A . mscov Em @” m@1@m;m@m OF THE JOHN ADAMS THOMAS JEFFERSON, mnmxvannn m rAm:ti::::. HALL, nos’:-oar, AUGUST 2, 1826. A BY DANIEL WEBSTER. BOSTON: CUMMINGS, HILLIARD AND COMPANY. 1 825 .. mm ggmufixw DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, 88f‘ D A District Clerlfs Ofiice. Be it remembered, that on the fifteenth day of August, A. D. 1826, and in the fifty-first year of the Independence of the United States of America, a Cummings, Hilliard and Company of the said District, have deposited in this oflice the title of a book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the Words following, to wit : ‘ A Discourse in Commemoration of the Lives and Services of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, delivered in Faneuil Hall, Boston, August 2, 1826. By Daniel Webster.’ A In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled‘ An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned.’ , And also to an Act, entitled ‘ An Act, supplemen- tary to an Act, entitled an Act for the encouragement of Learning, by secur- ing the copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.’ . p l ‘ _J,NO. W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. William L. Lewis, Printer, Congress street. etitgut floetmt. In Common Council, Aug. 7', 1826. Resolved, That the thanks of the Mayor, Aldermen and Common Coun~ cil, be presented to DANIEL WEBSTER, Esq.“ for the eloquent Discourse deli- vered by him in Faneuil Hall by request of the City Council, in memory of the late venerable JOHN ADAMS and THOMAS JEFFERSON; and that he be in- formed it is the wish of the City Council, that the same should be published. 1 Resolved, That seven thousand copies of the said Discourse be printed or ' otherwiseprocured, for the use of the citizens. Resolved; That Messrs Curtis, Waters and Lodge, with such as the board ‘ of Aldermen may join, be a. Committee‘ to carry the foregoing resolves into efi"ect. Sent up for concurrence. ‘ . JOHN R. ADAN, President. In the Board of AlcZermen,_ Aug. 7’, 1826. t Read and concurred, and Aldermen Bellows and Marshall are joined. JOSIAH QUINCY, Mayor. if ” should be thus. ADDRESS. THIS is an unaccustomed spectacle. For the first time, fellow-«citizens, badges of mourning shroud the columns and overhang the arches of this HALL. These walls, which were consecrated, so long ago, to the cause of American liberty, which witnessed her infant struggles, and rung with the shouts of her earliest victories, proclaim, now, that distinguished friends and champions of that great cause have fallen. The tears which flow, and the honors that are paid, when the Founders of the Republic die, give hope that the Republic itself may be immortal. It is fit, that by public assem- bly and solemn observance, by anthemi and by eulogy, we commemorate the services of national benefactors, extol their virtues, and render thanks to God for eminent blessings, early given and long continued, to our favored country. ADAMS and JEFFERSON are no more; and we are assembled, fellow-citizens, the aged, the middle aged and the young, by the spontaneous 0 fun’ It is right that it p 6 impulse of all, under the authority of the munici- pial government, with the presence of the Chief Magistrate of the Commonwealth, and others its official representatives, the university, the learned societies, to bear ou1'part, in festations of respect and gratituderyvhiclituniver- sally pervade the land. Anaus ancl'lJErrEnsoN are no more. On our fiftieth anniversary, the great day of National Jubilee, in the very hour of public rejoicing, in it the midst of echoing and re- echoing voices of tlianltsgiving, while their own names vvereoniall tongues, they tool: their flight, together, to the World of spirits. V 4 M If it “be true that no one can safely be pronounced happy while he lives; if that event which termi:- inates life can alone ci'own its honors and its glory, What felicity is here! The great Epic of their lives, how happily concluded! Poetry, itself A has hardly closed illustrious lives, and finished the career of earthlyreniovvn, by such a consurnrnation. Ifwe had the power, We could not wish toreverse this dispensation of the Divine ‘Providence. The i great ohjects of"lit"o were accomplished, the idmmma , was ready to be closed; it has closecl; our patriots,;w_. have fallen; but so fallen, at sui‘cjli‘j”.».§age, with such It do coincidence, on such a clay, tliat cannot ration- ally lament that that end hasficorne, which We knew could not be long deferred. i 4 Neither of these great men, fellow-citizens, could have died,iat any time, without leaving an 7 iintnense void in our American society. They have been so intimately, and for so long a tilrn;e,'i blended with the history of the country, and espe—~ cially so united, in our thoughts and recollections,- with the events of the Revolution, that the death of either would have touched the strings of public sympathy. ‘We should have felt that one great link, connecting us with former times, was broken; ' that We had lost” something more, as it Were, of the presence of the Revolution itself, and of the act of independence, and were driven on, by another great? remove, from the days of our country’s early distinction, to meet posterity, and to mix with the future. Lil:e“‘the mariner, vvhonithe ocean and the winds carry along, till he sees the stars which have directed his course, and lighted, his pathless Way, descend, one by one, beneatli the rising hori- zon, We should have felt that lLl1e‘Sti1‘8t1lI1%- of time had borne us onward, till another great luminary, Whose light had cheered us, and Whose guidance we had followed, had sunk away from our sight. V t But the coricurrence of’ their death, on the anni~ versary of independence, has naturally awaliened stronger emotions. Both had been presidents, both _ had lived to great age, both were early patriots, and both were distinguished and ever honored by their immediate agency in the act of independence. It cannot but seem striking, and extraordinary, that these two should ‘live to see the fiftieth year from the date of that act; that they should“ complete that 53°33 W 8 year; and that then, on the dayiwhich had fast linked forever their own fame with their country’s glory, the heavens should open to receive them both at once. As their lives themselves were the gifts of Providence, who is notvvilling to recognize in their happy termination, as Well as in their long continuance, proofs that our country,and its bene-~ factors, are objects of His care P T i ADAMS and JEFFERSON, I have said, are no more._7: i As human beings, indeed, they are no Inore;/{ ‘ They are no more, as in 1776, bold and fearless V advocates of independence; no more as on subse- quent periods, the head of the government; no more as We have recently seen them, aged and vene- rable objects of admiration and regard. They are no more. They are dead. But how little isthere, of the great and good, which can die! To their coun- try they yet live, and live forever. They live in all that perpetuates the remembrance of men on earth; intherecorded proofs of their own great actions, in the» offspring of their intellect, in the deep engraved lines of public gratitude, and in the respect andhomage of mankind. They in live in their example; and they live, emphatically, and will livein the influence which their lives and efforts, their prin- ciples and opinions, new exercise, and will continue toexercise, on the affairsof men, not only in their own country, but throughout the civilized World. A superior and commanding human inte1lect,,,a truly great man, when Heaven vouchafesso rare a gift, 9 is not‘ a temporary flame, burning bright for a while, and then expiring, giving place to returning darkness. It is rather a spark of fervent heat, as well as radiant light, with power to enkindle the common mass of human mind; so that when it glimmers, in its own decay, and finally goes out’ in ’ death, no night follows, but it leaves the World all light, all on fire, from the potent contact of’ its own spirit. Bacon died; but the human under- standing, roused, by the touch of his miraculous Wand, to a perception of the true philosophy, and the just mode of inquiring after truth, has kept on i its course, successfully and gloriously. Newton died; yet the courses of the spheres are still known, and they yet move on, in the orbits which he saw, and described for them, in the infinity of space. , r 2 r No two men now live, felloW—citizens, perhaps it may be doubted, whether any two men have ever lived, in one age, Who, more than thosevve now. commemorate, have impressed their own sen- timents, in regard to politics and government, on mankind, infused their own opinions more deeply into the opinions of others, or given a more lasting direction to the current ofihuman thought. Their Work doth not perish with them. The tree which they assisted to plant, Will flourish, although they water it and protect it no longer; for it has struck: its roots__de‘e:p, it has sent them to the very centre; nostorm, not of force to burst the orb, can overturn 10 it; its branches spread Wide; they stretch their rp1¢ortectingi arms broader and broader, and its top is destined to reach the heavens. ,We are not de-A-y rceived. I There is no delusion here.’ N 0 age will come, in which the American Revolution ivvill ap- pear less tl1an it is, one of the greatest events in human history. No age will come, in which it will cease to be seenand felt, on either continent, that as mighty step, a great advance, not only in Ameri-- can lafiairs, but in human affairs, was made on the Ztthof July 1776; And noage will come, We trust, so ignorant or so unjust, as not to ‘see and acknowl- edge the eifficient agency of these We now honor, in producing that momentous event. it We are not assembled, theref‘ore, fiellovv—citizensp, as men overwhelmed with calamity by the sudden disruption of the ties of friendship or afi"ection,i or as in despair for the Republic, by the untimely hlighting of its hopes. "Death has not surprised us by an unseasonable blow. We have, indeed, seen the tomb close, but it has closed only over, mature years, over long protracted public service, over the vveaknesis of age, and over life itself only when the l ends of living had been fulfilled. These suns, as they rose slowly, and steadily, amidst clouds and storms, intheir ascendant, so they have not rushed from their Ineridian, to sink suddenly in the West. Like the rnildness, the serenity, the continuing benignity of a summer’s day’, they have gone down with slovv descending, grateful, long lingering light ; and now 1.1 that they are beyond the Visible margin of the world, good omens cheer us from ‘ the bright track oftheir fiery carpi’, , , it . There were many points of similarity in the lives and fortunes of these great men. They belonged to the same profession, and had pursued its studies and its practice, for unequal lengths of time indeed, but with diligence and effect. Both were learned and able lavvyers. They were natives and inhabi-r- tants, respectively, of, those two of the colonies, which, at the revolution, were the largestand most powerful, and which naturally, had a lead inthe port litical affairs of the times. When the colonies be-A came, in some degree, united, by the assembling of a generalcongress, they were brought to act toge» their, in its de1iberations,, not indeed at the same, time, but both at early periods. Each had already Inranifested his attachment to the cause oftlie conn- tr , as Well as his ability to maintain it, by printed addresses, public speeches, extensive correspond-tr: ence, and vvhatever other mode could be adopted,‘ for the purpose of exposing the eincroachrnents of the Britisli parliament and animating the people to amanly resistance. Both were not only decided, but early friends of Independence. While others yet -doubted, they were resolved ; where ‘ others .hesita-.t ted, they pressed forvvard. my They were both II1BI'I1*'{i', bers of the committee for preparing the Declaration of Indepenclence, and they constituted the; sub.- committee, appointed by the other membiersd ta 1.2 make the‘draugl1t.ii They left their seats in con- gress, being called to other public employments, at periods not remote from each other, although one of them returned to it, afterwards, for a short time. .N either of them was of the assembly of great men which formed the present constitution, and neither was atanytime member of congress under its pro- visions. Both have been public ministers abroad, both vice-presidents, and both presidents. These coincidences are now singularly crowned and com» pleted. They have died, together; and they died onthe anniversary of liberty. ~ When many of us were last in this place, fel-a low-citizens, it was on the day of that anniversary. We were met to enjoy the festivities belonging to y the occasion, and to manifest our grateful homage to our political fathers. We did not, we could not here, forget our vene- rable neighbor of Quincy. ” We knew that we were standing, at a time of «high and palmy prosperity, where he had stood, in the hour of utmost peril; that we saw nothing but liberty and security, where he had met the frown of power; that we were en?- joying everything, Where he had hazardcd every- thing; and just and sincere plaudits rose to his name, from the crowds whichfilled this area, and hung over these galleries. He whose grateful duty A it was to speakto us, on that day, of the virtues of our fathershad, indeed,“ admonished us that ‘time and years were about to level his venerable frame 13 iwith the dust. But he bade us hope, that ‘the sound of a nation’s joy, rushing from our cities, ringing from our valleys, echoing from our hills, might yet break the silence of his aged ear ; that the rising blessings of grateful millions might yet visit, with glad light, his decaying vision.’ Alas! that vision was then closing forever. Alas I the si- lence which was then settling on that aged car, was an everlasting silence! V For, lo! in thevery more ment of our festivities, his freed spirit ascended to God who gaveit! Human aid and human solace terminate at the grave; or vvevvould gladly have borne him upward, on a nation’s outspread hands; We Would have accompanied him, and with the blessings of millions and the prayers of millions, commended him to the Divine favor. "While still indulging our thoughts on the Ncoin»-— cidence of the death of this venerable man with the anniversary of independence‘, We learn that Jeffer- son, too, has fallen; and that these aged patriots, these illustrious fellow-laborers, had leftour World together. _ May not such events raise the sugges- tion that they are not undesigned, and that Heaven does so order things, as sometimes to attract strong-~ ly the atte‘ntion,y and excite the thoughts of men? The occurrence has added new interest to our anni- versary, and will be relnemberecl, in all time to come. The occasion, fellovv-citizlens, requires some ac- count of the livesand services of J onn Animus and “THOMAS JEFFERSON. This duty must lflccessarily C) , e.) 14 ‘l)e.perfo1'1ned with great brevity, and in thedis-» charge of it I shall be obliged to confine myself, principally, to those parts of l theirhistory and cha- racter which belonged to them as public men. J01-IN ADAMS was born at Quincy, then part of the ancient town of Braintree, on the 19th day of October (Old Style) 1735. He was a descendant [of the Puritans, his ancestors having early em.igrat- edit from Eiiglandgand settled in Massachusetts. Discovering early a strong love of reading and of knowledge, together with marks of great strength and, activity of mind, proper care was taken by his worthy father, to provide for his education. He pur- sued his youthful studies in Braintree, under Mr. .Marsh, a teacher whose fortune it was that Josiah Quincy, Jr. aswell as the subject of these remarks, should receive from him his instruction in the rudi-~ ments of classical literature. Having been admit- ted, in 1751, a member of Harvard College, l\'In.. ADAMS was graduated, in course, in 1755; and on the catalogue of that Institution, his name, at the time of his death, was second among the living Alumni, being preceded only by that of the venera-— bleHo1yoke. VVith what degree of reputation be left the University, is not now precisely known. H VVe know only that he was distinguished, in a class which numbered Locke and Hemenvvay among its members. Choosing the law for his profession, he commenced and prosecuted its studies at'VVorces-- ‘ ter, under tl1ediregct.ion of Samuel Putnam, a gen—- l5 -tleman whom he has himself describedlas an acute man, an able and learned lawyer, and as in large | professional practice at that time. In l758, he was admitted to the bar, and commenced business i11Br'aintree. a He is understood to have made his first considerabl_e effort, or to have-attained his first signal success, at Plymouth, on one of those occasions which furnish the earliest opportunity for distinction to many young men of the profession, a jury trial,.and. a criminal; cause. , His business naturally grew with hisreputation, andhis resi-— d ence _ in; ,the t vicinity l afforded the ssoppjortunity, t as his growing eminence , gavethe power, of entering onthe larger field of practice which the capital pre- sented. In T766, he removed his residence to Bos- ton, still continuing his attendance on the neighfl:)or——. ing circuits, and notrr1nf1'equently called to rejmotej parts of if the Province. t .In* l7,70t his professional firmness broughtto a test of some severity, on the application of the British officersi and r sol- diers to undertake their defence, on the trial of the indictments found against them on account of the transactions of j the memorable 5th of March. . He, seems to have thought, on‘ this occasion, that a man can no more abandon the proper duties of his profession, than he can abandon other duties. The event proved, thatas he judged well forhis ovvnreputation, so “ he judged well, also, for the interest and permanent it fame of his country. ' The result of that trial proved, that notwithstanding 16 the. high degree of excitement then existing, in consequence of theirneasuresr of they Biritishl gov»- ernment, a jury lofMassach'usetts would not de- prive the most reckless enemies, even the oflicers of that standing army, quartered amongtthern, which they so perfectly abhorred, of anypart of that protection which the law, in its mildest and most indulgent interpretation, afforded to persons accused of crimes. * lWithout pursuing Mn. ADAMS’ professional course further,-suflice it to say, that on the first establishment of the judicial tribunals under the authority of r the State, in 1776, he received an offer‘ of the high and responsible station of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. But he was des- tinedfor another and a different career. From early life the bent of his mind Was toward politics ; a propensity, which the state of the times, if it did not create, doubtless very much strengthened. Public subjects must have occupied the thoughts and filleolup the conversation in the circles in which he then moved; and the interesting ques- tions, at that time just arising, could not but seize on day mind, like his, ardent, sanguine and patriotic. The letter, fortunately preserved, written by him at Worcester so early as the 12th of October, 1755, is a proof of very comprehensive views, and uncommon depth of reflection, in a young man not yet qi.Ill36. tvventy. In this letter he predicted the transfer of power, and the establishment of a new l'7l seat of empire in America; he predicted, also, the in- crease of population inthe colonies ; and anticipated their naval distinction, and foretold that all‘Europe, combined, could not subdue them. All this is said, not on a public occasion, or for effect, but in the style of sober and friendly correspondence, as the result of his own thoughts. ‘I sometimes retire,’ said he, at the close of the letter, ‘and laying things together form some reflections pleasing toimyself. The produce of one of these reveries you have read aboVe.’* i This prognostication, so early, in his own life, early in the history of thecountry, of independence, of vast increase of numbers, of naval force, of such augmented power as might defy all Europe, is remarkable. It is mor—e..re- markable,tl1at its author should live to see fulfilrled to the “letter, what could have seemed to others,at up “Extract of aletterwritten by John Adams, dated at,Worcester,,Massachu- setts, October 12, 1755. i i ‘ ‘Soon after thereformation, a few people‘ came over into this new world, £or_co~nscie_nce sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me; for, if we can iiemove the turbulent Gallicks, our people, according to the exactest computa- tions, virill in another century, become more numerous than England itself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores ofthe nation in our hands, it virill be easy to obtain a rriastery of the seas; and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only Way to keep us from setting up for ourselves is to disunite us. V ' ‘Be not surprised that I am turned politician. This whole town is im- mersed in politics. .'I' he interests of nations, and all the dim of war, make the sttbject of every conversation. I sit and hear, and after having been led through a maze of sage observations, I sometimes retire, and laying things together, form some reflections pleasing to myseltl Therproduce of one of these reverie: you have read above,’ a l8 the time, but the extravagance of youthful fancy. His earliest political feelings were thus strongly American ; and from this ardent attachment to his native soil he never departed. A lWhile still living at Quincy, and at the age of twenty-four, .Mr. Adams was present, in this town, on the argument before the Supreme Court re~— specting W/ritsof Asststamce, and heard the cele» brated and patriotic speech of JAMES OTIS. Un- questionably, that was a masterly performance. Norflighty declamation about liberty, no superficial discussion of popular topics, it was a learned, penetrating, convincing, constitutional argument, expressed in a strain of high and resolute patriot-~ ism; He grasped the question, then pending between England and her Colonies, with the strength of a lion; and if hesometimes sported, it was only because the lion himself is sometimes playful. Its success appears to have been as great asitsmerits, and its impression was Widely felt. Mi‘. Adams himself seems never to have lost the feel- ing it produced, and to have entertained constant- ly the fullest conviction of its important effects. ‘I do say,’ he observes, ‘in the most solemn man- ner, that Mr. Otis’ Oration against "Writs of Assist»-« ance, breathed into this nation the breath of life.’ In r1765 Mr. Adams laid beforethe public, what I suppose to be» his first printed performance, ex» cept essays for the periodical press, a Dissertation on the Canon and FeudalLaw. The object of 19 this i work was to show that our New England- ancestors, in consenting to exile themselves yfiiomt their native land, were actuated, mainly, by the desire of delivering themselves from the power of the hierarchy, and from the monarchical and aris- tocratical political systems of the other continent ; and to make this truth bear, with effect, on the politics of the times. Its tone is uncommonly bold and animated, for that period. He calls on the people, not only to defend, but to study and understand their rights and privileges ; urges earn- estly the necessity of diffusing general knowledge, invokes the clergy and the bar, the colleges and academies, and all others who have the ability and the means, to expose thelinsidious designs of arbitrary power, to resist its approaches, and to be persuaded that there is a settled design on foot to enslave all America. ‘Beit rem‘e1nbered,? says the author, ‘ that liberty must, at all haz-r ards, be supported. VVe have a rightto it, de- rived from our Maker. But if We had not, oer fathers have earned it, and bought itfor us, at the expense of’ their ease, their estate, their plea- sure and their blood. And liberty cannot be pre- served without a general knowledge among the A people, who have a right, from the frame of their A nature, to knowledge, as their great Creator, who does nothing in vain, has given them understand"- ings, and a desire to know; but besides this, they “ have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefen- 90 sible right to that most dreaded andyenvied kind of knowledge, I mean of the character and conduct of their rulers. ,Rulers’ are no more than attornies, agents, and trustees of the people; and if the cause, the interest and ' trust, is insidi-ously betray» ed,ior wantonly trifled away, the people have a right to revoke the authority, that they themselves have cleputed, and to constitute other and better agents, attornies and trustees.’ “ The citizens of this town conferred on«Mr. Adams his first political distinction, and clothed him with his first political trust, by electing him one of , their representatives, in 1770. Before this? time he had become extensively known throughout the province, as well by the part he had acted in relation to public affairs, as by the exercise of his professional ability- He was among those who took the deepest interest in the controversy with England, and Whether in or outof the Legislature, his time and talents vvere alike devoted to the cause. In the years 1773 and 1774 he Was chosen a counsellor, by the members of the General Court, . but rejected by Governor Hutchinson, in the form» er of those years, and by Governor Gage in the latter. a i The time was now at hand, however, Wheiithc affairs of the colonies urgently demanded united councils. An open rupture with the parent State appeared inevitable, and it was but the dictate of prudence, that those who were united by a corn» .21 men interest and a common danger,‘ should protect a that interest andguard against that danger, by united efforts. A General Congress ofDelegates from a1l“““tl1e colonies, having been proposed and agreed to, the House of Representatives, on the 17th of June 1774, elected J AMES BOWDOIN, Tr-ro- «MAS iCUSHING, SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN Anmwrs, and ROBERT TREAT PAINE, delegates from Massachu- setts. This appointment vvasrnade at Salem, where the General Court had been convened by Governor Gage, in the last hour of V the existence of a House’ of Representatives under the provincial Charter. While engagedrrin this important business, the Governor having been informed of What was pass» ing, sent hissecretary with a message dissolving the General Court. , The secretary finding the door locked, directed the messenger to go in and inform the speaker that thesecretary was at the Cl0O1'iWl12l1 a message from the Governor. The messenger returned, and informed the secretary that the orders of the House were that the doors should. be kept fast; . whereupon the secretary soon after read a proclamation, dissolving the General Court upon the stairs.. Thus terminated, forever, the actual exercise of the political power of England in or over Massachusetts. The four last named delegates accepted their appointments, and took their seats in Congress, the first day of its meeting, September 5, 1774, in Pliiladelphia. - . 4;. 22 A The proceedings of the first Congress are well known, and have been universally admired. It is in vainthat we would look for superior proofs of r wisdom, talent, and patriotism. Lord Chatham said, that for himself; he must declare, that he had. studied and admired‘ the free states of antiquity, the master states “of the world, but that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of eornclusion, no body of men could stand in prefer» ence to this Congress. It is hardly inferior praise tosay,‘thateno production of that" great man him- self can be pronounced superior to several of the pa»- pers published as the proceedings of this most able, . most firm, most patriotic assembly. There is in- deed, nothing, superior tothem in the range of politi—- cal fdisquisition. They not only embrace, illustrate, and enforce every thing which political philosophy, the love of liberty, and the spirit of ‘free inquiry had antecedently produced‘, but they add new and striking views of their own, and apply the whole, with irresistible force, in support of the cause which had drawn them together. Mr. Adams was a constant attendant on the deliberations of this body, and bore an active part in its important measures. He was of the com» mittee to state the rights of the colonies, and of that also which reported the address to the king. -t As it was in the Continental Congress, fellow- "citizens, that those whose deaths have given rise to . this occasion, were first brought together, and call» 23 ediion tounite ; their industry and their ability, in the service of the country, let us now turn to the other of these distinguished men, and take a‘ brief notice of his life, up‘. to the period when he a,ppear—~ ed Within the Walls of Congress. a . 4 _ THOMAS JEFFERSON, descended from ancestors who’ had been settled in Virginia for some genera- tions, Was born near the spot on which he died, in the county of Albemarle, on the 2d of April, (Old Style,) 1743. His youthful studies were pursued in the neighborhood of his father’s;residence, until he was removed to the . college of William and Mary, the highest honors of which he in due time received. ~ Having left the college with reputation, he applied himself to the study of the law, under the tuition of George Wythe, one of the highest judicial names of which that State can boast. At an early age he was elected a member yoftthe Legislature, in iwhgicli he had no sooner appeared than hedistinguished himself, by knowledge, ca- pacity,and promptitude. ' p , Mr. Jefferson appears to have been imbued with an early love of letters and science, and to have cherished a strong disposition to pursue these objects. a To the physical sciences, especially, and l to ancient classic literature, he is understood to have had a Warm attachment, and never entirely to have lost sight of them, in the midst of the busiest occupations. But, the times were times for action, rather than for contemplation. t The Qci eountry was to be defended, and to be saved, before it could be enjoyed. Pliilosopliiic leisure and literary pursuits, and even the objects of‘ pro? fessional attention, were all necessarily postponed to the urgent calls of the public service. i The exi-~ gency of the country made the same demand on—Mr. Jefferson that it made on others who had the abil- ity and the disposition to serve it ; and he obeyed the call ;, thinking and feeling, in this respect, with the great Roman orator; Qmis emlm est tame capil- clue in grerspicvleazda cogrzoscerzdaqtw 7"6’l”Z677’& rziatrwm, zit, psi 67} trctctmzti contemplarzniqzice we cogrzzitioarzie clignissimas subito sit allaitum periczilmn discri- meazque paetrriw, cm} 8’Lbl7’I)o37l’i7"6 i0]’)’Iit’I,&l(t-0”"iq’l:L6’ possit, mm illa omrzria, relirzquat atqzie a7)j*2Ic’ia;tE, etrziaxnz srl diriurizerare se stellas, amt 7lZ6t"li7”’Ii memde' 9’7Z»(Qg"?'?/Iit’l.4L~ dmem posse €W’Z)’l‘it7”'8i’l£’l” .9 A Entering, with all his heart, into the cause of liberty, his ability, patriotism, and power with the pen naturally drew upon him a large participation in the most important concerns. VVherever he ‘was, therewasi found a soul devoted to the cause, power to idefend and maintain it, and willingness to ineurlall itshazards. In 1774 he published a Suinrnary View of the Rights of British America, a valuable production arnong those intended to shows the dangers which threatened the liberties of the*‘country, and to e11cou1*ii.ge the people in their defence. ,‘l:n.lune 1775 he was elected a rnember of the Continental Congress, as successor 254 to PEYTON RANDOLPI-I, who had retired on account of ill health, and took his seat in thatbody on the 21st of thesame month. t t e And now, fellow—citizens,t without pursuing the biography of these illustrious men further, for the present, let us turn our attention to the most pro- rninent act of their lives, theirparticipation in the DECLARATION of>Il\lDEPENDENCE. Preparatory to the introduction of that important measure, acornmiittee, at the head of which was Mr. Adams, had reported a resolution, which Con- gress adopted the 10th of May, recommeriding, in substance, to all the colonies which had not already established governments suited to the exigencies of their affairs, to adopt strait gcwerhmerzt, its ‘LUOMZCZ, tn the oprzlmrm, of the representatives of the people, best conduee to the lta]9p'mess «and safety, of tlzerir constituents the particular‘, and America the general. ” This significant vote was soon followed by the direct proposition, which RICHARD I-IENRY LEE had the honor to ‘submit to congress, by resolution, on the '7th day of June. it The published journal does notexpressly state it, butthere is no doubt, I supe- pose, that this resolution wast-in the same words, b when originally submitted by Mr. Lee, as when finally passed. Having been discussed, on Satur- day the 8th, and Mondaythe 10th of'June, this re- solution was on the last mentioned day postponed, i for further consideration, to the first day of" July; and, at the same time it was voted, that a commit- 26 tee belrappoiintedito‘ prepare a nE~cr.ARArIoN, to the effect of the resolution. This committee was elect- ed by ballot, on the following day, and consisted of THOMAS JEFFERSON, J01-IN ADAMS, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, ROGER SHERMAN, and ROBERT LIV» INGSTON. It is usual”, when committees are elected by bal- ‘ lot, that their members are arranged, in order, according to the number Of'i‘VOteS1Whl(3ll each has re» ceived. A Mr. Jefferson, therefore, had received the highest, and Mr. Adams the next highest number of votes. The difference is said to have been but ‘of a single vote. lMr. Jeflierson‘ and Mr. Adams, standing thus at the head of the committee, were requested, by the other members, to act as a sub- committee, to prepare the draft ; and Mr. Jefferson drew up the paper. Theoriginal draf't,as brought by him from his study, and submitted to the other members of the committee, with interlineations in the hand——writing of Dr. Franklin, and others in that of Mr. Adams, was in Mr. J efl'erson’s posses- sion at the time of his death. The merit of this paper is Mr. Jeff'erson’s. Some changes were made in it, on the suggestionof other members of the committee, and othersby Congress While it was under discussion. But noneof them altered the tone, the frame, thearrangement, or the gen- eral character of the instrument. As a composi-- tion, the declaration is Mr. Jefl"erson’s. It is the 2'? production of a his mind, and the high honor of it be» longs to him, clearly and absolutely. it It has sometimes been said, as if it were a dero- gation from the merits of this paper, that it con- tains nothing new; that it only states grounds of proceeding, and presses topics of ‘argument, which had often been stated and pressed before. But it was not the object __,of the declaration to produce any thing new. It was not to invent reasons for independence, but to state those which governed the Congress. Forgreat and sufiicient causes, it was proposed to declare independence; and the proper business of the paper to be drawn, was to set forth those causes, andjustify the authors of the measure, in any event of fortune, to the country, and to posterity. The cause of American inde- pendence, moreover, Was now to be presented to the World, in such manner, if it rnightso be, as to engage its sympathy, to command its respect, to attract its admiration ; and in an assembly of most ableand distinguished men, THOMAS JEFFERSON had the high honor of being the selected advo- cate of this cause. To say that he performed his great Work Well, would be doing him injustice. To say that he did excellently Well, admirably well, «would be inadequate . and halting praise. Let us rather say, that he so discharged the duty assigned him, that all Americans may well rejoice that the work of drawing the title deed of their liberties de- volved on his hands. 28 i VVith all its merits, there are those whohave thouglit that there was one thing in the declaration to be regretted ; andthat is, the asperity and ap- parent anger with which itspeaks of the person of’ the king ; the industrious ability with which it ac-— cuinulates and charges upon him, all the injuries which the colonies had suffered from the mother country, Possibly some degree of injustice, now or hereafter, at home or abroad, maybe done to the character of Mr. efiersibn, if this part of the declaration be not placed in its proper light. A11- ger or resentment, certainly, much less personal re-- proach and invective, could not properly find place, in a composition of such high dignity, and of such lofty and permanent character. A single reflection on the original ground of dis- pute, betvveen England and the colonies, is sufli-- cient to remove any unfavorable impression, in this respect. The inhabitants of all the colonies, While colo- nies, admitted themselves bound by their allegi- ance tothe king; but they olisclainied, altogether, the authority of parliament; holding themselves, in this respect, to resemble the condition of Scotland and Ireland, before the respective unions of those kingdoms with England, when they acknowledged allegiance to the same king, but each had its sepa- rate legislature. The tie, therefore, which our re» volution was to break, didinot subsist between us and the British parliament, or betvveenjusand the .British government, in the aggregate ;, but directly between us and the king himself. The colonies had never admitted themselves subject to parlia- ment. That was precisely the point of theorigi- nal controversy. They had unifbrrnly denied that parliament had authority to make laws for them. There was, therefore, no subjection to parliament to be thrown off'.* But allegiance to the king did exist, and had been uniformly ackriowledged ; and down to 1775 the most solemn assurances had been given that it was not intended to break that alIegi- ance, or to throw it off’. Therefore, as the direct object, and only effect of the declaration, according to the principles on which the controversy had been maintained, on our part, was to sever the tie of al- legiance which bound us to the king, it was pro- perly and necessarily founded on acts of the crown itself, as its justifying causes. Parliament is not so much as mentioned, in the whole instrument. Wlxen odious and oppressive acts are referred to, it is done by charging the king with conf'ederatin_g, '* This question, of the power of parliament over the colonies, was discuss,- ed with singular ability, by Gov. Hutchinson on the one side, and the house of representatives of Massachusetts on the other, in 1773. The argument of the House is in the form of an answerto the governors message, and was re- ported by Mr. Sanmel Adams, Mr. lilanccck, Mr. I-Iawley, Mr. Bowers, l‘vC[r. Hobson, Mr. Foster, Mr. Phillips, and Mr. Thayer. As the power of the pan- liament had been acknowledged, so far at least as to affect us by laws of trade, it was not easy to settle the line of distinction. It was thought how- ever to be very clear, that the charters of‘ the colonies had exempted them from the general legislation of the British parliament. , See D/lassaclmsetts ‘State Papers, p. 351. 5 30 with others, ‘in pretended acts of legislation ;’ the object being, constantly, to hold the king himself directly responsible for those nfeasures which were the grounds of separation. Even the precedent of the English revolution was not overlooked, and in this case, as well as in that, occasion was found to say that theking had abdicated the government. Consistency with the principles upon which resist- ance began, and with all the previous state papers issued by congress, required that the declaration should bebottomed on the rnisgovernnient of the king; andtherefore it was properly framed with that aim and to that end. The king was known, indeed, to have acted, as in other cases, by his ministers, and with his parliament; but as our an- cestors had neveradrnitted themselves subject A either to ministers or to parliament, there were no reasons to be given for now refusing obedience to their authority. E This clear and obvious neces- sity of founding the declaration on the misconduct of the king himself, gives to that instrument its personal application, and its character of direct and pointed accusation. . The declaration having been reported to con-9 gress, by the cornrnittee, the resolution itself was taken up and debated on the first day of July, and again on the second, on which last day it was agreed to and adopted, in these words, : Resolved, THAT THESE UNITED coLoN1Es ARE, AND or RIGHT OUGI-IT TO BE, FREE AND INDEPENDENT 31 STATES; THAT THEY ARE ABSOLVED HAFROM ‘ALL AL‘- LEG1ANcE"To THE BRITISH caown, AND THAT ALL POLITICAL CONNEXION BETWEEN‘ THEM, AND THE STATE or GREAT BRITAIN IS, AND ooor-TT To BE, To- TALLY DISSOLVED. T A I A . * Having thus passed the main resolution, Con-— gress proceeded to consider the reported draft of the declaration. It was discussed on the second, and third, and FOURTH days of the month, in com»- mittee of the Whole ; and on the last of those days, being reported from that committee, it received the final approbation and sanction of Congress. It was ordered, at the same time,that copies be sent to the several States, and that it be proclaimed at the head of the army. The declaration thus pub- lished, did not bear the names of the members, for as yet it had not been signed by them. It was autlienticated, like other papers of the Congress, by the signatures of the President and Secretary. On the 19th of July, as appears by the secret jour- nal, Congress ‘Resoloed, that the declaration, pass- ed on the fourth, be fairly engrossed on parcliment, with the title and style of “ THE UNANIMOUS DECLA- RATION or THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES or AME- ,R1cA;"’ and that the same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of Congress.’ And on the SECOND DAY or AUGUST, following, ‘ the decla- ration, being engrossed and compared at the table, was Signed by the members.’ So thattitihappens, fellow-citizens, that We pay these honors to their 5332 memory, on the anniversary of that day, on which these great men actually signed their names to the declaration. The declaration was thus made,that is, it passed, and was adopted, as an act of Congress, on the fourth of July ; it was then signed and cert- tified by the president and secretary, like other acts. The FOURTH or JULY, therefore, is the ANNr—- VERSARY on THE DECLARATION. But the signatures of the members p1'ese11t were made to it, being then engrossed on parchment, on the second day of August. Absent members afterwards signed, as they came in; and indeed it bears the names of some Whovvere not chosen members of Con- gress, until after the fourth of July. The interest belonging to the subject, will be suflicient, I hope, to justify these details. The Congress of the Revolution, fellovv-«citizens, sat with closed doors, and no report of its debates was ever taken. The discussion, therefore, which accompanied this great measure, has never been preserved, except in nnemoiry, and by tradition. [But it is, I believe, doing no injustice to others, to say, that the general opinion Was, and uniformly has been, that in debate, on the side of independ-— ence, JOHN ADAMS had no equal. The great author of the declaration himself has expressed that opinion uniformly and strongly. ‘ Jo:-IN ADAMS,’ said he, in the hearing of him who has now the honor to address you, ‘Joniv ADAMS was our Co- . lossus on the floor. Not graceful, not elegant, 33 not always fluent, in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and of’ expression, which moved us from ourseats.’ A For the part which he was herexto perform, Mr. Adams doubtless was eminently fitted. He‘pos- sessed a bold spirit, which disregarded danger, and a sanguine reliance on the goodness of the cause, and the virtues of the people, which led him to overlook all obstacles. His cliaracter, too, had been formecl in troubled times. He had been roclszed in the early storms of the controversy, and had acquired a decision and a hardihood,pro_por-~ l tioned to the severity of the discipline which he had undergone. He not only loved the American cause devoutly, A but had studied and understood it. It was all familiar to him. He had tried his powers, on the questions which it involved, often, and in va- rious Ways ; and had brought to their consideration whatever of argument or illustration the history of his own country, the history of England, or the stores of ancienfor of legal learning could furnish.‘ Every grievance, enumerated in the long catalogue of the declaration, had been the subject of his dis- cussion, and the object of his rernonstrance and reprobation. From 1760, the colonies, the rights of the colonies, the liberties of the colonies, and the Wrongs inflicted on the colonies, had engaged his constant attention ; and it has surprised those, who have had the opportunity of observing, with 34 what “full remembrance, and with what prompt recollection, he could refer, in his extreme old age, to every act of Parliament affecting the colonies, distinguishingand stating their respective titles, sections, and provisions; and to all the colonial memorials, remonstances, and petitions, With what- ever else belonged to the intimate and exact histo- ry of the times from 7 that year to 1775. It was in his own judgment, between these years, that the American people came to a full understanding and thorough knowledge of their rights, and to a fixed resolution of maintaining them; and hearing him- self an active part in all important transactions, the controversy with England being then, in effect, the business of his life, facts, dates and particulars made an impression which was never effaced. He was prepared, therefore, by education and disci- pline, as well as by natural talent and natural tem- perament, for the part which he was now to act. The eloquence of Mr. Adams resembled his general character, and formed, indeed, a part of it. It was bold, manly, and energetic ;and such the crisis required. V/Vhen public bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, when great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is valuable, in speech, farther than it is connected with high intellectual and moral endovv~— ments. Clearness, force, and earnestness are the qualities which produce conviction. a True elo- quence,’ indeed, does not consist in speech. It 35 oannot be brought from far. Labor and learning i may toil for it, but they will toil in vain. l ‘Words and phrases may ‘be Inarshalled in every way, but they cannot chrnpass it. It must exist in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. Afiected pas-M sion, intense expression, the pomp of declarnation, all may aspire after it---they cannot reach it. It comes, if it come at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of vol-— canic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in the schools, the costly orna~ 4 ments, and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. Then Words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then feels rebuked, and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then, patriotism is eloquent; then, self-devotion is eloquent. The clear con—- ception, out—-running the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the Whole man onward, right onward to his object---this, this is eloquence; or rather it is something greater and higher than all eloquence, it is action, noble, sub» lirne, godlike action.gmltr‘l” . In July 1776, the controversy had passed the stage of argument. An appeal had been made to 36 force, and opposing armies were in the field. Con- gress, then, was to decide whether the tie which had so long bound us to the parent State, vvasto be severed at once, and severed forever. All the colonies had signified their resolution to abide by this decision, and the people looked for it with the most intense anxiety. , And surely, f'ellovv—-citizens, never, never were men called to a more important political deliberation. A If we contemplate ilt.fl‘O,l1'1 the point where they then stood, no question could A be more full of interest; if we look at it now, and judge of its importance by its effects, it appears in still greater magnitude. » Let us, then, bring before us the assembly,which was about to decide a question thus big with the fate, of empire. Let us open their doors, and look in upon their deliberations. at Letiyus survey the anxious and care-worn countenances, let us hear the firm-toned voices, of this band of patriots. . HANCOCK presides over the solemn sitting; and one of , those not yet prepared to pronounce for absolute independence, is on the fioor,«and is urging his reasons for dissenting, from the decla- 1'atio_n. A M A A ,w*iLet us pause! “This step, once taken,,can11ot be retraced. This resolut.ion,, once passed,vvill cutofl'al1l hope of reconciliation. If success attend the arms of England, we shall thenfbe no longer colonies, with charters, and with privileges these will all be forfeited by this act; and Welslrallbe 37 A in the condition of other conqueredpeople, at the mercy of the conquerors. For ourselves, we may be ready to run the hazard; but are We ready to carry the country to that length P ls success so probable as to justify it? Wl1e1'e is the military, Where the naval power, by which We are to resist the Whole strength of the arm of England, for she will exert that strength to theutmost? Can We rely on the constancy and perseverance of the people P or will they not act, as the people of other countries have acted, and Wearied with along war, subrnit, in theend, to a Worse oppression P While we stand on our old ground, and insist on redress of grievances, we know we" are right, and are not answerable for consequences; Nothing’, then, can be imputable to us. But if We now change i our object, carry our pretensions further, and set up for absolute independence, We shall lose the sympathy of mankind. 'We shall no longer be defending What we possess, but struggling for something which we never did possess, and which We have solemnly and uniformly disclainied all in—- tention of pursuing, from the very outset of the troubles. Abandoning thus our old ground, of resistance only to arbitrary acts of oppression, the nations will believe the Whole to have been more pretence, and they will look on us, not as injured, but as ambitious, subjects. l shudder, before this responsibility. It will be 9WIi;Mus,l if relinquishing the ground we have stood on so long, and stood 6 V -lid‘ on so safely, we now proclaim independence, and carry on the War for that object, while these cities burn, these pleasantfields whiten and bleach with the bones of their owners, and these streams run blood, It vyill beupon us, it will be upon us, if fail- ing to lllaiilillirlin this unseasonable and ill?-judged declaration, a sterner despotism,in1aintained by military power, shall be established over, our pos- terity,When we ourselves, given up by ‘an exhaust» ed, a hai*rassed, a misled people, shall haveeXpi-‘- ated our rashness and atoned for our presurnption, on the scaffold,’ l V ' It was for hilt. Adams to reply tor argunients like these. Vile laznovv his opinions, and We know his character. He would commence with his accus-' tonied directness and earnestness, A w ‘ s;“%ii‘il§ or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand, and my heart, to this vote. It is true, iindeed, that in the beginning, We aimed not atcindependence. , But there’s a Divinity which shapes our ends. a The injustice of England has driven us to arms ; and, ‘blinded to her own inter- est for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now Within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours. Wliy then should We defer the declaration? Is anyinan so Weak; as now to hope for a reconciliation vvith”En-— gland, which i shall leave either safety «to the coun- try and its liberties, or safety to his own life, and his own honor? Are not you, sir, vvhosit in that 39 ehair, is not he‘, our venerable colleague near you, are you not both already the proscribed and pre- destined objects ofrpunishment and of Vengeance? A Cut off‘ from all hope of r royal clemency, whatare you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws? If we» postpone independ- ence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up, the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament, Boston port-hill and all ? Do we mean . ' to submit, and consent that we ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust? I know we do not mean to submit. we never shall submit. Dowe intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God,of our sacred honor to ‘Washington, when putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to ad- here to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives 5’ I know thereiis not aman here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground. For myself, having, twelve Wmonths ago, in this place, moved you, that George Wasliington be ap- pointed commander of the forces, raised or to be raised, for defence of American liberty, may my riglit hand i forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if l hesitate or Wa- .ver, in the support l give him. The war, then, 40 must go if on- We must figl1titthrou~gh.~ Andtif the war must go on, Why off" longer the rDe- claration of Independence? i That “measure will V strengthen us. i It will give us character abroad. 4 The nationsfwill then treat with U3, ~Whic.h they never can do While We acknowledge ourselves sub» in jects, in arms against our sovereign_., ‘. Nay I umain- * tain that Englapnd,yherself', will sooner treatfor peace with us on the footing of Independence,ithan c consent,by repealing heracts, to acknowledge that her whole conducttovvards us has been acourse of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less Wounded, by submitting to that courseof things a which ‘now’ predestinates our independence, than * by yielding the points in controversy to her rebel-c lious subjects. The former she would regard as l the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as s her own deep disgrace. Wliy then, why the1i,lsir,i s dowenot as soon as possible, change this from a civil to anational War P And since we must fight it through, Why not put ourselves in [a state tout: enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the ~ victory P v If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the peo- ple, if We are: true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. I care not how fickleother people have been found. I know the people of these colonies, and I know 41 i‘ that cresistance to ‘Britishi aggression is deep and settled theirlfihearts and cannot be eradicated; Every c0lony,5indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow, if we but take the lead. * Sir, the decla-— ration will inspire the people with increased court-4% age. Instead of a long and bloody War for resto- ration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, heldunder a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire inde- pendence, and it will breatheinto themanew the breath of life. ‘Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn ifroini its scabbard, and. the solemn vow uttered, to maintain‘ it, or to perishon the bed of honor. Publishiit from the pulpit ; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty willcling round it,resolved A to “standtwith it, or fall with it. i Senditi to the pub-‘ lic halls; proclaim it there; let them A he‘a1'it, who heard the first roarof the enemy’s cannon ; let them seexit, iwho*sa‘wi?their brothers and their sons fall on thefield? of Bunkerhill, and in the streets of Lex- ington and Concorcl, and the very Walls WillCi:1'yt'i‘ out in its support. , Sir, Iknow the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see,“ I ‘see i clearly, through this is dayi’sbusiness. You and it I, indeed,‘ may rue it. We may not live to tl1e;time,wl1en this declaration shallbe made good. We may die ; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it niay able, ignominiouslytand on the scafi”o‘ld. Be it so. . it*‘so=. If it be the pleasure of Hea- -12 ven that my country shall “require the poor ofi’ering of my ‘life, the victim shall be ready, atthe appoint- ed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live,‘ let me have a country, or at least the hope ofa country, and that afree country. But whatevermay be our fate, be assured, be as» sured, that this declaration will stand. i It may cost t1*easu1‘ie, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and "it will richly cornpensate for both. A 'I‘hrough thethicl~: gloom or the present, 1 see the brightness of t the future, as the sun in Heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. Wlien We are in our graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it, with thahlrsgiving, with festivity, with bonfires, and illuminations. On its annual return ...«tl‘i”'eiy will shed tears,copious, gushing tears, not of subjectioii and “slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. ~My judgment approves this measure, and Whole heart is in it. All that Ihave, and all that I am, and all thatlt hope, in this life, I amnovv ready here to stake upon it; andl leave ofl‘, as I begun, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declara- tion. ‘ ltis myliving sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my dying sentiment; independ- ence, A now ; “ and INDEPENDENCE And soithat day “shall be l'1onored,i illustrious prophet and patriot! so that dayshall be honoured, and as often E as it returns, thy renown shallicome it ~13 alongwith it, and the glory of" thy life, like the day of thy death, shall not failfrornl the rememizarance of men. ‘W i y n V A It would be unjust, fellow-citizens, on ,this.occa- sion, while We express our veneration for himwho is the immediate subject of these remarks, were we to omit a most respectful, affectionate, and grateful mention of those other great men, his colleagues, who stood with him, and with the same spirit, the same devotion, took part in the interesting transaction. HANCOCK, the proscribed, HANCOCK, exiled from his home by a militarygovernor, cut elf, by proclamation, from the mercy of the crown, heaven reserved, for him,the distinguished honor of putting this great question to the vote, and of writing his own name first, and most conspicuously, on that parchmentwhich spoke defiance to the power of the crown of England. There, too, is the name of that other proscribed patriot, SAMUEL ADAMS ;« a man whohungered and thirsted for the ” independence of his country ; who thought the de-- claration lialted and lingered, being himself a not only ready, but eager, for it, long before it was proposed; a man of the deepest sagacity, the clearest foresight, and the p1fOf()Lll'ld€Sl',. judgment ” in men. And: there is Genny, himself among the earliest and the foremost of the patriots, found, when the battle of Lexington snmn1one<,l them to common councils, by the side of NV_aannN ; a man who lived to serve his country at home and abroad, £14 and to diein thesecsoned }~3laee‘%fhe¥gov‘eern1Iieri£. ’1‘l1e1-e, too; is*t11eetiniflexii:>le;7§the+upfiight, theeSpl80“1, chexiwas elected Piesident, in opposition to; M1f.ccAda1ns,.tand.: 1‘e-elected in 1805, by a vote approaching towards .\ ¥O‘ ""t1’1 itiinep of A ~h_lS;‘.flflEll:_i1'etl17~6IIleI1t— from pub? liclife, in 1807, efi'ers0n~i:'1iVe~d,,;as be‘cam~e‘iiix,§‘“aal_ wise imam. A V Sn1'r_ounded bye affectionatteig f'1'iendsi,‘«;hi3s. ardor in the pursuit «of kiiowledget \111’1l(I‘llII1ll'll.‘.‘slf~1*:6‘ECl;’: with ,un cpodtnpmon health, ; and punbrcketn sptiritts; hexi . w«‘:1nsp_ab1e A to, enjoy largely the I‘€:1tl,Ol1a.l*pleaS11reS.;0¥f> life, and to .pa»1*taket: in; that public‘ prosperity»,\whicl1i he hadso ;lTI1UCl1";COIllIl'l;l.3lll3€Cll to pr0duce.i HiS~kincli-;~; ness pandp hoepimlity, the charm; of A his conve rsattiiongv tl1BpGE1SGMOfl1lS-1Tl‘&flI1B1‘S, the extent: of hisvacquire:-A ments, and especially the full store cincftrevo«lutliona1*y» incidenpts, which he possalessed, and .Wl]i,,:(3»l1—"ll€t' knew wvhendcptaiid how» to icidiscpense, - l'\*(A3I1Lln&;}:-‘G(:C-l sliis abtode in 3;; ;1iigl‘i cl,eng1'e,e itiattractlive‘ ‘ to »il1lS? yadtnirinig c0untry:-“- ,l1f1Q;I_1, ,-W_l,1llV6‘i_l1lS. l1lg"l1,« public and scientific c~l1e1-accteere t£l1‘E3;W towards him ievery intelligent and educated 51 itriavellerejiifrom T,:‘£ibI'Ofl:d. B oth Aéfdiamisi an d”? Mr. eit~i19e11r1i"e*:m;, in ’ the midst éiofkcheirii fe.l1w«citizensi, i:4theme%e1vési“»“private citizenwis, they enjioyed» as "i11igh‘5i*egai'ci‘i¢jects:,irequi1~educatio11ofthe poor ismore «important, even to , the rich; themselves, than all their Own; riches. On n this great truth, jinn; deed,:is foundedthat unrivalled, that invaluablefpo— litical and moral institution, our own blessing,~and the glory of our fathers, the New ‘England system of‘freesc11ools« : . at t it - it “ As the promotion of knowledge had been thegob-e ject of their regard through life,*so~thes7e great men made it the asubject of their testamentary rrbounty. Jtteff(31,‘{°_,SOn_. is .understood to or have bequ,eathed; his liibrary to the: university, and that of Mr. A TA-d?a.n3'S3 r is bestovveid on the inhabitants of Quincy.’ it Adams, and Mr. .lefi'erson, fellow-citizens, were successively Presidents of the United States. The comparative merits of their respective adinie nistrations for a long time agitated andrdivi.ded.puh- lic opinion- They were rivals, each supported ‘by numerousand powerfulportions of the people, for the highest office. This contest, partly the cause, and partly the consequence, of the long existence of two great political parties in the country, is now part of the history of your government. txW:e. may naturally regret, that anything should have occur- red to create difference and discord, rbetvveen those who had acted liarmorniouslyvandeflicientlyintthe great concerns of the revolution. But this isnot the time,=~.nor, this the occasion, for entering into ttheigrounds of that difi'erenc*e,- ., or for attempting to I discuss the amerits of the questions a which it im- so volves; "As practical questions, thee)? Werel tcanvass- bed, when the measures which they regardedowere . actedwon and adopted ; and as belongingrto history, the time has not come for their consideratiomll e t It is, perhaps, not Wonderful, that when the Con; stitution of the United States Went‘ first into opelrae cation, idifferent opinions shouild be entertainedgvas to the extent of the powers conferred by it. i Here -was a natural source of diversity of‘ sentiment; It is still less Wonderful, that that event, about“con¥- temporary with our government, tunderc the pre- sent Coinstitutiton, which so entirely shocked all ’ELirope,i and disturbed our relations withher lead» ing: a poWers,tatshould be thouglit," by diflerentl men, to have difliertent bearings on our ownosprossperityft and that the early .n1easures,A adopted by «our gov- tt"ebr.nrnent,sinconsequence of this new state of things, should be seen in opposite lights. Ins for the future historian, when what now remains of ..prej1i- dice. and i rnisconception shall have rp"assed iiiaway; to . state: these ‘ i 1. i1t opinions, and pr0110'uI‘1Ce"‘C‘i-irlrfvli « partialor judgment. ” In the meantime; all good n§1'e7n ..rejoic‘e,,ancl well may rejoicet, that then a sharipest differences-sprung out of measures, which, Whether right or wrong, have f(3e3.SBCl,:Wlth the:i:iexi~genc.iies 3“ ;that. gave them births; and have ;lef'tnopermanent . l ejffect,». Leither on it the Constitution, or on the tigeneral prosperityei otf.at~hec at country. This 1-emark,"I.» am i. ,aWlare,r.may-bie tsupposed to lhiiave its; exception, in. one lme.asure,h»ll:rthoett alteration- of the Ctontstitutiong as to the~mode:~of ilchoosingM'*PrreSide11tt";‘*'1_but‘~§it is*=:tr;ue, in r its general application. ; . Thus the a course i olicys pursued towards France, 17985;. on» x the one hand, : and the «measures» of t:commercialto -FQSt1li:f3r «trion; commenced ‘in?1*8~O7,ron the other, both Shh- jects of warm land: severe opposition, have passe away, and left nothinghehind them. They were temporary, and whether wise or unWise,»their 6-‘ofihf sequences were limited to theirs respective occa- sions. It is equally: clear, atthee,same»time,and .ri,t~«:is equally gratifying, thatrethose tmeasuresof; broth rltéaadministuationst, whic‘h_t were of dursatlteyrimportancte, Which drew after them tinterestintgl. and long; remaining consequences,- have , received: general approbation. t Such was the organization, orsrather the creation, of the navy, in the admlinistration; of‘ sMr. Adamsgt such the acquisition of s*Lcouisiana,;irn rsthat of Mr; Jefferson. ~The;»co*untry, tit may;safel:y be added, is not likely to lbelwillingeitheer to ap- : “prove, or totreprobate, indiscriminatelyx, t“ and in the taggregate,’ all the measures ofweither,torn.;‘of7r*any, »~ad:ministratiton.~ '1‘he-dictatecltlof' reason and of jus- tice is, thatg holding each one his own serrtiments on the points in »difi'erence,‘ we imitate the: great f_JH18.Il‘~ themselves, in the forbearance and modera- t‘:tlOnl'tWl1iOll they have cherished, s and in the mutual :1'BSp;8fCl'.T and kindness which they have been* so ,much inclined to feel 3Ild‘~.tO.1'eClp’l‘OC3.l§3}'- 5 "xi f . : .N'()~I1'Il6I'l3 fellow-citizens; » ever served; their:“ tcloun-t tryawith mortetitentirres exemption from levery‘ simputa- 58 tiongof selfish and inercenary motive thani,those:te vvhose n’;1,e1noryi we are paying ~rithes;e proofs of respect. A suspicion of any dispositionto enrich themselves, or toprofit by their public employa ments, never rested on either. No sordid motive approached them. The inheritance which they have it left totheir, children, is of their character and th6i,t1'1’ame-t t r e i,Fellow-citizens,«I Will detain you no longer by this faint and feeble tribute to thememory of the illustrious . dead. 7 Even in other hands, adequate] justicecould not be perfbrmed, within the limits of this occasion. ‘. Theirhighest,their best praise, r is your deep, conviction of their merits, your iafi”ec- tionate... gratitude for their labors and servicecs, Itpisinotivmy: voiice, it is this cessation of r ordinary pursuits, this arresting of all attention, trheseesol— emn ~ ceremonies, and this crowded house, which spieakttheir eulogy. Their fame, vindeed, issafe. That, is novvlirtreasured ’ up, beyond the reach of ac- cident. ; tAlthough»no sculptured. marble: should rise to their memory, nor engraved stone bear record Of , their deeds, yet will theirlrernembrance betas lastingtas the land they honored. tMarble columns 1nay,indeed, moulder into dust, time may erase all impress from the .crumb1ing stone, but theirfame remains; for with AME,RICAN.LIBE.RTYi it rose,»and with? ‘ALMER1.C.AN LIBERTY Jv0NLiY< can it perish, It was, the last swellirigi peal ofyonder choir, .‘ THEIR BODIES MARE BURIED IN ration, Bur. '1‘HEIR..#NAME 59w ’LIV“E'TI—Il EV~E’RM0RE.’7 I" eiateh; that ’solhernntl *=song,tr II —.eCl10~1'°‘lJEtli lofty ‘strainf of f'nneral t1'iL1mpl’h,“ ‘»r‘HhIh; NAME LIVIETH» sEv1:RMloRE:.’ * ‘ i tOf'*theillustriousisigt1ei'st of the ec1ax~htioh‘c;f Independence there now i~ remains only = CH«AitRlf;ESll ~CARRO'LL; He seems an aged oak, standing alone‘ on the plain,Which time haslsparedt at little longer; after all itseontemporaries have been levelled with the dust. Venerablehvobjectsl we delight togather round‘ itstrunk, while yet it standst,tand ritovélwell bene ath:ritsts>-sat ~'adi%OW.W i Sole survivor of assembly of : as then" as it?! we world has .Wiét=n»essed;é< ‘la transta_ictiron*', one of l the ' most: important that history records, awhat thoughts, What interesting reflections must fill his :elevatedand devout soulli If he ‘dwell on the past, how-touching its recollections»; if’ he survey: the present, how happy, l1ohw~joyous,'hovv A full of the fmition of that 7 hope, which his iardent patriotism indulged ; if heglance at the future; how” does: the prospect of his to ~country’s; . advance- mentthsalrnlostir bewilclerhis weakened conception! Fortunate, » distinguished - patriot 1 Interesting relic of therpast .lK Let; him knows that while We honor the dead, We do not forget the: living; and that there isinot a heart here Wthichidoes not it fervently pray, that Heaven: may -:keep him = «yet back from " tliegsociety of his "companions. p — i t it L ,wAndll~norW, fellow—-citizens, let us not retire from .i«*“”il;ihis. oecasioni-, without a a deep A and solemn convic- tih0nlh.0fhthehs duties Whlcll have develved upon 60 W ii lovely land, this glorious liberty, these benign E5; rt‘: *1 institutions, the clear purchase of “our fathers, are ours ; ours to enjoy, ours to preserve, ours to»,in,ihis ownyicenditicnar aridir! 11?? C91?C1iti0I1»0if' those nearand Clear him,,thet influenctetstandt iibéiiéfitsyof trthiettirlibertra and thefsfle'.'":i7nIS1:i'tutiiQ'1;1S~i let iusrther1,r acknétwledeé that .b1essine»,i1,¢tnusfeel it dmeepily and npowerfully, let usytcherisht a strong, affection for it,a.ndryes,o1v,e to Inaintainend perptette uaiteiit, The blood ofyour fetyhersiigiet it not have bfeeni shed in vain ; the great; hope iof ,poste_rity:i";iet itignbty the blaSted- , s The strikingattitude, too, inwhich We standrto, the, World i around r as r 5* ‘3an.I.1013:t be taltoeéther omitted hares Néifiirerr individuals nor nationsoan_ performyttheir part.ywell,runti1'ir they understand and feel its importance, and ioomprehend and justly appreciate all the duties be»- -< longing 130 it. M It is not to inflate ynationatl Vanity, V nortofswell alight and empty feelingryoyf self—impor-.» , fiance? but is that 4W6 may judge justly ofour siiuatiofla and of 4 our own ,t.d,uties,;that I earnestly , ‘urge this ioonsideration of our position,, annd; our charecte r, among thenations of the not he denied, but by those who would era is distinguished by Free Retpresentative Gov-- , ernrnents, by entire rreligious ,1iberty,_by, improved r , systerns of national interoourse,_by a newly awaken- edgwand an,un,oonquera.ble spirit of freeiyinquiryrrandr bsiisidriiffusion.0fkn0W1edse ‘h17°“,£h,»ihe comfllunitrg ,9, , ,A.‘@:‘J: (IS ar-- v I’ J ;: v ls. T ,,,.,.,..........» V. “\~,w.ua~uvI-‘*““""" J . 4 ,. . , -, ,._,cr .4" , ,,~_ '. ~ .. ‘.‘\‘ I , 5. W‘ . 62»? such as has been before altogether unknown and un==~ heard of. America, America, our country, fellow-tr**~ eitinens, our own dear and native land, is insepara- bly connected, fast bound up, in fortune and by fate, with these great interests. If they fall, We fall with them; if they stand, it will be, because wehhave. upholden them. us contemplate, then, this connexion, which binds the prosperity of others to our own; and let us manfully discharge all the duties which it imposes. If we cherish the virtues A and the principles of our fathers, Heaven will assist us to carry on the work of human liberty and hu- man happiness. Auspicious omens cheer us. Great examples are before us. Our own firmament now shines brightly upon our path. WASHINGTON is in the clear upper sky. These other stars have now joined the American constellation; it they circle round their centre, and the heavens beam with new light. Beneath this illumination, let us walk the course of life, and“, at its closefldevoutly commend our beloved country, the coninion parent of us all, to the Divine Benignity. M ,n y ,. A.,,».,,.._ , .,,,,.,,. J» . n «V /‘.1 ,4-,-‘nu 5}; v nor ,4" lk r.-~M;'.wn-n«;\,,m.,,,"_., _‘,,..,, LN ‘,W.M‘,_ ,1.‘ W, M A ‘..¥“45,,b_~' W Digitization information for the Daniel Webster Pamphlet Project University Libraries University of Missouri——Columbia Local identifier web000 Digitization work performed by the University of Missouri Library Systems Office Capture information Date captured Scanner manufacturer Scanner model Optical resolution Color settings File types Source information Format Content type Derivatives — Access copy Compression Editing software Editing characteristics Resolution Color File types Notes 2004-2005 Minolta PS7000 600 dpi Unknown tiff Pamphlets Text with some images Uncompressed Adobe Photoshop 600 dpi Bitonal; images grayscale tiff Pages cropped and brightened Blank pages removed Property marks removed