s3,3
in a. nmc-1: strc’ancge,1' 11m.nne:1ith:m is to be implied
from the tcrmss of tizisresohlticn. There is the cm»-
mspmldence between the Secretary of Smtc and the
Greek Acgc11tc’iu Londcm, already made. public, 1:;
which sizixilar wishes are expressed, and 2,1 C()1ltiIl1Z-
ancc of the cc.>m'xa:-acpcmdcnce appmcamtly ixzvitcd. I
mig:-ght add to this, the unczrmmplcd burst of feeling;
vvlmcich this muse has called fcrtll from all classes of
scciseiy, and the notcriousa fact of pe,ca.1uim*y c<;mt1'ii.n1-
timms xllzctdec throughout the country fur jhs zmixl and

A mh*a.xc1ccmenAt. Acft¢2.1'211l this, wh0evm°' can sec czamsc of

«1:§.n;~;er A to m.1rpz1cific Iclaticns from the aeficpticzx cf
flacisc 1*csc§11.1ti0n, has a. kccnerrisiun than I cm) prc-«
ficzul to. Sir, tlufsc is no augmented diM’l_§._’.;B}i‘; ihcm-3 
122.0 dmzger. '1‘lseqces3ti0ncc111es at lrutst tc 1;h§..s:,
‘%‘VhB’L§1(-r.1‘, On :1 subject of this SO}‘t, this I‘{{)US8.1i01df§
am (1T[}>iI’li0_‘!1 wirich is worthy to» be exmcssed  A
Even suppose, Sir, an Agent or Ccmn1f.sss‘Ec!1cr*
wc:1*et;0 be immediately sent,-—-an xnc7:mu1'c which I my-

1 calf b-clieve to be the proper one,———-thclre  I10 hreacin

of I1B1.ItR‘¢‘3L]‘U;jf,Il()1‘ :u1yj:1stcn.usc0f offcllce. A Such an
agenct, of ccxlzww, wculd not be :1ccccdi{;c(il ; he Wcafi;d
not be :1 wtmic n1i.nistv1'. The oigccct would be im-
quiry mfsd i11f'urnm.ticn; i11qL1i*ry, which we lmvc 21,
rigixt to nmlszeg iufocmmtioxx, which we acx'cir2te:'este(Y.
1.0 §mss»;(as;s;. If 21(1Es»3mcmbcr:11em M‘ the '§‘x‘:r3ai%s:!s ew-

rpirsc be, ta.!;Emg;p1:1cQ, 01' ha:=3 i5,11"c3;:‘%fl;_}' m.1;«:.e3.a1 g;3.:"a=::c ; if .

21, new 2-Tdczxttc he 1i:«;;in;_?,,j%,-cc>*1' he z11a‘cna}iy 1‘i.~M3.13, in the



Medi€em~anee11, who can deuht, that, Without any
breech of Ileuhedity, we nmy infelm ourselves ef
these events, for the gavel‘ meet ef em own cencems?

TheG1*eheh;s henve deelereci the Tu1°kie}1 coasts in
3. eta/Le of hleeeh:a<.‘ie; may We not in.fe1°1n em*ee’n»'ee
Vv'h8»fliH31“H'liS bhleczhzhzmle be 1%0’312’¢5?2[£.l 01° '2*ea:l.?1md, ef’
«course, whethea= ii: 5-.'hz1l.h1 heregerded cw &:3.s1°ege1°ded?
The greater‘ our tr.'ede 11121.3’ heméaen to he with Smyr-~
.1221, a conhxeiderzwien wl‘1ich seems to have alarmetl
eome gent,1e.me11._,e the greater is the 1'_eeeon,in 1113:
ophmien, why we should seek to he accum.te1yi11fo1‘m~
ed of those events which lmxy afiect its safety.

It seems to me-._ impeeeihle,the1=efo1'e, for any reaw
S0‘R1&L§}1(-‘: mam to i.2x121.;g;%11ee, that tlzis 1*eeeh1tia:m can ex»-
pese us to the 1'e,seutn1e::nt of the sublime Forte.

1 As little 1*e.e.sm1 is there. for fearing its consequen-
ces upon theeeeoncluct of the Allied. P'~wers. They
may, very ‘nem1=e1]hy, disiike our eelwztinaexmtes upon the
subject of the (heel; Revolution; but wlmt those
sentiments are, they will much more expliceitly leam
in the President’e M eesage thzm in this resolutiom
They might, indee(1,hprei’er tl1::1.thwe should exprese
no dissent upozitixe dechtvrmes which they hhheve mow»
ed, and the em§1ic"ati0x1 which they have niecle of”
“these dOCt1“i118St0 the ease of Greece. But I tmst
We are not diepeeed to lezwe them in any doubt as to
em“ sentiments upon these in1gw1'tant suhjeets. T1163’
have expressed their npinions, end do not call that

expreeeiezl of opinion, are intecr-f:2*:°e72ce ; in which re;

epect they are 1'ig}at, as the ezemeseien ef opinion, in
eeclzecases, is not eezeh an i'92fE!?j Ewe2*2ce es weuld justifg?‘
the G1*ee1«:.s in cm.zei«rlex?i:ng the eewe.1'-e as at War with.
iiaem, For the same 1'easdn, eny expeessiml which

419

we may 1nal:e,r of diflierellt principles and difi‘'erent ,

sytnpa,thi[es, is no interference. . No one would call
the President’s Message an interference ; and yet it
is much st1'lo11ge1*, in that respect, than this resolution.

  if either of them could be construed to he an inter»

ference, no doubt it would be improper, at least it
would be so, according to my View of the subject;
for the very thing which 1 have attempted to resist
in the course of these observations, is the right of fo»
reign interference. V But neitl1er the Message nor the
resolution has that character. ‘ There is not a power
in Europe tllett can suppose, that, in e:xpressing our
opinions on this occasion, we are governed by any

. desire of ogg1*a11(l,iziit1g ourselves, or of injuring others.

"We do no more than to naointain those established
principles, in which We have an interest in common.
with other nations, and to resist the introduction of
rievv principles and new rules, calculated to destroy
the relative independence of states, and pa.rticnla.rly
pliostile to the whole f£1lj)1‘lC of our own government.

I close, then, Sir, with repeating, tlntt the object
of this resolution is, to avail ourselves of the inte-
resting occasion of the Greek revolution, to nmlce our
protest ageixist the doctrines of the Allied Powers;
both as they are laid down in principle, and as they
are applied in practice. A

I think it 1'i§;l1“t too, Sir, not to be nnseasonehle in
the expression of our regard, and, as far as that goes,

in e. ministration of our consolation, to it long oppress- t

ed znnd now struggling;i people. I am not of those
who would inthe lionr of utmost peril, withhold
such encouragement as mifght be properly and law»

fully §.é.*iVen, and when thelcrisis Sl10I.1l(§l be post, over-A
. G".

50

whe1111tl1e rescued sufi'erer with kindness‘ and co.-
resses. The Gr1“ee!«::-2. aciiiress the eiviiized WU1"i(i Witli
a pathos, not easy to be i°esietwJL They inveke our
favour by more mmring Ct9l]Si{iB1‘&1i-iiuitls than can well
belong to the eomiiiioii of any otiael‘ people. “Huey
streticia out their amine to the (ji§hi‘iE5tifl-All comnmnities
of ‘the earth, beseecliiug tlmn, iiy a generous re-
collection of their axlcessszore, by the C011:-.3i(1t31'f.H1iOI1 of

their own desolated zmd iruiued eieies emi villages,

by their wives aml..chi1d1'en, sold into all aceursed
elzfvery, by their own blood, which they seem willing
to pour out like Wa.i;e1', by the CO1l1'Il’lUl'l. 'f’:.1i"tl1, and in
the Name, which unites ail Cihrietizms, that they
wouid extemi to them, at least some token of com»
passiionete 1*egard.

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