spmmcn

cm THE
.,v«_n

HON. DANIEL WEBSTER
OF MASSACHUSETTS?

V THE MERCHANTS AND OTHER MTIZENS OF PHEMDELPIIIA;

nmcmmnm :2, new

WASHINGTON :
rnnmwzn ma .1. 65 m. S. mnmom
1847. A

creme re Me; wniieree.

..._..

The third toast lmving , direct reference to the distinguished G-u";;;e'r, in whose honor the great
assemblage was convened, Mr. Breclc, President of the Day, arose, and happily introduced it
with the follotving rcnierlrs: i

GENTLEMEN :—-—-I rise to propose e. toast, expressive of the greelt esteem and honor in which
we hold the illustrious Guest, whom we are assembled to welcome. It is cause for felicitntion

‘ to have this opportunity to receive liirn, and to meet him at our festive boarcl.

In Plziludelplxin, we l'li‘1V€’ long; been accustomed to follov him, with earnest attention, in his
higlo vocation, in the legi.ele.t:ive hull and invtl1e‘cabinet; and lime elwegys seen him there, ercerm
cieing; his é'1T‘E‘Etlt‘l»£1i,€!Y1tE~.l, for the true interests of our wide-spread Reprihlic. And we, in common
with the American people, have felt the influence of his wisdom and patriotism.

‘iiWli'élil"1‘ulcrfs;“”‘YI'Uf”‘fiSlI€tITT€Il¢T0"hflvmtrvinmexsrlmxeotflwqgeed, by their igriomiice and wicked—-

, .. .. ---'-"""-r~—-**- .‘ ‘ 
ness, the wheels of ,g'overmnent, we have listened to his warning V0106. i11“lli.5S¢3'l’llScz3._SOI"AS 

danger, he has been to us zr living coml'orter; and more than once, l'1as.~: restored tl1ie“fifiEifm
serenity, security, and prosperity.

In a career of more than thirty years of political agitation, he, with courageous conetzmcy,
utiwavering integrity, and eminent ability, has ce.rrie'd. out, as for as his a.g'ency could prevail,
the true principles of the Anieiican eyeteni of groverxirnent.

Fm. mg nun_'1e‘_['QuS-‘. public servioces we owe him much, end we open our_ grateful hearts to him
in tliunkssg we say to him, with feelings of profound respect and warm o.il'ection, that we are
rejoicednthis presence here, amid his Philadelphia. friends———his ihithful Philadelphia. friends
and admirers.

i I ofier youthe 110$-titll of

Dan.-tel W"ebster-—-Tlie faithful Repreeentzrutive, the able Negotiator, the fearless Statesman, the
eloquent Defender of the Conmitution: Hie patriotic services demand our griatitudew-hie untam-
nished honor is the Nctt.ion‘s property.” ‘ l '

Mr. Brock was frequently obliged to pause in his remerlis, by the loud epplauses of the ae—-
eemblage; a.1’1d‘€Vl'1l3Y.l, in concluding, he introduced the distinguished GUEST, the feeling; rooe
into perfect enthusiasm, and the cheers, clapping of hands, the smiles and xveving h.endke1'chiefe
of the ladies, mode the univer-sel demonstmtion of‘ welcome as rare and honorable, as it was wefl
deserved, and worthily gi‘-'€n- , , ,_ i - ‘ r " I i

i It was some minutes beibre his voice could be heard, and then Mr. Webster spoke as follows 7:

nr... Wr.esrrn>s stereo.

in. ,,

It is my duty in the first place, to express the uncommon emotions which I feel, in rising to
discuss important subjects in e. presence, like that in the midst of which I am. It has not been
my fortune, heretofore, to enter upon such a duty as is now before me, while galleries like these
have been filled by an asseinblege of the worth and beauty of the sex. Gentlemen, I come
among you to address you as men of business of the city of Philadelphia, men engaged _in the
honorable pursuits of private life, and liuving; no other interest in the political events and occur-
rences of the day, than as the course and acts of Government, effect life and liberty, property
and industry. You are n'ie1'cl1rn'1ts, you ore -therefore deeply concerned in the peace of the coun-
try, and in whatever respects its coninierciul prosperity. You are menufectttrers, inechunics,
urtiszins ; you have on interest, therefore, in all those wise laws which protect capital and labor
thus employed-—-all those laws which shed, their benign influence over the industrial pursuits of
human life. You are holders of city property-i-‘-niztny of-.. you are lundliolders in the country”
mnny of you urc occupiers and cultivutors oi‘ your own land in the neighborhood of the city.
Finully, I know you ore all .t"l.l!1k2)lt‘.lC€J.I'lS-—-f,fCtll are all inerobers of title greet and glorious Repub-

, lie-—-—-bound to its destiny~—»pnrtnl~:in;; of‘ all the l1:ippi_i1ess which its government is ce.lculnt,c<l to
afiord,‘ anal 1m¢,.._.,t,,1 in every fltlttg Limit respects its present prospects and its future renown.

1 mn lionm»-mt, ,»,;entlen1eii, by on pimitution to address such on ossenibl we of my fellow citi-
zens. I will say that it is nlwtiys agreeable to me to speak, and to thinlz, upon great questions,
respecting our political institntioi1s-——tlieii- prOg1'CSS end their results, in this city of Philedelpliie.
With no hubits of public lite, but such  have connected me with the Constitution of the ‘United
Stutes---accustoiried sorncwliut to study its history and its principles, and called upon now, for
some years, to telzo .11 port in its ndministrution, so for‘ as the notion of’ Con§g2'e.ss is concerned, it
is natural tliet I should look lonclt to the origin of‘ that l nclependencc, from which the Constitu-
tion sprung, and to the Constitution itself‘, out of which the Government, now estnlilisliecl over
us, arose. These reflections h1'in;g; with them. n.g;reesble l0cul:1ss0(:i::ttions. Tlic Independence
of our country was declured in yonder Hall, the Constitution was frtuncd, else, within the
same venerable wells; and if one to whom thct Declaration of Independence nndthet Gonstitu-
tion are objects of the highest human rcgurcl enter that Hull, i-t is natural that he should f"t'tll‘lC1‘
around him, in iiringirintion, the great rnen—-the illustrious sages, who tilledit on those succe. -
sive occasions. They are all gone to their graves. But they liztve l€lil;l.l1t3l1'W01'l{S behind them,
as imperisheble memorials of their wisdom. (Loud applause.) i i .

t The city of Philadelphia; ‘is, incl] respects, much connected withthe history of our country.

(.flppla'e.9ei.”)' She is, in all respects, interested in whatever effects the wool orlwoe of the Repub-‘

 «Her positionelong the line of the coast is control and iimpoirtnlnit, her population is large,

the oecupluitionsiofi ‘heripeopleilvariousé-éshe is the capitol or the great State of Pennsylvania, not

improperly called the “ KEYSTONE” of the arch of thisiUnion. (.tlpple'use.) V
Gentlemen, some yealrs ago in addressing a. public meeting in the neighborhood of this city,

I said what  believed and now believe, that, perhaps with the . exception of England, there is.

no spot upon the globe full of so much natural riches as thestate of Pennsylvania. Gentlemen,
she enjoys ti mild and deligghtful climate, is. rich and exuberant "soil, onieofitlie best in the world,
with mineral wealth beyond calculation. ‘I ltnow no portion of the globethut ‘can go beyond
her in tiny just statement of neturul E'J.(lt«'ttnltttg,‘eS, and of productive power. Pennsyltnniu, too,
gentlemen, is concerned inevcry interest thctbelong_>;s to the country". On her eustern lnninrlrtry
she itouches the tide vniters of‘ the A tlnntic-«on her western border she touches the great river
whicli curries, westurorpd owl soutliwnrcl, her .protlncts,i raised beyond the Alleglticnies, to the
. Gulf of ll’ie‘7xico., She is open to the Gulf‘ on the south and west, and to the ocean on the east.

4

Her position is central, her population is numerous. If she chooses to say that she will connect
the navigable waters which flow into the Gulf, with the navigable waters of the Atlantic, she,
can do it, without trespassing on any stranger’s territory. (T'remendoas applause.) It is with her
a family afi"a.ir. has made one line of communication, she can make another, and as many
as she please, to wed" the waters of the Ohio .with those of the Atlantic. ' t

‘ Gentlemen, I cannot help thinking, that what Pennsylvania is, and that greater, which Penit-
sylvania is to be, is and will be greatly owing to the constitutional Governrn—ent under which we
live. (Great applause.) I would not, with any idolatrous admiration, regard the Constitution
of the United States, nor any otheriworlr of man; but, this side of idolatry, Ihold it inpro- i
found respect. I believe that no human working on such a subject-—no human ability exerted
for such an end, has everproduced so.much happiness, or holds out, now, to so many millions
of people the prospect, through such a succession of ages and ages, of so much happiness, as
the Constitution of the United States. (Great iapplaase.) We who are here for one generation
----"or a single life, and yet in our several stations and relations in society, entrusted, in some
degree, with its protection and support-mwhat duty does it devolve; what duty does it not de-
volve upon us? ,  . p , r or .

Gentlemen, there were those in the country at the time the Constitution was adopted, that did
not approve it. Some feared it from an excessive jealousy of power; others, for various causes,.
disliltedida...,,..T13l1.€t..great..ma,j.g,rit;,r,...a£,p,e9pWleW;_g,§,,_tl3MeWU11i,ted States, however, adopted it, and M

placed Wasnrueron at the head of the first administ1'atio wmmm;, (Lmd app;,,,,,e_) 

This Constitution fairly expounded, justy interpreted, is the bond of our Union) ' "1'? w o

opposed it were all bound, in honor and justice, to follow the example of Patrick Henry, who,

himself, opposed it, but who, when it had been adopted, took it in the fullness of‘ its spirit, and
to the highiest extent of its honest interpretation. (Great applause.) It was not, then, fair for
those who had opposed the adoption of the Constitution, to come in under it, afterwards, and at— C
tempt to fritter away its provisions,because they dislilce them. The people had adopted the ina. .
strument,’ as it stood", and tliéy were bound by it, in its fair and full construction and interpreta-- '
tion. (./flpplausc.) For the same reason, gentlemen, those called upon to exercise high functions
under the Constitution, in our day, may think that they could have made a better one. i It may
be the misfortune of the age of our fathers, that they had not the intelligence of this age.
(Laughlen) These persons may think that they could have made it much better,——-that this,

a thing and that,~.ought not to have i been put in it, and, therefore, they will try to getthem, out of

it. (La~ughter.) That’s not fair. Every man that is called upon to administer the Constitution
of the United States, or act under it in any respect, is bound, in honor, and faith, and duty, to,‘
take it in its ordinary acceptation---to act upon it, as it was understood by those who framed it,
and received by the people when they adopted it; and as it has been practised upon since, through 2
all administrations of the Grbvernment. _ i  p

It may have happened--I think it has happened, that instances have occurred, in which the , ,
spirit of this instrument has been departed from; in which, in effect, violationsof
have taken place.  Whiati of that! Are we toabandon it on thatpaccounttlttAre,we_m‘abam1ma _
it? Why, I should as soon think of abandoning my own father when ruflians attacked  r .
(Loud and longico-ntiaaedrapplause.) No! we are to rally around it with all our power-and all
our force, determined to stand by it, or fall with it. What was the conduct of the great lovers _
of liberty in thepearly periods of English history? They wrested from a reluctant monarch,

' Kiiig John, a Manna Cnanra. The Crown, afterwards, violated that Charter. Whatidid they _

do? They remonstrated, they resisted, they reasserted, they reinforced it--and that’s what we ,
are to do, gentlemen. (Tremendous applause.) ‘ p t _ ' l
Gentlemen, I have never felt more interested, I may say, never-so much interes,ted,_in 
course of my public life, as during some periods of the last session of Congress. I could 110*?-
butpersuade myself that we were in the midst of most important events. It was my PWP°5°:t

5 .

ttewards the close of the session to consider,.with some care,the. acts of Congress,and the.

«course of the administration during that session, and to express my opinions on them, in my
-place inthe Senate. I It so happened, however, that in the fleeting hours of the last week of the
:-session, no opportunity was offered; and I therefore announced a purpose of taking some oc-
easion before the public, of reviewing the acts of Congress, during the last session, and of me.k-
-ing such cornments upon them as, in my humble judgment, they deserved. This may be a
proper occasion for fuliii'i‘ing that duty (Great applause.) But my purpose has been so long
deferred, that it has been anticipated. - Other commentators have arisen, more effective and au-
ithoritative than I, andthey have given their comments upon the conduct of the last session of
"Congress, with an emphasis which must have penetrated the dullest perception. (Laughter and
maoplattse.) . I '

Gentlemen, the political events that have occurred in the country since the termination. of the
session, have impressedime with very profound feelings. The results of the elections, especi-
ally in the central States on the Atlantic, while they have awakened new hopes and new pros-
:pects, have been, ncvertheless,ot‘ a nature to excite emotions far too deep, to be (expressed in

«any evanescent glow of party feeling. It appears to me quite plain, that no such revolution of it

,_._public opinion as we have now witnessed, has happened in this country, before, for nearly fifty
jjyears. I may confine my remarks, in this respect, to those two great States, Pennsylvania and

I ew York. (./ipplause.) ‘When has such a change of public sentintcnt been rnanitbsted, be-

-fore, in the State of Petmsjrlvanla, since the greatcontroversy of ’99 and 1800? At that period,

a very sn~un.__=; political dispute was carried on in this city, as well as elsewhere tlirou,g:l‘iout the

State, of which controversy, the election between Governor McKean and Mr. Ross, wasone

apart and one element. The former was elected, and certain highly important political results.

followed. Since that time, no such an entire revolution of popular sentiment in regard to ques-
tions connected with the Greneral Grovernment, as that witnessed within the last year, has taken
place. I may say the same, in substance, I believe, of New York. Since the time of the great
controversy in that State, about the same period, I know of no chaiige of sentiment in New
York, of such magnitude, and which has taken every body so much by surprise. At the same
time, it is quite manifest that these cliaiiges have not been produced by ctibrt. _ The country has

I been calm, the ‘public mind serene. p'I‘herc have been no mass meetings, no ezsztraordinary efforts

«of thepress, no great’ attempts of any kind to influence mews opinions. It seems to me that
the most remarkable, circumstance, qualifying the whole occurrence, is the spontaneous, self»
lmoved, conscientious conviction and feeling of the people, producin,<,2; this great result. (Great
..~applausc.,) .

Now, gentlemen, the question is, what is thisrevolution? What is its character? For whom, ‘

.and against whoxn? For what, and against what?

Gentlenien, I intendto perform theduty before me, this evening, without clenunxziation, ‘with-
out vituperation :‘I intend to avoid, as far as possible, all "reflections upon men, and all unjust
reflections upon parties. But it does appear to me as clear as the light of noon day, that the
revolution which has now taken place in the country, in public sentiment, is a revolution against
the measures and the principles of this now existing adrninistration. (.ii’nthusia.stic applause,
which continued for several minutes.) It is against the manner in which this war with Mexico
hasbeen brought on. (Loud mes of “you”-r rigItt!°’ I“ youflr right !” amlgreat applausc.)i It is
a.g'aIIl_St,tl1e,T.A.RIFF of 1846. (Deoflning applause.) It is against that absurdityoi‘ all absurdb
tie_s—--the sun-rnnasunr BILL. (Room of laughte7'.), ltis against the duplicate vsross. ( Great
.oppltm.9e.) I y p p ‘ , V _ , .

Gentlemen, the present administration is not regarded as the just representative, or the regular
'~‘Su<>C8SSOr bfitany.adn1inistration. ' (Laughter and cheers.) in its principles and in its measures,
it certainly does not resemble the administration of General Iacicsoiip or of Mr. Van Buren--—-

and God knows i..‘ittresembles no other one. (Roars of icughter.) Now we mttfit be j1l«Stt—¥W&

6

‘must be just to those who, in time past, have differcdi from us. - We must, in some measm-he,
forget the tliingsi which are behind. I take this to be the truth, that this administration has
adopted a. system of its own, and measures of its own, and assumed ft clmractez: of its own, dis»

met and seperzite from what was the cliomcter of preceding administrations. I take it to be for.

that reason, that hundreds and thousands of our fellow-citizens in this,State end in other States, .

who were supporters of Gen. .Tocltson’s admiitxistration, and Mr. Van Buren’s administration,
repudiate this adrninisti-action. (Lowcl cheers.) I tl1inl«:, tl1ercf'ore, that this adininistretion stands"
alonew-~I will not say, incite glory, but certainly in its measures and its policy. I think it is cerw
tain, that tl1e_sol3er-mi.2'zcled and intelligent portion of the comnmmity who have, heretofore, sus-~
tainedl what has been called the Democratic party, have found that this administration of Mr...
Polk either adopts new measures, not before‘ known to the party, or has carried the sentiments
of the party, hitherto received and expressed, to such extremes, that it is impossible for honest
andjust men to follow it ; and that, the1'ef'ore, they have come out, laying aside the nsttireili rc-
luctance which men feel in ac.ti:ig iigeinst the party of their f'rienids-——-they have come out, never-
‘timeless, and in order to ntsenifest their disapprobotion of the principles and ineo.su1'es of this ed-
ministration, they have tlocltecl to the "polls by thousands, e.nd«g~iven plumper-s to Wliig cemliw
doses". Ulpplecse.) *lNovv,ei-e they right in this?’ A1’-e itheylrightliri sL1pposi.ng that this stlmin--
istmtioo has adopted new“ doctrines, or carried old doctrines to extremes? Gentlemen, it is
peffeetly cvitlenttol me" t.liti'ti‘they~i~si'e'i- ri.g;ht~;i-&ehe.t.. lion, _pqiie§t.ions of vital interest to theselcentrei

States, and to all the SlZ€1l’.(-3S,'l'.l*lC pninciples and measures of t‘li”i3'“preseo't~iedm_i;iistmtion are

‘V

 

departures from the principles and measures of General Joelcson.

I will, with your permission and patience, gentlemen, illustrate this sentiment by one or two
instances, begiimiiig with that of the protective policy of the country. (Loud applause.)

It seems to me almost tooilig-‘nt a question to ask whether, in this respect, Yoiingg lilicltory is
like Old ‘Hickory. But it is e-greet questionto he put to the people of the United ‘States, and
‘which has been put, mid which they have answered, whether the principles of the present ad»
ministration, in regard to the protective policy of the country, are or are not, entire departures
from the ‘principles of I-lihdretv Jacltson. i I say, they are. (Loud apple-u.se.)' « l i V I “

Gentlemen, I have not been an advocate ofthe policy of General .Te.eksori. We all know
that he was c. then’ of decided and strong character. For one, I believe that in gcneral,hissi
wishes were all for the he.ppin:ess and glory of the country. (./ipplause.) He tliouglit, perhaps,
that to estehlisli that happiness anldlpe1'f'ect that glory, it was iincumhent on him to exert a little
more power, than I believed the Constitution gavel him. l(Lczu-ghter and Ch£28‘l'S.) But I never’

_ doubted that he meant well ; and that while he sottglit to estohlisli his own glory and renownt.

he intended to connect’ them with the glory and renown of‘ the whole co'u,ntry.‘ i

Gentlemen, after the passage of what is called, or has been called, the'Compromisc Act of ‘S3’,
no great agitation arose on the Tariff subject until the expiratioii, or near the eszpiretion, of the
period prescribed by tlietset. ‘Within that time, Mr. ‘Van Borerfis sdministrstiuon began, wentf

M.
,,.,l, ,,

through and terminated. The circumstances of the country, therefore,e.:h,d, the 

   
 

serited to i.l‘1€:iC(3l1Sl(lerfl.ll.(i)Il of‘ the Presidentand 'Coinig*relss,idiidli1ioticéxll‘on Mr; Vani‘.'B11t‘¢fi,”€lu~' .

v-ring his Presidencyfio express an opinion in any particular, or formal manner, respecting the
policy of‘ the countzy. i A » ' l l ” ' l ' i i i

, But, Iwillziow compare the opinions and.iprinci._ples of the present Presidentlofivthe United

Stotes,as eXpresse.d. by him poflicislly, with the principles and opinions of Gcneretl Iaickson, due

‘ ring hisP1'esidcricy, as expressed by himself‘, officially. I begin, gentlemen, by reading to you

what-Mr. Foil: says upon this subject of protection, at the last session of Co1'i,e~i*ess, in his mics-
s.*1x_,,*e.,lhci:n,z;-liisl iii-st €t.lIl'll1ftl niesse.gc—enc1hex-e‘i.t‘is. It will require sortie ‘attention from you,

gentlemen.  hopeiyoii will not tliinl: 1I'3E:ip.t‘G.53u!T1lJ“.tg too mimh upon your pmicizce. I (Chico off‘

*4‘ .N3o, no .’ ‘go, aw

i

w .
I

Hear, then, what Mr. Polk says in his lnieseege of‘ iest December, on the opening of Com
rgress: ' l ' ' l l l l

“The object of imposing duties on imports, shoulrl. be _to raise revenue to pay the neceeeery‘
.eXpensesiof' Government. Citing:-est: may, undouhteoly, In the e_\:erc:ee of-e. sound dtscrctlon,
discriminate in arranging the rates of duty on different articles; but the dlscrunznatlons should,
he Ewithin the revenue standard, and be made ‘With (1. View to rexse money for .the support of
@iOV_61‘l1m81’1t. , A , l ~

l “°If' Congress levy a duty for revenue, of one per cent. on at given article, it will produce a.

given emounttlol" money to the Treasury, and will incidentally and nzacesserilly, afford protection ‘

or edvoliltage to the amount of one per cent. to the home 1'nt_1.l1utitoturer of’ a. similar orlike article
over the importer. If’ the duty he raised to_tenper_cent.,1tw1ll prociueee §I,‘1‘€‘c}.te231,‘ amount ofi
money, and afl"orcl greater protection. If_ It be rtus_ed_ to twenty, yttyenty-five or thirty per,
cent, end if, as it 1-3 raised, the revenue derived from it IS found to be increased, the protection
and advantage will also be increased; but if it he ruisetl to thirty—~one per cent, and it is found

that the revenue produced at that rate,  less then at the 1'ut.e of tl'1irt},', ll‘. oeoeee to be revenue

duty. The precieetpoint in the ascending scale of‘ duties, at which it ie a&:oc1'tu.ined from expo»,

rience, that the revenue is ,9;re‘eteet, ie the xnuztiznum-:r rate of‘ duty wlmlr can be lt"tl.(l. for the bone
jide purpose of collecting nfoney for the support of the Government.” , V ,

Now, gentlemen, there are those who find dil-liculty in ul't(l01't."~.»‘t11m"li11,g', emctly, wltet Mr. Polk
means by the “ Reveziiue E4t:.tnda.rd." Pe1'liepe, thi:-2 is:not‘enti1-oily pl2u'n.' Butt moelthing is clear,
whatever else he nmy 01' nmry not nieen, he means to be egztillet ell protection. He mee.:ns that
the sole und eztzclueiw object to he 1't:gzll1rded by the le,gieletox', in l1”flpt")Sl1‘1,'_?; duties on imports, is

l “  to obtain money l"or the revenue." Tlzut is to be the eingile and entire 0h_ject.l He says, truly,

that if e. duty he laid on on imported urticle, on incidental benefit may ttucrtte to the producer of

Ce lute ox-tic-la, ntlmnle. Hut, then, this is incidental; it is altogether edlvexutititiuem-e11 eccidcnt,

fl collateral oriconeequentiul reeult. It is not a matter to he tulten into the View of, the low-
nnalzere. It ieto form no part of their purpose, in t'rurnin.g* or peestiztg the low‘. Tltut purpose
is: to be confined eltogotlier, to the inquiry e.f'ter that “ rne:x:lrnt1m rate ofduty, which can he laid
for tlze«bonojI.de purpose of colleet;iz1g money for the eu,opt:>rt of‘ the G-ove1'm'nent.”

T‘l1ie is his doctrine, no plain ee words can noulte it. It is»; to lay such duties oe may he rnoet
loeneficiel to revenue, end nothing but revenue; unl’l if, in raising £1. revenue duty, it elntll lmppeu
that domestic inenufucturee are protected, why t.lmt’e all very well. But the protection of do-
mestic manufactures, is not to be any ohject of <:t:2nee1‘x'), nor to furnish any rnotive, to those who
ctnake the’ low. I tliinlc I lmve not miexepreeezttetlh/11°. Polk. I think l1lSI1’1eftI}ll1g'lS eufliciently
plain,.anti is lprecieelytee I. etute it. Indeed! have given tyog hie own words. He would not,
liirueelf, deny the nteerxlng of lrie wortle, us ,1 have etetcd. He is for lztying taxes for revenue,
end for revenue alone; just ate it‘ there was no it-on rrmtuulhoturere, or other inenulhctutrcre, in the
United States. This is the doctrine of Mr. Polk. l

Now, was this General Jackson ’e doctrixteii ‘Wee it ever hie dmtrinc? Let us see. I reed i

you an extract from GI-enerttl .Te.ckeon‘e,firet meeeztge. He sum:

“ The.genere.1 iirulle to he applied in gredltzeti_z1,g:yt the tluttieeumorz ztrtieles of fiureign growth or
manufacture, 1e,.thet,wlf11cl1 Will place our own In‘ flux competition, with those of other couxitrieeg
end the inducements to advance even er etep beyond this point, are cozatrollirig, inregerd to those
articles which are of’pr1nmry necessity in time of won.” t l i t ‘ i “ ‘

What is this doctrine? Does it not shy, in so many words that, H1 i mpoeing; dutiee upon articlee

lofforeignl1'ne.nufo.cturee, it ie the business of the framers of‘ the luwlto ley such duties, and to
lay them in such it way, as ehall giver our-own producers at fair competition" tigetittetitlte foreign

, _ .pro_d,uc;er.: Lzflpplause.) « And does not Grenerol Jeckeou go further, and eeym--(endtyou, Penn-
l e»,eyl«t'enians,t.f1-ozn here to Pittsbttrg, and all you workers  iron emd owners ofi'ironllm'inee,lma.y

dihneider'it)»-»doee he not go f'ur*ther" end faey. that, in regortl to articles‘ of primary importzmoe,

win tiimewof wor,.wee.re under controlling reaeoneifor going e. etep fo.rther,'ztnd ptzttingl down f‘o-r-

l-eigni,icoillpqetitiol11,. ‘_ (gfippIa’us.#:..) Now, I elubmit. to you, gentlemen,‘ 3i.neteadfof_‘ ‘putting; dowin t‘or-y
Veign eompeduign,, is not thelTe.rifi'l of 1845, calculated to put-down ourlown‘ competition. (tmlgrw

2 But It with-eed lg,-ex1tlemeo,’ on extmct {mm Greuerelitlechwne eeeond me, which,

8

in my opinion, advances the true doctrine--the true American constitutional rule and principle,
fully, clearly, admirably. A _m , . i
“ The power to impose duties on imports, originally belonged to the several States ; the right‘.

to ad'ust those duties with the view to the enema‘ «rement 0 domestic Zmtnches o indztstrt , is so comm-
? 2 do J .

plete y identical with that power, that it is difficult to suppose the existence of" the one without;
the other.

_'i _“ The_St_ates have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General G'0V€1'Iln’l€?ni:i
without imitation or 1‘6Si2l'.lClil01’J,; saving the very ineonsiderable reservation, relating to their in»
spection laws. , This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise»
it for the purpose of" protection, does not exist in them, and consequently, if it be not possessed‘
by the Greneral G‘rovernment, it inust be extinct. Our political system would thus present the-
anornaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry, and to contract the most’.
selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. _

“This, surely, cannot be the case; this indispensable power thus surrendered by the States,
must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Coiigress.

‘p “ In this conclusion I am confirmed, as well by the ' opinions of Presidents ‘Washington, .Te_f'--
ferson, Madison and Monroe, who have, each, repeatedly recoinrnended the exercise of this;
right, underthe“ Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence:
of the States, and the general understanding of the people.” ‘

It appears to me, gentlemen, that these extracts from General .Tackson’s messages read very
differeiitly from the extracts from President Pollc’s message, at the opening of the last session of
.COI'1gI‘BSS,‘.Vl1JlGi1 I have quoted. C I think that his notion of a revenue standard--if President
Polk means any thingtby it, beyond this, that it is the sole business of this Government to obw
tain as much money as it needs, and to obtain it inthe best .ujay_p,it can; if he-means to say that
there is any other object belonging to the revenue standard, which””ils,"l“‘yet“incid-en,t;3.‘l,__u~Q;i;:h4-ntfjér
or may not happen, all is visionary,vague, ideal 5 and when touched by the principles announced
by Greneral Jaclvzson, explode like gun-cotton. (t/ilpplausc.) You perceive, gentlemen, that in
this Message to Congress, General Jackson addressed himself directly to the object. He says,
in raising revenues, consider that your duty is so to arrange duties on imports, as to give to the
manufacturer of the country a fair competition, and, in certain articles, to suppress foreign coin-
. ctition. There is an ob'ect u. ur ose a motive in rotection and for protection and it is not.
P J 3 P P 1  p p , 7 '
eft to the cabalistic word, “ incidental.” . hp , i

I have said that I believe, that the people of this country see the diiffercnce between the prim-~
ciples of General Jackson and the principles of this administration, on the great subjeht of pro-

tection, and I hovel endeavored toprcsent that difierenee, plainly, and in the very words of ‘cache ‘

I think they see the diflicrence, also, uponother important subjects. l

N ow ithappened in the course of General Jackson’s administratiomin very excited times,.
that he negatived the Maysville Road Bill, one Harbor Bill, and many other bills; butilithinlr.
that the people of’ western New York, of Pennsylvania, of Michigan, even of Indiana and Illinois, ,,
and all the West and Southwest, think they see, in the exercise of‘ the rare power, by the pre»
sent President, in regard to the Harbor‘ Bill, of the late session, an opposition to works of this-it
kind, stronger, broader, and carried to a far greater e.\*tent than General Jackson ever sanctiori-w

ed. More of this presently ; but in the next place, tl1e‘war—---the war claims our ttttentioiie-at 
, accustomed to mix so fares I am‘ able, and as my cireurnstanccs will“ allow, with menliof all

classes and conditions in life»; men of various political opinions; and your avocations and corn»
come in life, will have led you to do the same ; and I now ask you, if you ever found a sensible.
and reasonable man, who ever said to you, that he believed, that if General Jaclcson -orMr. Van.

_Buren had been at the head of the Government, we ‘should have had this rhtfexican war}-

(Cheera) I have -found none such. ”Why, we all know, gentliemempthat the Preside‘nti—I have-
nottoj settle questions of greater or less worth, or the peculiar claims between gentlemen of ‘a.
party to which I do not l)I3l()l’lg".'*i3l1tlW'6 all know the fact, that Mr. Polk came intooflice against»
Mr. VaavBur,en._ That he came in- on the Texas interest, and for a Texas purpose; Md We an
know that Texas and Texas purposes, have led on to this war, a (.dpplzmse'.) Therefore I say,
 know no mansoif intelligence and sound judgm-ent,“ who‘believes~rthat?if r the Baltimore Convene

i 9

-tion had nominated, and theipeople elected, Mr. Van Buren to the Presidency, we should now

-have on hand a Mexican, war.

Thetpurpose of‘ these remarks has? been to show you, gentlemen, what I consider to have
‘been the causes of the great change which has taken place in public opinion, itself‘; and it is
vain for any body to say, that any local causes here, or local causes there, have brought about
this result. That anti-rentism in New York and some other ism in Pennsylvania, have produced
such important consequences, it is folly to say; there is nothing at all in it. (Laughton) The
‘test is this: Do you say that questions of State policy, or State elections only have influenced
"this result? If you sayso, then look at the elections for members of Congress. Members of
‘Congress have nothing to do with these State questions; and the truth is, that elections of mem-
bers of Congi-ess, in this State and in New York, have been carried by larger maj orities than any
other elections. (Cheers) These elections have been governed mainly by questions of national
policy. There were counties in l.\lew‘Y_ork, in which anti—re,ntism had notliinp; to do. There
were others in which anti-rent influence was as much on one side" as the other. But take the
test, even in regard to them. I find it stated, and I believe correctly, that Mr. Fish, the Wliig
«candidate for Lieutenant Governor, a most respectable and honorable 1nan~—-but certainly not a
supporter of those who call themselves in favor of anti-rent doctrine-—»-I find it stated, that he
-«obtained more votes for the otiice of Lieutenant G'OV(:3'I'l'lOI‘, than Mr.‘Wri.ght1'eceived as the
Democratic candidate for Governor. That flattering auction, thercthre, gentlemen cannot lay
to tlieinselvcs. There is, therefore, no getting; over the result of the popular election, nor getting
"beyond it, or getting around it, orbchind it ; nor doing any thing with it, but acknowledging it
to be the expression of public opinion, against the measures of the present Administration.

. I proceed to make some reniarksiiupon the occurrences of the session, connected with the
"previous course of the Administration, since Mr. Polk assumed the cfiice of President.

The question respecting the territory of Oregon is a settled question, and all are glad that it is
«so. I amid not about to disturb it, nor do I wish to revive discussions connected with it; but in
two or three particulars, it is worth while to make some remarks upon it. ,

By the Treaty of Wasliington, of‘ 1842, all questions subsisting between the United States
~andi_Engl,an”d, were settled and adjusted, with the exception of the Oregon controversy. (Tre-
cnendous cheers.) I must beg pardon, gentlemen, for the allusion. I did not mean by any a11u—
‘sion, of that sort, to give occasion for any ‘exp:-essiori of public feeling in connexion with my
«own services. (Renewed applmLse.)» The Oregon question remained; and it is worthy of re-
.-mark, that its importance, and the intensity with which it waspressed upon the people of the
United States, grew greater, when every other subject of dispute had ceased. I

Ido not rnention it as‘ a matter of‘ reproach, at all»--for I hold every man, especially every
when in public life, to-have an undoubted ‘right to the expression of his own opinion, and to
discharged his own duty according to the dictates of his own conscience; but I hope it may not
‘be out of place to say that, upon his accession to the Presidential oliice, it pleased the President
of the United States to entrust the duties of the State Department, which has charge of our
"foreign relations, and pendingthis Oregon controversy, to the hands of a distinguished gentle-
“man, who was one of the few, who opposed-—»and he did oppose with great zeal and all his
'ability—-the whole settlement M1843. I ~ in I i

The Baltimore Convention assembled in May, .1844. I One of’ its prominent proceedings, was
the sentirnent which it expressed respecting our title to Ore,g-on. It passed a resolution in these
"memorable words: »   ' I

“.Resoleéd,,, That our title to the whole of the Territory of Oregon, is clearand unquestion-—
zalole ; tl1atAIlO‘{[.9€tI't of the same ought to be ceded to England, or any other_Power.”

Mr. Polk, in his Inaugural Address, makes the same declaration, in the very same words,
with marks of quotation, as if in acknowledgment of the autliorityyy-cf, the,Convention., Mr.
tlBuchanan, by direction of the President, repeats the declaration in his letter to Mr. "Packers-»

l0 V

item, of the 30th ofduguet, 1845 ; end the President,-- in his Meseege to Congress, lost Decemlner,

' having made some apology for entering into a. riegotiutioii, on the basis of former offere of till.-El<

»~G'0Ve1‘11IX'l€3lli.,,7ll"1fO'Z'1}TlS3 them, that our title to the Whole of Oiogron lied been asserted and innin-
tuined, as was believed, by ii-refra,g'ebl.e facts and ai'grz1nc:r2te. And through all the debates, in
the two Houses, on all oe.ceeions, down to the day of the Treaty, our i'i.ght to the whole Terri»
tory was pronounced, “ clear and unquestion,o.ble,"’ if q y

In and out of Congress, the universe.l_e_ol1o was that, .“ our title to tlie/wltolc of Oregon, woe
clear and u:':quostioneble..”i (Room of laughter.) Tl'i.e B-alytirnore Resolutions, in sentiment and
in Words, ran tlirougli ell documented, all epeeclies, and all newspapers. If you knew what the
Baltimore Convention had said, you knew what all tliose who were ettuclied to the party lirul
said, would say, iniglit lit,-we mid, or could, would, or should say, (Long-ltter2='.) y

Iremernber, gentlemen, that when I was at school, lf felt lexeeedilngrl.‘y obliged to Horner’e
messengers for the exact literal fidelity Wltil wl~..icl.1 they delivered tl.1ei1' ineeeoges. O

The seven or eight lines of good Homeric G-reek, in wliicli they had received the connnande
of A.gta.n1einnon_or Aelrillee, they recited to whornsoever the iireeeege was to be eturied; and
no they repented. them verbatim, it eoved oxne. the trouble of learning‘ so much rnore Greek.
(Lattg'hter.) i O . l ' i l

Any body‘ who attended the Baltimore Convention, and heard this Resolution would, in like
menner, be f'urni1ie1' with wliut was to come, and p1'e"pe.rod,toy lieer again of “ our clear and un»
questionable title.”  i y. y A y 

Nevertheless, gentlemen, the cleerness of the title was at good deal qvueetiloiileldwby u dietin--
guished gentleman from Missouri, (Mr. Bnnrom) and the end was, I think, at just and eatiefnem
tory settlement of the question by ldivieion of the Territory; forty-nine carrying it ogniost fifty»-
four-forty. (Loud chem-3.) Now, gentlemen, the remarkable cliaracteristic of the settlement of
this Oregon~queetinn, by treaty, is this. In the general operation of Grovernrnont, treaties are
negotie.tedi_fby the -President and ratified by the Senate ; but here is the reverse-~—-liere is a treaty
negotiated by the Senate, and only agreed to by the President. ,(La'ugJzter.) In August, 1845,.
all effort of the Adniinietretion to settle the Oregon question, by negotiotion,lioclco1nr. to an
end ; and I am not aware that, from that deyto the absolute signature of the treaty, the Adrni--
nistrntion, or its o,,g-onto at home, or its agents abroad-, did the least thing upon earth to advance-
tlie negotiation towrrrcle settlement in any shape, one single step; and if it had stood where they
left it, it would have remained unsettled at this moment. But it was settled. ‘Theidisoueeionsr
in Congress, the discussions on the other side of the water, the general eeneeioftlie conncnunity,
all protested egainet the iniquity of two of the greatest nations of modern ti1nee,iruehing into.-

wnr and shedding Cliristiun blood, in eueli a controversy. '- All enforced the conviction that it.

was a question to be settled by an equitable and fair consideration-—-»and it was settled. (Loud.
applause.) And that being settled’, there is only one other topic connected with tl1isysub_ject,.
upon which I will detain you with any remarks. I would not do this, if I  notytliink the

boner of the country somewhatconeerniedi, and if It didvnot, desiretto express  own dissatis-~

motion with the course of the Adminietretion.i lWhet I referitd ieithe repented refusal, on the
port of the Adiniiiietmtioii, to submit this question to honorable, fair arbitration. After the.-
United States Government had withdrawn all its offers, and the case stood open, the B1-ltislr
Minister, at VVesl1in.gto11, by order of his Government, ofibred arbitration. ,

On the 27th December, 1845, Mr. Packenhern Wrote to Mr. Buclianun, as follows, viz:

“ An attentive eonsid.eration of the present state of affairs, with reference to the Oregon quee-
tion, hoe determined the B1-itisli Gloverxunent to instruct the undersigned, her Britannia l\{Ie,}es--

" ty’.e Envoy, &.c., rigain to re resent, in pressing terms, tothe (3r‘overnment of the United States,

the expediency‘ of referring 1; e whole question of an equitable division of that”Territory, to the
arbitration of some lfrienclly Sotvereign or State. W ‘ ,  ,
.“ Her Me,iesty"sllGovernn:ont deeply 1'eg;1'et the failure of all their efforts to effect e friendly
settlement of the oonflictiiiglicleims, by direct negotietionibetween the two Governments; ‘ ‘ 
'“ They lareostill persuaded that great advanmges would .l1EW6 resulted to both parties, ifrorn:

.,ll

such a irnotle of settlement, haul it been practitmlile; but there are cliiflicult.i-cs, now, in the way,‘
in that co“ursc of‘ proceeding, which it niiglit be teclious to remove, while the importance of on
earlv settlement seems to become, at each rnomcnt, l1"l01'G 1n'gent.‘

“Under these t(3i1‘C'L1‘ll'l53l.,al”1(‘.-3:29, her lVIujcsty’s G-cvernrncnt tlnnlt that a resort toarbitration, is
the most prudent and, pet-lions, the only feasible step tvliicli coultl be tokens, and the best calcu-
letecl to alloy the existing cllizarvescence of popular leel.iri.g,” &.c., etc.

To this, Mr. Bucluinan replied on the 311 .Tsu‘u1a.ry, 1.846, thut.——

“ This proposition assumes the fact, that the title of Great l3rito,i.n to :1 portion of the Terri-~

torv, is valid, and thus l.aliqS for granted the vety question in rlispute; Under this proposition,
tliehzery terms of the subniission, woultl contain an express acltnmvletttgfmerzt, ofitlie rtglit of
Great Britaili to it portion of the "I‘crr1_tory‘, and would neces:t«.:u'il3f preclutlc the llnitecl States
from cle'i1nin,g; the whole, before the arb1tro.tu)n, and this too in the face of the }..)l‘€Sl,(lCl1l.7S asset»-
tion of the 30th of August, 1845, made in the most. solemn manner, of the title of the United
States to the "Wll10l€-3 ‘Territory. This, alone, (Mr. l3ucl1mian 1-emtu'l;:s,) would be deemed suil-
oient reason for decl.inin,€_: the proposition.”

To remove this clifficulty, Mr. Pocltenluun, on the 16th of Ji’il'lllE1l"y‘, 1.846, CLt‘l(ll‘(3SE3€2Ll Mr. l?-u-

eluuzutng to inquire “wlietlier, supposing. the Britisli Govcxrnrnent to ente1~t.oi:'i no O»l.)jeCl-lOI1 to V

such :1 course, it would suit the views of the Unitetl States G‘()Vf3l‘I"lm0l1l3 to rotor to m~l;>.itrntion,
not, (as luis olreocly been propose«.l.) the quost.ion of an equitable *,fim'tition of the Tcrrito1"y; but
the question ct‘ title in either of‘ the two powers to the whole 'I‘orritory; s11bje<:t, of course, to
the conclition, that if neither should be found, in the opinionoi‘ the €1l’l.‘)liI‘:2tl;()1','l'.(.‘) possess a com-«
plate title to the whole Tc:rx~.i-Lory, tlzore Sll.(;)\§llL1, in tluit case, be oiisigzzecl to each tluit potrticm,
which would, in the opinion of the ti1*biti'oting powe1*,be‘oullcd for bynljust::ipp1*cciution of the
zrespective cluims of eocli.” -- , t A i V l i
Mr. Pticlteiiluixii p1'0posetl o. rcl.'crence to some friendly Sovereign or State, or “ to at niixed.

_ commission with on umpire zippointcd by common consent; or, to o liioord conoposedlof the

most d.isti11guisl1ec1 civilians unzl jurists, of‘ the time, appointed in such s. manner as shall luring
all pending questions to the clccisions of the most e1filigl'1toncrl., irnpertiul end inclepontlent inincls.”

This proposition, olso, Nit‘. Bucluinon, in at note of the 4th of Felorumry, declines; and for
thus 1_'cfus.ingit, he says one 1‘€3£1t”:l(')l1‘Wt.\$ clone conclusive on the mind of the Presirlent, sml that
was, “tliot he does not believe the tel-ritorio.l rights of this notion to be olpnroper subject of or»
lJit.rution.” l

Now, sir, how is this? Wlizrit sort of new {lC)C.tl'l.Xlt3l£§l’1(31"0 advanced? Why, sir, I take it, that
every question of bounclory is 13. question of territorymz-—o.11cl I take it. froin the origin of our Gov»
lernrnent,fi'o1*n Cl-onerol "VVesl'ii11gto::i’s time, under all suocessivc zulininistrmiions down to the pro»
sent time, we have been in the lml,,>.it. rif1'cfe1'1'i1'1,g quostionstof bc>unclory to zu~bitro.tion. The East-—
«em questions, in General Wiisliiri,s,j;t.on’s time, were rcferrocl to arbitration. Each Grovermnent
:.ippo:intcc1 two Cornmissionex-s; those 1'ou1- ogreccll upon oi fifth; or if they could not agree, he was
selected by lot, mod the (3‘ro"voi'ninent romninetl l:ioun¢.l by it from that clay to this. Thisireferonce
of disputed boundaries to SlO1’!‘1t€3fC)l‘lY1 of orbiltrctlion, has received the sanction of Wosliixigton,
.Jcll‘erson, Madison, Jackson ond Von Bitten, oncl lms always been sanctioned by the Senate and
‘Hcuseof Rep1'esentot.ive‘s, and people. Now comes l?resi(1ent1"’olk and says that, no question

of territory ought to be rel'er1'cd to any z:u'b;itro.tion*, wluitevor, however constituted. Well, wlui.1;

does this lead to? I~Iowz:u*e disputes between dil'ferent Governments to be settled? Yes--tl1ere"s
the i.nfi1-rnity, of lmnion 1l€1.Vll."l1'(Et. Two Governments, like two men, do not see their respective
riglxts, in the Salllfillgllt. Is there no way toodjiist this dispute, but to draw the sword? W110
does not see that this doctrine‘ leads (li.1‘ectlty to maintain the riglits of the stlrongest?l ( Cliawms.)
Why,i let us suppose it question, of boundary between Russia end Sweden. There’s a dispute
oboiut e bioundury, or about national territory, which is the some thin". Tlie parties cannot

:.ug,rree——His Majesty the Eniperor of all the Russios, holds his riglit to the disputed territory to

be clear and uiiquestionnblet Sweden doubts it—-she argues the question-——she puts forth her

town claim. But the ylihnneror is en inflexible filfty~four-forty men, and-still insists that his right

;ii.3 clear and uxiquestionableh Sweden inn proposes erbitretiori, either to some friem.l1yvSovereign,

12

or to a Board of intelligent, independent, and distinguished private individuals. ‘She offers to

‘bring the matter, for decision, before the most enlightened minds of the times. But His Majesty

is of opinion, that a question of territory is not to be made the subject of arbitration-—-and what

~ then remains to the weaker power, but submission ‘or hopeless war? 2 .

Do not all perceive, that sentiments like these, lead only to establish the power of the strong-
lest? That they withdraw public questions, between nations, from all the jurisdiction of ‘J ustice,.
and all the authority of right; from the control of enlightened opinion, and the general judgment
of mankind, andleave them entirely to the decision of the longest sword”. I do not think thisa.
correspondence has raised the character of the United States, in the estimate of the civilized.
world. This spirit doesnot partake of the general spirit of the age. Itis at war with that spirit,

. as much as it is at war with all our own history, from 1789 to the present day, The sense of"

modern times, the law of humanity, the honor of civilized States, and the authority of religion—---
all require, that controversies of this sort, which cannot be adjusted by the parties, themselves,

» should be referred to the decision of some intelligent and impartial tribunal. And now, that

none can doubt our ability and power to defend and maintain our own rights, I VVlSl1.l2l1t3.i;,tl1BI'6‘»
should be as little doubt of our justiceand moderation. I I it I I 7

The remaining topic, and it is one of vast interest, connected with our foreign relations, is the

present war with Mexico. As that is an existing war- «and as what we all say, in or out of Con»
gress, will of course be heard or read, if thought worthy, of being read, in Mexico, as well as in
the United States, I wish, for one, to speak with caution and care, as well as -with candor, in
every thing respecting it. Nevertheless there are some opinions connected with'iiAtli‘eWliiJsto1'y of
this case, which I sincerely entertain and which I must avow. Now, gentlemen, allow me to go»
back and bring up in short the history of the whole case. " Texas achieved her independence of"
Mexico unexpectedly, by bravery and good fortune, displayed and obtained in a single battle-
Texas threw oil‘ the dominion of Mexico, and for many years maintained a government of her-
own. That government was acknowledgedby the Government of this country, and by the
Governments of Europe. Mexico, nevertheless, did not acknowledge the independence of Texas.
At the sameyitirneyyyshe made no effort to re—subjugate, or re-annex the Territory to herself. In
this condition things remained for many years. I I

Herel am reminded of a very strange state of diplomatic things which existed in Washington-
not long ago, growing outof these successive revolutions which have taken place in the world
during the last thirty or forty years. There was at .Vvt1Sl1l.I1g‘t0I'.l, a representative of Texas, but
Texas was not acknowledged by Mex.ico.. There was a representative of Mexico, but Mexico»-
was not recognised by Old Spain. There was a minister from Old Spain, but the present Dy--l
nasty of Spain was not recognised by Russia; and there was a minister of ‘Russia--—-all recognised‘,
by the Government of the United States. ,

N owl am not about to go into athistory of the annexation of Texas. I do not wish to revert;

to that. I have to say, however, that according to my view of the case, she objie;ctions which.

ywereurged, and properly;,urged against. the annexation had‘.=nor greet; relaitidiniito any.“

I claim, of lMeXico. , They were, yfirst, That the annexiatilonirof, Texas,,  nota} t'air;exercise of‘

constitutional power. I thought so--—others thought so—-Qbut a majority in the counsels of the
country overruled the objection. Second, That we had already territory enough, and that there
wassome degree of danger in. extending our territory further than it was already extended; but
in the third place-~«-a1'1d this was insurmountable in my judgment-~—-that the annexation of Texas
was toibring under the control of our Government, and make part of this Union, acountry which
was then; freefrom Slavery, but which when annexed would become subject to slave population;
and slave. representation. (C‘heers.) That objection was insurmountable in my mind, andwould:
he so at all times, under all circumstances,  in all like cases. (.£Ippltmse.)

In the fourth place, it was evident, and so was urged, and urged in.Congress.again.and again;
that the annexation of ,'I‘e.r.as might lead to a war with Mexico. These are the four grounds».

13

upon which the ‘annexation of Texas was opposed by those who did oppose it. ,‘_,,1\Tow, gentle

men, there is not a man in the country who thinks less respectfully than I do of the Mexican

i Government.

Unhappy, unfortunate, miserable, Mexico, has nothing, and has had nothing that deserved to

«be called a government. When she broke off the yoke of Spain, and proclaimed herself disposed

to follow the example of the United States, and uttered the name of Washington with respect-~~
professed to cherish free principles, a representative government, trial by jury, security of per-
sonal property-«why, we all hailed her, and wished her well. , But unfortunately the result has
been, that she has had no true representative government----has had no government under the in-
fluence of representative principles. All her Presidents from time to time have been men created
throtrgh the pronunciamentos of the rnilitary—--a fortunate general of to—day, supersedes him who
was fortunate yesterday, and is unfbrtunate to-day. One military man seizes the government,
and obtainswhat he can from thepeople, and uses it in maintaining an army---another man tc_-
morrow, malszesi another seizure of public or private propert‘y,l and supersedes his predecessor.

all-llearitirneithelpeople are the victims. “Quicquid delirant reges, plectunter’Achivi.” T It has

been one of the most irregular and bad governments in my judgment that has ever existed upon
the face of the earth. But the annexation was completed. The western boundary was a matter
about which disputes e:~:isted or must arise. There wastes between us and Mexico, as there had
between Texas and Mexico, no ascertained and acknowledged western boundary.

‘This was the state of things after the annexation of Texas, and whenthe President began

‘military movements in that direction. N ow, gentlemen, that I may misrepresent nobody, and

say nothing which has not been clearly proved by oflicial evidence, I will proceed to state to you

three propositions, which, in my opinion, are fairly rnaintainable by the correspondence of‘ the v

Government in its various branches and departments, as ofiicially communicated to Congress.

1st. That the President directed the occupation of a territory by force of arms,tto which the
United States had no ascertainerl title; a territory which, if claimed by the United States, was
also claimed by l\/lexico, and was at the time in her actual occupation and possession.

‘ The 'I'e:~;a:n Convention was to assemble July 4th, 1845, to pass tl'1eannexatio1i. Before this
date, to wit, on the 28th of May, General Taylor was ordered to move towards '1"e'a:as; and on
the 15th of June, he was instructed by a letter from Mr. Bancroft to enter Texas, and concentrate
his forces on its “western boundary,” and to select and occupy a position “ on or near the Rio
Grande,” to protect what, in the event of mt'ne:cctti(nt, will be our western border.”

That the United States had no ascertained title to the territory, appears from Mr. Marcy’s let?-
ter to General Taylor of July 30th, 1.845. General Taylor is there informed that what he is to

" “ occupy, defend, and protect,” is “ the territory of‘ Texas, to the extent that it has been occupied
by the people ofiTemas.l” T It appears in the despatch last quoted, that this territory had been occu-

piedby Mexico. t i ,, - ,

Mr. Marcy goes on to stay: “ The Rio Grande is claimed to be the boundary between the two
countries, and up to this boundary, you are to extend your protection, only excepting any posts on
the eastern side thereto‘ which are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settle-
ments over which the Republicof Texas did not exercise jurisdiction at the period of annexation,

or shortlybefore that event.” .

i This makes it perfectly clear,that the United States had no ascertained title (and no apparent

it title) to this territory; for it admits that Texas onlylrnade a claim to it, Mexico having an ad-
ivefseypclaimand having also actual possession. T r a

2nd.‘ That as early as I uly 1845, the President knew  well as others acquainted with the

‘subject, thtatythisi territory was in the actual possession of Mexico; that it contained Mexican

settlements, older, which Texas had not exercised jurisdiction, up to the time of annexation.
‘On the 8th of J uly, the Secretary of War wrote to General Taylor, that “This Department is

Id

info:-med that Mexico has some Military Estcblishanents on the east‘ side of the Rio G'rre.n=de,]

which are and for some time have been in the actual occupancy of her troops.” V ;

On the 30th of July, the Secretary wrote as already mentioned, directing General Taylor to
except from his protection “any posts on the eastern side thereof,’? (of the Rio Grands) which
are in the actual occupancy of Mexican forces, or Mexican settlements over which the Republic
ofTeXes did not exercise jurisdictionat the period of annexation, or shortly before that event.

Itinanifestly appears to have been the intention of the President, from the 28th of May, down
to the consummation of his purpose to take possession of this territory by force of‘ arms, how»
ever unwilling Mexico lfllglltwbe to yield it, or whatever rnigntturn out on examination to be her
right to retain it. y . c

He intended to extinguisli the Mexican title by force 3 otherwise his acts and instructions are
inexplicable. T A y A T

The Grover-nrnent set up and afiirmed from the first that the Rio Grande was the Western
boundary of Texas as appears from the letters to General Taylor of the 28th of May and 15th
June, 1845. T , T V , y T

On the 15th of June, General Taylorfwes instructed to tulre such at position “ on or near the
Rio Grande” as “will be best to repel invasion,and protect wlutt in the event of annexation
willybe-our "Weste1*n,boundery.” In accordance herewith, there are, also, the instructions of
.Tuly1,_,3Otl1, to which Ihave already referred.‘

On the 6th of August, the Secretary wrote to General Taylor, “although a state of uacrutitltl

Mexico, or an invasion of Texas by her forceslmay not take place, it is, nevertlieless, deemed
proper and necessary, that your force should be fully equal to meet with certainty of success,
any crisis which may arise in Texas, and which would require you by force of arms to carry out
the instructiovts of the Gorern7ncnt.” He is then, in the same letter, authorized to 1:irocure volun-
teers for Texas,” «Sac. , l by t t ., , ‘ T i T * V

 On tl'1e,_23d of Augttst, the Seoretary.instructed ,C4enera_l Taylor thus: “Should Mexico as-
semble a large body of troops-on the Rio Grande, and cross it with a considerable force, such a

movement must be regarded as an invasion of the United States, and the comxnencernent of hos-

tilities.” He is then iynstructed how to assemble a large f'orce,” &c., doc. _
On the 30th of August he was instructed, in case any Mexican force crossed the Rio Grande,

~“ to drive all Mexican troops beyond it ;” that any attempt, by the Mersicans, to cross the river

dessert thorn.” ,

with a considerable force, would be regarded as an invasion ; and that on such an event, name-
_1y—“in case of war, either declared or ntadetnieiiifestl by hostile acts,f’,l1e , was T not to confine
his action within the territory of Texas. i . ‘ d _ , V _ . y _i . ,

On the 16th of October, theSecretary wrote that, “ The inforwnation wlriclt we have here, ran»
ders it probable that no serious attempts will, at present, be made by Jlfexica to invade Texas. ” But , is
instructed to hold"the country between the N ueces and the Rio Grande.

“ Previous instructions will have put you in possession _of' the views of the Government of
the United States, not only as to the extent of its terrltorial claims, but of itsydeterininntionyyyto

He is in,structed ytoput his troopsinto Winter quarters, fico1'dingly,.es near the Rio, Grande
as circumstances will permit. Up to this time and to the llth of ‘March, 1846, General Taylor
wasyat Corpus ,Christi, The open and decided step tvesjtakent on the ,.13th ofeutmrfy; on that
day the Secretary at War directed General Taylor to m-‘arch. to the Rio. Grancle, and to tekeup
a. position opposite Matamoras. , In so doing he is instructed, in case Mexico should deyclare‘
?VVaI','w0I;; assume any open ect._of,11,ostility,,not,to act merely onthe def'ensive. A, y 

Throughout, the correspondence, it is plain that the intention was to erttinguislt the 
title to this territory by armed occupation, 5, and the in,structiQns are explicit, to _t1‘B¢3«t, ,,‘3'3~f{31‘Y 
sertion oftitle  movement on thetrart ofMexic,o; as an actor hetilitra and tolnrr,e¢se,£1nlsc°srd—
ingly andresist it. ‘ l ’

, appreheneiori of hostilities by her.

l5

V To e~h'ow how General Taylor 't.ll"l(it31'Si0t')(i the instructions of hie Government, it may be oh-
eerved that on the 53d of March, thirty miles from l\'loto.xnoroe, at £1 etrearn called the Arroyo
lColorntlo, he was met by at pen-ty of Mexieoim, whoee eormn::tnding o'I'Iiee1*int'orn1ecl him tlint if
he crossed the Si'1't‘:€tt1’l it would be deemed it declau-otion of war, and put into his llttlld a copy of
Gen:erel‘.Me_jios" proele.1notion to tl1o.teti'eet.

Genera.lTaylor put his forces in order of bottle, crossed the .'":‘.i.1‘€3£tl.”X1 end pushed on——the Mex-
icans retreatin 0‘. _ .

He arrived on the Rio G-rnnd.e, opposite l\d::ttz.:ucno1'oe, on the §39tl'1 of Mmceli.

’Let me now oslt. your attention to on extrnet of (1. letter from Mr. BuCi1€tl’l‘&'n. to Mr. Slidell, of
.'ie.nne1'y 520tl'i, 1845. In this letter, Mi‘. Bi.:tel'.io.ncm saw:

“ In the mean time the Pl.‘t3.‘":‘»lt'lt’:l‘lt, in n11ti.eiipntio1ti oil‘ the liinol. I‘0il'lSttl of the llvflefxicittii Govern-
ment to receive you, line orclered the army of "l‘t3.-xxoe to ti.rivz-trire ontl take }:io:tit..ion on the loft
httiilc of the lE~l..io C5i'1't’It11tlt:”: ; znid line tliireetml. Lt}l::l’t" n et.ror2g lleot .~.~:.liol.l he imn1etl_io.t.e'ly tttI~1.‘S3Dll‘llL)l(*:tl. in
the Gttlf ot'Mexieo. He will time he prepttreL‘l to not with vigor and pl‘(;)1ll].)tittILlt‘3, the nicnnent
that Congreee eholl g.iV(f>l1l111 the ettt.hority.”, t ~

Now, if by this advance of‘ trocipss, poueeseion would he talcen on the extreme line claimed by
us, what_f7m't/wr vigorous m;lion did the l':’re.~:;i(lent, C‘.Xp(;‘.(:t Cong;t'ees to o.uthorizo? Did he expect
Congress to I1'ittl9Z(3 £1 gB1lt31't'tl(lCt:l£t1't?’tli()nOf war? Coii,g1'eee Wt‘t:‘~J then in session. Wliy not
eonsnlt it? 'Why take it step, not inode neeeesnry by tiny tpreeeitig (long-ei', and which iniglit
ntiturolly lead to wttr, without rec] ttii*i1i,gg- the authority of C(3I’lgl'C.‘.li:'» in tIttl\’ttll(Jt3? ‘With C0t1§,'1‘GSSl
in the power of peace and war; t.<:>,ontieipttte its decision, lzsytlthe ttc1option_ot' ineo.euree leecling
to wax‘, is 110iLl'1.lIlgl€i.%Stl‘1t§tl”t on Exeentivte interference with L€3,g'l$:l&.ttiVG power. Ntitliing but
the necessity of e,elf~def'enee, could justify the eeiidixig of troops: into it territory, tilttillleti and
occupied by rt Power, with which, at that time, no war eztietetl. And there won, I think, no
wee of such necessity of sell"-defence. V

Mr. Slidell replied to Mr. Bneliztnan on the l7th of February, eo.yino:: “ the ndvo.nee of‘G-en-
erttl 'I‘oylor’e force, to the loft hunk of the Rio Ci-mode, and ‘the :':‘{tl‘(3tl.g‘i’.l1Cl‘llllg our eqtiadi.-zriri in
the Gulf, are wine mez'teureo, which may eXe1'c.iee e e:1.lotnry intluenee upon the course of‘ this
Grovernment.” -

The army was thus ordered. to the e::;t1'eine limits of our claim; to our utrnoet boundary, he
asserted by onreielveeg end here it woe to he 1:n*epa1'ed to o.etftn'tl1e1', end to net with pron'1ptitude
and vigor.

N ow, it is at very eiignifieotit inquiry--~dicl the Px'eeiclent niezm by this, to bring on, or to run
the rielr. of l'n'ingin,g- on, o. ,g;ener;tl war? Did he expect to he ttutl1t")1'lZt‘:d by Congress to prone-
eute a general w:.tr of invasion mid ttoqttieition? I repeat the queetion,wl1y not take the opinion
of Congieee, it then l:>ei.n,«,; in seeeion, l.:>et“ore tiny wor—like 11’l0V'€:1’~i'lOIli. was rrnide? it

Mr. '81iel'1zytno1i’e letter is of the 20tl'i of ommry. The instructions to morc.h to the Rio
Grande had been given on the 13th. Congress was in eeeeion,o.l1 this time, in the City of
Washington ; and why should, t‘.'tl’1(lWl'ly did, the Executive take an irnporttoit step, notneeeeeory
for self-defence, and lending to ixmnedinte wer,witliout the authority of Congress? "This is at
grove question, and well cleeervee an answer.

Allow me to repeat, for it is matter of history, that before and. at the time when these troops
were ordered to the left bank of the EtioVGh'e11de, there was no danger ofinvosion by Mexico, or

, his is perfectly evident front Cv‘rene:rol Taylor’e letters to the Government, through the pro»
eeding snminer, and down to the time the orders were given.

Iinow refer to theee letters:

On the 15th of August, General Taylor writes: “In regard to the force at other points on the
Rio Grand"e,,e_:teept the militia, of the country, I have no i11fo1'1nittion; nor do I hear tlmt the
reported coiicehtrtttion yet l\/Ietmnoroe is for any purpoeeof iinyvaeion.‘-” A ,

,On,Atl1e.‘20'th of ‘August, he says: “C1ere*vene, of traders arrive, tocyeesionally, from the Rio
Grande, but bring no news of ixiipoitanee. They represent that there are no regular troops on

16

that river, except at Matamoras, and do not seem to be aware of any pi°eparations for a 'deinon—-
stration on this bank of the river.” ' j

On the 6th of September, he writes thus: “I have the honor to report that a confidential
agent, despatched some days since to Matainoras, has returned, and reports that no extraordi-
nary preparations are going forward there; that the garrison does not seem to‘ have been in:-
creased, and that our consul is of opinion there will be no declaration of war.” it

On the 11th of October, he says :-- '

“Recent arrivals f1'0_11’1 the Rio Grande bring no news or inforrnation of a ditfereiit aspectfrom
that which I reported in my last. The views expressed in previous corninunications relative to
the pacific disposition of the border people on both sides of’ the river are continually confirmed.”

This was the last despatch, I presume, received by the War Department, before giving the

to order of January 13th, for the march of the army.

A month after the order of march had been iven, all General Ta lor’s. revious accounts
E Y P

were -confirmed by him. .
On the 16th of February, he thus writes to the Adjutant General at Wasliingtoii :-—-

“ Many reports will doubtless reach. the dc oartirient, giving exaggei*ated accounts of Mexican
preparations to resist our advance,if not in deed to atteinpt an invasion of Texas. Such re-
portsliave been circulated even at this place, and owe their origin to personal interests connected.
with the stay of the army here. I trust that the will receive no attention at the War Departe-
rnent. From the best inforinatioii I am able to o tain, and which I deem as authentic as any, I
do not believe thatour advance to the banks of the Rio Grande will be resisted. The army,
however, will go fully prepared for a state of hostilities, sliouldthey unfortunately be provoked
by the Mexicans.” . I . I -I I  it I

Thisfoflicial correspondence provesfl think, that there was no danger of invasion, or of hos...

tilities of any kind from Mexico, at the time of the march of the army.

And it must be plain to every body, that the ordering the army to the Rio Grrande was a step, '

naturally, if not necessarily, tending to provoke hostilities, and to bring on war. I shall use no
inflammatory or exciting language, but it seems to acne that this whole proceeding is against the
spirit of the Constitution, the just limitations of Departments, an act pregnant with serious con--
sequences, and of dangerous precedent to the public liberties.

‘No power but Congress can declare war; but what is the value of this Constitutional provi-
sion, if the President of his own authority may make such military rnoveinents, as must bring
on war’ I
I If the war power he in Congress, then every thing tending directly or naturally, to bring on
war, should be referred to the discretion of Congress, should it not? I Was this order of march
given, in the idle hope of coercing Mexico to treat? If so, idle it was, as the event proved.

But it was something worse than a mistake, or a responsible blunder; it was, as it seems to

me, an ezsrtension of Executive authority, of a very dangerous character. I see no necessity

for it, and no apology for it; sinceCongress was in session at the same moment, at the other

end of‘ the Pennsylvania Avenue, and might have been consulted.
I It will be contended, probably, that the conduct of the President was all sanctioned by Con-—
gress, by the actof May 11th. It has a~Prearnble, of wliichmucli has beensaid. ” I have only
to remark that a Preamble, or other declaration of 3. Legislative body, cannot ‘create a fact, or
alterafact; it I IW I I .

I reniernber to have heard Chief Justice Marshall ask counsel, who was insisting upon the

authority of an act of Lcgislation,Iif he thought an act of Legislation could create, or destroy,
I a fact, or change thetruth of history. Would italter the fact, said he, if a Legislature should

the ll-aw, but no power can reverse a fact. i I .
I hardly suppose Congress, by the acts of‘ the 11th’ of May, meant more than to enabileltlie
President to defend the country, to the extent of thelirnit claimed byfhirn. -

solemnly enact, that Mr. Hume never wrote the history of England? A Legislature may alter

If those who concurred in that act niieant thereby to encourage the President to invade Mex» I

I

17

ice, and to carry on with the whole force committed to his charge, a war of acquisition to es-
tablish provinces-——to appoint governors--to call elections——to annex new worlds ‘ to the United
States---~if' that was their intention they never said it, and I for one- do not believe it was their
intention. (Loud cheers.) But I repeat, gentlemen, I repeat that Mexico is highly unjustifiable
in having refused to receive a Minister from the ‘United States. My remarks on this subject
have been drawn forth by no sympathy with Mexico. I have no desire, God knows, to show
my country in the wrong. But these rernarks originate, purely, in a desire to maintain the
powers of government as they are established by the Constitution between the different depart-
ments, and a hope that whether we have conquests or no conquests-—-war or no war—peace or
no peace—we shall yet preserve, in its integrity and strength, the Constitution of the United
States. ffllremendous applause.)

Gentlemen, nevertheless, war is upon us. Armies are in the field, navies are upon the sea.
We believe that the Government ougltt immediately, in any honorable and satisthctory manner,
to bri1ig,tl1at_,tvrrr to a conclusion, if possible. We believe that every reasonable effort should

be made to put an end to this war. I Butlwltile the war lasts--while soldiers aretuponethe land, .

and seamen on the sea, upholding the flag of the country, you feel, and I feel, and every Amer-
ican feels, that they must be succored and sustained. (Thunders of applause.) They bear the
commission of their Clovernmcnt. They areiunder its order and control. Their duty is obo-
dience to superior command. , They are engaged on a foreign service. They have done honor
to the country to which tl’1reyibelong,, and raised the character of its military prowess.

I am behind no man in ascribing praise and honor to Glen. Taylor and all his forces; (great op-
plauser) andl one behind no man, and perhaps forward of most men, in the respect and admiration:
which I feel for the good conduct of the volunteers who have entered the field. (Great applause.)
We know no period in our history-———there is nothing in our annals—--which shows superior galleri-
try on the part of raw recruits, taken suddenly from the pursuits of civil life and put into military
service. Wheretcan we look for such steadiness, coolness, bravery and modesty, as in these
volunteers. (Great applause.) The most distinguished incident in the history of our country——-—
/of the good conduct of rnilitia—~of new raised levies from amongst ‘the people, is perhaps that of
the battle of Bunlter Hill. The gentleman who sits by me, though not of years to bear arms,
was of years to be present, and to look on and see others engaged inthat conflict. He did all

he could, be poured his fervent youthful wishes into the general cause. (Great applause.) I

might go further, and say that at Bunker Hill, the newly raised levies and recruits sheltered
themselves behind some temporary defences, but at Monterey, the volunteers assailed a fortified
city‘. (Cheer-s.) At any rate, gcantllexnen, whatever we may think of the origin of the occasion
which called them there, it is frratifying to see what we can do through the agency of military
power whenever the exigencies of the country may require it. We do sl1otv,,thatwithout the
expense or.tl1etdanger of large standing armies,lthere is military spirit enough, intelligence
enough, perseverance, and ‘patience and submission to discipline, enough, antongst the young
men of‘ the country, to uphold our stars and stripes, whenever the Government may order them.
to be unfurled. ( Great applause.) .

I will now leave all topics connected with the foreign relations of the country, and pass to a
consideration of some of the subjects connected with measures bearing‘ upon our internal and
domestic interests. Of these, there is one of just and great public importance; and another,
connected with which, hundreds and thousands of individuals have beentmade--,~shal1.I say" it;

I the victims of the exercise of the veto power. I speak of the Harbor Bill, and of the Bill mak-

inglndemxiity for French Depredations on our commerce before 1800..

There is, gentlemen, a clear veto power in the Constitution of the United States. There is an

express provision, that the President of the'United States may withhold his approbation," ifrphei

see fit, from a law of Congress ; and unless, after reasons stated byhim for so withholding  .

l8

approbation, it shall he passed by two-thirds of both Houses, it fails oi’-legal "validity, and be-+»
comes a dead letter. i . .‘ . i ‘ .
iThis, in connnon discourse, We call the veto power» Something like it czristed in ancient
Rome. i But the framers of our Constitution, borrowed it from England, and then qualified it,
By the Constitution oi'Engl_and, it th«eoreticallly exists absolutely in the nionarch, and without
qualification; The framers of our Constitution in placing itiin the hands of the President, quali-
fied it, so that if uponreconsideration of the same measure, two-thirds of both Houses concur-
red in it, the Bill should become a law, the President’s negative iiotwitltstondirlg. i t

' ' In England, the power of the Crown to riegetive acts of Pariiarnent, has not been ertercised

since the 1~eig'.11 of 'W'illian1 111., nearly two hundred years; and it has been generally said, that
the reason is, that since that period, such has been the course of the "British goverxitnent in its
administration, that the influence of the Crown, in one or both Houses of Parliament, connect-
ed with the power which the Crown possesses of d.issolvi2ug Parliament, has been lsuliicietit to
prevent the pttssage of bills with which the Crown was not satisfied, without recourse to the
exercise of the obnoxious veto power. l\.’iodern commentators say that influence, in this respect,
has taken the place of prerogative. The Kiiig uses his influence, but never actually negatives“
bills pr-esentedlto him. As I have said, our Constitution places the power in tliehands of the
Executive in a qualified manner. It is good, unless two-thirds of‘ the I~Iouses ‘concur in the
rneasure. Well, pratlierp asirigular result has happened from this. ‘

I ‘will not irnpute to Congress at any time, or to its members under any administration, any
liability to corrupt influence; certainly not. But I suppose all will admit that frequently, and
especially in party times, party connections, perhaps some little hope of office, some desire to‘
benefit frieutle out ofCong'1'ess, may soften opposition to pm-ticu.lar measures, in particular mews
minds, and may produce somcthirtg, wliiclzt if we would talk straight out, We might call “ undue
influence.” (Lcmgittem) It has happened, and if we are curious in such re.~;'earches, to fix the
.chronology of occurrences, we might find instances not very remote, in which persons still.‘
melmbeis of Congress, but whohad failed in their re-election, or were pretty sure offailir11g,harrei
concurred incertain measures; and then,not being longer called on to ‘serve their country in
the hallsof Congress,‘ and particularly unwillling that the country should -lose their Whole ser-«
vices, have ucoindescendedii to take oflice under the Executive. (Roars ofilattgiitei‘ amlcheeirs.)
'I'l1e'ref‘orc the result in the practical administration of our governmentseems to be this: Some-
degree of‘ influencernay be exerted suflicient to bring one—third to concur with the sentiments of
the administration; and tllen’ the President, by his veto, overwhelnis theiother ltiwfo~tl1irds';i so?
that if the ‘purpose be to defeat a measure passed by majorities of hotli Houses of Congress if
influence will come in, and do one~third of the work; Veto is ready to do ‘tltelriest. (Laughed
and cheers.) t l ' '  i t

The first victim of the veto power, at the last session, was connectedwith what is called,
though not very correctly, Internal Improvements. It was the Harbor Bill. l

I confess to a feeling” of a great interest in that bill. tSeeing,nothi.ng in it, ‘as I thought, but
suchlthings as General .Tackson’s tadministratiionilhadi approved,  Vent ’Buieni’s adrninis-l-3
ti-ation”l1£td approved over and over again, I ‘had no more apprehension that the President of the
United States would veto that hill, than that he would vote an ordinary bill for the support of
the army or naivyr I was as ‘muehtsurprisediwihen it was announced that, probably, he iéwouldl
rsendus thereto, as if it hadbeen stated to me that he would veto a hill necessary to carry < on

«- Government. But the veto did come. “Now, gentlemen, that bill made an’ i appropiriationi of’

oiii"e"r:oili_ion three hundred: thousand dollars, for certain harbor improvements, on the ocean,
ti1telgulf,i’iihc.[_l,akes, andthe greatandimportant navigable rivers br the country. A work of
peace, of irrfpreiveincnt, of national pro”gress.l Sometliing to carry us forward, in convenience

P‘

lg

tmd prosperity, end in the rtor_uiisi.tion of wealth. Sonietltirig to melee permanent ‘fixtures in the
"lend, that should do us ggootl, and till our posterity forever. ; 7  . t i

This was its object. The o.pp1~op1-int,ion was srnell. The particular objects were somewhat
numerous. The amount was no burden, at all, ttppn the .‘Treosury. In connection with its
objects, not worth consitlerincr. Ahd‘ yet here comes the veto! ‘Well, now, what is to he done?
We cannot shut our eyes to what is around us. Here we are. This vast country—-with the
Ocean on the east, and the C-lull‘ on the South, and thelgreet Leltes on the north‘ end the west,
end these great rivhrs penetrating‘ it tl11'ougl1 hundreds and thousands of miles, "vvhet are We to do?
Is it not, of all countries in the world, that, for which neture has done ntiglity things, turd ‘yet
cells most loudly for men to do his part? (Laird cheers.) r

Providence lies given us at country .‘.t1p£El.l}l0 ofirnprcivement. It is not perf'ected ; we are called
to do sonietliing for ourselves, to wake up, in this day of inriprovement, end do the deeds thet
helong to improvement, to ‘facilitate internal intercourse, to furnish harbors for the protection of
lyifeyyztnd property, tozcleer up therivers, to do every thing‘, all, and singular, which at lznqggge and
libeml policy will stirnnlete an intelligent people witl1el:n.tndonee of nreens,,to do, in edvenroew
ment of the notional prosperity. (Great applmuse.) ‘We live in on age, gentlemen, when we are
not to shut our eyes to the great C-}{t11'nplt3tE4 set us, all over the eastern Continent. ll. mean the
European Continent. Iclo not spool; of Er1glttnd,tvl1e1'o pr'ivo.te enterprise and wealth hove gone
so for olieucl. But loolt to Russia, to Prussia, to Se:-tony, to i32ZtT‘tl.ll‘ll,i‘t, every where we see at
spirit of iinprovoment, nctive, stiinulntecl, end p,e1*seve1*incr. "We behold mountains penetrated
lby railroads, sufe l‘lt'll.‘l'.‘)0.l'S constrt1eted,‘eve1~y thing done by Government l for the people, which
in the netui-e of the ease, the people cannot do for themselves. (Loud lcheers.) e

Let us contemplate, for at moment, the Mississippi. This noble and ef.t:tre.ordino.ry stream,
with seven or eight millions of people onits banks, and on the waters felling; into it, absolutely
cells forl1erbors,for clearing out rivers, for the removal of snags and other ohstoclres to safe ntwi-
getion. Wire is to do this? “Will any one of‘ the Stateside it? Co11o.llof the States do it?
Is it the o;‘ppropriate duty of any State or any number of Stmee P---No, no-—-we know itiis not.
We know that unless this G~ove1'n1tient he placed in the hands of men who feel that it is their
oonstittttioriol uutliority and duty to xnolte these improvements, they never will he rnnde; and
the waters of the Mississippi will roll over Sttdgs, and wage, and snags, for o century to come.
(Greet clteering.) V i l, ' t ‘ l ,

These ixnprovements must come from the Cvlovernment of the United Snttes, or in the .no.ture
of tll1i.ng;s, they cannot come at nll ; and I soy that every stoomhout that is lost by one of these
evtags-——~every life tliot is so.crif1eed., goes to make up EL gt-eat oecount tlg’£l.llltEll’/tl’ll$ Ciovermnerit.
(./Slpplcmse.) Wlty, whet at world is there! VVhnt rivers end ‘what eitiee on their l)t'LIllt'.Sl---
Cincinnati, New lOrleuns, St. Louis, Louisville, Not.c,l1oz«, and others that spring up vihile we are
talking of tliexn,-,orl,,ilndeed, before We bpegpiripto spool: of them ;, commercial rnatrts, great places
for the ‘e,:m1t‘ang¢ ot‘ eommodities along) these rivers, which more so many, inlencl sees, esrit
were! And whet! the General G-overrirnent no euthority over tliem—-éno power of improve-
tnent? Wliy, that will he tliouglit the most incredible thing, hereafter, that cverwos heard of.
It will not be believed, that itever lied entered into the head of any Ad_rninist1-etiori, that these
were not objects deserving the core and otte1*ition5 of the Gotfernment. Ithinlgtherefore, that
the Harbor Bill, 11(tg£ttlV*6d hythe 1%-esident, raises a vital question. This question vvesput in
rCongress, it lies been putysinoc, it was put  the lpolrls, Iput it, now, to belthe question,
whether, these internal improvements of the writers of l.l10,l£tlt'.eS and rivers, shell be made
orshall not be mode; and those who say they ehell» not he made, orehrighti to adhere to Mr.
Polk} and those who say they ehell be rrnolcle,-midi must he made, endthat they will hove tlrern
made, why then they l'1£1VG the work in their town hnnds, (ep)2lauee,) endrif they be eppxnejority
of the people, will do it. (Renewed applause.) l l l l l ‘l V l l V l l " l

M

I do not know tliet we, of the east end north, have any especial, interest in this ; hutl tell

20

you what we of the east think, that we have ariespecial interest in. I have thought so, at least,

«ever since I have been in Congress, and I believe all my associates from Massachusetts have
also thought so. We think we have an interest,and an especial interest, in manifesting a spirit
of liberality in regard to all expenses. for improvements of those parts of the country, watered

«by the Mississippi and t.1ie lakes, (.HppZause.) We‘ think it belongs, both to our interest and

our reputation, to sustainiinproveinents on the Westeijii waters. .

. Now, gentlemen, what was the Harbor Bill of the last Session? What was that bill, which
both Houses passed, and the President vetoed? Here it is. 1 And although this bill had three
readings in Congress, and one more when it came back, vetoed : I would ask for it a fifth read-
ing, now. (La.ughter.) Mr. Hone, of New York, here read the bill, as follows:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives cg’ the United States of ttlmerico in Congress
assembled, That a sum of money be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any
unappropriated money in the Treasury, sufiicient for the following purposes, viz:

1836. J."*-——-For the continuation of the Breakwater structure at Burlington, on lake Cliamplain,
$15,000. _
1836. .T.———Fo$:~ tltigggiitinuatioii of the Breakwater structure, at Plattsburg, on lake Champlain,
1836. J.——For tlie repairs and working or the Steam Dredge, on lake Champlain, $9,000..
~ 1 For the improvement of the Harbor at Port Ontario, on lake Ontario, $40,000..
1831. .T.——-For the improvement of the Harbor at Oswego, on lake Ontario, $10,000.
1830. J .-—-For the iinprovement of Big Sodus Ba , on lake Ontario, $5,000.
 ~ 1 For the improvement of Little Sodus ay, on lake Ontario, $355,000.
1830. .T.4-—Fo£~  improvement of‘ the Harbor at the mouth of Grenesee river, on lake Ontario,
E‘ 1 ,1 , 00. ‘ 0

1836. .1.--For the improvement of the Oak Orchard Harbor, State of New York, $7,000.

Forgthe construction of a Dredge Boat, for lake Ontario and river St. Lawrence,

is 0 000. 1
1831. .T.—-—-For relpairing and improving the Harbor at Buffalo, on lake Erie, and the continua»
, ‘ tion of the Sea "Well for the rotection of the same, $50,000.

1830. J .—-For improving the Harbor at unkirk, on lake Erie, $15,000.

For improving the Harbor at Erie, on lake Erie, $40,‘00O.
1830. J.----For improving Grand I-?.iver Harbor, on lake Erie, $100,000.
1832. J .---For improving Ashtabula Harbor, on lake Erie, 10,000. 1

' n, 1830. J .—For improving the Harbor at Cleveland, on lake rie, $520,000.
1830. J.-——-For improving the Harbor at Huron, on lake Erie, $5,000.

For improving the..Harbor at Saiidusky city, on lake Erie, $11,000.

I 1836. J.---For improving the River Raisin I-Iairbor, on lake Erie, $13,000.

1836. J.——’-For constructing a Dredge Boat to be used on lake Erie, $20,000.
1831. J.-—For the improvement of the St. Clair Flats, so called, so as to prevent their ob--
.  the passage of vessels from Buffalo, to the ports on lake Michigan,
, .
1830. .T.——For iiiiproving the Grand River Harbor, on lake Michigan, so as to give protection
v- to vessels sailing on said lake, $10,000.   
’ ~ For irnproving the Harbor at the mouth  Kalamazoo river, on lake Michigan, so
1 as to give protection to vessels sailing  said lake, $10,000..
1836. -.T.—---For improving the Harbor at St. Joseph, on lake Micliigan, $10,000.
1831. J.-For improving the Harbor at Michigaii city, on lake Michigan, 40,000. 1
. For the iiiiprovemeiit of Little Fort Harbor,oii lake Michigan, 12,000., ,.
For improving the Harbor at Racine, on lake Micliig, , _ $15    ‘*1? . . *7
. . For improving the Harbor at Southgport, an lakerMiti,h?  0103,00. . 1
1836. J.«--—t—For improving the Harbor at Mi]waukie,orilake Michigan; 20,000.
1836. J .-—-For improving the Harbor at Chiba 0, on lake Michigan, $51 ,000.
‘ For constructing a Dredge Boat, to e used on lake Michigan, $15,000.
183 . J.-—-For improving the Harbor at St. Louis, $75,000.

 

. 1836. J .—-—For constructing a Breakwater structure, at Stainf'ord.Ledfge, Maine, $20,000.

1832. J.——-For improving theI-Iarboriof Boston, $40,000.

1836.-1 J.—.—.-For continuiiag the Works at Bridgeport, Connecticut, 15,000. it

 . gFor removing the obstruction

I

, n , Islaiid,$5,000.” ”

 p y p  at the Creek in the arbor of Providence, Rhode
1830. ‘NJ’;-+9-For improving the Harbor at New Castle ‘Delaware, $15,000. 0

-.1830. .J.-+~Is‘eriii1proving the Harbor at Port Penn, Delaware, $5,000

.1830. J.-—-For completing the Delaware Breakwater, $75,000. , . 1
g V For removing iobstructions in Newark Bay, New Jersey, $15,000.

_".fi.... ,

*1. stands for Jackson.

21

_ 1836. J.—-—For improving the"Ha'rbor at Baltimore city, $20,000.

For the improvement of the Harbor at Havre de Grace, Maryland, $20,000.
1832. J .—-—For the improvement of Savannah Harbor and the N aval Anchorage, near Fort.
Pulaski, $50,000. V
1832. J .---«For the improvement of the Great Wood I-Iole Harbor, Massachusetts, $1,450.
1836. .T.--o-For the continuing the improvements of the Navigation of the Hudson river, above:
and below Albany, in the State of New York, $75,000.
1837. J .--—For the improvement of the Ohio river, above therFalls at Louisville, $80,000.

. 1830. J.--For the improvement of the Ohio river, below the Falls at Louisville, and of’ the

Mississippi, Missouri, and Arkansas rivers, $240,000.
1832. J.—-For removing the Raft of Red river, and for theimprovement of said river, $80,000
For repairs and preservation of Harbor 'Worlts heretofore constructed‘ on the Atlan
tic coast, $20,000. , ‘

Such, gentlemen, (continued Mr. Wnnsrsa,) is an enumeration of the appropriations

"lot" this bill., running along the shores of the sea and the lakes down the Gulf and the

rivers“; forty-nine objects in all. I notice but one important omission. Ithinlr. there ought:

“tttrhttve beensa very liberal appropriation for the better navigation of Salt River! (Roars of

' laughter, in which the ladies in the gallery Fred-rtily joined.) Now, this is the bill that the President.

negativcd, and I will shortly state to you his reasons, as I collect them from his Messages, and:
make such remarks on those reasons, as I may, whilstl go along. The President assumes that
these harbors are internal improvements, and because there is no power vestedin Congress, by
the Constitution, under that specific head, he denies the existence of such a power, altogetl1er...

- The course of the Government has been just the other way. The people have not only ac-~
quiesccd in these improvements, but clamored for them, and they are now, very likely, to claw
mor again. He continues: ’ t ‘ T .

[Mr. W. here read that portion of the veto messag;e, in which the President assigns as a rea-«
son for the veto, that several of his predecessors had denied the constitutionality of Congress to.
make internal improvements] . _

I know not where, said Mr. WEBSTER. If he intends to say, that some of his predecessors
denied the general power of making all kinds of internal improvements,  that be what he
means, why, nobody contends that such a general power as that is in the Constitution. But
then the question is, does this belong many such power? These works are not internal im-
pirovements, in that general sense; they are harbor improvements, connected with commerce-,,
and the question is whether, as such, they are not provided for in the Constitution?

The President says that some of the objects provided for by the bill are local, and lie within-
the limits of ahiiigle State. <'Well I dare say theydo. It would be somewhat remarkable if a
harbor were found lying in two orthree States; (Lwughm-.) It would be rather a large harbor
that would embrace parts of even Connecticut and Rhode Island; two of the smallest of the
States. The question is inotivvhethe” 0? esite be local, or whether the expenditure be local, but
whether the purpose be general,‘a‘national purpose, and object. (./ijiplattse.) at y 0 . ‘

, As well might it be said that expenditure upon the Capitol was localand not provided for, as
to say that expenditure upon a harbor or breakwater, which is necessary forthe general pur-
poses of the commerce of the country, is a local expenditure made within a State, and therefore
not constitutional.‘ The President proceeds to say thatthe power exercised by Congress was
novel. rt  j 0    r

[Here several sentences were lostin consequence of interruption byiindividuals in the viciniv-
ty of the Reporters] ” 0 ' y it y W * l r A ”

The President »dravrs adistinction between improvementsitfor‘ the tbertefit of foreign com-—

 

imerce, and those for the benefit of internal trade, anmd that these objects are for the benefit of in-
‘ternal trade only. Ipwonder (said Mr. W unseen) Where h,e;finds,any authority to found a dis-- ,
0 tinctionon that fact, even if it existed, which is ihardlythekcase,  thinl1:,vin any one instance. t 

t The President says that many of these 0 rappi¢;§riatieas.‘were.., made for the first time, for these:

i

‘22
jmxrtictwlar objects. 'W'cll, if appropriations had been made for them loel'ore, and they lied been
adequate, there would he no occneioxi for nmliing new ones ; ‘out the question is, are not tltoee
new objects in principle, like those, for which appropi-iations lmve been on-ido, very many times.
I think they are. (Mrtelt lougittcr.) Now let us not he carried away by a vague notion that
the Constitution of the United Statcsilms no power to 1'Y1€tlie’l1ltCZ:‘11£-3.1 l.2'l'!p1.‘LC)V.’t‘3I!’lf3lllLEl, and thoro-
fore does not eutliorize o:~;.penditui'es on a. liorbor. "We are Sp‘-eahiiig of things not by any geni-

eral name not b 7 classificatiozi or classes we are 53 . ezxltinsr of tlll!10'S lo r h1~ase.~t: tlescri’ tive of 
2 .9 P .: 2» 3 l3

the things tlienieolves. We call it lm,i'ho1', €Ll13.}f‘l)O1‘. If the President of the United Sta1tes~sn3.rs
that ion. nmtteryof internal l1"l1p1'OVe11161'lt, why then, ‘I say that the name czmnot alter the thing,
the th.ingis:1l1crl3or. And does not every one of these l1.E11‘l.‘)O1‘S touch Loavigahle waters? is
not every one of them on the shore of the sea, hay, gulf, or nzwigoble river? and are not the
na,vig-able "\V'c';LlC1‘S of the ocean, and gtilf, and boys and rivers‘, are they not o.1lf'o1'coimnercinl
purposes out of the _jurisdiction of the Stzdes, and. in the jm-tisscliot:io11 of the United Sto.tes?'

How can it he said that tliese are within the pnrt..icu1or_juri:-zidicttion of the Skates? VV'hc.1-over
the xnoncry is no expo.ndo.d, it  cxpoisncletl within tl'1eju1'iodictioi'1 of the United States, and for
purposes: conceded to it by the Const.itutlon; tlint is to se.y,;tl1c rogtilzttion and protection of
ittonimerce. i _ t l t ‘

Brit let us now go to tile oi'igin of this power. Let us; atigpcal from the opinions, of the Presi-
dent of ?the'United States to the written te:s:‘t of the Constitution ; and let us see what tliat is.
The power of the Ci“0V€1'l"l11”1e1lt of the United States in this re.~:spect, is czxpzrossed in the Consti-

‘Vtntion in El. very few words. It says, that “C'cmg7°es:s shall have ])02lJt‘35” to 7~eg»ulatc commezrce witlt
,fm~eign notions, and among the scvcrczl States, and with the Indian tribes I ” .

The whole force is concentrzited in that Word -“reg;L1lo.tc.“’ ‘Well, Mr. Polk liinioclf ntlmito
that the Word 1‘(f}§.‘§L1lfitl.B, on applied to facilities for foreign »l.1‘t’t(.l¢3, docs emezicl to the making of
bee.cons, piers and lightmliouees; but his whole message attempts to run a disti-—not.i.on between
foreign trade, and trade between the States, But the power over eocll is given inlthe sznne clones
of the Constitution, in the "very same words, and is exactly of eqtiol lengtli and breadth with the
other. If one is denied, both are clcniod---if one is conceded, both must be conceded. It in
=.irnpoos.ibleito separate them by any a1'g11n1e11t or logical process, worthy of o oto.tcs1non’s mind.
It is wholly oxhitmry I say, without the least foundation, to say that vC0ng1'esS may nmlm pro-
vision for «:2. harbor cccommodgition for foreign commerce, emd not for (lOn’1f2'.StiCil.1't1dB. Is the
latter not as impormnt as the former? . Is not the lareokwotor at the month of the Deli: mrei Bay,
as important for the trade of P,l'lllfl.Cl0lpl'1l.‘;l with New Orleans, as with Livcrpoo_l§’ and so every
‘where else? Is not our coostixig trade one of the la.rgest bimichee of our nriaritimo interest, and
can we yet do nothing for that? n ' A i V

It is stmnge that any man should entertain the idea than such {:1 disztinction could be clmwn. I
have befoi-e me a long list of note of CO11g1‘l';‘SS, of 21 good deal of importance, as I think, tom-in
ing to show tlaet llic Prcs.:idont is inisstclcen when he speolcs of the acquiescence and aztpprobotion
of the people, in opinions aclvex-he to I:lcrbo1-yytimprovemontsy. The olpiniidn, oft“-:Congifesls

can thee:-people,liseen1s quite the other way. I~Iere is it 1iet‘*~of ,l1:i1'o*vieiioneof th:isiki.nd, madam

Mr. Adams’s tirne,'inG‘~enero.l .To.cl:s1on.’s time, and in Mr. Van Buren’s time, for exactly similar
iobjects, and some of them for the some «objects; ondl should take the pains, and taxliyour
patience to read this list, if I had not anotlier more convincing statement to nmiko to you and
wliioh will close the consideration of this port of the subject. l t V ’
 ‘Webster kindly fu1'ni.=shedit'.l1e Reporter with the list, which is as follows :]- y l l

  V y y it By the ./lot of March Ed, 1829; A
Thirty thoiiseiid ‘dollarslfor ettzteziding the pier of Black Rock I~1o;xfbor,iiat the outlet of Lake

Erie, toa point oppositci Bird '3 Ie*lex1d.i, , ‘ i l _ . l V  it A .
, For removing obstrmitioiitsi atyytho etitrcmce of the haxloor of Big Sodas; Ba.y,;on Lake Ontario,
twelve thousand five hundred dollars. i “ ’ ' l“ i i

c W}:
Km.)

For the _imp1'0ve11’ient of the z1at'ig>;0ti0n ef the Greneesee River, in the State of N cw York, text

thotzearnrl 0011211-0.
Stctte of 0.000.-—Se‘\i'e1tty*-‘five t.h0u:2z01*1d delhtrs. for 11'
by reh10tv*tng‘ the bar at the mouth 0f the etzuvne.
By the 0303 2312 ./;7.vp:’~il, 1830.

For removing; ehstrueticme  the mouth of I{tu1'011‘River, Ohio, -

Fer c01'x‘1p1eting the t'0mmm.1 of 0Ltsttt'0,t_:ti011e tjtt‘. the mouth 0t’ Chttnci River, Ohio, -
For cotnpietmg the '.tm;_31~0ve111ents. 0t Cievehtud I"1:.1rh<:n', Ohm, - ~ ..
For 1_*e1'x1«:»«v11_1f; send b£1.1'_¢-Lt or 1100.0 the mouth _of  RIVB1‘, Ohio, - 0 - -
*‘»;3r lIt1p1‘0V’lt‘tg‘ the 1'10t'igttt;1011 of Cc)1.ttte0.L1t: t.3x.'c:eh, Oitlt), R - ‘ - - ..
$01‘ e0txt}31e:t10g‘ piers ttt me 1t10ut;h 0t Du u1~:.trit 1~1z.u'b01', Next-' Yoth, - -
7'0:z- 00rzm1eti1*1«'r 1i’*l"‘ "it B  Ft" 4*“ ~ 1*” Y "1
. ti. . -. «ml  K.» :3 L 1:1 1:1 0 .s.ti U01, ILA‘:-V 0.; C, - -' '- -
E6)!‘ extettdthg the 131651‘ ht 1}l=.1eI.~: ‘Etc>t:l.s:, _- T —— T - , -- - ..
her 1ntpx~<3v.00g the 1::ttv1gttttt01'1 nt GClJ‘t.¢;‘St,‘.(3 R..:,'v‘e:‘, ].\0w 1: ark, — — -
For t'eh1ot't,1_'1g 0i.)0tn;tet.1et'10 ttt the mouth of lJ.1;,; §':5i(‘utIit.1S Buy, New Y0t*1«:, - -
For nnprovtitg ti‘1C‘11flV'1g{ittOt1 01‘ the I?t{i1.set.0e1mJt mutt (10.10 Ettvere, -— - -
   it     “ 
For re3t1o‘vin0; 0hsst1*ueti0.0S at the meuth of Htmm Rive,1*,tOh,i0, - A  "T" -~-:0’

For t'emov.i1,'1§_{ sand her at or next‘ the meuth of i3lu<:.1s: River, Ohie, -—
For co1't1p10tn‘1g; the I‘t;':l”l’1(.)Vt't.i of 0'13sI.ruetttmrs at the m0ut.h of Grand RN01‘, Ohio, -

For removing 013:“stt't.10ti<;>11e at tlie mouth of Big fiéodtte Bay, New Yer!-1, - -
For cO1'l‘1pi<'3t1t1§g‘ plt31'S at Oetv'etg0, New York, - - — - -

For securing the WC)1”h‘.S of Oetvegve I“IttI'i.)O1‘, New Y0rl~:, by :1 stone pier head and
0 mole, —~ A ’ -

For compiett
For seen":-m,«;; z:t11r.;i 0.000 piC*.t.llf1g‘ the werksz at the ]1t.1.1‘i30r of D't1I1ki1‘k,

mg the pier at the mouth of Bu'0'0.10 Harbor, New York, - -
New York -

Fer completing the i1npr0veme1'1t0 oi" ’C3l0ve10m1 Harbor, - - - -
Fer completing the removal of 0hetrt1e‘ti0ne at the mouth of Aslttebttle. Creek, Ohio,
Fen‘ in1pr«:)v'in.g; the tmviggatioh 0t‘ Contnettut. River, Ohio, - - 0 - -
For impretving the nuvigutiort of Greneeee Ptiv'er, New Y orh, - - -_
_ By the ./Qctof‘ Jmte 98th, 1834.
For cerryimgg on the i1"np1'0vert‘1er1t,s; of O0mecu;~.k inlet, North C01'01in0., - -
I1"'0r i.t11pt'0vi.11g; the 11z:ivi._g;0.tti011 of 01110, . ieemtri, and l\/lieeiseippi.17ti've1-s, - -
For i11‘ip1'0v.i1"1g the harbor of‘ Ci1i(:t1,g‘(J, Illitxois, ,- - w -— «- -
For the piers at La P1£tiF3t-ItY1C.(3 Btty, Mieitigen, - 0 - 0- -- -
For 001'1ti1'1lIli1'1g,‘ -tmd securing; the wcrrhe at O0tve;g;0 T:E[0,rhcu', New York, - -
For cozntplettihg the WO1‘1{53 at G-enesee .R.iv0.v, New York, cm the vpree-ex1t,phtn, -
For continuing the titmpt-evemente of B1000: R00}: Harbor, New York, - -
For cotnpieting the works at 13000100, New York, -— - - . - -
For e01t'1p1eti.11g ctriti eeeuri1'1g the works at C1 Vveleml I~I0.vh0-r, Ohio, - ..
For 1‘epa11'ir1gttnd seett1'ing the w01'1te' 0.1: Gt'ttnL1tB.iVBt‘, Ohio, - - -
Fer securing; the werhs at B1t"tf.‘.hI Rivet‘, Ohio, - - - -- -
Fer extendi.hg aml eeeuring the wc>1'1te at I~Iur01'1 River, Ohio, - - -

For C'.C)I‘1til'lu.iI1g‘ the impxevetnetite at Ashtebule Creek, Ohio, 0 - - -
And For defxttying; the expense of surveys ]T)U.1'St1a‘t‘1t to the A01; of the 30th of April,

1824-mineludingg; 01'1-eartxges for 1833, §‘$‘29,0(30, of which 0001 $55,000 ehall be 0.p-
’ , proptfiuitedi amt applied to geolegieel and xnineralogieel eurvey and reeeerehes.

By the Qdct 0f .Ma7'ch 3d, 1835.

For hnproving the harbor at Chic0,g0,it1 addition to the h0t'I0.n0e of former appre-
p1'1at10.r1s, - - -. - ~--“ --
For securing‘ the works at 31210}: River, - - - 0 - 0 -
Fer continuing the i.mproven'1ent at Ashtahule. Creek, in addition to the httlmmee of
formerappropriations, -- - - -— - 9 —-0 4- 0 0 -
For completing the works at Geneeee River, - 0 - - 0 -~.  .
l?01*imi3roving the 1'l€l.'V.ig‘€t1Li.O1tl of the Ohio River, helowtlxe Falls, and the ,Mi000uri:
and isssissippi rivers, - 0 - - - - -  -, , 
For the improvement 01' the ztevigattien 0f the Ohio River between Pittebttrgh and
, the Falls of the Ohio, $50,000, to be expended under the. direetiexi of the tWar
§s_Dep0.rtn1e10t, 0700. under the care of 0. Superintendent f'01',th0tpe.rt of Ohio.
Fertcompletinvr the removal of the obetrtietions to the navigation of Red River, in
0 addition to 0:)p1'0pri0ti0n of 050,000, made at the last 00001011 of Congheee,
the7mtm.0f $50,000 '  " 0 
For‘ improvittg the nagvigatiotm
" ,'wit11e.ntir"0n hull, -- 0  0

on -I In

-an

an

n 0 ‘Of the Arheneag. River,

as an M! t

0.nt1i_t for, icohetrticfing Va boat

0. 0

provittg t1'tt3illttV‘i,g'EttiOi'l of Cenneaut Creek ,0

001,000 030

1'8
50
77
G5

75:

00

5,503
1,786
0,550
0,135
1,342
15,488
3,100 00
13,035 00
1.5,‘,300 ~ 00
50,000 00

‘"“"“1t3“,~t80»~00

0,275 00
5,680 00
~17,4.50 00
2,010 90

18,600 00
152,000 00
0,400 00
‘ 3,670 00
7,015 00

0 6,370 00

16,670 00-

15,000 00
50,000 00
30,801 00
4,005 00

00,000 00

520,000, 00
10,000 00
00,000 00
13,315 00
10,000 00
5,000 00
0,700 00
5,000 00

030,000 00

7,591 00*

002,300 00

— ,

50,000 00.

040,000 00

24

By titer;/Qct of July 7th, 1838.

‘I-.«"or continuing the ixnprovernents of the harbor of Qliicago, Illinois, I -
For COl"ll'.l1’1U.ll'1g the construction of a harbor at Michigan city, Indiana, -

For continuing the construction of a pie); or breakwater, at the mouth of the River

St. Joseph, Micliigan - — -

For the continuation of the works at the harbor near the mouth of the river Raisin,

, Michigan, - I - - — , -— _ - - —- -
3F'or‘eont1nu1ngthe improvement of the harbor at White Hall, New York,

at

For continuing the improvement of the Channel at-the mouth of the Grenesee River,

New York, «- - - -- - -— ~ -
.‘-5.. or cont1nuin,<g; the removal of obstructions at Black River, Ohio, - -

For continuing the removal of obstructions at the mouth of the Huron River, in

10, it — _ - - - - -

For coritiiiuing the improvement of the navigation at the mouth of Vermilion River,

Oh1o, .- .. — - , - ..
For continuing the improvement of Cleveland Harbor, Ohio, -
For cotitintiing; the removal of obstructions at Cunningham Creek, Ohio, -
For continuin,§- the removal of obstructions at Ashtahula Creek, Ohio, -
For c'ontinuing~ the improvement of Dunkirk l}Iarbor, New York, - -

For coiitizlttizig the improvement of the harbor of’ Portland, Lake Erie, New York,

For COl1tl1111l110'tl‘lt3iIl’l rovements oi‘ the harbor at Cattaratwus Creek Lake Erie, '
‘° F I I r "” ’ I39 410 00
-'3

New York, - —~ - -

2'For continuing the improvement of the harbor of Salmon River,  Ontario,

New York, .

For coiitinuingv; the construction of’ a Breakwater at,Plattsbt11~gli, New York,

-an

nu

Fortcontinuing the improvement of the harbor at the mouth of Oak Orchard Creek,

New York, - - - - — - - -
For continuing the improvement at Big Sodas Bay, N ew, York, - -
For continuing; the Pier and Mole at Oswego Harbor, New York, - —
For continuing the construction of a Breakwater at Burlington, Vermont, -—

For continuing; the improvement of the _Curnberland River in Kentucky and Ten-

nessee, below Nashville, -

For continuing the it-nprovernent of the Ohio River, between the Falls and Pitts-

burgh, - -

For continuing the improvementof the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers from Louisville

to New Orleans, -

For continuing the improvement of the Mississippi river, above the mouth of the

_ Ohio and the l\/Iissouri river, — - _ I ’- - - - -
‘For continurrig the removal of obstructions in Grand River, Ohio, ~ I -
For continuing the Works at Buffalo, 0 -

nu

For erecting a Mound or Sea Wall along; the Peninsula which so arates lake Eric

M front Buffalo Creek, to prevent the influx of the Lake oven said eni sula «-
For the improvement of the Arkansas river, - it -- 7

$30,000 00
60,733 59

51,113 00

15,000 00
15,000 00

25,000 00
5,000 00

5,000 00

3,6526 57
51,856 00
5,000 00
8,000 00
10,000 00
35,466 00

30,000 00
27,500 00

5,000 00
10,000 00
46,067 00

' 50,000 00

20,000 00
50,000 00
70,000 00
20,000 00
10,000 00
20,500 00

48,000 00
40,000 00

find be itfitrtlter eqtactecl, Thatthe several sums appropriated by the first section of this act,
“Wh1Ch—eXceBd twelve thousand dollars each, one-halt‘ thereof, it‘ the publ1c_serv1ce require it,
shall be paid out during the year 1838, tobe applied to the objects above specified, and the other

half‘, in like manner, in the year 1839.”

I have alreadyzplaced before you the bill, (continued Mr. W.) the Harbor Bill, as it passed
’-both Houses, last Session. Some of its enactments were read by my friend near me, Mr. Home;
and now let me add, that I have caused the objects of expenditure and appropriation in that bill,
to be carefully examined, and former lcgislatioir, in regard to these several objects to be investi-

gated’, and now I state to you the result. , Here arepforty-nine distinct olajectsiofl1approp.riation, I

,;,,.,..,,,;a,in1s»ba1~eor~~1ast“”sesstcn; and Isay to you that out 0 of‘ this list of iforty-nine, thirty-three of

them are the identical objects for which appropriations were made under the authority of Gene A
eral Jackson, in his time. (Clteera) Well, then, there remainsixteen; and Isay to youthat, ,

“upon, lcareful’ examinatiomit will appear that these sixteen objects that have grown up since the
time of General Jackson, and which Congress thought proper to provide for in this bill, are
«every one harbors, “connected with the ‘external trade of the country, and, therefore, strictly

‘within Mr. 1?olk’s own rule; (C'heers.) , ,

Gentlemen,*§I~ leavelthis question.  In the free discussions that have takenplace on it, in and

«out,ot' Oon.gress,:'the?largun1ent is*exhausted. The qucstiori is, whetheriwel are convinced, and
whether we are_ thlfstand--tape to ouryyconvictions, ' ,The"questioniis, whether the great West, so

25

important a part of the country, bearing itsshare of allthe common burdens, is to be struck out
of all participation in the benefits which are bestowed upon other portions of the Union it‘
( Cheers.) I think not. The question is put already. I expect to hear an answer to it from the;
North, the Northwest, and the South. But, then‘, I do not rely upon Conventions at Memphis,
or St. Louis ;I do not rely on resolutions. I rely on the disposition of the people to understand

V what their constitutional rights ‘are, and then to take care that those constitutional ri,g;hts.shall2

be fairly protected, by being intrusted to proper hands.

Gentlemen, before I leave this part of the subject, I must say a word upon an important

port made to the Senate at the last Session, by a Committee, to whom the resolutions, passed
by th_e Memphis Convention, were referred. A distinguished Senator from South Carolina,..
(Mr. Calhoun) was Chairman of the Committee, and framed that elaborate report. So far as:

he admits any thing done by Congress to have been rightfully done, and admits any degree of"

authority in Congress to do what has not yet beenpdone, I concur with him. The rest I reject;.

 , .,fQt...,L£3.owno.t..tltilllhlllftv £1.l§li.o.otion§,_tal:en..h.n..,that,.emin.ent rnan-,-are.smtu.d..  Iiregreytg that it is my

    

~—.........---V , .. ..,......,........-.u..,.,,,__,...,_,,,,__M,_W

rnisfortune to differ from him. i . t p

The report proposes, I may state in brief’, that where a river divides two States, or only two
States are concerned, these two States must make the necessary improvements, thernselves. “Ll”;
do not agree with that; I do not suppose that it is any matter of consequence whether the neces%-
sary improvements are connected with two States, or four, or only one.

It is not a question of loca.tibn—-it is a question of public importance. Look, for instance, at‘
that portion of the North river which runs between two shores, both of whiclrbelong to New
'Yorlr._ There, I suppose, the power of Congress over Governor Marcyfls overslaugli farm, as it
is called, is as perfect as it is to make a similar improveinent further down where the river di-
vides the States of New York and N ew Jersey. The distinction attempted, as it strikes me, is at.
distinction without a difl'"ercnce. ‘

Well, having thus alluded in the mostrcspectful manner to the Report of the Committee of the-
Senate, and not havin,g time to discuss its propositions at any considerable length, I will now,
by way of conclusion, give to you my opinion on all this question'of' the poweriof making hair-«
hers. . r
‘ In my opinion, Congress has the power to make harbors on t,lie’rivers andlon the lakes, to»
the full extent to which it has ever proposed to exercise such power. C i

That whether these proposed harbors be judged useful for foreign commerce, or only for com--~

mcrce among the States, themselves, the principle isthe same, and the constitutional power-
given in the same clause, and in the some words. i

That Congress has power to clear out obstructions from p all rivers suited to the purposes of’

1:

commerce, fo,reign or domestic, and to improve their navigation and utility, by appropriations.
,  __,..t]eig1,st,ateg;:,,,,,,,,   r .   _ i to t i _ f s  s
,'I‘hat, whether a river dinide ; two States,..oiil more than two, or iron through two ;States,.or-‘
more than two, or is wholly confined to one State, is imn'xe.teriol,tprovided its importance to
commerce, foreign or domestic, be admitted. ‘ i M

For example, the North river is a navigable tide water river, for many miles, while running‘;

 

entirely within the territory ofthe State of New York. Yet, I suppose the removingtof ob-
structions in this part of the river, is asfully within the power. of Congress, as the removing of‘ .

obstructions in other parts of the river where it divides New York from New Jersey.-» . V
I think it wholly immaterial, whether a proposed improvement in a river for commercial 
posses, be above or below, an actually existing port of entry. , ; WV
plfinstead of clearing out the rocks, and in that manner improving the channel of a river, it 

found better to make a canal around falls which arein it,  have no doubt whatever soil the pow-~ t
3 or of Congress to constructsuch a canal. lithink, for instance, that Congress hasthe power t0~

I

to

‘purchase the Louisville canal around the Falls "of the Ohio ; and that it iouglit to ercerciseithott ”

power now, if the work can he purchased for o. rettsonahle price; and that the canal should then
be free to all who have occasion to use it, reserving such tolls, only, as should he sufiicient to
keep the works in repair. i ‘ '

It seems to me that these propositions all flow "from the nature of our Government, and its
equal power over trade with foreign nations and among thefiltates ; and from the fact resulting
from these powers, that the commerce of the United States is at unit.

I have no conception of any such tlting, as seems to he thought possible by the R81-30% Of the
Committee of the Senate, that is, on erszternal commerce existing; 'o..::"wee11 two ‘States, cttrried on
by laws and regulations of their own, whether such laws and regule.tio1‘1s were adopted with cat‘
svitltoot the consent of Congress. i _

I do not understand how there con be a. Pennsylvo.nia 't’t“,s:1SCl, lauilt, rnmincd, and equipped

7‘ ‘under Pe:'1I1sylt'rt11io. lows, ti-titling,‘ as such Pem1sylvonin vessel with New Yorlt or Maryland,

01‘ hzwingg any 1'.ig'l1ts 01‘ fD1‘l't‘i..l(.‘.,§_.5't;!S not t:(..)1'1fE2r1"ccl by acts or" Cl<:)t1;,;'t'css 3 ztml com:oq::tcn1:ly that the
idea is unfounded, which supposes that when onlv two Eltzttes are interested in the r‘io'vi_g-attioit of

on river, or its waters touch the shores of‘ only two States, the i1np;roven1entot' such river is one
eluded from the power of Congress, and tnusthe left to the core of ‘the two States tlmnisclves,

tinder‘ on agi-teerhent whitrlt they inoy enter into, with the consent of‘Cor1.gress, for tho.t purpose‘.

-In r'.oy"opinior1,t the provision of the Constitution which forbids:-t Statute from entering into any
‘alliance, compact, ortogrocmcr1‘t with tmothcr S‘tctc, without consent of Co21gx*css, can draw o.ftet'
it no such conclusion as that, with the consent of Congress, two States rztrigltt to be bound to ion-
prove the navigation‘ of n river which separates their territories ; and tliatt, therefore, the power
or Cozigress to make such irnprovexnents, is tolton oway. A river flowing between two States,
end two States only, may he liiglily importzmt to the coinmeroe of the whole Union. It can

t list-dly be necessary to discuss this point. It is suflicient to soy that the whole argument is

founded on the notion that the Constitution prohibits more than two States from entering into
tagreeme'nts,‘etvien with the consent of Coitgress. i i

This is maiiifestly untenable. The C‘-onstitution exteiids as fullyt to og*x*eeino1“1ts between
‘three, four, or five Stotes,os between two only; and the consent of Congress inztltcs on agrc'ie—

rnentbetween five as "validi as between two. If‘, tlxercfore, two States can improve rivers with i

the consent of Congress, so. can five 01' rriore ; and, if‘ it be at suflicient 1‘co.so1’1 for denying tire
power-~of Congress to inop1'ove a river in at pm-ticnlztr case, that two Statutes onn,the1nselves, do it,
ltovi‘z1g first obtained the assent of Congress, it is on.equt1lly valid rouson in the case whore five
-or ten States are concerned. They too may do the some tliing,-, with the consent of Oongness.
The distinction, therefore, between what may he done by Co11g1'ess,i where only two States are
concerned with 21. river, and what may be done in cases where more than two are  connected,

‘entirely vanishes. I hold the whole doctrine of the report of the Coinmittec, on this point, to be

unsound. I am also of‘ opinion that there is no dit’f'oronce hetweexiltlie power to constructlapiaer,
end the power to construct a harbor. I think that as siiigle pious ot‘,itself, dfiondsttto, degree of

ssheltter and rprotection’ from winds and sons 5% that‘ twottpnmllelt pioirs lxhttke  l'ia.t*“i“; "and that, if
one pier ‘may he riglttfully constructed, it is no extravagant‘ stretch of constitutional power to

~oonstruct«m1other'., In fine,I aim of opinion that Congress docs, constituitioxmlly,possess the
power of -esltohlrishinig light-houses, buoys-, beacons, piers, breekwaters, and ihztrbors, on the

ocean, the\gt1lt‘,tlte -loltos, t:1.«l'1tfl‘7«‘.dl1<.3 navigable rivers; tlmt it does consltitutionallypossess the
i 2 “ipotveartof improving the tg_reut*_rivers*ot' the country, clearing out their cho.nnels*by deepening

‘them or removing obstructions, in? order to render riavigotion upon-it them more ssfeifor life and
tproperttyfgtttndttlxat, tforfthe some reason, Congress may construct icenals around ifal-loin rivers,
 All this euthonl«ty,“in myhopinion, flows t'roxntthe.”power overroommtt-t0e,,;lforsign and

2.7

conferrad on Ccangress by the Consu’_tu%tio:1; and, if auxiliary Vcqnsiderations, qr cox~roborzxtiw..
argument‘ be requi1'«3d, they a.m;founri in; two fagts, viz:--.-1st.‘ Tha.t.im.provements,«such :'—.m‘11a.ve:‘% %

been xxxeentioxxml, vvhcthcr an aim ocean or the gulf, an the lakes gr t.l1ehriVers,»m'e improvenments
which, from their nature, are such 23.54110 single State, ncnj. any number of States, can‘ make, or

ought to be callccl on to nmk.e. All idea. of States ’um1e.1'tal:i1ag such improvements is,%in my -

cepinion, prepostex-ouss.V .And, in the second place, ag 3.11 tlm revenues. derived from commerce
amzruc to the Grexxeral C£~overmr1c:1';t,Vam1 name of it to the States, the charge of i111px'mringAt.he

mamas: ofco'rrxn1»em:.e :a.n.(1%co1nmerciaV1 intercomse, by 32.1311 works as have: berzm nmntioned pr§:_>per—~~_:

Ky devolves on the Trznzmury ofihat Gcovcrxunmxlt, and on 11131. Treas§;11*y alone. » L  ,

I had intended to discuss, at Iexwgth, the }?aremE.dent’s veto of the. Bill for Indezmnity to film suf-
femrs under Fmnc}L spo],i:1tio11s 33cf'cs1‘e 1800. Imust o:22'£&1nx1c};’of xvlmt K imexxdezl to say on
that $:ubjz2ct,‘b11i:I will stme_t11e his3tor§,r an” it in as few words. was pvoxssibie, sca them‘. there: 1111137 he:

no znistulze: C91‘ x11isa_pp1.-e11cn£»;ion.

11   "’;,9,5§_m<3,f.:,ML.}53rQ;}‘§b..»..»RBV50111fi«@na'—“F39-W}T"””'I7fiV“fi=l%Gfi1'fia-~r¥@31.._§¢§§;@,i§t}....<§§§{3_i}§3§‘¢‘h _f._§gg§_  %

G<>ve1'1anwz1t c>i’Frm1<::;e was x'e;as;;pc>ns:i};>1€:, made, and continued. to znalm, s3p’irisIi3.ti€n’1::~: on An’1e1'ican;
rmznmermta. The. Unitczd St.'.u;m:4 1*ét‘x1<c)x2:s.trz.1tari., and se11t.e3r:i1ba.@:;y af 1:91‘ cznlaamy to F:'m‘:t:e. Thar:

Fremzh Goverzuxmm x'epc:::x.§,m}!%y pa.-c:>mi:;es:A i:1a1<;m'mificaxtic»n. % Now, tha French Rcvr21uti‘on hrolmz

(am im 1'3'9.‘. ,, zlrzugl bcxturoerx that; y<3m‘_z;1n,<1 153{)0, a.» va:at a.n1ou.nt of A2ng::ri<:m1% .p:‘opert;y W'aSS§ illegally”
zs»c:'t:z:e;1.b3rI?‘rc:x'a<;11 c:x‘uis~:;c:1'a=.z,‘fmr *sv}:;i_wh rmr C:£~ows1‘nxm2nt drm1:1.:m:'h::d i1‘1d(.:m1‘1iLy. 1’«‘ra..n<:a 1~epcamdIy‘*
pmmimd ccxmpliarwc: “<.~.ris11 t;}xe.:m2: <3.eznz1m1.~:~: ;. ‘h1;;t.,%I,>;;r_ the t.ma,t.y of 1800,, Frmme lxzxvingg assorted

~r;m‘t.u.i:'1 clainm El‘:-h,i1'i1’1if:1f.\th.L’3Ijfiflifiiéii Stamina, gmWi..r:zg (mt of ‘the: t1*em.y ofzx.I1ia1'1ce%o,f,1778, «zmd tlm.
Axnericmx fi-«:>—v¢:r1<zn":::x:xt px'es.=s5.z*:g,- theme: clzsaims for s.'.pc;1imi:;r::e:, awake same t.imc:, the r:":su1t Wam,

witlwut goixxg into :1ny11riz1ecca::m1-y detail of‘ the neg<r:tisu.ion, an £15__5;'1?'£tt3Y1'}€3I1!; bptween film twm
{;‘r:f3v»ernnv'1€mts, tlmt, if 33‘m.ne.a xvnuld m1inqu'i.~;-h all (:1:;:.im on her 121511‘: to the :f'u1fiI1nc11!;of_thms

mmty of 1778, tI.m'TIr1imr1 fE§L:'x:;¢:22: waulal }‘4'f?U1'x£1“1:‘§.s:}L all clwirnss of our citi:-mm on Fxmxce, fer spew»

Eimions up to thzxt aime. 'Z{‘}.1at*. was the rcsvjt of 2.110. zxrruxagenuemut het;w«3c11 the. two G"oV'e1'n1nents:=.V

The wars <:011t.'§m:u=.§.d.v 05311:}?(1t3§I>1‘3£1$J.i€)l‘iS'Wm‘€: m:.—xd:::; and amr the ]3¥3m‘.€: of Euxmm anti thazv

.1'es:tomt.ion of the l3¢3u1'bcrrl:2:, mxd, intimzd, .’,1'f't£:r thc: aucemzairéxn of the: p1'e.~:~x<mt; Iiixag of 13‘mncc, in
1831, the U%rait.c‘d States, through thfJ;1{§;‘(31'i(}}’ M‘ Mr. Riv(;3s,iz1 LPa:u'is:, nug.;ot.iatec1 :3. t,1'c>.ut.y with

I*’ramce for the s:1£.isi'zxc!:i0n»_ of t.:‘la..im:;~: of A.1w;nfi::zz.n, ¢::it.i:'.r.m"2s.V '1‘he. tt:.mm4 were. geneml. They‘ " M
mumaced all. cIa;xix‘11:3, .:1:m."i twrzmy»-fivcz millions; of fm11ce;, or five: mi.}.1icms of (lc'ri}:.i.1‘t=:,,W(?.1'C‘. {1p§T)I:‘('.b-.-;
pi-imed by film (lwvaernxxaexut ca!‘ I?'xm.“1r;:<::., 1.0 my the::s<: <31zxir.~::s:f., aml a c;:<:u*m"x13:»::a:ic:»x’x was appcvizxtratl by»
the Cfrovernzmmt of the Unimci 53t.z'<r.t;e2s:, tn w‘},1<:m1 vms; 1<:i'tt.1u:: «1is:t27i1;u1.ti[un ¢:xfL11‘iK:é:fi.1X1d. This Com-~—:
mizssion sat at ‘%Vzm11ing't.mx._ Tf:’»’g:rs-*..nm; ‘i;w“oz;ag11ti11 them <;L1x'i_n‘1$. Om: nmn aairi, V“ My 31111:» _wam..
capturccl in 1801 ; here are n1y,;gm.pe1',"s; my 105:5; was $fs§§0,(J00.”. Very w.vc:11.; he wza.3%paid;, But,
here comm anoither, whmae13hipwv::wmpui1~eti inf “~99, and he ;=3zx3,r;e;:% 9‘ I. lmve ‘fl. gomdxxlaim; I‘

.4 }$gd.,.;-fl”“&.}‘Vix_?  “mixed byf Frcneh xizrxxisearga; i'.§f)I1{1,(§j’YY§I1€f§(Ii, and confiscéttgdg 1. Hém

is me mgim mddw bill bf%Iz1tIir1Tg;; my r3a.1mge::~a am ‘$50900. ~ Rm. £11}:ComH;i&sianeraflszxy,yam

are mat to be adiriittzad to 1i>arta.}:e in this fmzd, br:caa.u.sse the G-ov£:1':1r:1c:nt ofgthe Unitedfltates, by"

the treaty of 1800, fbr a. cflnsidexaticm um;-.fu1 and of gzrcat vzzzhne to itssclfg relinquished t0,Fi~a.nce,,
V all claixns, up? 12:3 t1; :;x:£.% fiifrié; =~"W'c:1i,— t‘l~:m1,1t}1cas;r2 c}airm;s.ut2; hum: cczmuto Congremfar xe&1veas;‘in«_
flexing, that as the (?§—t}mr%:1in<:.rit.<3.V.id, in flmg, éé,pp1'jr tlmir claims to its mxfzi use,‘ it oxazght -tc>ritzAdei:tx~¥~
% za§ffyr‘1he c12zin1:1nw,zind Cazzgg-;rcsa,%%. at, the 1asi‘Session,%piasaedv%u%biIl%;fi3.r timzir indemnity; , 

‘Polk vetried tlmvlaill. _ :W€Z!‘,j:’ t.hi:ez‘VVis i:":%t,{.::.?f‘:31¥s:7rmc3 mf t3m‘v_ato ’130W£'§i‘ wit}§%~.—cws:}éa='0f"p1fivaité‘rig1‘tt;..

{x£g;pZau3e.%) %1EImr<-i:.  nu.<:om:.im1ir$:'m1.qu<2.s:£.im:, %   ~ % _  ~ -; . , —
= “W3h?zxt':i:a Mr. P:;>}k;’:3 zzuawmr?  I hszm: zjm:i:i’,~ Md. I. repeat it, 1&3;-nthaiwhaia zmgfummt is t.rivi.\:;r.f.~,.,
It wazztsltlm {:1 ig_g;.m;3.:.y  an :.z1'gmmr:r:1:.’ V M43 :sm.3,Ar:«:, fi)z'%i2:st_;:1m:c, “ '-you Ezawe basgnlcmg befex-eVCm:»

grma; therc:.i;3r:nt:z mum: rczamn to ‘my yam now thur1;.t11 era %n¢m*  ;hjé1If’»&~. cm1t.uryag;er.’_7 V

(flfmuas pf -£am7ght:::t.)_% _ En ms ii:f1e:t,}3%;a»::e:,’ mix; 1’ m5Hruc%?§%n’ ‘fmfit  *Tf'n*r ’Iim'1;i*1  fwjitshiii Iqsa than'%%%twex1ty'

28

years it had not been decided that . the claimants had ~ no right to call further on France. But
=,suppose‘it was so. Suppose that these claimants, in pursuance of a just debt, had called upon

Congress, from year to year, and been put oi? by one evasion or another, but had at last sue-'

-ceeded in convincing Congress that the, debt ought to be paid. Is it any reason for negativing
the bill, to say, that there was no more reason to pay them now than twenty years ago? I has-
ten to leavethis", but will not without making one remark, There are opponents ofethe Ad--

.ministration_ who are actuated only by political dissatisfaction and political dislike; but the Ex—- i

-«ecutivei, by the veto of this bill, which deprives so many poor persons, widows, and orphans of

i their last hope, has touchedthe hearts of hundreds and thousands, with something much

i , ~-icapita1 into. the establishment of manufactures.”

.-.stronger thanmere political dislike. (Tremendous applause.)
The next great subject is the recent Tariff‘, which I discussed at the time it was established,
:-and about which I have nothing new to say. . My object is, and has been, in every thing con-~

«-"nected with the protective policy——the true policy of the United States---to see, that the labor of

stile country, the employment of the country, is properly provided for. I am looking not for 3.
law, such as benefits the capitalists-mtliey can take care of themselves—---but for a law that shall

induce capitalists to employ their capital in such a manner, as shall toccupy and employ Anieriwt
-scan labor. a T i T it i it  i l i

Lani for such laws as shall induce capitalists not to withhold their capital from actual opera?-T

i vrtions, giving employment to thousands of hands. I look to capital, therefore, in no other view r
xthan as I wish it drawn out and used for the public good, and the employment of the labor of

the country. New on this subject  shall hand to the gentlernen of the press, a series of reso-

‘zlutioiispassed in Massachusetts, which I liave not time to read, but which entirely embody my

~own sentiments :

“Resolved, That the passage of the Tarifi‘ Bill of 1846, adopting new and vicious_principles in
«our revenue system, is a portentous experiment, threatening distprbance and injury to the great
zinterests oi‘ the country. , , _ , i  .

“Reso.Zved,l That from the first establishment of the Federal Goi/crnment, two principles have
been embodied in our revenue laws ;. the first, that, as far as practicable, all duties should be
.-‘specific, as most simple in collection, and most secure against fraud; the other, a discrirnination
in the rates of duty, with a view to foster and protect the industry of the country, and to invite

These principles, directly recognised in the first act of Congress, in 1789, more fully devel-

T «oped in 1816,. and in subsequent acts of legislation, were fully consummated in the act of 1812;

.4

* reasoinsté  .

can act which, moderating and reducing the protective duties of the act of.1832———-i-an act receiving
ithe sanction of nearly the entire Democracy of the country--was prepared with more labor and
-.:care, it is believed, than had been bestowed on any previous revenue law. a X’ » ‘

“Resolved, That under this system the whole country has prospered in a degree which has no
parallel in the_li_iste_ry_of nations. While the western wilderness has been giving place to culti-
vation and civilization, the older States have been transplanting and establishing the arts and

tmanufaetures of Europe, thus converting the whole country into ti. scene of active industry, in '
Wihlcll‘ diversified labor, mutually exclianging its products on terms of equality, realizes a. remn»
vneration and reward whollyunknown in the overpeopled countries of the  W T . T 

orl .

     

A ‘tfitreilvedi Th%“.W.9<1ePrewtetthe eheaseeintteilucedl by  T

“ We ldepretcatepthe change from specific tolad valorem duties,“ as affordin
rfor fra.ud—--aspsettingt aside the light of all experience, and the opinions of a1 commercialmen.
We deprecate it as a revenue measure,i1riasmucli as it reduces the revenue upwards of five mile
lions of dollars on the average :utnportat1on.of the last three years, while our wariexpenditures

' . ,re.(1u.i1‘£._* a great increase‘ of ‘revenue, and are actually met by an increase of debt‘ in the issue of '

Treasury notes. We ideprecate the principles of attempting to provide for this deficiency by an
increased importation of‘ products, .to come in competition with our own ,; displacing and para-
lyzing to an equal extent our own industry, and eventually producing a great reductioniin the
swagestofilaborei t r 7 j   , I t 1 "V i it i t ‘ T T
“ We further deprecate the principle of increasing the iinportation of fore’ n manufactures,
::.'3.l"W€i.yS tending to texcess, and to causing. the exportationiof specie in return, t e fruitful source
«of derangement in our currency, and of embarrassment in all 3 branches of, trade. and industry.
‘we deprecate the sudden ‘change, as wantonly sporting withirthc interests ‘ of capital lirivesteeit,

g‘ increased facilities,

,... lM“"'m"

,,__,,....,...,..--vw-~

WEDGE}.

29

under the implied pledge of Goveriiineiit for its continued protection. Biitwe deprecate it far

‘more, as wantonly sacrificing the interests of labor by opening upon it the foreign competition.
of the under-fed and over-worked labor of Europe, the avowed purpose of the new policy. lWe.

deprecate it as the result of‘ Executive dictation and stringent party discipline, adopted under"

the coercion of a minority, without examination and without discussion, against the sober judg-
ment of a ma_}ority of both Houses of Coiigi'ess.

“Resolved, That the allegation that the protective system favors capital more than labor,

equally contradictory _to ever sound principle of political economy, to all experience, and to
coiiiniiui sense. VV_hilst capital is considered necessary to set labor in motion, it is an admitted
principle that there is a uniform tendency, in capital employed in different pursuits, to an equal-

ization of profits through a free competition. Whilst other propositions are disputed, this. is"
ranch of manufacture which ‘

never contested. It is confirmed by all our experience. Every
has been successful, has been subjected to occasional checks and embarrassments th1’0l.1{.-_;‘ll over-
action. The prosperity which has followed the establishment of the new tariff of 1842, has led
-to new construction and new expenditures in all branches ‘of industry, beyond any former pre-’
cedent. In fact, we are told by thetriends of the Administration, as if in double mockery of
their own reasoning, and our apprehensions, that the titanufitcturer has more to fear from home
com etitioot ctml 0138?‘-)7‘0(l'uGi?:07L titan‘ ‘roan rm orei it com‘ otiti ilticii. can reiicli lilm under the
t - ‘ii ' ‘i ' I 
capital in workswliicli can only be made productive by the ernploynient of many hands, is put-
ting capital in the power of labor, rather than in a position to control it. "
“Resolved, That the assertion, so oft repeated, that the tarifi” of 1842?. has operated as an un.—

equal tax upon the laboring classes, in the iiianufhctures consumed by them, is wholly destitute -.

of truth. Our a plication ofmanu'f'actui'ing industry has always been made, in the first instance
to those iroductions requiring little labor in proportion to the raw material. In these, the suc-
cess has  een greatest, and it is notorious that, in the nianuf.'acture of cotton, wool, leather, hats,
etc, the comnion articles used by the laboring classes, are produced at rices which may defy all
foreigii coinpetition. '

well known to be all but nominal in respect to the lower branches of the iiianufactuie, and that
its only actual ell'"ect was to levy a liigli duty on its higher branches, on what may well be termed.
luxuries. ‘ .

“Resolved, That while the loss of‘ capital by this change of system is sudden and determinate,
the eifect upon labor will be a continuous wasting disease, with no remedy but the retracing our
etc is. r
‘I‘ Resolved, 'l':hat the liigli reward of labor, in all its branches, is the peculiar advantage of our

country---is intnnatel connected with the general difiiisioii of education and intelligence, and is l

the best security for tie perinaiience of our free institutions. The protective system acts as the
proper guardian of this boon. _ p p .

“ Resolved, That while we welcome and a prove the repeal of the British corn laws as a con-
cession and benefit to the depressed labor of 4 nglancl, by in(3l‘€3t’.tSillg".ltS ineans of subsistence, the .

l ‘Governincnt is aritiii,-(2; a very diflbreiit part towards our own labor, in opeiiiiig its products to a
free competition with those of the underpaid laborers of Euro ie. it

“Resolved, That the principles of free trade advocated by t e modern economists of_Europc is
founded on a state of society essentially differeiit from our own. It contemplates labor in excess,
content with a bare subsistence, and witlino hope of iniproving its condition. It refrards only
the profitsof capital. With us labor is active in accumulation for itself; going hen in hand
with capital, and req_uii-lug especially thesliield of the protective system agaiiistforeign iiitert‘er—

“ iTherefore .’!"d30l'vdd,i~Th.fl.t it is the  of the  part , and of all friends of their country,

r~-to or is upon ,C,oogress thirduiy of revising and .modifyingt e existing tariff, ..of'_1846, so_that it
 , iiiaslifreitenuerisufliicienttfor the wantsof the Govermnent, and re-establishing the rinciple.

of specific duties in all practicable cases, and of discrimination.in the rates of duty wit 1 a View

to foster and protect the industry of the country in all its branches. r

“ Resolved, Tliat, whilst Massachusetts is deeply interested in the protection of her capital, and

, her labor devoted to manufacturing and the mechanic arts, it is a great mistake, propagated for
i party purposes, and received b a too easycredulity, that protection is alocal or party policy.

'_ElIVe esteem it a policy equally tavorable to every part of the country, and to all the States of the
n-11011.3‘) V , ,

Now, I will say, at once, that I am for protection, (oheers,) ample, perinanent-—f'ounded‘oir i
\ ‘just principles; and the next thing I have to say is, that, in my judgment, the principles of the
act of 1842, are the true principles—-(loitd and long conttmiedclieeriitg)--specific duties, and not
. ad voloretn assessment! (clieering) just discrimination; and, in that just discriinination, great care
i notzto tax the raw material so high as to be a bounty to the foreign maiiufacturer and an oppres-
- sion on our own. Discrimination and specific duties, and such duties as are full and adequate to
-rthe purposes of protection. These are the principles of the act of 1842.. (Great cheering and

 _

Even the cotton niinimuni, the obiect of so time 1 iindeseryecl obloquy, is .

30

land applause.) And Whenever there is presented to meleny proposition, from any qttertor,wl1iele
contains adequate protection, founcled on those indispensable principles, I shall take it. (T/b'm1."'
tiers afapplausc.) My object is to obtain, Athetbest way I can, end when loan, and as I can, fall
and adequate, and tlxorouglt protection to the domestic inclustry of the country, upon just prinei-
ples. (Lotul C!t€e7‘i7lg.)' _ — A

And in the next place, I lmve to -say that, I will take no part in any t,i13lrerir1g' of the present
low, ‘while its vicious principles remain. And in the next place, I cleeire to say that, the greet
responsibility of the aclminietration, as fer as I and concerned, they shall not get rid of, -by emy
tizzkex-ing, with a. View to partinule.r political interests. (G-root clseerieg.) Allow me to soy,
frankly, ye iron men, and ye cool men of Pennsylvania, I know you are irleepeble of compro»
missing in such at ease ; but if you were, mad. any inducements were held out to you to make your
iron a. little softer, zmcl your eoel burn :1 little clearer, while you left the heml-loom weaver *' _ “"
(Tm: loud shouts of“ Ho! Ito!” and ’lJOClfc’}"G'ttS cheerirzg wkiclt here imrstfortit, ctrowcvuecl the rentaimler
qfthe ::‘c:'!tt(.’tt(.'c;.)

I Il‘.I'2ClGl‘St.‘-t1'1Cl there are seven :.lmus..'ttz1cl heml~loom weavers he the city oml county of lmilotlel-»
ploie; tlmt their wages lxawe l1.i,therto,eve1~ttgt:d five (l.0llt'l1‘F.4 at week; tl'm,ttl1e mt -volorcm duty, we
applied to cottons, effects them very injux-iouely, in its trentleztegrlltolreduce logger and eex~11i11_ge 7,
eepooially es the Vvoges <.)f'zxlm11al—looxn weaver, in Scotland, horrlly ermeede one dollar oml eovert—~

— ty-five cents or two clollzxre per week. "Whom the precise result may be, rexxmine to be sseen. Tlio

eerpetuweevem, it ie cseitl, they flml eome inclemnity in the 1'er;luoetl price of wool. It‘ l.ltl.‘.'ét be so,

it only ehowe that the loss  elsiiftercl from the weaver to the wool grower. VV2telxi.ng;to1"1county

Fayette county, ontl other ooumice, in tltie State, will }')1‘(JlTvt1l..)ly loom lmwtluirs hie.

It has been eet.in1o.tetl tlmt the value of mm1ufl1ot1.‘1ree in the eity oncl ooumy of l?li1i'letle'lplaiet,
eeoreelyfelle short of the volue of tlmee at Lowell; and tlreir production, it  Sup}")tiI:5t3tl, c:xnpl<‘ty£_::
more lteltds here than are employed in Lowell.

Gentlemen, on the 'I‘e.rltl‘ I have s:po1~:en are often and so mtxelu, t.h'o.t I am mire no g,'€.'lltl(3Yt"1m'l1
wishes me to utter the word again. There are eome tl1irl1gt=:,il1oxvevex~, worth while to remernber.
Of allicountries in the wo1+ld,En,g*lend, for centrwioe, ems themootltormei.o"ue in z;1tl1xe1'i11g,;‘ to l::.-or
protective principles, both in mettexe of commerce and ntezaufeetutre. l ,

She has of late were relaxed lmvirw t'ounrltlt2itl1e1- rroeltzion eoulzl :rfl'or(l e«.m1exvlm.t/¢:>f free

3’ 2 :13
trade. She ie elrilful---—sl1e has ‘vast trmc:l:.iner3r and vast ce.p.it,e.l-—--el'1e lIt”tt~3 rt clenee po'pul,e.ti,on-»~m
cheaply tvorlcizwg, because a. boclly fed and badly clothed, populaticm. She can run her tzereer,
therefore, in free trade. We cannot, Lmlese tvil'liog; to become lmdly,fedo.m:1 ilmdlty o1othe<7l elem.
Gentlemen, for the gyxrmastios, men sstz.-ir. themsel'ves mlced, uncl for this :.~3trif'e and oompotitiott
in free trade our laborers must strip themselves naked, also. (Loml cltecrs.)

It is, after zatl.l, an insidious eystezrt, in at oo1.1ntry of arts, et;toir11r1ertt‘.e, aml it/te_x'ierl ptttraulte of lo.»
bor, arzrl dn”f'ere1_1t occupations otltfe. If all noel’: tn at couritry were merely o,grtr:ultu1'el prodtteere,
free trade wmtlcl be very well. [Slut where dtvors eznploymente zu:2d puremte eprm,<._2; up and ertiet
togetlzer, 1t 13 r3ett:z2+z;1.l tlza.t..t_l1ey ehould eueoour eml support one i‘:l.t'1()Ll”1(':1‘, eml (lofertd all egzrtoet
dmureroue fore1,gn ooroupetmon. l l , ,_ , o . t ~

, o e may see, at the: momen.t,_wlmt eozieeqeetmee reeult frometlxe clojetrmee of Free Trade goarw
1-"led to extremes. ,Irel.z~mrl tee e1gt1atl,exernprle.l, T1hefi11luro of opoteto mop, ltelf etorvee at po-
puletion of eightm1ll_1one. The people have no employrnent, erlablxng ltltt-on lJ()p111‘(3l1t1’S(3f'01Dll.
Government, ttself, 1e a.lreot1?r e.l3:.=:ol;utely obhged to turmsh etrxployment, often on works of no

at value, to keep the poop e trorn pOS1t1‘Ve farnme. ‘And yet, tltere are able men, able I admit
emfto l3e---—b'ot tlzeoretle men, I tlrmlt thorn to be; cltetxtngmeltetl men, ne.'v_'ertl1elees, xgvllo :mem-
taixr that Irelerlcl now as no worse off the_11 1t‘ z.tll_ the greett ler1cll1olc~lere, l1olclmg_ eetotee‘ 111 lrelctmll,
anti reoe.tvin,g' roots from the eetetee,encl spend1ng thelr 3t1"M:0I1'r1I~3‘.§1t1 l.tng'lend,:1net.<:e.d of ,lW!1"l,'.'».*;‘ or

rlilogland and :3 ,.xez,1tling; there, the money from their Iriel1,eet.o.tee, lived in Itrolamcl, mmcl :l~tLlpp(>I(l'tCtll,,

Irish labor wit]: it, on the.it* forzrxe and about their ee‘te.bliehmer1te, and in the wo1.'l=:-mops.
,,=WihatlcloeelIrel:1nclnow ‘want? i ‘What is her cry? r Eft‘l}3lOyIY1t;‘«I1f,‘<E3m]3l0ym<m,t.l Anal ll1ztaeli.t
not come even to tlxet pees, that the Government is ol:>l.ige.d to elrxploy lH1I.’1l;lI’0(l:?:1 eml l1ll(‘)tlf>~'35t1’ltZl$t?ai
of em people £.1l'1f.lptl.y'll;ll.i;?Y1"3, ttmtl 1}')t1lt;¥',l”!(:l“t1,(m tvo1'l«:::~; of fuery little utility,i merely to give itlmxo.
breed? V I wieh tlmt every l'riel‘nm:'xn in the State of Permeylrzmie. could be lire:-<5:‘1«::—r'1i,g,rltt, so that
I oouldvaekllhim ftofremember theoonditioo of tire peopleof hie towr1~oountry,lwl1o ere ettt1*rin,e:

@ ~31

lio:t'.tl1eiwant of Qm'pl0},«'mt31‘1t, and comlpmrc tlmt condition with his own, llerfl in Pennoylvanio,
whore ho has good omployxncnt, and fair wages. l _

Cl-ontlmman, this: notion of free tmdc, which g‘C)l3SlZ1’Z)(31ll2(f}lll‘lll’1f3 ornployxncnt of men on tho
grouml ytltot itis host t.o buy where you can buy choztpmt,‘ is El. folly in 8. country like ours. Tho
case of El’)§{ll.t'1’1(liS not a.no.l.o§.;oL1s.l Vvluit is the cry of free trade in England? ‘Why, it is for
cheap breotl. In En_g;lo,n<l tloc tilotlcicncy is in brcatl. Labor is limited in itslrcwomli. It can
earn but so much, and we have Mr. Cobde.o’s :.tutl1o1~i‘ty for saying, that there is lit clispositiozx
to rccluce-i.t.~3: eo1'l1l11g's mm lower. Itllms, thc1'cfo1'e, £1. ‘vital intcwcst in reducing the price of food.
'l7'l7zct'of<:;rc lice trade in Eog*lo21d,is but smother name for tilac-up brood. ltis not so with us.

i "V‘l7l;1otwc~ tloc:irc for our lobo1~ing* jpopullzttion is employment. "We do not expect food to loo

cllcapcr in tl1i..~:4 country; our object 1s to nioke» it dc:.~u- ; that is to say, our ag;i~icu‘ltu1~al interests
desire to 1'oi:~;:c the price of grain ; and the lobo1'in_.«g; classes can stoml tltirs, if thcir entploymento
are protected, and the priczc ‘ of labor kept opt Our hope-—ond let all rejoice in it-—is, that tho’
pricc of‘ our 27l.‘f_'_‘§'l.‘l.(L‘.UllZl.lil‘éll.l productions may rise for the l3e1llcfitol' the 'f‘eu'mer. M:tx1ufo,ct.urcrs
cmd operators, .~::o long  they met stcody omploylnont and good Vvstgcs, can buy :.1ton*_s,* 1‘0ttS01'l-
ololcmtc. .l\Tow,lwl1o, of all Europe, imitates Eztgltttldi .Nol:)ody, as for  I lmow, except
llfdoliltttttl omzl Tt1I‘l{¢:-. y. Attstt-lo, ltlssio, »‘Slpoin ond I7'ro.11cc, hold on, to what I call the cormnon—
ocmslc (l¢')ct1"l1'1t;3 of protecting tllcix‘ own lolmr. ‘ l

 lflupio, in the ll‘rc1l1ol"1  ix1c vw»--w“‘“'"’"’
mm, in m.vor ()1. mo protection of‘ ll‘rc1*1cl1lowor.” ( Oiz.eem.) Oultllmcmcxm mstmcts from Me I

li1'stlxz-wclwccxixvc.1-yrm;lcl"1 of tho come choroclcr. "Wltcncc nrooc all tl‘10l~3l3ll‘!1.07’L~l.l'1’1p()1‘l.€l.tiOI1
€I.;Z,‘1‘0€31Ylt3l‘1tS, soon otter lthc ‘.lfl'.cvo‘lotionory war, but from on instinct, or fccllimg; that tho .ll’ll.(3lI"t‘lSl$
oi’ our own ll'l(l.LH'~‘«l.l‘l(.7l1.l%'~i.% ~;—;c~:»pn;xlntlon <:>ug-‘.lxt to lac (30llS‘3l.lllL(3f,l aml promoted? And I happen to lxovc
 ‘V'Cll"y' l1:‘1"1};:lm-tot1t4;locumcnt l1cn;2:, ‘Wlfll(;.l'1 one of‘ your l'cllcrw—citiccI:1s (zoomed to be-. copicdand
jorintml in o. vorry llol“u.'l:aoafa':«;: 2o:1l.ntlcr. lt is o. newt-i2.=mt>o1‘totio11 :1;:§rcol"r1ont, (local clwo’rs,) cntcrcd
;i‘oto in thine: city to: curly mo l.'ili5.l~ Tltttt was an A1nct'lco.r1 instinct! I*Icro arc ncuuocs to ho l‘or-
cvol: ‘molc:m'l;w:t'ctll I pcrcoivo oyltttsltgot lltom I'lol;:acz't. l\tl<:>rriss,ytl'lc lll‘.1fl.1’lClC1‘ of‘ tho ;R£tV()ll'll.lilf)1’1(,l
Cfltmrlco '.l;‘lmmplsoxi, tljno ii-§ccrcto.r y of Co1'1g,x*c2;ac, and other illtlsmiouo.no.mcs, wl‘1o.=sc x'cp1‘c£~:cntu-l.
'l.i;vo::‘s mo otiiill ::l.175,‘1«;)m;_;':.-*.,t. us. A l l y . '
Cl~ontlcm.c11., tl1cl'o is; on imputzttiolt that liozttest men o11gll'1t to x'csiot, Wlxich is, that the protec-
tive policy ztillo czopitolis-:mi~.i., and is mczmt to do so, e1+;."(:lus.ivo'ly. l"Wclllcor ovcry clay of’ tho gr:-mt
rtzoyitollliotc told rich c()1'pc.)i*o.tir.‘»1v1c oi." Now Eng_,rlom'l. A word (llSSlpfl.l;l?S. all tllism A c¢)1'poro.tion
in New Eng;l::1.z‘lt;l is o. form of p:a11'tncr:t~:ll1lip. Anybody €ll.”.ll.0I‘S into it that c:lm«:>.s:'c.s4. Where indi-
vi(;luol:3 im'o.~s't tllolr property to build. a. mill, thoy do it in ‘tho f'o1‘m of o, corpomtion, thoir miiivote
t‘e.c1:lc)1r1:f4'ill.)ility Still l‘(3I‘l’lltTLll’ll,ll.‘1::,‘ in o. quolifmzl :'~::cns.:o, and in tlmt woy they cn1l.l:t1'.l»: in the cntc1'prlo<:.
"llL‘il.:1c talk oltaout1'i4:.l1m'1zl c:»u::lLl:a.it'c corpo1'ot.i<:a1'.1;«:a is idle. it is l’al.s:c. 'll‘hcro is not onc of them ~
into wltiolt mom of modcmto moons nmy not outer, and many cuclt men do cntcr, uml are into-
1'coI.lcdlil1 lthcm to o. co:oci(:lcrol:)lc czttcztt. l
l Clcotlomcn, I l1a'x'vo—«o.lx-ozzxdy alluded to the great ixnportomc of tho protcctivc policy in thlc

1 State ancl in othcr States, to the l'l:.tx1dio1'ol’tr;l: tlmt ’VWU3 tho origginztl specific clot and design of

tltc policy.
.A.lLf.l‘1£:tl1‘l.’1(i5 of the t1(l()Jl.l.()I1 of thoCollmtit1.1tion lzmrc mt).lll'.tf:1C'.lt11‘ll'l.W' Cort>r>rz,1tions wcrc not
I .. on I

l known. N o ggrteot worloe: cztiotctl, l.l10l.1g'll ozigz.t<:ici»t1oyz=lnd lli‘a.z'«:+:oclng; moo "l£31‘(5(3llV(;3lll, l.l.'1.tl.t the op»-

}.“lll.C£1.l.lOl.] oi‘ wt-ttor power fl‘11;{Slt(1l’l¢.3 tloy ,c;roo_t1y :;u"lvorl<‘:«:: tloc 1'l1::Lm:tfitott:t1*1nht; llttcrtzaito. At that
Eloy, tho l1itI1(§l1CI"t“1f}lfi{, tho mcczlmrltcxs, oml t11'tlSttI‘lf:$ in the city were lookocl opoxmlc tlxosc whose
oi>or1t.*svoo ooimsz c to _]')1l‘t)‘l(?,(:t.. , l l l '
"tVi.l1 yoo }m,1*r,lol"1 mo, goxltlcmoxt, for rm:all1n,gr~to thclrccolllcctlon of your older f'cllow~citizenc,,
on 1l"ll.t!!'t3Sa‘llllf’m' colcbmtlon wlluolt tool: place In time‘; ally‘, oltthc 4th day of July,_yJ-788. t
On Frlcltty, 41.11": of July, 1’lll8, tho citizens of‘lE’h1lttdclplno,l cololnrotcd the dclclmntlon of Iii»: y
l3o1tx>tt2qnz2No1tyy1n:irlc byltlflc tlmtoon Umtccl Stotco oflAn1cxé1caon tltc éltltmol“ July, 1776', and the l y
cstcbllclxmogg3;_,,_y_o_tfy C(3N8T1’EMlT-lOiNJ=~l01“lffflnlfl‘ of'yGovor11mclnt,iltlzclo l1~cccrxtly odiopteid by two i 

l -Alprocecsion was for‘m*'*cd.l The military and compaciesllof the vztriotlslltrodcsl and profcscionis
united in it. It was vorgorlizcd and commanded by Generals Mifllini and. Stewart, and coma
other well ltnown gcnl.loxnc.1"1. '

The vo.1'ir.m.~3 contplmico disaplaycd tlzcir flags and laonnors with ztppropl-iatcldcvices and mot-

ltocs. ‘ l ° l l l “ l l i l

» » .[ticlm.rd Bochc, E:=3q., onlhorscbaclc, no 3. hcmld, attended by 9. trumpet, proclaimcda “ New

'lE'.ro.” l l l ‘ ll ~ « W V l i l l *
The I~;‘[on. Pctor Mulxlcnhcx-gt carried El. blue flag‘ with the words “17tl'1 of Scptcmlocr,”

17537,” in zsilvcr lottxrrc. ' l l l . y l i  l « V i - ' A l
~ l (ll1icf~'Justicc McKcoo, and his associates, in their robes of office, were seated in a lofty car,
-olmpcd lilac an oogglo, and (lzmvn by six white homes. The to Chief Justice supported ft tall stall‘,
on the top of which was the Cap of Liberty; under thocapltho “ New Cloolstitutiyo11,” framed

‘and ornmnontcd, and immediately under the Constitution the words‘ “The People,” in largo

gold letters» l _ ‘ . l l _ -_ , V V V
' glhcrx followed wtrtouo corps and troops and wcocmuonc,lconaula, -co‘ll.cctors, judgca, and.
“X‘lxcn comc tho Agricultural Socicty, with its flag and motto," “‘ Vane:-ate the P‘lough.”<

32

Then the Manu.lhcturing Society, with their spinning, and carding r_nachines, looms, Sm. lMr..
Grallaudet carried the flog, the device on which was 8. Bee Hive, standing 1n the locating of the
sun—--bees issuing from the hive; the flag a blue sflk; motto, “ In its rays we shall leel new
-vi-é3;0.‘ra,, '

This was followed by a carriage holding men weaving and printing. A Ltd will 1161‘ f'0‘t1't’'
daugliters  upon it, pencilling a. piece of chintz,,and all dressed in cotton of 1 our own menu-
‘focture, and over them all, on a. lofty staff’, was a flag with this motto, “ MM: rue UNION Germ
ERNMENT rnorncr THE MANUFACTURES on AMERICA.” o

. The Federal ehi ,“ Union,” Followed next, and after her hozrobuilders, saiol-makers, mer-
chents, and others interested in commerce.

. Then the other trodes, cabinet and chair-makers, with a flog end motto, “ BY UNITY we
eurronr Scenery.”

Next bricklayers, with a flaw on which wase. brickyard and kiln burning; hunds at work;
-and in the distance a Federal city liuilding, with this motto, “ Ir WAS nnnto IN Eorrrr, our rms
Pnosrncr MAKES IT EASY.” .

Then came the porters, bearing on their flog the motto, “ MAY Innosrrur EVER no _nN.ooon—~
AGED.” After them various trades again, and then whip and cane-n1e.l<c1'e, with their motto,
“‘ LET US ENC0URM~‘J?‘- mm M-W’ 1"-‘In-==m«*Ar"rvmvrr4.” After them still others, and unrtongst the last

the brewers, W‘ll.l1 u l‘lu.g' with this motto, “1}IoMr.: Bnnwmn Is Bxt:s'r."

[Tliis stommcnt woe received with [owl and ent:'ms'iostic 1tpplrntsc.] ’

I now ask you whether thcec sentiments and lnur1ncr.~3 indicutod tl1ntC~‘rovcrnmcnt.wos to loy-
dutiee only for revenue, and without respect to horne industr P (Cries ofno, no.) Do you
believe the doctrines ot‘Mr. Polk, or those of the citizens ofPl11ludclpl1ia in 1788? l (Loud slwuts
of “ eigizty—¢2igll,t,” and long czmtirutcd cheering.) ’

Glentlcmen, I lied intended to mulie some rcmurlcs upon the present state of the linunccs and
the prospects of the public Treasury. But I have not time to present tllern.

I thinll: there will be u ,g-root (lolicicncy, and I rather expect that the P,rcsidcnt will recommend

' n tux upon ten and collhe. ‘Well, all I hove to soy is this: there who u mujo1'ity fmind in either’

brunc,h‘ol'Cox1;{.;,"1'cne eufiioicnt to curry tl‘l(l"’p1‘(3.‘Sf3fll. to.rill'mez1surc—-»-e, mc:eet11'c which hue, in my
juclgn1cIlt., destroyed the l;>eet syotcni that tine country over en,joyc(l--~l moon the turill‘ol’184Q--——-

’ whether for rcvlcnuo, or promotion, or public credit. ( (irccrt citeertng.) Tliis, tltore were mujo-

rltiee lhund to destroy. Tliese sumo mujorities exist. By thut not, they struck oll‘livc rnillione
from the unnuul income. 'I‘hcy.muy, or may not—-—-I will not alllZl(3l‘[Tlttl€3---I'(3(3(;!l.Vt3 on equal
umot1nt_u.r1(lor their own new turill’. Let events decide t.ho.t. If‘ they do not; if‘ they went
more money; if they .muetl‘1uvc more money, they have the some :t:rm._joritico, for coy measures
which they may see fit to udopt. .. y .
If they will take my advice, should they be in went of money, I would soy to them, restore
what you have destroyed.---(crt'es of “ Ewcctlt, t}tttt’8 it,” and lend cftocr3)---=-give us huclt that eye-

»tem of rsrcditmput, us soon us you can, honorably, on end to this wur.

You may hove increesctl your public debt; give us or g;ood system to live under, cud puy un«-
der, and wccun meet the loose. But if you moon to overwhelm us with fo1~cig;x1 irrlyclrtutioxrg if
you think you "Vi./1llI‘(.$(.l(”.ll'V't3--~«l.l.l$.il you will not-—o—l‘orty millions of new iXl’lp¢")rttl.l“.1()I’1tél, WVV do you
expect to meet this demand? lt in true, the times favor and stzppoz-t the l'l()}fl(3 of ,«g;e_ttirxg along‘
for some little time, under the present system. The high price of iron in lilnglend kcepo up the

rice 0f‘tl11t‘ftfl1.t‘iL£“1(3 here, whilet the famine in Irelund, end the general ecurcity in other ports: of
nrope,uut3,'rncr1t the cxporto.tiou of Americun ‘,1-oduce. l i y _

But, looking to the end, I entertain tit claxmfiriisrlt opinion tlrut the im ortntions of the country
will not reach such on amount on will rnuke good the loss sustained iy the deotruction of the
tariff’ of 18452; and if such importation should take place, and the people of the United Statue
were foolish enough to purchase foreign cornmoditice to that extent, Wllitl; must be‘th.o consc-
q_uences:" "Why, that our exports would not pay for our imports, and the country would be
dreincd of spec.1e.. 'I'his eeerns to me inevitable; and derangement ofthe currency, end prcseurc~

:  comrnerclul ieliuirsi moot. follow. y l r ._
o p i Gtentlernen, I new l«fik€?a11l~l3aVG.O,'MyOu and of the occasion, lay returning, theoke tothe Indies

 

I

who hevetlhonoredr,rrte»,.;unl;‘mil of  thus. meeting. If they shove ‘ notireceived
pleesuremhey hove fulfilled, so far, the thirty an i destiny‘ of the sex in conferring; it. i (Entlvusi-9
 eheerivng.)_ If thegaudience immediately before me have sometimes felt that their ears were
weary, their eyes, nevertheless, have loeenulwe. e pleased. (Renewed cheering.) , y r
r, They maytwell rejolicei in the prosperity of , eppy homes, and o. hep y country, and in the
innumerable blessing-so Providence has vouchsafed to pour upon us. ‘ i or is there--a.re there
.§vnVl{)““'Wi1°t°W.1 190k baclt with morepleasure and honour. pride, upon the history of therpest?‘
, or is there, ‘many pnrtof the earth, that cenvconternplute the prescntcircumotunces which
our:-ou.r1d.tl1em,,with more satisfaction than one of‘ this goodly lend? And where are there fathers
round mothers, _who_, can look forward with higher and better hopes for the happiness of their chiI-
dren, and their ch1l«_lr_~en’s c1‘uldren,i,then the fathers and mothers now before me. (L0url,cheer.s.).
Let us soften }’.)Ol1i'.I.(3»El.l(l11l1eS and political differences by surrouncling them with friendly lasso-~
‘cietionsnnd kind feelings; and while thefathers, and the sons, through successive g;cuerntione'
shell, with manly .st1~engtl1, uphold theipillarsiof the Sta,te,‘me.y.thoee “pillars he ornemcnytediliby

;;

 

the grace and beauty of mothers and daughters! (Loud and long contirmwdrCtc]wgy;m,g,) l o

Digitization information for the
Daniel Webster Pamphlet Project

University Libraries

University of Missouri——Columbia

Local identifier

web000

Digitization work performed by the
University of Missouri Library Systems Office

Capture information

Date captured
Scanner manufacturer
Scanner model
Optical resolution
Color settings

File types

Source information

Format
Content type
Derivatives — Access copy
Compression
Editing software
Editing characteristics

Resolution
Color

File types
Notes

2004-2005
Minolta
PS7000
600 dpi
Unknown
tiff

Pamphlets
Text with some images

Uncompressed
Adobe Photoshop

600 dpi

Bitonal; images
grayscale

tiff

Pages cropped and
brightened

Blank pages removed

Property marks
removed