.e»i:37 ;
aw %

mm.1A:nmmxynz»ea%%éa;¢m[WeW mmxay,:umn 7,1m..

SPEECH

HON. DANIEL WEBSTER,

0!

MR. % OLAY’S RESOLUTIONS,
IN THE SEEATE OF THE UNITED STATES,

MARCH '2', 1850.

"VERA PRO GRATIS.

BOSTON:
BEDDING AND «COMPANY.
1850.

DEDICATION.

WITH TIIE HIGHEST RESPECT, AND THE DEEPEST SENSE OF
OBLIGATION, I DEDICATE THIS SPEECH TO THE

PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS:

“ I~Ixs mo GRATIORA nxocctr ALIA. mam S010; smzo mm: VERA PRO GRATIS

. LOQITI, zmzrax mmm INGENIUM Non MONERET, ITECEBSITAS comm. Vnnmm,

mnxnmm, voms rmommzg sun zwmo MALO vos sanvos E88133, Qtmnxonmqun
mnem ME mxmo zmcrmzu IDS'I'IB.”  

DANIEL WEBSTER.
WASHINGTON, March 18, 1850.

Page numbers 2-5 are not used in the
original. The fifth page of the book is
labeled ”1” and the verso of that page is
numbered ”6.”

SPEECH.

In trnr-3 SENATE on man. Unrrnn Scmrns, March 7,1850.

The Vice-Pnesxnsur. The resolutions submitted by the Senator

from Kentucky were madethe special order of‘ the day at 12 o’oloc1:; I

The Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. I7VUiL1{nn)?has the floor.
Mr.‘ Wartime, Mr. President, this vast audience has not t1SS'6m~

bled to hear me; and there is but one man, in my opinion, wholioan I

assemble such an audience. They expect to hear him, and I feel
it to be my duty, as it is my pleasure, to give the floor, therefore, to
the Senator from Massachusetts. I understand it is imxnaterial to
him upon which of these questions he speaks, and therefore Iwill
not move to postpone the special order. I

Mr. Vvnnsrea. »I beg to express my obligations to my friend
from Wisconsiti (Mr. WALKER), as well as to my friend from New
York (Mr. SEWARD), for their courtesy in allowing me to address
the Senate this morning. * ,

Mr. President, I wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts‘
man, nor as a Northern man, but as an American, and a member of
theifleuate of the United States. It is fortunate that there is a
Senate of the United Statesra body, not yet moved from its pro»-
priety, not lost to a just sense of its own dignity, and its own high re-I
sponsibilities, and a body to which the country looks, with con iidence,
for wise, moderate, patriotic, and healing counsels. It is not torbe

denied that we live in the midst of strong agitations, and are sum»  
sounded by very considerable dangers toyourpinstitutions and govemwj ‘
ment. The imprisoned winds arelet Iootse. I The East, theiNorth,{
and the stormy Sotttli, combine tothrow the whole ocean into comb-l

motion, to toss its billows to the skies, and disclose its profounclesit
depths. I I do not effect to regard myself‘, Mr. President, as holding,
or as fit to hold, the helm in this combat with the political elements;
but I have a duty to perform and I mean to plerform itwith fidelity,
not without a sense of existing dangers, but not without hope.

I have at part to act, notltfor my own security ortsafety, for I am,

Iooltingwout for no fragmenit, upon whichto float away from the wreck,

ifwreck there must be, buttfotr the good of the whole, and the pres» I 

?,ervatioli1 of n all ;r and there isthat which will keep: I me to my dutv ‘

1

6

, during this st1'rtggle,wl1ether the sun and the stars shall appear, or

shall not appear, for many days. I speak to-day for the preservation
of the Union. “Hear me for my cause.” I speak, to—day, out of a
solicitous and anxious heart, for the restoration to the country of
that quiet and that harmony which make theblessings of this Union

so rich and so dear to us all. These are the topics that I propose

to myself to discuss; theseare the motives, and the sole motives,
that influence me in the wish to lcornninnicate my opinions to the Sen-

ate and the country; and if I can do anything, however little, for the

protnotionlof these ends, I slialll have accomplished all that I expect.

Mr. President, it may not be amiss to recur very briefly to the
events which, equally sudden and extraordinary, have brouglrt the
political condition of the country to What it now is. In May, 1846,
the United States declared war against Mexico. Our armies, then
on the frontiers, entered the provinces of that republic, met and
defeated all her troops, penetrated her mountain passes, and occu--
pied her capital. The marine force of the United States took pos»
sessionof her forts and her towns, on the Atlantic and on the Pacific.
In less than two years, a treaty was negotiated, byiwhich Mexico
ceded to the United States a vast territory, extending seven or eight
hundred miles along the shores of the Pacific, and reaching back
overithe rnountains, and across the desert, until it joins’ the frontier of

'the State ‘of Texas. It so happened, in the distracted andpfeeble

state of the Mexican Government, that before the declaration of
war by the United States againstTMexico had becorne known in

iGalit"ornia, the people of California, under the lead of American ofli-i
U > -oers, overthrew the coexisting, Provincial Governrtient of California,

tthe'tMeX.ican authorities, and run up an independent flag. When
the news arrived at St. Francisco that war had been declared by
the Uniteld , States against Mexico, this independent flag was pulled

«dotvir, and the stars and stripes of this Union hoisted in its stead.

So, sir, before the war was over, the forces of the United States,
military and naval, had possession of San Francisco ‘and Upper Cal-
-ifornia, and a great rush of emigrants from various parts of the

a World tool: place into California in 1846 and, 1847., But now, be-

hold another wonder.  U i l . ~ ,

  In January of 1848, the_,.lV.[orrnons, or some of them, made a
~-qdyiscovery, of an extraordinarily rich mine of gold, or, rather, of a

. l  greats quantity, of gold, hardly fit to be called a mine, for,it,'i

U U‘ evenssplreadfnearthei surfaces, on the lower part of‘ the South, or
,.lAmerican,,hranch of the Sacramento. They seem to have attempt-
p.,e,dto,lcon,1creal their discovery forsometime ; but soon another dis»

eov,erry,,}1,pe§rghtaps,rof ::grreat"er~ importance, was made of gold, in another
partof thenmrerieanrbranch‘ofthe Sacrarnento, and near Suttieris

'7

Fort, as it is called. The fame of these discoveries spread far and
vvid e. They inflamed more and more the spirit of emigration towards
California, which had already been excited ; and persons crowdedin
hundreds, and flocked towards the Bay of San Francisco. This, as
I have said, tool: place in the winter and spring of 1848. The dig-
ging commenced inthe spring of that year, and from that time to
this the work of searching for gold has been prosecuted with a suc-
cess not heretofore known in the history of this globe. We all know,
sir, how incredulous the American public was at the accounts which
reached us, at first, of these discoveries; but we all know, now, that
these accounts received, and continue to receive, daily confirmation,
and down to the present moment I suppose the assurances are as
strong, afterthe experience of these several months, of mines of gold
5,apparentlyinexhaustible in the regions near San Francisco, in Cali-
fornia, as they were at any period of‘ the earlier dates of the accounts.
It so happened, sir, that, although after the return of peace, it became
a “very important subject for legislative consideration and legislative’
decision, to provide a proper territorial government for California,
yet difl*"erences of opinion in the councils of the government pre-
vented the establishrnent of any such territorial government, at
the last session of Congress. Under this state of things, , the
inhabitants of San Francisco and California, then amounting to
a great, number of people, in the summer of last year, th.Ol.'lght}i,t
to be their duty to establish a local government. Under the
proclamation of’ General Itiley, the people chose delegates to_ a
iConvention; that Convention met at Monterey. They formed a
constitution for the State of California, and it was adopted by the
people of California in their primary assemblages. Desirous ,:0f
immediate connection with the United States,its Senators were ap-
pointed and Represeritatives chosen, who have come hither, bring-
ing with them the authentic constitution of the State of California;
and they now present themselves, askitig, in behalf of their State,
that it may be admitted into this Union asone of the United States.
This constitution, sir, contains an express proliibition against slavery,
or involuntary servitude, in the State of California. tIrt,l~is said, and
p I suppose truly, that of the members ‘who composed that Conven-
tion some sixteen were natives of’, and had been. residents in, the

it slaveholding States, about twenty-two were from the non-slave-

holding States, and the remaining ten members were either native
Californians or old settlers in that country. This prohibition against
slavery, it is said, was insertedwith entire unanimity. , 
p~_M:r. I‘IALE. i Will the «Senator give way until order is res,to_red,P
 The ,Vrc:a-Passrn;:eNr,.~ The Sergeant-at~Arm«s,,will see that order

n i is restored, and no more ‘persons admittedrto the floor.

8

Mr. Cass. I trust the scene of the other day will not be re»
peated. The Sergeant-at--Arms must display more energy in sup-
pressing this disorder.

y Mr. HALE. The noise is outside of the door.
- i Mr. Wsesrsn. And it is this circumstance, sir, the prohibitionof
slavery by that convention, which has contributed to raise, I do not
say it has wholly raised, the dispute as to the propriety of the admis-

 sion of California into the Union under this constitution. Itiis

not to be denied, Mr. President, nobody thinks of denying, that,

j} whatever reasons were assigned at the commencement of the late

war with Mexico, it was prosecuted for the“ purpose of the acquisi-
tion of territory, and under the alleged argument that the cession of
territory was the only form in which proper compensation could be
made to the United States by Mexico, for the various claims and de-
mands which the people of’ this country had against that government.
At any rate, it will be found that President Polk’s message, at the
cornmencement of the session of December, 1847, avowed that the
war was to be prosecuted until some acquisition of territory should
he made. And, as the acquisition was to be south of the line of

t the United States, in warm climates and countries, it wasnaturally,

I suppose, expected by the South, that whatever acquisitions were
made in that region would be added to the slaveholding portion of
the United States. Very little of accurate information was pos-

sessed of the real physical character, either of’ California or New

Mexico; and events have turned out as was not expected; both

i,Calif"ornia and New Mexico are likely to come in as free; and

therefore some degree of clisappointrnent and surprise has resulted.

In other words,“it is obvious thatithe question which has so long 

harassed the country, and at some times very seriously alarmed the

 f  ‘goody, rnen, has come upon us fora fresh discuss— S

t inn’: itheilcilueistionyaiof slavery in these United States.

New, sir, I propose, perhaps at the expense of‘ some detail and

wconsequentidetention of the Senate, to review historically this ques-

tionwhich, partly in consequence of its own importance, and partly, per-

haps mostly,in consequence of the manner in which it has been discussed ,
Q“ i p ‘ an ‘ i I W ‘
one andgthe otherportton of the country, has been a source of so much



alienation: and unkind “feeling. a l l t 
ilWe all know, sir, that slavery has existed in therworld from time im-

U mernurial.~ i There was slavery, in the earliest periods of3history,tin the

er;ient.al p nations. 1 There was slavery among theflevvs; the theocratic
government of that peopleordained no injunction against it. ‘There

was it slavery siarnong theGreeks ;_ and theingenious philosophy, ofthe i ii  S S
Greeks found,ors' sought to find,ja justifi‘catiori“fo‘r it exactly iuponthe U

grounds Whichthave beien°assumedt~,for3 suchajusytificationjin this coun-

9

try ; that is, a natural and original difference among the races of man-
kind, and the inferiority of the black or colored race to the white. The
Greeks justified their system of slavery upon that idea. precisely.
They held the African, and in some parts the Asiatic, tribes to be inferior
to the white race ; but they did not show, I think, by any close process
of logic, that, if this were true, the more intelligent and the stronger
had therefore a right to subj agate the Weaker.

The more manly philosophy and jurisprudence of the Romans placed
the justification of slavery on entirely different grounds. l

The Roman jurists, from thefirst and down to the fall of the
empire,,aclmitted that slavery was against the natural law, by which,

as they maintaine;d,tta1’l men a of l wihatsoreverpclime, color, or capacity,
vvereequal ; but they justifiedr slavery, fitrst,_tuponl the ground and

tatrthority of the law of nations, larguing, and arguing truly, that

at that day the conventional law of nations admitted thatlcaptives
in war, whose lives, according to the notions of the times, wereiat
the absolute disposal of the captors, might, in exchange for exemp-
tion from death, he made slaves for life, and that such servitude
might descend to their posterity. The jurists of Rome also main-
tained that by the civil law there might be servitude or”slavery,,
personal and hereditary ; first, by the voluntary act of an individual
who might sell himself into slavery; second, by his being received
into a state of slavery by his creditors in satisfaction of his debts; and,
thirdly, by being placed in a state of servitude or slavery forcrirne.
At the introduction of Christianity, the Roman world wasfull of
slaves, and ‘I suppose there is lobe found no injunction against that
relation between man and man, in the teachings of the Gospel of
Jesus Christ, or of any of V his Apostles. The object of the instruc-
tion imparted to mankind by the founder of Christianity was to

touch the heart, purify the soul, and improve the lives of individual

men. , That object went directly to the jflrsttfountain of all political

flértil all social relations of tliellilhuncaln race, as ell yasyof

religiousjfeteling, the individual heart of,  * \‘ = t

t sNovvt,' sir, upon the general nature, and character, landinfluenceof vi
slavery, there exists a wide difference betvveen the a Northern por- j

t tion ‘of this country  the Southern. It issaid on the one sidve

,  if not the subject or any ilijunlctilorlllor direct prohibition in the
‘ Nevv{r,fTe,stamle11t,(slaveryis awrong; that it is founded merely in

t the right " of the strongest ;_ and that it is an oppression, like
unjust ‘W,ars,~like all those conflicts by which a trnightynation sub-g

ejects, al,,t‘W‘65ak46r nation to its will; and that ,slav!e'ry,lyyin its _nature;,

  
  

by twhatever~rn‘ayptbel‘saidof it in the rnodificationsjvvhich have tal;~ef[ai
  laoe,iis~,tnott,‘,,aycicortdinzgtto thep.meeklspirit of the 
 j,:ttpL*:*t,,kind1y   c1o<es not ‘f seek lano:ther’s, and not, its f

10

own,” it does not “let the oppressed go free.” These are senti-
ments it that are cherished, and recently with greatly augmented
force, among the people of the Northern States. They havetaken hold
of the religious sentiment of that part of the country, as they have
more or less taken hold of the religious feelings of a considerable
portion of __,rnankind.r The South, upon the other side, having been
accustomed to this relation between the two races all their lives,
firorntheir birth; having been taught, in general, to treat the subjects
of i this bondage with care and kindness, and I believe, in general,
feeling for them great care and kindness, have not taken the

I View of’ the subject which I have mentioned. There are thousands

of religious men, with consciences as tender as any of their brethren
at the North, who do not see the unlawf'ulness of slavery; and there
are more thousands, perhaps, that, whatsoever they may think of it
in its origin, and as a matter depending upon natural right, yet take
things as they are, and, finding slavery to be an established relation
of’ the society in which they live, can see no way inwhich, let their
opinions on the abstract question be what they may, it is in the

spowerof the present generation to relieve thernselves from this

relation... And, in this respect, candor obliges me to say, that I

believe they are just as conscientious, many of them, and the

religiotts people, all of them, as they are in the North who hold
different opinions. .    I '  
Whyr, sir, the honorable Senator from South Carolina, the other

day, alludedto the separation of that great religious cotntnunity,

the Methodist Episcopal Church. That separation was brought
aboutsby ~difFerencesi of opinion upon this particular subject of
slavery. I felt great concern, as that dispute went on, about the

H result; and Iwas in hopes that the difference of opinion rnightble

adjusted, beca.us.er,1 looked upon that religious denornination as one
of the great props of religion and morals, throughout the whole coun-
try, from Maine to Georgia, and westward, to our ntrnost western
boundary. The result was against my Wishes and against my hopes.
I have read all theirproceedings, and all their arguments; but I have

. rnevergyet been able to come to the conclusionithat there was any
real ground for that separation ; in otherrrwords, that any golodcould

beproduced bythat separation. I I must say I think there was some
want of candor and charity. Sir, whenarquestion of this kind seizes on

A» the religious sentirnentslqf mankind, and comes to be discussed in

religious assernblies of the clergy and laity, there is always to bee‘x-
pected, ;or always to be feared,a great:degreey of excitement.  It isin
the nature of man, manifestedtbylhis whole him-y,,, that rierlrigiotts
disputes are apt to "beconte *Warrn,,ais r'n?en;’fs f strength ‘of conviction
is proportionatel to their views of the magnitude of . thequestions. I In

,“.‘
W

11

all such disputes, there will sometimes men be found with whom every-

thing is absolute, absolutely Wrong, or absolutely right. They see the

right clearly ; they think others ought so to see it, and they are rdis-
posed to establish a broad line of distinction between what is right, and
what is wrong. And they are not seldom willing to establish
that line upon their own convictions of truth and justice ; and are
ready to mark and guard it, by placing along it a series of dog-
mas, as lines of boundary on the earth’s surface, are marked by
posts and stones. There are men who, with clear perceptions,
as they think, of their own duty, do not see how too hot a pttrsuit
of one duty may involve them or in theviolation of others, or how
too warm, on emh,i*arcernentlof one truth may lead, to all dis,reg;airdl

of other trutlts equally} impoirtenty As I heard it stated ,st~rongly,,l
not many days ago, these,persons are clisposecl to mount t1;ponlso.rn,el

particular duty as upon aywar horse, and, to drive,ft1ritOt1sl,yml'Qr,t1
and upon, and over, all other duties that may stand in the way.
There are men who, in times of that sort, and in disputes of thatsort,
are of opinion that human duties may be ascertained with the lex-
actness of‘ mathernatics. They deal with morals as with rnathemat~
ice; and they think what is right may be distinguished from what
is wrong, with the precision of an algebraic equation. They have,
therefore, none too much charity towards others who ,difi‘er,from
them. They are apt, too, to think that nothing is good but what is
pelrfect, and that there are no compromises or modifications to be

Wmade in submission to difi'erenceof' opinion, or in dtefcregnce of other

mienls juclgrnlentt. ; Iftheirperspicacious vision enables them to do-

i tectlaltspiot ‘01]‘it11e faceof the sun, they think that a good reason
why the sun}shoultl:l be struck down from heaven. They pretferthe

chance of running into utter darkness, to living in heavenly light,
if that heavenly light be not absolutely without any imperfection.
There are irnpatient men, too, impatient always to give lieiedyto
the admon.ition of St. Paul, “ tha«t,we, are inlet to do nv,lil_ that good

A mayVcorne:’t’ tooimpatientttoywaitforthe,,,slow,lprogre,ssof  A
causes in the improvement of mankind. 4 They do ?not_re;;tn»emb‘er V,

that the doctrines and the miracles of Jesus Christ hare, in-eighteen

hundred years, converted only a smallj portion, of the ehnrnan race;
and among thenatiottts that are~converlte~d to t Christianity, theyforgtet

how many, vices and crimes, public and private, still prevail, and
that many of thern, public crimes especially, which are so clearly
roifences against, the lChristian re1igio,i1,~ pass without exciting,particut-
lar indignation.ti l Thus wars a:t'ewagold,t and ytinjttstlwarsi I do not

deny that there may be just lwars, There certainly are ‘; but it was
p t the remark of an eminentperson, 01; many yearsago, on the lotherl
of tlie At.la,ti;c,_ i9t‘WaS_;;OI1=_€i of the ogre-atest rreproaGl19¢3‘5S’lruu7W

12

human nature, that wars were sometimes just. The defence of
nations sometimes causes a just war against the injustice of other
nations.

Now, sir, in this state of sentiment upon the general nature of’
slavery lies the cause of a great part of those unhappy divisions,
exasperations, and reproaches, which find vent and support in
different parts of the Union. Slavery does exist in the United
States. It did exist in the States before the adoption of this Con-

N st_itution, and at that time.

And now let us consider, sir, for a moment, what was the state of
sentiment, North and South, in regard to slavery, at the time this
Constitution was adopted. A remarkable change has taken place
since; but what did the wise and great men of all parts of the coun—
try think of slavery, then? In what estimation did they hold it
at the time when this Constitution was adopted? Now, it will be
found, sir, if we will carry ourselves by historical research back to
that day, and ascertain men’s opinions by authentic records still
existing among us, that there was no great diversity of opinion
between the North and the South, upon the subject of slavery.
And it will be found that both parts of the country held it equally
anaevil, a moral and political evil. It will not be found that, either
at the North or at the South, there was much, though there was

i some, invective againstslavery as inhuman and cruel. .The great

ground of objection to it was political ; that it weakened the social

fabric; that, taking the place of free labor, society became less

strong and labor was less productive; and, therefore, we find from
all the eminent men of l the time the clearest expression of their

popinionl that slavery was an evil. and they ascribed its existence

lhere,pnotjwithout truth, and not without some acerbity of temper ,

aridforlcebflanguage, tothe injurious policy of the mother coun— i

try, who,‘to lfavorythe navigator, had entailed these evils upon the
colonies. i Ineed hardly refer, sir, particularly to the publications of
the day. They are matters of history on the record. The erni~
nent men, the most eminent men, and nearly all the conspicuous

porliticians of the South, held the same sentiments; that slavery N

was an am, a blight, a blast, a mildew, a scourge, and a curse.
Therepare no terms of reprobation of slavery so vehentzent in the
North of that day as in the South. The North was not so much
excited against it as the South; and the reason is, I suppose, be-

t cause there was much less of it at the North, and the peopledid r

not see, or think they saw, the evils so prominently asvthey were
seen, or thought tobeseen,atI the South, , y  l    r 
Then, sir, when this Constitution Twas pframted, this was the light in

which the Conventionlviewedrittlit “The, ,Clponventionlr,reflected. the judge

13

ment andisentiments of the great men of the South. A member oi’ ,

the other I-louse, whom I have not the honor to know, in a recent
speech, has collected extracts from these public documents. They
prove the truth of what I am saying, and the question then was, how
to deal with it, and how to deal with it as an evil? Well, they came
to this general result. They thought that slavery could not be contin-
ued in the country, if the importation of slaves were made to cease,
and therefore they provided that after a certain period the importation
might be prevented, by the act of the new government. Twenty years
was proposed by some gentleman, a Northern gentleman, I think, and
many of the Southern gentlemen opposed it as being too long. Mr.
Madison, especially, itvasilsomething warmiagainst it. He said it would
bring too much of this mischief into the country to allow the importa-
tion of slaves for such a period. Because we must take alongwith
us, in the Whole of this discussion, when we are considering the senti-
ments and opinions in which the constitutional provision originated,
that the conviction of all men was, that if the importation of slaves
ceased, the white race would multiply faster than the black race, and
that slavery would therefore gradually wear out and expire. It may
not be improper here to allude to that, I had almost said, celebrated
opinion of Mr. Madison. You observe, sir, that the term slave, or
slavery, is not used in the Constitution. The Constitution does not re-
quire that “fugitive slaves” shall be delivered up. It requires that

(“persons bound to service in one fitate, and escaping into another, shall

be delivered up.” Mr. Madison opposed the ..introduction of the term
slave, or slavery, into the Constitution ; for, he said, that he did not wish
to see it recognized by the Constitutionof the United States of Amer-
ica, that there could be property in men. Now, sir, all this took place
at the Convention in 1787 ; but, connected with this, concurrent and
contemporaneous, is another important transaction not sufficiently

attended to. The Convention for framing this Constitution assembled
in Philadelphia in May, and sat until September, .1787. ~During all
i that time the iCongreiss of the United States was in .session at New 1 i
York. It was a matter of design, as we know, that the Convention .

should not assemble in the same city where Congress was holding its

sessions. Almost all the public menof theccountry, therefore, of dis»

tinction and eminence, were in one or the other of these two assem-I
blies ; and I think it happene~d, in some instances, that the sa1negentle-
men were mernbers of both. If I mistake not,such vvasthe case of
Mr. Rufus King, then a member of Corngreiss from Massachusetts, and

at the same time a member of theConventionv to frame theConstitu-, ,
tion. Novv,it was in the surnmert.,oif.‘17s87, the veryktime when the ‘

Convention in Philiadelphiavvas framing this Constitution, that the

Congress in New Yorkvvasframing the tordinantcléf of 1787., =The"y”i

14

passed that ordinance on the 13th July, 1787, at New York, the very
month, perhaps the very day, on which these questions (about the
importation of slaves and the character of slavery) were debated in the
Convention at Philadelphia. And, sofar as we can now learn, there
was aiperfect concurrence of opinion between these respective bodies;
and it resulted in this ordinance of 1787, excluding slavery as to all
the territory over which the Congress of the United States had juris-
diction, and that was, all the territory nortlivvest of the Ohio. Three
years before, Virginia and other States had made a cession of that
great territory to the United States. And a most magnificent act it
was. Inever reflect upon it without a disposition to do honor and
justice, and justice would be the highest honor, to Virginia, for the
cession of her northwestern territory. I will say, sir, it is one of
her fairest claims to the respect and gratitude of the United States, and
that, perhaps, it is only second to that other claim which attaches to
her; that, from her counsels, and from the intelligence and patriotism
of her leading statesmen, proceeded the first idea put into practice of
the forrnaftion of a general constitution of the United States. Now,
sir, the ordinance of 1787 was applied thus to the whole territory over

which the Congress of the United States had jurisdiction. It was

adoptedtwo years before the Constitution of the United States went

‘into operation ; because the ordinance took effect immediately on its

passage, while the,Constitution of the United States, having been
framed, was to be sent to the States to be adopted by their Conven-

t tions; and then a government was to be organized under it. This

ordinance, then, was in operation and force when the Constitution

“was adopted and the Government put in motion, in April, 1789.

Mr. President, three things are quite clearas historical truths. One
is, thatthere was an expectation that on the ceasing of the importation
or slaves from Africa, slavery would begin, to run out. That was hoped
and expected. Another is, that as far as there was any power in Con~
gress to prevent the spread of slavery in the United States, that power
was executed in the most absolute manner, and to the fullest extent.

a An honorable member, whose health does not allow him to ‘be here

 

to—-day , I . t g t
A SENATOR. He is here. (Referring to Mr. Cannons.)

Mr. WEBSTER. I am very happy to hear that he is; may be long
be here, and in the tenjoytnent of health to serve his country! The
hlonorable member said theother day, that he considered this ordinance
as the tirs.t, in the series of measures, calculated to enfeeble the South,
and deprive them of their justparticipation in the benefits and privileges

itoftltisfltovertiment. Q He says veryproperly that it Wasenacted under

the oldconfederation [and Tbeforethis Constitution went into effect;
but,;rny ‘present hurpose is only to say, Mr. Presiidenlatthat it W35 93"

15

tablished with the entire andunanirnous concurrence of the whole South
Why, there it stands! The vote of every State in the Union was
unanimous in favor of the ordinance, with the exception of a single
individual vote, and that individual vote was given by -a Northern
man. i But, sir, the ordinance abolishing, or ‘rather prohibiting, slavery
northvvest of the Ohio, has the hand and seal of every Southern
member in Congress. So this ordinance was no aggression of the
North on the South. ,

The other and third clear ‘historical truth is, that the Convention
meant to leave slavery, in the States, as they found it, entirely under
the authorityand control of the States themselves.

This Wasthe state of things, sir, and this theistate of opinion, under
»vv.h:ich thoselvery important matters were arranged, and those three
important things done; that is, the establishment of the Constitution
with a recognition of slavery as it existed in the States; the estab-
lishment of the ordinance prohibiting, to the full extent of all territory
owned by the United States, the introduction of slavery into that ter-
ritory, while leaving to the States all power over slavery in their own
limits; and creating a power, in the new government, to put an end to
the importation of slaves, after a limited period. And here, sir, We
may pause. We may reflect for a moment upon the entire coincidence
and concurrence of sentiment, between the North and the South, upon
all these ,questions, at the period of the adoption of the Constitution.
But opinions, sir, have changed, greatly changed, changed North, and
changed South. Slavery is not regarded in the South now as it was
then, ‘I see an honorable member of this body paying me the honor

N of ?listening,tomytremarlrs (Mn. Mason) ; he brings to me, sir, freshly

and vividly, vvhatl have learned of his great ancestor, so much dis-
tinguished in his day“ and generation, so Worthy to he succeeded by so
Worthy a grandson, with all the sentiments he expressed in the Conven-
tion injPhiladelplhia. l t

l l at I‘-Iere we may pause. There was, if not an entire unaniity,a. general
Hconcurirence of sentiment, running through the who>le~ crommunrity, and

especially en:tertaineld by the eminent men of allparts of 3 the country».

* But soon a change began, at the North and the South, and la severance

of opinion showed itself ; the North growing much more warm and strong

N ‘ag‘ainsst.slavery, andthe South growing much more warm and strong: in its

support. Sir, there is nolgenerationl of mankind whose opinionsare not
subjecttobeinfluencedybywhat appears to them to be their’ present,

a emergent, andexigent‘ interests. Itiimputetyottthe South no particularly
N selfish View ‘in the change which has come over her. it I impute to her
p certainly noudishfone-st yvievv. ‘All that has happenedtyhas been natural.
  Jfoltlowed thlosepcaulsies which always inefluencel, the human mind

  upon it. Wh??at,ll.lthen,thavefibeenl th%$,"@fi‘a.S§S which have

16

created so new a feeling in favor of slavery in the South, which have
changed the whole nomenclature of the South on that subject, so that,
from being thought and described in the terms I have mentioned and
will not repeat, it has now become an institution, a cherished institution in
that quarter; no evil, no scourge, but a great religious: social, and moral
blessing, as I think: I have heard it latterly spoken of ? I suppose this,
sir, is owing to the sudden uprising and rapid growth of the COTTON
plantations of the South. So far as any motive consistent with honor,
justice, and general judgment could act, it wasthe COTTON interest
that gave a new desire to promote slavery, to spread it, and to use its
labor. I again say that that was produced by causes which we must
always expect to produce like effects; the whole interest of the South
became connected, more or loss, with it. If we look back: to the his-
tory of the commerce of this country at the early years of this govern-
ment, what were our exports? Cotton was hardly, or but to a very

, limited extent, known. The tables will show that the exports of cotton

for the years 1790Zand,’91 were not more than forty or fifty thousand
dollars a year. It has gone on increasing rapidly, until it may now,
perhaps, in atseason of great product and high prices, amount to a
hundred millions of dollars. In the Years I have mentioned, there
was more of wax, more of indigo, more of rice, more of almost every
article of export from the South, than of cotton. I think it is true
when Mr. Jay negotiated the treaty of 1794; with England, that he
did ndt know that cotton was exported at all from the United States ;
and I have heard it saidalso, that the _custom-house in London refused
to admit cotton, upon an allegation that it could not be an American
production, there being, as they supposed, no cotton raised in America.
They would hardly thinkvso now! i ,

Well, sir, weyknow what followed. The agemf cotton becamethe

I goldenage of our Southern brethren. It gratifiedmtheir desire for

irnprovementand accumulation at the same time that it excited it. The
desire grew by what it fed upon, and there soon came to be an eager-
ness for other territory, a new area or new areas, for the cultivation of
the cotton crop; and measures leading to this yesult were brought
about rapidly, oneafter another, under the lead of Southern men at

the head of the Government, they having a majority in both 

branches to accomplish their ends. “The honorable member from South
Carolina. observed that there »has‘been a majority allalong in favor
of the North; If that bettrue, sir, the North has acted either very

hlielrallyiancl kindly, or trverlyt weakly ; for they never exercised that

; majflorittytt~~eflicientlytfivelhtirnes in the (history of the Government, I

{fay~division,t  or trial1.jof strength, arose. Nevtert  t:Whe"ther

lthloy» wereout-eneraled, or lwliethter it was owing Ctlof Oilihitrl Causes;

‘ I slilall ntastopt ib»con_sider,but Vtnoiman~acquainted'withthe history of I

1'7

the country can deny, that the general lead in the politics of the

I country for three-fourths of the period that has elapsed since the adop-
tion of the Constitution, has been a Southern lead. In 1802, in pursuit
of the idea of opening a new cotton region, the United States obtained
a cession from Georgia of the whole of her western territory, now
embracing the rich and growing State of Alabama. In 1803, Lonisi-
ana was purchased from France, out of which the States of Louisiana,
Arkansas, and Missouri have been framecl as slaveholding States. In
1819, the cession of Florida was made, bringing in another region of
slaveholding property and territory. Sir, the honorable member from
South Carolina thought he saw incertain operations of the Govern-
ment, such as the manner of collecting the revenue, and the tenden-
cy of measures calculated to promote emigration into the country, what
accounts‘ for the more rapid growth of the North than the South; I-Ire
ascribes that more rapid growth, not to the opeiation of time, but to the
system of government, and ad ministration, established under this Consti-«

V tution. Thatis matter of opinion. To a certain extent it may be true ;
but it does seem to me that if any operation of the Government could be
shown in any degree to have promoted the population, and growth, and
wealth of the North, it is much more sure that there are sundry im-
portant and distinct operations of the Government, about which no
‘ man can doubt, tending to promote, and which absolutely have promoted,
the increase of the slave interest and the slave territory of the South.
Allow me to say, that it was not time that brought in Louisiana,-,
it was thetact of men. It was not time that brought in Florida; it
was the actttof men. And lastly, sir, to complete those acts of men
which have contributed so much to enlarge the area and the sphere of
the institution of slavery, Texas, great and vast and illimitable
I Texas, was added to the Union as a slave State in 184.5; and that, sir,
pretty much closed. the whole chapter, and settled the whole account.

That closed the whole chapter, thatpsettledy the whole account,

because the annexationof Texas, upon the conditions and ttnderthe

grtarantiets upon which she was admitted, did not leave twithin the i r

control of this Government an acre of land, capable of being culti-e

vated by slave labor, between this Capitol and the "Rio Grande, or _
the Nueces, or whatever is the iproperlboundaryof‘ Texas, not an

acre.eI_ From that moment the whole country, from this place to the

western boundary of Texas, was fixed, pledged, fastened, decided,"

to be slave territoryforever, by the solemn guarantzies of law. And
I I now say, sir, as the ‘proposition upon which I stand this day, and
upon the truth and firmness of which Iintend. to act until it is over-

I ' thrown, that tltere i:s,:not at this moment within the United States,

i eranyiterritory of this United States, a single footofiland, the chars ,
; oifwhic,l1,t in regard,, to? its be-in free-soilttterrittory or slave ‘ter- 

18

 ritory, is not fixed by some law, and some irrepealable law, beyond

the power of the action of" the Government. Now, is it not so with

respect to Texas ? "Why it is most manifestly so. The honorable

member from South Carolina, at the time of the admission of Texas,
held an important post in the Executive Department of the Govern-
ment; he was Secretary of State. Another eminent person of great
activity and adroitness in affairs, I mean the late Secretary of the
Treasury (Mr. WALI{ER),WaS a conspicuousmember of this body,
and took the lead in the business of annezz-cation, in cooperation
with the Secretary of State ; and I must say that they did their busi-
ness faitlifttlly and tho1~ou,g;hly; there was no botch left in it. They
rounded it off; and made as close joiner-work as ever was exhib-
ited. Resolutions of annertation were brought into Congress, fitly
joined together, compact, firm, efficient, conclusive upon the great
object which they had‘ in view. And those resolutions passed.

Allow me to read a part of these resolutions. It is the third clause of
the second section of’ the resolution of the 1st March, 1845, for the ad-~
mission of Texas, which applies to this part of the case. That
clause reads in these words :---—-~- _

“ New States, of convenient size, not exceedirig four in number, in addi-
tion to said State of Texas, and having sufficient population, may hereafter,
by the consent of said State, be formed out of the Territory thereof, which
shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the Federal Constitu-
tion. And such States as may be formed out of that portion of said Territo-
ry lying south of ,thirty—si:r. degrees thirty minutes north latitude, commonly
known as the Missouri cornpromise line, shall be admitted into the Union

~with or without slavery, as the people of each State, asking admission may

desire; and in such State or States as shall be formed out of said Territory
north of said Missouri compromise line, slavery or-involuntary servitude
(except for crime) shall be prohibited.” , I
Now what is here stipulated, enacte"d,secnred? It is, thatrall
Texas south of 36° 30, which is nearly the whole of it, shall be
admitted into the Union as a slave State. It was a slave States
and therefore came in as a- slave State; and the guaranty is, that
new States shall be made out ofit, and that such States as are formed

‘ out of that portion of Texas lying south; of 36° 30’ may corneirin as

slave Statesto the number of four, in addition to the State then
in existence, and admitted at that time by these resolutions. I know

i no fortm of legislation which can stretigthen this. I know no mode of

1‘6COg1’1ll'll011 that can add atittleof weight to it. I listened respectfttlly

. ,to7 the resolutions of myhonorable friend from Tennesseé (Mr. BELL)
WI-Ie; proposed to recognize that stipulation with Texas.  But any

paddgitionali recognition would weaken thevforoe of it I; because it
~stands.her‘re‘ on itlietrgrottnd, ofa contract, a thing done for arconsicler;-

ation. ire. slaw founded on can icontractwwithrr Texas, and designed

19

to carry that contract into effect. Arecognition, now, founded not on
any consideration or any contract, would not be so strong; as it now
stands on the face of the resolution. Now I know no Way, I can-
didly confess, in which this governrnent, acting in good faith, as
I trust it always will, can r‘eliev er itself from that stipulation and

pledge, by any honest course of legislation whatever. And, there- I

fore, I say again that, so far as Texas is concerned, in the whole of
Texas south of 36° 30’, Which, I suppose, embraces all the terri-
tory capable of slave cultivation, there is no land, not an acre, the
character of which is not established by law, a law which can-

, not be repealed without the violationof a contract, and plain disre-

gard of the public faith. ‘ ;  I I I y “ y r
I hope, sir, it isrnoywlapparrent that my propositioti, so rfarrasfiit
respects Texas, has beenmaintained ; and thatthe provision in this ar-

ticle isclearandabsohite; and it has been well stiggested bymy I

friend from Rhode Island that that part of‘ Texas which liesinorth
of thirty-four degrees of north latitude and which rnay he formed
into free States, is dependent, in like manner, upon the consent
of‘ Texas, herself a slave State.

Well, now, sir, how carnethis? How came it to pass, thatwithin
these Walls, where it is said by the honorable niernber from South
Carolina that the free States have always had a majority, this reso-
lution of annexation, such as I have described it, found I a majority
in both Houses of C0ll.g1‘BSS? Why, sir, it found that majority by the
great number of Northern votes added to the entire Southernvote..
orrat; least nearly the whole of the Southern votes. The aggregate
was made up of Northern, and Southern votes. In the House of
Representatives it stood, I think, about eigluty Southern votes for the
admission of Texas, and about fifty Northern votes for the adrnission
of Texas. In the Senate, the vote stood for the achnission of Texas
twenty—seven, and twenty-flve‘ag;aintst it gland of thosetwenty-seven
votes, c_0netitLtti1]g“ a rnajorityfotr the adrrrislsion of Trexas in this body,

no, less than rthirteenrcame from the free Sttiates, and,fourofj them

were from New, England, ,The whole of these‘ thirteen Senators
constitttting, within a fraction, you see, one-half of all the votes

 in thisttbody for thepaclmission of Te.xas,'lwith its immeasurable
I “extent, of slave territory,» were sent hereby free States. I

Sir, jtherel isnot sotttrentarkable a «chapter in our history of political

| evelrts,  parties, and political men, as is afibrded by this

measure for theradrnissiontof Texas, withthis irnmense yterritory,

y 7 that a bird caxtrlymetirya over in a Week.q [-Lat1,ghter.] Sir, New England,

1, V witlrsorne o’¢f.he.n»Wrlvotes,stuaportedthisrneasure. it Three—fourt'hst

I I t1‘1£~.6,3,rVote;s ,,ofr1tbe:ay,~1mere ,C»nsne,cticut , Weregiven for it, in°‘,tl1e

 

 Htouserjg ttagud; rhereity There was one vote for itfin

20

Maine, but I am happy to say not the Vote of the honorable mem-
ber who addressed the Senate the day before yesterday, (Mn.
I'IAMLIN,) and who was then a Representative from Maine in the
House of Representatives: but there was a vote or two from
Maine, ay, and there was one vote for it from Massachusetts, given
by a gentleman then representing, and now living in, the district
in which the prevalence to some extent of free-soil sentiment for
a couple of years or so has defeated the choice of any member to
represent it in Co1igt'ess. Sir, that body of Northern and Eastern
men, who gave those votes at that time, are nowtseen taltitig upon
themselves, in the nomenclature of politics, the appellation of the
Northern Democracy. They undertook: to wield the destinies of
this empire, if I may call a republic an empire, and their policy was,
and they persisted in it, to bring into this country, and under this
government, all the territory they could. They did it under pledges,
absolute pledges to the Slave interest in the case of Texas, and
afterwards they lent their aid in britigitig in these new conquests
to take their chance for slavery or freedom. My honorable friend
from Georgia, in March, 1811-7, moved the Senate to declare that the
War ottght not to be prosecuted for acquisition, for conquest, for the

-disrnernberrnent of Mexico. The same Northern Democracy entire-

ly voted against it. He did not get a vote from them. It suited the

» views, the patriotism, the elevated sentiments of the Northern De»

mocracy to briiig in a World here, among the mountains and valleys
of California and New Mexico, or any other part of Mexico, and then
quarrel about it; totbring it in, and then endeavor to put upon it the
saviiig grace of the Wilmot proviso. There were two eminent and
higlilly respectable gentlenien from the North and East, then leading;
gentlemen in the Senate, I refer, and I do so with entire respect, for
I entertain for both of those gentlemen, in general, high regard, to
Mr. Dix, of New York, and Mr. Niles, of Connecticut, who both
voted for the admission of Texas. They would not have that vote
any other way than as it stood; and they would have it as it did
stand. I speak. of the vote upon the annexation of Texas. Those

I two gentlemen would have the resolution of annexation just as,,,it,,is,
I and they voted for it just as it is, and their eyes were all open to

its true character. The honorable member who adclressed us the
other day from South Carolina, was then Secretary of State. His
correspondence with Mr. Murphy, the cliargé d’afi'aires of the
United States in Texas, had been published. That correspondence
was all before these gentlenien, and the Secretary had the bold-
ness and candor toavowin that correspondence that the great

object S-Ought by the lannexlatiion of Texas was tostrengthen «the

slave iinpterespt of the; ,South. ~Why, sir, he said so, in so ‘many

Words

 

21

It-fin. CALHOUN. Will the honorable Senator permit me to inter-
rupt him for a rnoment? r

Mn.Wnnsren. Certainly.

Mn. Cannoun. I am very reluctant to interrupt the honorable
gentleman; but, upon a point of so much importance, I deem it
right to put myself reams in czmict“. I did not put it upon the ground
assumed by the Senator. I put it upon this ground : that Great
Britain had announced to this country, in so many words, that her
object was to abolish slavery in Texas, and through Texas to accom-
plish the abolishment of slavery in the United States and the world.
The ground I put it on was, that it would rnake an exposed frontier,
and, if Great Britain succeeded in her object, it would be itnpossible

that that frontier could be secured against the aggressions of the :

abolitionists; and that this Government was bound, under the
guaranties of the Constitution, to protect us against such a state of
things. "" ti

Mn. Wnnsrnn. That comes, I suppose, sir, to exactly the same
thing. It was, that Texas must be obtained for the security of the
slave interest of the South.

Mn. Cannons. Another view is very distinctly given.

Mn. Wnesrnn. That was the object set forth in the correspond»-
ence of a worthy gentleman not now living, who preceded the hon-
orable member from South Carolina in the Department of State.
There repose on the files of the Department of State, as I have ocean-t

sion to l~:now,.strongpiletters from Mr. Upsl1ur to the United States

minister in England,and Itbelieve there are some to the same minister
from the honorable Senatorhimself, asserting to this effect the senti-~
merits of this Government, viz :that Great Britain was expected not
to interfere to take Texas out of the hands of its then existing Gov-
ernment, and make it a free country. But my argument, my sug-
gestion is this; that those gentlanlen who composed the Northern

Democracyi when ’l‘exastwas?.brot1tght into the 'UfidJi‘On‘,"‘:StaiW" Wjithlstallt
I  eoyea, that it was ibrought in as a.s1ave.eountry,tand brought in

for the purpose of being maintained as slaveterritorystothe Greel:
Kalends. I rather think the honorable gentleman who Wis then

Seeretrary of State might, in some of this rcorrespondencelwith

Mr.w~M~urphy,thav~e sngge:s.ted that it was not exptedient to say too

.mucl;t about this 0bject,:1est it should create some alarm. Atiany

 .

a.rate,,Mr.  wrote to him, that England was anxious to get rid
of the tconstitntion  ,Ten?ast., becaurse it was aconstitution establish-
ring slavery; tthtastrwhatitthe United States had to doyvvas to aid
 people of ree.as.n pholding nth ezntcanstittttiton ;; lbut thattnothinjg

Itl

2,‘ egg ‘.

Qthtdld-"tbr§ sisaid,  sh,

       

Q

0 

   

4* ‘..""~ Mt  .

    

 
R , v.

d ofi'end;the «fanatiical: men of? the North. » I
’ I  I " r*himself‘;mpent-. .

22

ly, boldly, and manfully; he did not clisguise his conduct, or his
motives. I   _ '

Mn. CALIIOUN. Never, never.

Ma. Weesrsn. What he means he is very apt to say. i

Ma. CALI-IOUN. Always, always. V ’

Ma. WEBSTER. And Ithonor him for it. This admission of Texas was
in 1845. Then, in 1847,flcgmme Z)eZZo between the United States and
Mexico, the proposition 1 have mentioned was brought forward by my
friend from Georgia, and the Northern Democracy voted straight ahead
against it. Their remedy was to apply to the acquisitions, after they
should come in, the Wilrnot proviso. ‘What follows ? These two gentle-
men, worthy and honorable and influential men, and if they had not
been they could not have carried the measure, these two gentlemen,
members of this body, brought in Texas. and by their votes they also pre-

vented the passage of the resolution of the honorable member from

Georgia, and then they went home and took the lead in the Free-soil
party. And there they stand, sir 1 They leaveus here, bound in hon-
or and conscience by the resolutions of annexation; they leave us
here, to talre the odiurn of fulfilling the obligations in favor of slavery,
which they voted us into, or else the greater odium of violatingthose
obligations while they are at home making capital and rousing
speeches for free-soil and no slavery. [Laughten] And, therefore,
Isay, sir, that there is not a chapter in our history, respecting pub-
lic measures and public men, more full of what should create sur-
prise, more fullof what does create, in my mind, extreme mortifica-
tion, than that of the conduct of this Northern Democracy.

" Mr. President, sometimes, when a man is found in a new rela-
tion to things around him and to other men, he says the worldhas
changed, and thathe has not changed. I believe, sir, thatour self-I

T re=spect. leads us often. to make this declaration in regard. to ‘our-

selves when it is not exactly true. An individual is more apt to
change, perhaps, than all the world around him But under the
present circumstances, and under the responsibility which I know

I incur by what I am now stating here, I feel at liberty to recur to  . I

the various expressions and statements,: made at variot1s,,,,tiuntel§,

of my own opinions and resolutions respecting the admission of

;Texas,§and all that has followed. jsir, as early as 1836, or in the

, early part of 1837, V therewas conversationandcorrespondence

between myself and some private friends, on this project of annexe

I 1'tI1g_Texas,to the United States; and an honorable gentleman with

 Ihavehad along acquaintance, a friend of mine, now per-,

” ihfipsts. inthis chamber, -II, mean Gen. Hamilton, of Southl Carolina,
, _was?Tf  jowing to [that correspondence. , I had voted for the recogni-

  

  "li.y“’t3Xa»I1 indepfendrenrce, because I I belie,ved{, it fW't3.S,1§ an existing

23

fact, surprising and astonishing as it was, and I wished well to the

new republic: but I manifested from the first, utter opposition to bring?

ing her with her slave territory into the Union. I happened, in
1837, to meet friends in New York, on some political occasion, and
I then stated my sentiments upon the subjecp. It was the first time
that I had occasion to advert to it; and I will ask afriend near me to
do me the favor to read an extract from the speech, for the Senate
may find it rather tedious to listen to the whole of it. It was deliv-
ered in Niblo’s Garden, in 1837. up

Mr. GREENE then read the following extract from the speech of Mr. Web-
ster, to which he referred : ,

“Gentlemen, we all see that, by whomsoever possessed, Texas is likely
to bee slavehclding country; andI frankly avow my entire unwillingness

, to do any thing whichshalli extend the slavery of the African race on this

continent,»or add other slaveholding States to the Union. ‘ .

“When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a great moral, social, and
political evil, I only use language which has been adopted by distinguished
men, themselves citizens of slaveholding States. I

“ I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage its further extension.
We have slavery already among us. The Constitution found it among us ;
it recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties. .

“ To the full extent of these guaranties, we are all bound
justice, and by the Constitution. All the stipulations contained in the Con-
stitution in favor of the slaveholding States, which are already in the Union,
ought to be fulfilled, and, so far as depends on me, shall be fulfilled in the
fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter. Slavery, as it ex-

ists in the States, is beyond the reach of Congress. It is a concern, of the I

States themselves. They have never submitted it to Congress, and Congress
has no rightful power over it. , w

“I shall concur, therefore, in no act, no measure, no menace, no indica-
tion of purpose, which shall interfere or threaten to interfere with the exclu-
sive authority of the several States over the subject of slavery, as it exists

within their respective limits. All this appears to me to be matter of plain

and imperative duty.

I “‘ But when we come to speak of admitting new States, the subjectas- . a
Our rights and our duties are then both I

suntes, an entirely pdiiiferent aspect.
different. #9 St at I y p I t y .
“ I see, therefore, no political necessity for the annexation of Texasttorthe

I Union,-~_no advantage to be derived from it; and objections to itof ta strong,

and, in my judgment, of adecisive character.” ,

oMr. WEBSTER. Ihave nothing, sir, to add,to,,nor to take from, those

sentiments. That speech, the;Senate will perceive, was in 1837.? The

purpose ofimmediately annexingiTexas at that time was abandonedor I
postponed 3’ audits was not revived twith“ any vigor for some years. In

thveimeantime it .had7s:o happened. that I had becomeamember, of the

.Exe{cu,tive A‘dn1inist:rati1on,‘ andwas for a short period «in ‘theal4Depart~§l. 
 of‘. Static.» ,  The lannlexation pl of {Texas liwias‘ a ~ isubj ect of lconversafé  

in honor, in T

24

tion, not confidential, with the President and heads of Departments,
as well as with other public men. No serious attempt was then. made,
however, to bring it about. Ileft the Department of State in May,
1843, and shortly after I learned, though by means which were no way
connected with official information, that a design had been taken up of
bringing Texas, with her slave territory and population, into this Union.
I was in VVashington at the time, and persons are now here who
will remember that we had an arranged meeting for conversation upon
it. I went home to Massachusetts and proclaimed the existence of
that purpose, but I could get no audience, and but little attention.
Some did not believe it, and some were too much engaged in their own
pursuits to give it any heed. They had gone to their farms, or to their
merchandise, and it was impossible to arouse any sentiments in New
England or in Massachusetts, that should combine the two great politi—-

cal parties against this annexation ; and indeed there was no hope of '

bringing the Northern Democracy into that view, for their leaning was
all the other way. But, sir, even with Wlaigs, and leading Whigs,

Iam ashamed to say, there was a great indifference towards the ad»

mission of Texas, with slave territory into this Union. The project Went
on. Iwas then out of Congress. The annexation resolutions passed the
1st of March, 1845. The Legislature of Texas complied with the con-

ditions and accepted the guaranties; for the phraseologytof the lan-~

guage of the resolution is’, that Texas is to come in “upon the condi-
tions and under the guaranties herein prescribed.” I happened to be
returnedto the Senate in March, 1845, and was here in December,
1845, when the acceptance byTe:xas of the conditions proposed by
Congress was communicated to us by the President, and an act for the
consummation of the connexion was laid before the two Houses. The
connexion was then, not completed. A final law doing the deed of ans
nenationé, n»ltiirnate1y,”ha?d not been passed; and when itiwas put

upon its final passage here, I expressed my opposition to it, and recorded

my vote in the negative; and there that vote stands, with the observations
that I made upon that occasion. It has happened that between 1837 and
this time, on various occasions and opportunities, I have expressed my

entire opposition to the admission of slave States, or the ac,quisip;,_,pna\i*o“f"

new slave territories, to beadded to the United States. I ,k~n‘jovv, sir, no

change in my own sentiments, or my own purposes, in that respect. I _

will now again ask my friend frorn Rhode Island to read another i ex-
tract from a, speech of mine made at a Whig Convention in Springfield,
Massachusetts, in therrionth of September,_184.-7. U r i i
 GREENE here read thefollovving extract: a p  , . A, p , ,
:“ We hear much just nowof a panacea for the dangers and evils of relays

ery pandeilavei annexatiion,‘which they call the ‘ Wilmot ,prooiso.’ _ CEhati,c.er~,» 
tainly pis.ajtj,11stt, sentinf.tent,§ but it is not a. sentiment, tofoundt.anyppinew party '1;

S2 5

upon. , It is not a sentiment on which Massachusetts Whigs differ. There
is not a man in this hall who holds it more firmly than I do, nor one who
adheres to it more than another.

I feel some little interest in this matter, sir. Did not I commit myself in
1838 to the whole doctrine, fully, entirely? And Imust be permitted to say
that I cannot quite consent that more recent discoverers should claim the
merit and take out a patent. _

I deny the priority of their invention. Allow me to say, it is not their
thunder.” ’i‘ ‘X’ if‘

“ We are to use the first and last and every occasion which offers to oppose
the extension of slave power.

“But I speak of it here, as in Congress, as a political question, a question
for statesmen to act upon. We must so regard it. , Icerta-inly do not mean
to say that it is less important in a moral point of view, that it is A not more
important in many other points of view; but, as a legislator, or inany offi-
cial capacity, I must look at it, consider it, and decide it as a matter of
political action.” ‘

Mr. Wnssrsn. On other occasions, in debates here, I have ex-
pressed my determination to vote for no acquisition, or cession, or an-
nexation, North or South, East or West. My opinion has been that
we have territory enough, and that we should follow the Spartan
maxim, “improve, adorn what you have, seek no 1’urther.” I think
that ittvvas in some observations that I made on the three million
loan bill, thatl avowed that sentiment. In short, sir, the sentiment has
been at*o_wed quite as often, in as many places, and before as many as»-
semblies, as any humble sentiments of mine ought to be avowed.

But now, that, under certain conditions, Texas is in, with all her I

territory, as a slave t State, with a solemn pledge, also, that if she shall
be divided into many States, those States may come in as slave States
south of 36° 30’, how are we to deal with this subject? I know no
way of honest legislation when the proper time comes for the en-
actment, but to carry into effect all that we have stipulated to do. I
do not entirely agree with myhonorable friend from Tenpnessee, (Mn.

iBer..L,)_ that, as soon as the time comes when she is entitled to an-

other representative, Wershould. create anew State.

The rule in
regard toit I talreftc be this: that, when we have created new
States out of Territories, We have generally gone upon the idea
that when there is population enough to form a State, sixty
thousand or some such thing, we would create a State; but it is
quite a different thing when a State is divided, and two or more
States made out of it. It does not follow, in such a case, that the

same rule of I apportionment should be applied, That, however,

is a matter ‘for theyllconsiderlation of ,Congress, whenthe proper time.
 arrives. I may not then, be here. I may have no voteto give on they

 occasion, but I wish it to bedistinctly understood, to-day, that, accord

J tag to my View of the matter, this Government is solemnly pledged, by

3

26

law and contract, to create new States out of Texas, with her consent,
when her population shall justify and call for such aproceeding,
and so far as such States are formed out of Texan territory lying
sottth of 36° 30’, to let them‘ come in as slave States. That is the
meaning of the resolution which our friends, the Northern Demo-
cracy, have left us to fulfil; and I, for one, mean to fulfil it, because
I will not violate the faith of‘ the Government. What I mean to say
is, that the time for the admission of New States formed out of

3 Texas, the number of such States, their boundaries, and the requisite

"amounts of population, and other things connected with the admis--
sion, are in the free discretion of Congress, except this, to wit, that
when new States, formed out of Texas, are to be admitted, they
have a right, by legal stipulation and contract, to come in as Slave

States.

Now, as to California and New Mexico, I hold slavery to be ten»
clucled from those Territories bya law, even superior to that which
admits and sanctions it in Texas. I mean the law of r.1ature,of
physical geography, the law of the formation of theearth. Thai
law settles forever, with a strength beyond all terms of‘ human en~—
actrnent, that slavery cannot exist in California or New Mexico.
Understand me, sir; I mean slavery as we regard it; slaves in

‘gross, of the colored race, transferable by sale and delivery, like
other property. I shall not discuss the point, but leave it to the

learned gentleman who have undertaken to discuss it; but I sup-

zpose there is no slave of that description in California now. I
wnndersttand that peonisml, a sort of penal servitude, exists there, or
"ratsher a sort of voluntary sale of a man and his ogffspriug for debt, as
ritwisrarranged and exists in some parts of California and some prov»
y ilnces of p’Mexico.p But what I mean to say is, that African sla-
3 ‘very, as we see it among us, is as utterly impossible tolfind itselfi,
or to be found in California and‘ New Mexico, as any other natural
t impossibility. California and New Mexico are Asiatic in their for-—

mation and scenery. They are composed of vast ridges of mono-
tains of enormous height, with brolcen ridges and deep valleys.
The sides of’ these mountains are barren, entirely barren; t.l1eiWr,,,,t,otrr*s

1 capped by perennial snow. There may be in CaliFornia,Arrnovvn1ade
r freetby its «constitution, and no doubt there are, sometracts of‘ valua--
ible land. But it is not so in New Mexico. Pray, what is the evidence
[which «every gentlernanmnst have obtained on this subject, from
,~*litrlf’orrnaltion Soltglll} by himself or cornrnuuicated by others? I have
tiirinqttiired and read all Icould find, in order to acquireini'ormation
“won ';this7 important question. What is there in New Mlexicothat
=._~c-oltld‘,bylanyposslbillty, induccany body 5 to go, tliere with slaves"?
t Tl1ere;aresormé narrowstrips of tillable land ponjtlte borders of the

27

rivers ; but the rivers themselves dry up, before midsummer is gone.
All that the people can do in that region, isito raise somewlittle arti--
cles, some little wheat for their tortillas, and all that by irrigation,
And who expects to see a hundred black men cultivating tobacco, corn,
cotton, rice, or any thing else, on lands in New Mexico, made fertile
only by irrigation? I loolt upon it, therefore, as a fixed fact, to use
an expression current at this day, that both California and New
Mexico are destined to be free, so far as they are settled at all,
which I believe, especially in regard to New Mexico, will be very
little for a great length of time; free by the arrangement of things
by the Power above ‘us. I have therefore to say, in this respect

also, that this country is lfixedeforl freedom, to as many persons 

shall ever live in it, by as irrepealable and more irrepealrtbleya

law, then the law that attachesto the right of holding slaves in ’I‘exas,;

and I will say further, that if a resolution, or a law, were now before us
to provide a territorial Government for New Mexico, I would not vote
to put any prohibition into it whatever. The use of such a prohibié
tion would be idle, as it respects any efl"ect itvvould have upon the
Territory; and I would not take pains to re-aflirm an ordinance of Na»-
ture, nor to refénact the will of God. And I would put in no Wilmot pro-
viso, Forthe mere purpose of a taunt or a reproach. I would put into it
no evidence of the votes of superior power, for no purpose but to
wound the pride, even whether a just pride, a rational pride, or an
irrational pride, to wound the pride of the gentlemen who belong to

iSouthern States. I have no such object, no such purpose. They

would think it a taunt, an indignity; they would think it to be

can act taking away from them what they regard a proper equality

ofiprivilegeg and whether they expect to realize any benefit rmina
or not, they would think it at least a plain theoretic wrong; that
something more or less derogatory to their character and their rights

I had taken place. I propose to iuflict no such wound upon any body,
unless something essentially important, to the country, and efficierrt t

to the preservation, of liberty and freedonuis to be effected. I T here-
fore, I repeat, ‘sir, and I repeat it because I wish it to be understood,
that I do not propose to address the Senate often on this subject.  I
desire to pour out all my heart in as plain a manner as possible; and
I say, again, therefore, that if a proposition were now here. for a Gov-
ernment for New Mexico, and it was moved to insert a provision for
a prohibition of slavery, I would not vote for it.   I ,,
I\'ow, Mr. President, I have established, so far as It proposedttorigo
into any line of observation to establish, the proposition with which I

I set out, and upon‘ which I propose to stand or fall ; and that is, that I

the whole territory of the States in the United States, or in the newly

t acquyiyryed territory of the United States, haslanfixed and settled char-

28

‘liter, now fixed and settled by law, which cannot be repealed; in the
case of Texas without a violation of public faith, and cannot be re-
pealed by any human power in regard to California or New Mexa
fico ; that, therefore, under one or other ofthese laws, every foot of land in
the States or in the Territories has already received a fixed and decided
,charac:ter.y T A ,

Sir, if we were now rnaking a Government for New Mexico, and
any body should propose a Wilmot proviso, I should treat it exactly
as Mr. Polls: treated that provision for excluding slavery from Oregon.
Mr. Polk was known to be in opinion decidedly averse to the W'i1-
mot proviso; but he felt the necessity of‘ establishing a government
“for the Territory of Oregon, and, though the proviso was in it, he
,knew it would be entirely nugatory ; and, since it must be entirely
Ilinugatory, since it took away no r'iglit, no describable, no estimable,
no weighable or tangible right of’ the South, he said he would sign
the bill for the sake of enacting a law to form a Governrnent in that
,iTerritoi-y, and let that entirely useless, and, in that connection entire-

fllysenseless, proviso remain. Sir, we hear much of the annexation
of Canada; and if there be any man, any of the Northern Dernoc-
racy, or any one of the Free-Soil party, who supposes itnecessary
to insert a Wilmot proviso in a Territorial government for New
‘Mexico, that man will of course be of opinion that it is necessary to
’(protect the everlasting snows of Canada from the foot,of' slavery by
,the same overspreading wing of an act of ,Co1igress. Sir, wherever
jthere is a substantive good to be done ,-, wherever there is a foot of
p iaitd to be staid back“ from becoming slave territory, I am ready to
iassert the principle of the exclusion of slavery. I am pledgecl to it
',froin the year 1837 ; I have been pledged to it again and again; and
 perforrinlthose ‘pledges; but I will not do a thing unnecessarily
that wounds the feelings of others, or that does disgrace to my own
 nnderstandi n g.
0 , Mr. President, in the excited times in which we live, there is
ifound to exista state of crimination and recrimination between the

 North and South. There are lists of y grievances produced by  I I i

it and those grievances, real or supposed, alienate the 1’l1l1’1(IS“jCliwfllle

:!portion of the country from the other, exasperate the feelings, and sub!
due the sense of fraternal affection patriotic love and rnutual re- 

igard. I I shall bestow a little attention, sir. upon these various grievu

,,l,xg.nyces produced onthe one side, and on the other. I begin with the

[eornplaints of the South. I will not answer, further than I have,
generalstaternents of thehonorable Senator from South Caro-
_Iintal,:th,atthe”Northyhasiegrownnpon the South in consequence of
“the manner  _adn1inis,teringlithis Government; in the collecting of
‘as relvennles,t and so forth. I I ' They are disputed ,topics, and I have no

29

inclination to enter into them. But I will state these complaints,
especially one complaint of the South, which has inrny opinion
just Foundation ; and that is, that there has been l"ound” at the North,
among individuals and among legislators, a disinclination to per-
form, fully, their constitutional duties in regard to the return of

persons bound to service who have escaped into the free States. it

In that respect, it is my judgment that the South is ‘right, and
the North is wrong. Every rnernber of every Northern Legisla-
ture is bound by oath; like every other officer in the country, to
support the Constitution of the United States; and this article

of the constitution, which "says to these States, they shall delivezr I
, _ up 1" ugitivesl from service, is as hinding in honor and conscienret as
" “any other article. No‘ man fulfils his duty in any Legislatttre wlto

sets iltirnself to” find erccuses, evasions, escapes from this constitn-'-
tioual oliligation. I have always thought that the constitution ad;-A
dressecl itself to the Legislatures of the States or to the States
themselves. It says that those persons escaping to other States
shall be delivered up, and I confess I have always been of
the opinion that it was an injunction upon the States themselves.
‘When it is said that a person escaping into another State, and
becoming‘ therefore within the jurisdiction of that State, shallbe‘
ideliverecll up, it seems to me the“ import of the passage is, that the

State itself, in obedienceto the Constit.ution shall‘ cause him to be t
.. 3 .

delivered up. That is tttyljuclgtnent. Ihave altvaysentertained tltat;
opinion, and I entertain it now. But when the subject, some years
ago. was~hef’ore the.Supren;te Court of the United States, the tnajority
of the judges held, that the power to cause Fttgitives from service to
be delivered up was a power to he exercised under the authority of
this Government. I do not know, on the whole, that it may not
have been a fortunate decision. My habit is to respect the result
of‘ judicial cleliberations, and. the solernnity of judicial decisions.

, But, as it nowstantls, the business of seeing tliat these fttigitiviesi are .

delivered uptrelsides in the power of COl’lgt'eSS arid the nationaplpjudi- I ‘

cature, and my friend at thethead of the Judiciary Comrnittee has
a hill on the subject now l:ef‘ore the Senate, with some arnenclment”s

to it, vvlticlt I propose to support, withatl its provisions, to theifulleist .

extent. And I desire to call the attention of‘ all sober-anincled men,

. of’ all consc,ientiotis men, in the North, oratt men. who are not can a

ried away by any Fanatical idea or by any False idea wltateveryto
their const‘it.Lttiona1,"obligations.i I put it to all the sober and sound

miucls at the ,North,7as a . uestion of mtotralstiand a ~ uestion of co'n~- . I
. Q ‘ l .

science. a What riglittthavle‘ tltey, in their ,le,o;isl:ativ.el capacity.or any

01i]€3t',(3i1['tt3t(‘.-iiy, to endleavotrtoeigettltrottnil this constitution, to eimharras’s . r
jtltieilfree e:.<c.er?cise of iith?e,ri,gl1ts;secttred bythe constitution to the per"-tp 

I

30

ions whose slaves escape from them? None at all; none at all.
Neither in the forum of‘ conscience, nor before the face of the con-
jittpittttioti, are they justified, in my opinion. Ofcourse it is a matter
for their consideration. They probably, in the turmoil of‘ the times,
Iiavenot stopped to consider of this; theyhave fbllovved what
seemed to be the current of thought and of motives as the occasion
arose, and they neglected to investigate fully the real qucstion,and to
consider their constitutional obligations; as I am sure, if they did
liionsider, they would fulfil them with alacrity‘. I Therefore, I repeat,
sir, that here is a ground of complaint against the North well
fottnded, which ought to be removed, which it is now in the power
of the difierent departments of this Government to remove; which
calls for the enactrnent‘ of proper laws authorizing the judicature of
this Government, in the several States, "to do all that is necessary

p for the recapture of fhgitive slaves, and for the restoration of them

to those who claim them. "Wherever I go, and whenever I speak
on the subject, and when I speak here I desire to speak to the
Whole North, I say that the South has been injured in this
respect, and has a right to complain; and the North has been too
careless of‘ what I think the constitution peremptorily and ernphati»
eally enjoins upon her as a duty.

I Complaint has been made against certain resolutions that ema-

nate from Legislatures at the North,and are sent here to us, not
gonly on the subject of slavery in this District, but sornetimes re-
commending Congress to consider the means of aholishing slavery;

in the States. I should be sorry to be called upon to present any

resolutions here which could not be referable to any committee, or
finy power in Congress; and, therefore, I should be unwillingyto
‘receive from the Legislature of Massachusetts any instructions

to presentlresolugtions expressive of any opinion whatever on the

psuwhject of slavery, as it exists at the present moment in the

States, for two reasons: because, first, I do not consider that

the Legislature of Massachusetts has any thing to do with  ,‘ 
and next,I do not consider that I, as her representative lier.e»,irl‘i"“’ziive

any thing to do with it. ; Sir,it has become, in my opinion, quite

too comrnon,i and, if the Legislatures of the States do not like that

I ,opinion,they have a great deal more power to put it down than I have
-%tO_l1pl'lOlLl it 3; it has beco1ne,inrnyopiniomquite too cornmona prac-

, C , liice for the State Legislatures to presentresolutions here on all sub-
_j'_ect,si,..pand to instruct us, on all subjects- pTl1ereis no public man

that requires instruction more than I do, or who requires inf'o,rmation
moprepthanl Itdo, or desires it more heartily.;, but I do not like tohave
it comerl,.inp~t,o,o, imp,erative,la,shape., I took, notice, withj pleasure, of

some remarks upon thissubject made the other day in the Senate of p ‘

31

Massachusetts, by a young man of talent and character, of whom
the best hopes may be entertained. I mean Mr. I-Iillard. He told
the Senate of Massachusetts that he would vote for no instructions,
whatever, to be forwarded to members of Congress, nor for arty ‘res-
olutions to be offered, expressive of‘ the sense of Massachusetts, as
to what her members of Congress ought to do. He said that he
saw no propriety in one set of public servants giving instrttctions
and reading lectures to another set of public servants. To their
own master all of them must stand or fall, and that master is their
constituents. I wish these sentiments could become more common,

« alegreat deal rnorecotnrnon. Ihave never entered into the ques-

tion, and never shall, about the binding force of instructions. I will,

however, simply say this: if there be any matter pending in this
a body, while I am a member of it, in which Massachusetts has an

interest of her own not adverse to the general interest of’ the country.
I shall pursue her instructions with gladness of heart, and with all
the efliciency which I can bring to the occasion. But if the question

he one which affects her interest, and at the same time equally

affects the interestsof all the other States, Ishall no more regard her
particular wishes or instructions, than I should regard the wishes of a
man who rnight appoint me an arbitrator, or referee, to decide some
question of important private right between him and his tneighbor,
and then instruct me to decide in his favour. If ever there was a
Government upon earth, it is this Governrnentjif ever there was
a body upon earth, it is this body, which should consider itself as
composed by agreerneutof all, ea'ch member appointed by some,
but organized by the general consent of all, sitting here under
the solemn obligations of oath and conscience, to do that which
they think to be best for the good of the whole. p M

Then, sir, there are the abolition societies, of which I am un-

willing tospealc, but in regard to which tI_havie~very elerartntotibins.
' and opinions. I do not think them useful. f I think their loperations
ffor theplast twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable.

At the same tirne, I know thousands of theirimeprnberstos be honest
and good men; perfectly well meaning men. Tlteylhavetexcited

feelings; they tliinl: they must do sornething for the cause of lib-
erty,andr in their sphere of action they do not see what else they
can do, than to contribute, to I anfabolition press, or and abolition
society, or to pay an abolitionlecturer. I‘ do not mean to irnpute
gross motives, even to the leaders of these societies,but I am not
I blind to the consequences of their proceedings." I cannot but
see what niisichiefs their i.interf'erencep with “the” South has pro;

 duced. pfA_nd"is itpnotcplaiuf to every jr.ujaln?' Let any gentleman ,  _ 
‘"  doubts of that, recur? to the debates ‘ in the Virginia, Houstellof “

32

Delegates in 1832, and he will see with what freedom a proposi-
tion‘ xnade by Mr. Randolph, for the gradual abolition of splavery,
was discussed in that body. Every one spoke of slavery as he
thought; very ignorninious and disparaging names and epithets
were applied to it. The debates in the House of'.Delegates on that
occasion, I believe, were all published. They were read by every
colored than who could read, and to those who could not read, those
debates were read by others. At that time Virginia“ was not
unwilling nor afraid to discuss this question, and to let that part

of her population know as much of the discussion as they could

learn. That was in 1832. As has been said by the honorable
member from South Carolina, these abolition societies corntnenced
their course of action in 1835. It is said, I do not know how true
it may be, that they sent incendiary publications into the slave
States; at any event, they attempted to arouse, and did arouse, a
very strong feeling; in other words, they created a great agitation
intthe North against Southern slavery. Well, what was the result?
The bonds of the slaves were bound more firmly than before ;, their
rivets were more strongly fastened. Public opinion, which in Vir-
ginia had begun to be exhibited against slavery, and was opening
out for the discussion of’ the question, drew back. and shut itself‘ up
in its castle. I wish to know whether any body in Virginia can,
now, tall: as _Mr. Randolph, Gov. McDowell, and others tallizcd,

openlYa and sent their rernarks to the press, in 1832? We all known

the fact, and we all know the cause; and every thing that this agi~
tating people havedone has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain, not
to set free,but to bind Faster the slave population of the Soutli.

That is rnyjudgrnent. Sir, as Ihave said, I know many alholitionilsts p
in my own nei’ghborhood, very honest,tgood people, misled, as I by

think, by strange enthusiasm; but they wish to do sometliirig, and

they are called on to contribute, and they do contribute; and itiist

my firm opinion this day, that within the last twenty years as rnnch
money has been collected and paid to the abolition societies, aboli-

tion presses, and abolition lecturers, as would purchase the I"

of every slave, man, woman, and child,ih the State of Mfll‘l§lfllw;i11Cl,
and send them all to Liberia.. II have no doubt of it. But I have

a yet  learnthat: the benevolence of‘ these abolition societies has at

any time taken‘ that particular turn. [Laughton]

, . _.Again, sir, the violence of the press is complained of‘. The press
. _violentI Wliy, sirgthellpress is violent everywhere. There are I

outrageousreproaches in the North against the South, and tliere are

  replroachesjfnohetter in the South againstthe North.  Sir,‘ the

extremists jinn both parts of this country are violentyrg they rnlistakel

a loud and violent tall: for eloquence and for reason. Theythiiik .

5.

33

that he who talks loudest reasons best. And this we must ex»,

, pect, when the press is free, as it is here, and I trust always will

tory. g _ I y I y I I
wen, then, passing from that, everybody in the North reads;

be I; for, with all its licentiousness, and all its evil, the entire
and absolute freedom of the press is essential to the preservation of
government on the basis of a free constitution. Wherever it exists,
there will be foolish paragraphs and violent paragraphs in the press,
as there are, I am sorry to say, foolish speeches and violent speech-
es in both Houses of Congress. In truth, sir, I must say that, in my
opinion, the vernacular tongue of the country has become greatly
vitiated, depraved, and corrupted by the style of our congressional
debates. [Laughter.] And if it were possible for those; debates
to vitiate the principles of thepeople, as muchilaslitliey have de-
praved their taste, I should cry out “ God save the Republic !” g
Well, in a1l'”thisI see no solid grievance, no grievance presented
by the South, within the redress of the Government, but the single
one to which I have referred; and that is, the want of a proper re-

gard to the injunction of the Constitution for the delivery of fugitive"

slaves.

There are also complaints of the North against the South. I
need not go over them particularly. The first and gravest is, that:
the North adopted the Constitution, recognizing the existence of
slavery in the States, and recognizing the right, to a certain extent,
of’ representation of the slaves in Congress, under a state of senti-A

ment and expectation, which do not now exist; and that, by events,

by cirournstances, by the eagerness of the South to acquire territory
and extend her slave population, the North finds itself‘, in regard to
the relative influence of the South and the North, of the free States
and the slave States, where it never did expect to find itself when
they agreed to the compact of the constitution. They complain,
therefore, that, instead of slavery being regarded as an evil, as it was

then, an evil which all hopedwouldbe extinguished"gradually, it is  
nowregarcled  theSouth as anrinstitution to b‘echerished,*andy
i preserved, and extended; an institution which the Southhas already

extended tothe utmost of her power by the acquisition of new terri-

andeveryhody reads whatsoever the newspapers contain ; and the

newspapers, some of tlterrnespecially those presses to which I have I

alluded, are careful to spread about among the people every re»
‘proachfulrsentirnelnt uttered by any Southern man bearing at all

again,st,the‘North; every thing that is calculated to exasperato, to I r
alienate; and thereare manysuchthings, as everybody will admit, , '
from the South, or sometlportion of it, which are di'sserninated*._

among the reading people; and ‘they do exasperate, and alienate,

34

and produce a most mischievous eifect upon the public mind at
the North. Sir, I would not notice tliings of this sort appearing in
obscure quarters; but one thing has occurred in this debate which

. strucls: me very forcibly. An honourable member from Louisiana ad-

dressed us the other day on this subject. I suppose there is ‘not a more
amiable and worthy gentleman in this chamber, nor a gentleman who

would be more slow to give offence to anybody, and he did not mean in n

his remarks to give ofi"ence. But what did he say ? Why, sir, he tool:
painsto run a contrast between the slaves of the South and the laboring
people of the North, giving the preference in all points of condition,
and comfort, and happiness, to the slaves of the South. The honorable
member, doubtless, did not suppose that he gave any offence, or did any
injustice. He was merely expressing his opinion. But does he know
how remarks of that sort will be received by the laboring people of the
North ? Why, who are the laboring people of the North? They are
the North. They are the people who cultivate their own farms with
their own hands; ifreeholders, educated men, independent men. Let
me say, sir, that five sixths of the whole property of the North is in the
hands of the laborers of the North; they cultivate their farms, they

educate their children, they provide the means of independence; if

they are not freeholders, they earn wages ; these Wages accumulate,
are turned into capital, into new freeholds, and small capitalists are
created. That is the case, and such the course of things among the
industrious and frugal. And what can these people think when so
respectable and worthy a gentleman as the member from Louisiana
undertakes to prove that the absolute ignorance and the abject slavery

L of the South are more in confortnity vviththe hiiglr purposes and destiny

    dent rm labor or the North 2 y

of pimrnortal, rational, hurnanbeings, than the educated, the indepen-

There is amore tangible and irritating cause of grievance at the North.
Free blacks are constantly employed in the vessels of the North, gen-
erally as cooks or stewards. When the vessel arrives at a Southern
port, these free coloured men are taken on shore, by the police or municfig
ipal authority, imprisoned, and kept in prison, till the 
ready to sail. This is not only irritating, but exceedingly uhjustifiable
and oppTeSsive. Mr. H_oar’s mission. some time ago. to South Carolina,

tvvasawell ,intendedefi"ort to remove this causetof complaint. The

North thinkisgsuch imprisonments illegal and unconstitutional; and

, as cja‘sesoccu,r constantly,and frequently, they regard‘ it as a great,
p grievance. r 7 t it i r L L

N,ow,__sir, so faras anyor pi these grievanceis have theiif foundation in

, matters; of law, theycanbe redressed, and ought to be redressedt; L and

so far  theyhave their fou ndation. in matters of opinion, in sentiment,

in mutual Wcrimiinpationianidt trecrimination, all 1 we can do istofepn-i

35

deavor to allay the agitation, and cultivate a better feeling and more
fraternal sentiments between the South and the North. I
Mr. President, I should much prefer to have heard from every mem-
ber on this floor declarations of opinion that this Union could never
be dissolved, than the declaration of opinion by any body that in any
case, under the pressure of any circumstances, such a dissolution was
possible. I hear with pain, and anguish, and distress, the word “ seces-
sion,” especially when it falls from the lips of those who are patriotic,
and known to the country, and known all over the world, for their
political services. Secession ! Pcaceable secession, !~ Sir, your eyes and

mine Iare never destined to see that miracle. , Thedisrnemberrnent of  
this vast countrywithout convulsion! ,bThe breaking up of the foun~

tains ‘of the great decp,jwithout rufliing the surface! Who is so fool-
:isli,I beg everybody’s pardon, as to expect to see any such thing?

Sir, he who sees these States, now revolving in harmony arounda 

common centre, and expects to see them quit their places and fly off
without convulsion, ‘may look the next hour to see the heavenly
bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in the
realms of space,‘ without causing a crush of the universe. There
can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is
an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live,
covering this whole gountry, is it to be thawed and melted away
by secession, asthe snows on the mountain melt under the influence
of ia~ vernal sun? disappear almost unobserved, and run ofi"? No, sir!
No~,sir! Iwill not state what might produce the disruption of . the

1 Union; but, sir,I see as plainly as I see the sun in heaven, what

that disruption itself must produce; I see that it must produce war,

and such a war as I will not describe, in its two-_-fblcl clzczmcter .’
Peaceable secession ! -—- peaceable secession l The concurrent agree-

ment of all the members of this great republic toyisreparaytle It to A volun-

taryr separation, with alimony on one side" and on the other. I I W hy,

what would be the result? Where is Ihflfi line to be drawn? What
Statesare to secede ? What is toremain American? ' What am I to

‘be? An American f no longer? Am I to become a sebctionalltman, a
ilocaltman, aseparated? with no country, in common with the gentle-

men who sit‘ around me here, or who fill the other House of Con-
gress? ‘ Heaven forbid! ,Where is the flag of the republic to re-

main? bWhere isfthe eagle still to tower? or is he to cower, and ‘

shrinlt,<and;fa1lto the ground? Why, sir, our ancestors--I» our fathers
and our grandfathers, those of them that are yet living amongst us with

prolongedl lives, would rebuke and reproach us); and our children and

ourylgrariidchildren would cryuoutshame upon us, ifiwe, of thisvgien-em. l

A, ution, should dishonor these ensignsof th.epower of the Government and

it  the harmony of that~Union,which is everyday feltyamongluss with so? by

86

much joy and gratitude. What is to become of the army? What is to
become of the navy? What is to become of the public lands? How
is each of the thirty States to defend itself? I know, although the ivlea
has not been stated distinctly, there is to be, or is it supposed possible
that there should be, a Southern Confederacy. I do not mean, when I
allude to this statement, that any one seriously contemplates such a state
of things. I donot mean to say that itis true, but I have heard it sttggested
elsewhere, that that idea has originated a design to separate. I am sorry,
sir,that it has ever been thought of, tallted of, or dreamed of, in the wildest
fliglits ofhuman imagination. But the idea,‘ so far as it exists, must be
of aseparation, assigningthe slave States to one side, and the free States
to the other. Sir, there is not, I may express myself too strongly, perhaps,
but some things, some tnoral tliirigs, are almost as impossible as other
natural or physical things; and I hold the idea ofa separation of these
States. those that are Free to fbrm one government, and those that are
slave-holding to form another, as a moral impossibility. We could not
separate the States by any such line, if we were to draw it. We could
not sit down here to-day and draw a line of separation that would’
satisfy any five men in the country. There are natural causes that
would ltzeep and tie us together and there are social and domestic rela-
tions which we could not break if we would, and which We should not

if we could. Sir, nobody can look over the face of this country at the ‘

present moment, nobody can see where its population is the most
dense and grotvitig, without beitig ready to admit, and compelled to

admit, that ere long‘ America will be in the valley of the Mississippi.

Wtell, Snow, sir, Il')cg to inquire what the wildest enthusiast has
to say on the possibility of‘ cutting that river in two, and leaving‘ free
States at its source, audits branches, and slave St,:3tt8S down near
its moutlt, each foirittirigaseparate C~lroverriment? Pray, sir; pray,tsir
let me say to the people of’ this country that these things are worthy of

their ponde1'ing and of’ their consideration. Here, sir, are five millions

of’ freernen in the free States north of the river Ohio: can any body
suppose that this population can be severed, by a line that divides

them from the territory of‘ a foreign and an alien Governrr1ent,clo_typ.; t ‘

soznewhere, the Lord knows where, upon the lower hanks 
sissippi? What would become of‘ Missouri? Will she join the anon-
dissernent of‘ the slave States? Shall the man frorn the Yellow Stone

andthe Platte be connected, in ll'ltE’tl1(:’-WiR@pt’ll‘)llC, with the man who
‘livjesou the , southern extremity ofthe Cape of Florida? Sir, Iain

asharnedt to pursue this line of‘ rernark. I dislike it, I have an
utter (ll:-5guSl;l'()t' it. I pwoultl rather hear of‘ natural blasts and lm.il-
dlews, war,?Vpestiletnce, and tfaimiirte,‘ than to healr gentl~en*ten * talk of
slecessinnr t’t'I‘o.brealc tip! totlhreal: up” this , great Golvejrnnient, to

«dismetnbetr this glori«otts‘c.ot1ntry, to astonish Europe wilthan act of

37

folly such as Europe for two centuries has never beheld inany
Government or any People! No, sir;no sir! V There will be no
secession! Gentlemen are not serious when they talk of secession.

Sir, I hear there is to be a Convention held at Nasltvilile. I am
bound to believe that if‘ worthy gentlemen meet at Nashville in
Convention, their object will be to adopt counsels conciliatory, to

advise the South to forbearance and mocleration, and to advise the at

North to forbearance and moderation; and to inculcate principles of
brotherly love and affection, and attachment to the constitution of
the country as it now is. I believe, if the Convention meet at all,
it will be for this purpose; for certainly,if they meet for any pur-
pose hostigloyto, the Uniomtlieyihalve been singularly inappropriate
in their lselectionof‘ a place. I remember, sir, that when the treaty
was concluded bettveen France and England, at the peace of
A1'niens,a stern old Englishman and an orator, who regardedthe

terms of the peace as ignot'nit1iot1s t.o El‘lg‘l'J.1'1Cl, said in the House of M

Commons, thatif Ki_ng William could know the terms of that treaty,
he would turn in his coflinl Let me commend this saying of" Mr

‘VVindham, in all its emphasis and in all its force, to any persons

who shall meet at Nashville for the purpose of concertingp meas-
ures for the overthrow of this Union of this country, over the bones
of Andrew Jackson. v y l ,
Sir, Iwish now to make two rernarlcs, and hastento a conclusion. I
wish to say, in regard to Texas, that if it should be, hereafter, at any
time, the pleasure of the Government of Texas to cede to the
United States a portion, larger or smaller, of her territory which lies
adjacent to New Mexico, and north of the 34° of north latitude, to
be formed into free States, for a fair equivalent in money or in the
payment of her debt, I think it an object well worthy the consid-

eration of Congress, and I shall be happy to concur in it myself’, if

I should be in the public councils of the country at that time. p

i I have one other remark to rnakeg In my observations uponsliavery
as it has existed in the country, and as it now exists, I have expressed no
opinion of the mode of its extinguishment oramelioration. Itvill say,
however, though I have nothing to propose,because I clonot deem

lmyself so competentoas other gentlemen to to take any lead, that
Vif anyigjentleman from the South shall propose a scheme of colon-

ization, to be carried dn by this Government upon a large scale, for the

4 transportation of free colored people to any colony or any place in the
‘ World, I should be quite tdisposedtoincur almost any degree of ezrpense

to accomplish that‘ object. Nay,_sir, following an example set here

;more than twenty yearspagohy a,gre,ati_mant, then ap,Senator from New t
y a York, I would ppreturjnltotlfirginiat, and thropughppphperflor the ibenefitgof t
 the‘ whole South, the money received from the lands and territories,

3

8

ceded by her to this Government, for any such purpose as to relieve,
in whole or in part, or in any way to ditnimsh or deal beneficially with,
the free colored population of the Southern States. I have said thatI

honor Virginia for her cessicm of this territory. There have been re-

ceived into: the treasury of the United States eighty millions of dollars,
the proceeds of the sales of public lands ceded by her. Ifithe
residue should be sold at the same rate, the whole aggregate will
exceed two hundred millions of dollars. If Virginia and the South
see fit to adoptany proposition to relieve themselves from the free peo-
ple of color among them, or such as may be made free, theyvhave my
free consent that the Government shall pay them any sum of money
out of its proceeds, which may be adequate to the purpose.

And now, Mr. President, I draw these observations to a close. I
have spoken freely, and I meant to do so. I have sought to make no
display; I have sought to enliven the occasion by no animated discus‘-
sion, nor have I attempted any train of elaborate argument; I
have wished only to speak my sentiments, fully and at large,
being desirous, once and for all, to let the Senate know, and to let the

country know, the opinions and sentiments which I entertain on all

these subjects. These opinions are not likely to he suddenly changed.

, If there be any future service thatl can render to the country, consist-

ently with these sentiments and opinions, I shall cheerfully render it.
If there be not, I shall still be glad to have had an opportunity to dis-
burden my conscience from the bottom of my heart, and to malts known
every political sentiment that therein exists.

And now, Mr. President, instead of speaking of the possibility or
utility of secession, instead of dwelling in these caverns of‘ darkness,
instead of’ gropitng with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and
horrible, let us come out into tl'1eplig'l1t of day; let usenjoyiythe
fresh air of Liberty and Union; let us cherish those hOpeS‘Wl'.lich

belong to us; let us devote‘ ourselves to those great objects that

and peace of all who arcdestined to live under it.

are fit for our consideration and our action; let us raise our con-
ceptions to the tnagnitttcle and the importance of the duties that
devolve upon us; let our comprehension be as broad as the country

i for which we act, ouraspirations as high. as its certain destiny  

us not be pigtnies in a case that calls for men. Nevert,,,..,.»dvW”ililiere

, adevolveyoin anypgeneration of’ rnen liiglier trusts than nowitdevolve

upon us, for the preservation of this Constitution, and the harmony
Let us make

our generation one of the strongest and the briglttest links in that

golden chain, which is destined, I fondly believe,to grapple tl1etpeo- V
iple of'*all the States to this Constitution, forages to come. We have 

in great, plopttlar, tconstitutional Govern-itnent, guarded by t1,aw,<aad

I  judicature,and defended bythe whole affections of theipeople.

39

No monarchichal throne presses these States together; noiron chain
of military power encircles them; they live and stand upon a Gov-
ernment popular in its form, representative in its character, founded
upon principles of equality, and so constructed, we hope, as to last
for ever. In all its history it has been beneficent; it has trodclen
down no man’s liberty; it has crushed no State. Its daily respira-
tion is liberty and patriotism; its yet youthful veins are full of en-
terprise, courage, and honorable love of glory and renown.‘ Large

before, the country has now, by recent events, become vastly larger.

This republic now extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole
continent. The two great seas of the world wash the one and

the other shore. We realize, on a mighty scale, the beautiful de-
b scription of the tornamental edginglofthe bttclcleriof Achilles-m V

is it-“ Now the broad shield complete, the artist crowned,
With his last hand, and pouredlthe ocean round;

In living silver seemed the waves to roll,

And beat the bnck1er’s verge, and bound the whole. "

E
Y
!
I
 V: '  “ ;  I  .,‘ “ “ ‘ ‘ 3. ‘ » , rm » n m. ‘- ‘ ‘u ‘ ‘we. ‘ ‘
*  g  ¢;;g:m1a;g;..  '};ffh e3 "m;:yzr1e; c~::a.;?aX}i'»23%,1£D1.“":5fiifhek €TH:”!;;2fzE‘l£1i e1)mt%;e1;1l% :L¢;:m:>unf1(mt the .71mmm'i1“a IVVII:-1%.‘:"=:-W.-.1°<::~,
I
E

um... ....-..........m. .......‘. ‘  ‘  ‘

 

 %% %  ‘ % % ow-* ’.MH:3

“ A 131:.z%x.‘rm:iw2 e:;xf"’ %:i;§m }i}3E«:;2%*1.%*3e:’i ;Maa:+:+;a«_:z"c%': in 1_:§s:».ar.1mx., ;m1'1')(:t'a':I1tc€l cm the ¢ven%ir1g..

   

MN 1%?» _8€>‘AO

‘ «‘:y{’.jtM;: mm  <;xi7?'%f1”.V}7§:;~:‘1%c:Fz3,2%), li__v ';~ru::>‘ic}i¢.:r.~s mf‘ % the: %‘1”‘wa:en%t;ys-zlixwth Regiment,

'v ‘ V‘ ‘  ‘,'>" ‘, \  “'11 L"! ‘F I ‘_' I "‘ ,1 I " '5“ ‘ , ‘_ .m " '_ U M 0 ." "' “ R‘
~:.)rk3.*f%a._?.z.“m$i‘Nf.;2mi em Mu“. .-;s.:.:m;.a art‘ ‘mM£f,‘::-i ]ga“3<a:“ qr: .%;im.s.. 2:t;4e.&1:3~:;%...:'up§am, m?2“11g,j33aIrI1:9.i§%_j%,’ p7l‘£mwfl

 

V‘   . . M %   .  ‘I   11”" ‘:14 . iv. rm‘ ‘r :'  .. .. W . 9
! KM,” r?.}W£t.;*)!" Him i3;¢»,:  nb‘H. 22; ML ,,‘1:,,$17§_,A’Z".‘E.M/Wfu mm :-v. .e§«£ H“. ,¢.“.~1§~...f:*~« M, ’5.iJa'flH., MT! ‘*1.§f,uVili[,“.Ii£R'1l §3t'.H"flm.' my

%1“x%J2;w'i21§:;::§i M" £3. Il%i’ai::>;_:»_*;;jL:é;ii? j§’%3"m*«;' fi2fW<,L.2:‘s‘"}¢é1.,.A aamfi mm" :4-w;'.;v3.«'i hjgf .'Ii.“»3Z.<c::¢M1§12'3§;,i,'  fl<;».,, NM. 8,
£‘$3‘»f;m:;¢;: fi!:m.n~,;:~.m‘:t<,, }§‘:?m.€.e%:m,, {gin *»"t§w. i::'xn%2\1{:*.<tié3z':m5 'vi«:inn§i:y mi’ Maxi: p“iau':a;3 Wham than t1'.ug;egt;£y

(12:31: u;m::a:i,'}1 ~—-~‘-—~ \-1 ”\?"""«;ffl7:z1Vza%:ne:2., % Sara}, ."l?.;‘:2N} p;:2,‘gga.:s, m:':z%z.My ”bm11a<71 in a;10th,--~»~ ilIl.x:;tx*a1i;mi

% ' w2*%:i<;:j§i1, .wi1..hfame.f"i§‘e:nz2*£:s:“.e;g:1'x§;'i1TJi?i.4,:;g,'§:xx_Laa\xi‘, ~'wme_ ?¢%.im_1'1 ‘q?um'.i:m*ed t%hm*e:% with %s%o1I:ie%  '

: " % with gm mgr:u.:sIh;%m.: u<:;»}.;:4;~;w' e.:»t’“v §@'.r‘“:=;a.1z: ?. l‘W.;~.v"e;::#.z%~u*~3’”;~:s ‘}‘hR(VI'3{~&![1"fi“{1'£ M’ iziw azavaaam, and W1. mew ajnfzd %

 (1£‘fi;"£%zi;;e? i:3i“t%‘i;£ mi" L§Erif.:r2z%rc:’E:a§. .1, '."m.,' f $"t;ju.v':;z;»: mam up by .22 z:«::n7:2*11ii5t«v.m .-:a.ppoixat;m1 by MW:
t<;1M2,% :%%%e;««:;i-:7}:x:e.?¥i$‘f¢":':1%2%¢:;vf% ~;;;m :&;~g32;.:m.;;~.;~m£;;xm ‘[Y:%z1::w:s..:s+: %’Jli'%¢Jwc”i%wixzi, Dr. Jo:§£a1g)}1 V\7:x1“r&:x%x,_:21x;(1
i  »i‘§.'*-':h1:71t»i¢:fl M‘:.z;m.7%;7::?:::;~ri.m9:5  %‘TjET7“éém :i;§;t.!"p(T)X‘$ “Wm :mi.>z:"nii;i:¢:d to an °€;a:>'w1*1 xxxaa¢%l;ir‘zg z:m,1A¢1

1!

ff M.;2.: }:~"‘a.m.e:2u.1i1 ."i7&;7:‘E‘,:m;, by :':m:js:3'z&:rfarmmm51¢, «;:m. #z‘:ia«:: 71 EM: M:xxrc::h5, ggmd. "warm; (71."d£?~M;‘¢£.M, %t;0 bx:

  .mi:m,m".z:m;:  %IJé;3”i%;=m. mg‘ nrzim 7;&;"«:;»*»ra.=";s2. «::ai%" :§:'§(i>.~Ta“§;€1J§J’R fin Nc:2xv%Er%1gl:12%$mr1"’; czwxxaplxatea prim; fifty -6 %

2.;3%j},;;r§%;;;m;é«ii,%%  'mrn:'~;-". i1z1fax;,~;]mjz%’l.¢:ac;‘£%,, p:i.~§e4%z:..:,i§p.2:z.'éK;g,r9 ma‘ :z.:h.~mn”im;ic:.»2z“r. in mfl§fi&l,1il£T§, .~..n1«:1 :1 vxaxsaaezl

 

%c:'.”)%£:\'%_%‘$*§*f;:a;1;“%% «(.33'1Li.3;;.“é;;£;e;m;::i3i' ‘Em %€;§:;w:;:2y'f£.m§W flies)! i;;%a'im «mi; (M1€7.F}‘_‘5§£§fi'i(} L0x:115§0M.. T3;15f?; pr&3:$£¢nt%

  
  

I,‘

%l,¢,:g;.£i;%*§‘W ; ‘wi,i;ii_yf;}'x:si:: ¢;:£:=§;:i;£ef}j;s£;%§%ii;§:xifml" im: m3:g_mh;%<..:c:§l. “‘ ..*z%uM7':7!d:iirr.3»z2.:%-al ez"J'i:3:“:~%£;~.1:r*sr::a,1;ia:)xxsa;;” w1;1i¢:I‘x %

J:;1i=a,x<i.%r;1“;.  3’s€.’z,~£;.:¢::n’: ii-;’hi:~.:%;7%?‘V'»::v%;,%'§«:: in *Um-.», I1l'V..;§i.‘»x.m~r «W Ii§E'mva.r(l ;(j3ml1g;agege,%  i;s% 

          
   
  
  
  
 

V _ Af+3W‘W’eWW3
%  ; ; :?a;:; ;.u;.:uwm2i: %ue .;a~21%'  1fl:E"a!,:{::z‘v .».%::.:,xém%+: M 1?;§T§:n:§: i‘eI.2‘\v;": M: W%m*c:e<..;m%;iimg;fixia 1x"nz1:9;:3m3_3?£3, £1. *.zIsJM1 up by _ %
“:.“‘V’.t,;'ii€;:?3:1va':1£;€ia:h£}1:(;‘$1A}u‘t44{fi&L‘i‘$i‘i(::'#‘Tt2! 3;‘:§g3j*:.az.é%:5ifi?2:;:a;#t:'i, fimftifii u.‘ %;1‘.:a11ei:§1:5¢.;>g;.?%t, z;&:§z;;Iz.«.Ji4;;s by J«f,:x1‘axxI?Ia.xx«.:0ck, Smi:1u¢3:l% %
§:3;4.S’ti‘Li.x1:s,J'<;»?2si:%a;fl.1:‘W:.m:'<:3m,- ;.;u 14;i ¢:;:.:%ix¢ms;* ‘f"‘14n£“i§‘£l‘(':‘“"x «mm  p1*<::eaa;:xxt§x=$aAg;a;, ifi; iabmlieavfldg.  % % %

%  . mi: 1%r§:;;*.a;‘4“x1;%;::zf')'i¢é:m;':i:1:s§j

      
 
 

 

‘   ‘. A‘ ‘    2
 22W;/W':rIa. ':vi!7w7"3’\I’xa:+;1a:AV  I _  if 

i.

      

~;:f:*;L:a'u

 %ix‘:s; 7ijh;..n fl‘&.,ri’$.uf;;:e'y ¢,’;.~£H:;ht;§:% Ntiw Yatkxtlg l"1ist;(c:5x¥ic§il   ;3f_ j,
 ?£;§a,<;:‘ _i’x,xj£‘1;%_ j;~;:2,mmi.i%Af2;At;:;;1 i;i£}::=§,%%%% < '1L‘0  53‘ %1:1~3f~€,%fi;isz¢%ékil%j;%1V$: ” J

i ~:7z.1.§t?<iz;M<1ji§L: 1,:3%;;§<::£i:m~za%%2 At;  2Jh :}.tf   W?I?;»1i;::{£<x4zV~c7i‘ fwfc ts'1*r«+;: f AM2xmm"e%. 
J “ '  ‘ ‘  ‘:1 ‘ ‘ _  “  , ‘  “ ‘  . ‘ ‘ “ :‘   \: “  “    1 , ‘ ‘; ““QMwWWWm.Wv?°*54"‘”‘ 

 

Digitization information for the
Daniel Webster Pamphlet Project

University Libraries

University of Missouri——Columbia

Local identifier

web000

Digitization work performed by the
University of Missouri Library Systems Office

Capture information

Date captured
Scanner manufacturer
Scanner model
Optical resolution
Color settings

File types

Source information

Format
Content type
Derivatives — Access copy
Compression
Editing software
Editing characteristics

Resolution
Color

File types
Notes

2004-2005
Minolta
PS7000
600 dpi
Unknown
tiff

Pamphlets
Text with some images

Uncompressed
Adobe Photoshop

600 dpi

Bitonal; images
grayscale

tiff

Pages cropped and
brightened

Blank pages removed

Property marks
removed