SPEECHES

ME. WEBSTER

fiCAPON SPRINGS, VIRGINIA;

TOGETHER WITH THOSE OF

SIR H. L. BULWER 8; WM. L. CLARKE, ESQ,

JUNE 28, 1851.

Gmmon & 00., Printers.

PRELIMINARY NOTE.

J\/-

 

On Saturday, the 28th of June last, while upon a brief visit with hisfamily to the Capon
Springs, in Virginia, the Hon. DANIEL VVEBSTER was entertained at a public dinner,
given to him by two or three hundred of the yeomanry of that region of country, without
respect to party. It was in every particular a splendid afi"air, and there were persons present
who had travelled fifty miles (one old revolutionary soldier having wallcezl in the burning sun
some fifteen miles) for the purpose of paying their respects to the “Defender of the Con-
stitution.” The speeches which Mr. WEBSTER delivered on the occasion were received
with the greatest demonstrations of pleasure. The enthusiasm which they-excited was
immense; and distinguished members of the Democratic party complimented the speaker,
in a public manner, for his boldness in giving expression to his liberal and enlarged views.

Sir I-Inner L. Burwnn, the Hon. LEWIS C. LEVIN, and Hon. JOHN Banner, happen-
ing to be presentflwere toasted, and also delivered brief speeches, which were Warmly
received and highly complimented. _ ,

:Those by Mr. Wnnsrmn and Mr. Bumvnn were the only ones which were reported,
and though they have already been printed in the newspapers, the interest which they
have excited in the public mind, has induced their republication in pamphlet form.

lV_lR.  WEBSTER’S SPEECHES.

The gentleman who presided at the Dinner was WM. L. CLARKE, esq.,

«of Winchester, and, in introducing the distinguished Guest of the com»

pany, he remarked as follows: V g
I am about to announce the next general toast. The sentiments eX-

pressed in it are in nowise distinguished for novelty. They are known

here in the secluded recesses of North Mountain, as they are known at the
National Metropolis, or at the Court of St. James or Vienna. They do

not belong to, nor can they be appropriated by any locality, by any State,
or confederation of States; but wlierever man is free, wherever he is
the subject of constitutional freedom, or is struggling for that boon, there,
in whatever clime or latitude he may be, he claims to participate in this
general fund. ‘ Announced now on this occasion, as they have been an-
nounced heretofore over and over again, they will be re-announced again
and again, by the present age and all future ages, so long as liberty and

union are one and inseparable. [Applause] Our distinguished guest,
who is the subject of these sentiments, has been so kind as to say that
here, in the bosom of VIRGINIA, he is at home. I think he said he felt

hixnself at home. Sir, we intend you shall be at home. [Applause] We
have given you not only our admiration, that the world gives you, but

we have given you our affections. Long ago you enchained our under-

standings; now you have thrown a spell over our hearts. You imperilled
all for us; and Virginia is not the dwelling place of ingratitude. [Great
vapplause.] You have asserted the vital rights of the South .; a tottering
[power of the General Governmentlleaned against you for support, and you

upheld it. Youclaimed its execution, not merely by a silentivote, or a

‘formal speech in the Senate, but you have travelled into your adopted
‘State, which was bone of your bone, and which, for a quarter of a cen-

tury, has given you all she had to give, and is [ready to do it again; and

‘there, with the shadows of that great revolutionary monument over you,
and in the language of your great prototype, you have declared, [ “gYe men
of Athens, ye worship an unknown God.” And you have lbutlreturned

from the great State of N ewlYorlc, and there, in the central parts, where

"these hydra principles first received [serious political organization, even

there rung, with a moral sublimity all your own, into the ears of every

-civil officer in that vast dominion, thefearful challenge to look to and re-

4

spect the oath he hath taken to support the Constitution of the United
States. Sir, you come among us suddenly, and I can add unexpectedly. We
have neither pomp nor circumstance to give you, but we have a deep and.
abiding sense of the inestimable service you have rendered our beloved
country, and we have sought, and do now most earnestly seek, to impress-
your mind with that conviction. I give you, gentlemen,

“ DANIEL WEBSTER, OUR DISTINGUISHED GUEST: THE Junrsr AND srzurssman WHO
HAS ILLUSTRATED TI-IE GLORY OF OUR. COUNTRY. THE CHA.MPION OF THE Consrrrurzorr
AND res UNION, wrro HAS sown THE scan OF CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY naoanoasr OVER.
THE CIVILIZED WORLD.”

l\/Ir. ‘WEBSTER rose to reply amid deafening applause. He said:

Ladies and Gentlemen: Fellow-citizens of V£7'g-inia: It is my first duty
to express, however inadequately, my gratitude to you, one and all, for”
this unexpected token of respect. I am aware that many of you have
come from great distances; many of you, I know, have come upon the sad-
dle, under a burning sun; and you have done this to tender me this token.
of your regard. I know also that many of you have left your estates and
harvest fields, at a time when every hour, whether of proprietor or work-r
man, is so important. For this, gentlemen, I thank you. I am afraid
this courtesy has been to you costly and inconvenient, and therefore, gen—r
tlemen, it sinks more deeply in my heart. I thank you, gentlemen.

It has been my fortune, gentlemen, to have seen much of Eastern Vir-
ginia and of Southern Virginia ; in past times, also, gentlemen, I have seen
something of Western Virginia, those counties bordering on the Ohio river 5,.
but not until this week has it been my fortune to have seen any thing
of the beautiful and renowned valley where I now stand. ' I esteem
it a great pleasure to have had a few days’ leisure, or at least a few
days that I could spare from my oficial duties, to follow the course of the
Potomac, penetrate the Blue Ridge, and, turning to the left along the val-»
ley of the Shenandoah, see something of the country between the Blue-
Ridge and the Alleghany. My journey through your country thus far has
been one of great gratification and admiration. I am free to confess that,
from the time I crossed the Potomac, and, leaving it, went with the train up-
wards along the valley of the Shenandoah, I have seen a country abound-~
ing in fertility and remarkable for its vast riches and beauty. [Applause] I.
have seen the great grain-growing counties of New York, and of Ohio, and
other ‘Western States; of’ England, from Herefordshire to the borders of ’
Scotland 3 but I have never seen any wheat growing region surpassing that
which I crossed between Harper’s Ferry and Winchester. I have been told"
that the same rich country extends beyond, and is to be found through She-
nandoah, Rockingliam, and Augusta counties. I hope, gentlemen, soon to

have an opportunity of witnessing the truth of that statement. [Applause.],7 V

5

I admire, too, your mountain scenery; I admire it for its sublimity and
.-grandeur 3 though, perhaps, these mountains are not adapted to that high
degree of cultivation for which the valley is so remarkable, still they are
picturesque, and give rise to thoughts and feelings which tend to elevate
and dignify the man who beholds them. I assure you, gentlemen, I should
feel most happy, if my time would permit, and I hope before long I may
have the opportunity, to proceed still further in this region of the State,
to go westward to the banks of the South Branch of the Potomac, and see
that great corn—growing and cattle-raising country of which I have heard,
and of which I have read, so much for nearly half my life. [Applause]

. But this, at present, my time will not allow. This is my first visit to this

part of Virginia, butl hope, gentlemen, it will not be the last. [Applause]

There are two elements which constitute a country ; soil and climate are
«one, men and women the other. [Laughter-.] Herethey are both to be found-
But, even if there were no men and women in this region, the country would
still be valuable and beautiful; and if it were as barren as yonder rock,
«(pointing through the window to a jutting cliff which overhangs the spring,)
but was filled with intelligent men and refined and educated women, like
those who now throng this wide hall, it would be most admirable still. So,
if either were here, your country would be beautiful and fascinating,) and
you, gentlemen, know how enchanting it must be and is, when both are so
happily combined. [Great applause] W

But I must now turn my attention to the toast which has been read by
my friend, a friend of long standing, at the head of the table. Imust
attribute its terms to the partiality of friendship, and I am sure that they
are somewhat extravagant. I disclaim having done any thing in support
and defence, and in the maintenance of the Constitution, except what I
have done in co—operation with other abler men; with men of high charac-
ter and true devotion to their country and its political institutions. [Ap~
plause.] Iwas bred, gentlemen, indeed, I might almost say I was born, in
admiration of our political institutions. I have studied them long, and in fact
have studied little else of a political nature. All the public acts of my life

« have been performed in the service of the General Government. II have

never held any office under any State government; and, with the excep-
tion of a few days only, I have never been a member of a State legisla-
hfre. I am, as you may know, a lawyer, and from necessity alaborious one.
I know not how the bread of idleness tastes, for I have never had a bit of it
in my mouth. [Great applause] This, perhaps, savorsiof self-commen-
dation, but I hope it may be pardoned. If, in the discharge of my public
«duties, and in the performance of my public services, my private interests
have suffered and been neglected, I am amply compensated by the hope

6

that if I leave no broad estate, no rich accumulations, I shall leave at least.

an inheritance not entirely disreputable to those who shall come after me.
[This sentence was uttered under great emotion, and received the most
enthusiastic applause]

I profess, gentlemen, to have acted throughout my life upon those prin-
ciples which governed your ancestors, and my own New England ancestors,

” in the times that tried men’s souls; that is to say, in the revolutionary strug

gle, and in that other most important period which witnessed the establish-~
ment of a General Government. All know that in this last high and im-
portant proceeding, Virginia took an eminent lead. She saw that, to the
disgrace of the country, the debt of the Revolution remained unpaid; and

that gallant oflicers and brave soldiers, who had brought wounds and scars "

and broken limbs from the battle-fields of liberty, were reduced to poverty
and want, and that some of them were almost literally begging their bread.

The great and good men of other States felt the same evil, and their

hearts were rung by a similar anguish.

An English poet has said, that there was a time when for an Englishman;

it was fame enough
“ That C-l~IA.’PI~IAM’S language was his native tongue,
“ And WoLrs’s great name compatriot with his own. ”

Now, gentlemen, it is fame enough for me, if it may be thought that in
my political conduct I have maintained, defended, and acted upon the
principles of Virginia and Massachusetts, as these principles were pro»
claimed and sustained in the two great epochs in the history of our coun-
try, the Revolution, and the adoption of the present constitutional Govern-

ment. If I have worked steadily to this end, I am sure that, whether

much has been done or little has been done, it has been directed towards
a good purpose. [Loud applause.] All that I say to—day, and all that I
may say on similar occasions, I wish to be in the spirit of Wasliirigtoii and
Madison, "Wythe and Pendleton, and the proscribed patriots of Massachu-

setts, Hancock and Samuel Adams. [Applause] If these and other great.

founders of our liberty and fathers of our Constitution erred, then have I
erred; then have I been the most incorrigible of political sinners. [Laugh-
ter.] ‘ But if they were right, then I venture to hope that I am right also 5.
and “neither principalities nor powers, nor things present nor things to
come,” shall eradicate that hope from my breast. [Loud and enthusiastic
cheering] n

The leading sentiment in the toast from the Chair is the Union of the.
States. THE UNION or THE Srarnsi What mind can comprehend the

consequences of that Union, past, present, and to come? The Union of "

these States is the all~ahsorbing topic of the day; on it all men write,

7

speak, think, and dilate, from the rising of the sun to the going down
thereof. [Applause] And yet, gentlemen, I fear its importance has
been but insufficiently appreciated. Like all common blessings, however
great, it has been of late years too little the subject of reflection. The
unthinking and careless hardly take heed of that atmosphere, which sup-
ports their lives from day to day and from hour to hour. As the sun
rises in the morning, follows its track through the heavens, and goes down
at night, we notice its course, enjoy its light and heat, and when we see
it sink beneath the western horizon, we have no doubt, we do not think
of the possibility, that it may not appear for another day. We are in no
fear of perpetual darkness, or the return of chaos. So it is with our
political system under a United Government and National Constitution.
To these most of us were born; we have lived under their daily blessings,
as if those blessings were not only matters of course, but imperishable
also. But, alas, gentlemen, human structures, however strong, do not
stand upon the everlasting laws of nature. They may crumble, they may
fall; and republican institutions of government will assuredly sooner or
later crumble and fall, if there shall not continue to be among the people
an intelligent regard for such institutions, a great appreciation of their
benefits, and a spirited purpose to uphold and maintain them. And when
they shall crumble and fall, the political catastrophe will resemble that
which would happen in the natural world were the sun to be struck out of
heaven. If this Union were tobe broken up by nullification, separation,
secession, or any event whatsoever of equally repulsive name and character,
chaos would come again, and where all is new light, and joy, and gladness,

there would be spread over us a darkness like that of Erebus. Yes, gen-~

tlemen, I have little patience with those who talk flippantly of secession.
and disunion; they do not appear to me to understand of what they speak,

nor to have the least idea of its consequences. If they have any meaning,  

I do not comprehend that meaning. Suppose this Union were dissolved

to-day, where should we be to-moi-row? I think a state of things would

arise in which I should feel disposed to take shelter in the caverns of the

a mountains, or seek some other place of obscurity, in which I shouldfinoti -

witness the degradation and ruin of the country. Every anticipation?‘ of such
an event presents a gloomy and horrible picture; it is a vast Serbonian
bog. Ineiver saw a happy man in it, unless he thought he was about getting

out. Those who love the Union ardently, and who mean to defend its
  gallantly, are happy, . che  with bright and buoyant hopes for the.

future, and full of manlyir rmness and resolution. But secession andt
clisunion are a oregionlolfgloom, and morass, and swamp; no cheerfult

‘ breezes fan it, no spirit of health visits it; itis all malaria. It is all fever

8

and ague. [Laughter and great applause] Nothing beautiful or useful"

grows in it; the traveller through it breathes miasma, and treads among
all things unwholesome and loathsome. It is like the region of your
great Dismal Swamp, it is all

“Tangled juniper, beds of weeds,

With many a fen where the serpent feeds,
And man never trod before.” [Laughter-.]

For one, I have no desire to breathe such an air, or to have such footing
for my walks. [Applause]

Gentlemen, I am aware that the respect paid to me to-day is in conse-
quence of my support of the adjustment measures of the last Congress.
Although I wished to raise no false alarm, nor create any fears, yet, I be-
lieved in my conscience, that a crisis was at hand; a dangerous, a fearful
crisis; and I resolved to meet it at any hazard, and with whatever strength
I possessed. A true patriot, like a faithful mariner, must be prepared for

all exigencies‘; in the words of the old song-—--

   

“ He is born for all weathers;

Let the winds blow high or blow low,

I-Iis duty keeps him to his tethers,

And where the gale drives he must go.” [Applause-.]

‘The support of the Union is a great practical subject, involving the

‘pt‘0spe.1'ity and glory of the whole country, and aflecting the prosperity of

every individual in it. We ought to take a large and comprehensive
view of it; to look to its vast results, and to the consequences which would
flow from its overthrow. It is not a mere topic for ingenious disquisition,
or theoretical or fanatical criticism. Those who assail the Union at the
present day seem to be persons of one idea only, and many of them of but
half an idea. [Applause] They plant their batteries on some useless
abstraction, some false dogma, or some gratuitous assumption. Or, perhaps,
it may be more proper to say, that they look at it with microscopic eyes,
seeking for some spot, or speck, or blot, or blur, and if they find any thing
of this kind, they are at once for overturning the Whole fabric. And,
when nothing else will answer, they invoke religion and speak of a higher
law. Gentlemen, this North Mountain is high, the Blue Ridge higher
still ;, the Allegheny higher than either; and yet this higher law ranges
farther than an eagle’ s flight above the highest peaks of the Allegheny.
[Laughtetn] N 0 common vision can discern it; no conscience, not tran-
scendental ancl ecstatic, can feel it; the hearing of common men never
listens to its high behests; and therefore one should think itis not a safelavv
to be acted on, in matters of the highest practical moment. It is the code,
however, of the fanatical and factions abolitionists of the or-th.

.. .9

The secessionists of the South take a different course of remark. They
are learned and eloquent; they are animated and full of spirit; they are
highminded and chivalrous; they state their supposed injuries and causes
of complaint in elegant phrases and exalted tones of speech.‘ But these
complaints are all vague and general. I confess to you, gentlemen, that I
know no hydrostatic pressure strong enough to bring them into‘ any solid
form, in which they could be seen or felt. [Laughter and applause.]

They think otherwise, doubtless. But, for one, I can discern nothing real I i

or well-grounded in their complaints. If I may be allowed to be a little

, professional, I would say that all their complaints and alleged grievances

are like a very insuflicient plea in the law; they are bad on general de-
murrer for want of substance. [Loud laughter.] But I am not disposed
to reproach these gentlemen, or to speak of them with disrespect. I prefer
to leave them to their own reflections. I make no arguments against reso-
lutions, conventions, secession speeches, or proclamations. Let these
things go on. The whole matter, it is to be hoped, will blow over, and
men will return to a sounder mode of thinking. But one thing, gentle-
men, be assured of, the first step taken in the programme of secession,
which shall be an actual infringement of the Constitution or the Laws, will
be promptly met. [Great applause] And I would not remain an hour
in any Administration that should not immediately meet any such violation
of the Constitution and the Law effectually, and at once. Prolonged ap-
plause.] And I can assure you, gentlemen, that all with whom I am at
present associated in the Government entertain the same decided purpose.
[Renewed applause, with cheers] _
And now, gentlemen, let me advert to a cheering and gratifying occur»

renoe. Let me do honor to your great and ancient Cornmonwealthiof Vir-- V

ginia. Let me say that in my opinion the resolutions passed by her Legis-
lature at the last session, in which some gentlemen now present bore a
part, have effectually suppressed, or greatlytended to suppress, the no-4
tion of separate governments‘ and new confederacies. [Great applause]
All hopes of disunion, founded upon the probable course of Virginia, are
dissipated into thin air. [Cheers.] I An eminent gentleman in the Nash;
ville Convention ejaculated, “O, that Virginia were with us! If Virginia
would but take the lead in going out of the Union, other Southern States

would cheerfully follow that lead.” Ah, but that “ if ”i was a great ob-V
stacle! [Laughter]. It was pregnant with important meaning. “If Vir-

ginia would takethe leacl.” But who, that looked for any consistency in
Virginia, expected to see her leading States out of the Union, since
she took such greatpains, under the counsels of her ablest and wisest
men, to lead themjinto it? [Applause] Her late resolutions have put a

10

decided negative upon that “if,” arid the country cordially thanks her for it.
Fellow-citizens, I must bring these rernarks to a close. Other gentle-
men are present to whom you expect to have the pleasure of listening.

[Cries of Go on! Go onl] My concluding sentiment is,

“THE UNION OF THE STATES: l\{lA.Y THOSE ANCIENT FRIENDS, VIRGINIA AND
MASSACHUSETTS, CONTINUE TO UPI-IOLD Ir so LONG as THE waves or THE ATLANTIC SHALL
near on THE snonns on THE one, on THE ALLEGHANIES REMAIN FIRM on THEIR eases IN

THE TERRITORIES OF THE OTHER!”
This sentirnent was received with enthusiastic demonstrations of ap-

plause. The room resounded with the plaudits of the immense crowd,
and the cheers followed each other in such quick succession that it ap-
peared as if they would lift the very roof 3 and it was noticed that one
venerable man went up and actually put his arms around Mr. WEBSTER,
while seated in his chair, and exclaimed “God bless you, for you are the
greatest and best man in the world!”

It is proper to remark that Mr. VVEBSTER was called upon to deliver a
second speech on the evening of the above-mentioned dinner, which,
though brief, contained some important features. It was called forth by
the remarks of a Democratic gentleman, who had publicly expressed his
sanction of Mr. WnnsTsR’s previous speech, though he acknowledged
that he had long held widely different opinions from that gentleman on
nearly every question of public policy.

Mr. WEBSTER said:

Wliatever may have been the differences of opinion which have hereto-
fore existed between the Democratic and VVhig parties on other subjects,
they are now forgotten, or at least have become subordinate 5 and the im-
portant question that is now asked is, Are you a Union man? [Great ap-
plause.] The question at this time is, the Union, and how we shall
preserve its blessings for the present, and for all time to come. To
maintain that Union, we must observe, in good faith, the Constitution
and all its parts. If that Constitution be not observed in all its parts,
but its provisions be deliberately and permanently set aside in some parts,
the whole of it ceases to be binding, but the case must be clear, flagrant,
undeniable, and in a point of vital interest. yin short, it must be such
as would justify revolution; for after all, secession, disruption of the Union,
or successful nullification are but other names for revolution. Where the
whole system of laws and Government is overthrown, under Whatever name
the thing is done, what is it but Revolution? For it would be absurd to
suppose, that by whole States and large portions of the country, either
the North or the South has the power or the right to violate any part of that
Constitution, directly, and of purpose, and still claim from the other
observance of its provisions. [Applause] If the South were to vio--
late any part of the Constitution intentionally and systematically, and

11

persist in so doing year after year, and no remedy could be had, would}.
the North be any longer bound by the rest of it? And if the North were-
deliberately, habitually, and of fixed purpose, to disregard one part of it,
would the South be bound any longer to observe its other obvligationsr“
This is indeed to be understood with some qualification, for I do notrnean,
of course, that every violation by a State, of an article of the Constitu-
tion, would discharge other States from observing its provisions. No-

State can decide for itself what is constitutional and what is not. When?

any part of the Constitution is supposed to be violated by a State law,
the true mode of proceeding is to bring the case before the judicial’;

tribunals; and if the unconstitutionality of the State law be made out,.
it is to be set aside. This has been done in repeated cases, and is».

the ordinary remedy. But what I mean to say is, that if the public men,
of a large portion of the country, and ‘especially their representatives in

Congress, labor to prevent, and do permanently prevent, the passage of"

laws necessary to carry into effect a provision of the Constitution,
particularly intended for the benefit of another part of the country, and’.
which is of the highest importance to it, it cannot be expected that that.
part of the country will long continue to observe other constitutional pro-—
visions made in favor of the rest of the country; because, gentlemen, a-.
disregard of constitutional duty, in such a case, cannot be brought within
the corrective authority of the judicial power. If large portions of public:
bodies, against their duty and their oaths, will persist in refusing to exe-
cute the Constitution, and do in fact prevent such execution, no remedy
seems to lie by any application to the Supreme Court. The case now
before the country clearly exemplifies my meaning. Suppose the North
to have decided majorities in Congress, and suppose these majorities persist

« in refusing to pass laws for carrying into effect the clause of the Constitu»

tion, vvhich declares that fugitive slaves shall be restored, it would be
«evident that no judicial process, could compel them to do their duty, and
vvhat remedy would the South have? t r ,

How absurd it is to suppose that when different parties enter intoa com»
pact for certain purposes, either can disregard any one provision, and ex-
pect nevertheless the other to observe the rest! I intend for one to regard,
and maintain, and carry out, to the fullest extent, the Constitution of the Unit-
ed States, which I have sworn to support in all its parts and all its provisions.
[Loud cheers] It is writtenin the Constitution‘

“ N O PERSON HELD TO SERVICE OR LABOR IN ONE STATE,

UNDER TI-IE LAWS THEREOF, nsoarxno nxrro ANOTHER,
SHALL, IN consnourancn or ANY LAW on REGULATION

THEREIN, BE DISCHARGED F~ROl‘/It. SUCH SERVICE OR LA-~
BOR, BUT SHALL BE DELIVERED UP ON. CLAIM OF THE PAR-~

TY TO WIHOMCSUCH SERVICE OR LABOR MAY BE DUE.”

12

That is a.s much a part of the Constitution as any other, and as equally
‘ihinding and obligatory as any other on all men, public or private. [Ap-
plause] And who denies this? None but the abolitionists of the North.
And pray what is it they will not deny? [Great applause and laughter.]
‘They have but the one idea; and it would seem that these fanatics at
the North and the secessionists at the South are putting their heads to»
pgetlier to derive means to defeat the good designs of honest and patriotic
men. They act to the same end and the same object, and the Constitu-
tion has to take the fire from both sides.

I have not hesitated to say, and I repeat, that if the Northern States re-
fuse, wilfully and deliberately, to carry into effect that part of the Consti-
'-tution which respects the restoration of fugitive slaves, and Congress
provide no remedy, the South would no longer be bound to observe
‘the compact. [Immense applause] A bargain cannot be broken
‘on one side and still bind the other side. I say to you, gentle~
men, in Virginia, as I said on the shores of Lake Erie and in the city

of Boston, as I may say again, in that city or elsewhere in the North,

that you of the South have as much right to receive your fugitive
slaves, as the North has to any of its rights and p1'i‘vileges of nav-
iigation and commerce. I desire to be understood here among you, and
throughout the country, that in hopes, thoughts, and feelings, I profess to
be an American; altogether and nothing but an American. (Long and
-continued cheering.) And that I am for the Constitution, and the whole
Constitution. I am as ready to fight and to fall for the constitutional
rights of Virginia, as I am for those of Massachusetts. I pour out to you,
gentlemen, my whole heart, and I assure you these are my sentiments.
(Cheers) I would no more see afeather plucked unjustly from the honor
«of Virginia,than I would see one so plucked from the honor of Massa-
~chusetts.i (Great applause.) It has been said that I have, by the course
I have thought proper to pursue, displeased a portion of the people of
Massachusetts. That is true, and if I had dissatisfied more of them, what;
«of that? (Great and continued applause.) I was in the Senate of the
United States, and had sworn to support the Constitution of the'United
States. That Constitution made me a Senator of the United States,’ acting
for all the States, and my vote Was to bind the whole country. I was a

I Senator for the whole country. (App1ause.) What exclusive regard had I

to pay to the wishes of Massachusetts upon a question affecting the Whole
nation, and in which my vote was to bind Virginia as well as Massachusetts?
My vote was to affect the interests of the Whole country, and was to be
given on matters of a high Constitutional character. I assure, you,
(gentlemen, I no more respected the instructions of Massachusetts,

13

than I would have respected those of, Virginia. It would be just as.
reasonable to expect me to vote as the particular interests of Massachu-
setts required, as it would be to expect that, as an arbitrator, a referee, or an
umpire between two individuals, I was bound to obey the instructions of"
one of them. (Applause.) Could I do that P Have I descended, or am
I expected to descend, to that level? (Cries of “never,” “never.”
“ You are not the man to do it.”) I hope not.

Gentlemen, instructions from States may properly be regarded as err‘
pressions of opinion by well informed political men, and in that view are
entitled to respect. But that a Senator in Congress, acting under the
Constitution, and bound by his duty and his oath, to act, in all things, ac--
cording to his conscience, for the good of all the States, should, neverthe-
less be absolutely bound by the will of one of them, is preposterous. Vir-A
ginia has not consented that her rights, under the Constitution, shall be?”
judged of by the legislature of Massachusetts; nor has Massachusetts
agreed that hers shall be judged of by the legislature of Virginia. But
both have agreed, that their rights and interests shall be judged of by per-
sons, some of whom are appointed by each, and all bound to decide impar-
tially. That men, mutually chosen to decide the rights of parties under a.
compact, are yet to be bound, each to the will of the party appointing him ,.
is an absurdity, exceeding all other absurdities.

Mr. WEBSTER also adverted, at considerable length, to the consequences-
of a dissolutionof the Union, and pointed out the present and prospective

power and glory of the United States. He spoke of the struggle noW_

going on in Europe between constitutional government and arbitrary
power; and incidentally mentioned his having alluded to this subject in a.
letter addressed by him, some time since, to the Austrian Charge pd’
Aifaires. (Tremendous cheering.) He next proceeded, at some length, to
trace the system of republican governments; the practical operation of’
popular representation; and the inevitable necessity that the will of the
majority, constitutionally exercised, should be the supreme law, and that
the law, thus ordained, being the States” collected will, should be obeyed.
In conclusion, he said :_These, gentlemen, are my sentiments. I intend
to hold fast to them for itlie remainder of my life, in the hope that, when I
die, I may close my eyes on free, happy, united America!

MR. BULWEBRS srnncn.

The Chair having given the following regular toast:

“OUR nxsrmooxsnno Grcssr, THE LEARNED AND ACCOMPLISHED Mxmsrnn FROM THE’;
‘Cover on ST. James, WHO u1>noLns was menrrr on His nmmesrr STATION, omens rm:
ernrannsr on His own rnorne, AND WINS THE GOOD WILL on ones.”

Sir HENRY L. BULWER rose and delivered the following speech,
which was highly and continuously applauded:

.Mr. President and Gentlemen: Allow me to say tl1at the honor you
-have conferred upon me, and indeed that the whole of this scene, takes me
completely by surprise. ‘When a man undertakes a jaunt or a journey, he,
«in some degree, generally anticipates the business or the amusement he eX-
pects to meet with; but Ican assure you that when I came into the mountains

of Virginia, though I might have had some faint idea of angling for a trout
-or hunting after a rattlesnake, I had not the rernotest conception of the

probability or possibility of being present at a public dinner, or of making
.a speech. [Laughter and applause] I am sure, therefore, that you will
not expect from me so learned a clisquisition as that of my honorable friend

from Baltimore (Mr. Banner) upon the institutions and celebrities of the

State of Virginia; nor that I should describe to you the origin and progress
of government and society from those early times “ when Adam delved

and Eve span,” down to the moment when we are here assembled at the
w“ Mountain House,” with the logical severity and eloquent and poetical

fancy of my honorable friend from Pennsylvania,  LEVIN.) [Ap-
plause and laughter.] But this I can truly and simply say, that with your
kind and generous expressions still present to my memory, and with the
‘honest and hearty-looking countenances of those from whom these expres-
:sions proceeded before my eyes, and with the knowledge that you, the
gentlemen and yeomen of Virginia, have here at a :moment’s notice as-—
sembled to do honor to my illustrious friend, whose voice is as eloquent as
that of nature herself in these romantic solitudes, the pleasure I expe--»
rience is, following the ordinary rule, the more lively from being al-
together unexpected. [Much applause] With your political parties
and discussions, gentlemen, I have nothing to do; to them I am, and I
wish to be, an entire stranger; but, independently of all such parties
and discussions, I can understand and admire a great political sentiment.
The orator of ‘old, when asked what quality was most essential to the e:a"-
~-ercise of his art, replied “ action,” and when asked again what was the.
next quality, again and again answered, “ action,” by which he did not

15

mean the waiving of the hand here, or the lifting of the arm there, but that 

earnestness which is the expression of true feeling. Gentlemen, the
modern Demosthenes, who is this day amongst you, when asked again and
again what is most essential at this moment to the welfare of his country,
has said, with that earnestness which his predecessor described, again and
again, “ Union.” [Great applause.] Gentlemen, I am the citizen of an
extensive empire, the subject of a sovereign whose dominions stretch out

[far and wide over the surface of the globe, and I can well comprehend and

sympathize with the statesman who, proud of the authority and majesty of
this vast Republic, shrinks with horror from the thought of its being split
up into petty commonwealths, comparatively insignificant in power and
small in extent.

' I do not, however, agree with some preceding speakers, that it is alto-
gether unnatural or uncommon to find in great States men who speak with
indifference of the possibility of those great States becoming small ones.
[Sensation] There are such men in my own country, and I am not aston-
ished at it. If you want to know the value-vof health, you must not expect
to ascertain it from inquiry of the strong and robust. It is the invalid who
will tell it to you ; and thus it is with nations. If you wish to learn the
value of national power and national greatness, you must ask the question
of the Pole, the Venetian, the Genoese, of the people who, owing to their
divisions and their weakness, have lost a national existence ; or you must
direct your inquiry to the people of those small States in Europe or Amer-

ica, which still exist, but while they enjoy the name of independence, are

alternately under the dictatorship of domestic factions or foreign force.
[Applause] I-Ionor, then, to the man who collects from the aggregate
wisdom of a great community a suflicient moral power to assuage local pas-
sions and keep within appropriate limits party discontents. [Applause.]
But, gentlemen, if it be a great and noble task thus to unite, and keep united,
the various elements which constitute the character and greatness of one
nation, it is surely a task as noble and as great to unite together, and keep
united, two mighty nations, who, by their joint authority as the representa-

, tives of that admirable combination of liberty and order, which is every

where the sign and symbol of the Anglo-Saxon race, may exercise a bene-
ficent and universal influence over the happiness and destinies of mankind.
[Loud and long applause] A l

Gentlemen, with this idea now present to my thoughts, I, as an English-
man, say to you as Americans, “-’ union, union, union.” [Applause] Aye,
let there not only be peace between us, let there be union also. [Contin—
ued applause.] The ‘word resouncls through these halls appropriately ; let
it reach the ears of Mr. Rickards I (the proprietor of the Capon Springs

16

“Mountain House”) Is he not, gentlemen, himself the type of union?
For has he not united all the charms of scenery and of society, of water and
of wine, of health and amusement, in this lovely spot ? [Applause] And,
as I look around me and see the animated looks and admiring eyes to my
left, and the gentle glances and ‘graceful smiles of the fairer portion of my

audience to my right, can I be wrong in conjecturing that there is a favor»

able disposition on all sides of me towards a united state 2‘ [Much laugh-
ter and applause] For my own part, gentlemen, whether as regards the
union between the different States of this federal Republic ; or whether as re-
gards the union between us Englishmen and you Americans; or whether as
regards the union between Woodland and waterfall, and good cheer and good‘
company; or whether as regards the best and closest of all possible unions,

viz., that between warm hearts and willing hands, [much laughter and ap-

plause,] I declare myself professedly and emphatically a unio11 man, [re-
newed laughter and applause,] and as such have enjoyed your festivity,
partaken of your sentiments, and now beg to leave amongst you my kind-
est thanks and most hearty gogd wishes.

The honorable gentleman sat down amidst loud and prolonged cheering,
to which followed three cheers for BULWER.

17

The following correspondence between the Hon. DANIEL Wnnsrnn and a
gentleman in North Carolina, copied from the National Intelligencer,
will be read with interest in connexion with the preceding speeches. ‘

HON. DANIEL Wnssrnn:

DEAR sin: The question of the right of a State to secede from the Union
is, as you are doubless aware, producing at this time, in this part of the
Union, no inconsiderable degree of excitement. And, as it is a question in
which every free American is directly concerned, a question upon which
every free American should be correctly informed, as upon its decision
may depend the future prosperity and happiness, or misfortune and ruin of
this great country; and, believing as I do, that from your intimate acquaint-
ance with the principles upon which our Government is based, and the
operation of all of its machinery, you are entirely competent to give upon
this, as upon all other questions of a like character, correct information ;

and, being anxious myself, as many others are, to possess correct views

with regard to this subject, I desire you, valuable as I know your time to
be, to devote a moment in giving an answer to the following interrogatory:

“ Do you believe that a State has a right to secede from the Union?”

By answering this question, sir, you will confer a favor upon many of
your countrymen here, who believe as I do, that an opinion of yours, thus
expressed, would go very far towards quieting the excitement that the
agitation of this subject has produced in this section of the Union.

With profound admiration for your character as an American statesman,
and sincere regard for you as an American citizen,

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

July, 20, 1851.

Aueusr 1, 1851.

Dean SIR: I have received your letter of the 20th July.

The Constitution of the United States recognises no right of secession,
as existing in the people of any one State, or any number of States. It is
not a limited confederation, but a Government; and it proceeds upon the
idea that it is to be perpetual, like other forms of Government, subject only
to be dissolved by revolution.

I confess I can form no idea of secession but as the result ‘of a revolu-
tionary movement. How is it possible,for instance, that South Carolina
should secede and establish a overnment foreign to that of the United
States, thus dividing Georgia, which does not secede, from the restof the
Union 2* I

13

Depend upon it, my dear sir, that the secession of any one State would
be but the first step in a process, which must inevitably break up the entire
Union into more or fewer parts.

What I said at Capon Springs was an argument addressed to the North,
and intended to convince the North that if, by its superiority of numbers,
it should defeat the operation of a plain, undoubted, and undeniable in-
junction of the Constitution, intended for the especial protection of the
South, such a proceeding must necessarily end in the breaking up of the
Government, that is to say, in a revolution.

I am, dear sir, with respect, your obedient servant,
DAN’L WEBSTER.

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