  THE

ADDRESS AND PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

EEIEEEE EE DANIEL WEBSTER,

ASSEMBLED IN FANEUIL ELELL,

(H311 3lleD1Etc5Eu1E_2, Eieptetnbmr 1511;, 1$*.f:Irﬂ,

MASS CONVENTION.

BOSTON:
% _ % JAMES FRENCH, 78 WASHINGTON STREET,

1852.

DEAR Sm:--Please read and circulate this copy of the Proceedings of the

WEBSTER Uxxozsr Wlsrm Cozqvrsmxorr.
By request of Executive Committtee.
A. WILSON, Secretary.

rnzss or warm
FRANKLIN PRINTING HOUSE,
210 Washington Street,
Stﬁustnn.

PROCEEDINGS.

THE friends of DANIEL WEBS'PER and the Union, assembled in Faneuil
Hall on Wednesday, the 15th inst., at 12 o’e1oek, for deliberation and action.

The Convention was called to order by CHARLES A. WELLS of Boston, and
temporarily organized by the choice of HENRY LYMAN of Watertown, as
Chairman, and J AMES FRENCII and S. M. Home of Boston, as Secretaries.

Messrs. D. F. lVIe(’i*ilvray, Charles Torrey, James French, C. R. Ransom,
and Charles A. Wells, were deputed a Committee to retire, select, and re-
port a list of permanent oflicers for the Convention.

Mn. Tonmrr, in answer to a general call, made a brief address, which was
received with great applause.

The Committee on Organization here reported the following list of oﬂicers:

For Presiderzt, HENRY LYMAN of Watertown.

For Vice Presidents, Tnos. T1-manna of Roxbury, J AB. DALTON of Boston,
CEO. REvEnE of N eedham, Cans. A. WELLs, LEvI BRIGIIADI, WM. SLIIMMIN
of Boston, LU'l.‘I-.'[I<}I% GrEIrrrNe of Richmond, DUDLEY TTALL of Medford, Crms.
Tonaar of Boston, JEssE CIIIOKELRING of West Roxbury, B. P. Poem of
West N ewbury, SAME L. CUTTER of Cambridge, and PLINY CUTLER of Boston.

For Secremries, SAMUEL KETTELL, J AMES FRENCH, J AMES L. BAKER, and A

SAMUEL M. Ilonns.
The report was unanimously accepted, and adopted, and the oﬂicers having
taken their seats on the platform, Pres. LYMAN made a brief speech of thanks.
T On motion oi‘Archelaus Wilson of Boston, that gentleman and Messrs.
Hubbard Winslow, and Charles Torrey were appointed a Cornrnittee to pre-
pare an Address to the people of Massachusetts, setting forth the reasons of
the present rnoverniant of the Union Whigs. A

Messrs. J. L. Dinnnoek, S. L. Cutter, C. A. White, J. Q. Kettell, and
Edw. A. Vose were appointed a Committee to report a list of Webster
Electors to the Convention.

Hubbard Winslow, here, in response to a call, made a short speech, to
show the cause of Mr. Webster’s defeat at Baltimore, and also in defence
of the present movement. ‘ ’

Messrs. Chas. A. White, Arthur Pickering, J. D. Hedge, J. Fullerton,
and Chas. A. Wells, were appointed a Committee to report the names of

it ten persons who shall constitute the “ WEBSTER STATE EXECUTIVE CoMMrTTEE
A or M.iss.«.ciiusETTs. ‘P

Mr. Wilson, onbehalf of the Committee on the subject, here reported the ,

f'o11owing----

ADDRESS

TO ,THE WHIGrS_,OF ,MASSACHUSETTS.

 

. The step which avery large number of your fellow citizens, now assema
bled in Faneuil Hall, are about to take, is a highly important one, and
should be taken upon rendered reasons.

We are met here, most of us, doubtless, as Whigs; not unaccompanied,
perhaps, by some of our Democratic friends, who sympathise with us in
our desire to do justice to a great statesman, who is the property of no
party, but who belongs, in a high sense, equally to us all. Still, the great
body of this assembly consists, undoubtedly, of Whigs; and it is therefore
to our fellow Whigs that we are chieﬂy to submit what we have to say.
At the same time we cannot forget that We are here also as American cit~
izens, standing upon the soil of a free country, and free to act according to
our own convictions of duty.

The representatives of the Whig party, chosen as such according to its
usages, and assembled in National Convention, have by a very small ma-
jority, made a nomination of a distinguished goﬂicer of the army for the
Presidency of the United States; and the ﬁrst inquiry to be made by us,
as members of that party, is, whether we in any just sense are bound to
vote for this candidate, and for no other? It needs, in our judgment, no
great amountiof argument to solve ‘this question. Upon the great general
principle on which all our institutions rest, the majority areto rule; and
when the voice of’ the majority is expressed in those forms which constitute
the enactment of Law, no man can go behind it, or absolve himself’ from its
obligations, while he remains insociety. This principle is attempted to be
applied by analogy to the doings of political parties. But the analogy is
extremely imperfect. There ‘is a broad distinction between the decrees .or

decisions of a body of the representatives of a party, in reference to the

obligations which they impose upon its members, and the decrees of the
legislative representatives of the ‘people, in reference to the obligations
which they impose upon the citizen. The former cannot, in the nature of
things, have the force of law, because they do not rest upon its sanctions.
They must, therefore, be referred for approval to the judgment of individ-
uals, who are to receive and obey them, according to their own convictions

of their intrinsic propriety and ﬁtness to promote the public good. i

We speak here, of course, of the rule that is applicable to the citizen
who has taken no {part in initiating orjconducting the party proceedings,

which have led to a particular result. What rule is applicable to those,

who have taken part in those proceedings, we have now no occasion to in-
quire. We speak for those and to those who stand free from such connec-
tion, but are yet members of the same party; and we have no hesitation in
saying, that the attempt which has been made to force upon such persons an
obligation of honor to support a nomination which they may disapprove, is
without a shadow of justiﬁcation. The decision of a National Party Con-
vention is in no sense conclusive upon the conduct of all the members of
that party throughout the country. If it were, neither the 1'egL1la1*ity nor
fairness of the proceedings, nor the ﬁtness of the candidate nominated,
could ever be inquired into. The truth is, that the act of a majority of
the ciele,g'at.es in a National Party Convention is not the act of’ a majority of

all the Il'.l0l11l'.)0.1”S of the party, unless it is assumed that all are actually or

technically represented. That all are not actually represented, is perfectly
well known.  Not a quarter part of the voters of any great political party
ever take part in the proceedings by which the clel,ega.tes to such a body
are appctiiriritcaci ; and it is one of the easiest, as it is one of the most common
of pol.iti,cal transactions, for political managers, especially in some of the
other ;‘:3t.ates of this Union, to procure the appointinent of del.egzttes, Whose
purposcas as to the selection of’ a presidential candidate are no certain and
safe gljll(iIl(3 to the real wishes and preferences of a majority of their nomi-
nal (3(I)lIl1t’wl.‘i'.l.i»l1£‘3lxiii. The position, theref’ore, that the act of a majority of
such cl,cl<.“rg:.1.1:e:-5 is the act of a majority of the 1nembe:rs of the party, must
rest11.po11tlr1e doctrine that all the members had notice, and might have
atten<,}lcd the choice of delegates if‘ they had seen fit. That is to say, it
rests upon a fiction, by which every man’s political conscience and conduct
are to li§)(t(3tT}11'1,(3l)0l1I1Cl by the acts and doinp;s of his neighbor. ~For our-
selves we reject this doctrine. We hold that the decision of‘ a majority of the
del,cg;z.1.tes in a National Convention is not, of’ itself, proof‘ of’ the sentiments
and wislies of a majority of the party; and we think that any man who
will ask; himself Whether he can believe that a majority of the Whigs of the
United tiatates this day prefer General Scott as a candidate, to Daniel
Welfister or Millard Fillmore, will be satisﬁed with the soundness of’ our

position. We are here, then, in all the freedom of our individual judgu

ments. In that freedom we propose to examine the nomination made at
B.altirnore, and to refer the action of the Convention which made it to the
only standard which We recognize, namely, its tendency to promote and
secure the good of thecountry. M

The Convention assembled at Baltimore, it is to be presumed, for the
purpose of nomiinatingjthat person for the Presidency, in Whom would be
united l:1igl:1 cpualiﬁcations for the ethos, with reasonable chances for obtain-
ing it hythe suifrages of the people. This is the duty of a party Conven»
tion, under ordinary circumstances. But on the occasion of the late Whig
National Convention, the circumstances were peculiar and extraordinary.
One of the candidates before that Convention Was, confessedly, the ﬁrst

6

statesmanin America then capable of being thought of for the oﬁice. He
was a person who had rendered services of the utmost importance to his
party. O.n three several occasions he had supported with the whole power
of his vast inﬂuence, rivals, Whose claims to the nomination, except in one
instance, could be supposed by no one to be superior to his own. But
above and beyond all this, he had rendered to his country services which
surpassed those to his party, in as large a measure as country is greater
than party to every true patriot. He Was, moreover,.a person ﬁtted beyond
all men Within the reach of the Whig party, not merely to adorn, but most
beneﬁcially to administer the high oiiice in question. This was felt and
acknowledged every where by all candid persons. The common judgment
of the country, the current and admitted forms of speech, the general consent
of riglit-tliinlciiig minds, had made his pre-.-eminent ﬁtness for that great
trust ama.x.in1 among men. A Wide and conﬁdent expectation among the
masses of the people, who had nothing to gain and much to lose by adverse
political conibinations, looked to the Whig party. in confidence that it
would do the justice to the country, to itself‘, and to Mr. Webster, to put him
in nomination.

The time was most propitious. Party animosity had died away before
the signal merit of services, which challenged the equal adiniration and
gratitude of f'1-iends and opponents. Personal detraction, save from the
kennels of a rabid fanaticism, had ceased to pursue him. Public conﬁdence,
respect, aﬂ"ectionate admiration and pride, universal appreciation of the
vast importance to the country of’ his life, health and happiness, broke forth
to him, Wherever popular feeling had an opportunity of expression.
Never hada party such an opportunity to confer  vast good upon a free
country ; and never was such an opportunity more unvvorthily lost.

It was lost, We are told, because a majority of those who were sent to
the Convention to select a candidate preferred some one else, and chose to
exercise their preferences. .We admit the fact; but, as a portion of the
people of this country, we claim and shall exercise the right to judge of
the reasonableness and propriety of those preferences. By whatsoever
constituency each of’ those delegates was appointed, they were all assembled
to execute a public trust upon public motives. A great party organiza-
tion, lilce any other social instrumentality, is a trust in the hands of those
who hold it ; to be exercised and discharged upon motives which will bear
the test of’ subsequent examination and gubmission to the moral judgment
of mankind.

Mr. Webster was set aside in the National Convention, and Gen. Scott
was preferred by a majority of the members ;-----»first, because the latter,
being a military man, supposed to have gained great personal popularity by

his military success, was believed to be, in the language of party t-acticians,'

the more 4‘ available” candidate. We will not do any member of that
convention the injustice to suppose,.that his preference was determined by

. ing Whatever.

7

a belief that the military candidate possessed superior ﬁtness for the ofﬁce
of President. The ruling motive, in this case, was the same which, on two
former occasions, hadlled to the selection, by the Whig party, of military
men. as candidates for the Presidency, to the exclusion of their most expe-
rienced and most accomplished statesmen: in one of which instances, the
candidate was Without any civil experience Whatever. Against this princi-
ple of political action We desire and intend to enter our protest. It is an
appeal to the people, contrary to the truth‘ of the case, to regard military
success as evidence of a ﬁtness to discharge the highest civil trust in the
country, as well as the ablest and most accomplished and experienced
statesmen in the la.nd. i

There is no executive government in the World, in which civil Wisdom and
a trained practical statesmanship are so necessary  in the Presidency of
this grea.t republic. Consider for a moment that our government is founded
on, and ad1:niniste1'ed under, a Written Constitution; and that the doctrines
which are to go into that high office and be practically applied in adminis-
tering that Constitution, if they are to be of the least value, must be the
fruit of long civil study, of practical acquaintance with principles, and of
vast civil e:.v.perience'. Consider that the Whole machinery of the govern-
ment is civil aclministration. Consider that all the oﬂices which a Presi-
dent holds in his hand for dist1'ibution——-frorn the highest of the Judiciary,
who may have to pass upon even his acts, to the tide-Waiter upon the
wharves, who is to obey without questioning the 1aw———-are all to be ﬁlled by
the exercise of a discretion, which can exist, in full and just development,
only after great experience in the civil departments of government. ‘Con-
sider the great influence which the character and opinions of a President
exert over the legislati.on oi’ the country ;—-—-an influence which the Consti-
tution contcmplated, and which usage has made quite as powerful as it was
ever designed to be. Consider, ﬁnally, that the foreign relations of this
country are at all times full of questions, for the right management of
which  military life and military experience can aﬁ°'ord scarcely any train-

We are not in the slightest degree desirous to detract from the just merits
of Gen. Scott, as a highly distinguished and successful soldier, or to refuse
to him appropriate honors and rewards for his very brilliant military servi-
ces to the country. But we do not consider that the Presidency is the

appropriate honor, or that it is ﬁt that it should be held and bestowed as a

reward for military distinction. If We have taken a correct view of the
duties which it involves, we are compelled frankly to say, that we do not
know, What evidence the distinguished nominee of the Baltimore Convention

has given, of that degree of’ ﬁtness for it, which  Whig candidate ought to

possess. We say a Whig candidate»-fo.r we are not prepared to admit that

the Whig party is morally at liberty to regard only the elements of popu-_

lar success in the canvass, and to treat its most eminent leaders, its wisest

is

statesmen, and its long-tried and faithful champions, with neglect and in-
justice, because they do not possess the means of appealing to a popular
love of military glory. The VVhig party is an organization professing dis-
tinctive political principles. It has beneﬁtted the country, through the
labors of its great statesmen, who have established, defended, and adminis-
tered the principles which characterise it, and by which alone it can con-
tinue to be useful. If it is to cast such men aside, and bestow the highest
honors of the Republic upon those, whose sphere of action ha.s not identi-
ﬁedthem with the maintenance or illustration of the great principles which
constitute it a party, it will either achieve victories fruitless of beneﬁt to
the country, or achieve its own destruction.

We are not prepared to see the Whig party go down in the confusion
and inefficiency which must ensue from the continuance of a practice, that
removes its great statesmen from their true positions as its l.ez:1.(.le1‘s, its coun-
sellors and guides. VVe cannot thus surrender its glorious civil history,
which has been niarhzed from its early i'or1.nation as a party, in all its suc-
cesses and all its reverses, with unquestionabl.e usefulness. We cann.ot for-
get that it was VVhig statemanship, of the very highest order, which main--
tained a long contest with a powerful adverse executive, and thereby pre-
vented the Constitution from being wholly Wrested out of its legitimate
sphere. VV’e cannot forget -whose voice and whose iniiuence it Was, that
came to the aid of that execiitive, in an hour when pa.tri_ot.i.sn1 demanded the
oblivion. of all party diﬁ'erences, and crushed nulliiication i7"o1'evcr. We
cannot forget that it has been Whig policy, vindicated and sustained by
‘Whig leaders, that has given to the industry of the country all the protec-
tion it has ever enjoyed, and to internal improvenients, all the vitality they
have ever felt. We cannot forget that it was a VVhig ci'vi.li.an, who rescued
the country from a foreign war, and» whose Words of Warning, wisdoin, truth
and courage, dispelled the gathered clouds of domestic strife, that were
about to burst in fury over the land. All that the VVhig party has ever
accomplished for the country, all the principles that it has made efficient in

the administration of the li'ederal Constitution, and all the positive blessings-

which it has achieved for the Union, it owes to the labors of its statesmen,
sustained by the intelligence and patriotism of the people. No act of ours
shall ever have a tendency to destroy the influence and limit the usefulness
of that orderof public men, of Whom the greatest living example new pre-
sents, in his own person, the strongest proof that party neglect may become
a public injury. . i

There is another ground upon which it is impossible for us to support
the nomination made at Baltimore, which We shall brieﬂy lay before you.

During the administration which is soon to terminate, this country passed
through the most dangerous crisis which has occurred since the formation

of the government. The ﬁrm and Willing maintenance and administration

of the measures deemed necessary to meet that crisis, are, beyond all doubt,

9

essential to the continued tranquility and peace of the Union. The Whig
party has aﬁirmed this position as a capital article of its creed : and it is a
circninstance of no small signiﬁcance, hat the Democratic party has done
the" same thine‘. Yet it is a fact, incapable, we think, of denial, that the
distirigiiished head of the army was selected and brought forward as a
candidate, by that portion of the Whig party, who deny the propriety of
aﬂtiriiiiiig the ﬁnality of the Compromise Measures, and who mean to hold
themselves at liberty to renew the sectional agitation of those questions,
whenever they see fit. The fact that a inajorityof his original supporters
in the C0nvention——-sixty-six in nunaber—--~voted against the platform of
principles which the Convention adopted, can leave no doubt as to‘
their sentiments and their purposes. Whether it was under their inﬂu-
ence or some other, that the Convention was kept in ignorance of
the personal sentiments of the candidate, and that private informa-
tion only was given to a few persons, whose sense of public duty
was snpposed likely to be satisfied with private information, we do not
think it 1na.tcr:ial to i11qni1'e. Nor is the fact of decisive import,.ance, that
the candiidatc personally approved or favored the original enactment of the
measures in qnesti.o11, or that he has subsequently, in accepting the candi-
dacy, as a matter of necessity, accepted the platform of the party which
oiiered to hinii the nomination. The position of the party itself is, how-
ever, ofgrcat consecpience. It  formally declared the duty of main-
t:;ti1'1'ir1g::r11.d eazectitiiig a series of measures of great public importance. At
the same time, it has rejected two candidates identiﬁed with the enactment
and egxecntion of those measures, and personally responsible for their ex-
istence, and has adopted a candidate who is not identiﬁed with them, and
whose principle supporters in one entire section of the Union refused to
ackriowlerige the duty of preserving and enforcing them. H

Under those circumstances, it is impossible for us to shut our eyes to the
daxiger, that the Whig ,};)2.tI‘i3y----~Wl12l.1'.€WtE3I‘ may be the personal wishes of its
head-~——~1:nay be withdrawn, as a party, from one section of the Union, and
be obliged to ﬁnd its principal and most efficient support in another section.
An ad.1ninistratio11 that should come into power, in such a posture, might
prolong the noniinal existence of the party, only to turn it into a sectional
orgaiiiaatiorig and the personal wishes or honest intentions of its chief would
avail little in the execution of measures, which his principal supporters
rriight be unwilling to execute, in favor of a portion of the country that
did not contribute materially to the strength of his administration.

We Inake no impeachment of the integrity of the candidate. We look
at public facts, the position of the Whig party, and the interests of the
country; and ‘npon these we are constrained to say, that we cannot feel the
force of the appeal that is made to us, upon public grounds, to support this
nomination. The positionin which we are placed is not of our own choos-
ing. It has been forced upon us by those who had objects to gain in

10

which we cannot participate, and we must act upon our own sense of duty,
exercised upon the facts by which We are surrounded.

Deprived, by these considerations, of the power of voting for the rep u‘ar
candidate of our own party, We do not choose to be driven to the alterna-
tive presented by the Democratic nomination. We know too well the
importance of avoicliiig all aiiiliation with those who have brought upon
our own Comrznonwealth the niiscliiefs and disgraces of the “Coalition.”
With you we mean to defend the time—honored institutions of the State,
and to place at the head of its government an able and honorable man,
Whose administration will be Worthy of its loirig established character.
But to the principles on which We act, in relation to national interests, We
remain ﬁrm; and for the sake of those principles, and to do all that We
can to secure their just inﬂuence,‘ We place in nomination the electoral
ticket which We now present to you.

In the event of the success of either of the other candidates for the
Presidency, the public life of the first statesman of the country must be
terminated. The unrivalled intellect and lofty patriotism which Massacl1u-
setts has for more than thirty years given to the councils of the country,
must be forever withdrawn from every department of the public service.
It were vain to ask how this void  to be ﬁlled. But if it must happen
before the ordination of Providence brings it upon us, is it  thing quite
umvortliy of Massachusetts, that the last honors which the ballot box can
render, should be bestowed upon him who has done so much for her honor,
her inﬂuence, her prosperity and her security? Time Was, when she
deemed it no idle and empty ceremony to confer upon him her electoral
vote, although it stood alone. On that occasion her vote was not necessary
to his fame, or demanded for personal gratiﬁcation; nor is it now. But
then, as now, a deep popular sense of justice, and a clear popular sentiment
of gratitude souglit expression through the sttffrages of the people, and
proclaimed to all the World that a nice balance of a.dva11ta,ges, not easy to
be discerned, does not always become a people who have been served as the
people of Massachusetts have been served by DANIEL VV:eBsrnn.*

If she looks no farther than to her own domestic history, she sees in that
life which has spent its vast treasures for her welfare, the , occasion for no
ordinary feeling. The very foundations of the State Constitution, which
 been such a blessing to her, and to the defence of which her people are

now called to rally, were deepened by his labors. To his wisdom and

eloquence she owes much of its str'eng;tl1 and virtue. To his courage and
his profound knowledge of the principles of free government, she owes
directly many of the inestintiable safeguards which its principles enshrine.
And when to this older record of great service she adds the long catalogue of

*.Any one who will consider how very improbable is the election of Gen. Scott, even with

tl1ee1eetoz'al vote of Massaclmsetts, will see, that a vote cast for the Scott ticket, in this State, is
thrown away-, in a sense far more plain and palpable, than it can be if cast for Mr. Webster.

11

deeds, which have ﬁlled up the measure of her national renown, and connected
her name with the preservation of a Union which .she was one of the fore-
most to create, she will never account that suffrage an unworthy or useless
act, which seeks, in honoring him, to honor all that has been most noble in
her own history since that Union was formed. .

But we do not limit our hopes to a complimentary vote by the people of
Massachusetts.

We call upon the friends of the Union everywhere, throughout the coun-
try, to arouse themselves from the lethargy which is upon them, and to act
with the vigo1~ that becomes them.

We call upon independent Whigs everywhere, to reject an organization
which will hand down the national government to a sectional fragment of
their great party, in hands that they cannot approve.

We call upon the People everywhere to undo the work of politicians of
every party, who would persuade them that they have too little intelligence
to confer their liighest honors upon their best statesmen, and that military
reputation is the best avenue to the government of’ this great Republic.
Even now, if they will assume their own rightful control over the destinies
Ofltllell‘ country, it is not too late to place at the head of its affairs an ad-
ministration worthy of its better days, and able to perpetuate, to a United‘
People, a Constitution which has made the blessings of Liberty and Union
One and Inseparable.

The Address was adopted by acclamation, and the Convention then
adjourned to half-past seven o’clock in the evening.

EVENING SESSION.

The Convention reassembled at half--past seven o’clocl:, at which hour
the hall was thronged to its fullest capacity. The President stated
the ﬁrst business in order was to hear the reports of the Committees ap-
pointedin the morning; where upon John L. Diinmiclc, from the Committee
on the subject, submitted the following list of Electors:

rnnsxnnnrxnn nnncrons.

Ar L,A.nen-—PLINY CUTLER, of Boston.
EDWARD A. NEWTON, of Pittsﬁeld.
Drsrnror N 0. 1»-~—-ISAIAH GIFFORD, of Provincetown.

“ “ 2--—LEMiUEL_ MAY, of Attleboro’.
3-«ll‘REDERICKrW. LINCOLN, of Canton.
-4i——-WILLIAM HAYDEN, of‘ Boston,
5-—-—CrEOR(3‘rE T. CURTIS, of‘ Boston. ,
6---l\{[ARK HEALEY, of Lynn.
7—--—ALl3ERT H. NELSON, of Woburn.
8----HENRY B. PEARSON, of Harvard.
9--——-ALVIN Gr. UNDERWOOD, of Oxford.

r 10w-HOMER FOOTE, of Springﬁeld. T
11---LUTHER GRIFFIN G, of Richmond.

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12

The Bi report was accepted by :3. unanimous vote, followed by great cheer-
ing,  C. A. BWhite submitted] the following names of gentlemen to
constitute the B l l B  BB  B ~
 B B B Wnnsrnrt Exnourxvn CoM1u1rrnn.,. , . ‘

HUBBARD WIN SLOW, of Boston.
TOLMAN VVILLEY, of Boston.
‘HENRY LYMAN, of Watertown.
. CHARLES A. WHITE, of Boston.
J. D. HEDGE, of Ca.n'1bridge.
JOHN L. DIMMOCK, of VVutertoWn.
CI-IARLES A. WELLS, of Boston.
THOMAS THAOI-IER, of Roxbury.
ARTHUR PICKEltINGr, of Boston.

. CHARLES TORREY, of Boston.

B This report was accepted, whereupon the following resolution was
adopted :

B Resolver], That the Executive State Committee be, and they hereby are instructed
a.ud o.uthorized to fill any vacancy that nmy occur in the tl(..'.l{(:t oi" Iﬁlcctors, or in their
own body; ﬂ»lf~‘0, 130 Mltl to the number of the l‘lK(3C'1ItlVG Committee at their pleasure,
and to mice all other proper measures to promote the olﬁects for which the present
ticket of Electors is norliimtted.

Addresses were made by Messrs. M. H. Smith, A. Wilson, II. "Winslow,
and7S. L. Cutter. They were speeches of:;1._ high to11e—--moral. in scntixnent
and digniﬁed in thought. 

Mr. VVinsloW, at the conclusion of his speech, oﬂcred the following res»
olutions, which were adopted: _ , ,

Resolved, That those ,II'.ll3I1lWl10 serve their country rnost faithfully in the army, ought
toireceive if:-om their country itsshighcst Inilitury honors; and those nzcnwho serve
their country most faitlifully in the councils of state, oughus. to receive froxn their<:ouutrBy
itsBhighestBBcivic l1oBr1orBs. BB B B » B , B B B - i r

 Resolt~ecl,_ .Thut our country, our whole country, in all its vast extent and various in-
terests, is, entitled to the equal and full protection of its Constitution, in ullits provi-
sions and requirements.‘ . g . , o B

Resolved, That whatever sectional jealousies and agitations Iney occurto msrlthe
peace of the Union, we_shal1 ever held it to be our privilege and our duty, ﬁrmly
to abide by the principles, and fe.itht'ul1_v to fulfil the conditions of the national com-
pact. , 4 B i

Resolvccl, That the man who has served his country the most fai._tl<1fully for the longest
period, in the councils of‘ state, of any man living, is DANIEL Wnzesrnn, and that to
him, pro-eminezitly, the nation owes its highest civic honors. , B , B r

Resolved, That as citizens of this republic, we will . do What we can to induce our
country to payBBth'isB glorious debt. l . B ..  BB

Resolved, Th at whetlicr our country shall prove faithful or fulseBB'B‘Bto this obligation, it
shall ever be among our happiest reflections, that welwere true to our country in this
matter, and did what every citizen ought to have ClOU.e—.-CAST ouzemosr nnunrr vorn.
non DANIEL WEBSTER. B l,   , _,

. At a. quarter of ten o’clock the Conventione.djou1*11ed, amid cheers for
DANIEL . Wnssrnn of Massachusetts and Cruinnns J. J nNKINs of Georgia, the
candiBdates of the Union. Whigs ofBBMassa.chusetts, for President and Vice
President of B the United States. i it B it A B B

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