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PREFACE.

ONE or two preliminary remarks upon the establishment of the administra-
tions of 1825 and 1829 may render some of the allusions in these speeches
more intelligible to those readers who are not familiar with the political his»-
tory of the day. ' 8

The election of a President of the United States for the ter-in beginning
March 4, 18 25, devolved upon, the House of Representatives. The whole elec-
toral vote was 261 --— of which Andrew Jackson had 99, John Quincy Adams
84, Wflliam H. Crawford 41, and Henry Clay 37. The house, by the consti-
tution, was limited to the flrst three in making; a choice, and the vote was by
states. Until the election actually took place, there was much doubt as to the
result, but on the first ballot Adams received the votes of thirteen states, Jack-
son seven, and Crawford four; and Adams was thus elected. The voteiwas
so close, however, that a rumor was put in circulation of a corrupt understand-
ing between Adams and Clay, by which the friends of the latter, who was not
a constitutional candidate, voted for Adams, in consideration of the bestowal
of the ofiice of secretary of state upon Clay by Adams in forming his cabinet.
This calumny was disproved by all the testimony which could be brought to
bear upon a negative proposition; and althongli at present it is probably not
credited by any body, the suspicion of such a “coalition" seriouslyiaiiected
the popularity of both Adams and Claywat the time, and Colonel, 1-Iayne in his

speech alluded to it, intimating that Webster had hopes‘ of the office of score-

tary of state himself, which vverecfrustratied by the appointment of Clay.

At the next presidential‘ election, that of 1828, Adams and Jackson were
opposing candidates, and the latter was chosen by a large popular‘ majority. v
This result was brought about by the active coiiperation with J ackson’s origi-
nal supporters of the friends of Mr. Calhoun and many of the friends of the
other candidates of 1824. This coéiperation implied the combination of the
most discordant materials. The friends of Calhoun generally gave their aid,
in the expectation that their favorite would be the next candidate, and in this
xvay would ireceive the supportlof Jackson's other present supporters. How i

"unfounded was any such expectation was proved by the actual result, by which

Jackson was elected for a second term, and after him Van Buren, Calhoun

. being entirely neglected. It was in prophecy of this result that Mr. Webster

quoted Shekspeare to the Vice President, Calhoun, reminding him that those
who had foully removed Banquo had placed
“ A barren sceptre in their gripe,

‘Thence to be wrenchecl by an unlineal hand, i i W
No son of theirs succeeding."

Although at the time of the speech there was the most perfect i cordiality be-
tween Jackson and Calhoun and their friends and supporters. .

3(2) 7

Ms. HAYNES sues.

Debotel in the Senate cm Jllij. Footie Resolution; Thursday,’

I January 21, 1830. I I

MR. F00'r’s resolution being; under consideration». -~ V

[VVheu Mr. WEBSTER concluded his first speech on Wednesday, the
20tl1, Mr. BiENTONlf0ll0WedlWitl1 some rexuarks in reply. to Mr. W'._, but
as they were principally embodied in his more extended, speech some
days after, those remarks are omitted. On the day following, Mr. IIAYNE

I took the floor in the following rejoinder to Mr. Wr:Bsr=EJs._] ‘

Mr. HAYINE said, lwlieul he took occasion, two days ago, to throw out
some ideas with respect toothed policy of the goverpment, in rel._stiou to the
public lands, nothing certainly could: have been further from his thoughts,
than tliatphel: should have been compelled agztin to throw himself upon the
indulgence of the Senate. Little did I ezicpect, seicl l\Ir. H., to be called
upon to meet such an e1'gument as was yesterday urged by the gentleman
from Massa.cl.1usetts, (Mr. Webster.) Sir, I questioned no man’s opinions;
I lI11I.)(:‘tLCl1e(I no rna.n’s motives; I charged no party, or state, or section of
country with hostility to any other, but ventured,p us I thought, in e becom-

iiug; spirit, to put fortl1 my own sentiments in relation to a; g1'ea.tnatioue.l
p question of public p policy. Such was my course. The gentleman from

Missouri,i(MIr.. l3enton,) it is true, had cllerged upon the Eastern States an
early sncl continued hostility towards the west, and rieferred to, epuumher of
histo1'ica.l facts end documents in support of thatlcliurge. Nowysir, how
lime these diflierent ergunoentsbeen met? The honorable gentleman froxn
pl\.’[assachusetts,l after deliberating a. “whole night upon his course, comes
into this chamber to vindicate .l\Tew,Eng1a,nd; and instead of making up
his issue with the geutieniaulfromp Missolurigon the charges which Izevlted
pr-referred, chooses to cionsiiclerlme as;thee.utl1or of’ those cherges,a_.11d losing
sight entirely ot'tl1s.tgentleme.u, selects me as his ia.~dvpersa,ry, a.u_d_- pours out
all the vi.a.ls!of his lroipglity wrath upon  devotedp head.‘ N or is he willing
to stop there. elflegoesou to essail the institutioxis aindppolicyiof the south,
l:.=u1d cells in question the principles and ‘conduct of the tstetpe which; I .have
the honors to represent.  Wlleeu I find a. gentleman of mature ego and ex-
perieucegof‘a.c1o:1ow1edged=l talents and profound sagacity, pursuipngia. course

like this, declining the contest ofi’;'ere:d- from the west, and making war upon I t

the un0fi'sndin;grsouth, I must, believe, I am bound to believe. he has some
objectiu View which helhas not. ventured to disclose. Mr. President, why

is thips? Hsslpthei geutlsfilaflldiscovered p in former controversies with ftlre;
gentleman frontiM;iissou1*i,lithatp he is overmatched by that sengttopr ?‘ 
doeshe hope for an easy victorypover at more feeble adversary? p yjthjei p 4
gent1ema.n’s distempered lfuncy been disturbed bygloouly forebodingsipof I I

;“ newtallieuces to he forrueld,”=lat which he hinted? Has th_eppggho_st_of the I

49] I SPEECH on Me. IIAYNE

murdered COALITION come back, like the ghost of Banquo, to “ sear the
eyeballs of the gentleman,” and will it not down at his bidding? Arc
dark visions of’ broken hopes, and honors lost forever, still floating before
his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object to thrust me between the
gentleman ‘i'ron1'l\~Iissouri and himself, in -order to rescue the east from the
contest it has provoked with the west, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I
will not be dragged into the defence of my friend frorn Missouri. I The
south shall not be forced into a oonflict not its own. The gentletnan from
Missouri is able to fight his own battles. The gallant west needs no aid
trorn the south to repel any attack which may be made on them front: any
q_t1arte1'. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts controvert the facts and
arguments of the gentleman frorn Missouri, if he can —and if he win the
victory, let him wear the honors ; I shall not deprive him of his laurel-s.

The gentleman f‘ron1 Massachusetts, in reply to my remarks on the in-
jurious operations of our land system on the prosperity of the west, pro-
nounced an extravagant eulogiurn on the paternal care which the govern-
ment had extended towards the west, to which he attributed all tliiat was
great and excellent in the present condition of the new states. The lun-
guage of the gentleman on this topic fell upon my cars like the almost
forgotten tones of the tory leaders of the British Parliarnent, at the corn-
inencement of the American revolution. They, too, discovered that the
colonies had grown great under the fostering care of the mother coun-
try; and I must coni'ess, while listening to the gentleiinan, I thought the
appropriate reply to his argument was to be found in the reinarhz of 
celebrated orator, made on that occasion: “They have grown great in
spite of your protection.” I _ I , _

The gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the government in re-
lation to the new states, has introduced to our notice a certarin,Nat/ma
Dane, of Massaeliusetts, to whom he attributes the celebrated ordinance of
’t57, -by which he tellsuus, “slrwery was forever excluded a-om the new
states north of the Ohio.” After eulogizing the wisdom of this provision
in terms of the most extravagant praise, he breaks forth in admiration of
the greatness of Nathan Dane —— and great. indeed he must be, if‘ it be true,
as stated by the senator from Massachusetts, that “ he was greater than
tziolon and Lycurgus, Mines, Numa Pornpilius, and all the legislators and
philosophers of the world,” ancient and modern. Sir, to such high au--_
thority it is certainly my duty, in a becoming spirit of humility, to submit.
And yet, the gentleman will pardon me, when I say, that it is a little
unfortunate for the fame of this great legislator, that the gentleman from
Missouri should have proved that he was not the author of the ordinance
of ’87, on which the senator from Massachusetts has reared so glorious a
monument to, his name. Sir, I doubt not the senator will feel some coni-
passion for our ignorance, when I tell him,’ that so little are we acquaint-
ed with the modern great men of" New England, that until he int'orrned

pus yesterday that we possessed a Solon and a Lycurgus in the person of

Nathan Dane, he was only known to the south as a member of a cele-
bratedassembly, called and known by the name of the “Hartford Conven-
tio,n.”V In the proceedings of that assembly, which I hold in my hand,
(at p. 19,) will be found, in a few lines, the history of Nathan Dane-I;
and a little rfarther on, there is ‘conclusive evidence of that ardent devo-
tion to the interest of the new states, which, itseerns, has given hint at just
claim tothe title of’ “Father of the West.”‘ By the 2tl resolution‘ or the

“ Hartford Convention,” it is declared, “that it is expedient to? attempt I

on THE RESOLUTION on MR. FOOT. 5

to make provision for restraining Uongiress in the exercise of an w/‘zl2"m'fted
power to make new states, and admitting them into the Union.” So much
for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Massachusetts. c

In commenting ‘upon my views in relation to the public lands, the gen
tleman insists, that it being one of the conditions of‘ the gr-ants that these
lands should be applied to “the common benefit of all the states, they
must always remain afmzelfor raver-tue,"’i and adds, “they must be zfrecttea.’
as so much treasure.” Sir, the gentleman could hardly find language
st1‘ong; enougli to convey his disapprobation of‘ the policy which I had ven-
tured to recommend to the favorable consideration of the country. And
what, sir, was that policy, and what is the diti'erence between that gen-
tleman and myself on that subject? I threw out the idea that the public
landsought not to be reserved forever, as ‘‘a great fund for revcnue;”
that they ought not to be “treated as a ,great treasurcg” but that the
course of our policy should rather be directed towards the creation of
new states, andibuildingup great and flourishing communities.

Now, sir, will it be believed, by thbse who now hear me,~—-—- and who
listened to the gentleman’s denunciation of my doctrinesyesterday, ---that
a book then lay open before him —--— nay, that he held it in his hand, and read
from it certain ‘passages ofhis own speech, delivered to the House of Rep-
resentatives in 1825, in which speech he himself contended for the very
«doctrines I .-had advocated, and almost inthe same terms? Here is the
speech of the Hon. Daniel Webster, contained in the first volume of'”Gr‘alcs
and Scatoifs Register of Debates, (p. 251,) delivered in the House of
Representatives on the 18th of January, 1825, in a debate-"on the 0’tl77‘I.b8?‘-
laxzzcl r0accl—--tlie very debate from which the senator read yesterday. I
shall read from the celebrated speech two passages, from which it will
appear that both as to the past and tl1(‘3_]"‘ltt‘M7‘e1’t)0lt.C;?/ of the government in

relation to the public lands, the gentleman from Massachusetts maintained,

in 1825, substantially the same opinions which I have advanced, but whicli.
he now so st1'ongly reprobates. I said, sir, that the system of credeftx sales
by which the west had been kept constantly in debt to the United States,
and by which their wealth was drained of? to be expended elsewhere, had
operated injuriously on their prosperity. On this point the gentleman front
Massachusetts, in Januar , 1825', expressed himself thus: “There could

7 . rbeno doubt, if gentlemen looked at the money received into the treasury,

from the sale of the public lands to the west, and ‘then looked to the
whole amount expended by government, (even including the . whole
amount of what was laid outipfor the army,) thelatter must be allowed
to be very inconsiderable, and there rmust be at constant.drat'iz qfpmouey

from the «west to pay for the public lands. It might indeed be said that‘

this was no more than the refluence of capital which had previously gone
over the mountains. Be it so. , Still its practical efl"ect was to produce
inconvenience, tfaot d’I;SI'.7"8SS, by absorbing the money of the people.” i

I contended that the public lands ought not to be treated merely as “' a
fund for revenue ; f’ that they ought not to be hoarded "'7 as a great treas-
ure.” ‘ On this point the senator expressed himself thus :,“ Government,
he believed, hadrreceived eighteen or twenty millionsof dollars from the
public lands, and it was with the greatest satisfaction he‘, advertcd to the
change which had been introduced in the mode of paying for them; yet
he could never tlzinls the national domazhtwcts to lregregarclecl asianyfgreat
source of revemce. The great object of the government,”lin, resp*ect of

these lands, was not so much the money derived from their sale, as it was

‘In

=6 - season or MR. narnn

me getting them settled. What he meant to say was, he did not If/M327: they
ong}2.t to bug that dontain as A GREAT TREASURE, tw/2607». was to enrich the
Exchequer.” ‘

Now, Mr. President, it will be seen that the very doctrines vrhicli the
gentleman so indignantly abandons were urged by him in 1825; and if I
had actually borrowed my sentiments from ‘those which he then avowed,
I could not have followed more closely in his footsteps. Sir, it is only
since the gentleman quoted this book, yesterday, that my attention has been
turned to the sentirnents he expressed in 18:25; and if I hadtremembered
them, I might possibly have been deterred from uttering sentiments here,
which, it might Well be supposed, I had borrowed from that grentilenian.

In 18:25, the gentleman told the world that the public lands “ ought not
to be treated as a treasure.” He now tells us that “they must be treated
as so much treasure.” Wliat the deliberate opinion of the gentleman on
this subject may be, belongsinot to me to determine; but I do not think he
can, with the shadow of justice o:r“*p1'op1'iet.y, impugn my sentiznents,lwhile
his own recorded opinions are identical with my own. VVhen the gentle
man refers to the conditions of the grants under which the United States
have acquired these lands, and insists that,  they are declared to be
“ for the comrnon benefit of all the states,” they can only be treated as so
much treasure, I think he has applied a rule of‘ construction too narrow
for the case. It’ in thedceds of cession it has been declared that the grants
were intended for “ the common benefit of’ all the states,” it is clcanr, from
other provisions, that they were not intended merely as so much _;o-roperty ,-
-for it is expresslylldeclai-ed, that the object of theigrantstis the erection of‘
new states; and the United States, in accepting this ltrnst,‘bind themselves
to facilitate the fotmdation of these states, to be admitted into the Union
with all the 1'ights.and privileges of’ the original states. This, sir, was
the great and to which all parties looked, and it is by the fuilfilnnent of
this high trust that “the common benefit of all the states ” is to be best
promoted. Sir, let me tell the gentleman, that in the part of the country
in which I'live, we do not measure political benefits by the mcmefej start»
o;’ord. We consider as more valuable than gold liberty, principle, and
justice. But, sir, if we are bound to act on the narrow principles con»
tended for by the gentleman, I am wholly at at less to conceive how he
can reconcile his principles with his own practice. The lands are, it
seems, to be treated “ as so much treasure,” and must be applied to the
“‘ connnon benefit of all the states.” Now, if this be so, whencedoes the
derive the right to appropriate thorn‘ for partial and local objects Pi How
can the gentleman consent to vote ‘away irnrnense bodies of‘ these lands,
for canals in Indiana and Illinois, to the Louisville and Portland Canal, to
liienyoxi College in Ohio, to Schools for the Deaf and Dumb, and other
objects of a similar description? If'igrants~ of this ‘character can fairly be
considered as made “for the common benefit of'“all“the states,” it can
only be, because all the states‘ are interested in the welfaretof eaclim-a
principle "wliicli, carriedto the fn1l’e:.t:tent, destroys all distinction between
local and “national OlJjeCt$,*aI1Cl is certainlyibroaal emmgizpto embrace the
principles for which I ha‘ve ventureditorcontend. ‘ Sir,’ the true difference
between ns~I*ta_l;e tolpbe ‘this: the gentleman wishes to treat the public
l‘ands3as*a *great.treasnre,‘ijnst as~{so“much money "in the treasury, tobc‘
applied to it all objects, I constitutionall and  tunconstitutional, I to “whiclr the
public money Sis "constantly. applied. I consider its as a sacred"trust,Wl1i”ch
we ought tovfnlfil, “fonutlie. principles ‘i‘or*?w'hich I have contended."

7'

ON THEVRESOLUTION v_0F.MR. FOOT.

The senator from Massachusetts hasthought proper to present, in strong
contrast, the friendly feelings of the «cast towards ,-the west, with senti-

. ments of’ an opposite character displayed by the south in-relatiorrto ape

propriations for intemal improvements. Now, ,sir,.1et it bejlrecollected
that the south have made noprofessions ; I have certainly .made,n,one in
their behalf, of regard for thewest. It has been reservedfor. the gentle-
man from Massachusetts,jwhile.; he vaunts over his own personal devotion
to western interests, to claim for the entire section of country to which he
belongs an ardent friendship. for the west, asmanifested by their support
of -the system of internal improvement, while he -casts in pourteeth the
reproach that the south has manifested hostility to western _interests in
opposing appropriations for such, objects. That by gentleman, at the same
time, aclmowledged that the south entertains constz'tut2'o9tal scrtzplesion this
subject. Are We then, sir, to understand that the gentlemanconsiders it
a just subject of reproach =tl,1at.we respect our oaths, by which We are

- hound “ to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the U. States?”

“Would the gentleman have us manifest our love to -thewest by tram-
pling under foot our constitutionaliscruples 3’ Does he not perceive, if the
south is to be reproctc/zed with unl«:ind:n.essto the west, in voting against
appropriations which the gentleman admits they could‘ not vote for with-
out doiiigllvioleiice to their constitutional opinions, [that the exposes him-
self to the question, whether, ifihe was in our situation, he could vote
for these appropriations, regardless of ; his scruples ? No, sir, Ilwill, not
do the gentleman so great injustice. He has fallen into this error from
not l1avi1.'ig duly weighed the force and effect of the reproach which he
was endeavoring to cast upon the south. In relation to the other point,
the friendship manifested by New England towards the West, _,i,-in their
support of the system of internal improvement, the gentleman will par-
don me for saying, that I think he is equally unfortunate in having intro-
duced that topic. .,As that gentleman has forced it upon us, however, 1
cannot suffer it to pass unnoticed. a When the gentleman tells us that the
appropriations for internal improvement‘ in it the west ,would,_ in almost
every instance, have failed but for ~TNewlEngla11d votes,» he has forgotten

to tell us the wfnert, the how, and the wizerefhrc, this new-born zeal for the
west sprung up in the ,.bosom.oif,—NeW ‘England. at If we look back onlyn

i tewyears, we will i find in both, houses of; Congress.a uniform and steacly

opposition onlthe, part -of the membersfitoni the Eastern States, generally,
to all appropriations of this oliaracterp ;-At the tirne.I became a member
of this house, and for some time V after_wards,.a decided majority of the
New England senators were lopposed to the very, measures which the
senator from Ma‘ssachusetts= tells tut‘: they new cordially support. . Sir, the

Journals are before me, and an examination of them-will satisfyevery

gentleman of that fiactv. _, r s , g _ . t; .  . i
It must ibewell ltnown. toevery oneowhosel experience dates back as far
as 1825, that up to a certain ,period, New England was generally opposed
to appropriations for internal improvemeints in the West.  The r gentleman
from Massachusetts may he himself an exception, but -if, he went for,the
system before 1825, it; iscertain that his ,colleagues, did not go with him.
In;the session of 1824 and ’25;,~however,. (rajlniemovrable era in the,history

of this country,)iaswonderfu1 ;chaI1gelt,_«took_, place in,»J,‘{e'w England,‘ inrelawi i i
tionvto <western~interes,ts. A.Sir,,an .extrao1'dinaryu.unip,n of syxnpathiespliamt l

of r interests was , then  eff'ected,. which: ;. brought 5 the east, and the stest; into-

close alliance. The b~ook~from which  ha»Vte,before readpcontains .the\-first

’ “taking sweet counsel together,

8 srsncn on MR. I-urns

public annunciation of that happy reconciliation of conflicting interests,
personal and political, which brought the east and west together, and
locked in a fraternal embrace the two great orators of the east and the
west. Sir, it was on the 18th January, 1825, while the result of the
presidential election, in the House of Representatives, was still doubtful,
While the Whole country was looking with intense anxiety to that legisw
lative hall Where the mighty drama was so soon to be acted, that "we
saw the leaders of two great parties in the house and in the nation,
” and in a celebrated debate on the Gami-
berlontd road, fighting side by side for western interests. It was on that
memorable occasion that the senator from Massachusetts held out the
w}'a'2.'te flag to the west, and uttered those liberal sentiments which he
yesterday so indignantly repudiated. Then it Was, that that happy union
between the members of the celebrated coalz'tz'on was consurnrnated, wliose
immediate issue was a president from one quarter of the Z7m,'o9z, with the
succession (as it was supposed) secmred to a-nozffaer. The “American
system,” before a rude, disjointed, and misshapen mass, now assumed.
i'orm and consistency. Then it was that it became “ the settled policy
of the government,” that this system should be so administered as to
create a reciprocity of interests and a reciprocal distribution of govern-
ment favors, east and west, (the tarifi‘ and internal improvements,)
while the south —--- yes, sir, the impracticable south ———was to be “ out oi’
your protection.” The gentleman may boast as much as he pleases oi"
the friendship of New England for the west, as displayed in their sup-
port of internal improvement; but when be next introduces t.liat topic, if
trust that he will tell us when that friendship commenced, how it was
brotight about, and wlzylit was established. Before I leave this topic, ll
must be permittedto say that the true character of the policy now I.’)tlI‘Sl.1¢.3tl
by the gentleman from Massachusetts and his friends, in relation to ap-

fpropriat.ions of land and money, for the benefit of the West, is in my
‘estimation very similar to that pursued by Jacob of old towards his brother
(Esau: “itrobs them of their birthright for a mess of pottage.”

The gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a remark of mine,

that before any disposition could be made of‘ the public lands, the 7zatt'<maZ
l -debt (for which they stand pledged) must be first paid, took: occasion to

intimate “ that the ezrtrdordizfnary fervor which seems to exist in  ce7~ta2'n

quarter, (meaning the south, sir,) for the payment of the debt, arises from .

a disposition to weer/can 2,‘/as ties w/nick bind the people to the U9z'io7z."’ 'VVhi-le

the gentleman deals us this blow, he professes an ardent desire to see the

debt speedily e:atinguished. He must excuse me, however, for feeling

some distrust on that subject until I find this disposition manifested by '

something stronger than professions. I shall look for acts, decided and
unequivocal acts ; for the performance of which an opportunity will very

soon (if I am; not greatly mistaken) be afi"orded. Sir, if I were at liberty
to judge of the course which that gentleman would pursue, from the prin-

ciples which he has laid down in relation to this matter, I should be
bound to conclude that he will be found acting with those with whom it
is a darling cbjectto prevent the payment of the public debt. He tells us
-he is desirousyof paying the debt,“ “because wears under omoblifgation
‘to discharge? it?’ Now, sir, suppose it should ‘happen that the public
_creditors, with whom‘ twefihave contracted the obligation, should release
-us from it, so fare as to *declare"their willingness to wait for payment" for
tifty years to come,»‘* provided only the interest) shall be punctually dis-l

ms

on THE RESOLUTIUN or MR. roor.   9

charged. The gentleman from Massachusetts will then be released from
the obligation which now makes him desirous of paying the debt; and,
let me tell the gentleman, the holders of the stock will not only release
us from this obligation, but they will “implore, nay, they will even pay -as
not to pay them. But, adds the gentleman, so far as the debt may have
an effect in binding the debtors to the country, and thereby serving as a
link to hold the states together, he Wouldbe glad that it should exist for»
ever. Surely then, sir, on the gentleman’s own principles, he must be

I opposed to the payment of the debt. .

Sir, let me tell that gentleman, that the south repudiates the idea that
a pecuniary dependence on the federal‘ government is one of the legiti-
mate means of holding the states together. A moneyed interest in the
government is essentially a base interest; and just so far as it operates
to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to it to the government,
---- just so far as it operates in creating sympathies and interests that
would not otherwise e:x;ist,-—--is itopposedto all the principles of free
government, and at War withvirtue; and patriotism. Sir, the link which

binds the public creditors, as each, to their country,.binds them equally to

all governments, whether arbitrary or free. In a free government, this
principle of abject dependence, if extended through all the ramifications
of society, must be fatal to liberty. Already have we made alarming
strides in that direction. The entire class of manufacturers, the holders
of stocks, with their hundreds of millions of V capital, arefheldto the.gov—
erument by the strong link of peemziary einterests ; millions of people--
entire sections of country, interested, or believing themselyes to be so, in
the public lands, and the publictreasure---are bound to the government
by the expectation of pectmtary fa-oars. If this system is carried much
further, no man can fail to see that every generous motive of attachment
to the country will be destroyed, and in its place will spring up those low,
grovelling, base, and selfish feelings which bind men to the footstool of a
despot by bonds as strong and enduring as those which attach them to
free institutions. ,Sir,Itwould lay the foundation of this government in

ltl1e.afl,'ections of the people--—-I would teach them to cling to it by~dis—-

pensingequal justice, and above allgby securing the “blessings of liberty ’i
to “themselves and to their posterity.” . e I l y n
The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts has gone out of his way

to pass a high eulogium, on the state of OHIO. In the most impassioned

I tones of eloquence, he described her majestic march to greatness. He

told us, that, having already lofts all the other states far behind, she was
now passing by Virginia and Pennsylvania, and about to take her station
by the side of N ew York. To all this, sir, I was disposedmost cordially
to respond. When, however, the gentleman proceeded . tocontrast the
state of Ohio with Kentucky, tothe disadvantage of the latter, I lie-
tened. to him with regret; and when ..he proceeded. furtlier to attribute
the great, and, as he supposed, acknowledged superiority of the former in
population, wealth, and, general prosperity, tothe policy of Nathan Dane,
of Massacliusetts, which had secured-« to the people of ‘Ohio (by the
ordinance of ’87) a population‘ of freeman, I will confess that my feel-
ings suffered a revulsion which I am now unabletto describe in any lan-

e guage suiiiciently respectful towards the gentleman from Massachusetts.

In contrasting the state of Ohio with Kentucky, for the purpose of point-

ing out t/zersapewfortty of the former, andlof ‘attributing. that superiority,
:to the existence of slavery in the one state, and its absence in the other-,»I

10 season or MR. narnn

thought I could discern ‘the veryiispirit qfltlze Jl1—i'ss0urz' q:uest't'0n, intru-lded
into this debate, for objects best known to the gentleman hiinself‘. Did
that gentleman, sir, when he formed the deterniination to cross the
southern border, in order to invade the state of South Carolina, deem it
prudent or necessary to enlist under his banners the ]97‘qj?,t6Z‘l.'c6S of the
wuzrl-(Z, which, like Swiss troops, may be engaged in any cause, and are
prepared to serve under any leader? Did he clesirelto avail hiniselfof
those remorseless allies, the passioins ofinlman/hind, of which it may be
more truly said than of the savage tribes of the wilderness, “that their
lunown rule of varlhre is anvindiscriininate slaughter of all agges, sexes,
and conditions ”? Or was it supposed, sir, that, in a preineditated and
*unprovol;:e<:l attack upon the south, it was advisable to begiii by a gentle
admonition of our supposed tueczlcrzess, in order to prevent us from makiiig
that firni and manly resistance due to our own cliaracter and our tlea.:r.'est
interests? ‘Was, the sigmificaizzf faint of the 'wealmess of sZcre;e/aoZcZz‘r2.,:7

-states, when contrasted with the s'a(pert'0r strevzgtit of free states, —-—lil~:e the
glare of theweapon half drawn from its Scabbard, ~—«—-—~ intended to enforce the

lessons of prudence and of patriotism, which the igentleinan had resolved,
out of his abundant generosity, gratuitously to bestow upon us? Mr.
President, the impression which has gone abroad of the wz2al:92.ess of 23/26
somf/2, as connected with the ‘slave question, exposes us to such constant
attacks, has done us so much injury, and is calculated to produce such

infinite mischief's,lthat I embrace the occasion presented by the 1'€‘.11',l£tI‘l£S

of the gentleman of Massachusetts, to declare that we are ready to meet‘

the question promptly and felarlessly. It is one from which we are not

‘disposed to shrink, in whatever form or under whatever circunistances it
may be pressed upon us.

We are ready to make up the issue with the gentleman, as to the influ-
ence of slavery on individual or national character; on the prosperity
and greatness, either of the United States or of particular states. Sir,
when arraigned before the bar of public opinion, on this charge of slavery,
We can stand up with conscious rcctitude, plead not guilty, and put our-

-selves upon God and our country. Sir, we will not consent to look at

slavery in the abstract.‘ r'We, will not stop to inquire whether the black
man, as some philosophers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor
whether his color and condition are the eliects of a curse inflicted for the
odences of" his ancestors. We deal in no abstraczfions. VVe will not
look back. to inquire Whether our fathers Wereiguiltless in introducin;_'g
slaves into this country. If an inquiry should ever be instituted in these
matters, however, it will be found that the profits of the slave trade were
not confined to the south. Southern ships and southern sailors were not

the instruments of bringing slaves to the shores of An:Lerica,,nor did our
merchants reap the profits of that “accursed trafiic.” But, sir, we will
pass over all this. If slavery, as it now exists in this country, be an

evil, we of the present dayifozmdl it ready made to our Izomds. Finding

our lot castainong a peoplewhom God had manifestly cornmitted to our .

care, we did not sit down -to speculate on abstractquestions of theoretical

liberty. Vile met itnas anipracticallqupestion of obligation and darn/. We

resolved to niake the best ofthe situationlin which,Pro*vidence had placed

us, and to fulfilnthe high trusts ;which- had devolved upon us as the owners
wot‘ slaves, sinitlie only ways inwhfichi such a trustcould be fulfilled, without

spreading iniseryaud ruin thrnughoutthe land. . We found thatiwe, had

:,to,deal with a ‘ people Whose: physical, moral, and intellectual habits «anti

on THE RESO.LU'I‘Ii0N op Mn. FOOT. .11

* character totally disqualified themlfrom the enjoyment of the blessings

of freedom. We could not sendtthem back to the shores from whence
their fathers had been taken; their nuinbers forbade the thought, even if
we did not know’ that their condition here is infinitely preferable to what
it possibly could be among the barifen«--sands and savage tribes of At‘:-ica;
and it was wholly irreconcilable with all our notions of. humanity to-tear
asunder the ‘tender ties -which they had formed among; us, togratifyiithe
feelings of a false philanthropy. tWhat.'a co‘mmentar~y on the wisdom, jus-
tice, and humanity of the southern slave owner is presented by the example

or certain benevolent associations and charitable. individuals elsewhere.’

~Sl1eddi1'ig weak tears over sufferings which had existence in their «own

sickly imaginations, these »“ friends of humanity” set themselves sys~

tematically to work to seduce the slaves of the south from their mas-
ters. By“ means of missionaries and political tracts, the scheme iwasin-ta
great measure successful. Thousands of" these igleludedvictinis of fanati-
cism were seduced into the enjoyment of’ freedom in our northern cities.
And what has been the consequence? Goto these cities now and ask
‘the question. Visit the dark and~narrow. lanes, and obscure recesses,
twliich have been assigned by common consent as the abodes of those

outcasts of‘ the world, the free peopleof color. . Sir, there does not exist,

on the face of the whole earth, a population so poor, so wretched, so vile,
so loathsorne, so utterly destitute of all the comforts, conveniences, and

Adecenoties of’ life, as the urrfoi-tunajte blacks ofVP—liiladelphia, and New

Yorlr, and l3oston. Liberty has been to them the greatest of calamities,
the heaviest of curses. Sir, I have‘ had some opportunities of making
comparison between the condition of the free negroes of the north and
the slaves of the south, and the comparison has left not only an indelible

impression of‘ tlie superior advantizxges of the latter, but has gone far to

reconcile me to slavery itself. Never have I felt so forcibly that touching
description, “ the tbxes have holes, and the birds-of the air have nests,

but the Son of’ man --hath not where to lay his head,” as when I have
‘seen this unhappy race, inalszied » and houseless, almost starving in the

streets,»and abandoned byall the ‘W0i1‘l(l. Sir, I have seen in the neigh-
borhood ~_ot' one of the most, ‘moral, religious, and refined cities of the
north, at family of free blacks, driven to the caves of the 1'olclts,i and there
ol>taining*i.iia precarious subsistence ufrozn charity and plunder. . c a
When. the gentlenian from Massachusetts adopts and reiterates the old

charge of W(it?t.l{n<eS£3~a‘il.S‘Cl"‘eS11ltiI1g from slavery, I must be permitted to call a

for the proof of those .l)l‘ig‘l1l3ll:ilg efiectsiwhicli heascribes to its influence.
I suspect that twlren the subjecttis=closely. examined, it willvbe found that
there is not much force, even. iinvtheplausible objection of tlieltwantiiof

I physical power inhslavelioldilng estates. ,’I‘herpower of a country ,iscom--
. pounded of its population -and itswealth, and in rnoderfi times, where,
tironi the very form ; and structure ofi‘tsociety,-by‘Ii’fa1r the greater portion ,

of the people must, even» during 1 the 3 tcontinnance offthe most desolating
owars, be employed in the cultivation of the soilrand other=pcacei'u1 pur-

suits,“it xnaybe *well~tdoubted~whether~=slaveholdingv stateaiby reason of

the superior value of. theiri'iproducjtions,t arewnot‘ able to maintain a number

I

of troops inthe Atfiteltd fully. equal to wltmtwcould vibe: supported. by states I

with a largermvvhite population, but»not..possessed of equal resources.  y
It is a popularterrortotsuppose that, in any possible. stateuofi things, the
people of a countryvcould‘ everbe called; out entmosse, or that_a.,h}alt',. orysa

third, or even ;a fifthipart of. the; physical force ofianyicountry couhlever.

12 srnnycn or Mn. HAYNE

he "brought into the field. The difficulty is, not to procure men, but to
provide the means of maz'mfat'm'9zg {item ,° and in this View of the subject,
it may be asked whether the Southern States are not a source of strevzgt/i.
and power, and not of weakness, to the country --— whether they l:1ave not
contributed, and are not now contributiiig, largely to the wealth and p:ros-
perity of every state in this Union. From a statement which I hold in
my hand, it appears that in ten years--— from 1818 to 1827, inclusive--——
the whole amount of the domestic exzports of the United States was
.iB5,21,81l,0+t5 ;_ of which three articles, (tlze product of .9l<:teo lor,l)or,)
viz., cotton, rice, and tobacco‘, amounted to .f$339,203,252 --»—— equal to
about two t/zzrcls of me whole. It is not true, as has been supposed, that
the advantage of this labor is confined almost exclusively to the Southern
States. Sir, I am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, the s2foz.'e.9 ’r207‘2,’lt
of the Pozfomorc actually decries greater projizfs fro-m. t/ac labor of our sleeves
25/tom we do, ourselves. It appears from our public documents, that in
seven years—-‘—fro1n 1821 to 1827', inclusive the six Southern States
e;r])o:rzfecl $190,337,281, and inzporzeol only $f;55,04;(ii,301. Now, the
ditfere.n.ce between these two sums (near, $li§140,000,000) _79o:s.s'e(l tin-ouglt
the lzmzcls of ties ozorzfhervz merclmlmfs, and enabled llTl0lT1 to carry on their
connnei-ceial operations with all the world. Such part of these goods as
found its way back to our hands came clianged with the duties, as well as
the profits, of the merchant, the ship owner, and a host of others, who
found employment in carrying on these immense GXCl‘1t’t11gC3S ; and for
such part as was consumed at the north, we received in cxcl.izi11gra nort}’z.-
em nzozzmfncturcs, charged with an increased price, to cover all the l.z]".‘{t.‘R
which the northern consumer had been compelled to pay on the iniporuul
article. It will be seen, therefore, at a glance, how much slave labor l1:m,.:~

‘contributed to the wealth and prosperity of the United States,ancl how

largely our northern brethren have participated in the profits of tliat
labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an authority, which will, I doubt
not, be considered by the senator from Massachusetts as entitled to l1igl‘i
respect. It is from the great tether of the “American System,” laouest
Jlfatt/anew 0’arey—no great friend, it is true, at this time, to southern
riglits and southern interests, but not the worst authority on that account,
on the point on gztestvfovz.
_ Spealiing; of the rslcttzfoe émporzfamce to tire Uiuforz of the Sonrnizinn
and the EASTERN STATES, Matthew Carey, in the sixth edition of his
Olive B ‘such, (p. 278,) after exhihirting a number of statistical tables to
show the decided superiority of the former, thus proceeds :--—-

“ But I am tired of this investigatioxi --~--—- I sicken for the honor of the
human species. Wliat idea must the world form of the arrogance of the
pretensions of the one side, [the east,] and of the folly and weakness of

V the rest of the Union, to have so long suffered them to pass without expo-

sure and detection. The naked fact is, thatithe demagogues in the East-
ern States, not satisfied with clerrfzvtng all the /borzqfit from the sot./.t/to-rn sec-
tion , of tile Union that they would from so mcm.y wealthy colonies —-—~—- with
making princely fortunes by the carriage and exportation of its bulky anti
valuable productions, and sztpplyzozg it writ/z t/zeifr own martufactztxrcs, and
the productions of Europe and the East and,'West Indies, to an enormous

amount, and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated it with outrag<:,t

insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital interests, the Eastern
States were lately courting their town dsstretcitiiom by allowing a few rest-

I less, turbulent men to lead them Lhlindfolcled to a, separation which was

on res mssoLUrIoN on MR. Ii‘00'1.‘. 13

. prey-ncmt to-z'f7z tlteir certcz'nr2t~£-n. Whenever‘ that event takes place, they
sink into insigniiicance. If a separation were desirable to any part of the
Union, it would be to the Middle and Southern States, particularlythe
latter, who have been so long harassed with the complaints, the rrestless»
ness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the Eastern States, that their
patience has been tried almost beyond endurance. ‘J6SI7l'tt9"2£’i't waxed fat
and /tic/ted’ -—--and he will be severely punished for his kicking, in the
event a dissolution of the Union.” Sir, I wish itto be distinctly un--'
derstood that I do not adopt these sentiments as my own. I quote them“
to show that very different sentiments have prevailed in former times as
to the weakness of the slaveholdiiig states from those which now seem to
have become fashionable in certain quarters. I know it has been sup-
pggsed by certain ill-informed persons, that the south exists only by the
countenance and protection of the north. , Sir, this is the idlest of all idle
and ridiculous fancies that ever entered into the mind of man.  In every
state of this Union, except one, the free white population actually pre-
ponderates ; while in the British West India Islands, ‘(where the average
white population is less titan ten per cent. of the wIwZe,) the slaves are
kept in entire subjection : its is preposterous to suppose that the Southern
States could ever find the smallest diiiiculty in this respect. On this sub-
ject, as inall others, we ask nothing of our northern brethren but to “ let
us alone.” Leave us to the undisturbed managernent of our domestic
concerns, and the direction of our own industry, and we will ask no more.
Sir, all our cliliculties on this subject have arisen from interference from
abroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our domestic tran»
quillity just. so far as to bring down punishment iupon the heads of the
unfortuiiate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity, A

i There is c spim't,wl1ich, like: the father of evil, is constantly “walking
to and fro about the earth, seeking whom it may devourr.” it is the spirit
of I«‘ALSIt I?I4IILANfFI'lIi()l*Y. The persons whom it possesses do not indeed
throw themselves into the flames, but they are employed in lip,-litiiig up
the torches of‘ discord tl1i*ougliout the community. Their first principle
of action is to leave their own affairs, and neglect their own duties, to
regulate the affairs and duties of’ others. ’.l‘heirs is the task to feed the
liungry, and clothe the nal<ed,of other lands, while they thrust the nalted,
fauiished, and shivering be;ggi;ir from their own doors; to instruct the

heathen, while, their own children want the bread of life. When this
spirit infuses itself“ into the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can
be called a statesman,) it converts, him at once into a visionary enthusiast.
Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams , of national greatness and
prosperity. He discovers that “ liberty, is power,” and not content with
vast schemes of irnprovexnent at ‘home, which it would bankrupt the treas-
puryloi‘ the world to execute, he ‘ flies to foreign lands, to fuliil obligations
toll“the,l1t1man race” by inculoatiiig the principles of F‘ ppltitical and re-
ligiously, liberty,” and promoting the “general welfare ”:of the whole ‘}1u#
than race. * It isa spirit which» has longfheenlbusy with the slaves of the

I merit; and is : even now displaying itself rinplvain tefforts, to drive the gov»-

ernment from its wise lpolicypoiixr relation to the plivtclicas, It is this spirit

which has filled, the lttn(IW‘.l,tl1:,pfl3l10L1ei;J.x,1,(li3 of wild , and visionary projects, a 

which iican‘,1heve_ as sweet but towastat-their at energies: a—ndl~di,$sipetsv=vthsiwe
sources of the icountryri , ,It is the lsp‘irilt;;ot' which, the aspiringilipoltitician.

dexterouslyltajvailsoyphimself; wheu,,l,,,,,by inscrihi‘ngonghislllpbanner thvelyitnaigilcalpf it

it

14 SPEECH or MR. HAJNE

n words LIBERTY and PHILANTHROPY, he draws to his supportthat oless- of _,

persons who are ready, to bow down at the very name of their idols.
, <.'But, sir, whatever diti"erenoe of opinion may exitstras to the effeotof

slavery on national Wealth and prosperity, ifwe maytrust. to ex.perieno_e, i

there can be no doubt that it has» never yet produced any injurious efleet
on zfizdividetal or national character. Look. through the whole history of
the country, from the commencement-of the I'€3V'0lL1ti0I1.»*(lOV’€'I1 to the,pres»-
ent hour; where are there to be found brighter examples of intellectual
and moral greatness than lieve been exhibited. by the sons of. the south 3.’
Fromthe F.~tTI~IE.R or HIS COUNTRY down to the DISTING-UISHED CHIEF-
zmrnl who has been elevated by at gretefuli people to the highest office in

their gift, the intervalis filled. up by ailongiline of orators, of'sta.tes1nen, and

of heroes, justly entitled to rank among the ornaments of their cotintry,
and the beiiefhotors of mankind. Look at the “Old Dominion,” great ehd
rnegneniinous Virginia, “ whose jewels are her ,sons.’,’ Is there eny
state in this Union which has contributed’ so much to the honor and Wei-
fare of the oountry? Sir, I7 willyield. the whole qiiestionw-«I will ecltnowl-»
edge the ihtel effects of slavery upon character, if any one eel) say, that;
for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, exnltecl virtue, and it
pure and holy devotion to liberty, the people of the Southern Stmes lime
ever been surpttssed by any in. the world. I know, sir, that this cZezrott'owt

‘ to leoertz .l1:.—1S sometimes been so osed to be at War with our institutions:
./ .

but it is in some degree the result of those very i.nstitntions. Burl~:e, the
most philosophical of statesmen, es l1B«Wa.S the most eoeoxnplislied of ore-
tors, well understood the oprerntionzyoii thiis:prinoipl,e,, in elevn.t'in,g»; the sen-
tiinents o,nd~ exelting the principles of the people in lSl2~)£iT£3l”10l(lll)g states
I will conclude  re1na1~l~tstonirthisi branch: of the subj‘eet,;by reading .21
feviar. passages t'rorn hislfspeeeh “on moving; his 1'es‘oilntiorns for conciliation
with the colonies,” the 22d of Meroli, l'l’7é"i.

“ There is a circumstance attending the southern colonies which
makes the spirit of ‘liberty ‘still more lligllvandt henglity then in those
to the no1*tl1w:.trtd.i.t It »is,th,a,t in Virginie end; the Cerolinas they hove to.
east nzultitttde of slaves. Wliere this is the case, in any port of the world,
those who are free .‘EL“1‘*€) by for the most proud and jealous of their freew
dotn, ‘ Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but it kind of1'n.1:1l«: and
privilege; = Not seeing there, not in countries where it is a. common bless-»
ing, and as broad and general as the air, that it may bennited with much

abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty

i t-1*-1e‘epirit‘of’ freedom, fortifies it, and renders 2725 t':noi92.ic2IbZe.”‘

looks among them like somethixig more noble and liberal. I do not mean,
sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which lies, at

least, as much p1'id?e»e.s=viritue, in it--—--but I oennot alter the no.tn»re of menu

The fact is so; and these people of the southern colonies are much
more strongly, and with a. higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to
liberty than those to the northward. Such‘ were all" the ancient corn-
moniweelvtvhs---such were our Gothic‘ a.neesto1's---such, in our days, were
the Poles —- and such will Z2e*ctZZ masters of slaves who are not slaves t/tent»
seloes.  such 2. people, the hanglltiness? of idlominetion combines with

llnettlieieonrseilof my former‘ remarks, Mr-. President, I took oooesi.on to
dep1*eopet-e,‘ one of the greatest evils, they 'consoZz'dationiof this govemmmtt.

The ge11'tlepman*t%eltes alarm at the sound. , “ C’o92soZ«2IcZerz'o'n,” “ like the tar»

 gretes upon’ his ear. He tells us, A“ we have heard much ofilete about

eonsolidetioxig that it is the rallying word of all who are encleavoring to

on was REBOLUTIONT on MR. FOOT. 1;5-L

weaften 25723 Umion, by adding to the’ power‘ of the states.” But‘ consoli-T

dation (says the gent.1e1naTn) *vve.sT't.he very object for which tl1e'_Un‘ionTwe.I' '%
formed ; and, in support of that opTiuion, he" read at passage‘ t‘rotnltl1e*e~)lt- -

dress of the president of" the convention to Congress, which he assumes

to be authority on his side of the quest_ion.i But, sir, the gentleman is

mistaken. The object ofTthe framers ot'T~the constitution,  c1isc1osedTin

that address, was not the co72soZ'éIdatto7z** of tire _grot:e9~92.9ne2zt. but “ the con-T
solidation of the Union.” It was not to draw power ‘them. the states, in

order to transfer it to a great tnetionelTgovernment, but, in the language
of the constitution itself, “to'*T1"'orm a‘ more perfect Union;’T’-—-—-—end by
What means? By “esteb1is1*1ing' jus”tiee,t prornoting domestic t1'e11ql1.1illi'ty.
and securing; the blessirigs of liberty to ourselves and our post.erity.’i
This is the true reading of the constitution. But, eecorcling to the gen»-
tleme.n’s 1'eecli1ig, the object of’ the constitution_ wee, to c072S0Z7:(1lCtZ6Tt}l€
govermnemf, and the rneztns would’ seem to be, the promotion of z'T/yttstiiee,
causing domestic dziscord,‘ and depriving‘ the states and the people “ of the
blessings of liberty;” f”ore‘ver. T ‘ T

The gentleman boasts of belong;ijng to the party of NA'.I‘IONAL 1‘tnrUB'~
LICANS. Nn.tiona.1 Republice.ns~~l‘T TA neWfne.1ne,« sir, for at very old.
thing. The N et.ione.l Republicans of the present day were the FetteT2'oZistsT“

of’ ’98,who hectune Fecleml Rea-p2tMt'oans‘T-‘duringt the war of 1812, e.r1tlT~
were rntttrwjitcturecl into Nazft'omtZf Ifiepubltcam‘somewliere about the yea.-r

1825. T T T T T. «T T

As a y;2czTrz;‘.3y, (by w'he.tever name di.stinguisheci,)»- tl1ey'l:ie.ve always hzeenh
enitneted by the same principles, e.nc1Tlteve ltlebt stcentlily in View a com-
mon object, the consolitletion of the goverrnrxent. Six”-, the }i>n::~ty to which
I em proud of’ luitving he1TongecL from the very commencernent of my
political life to the present de.y,T were the 1)e:r;v2Toc9~(.zts of ’£l'8, (t,A.n,o7*c7zt'sts,
A92ti-17’ecZerctlfsts, Ji?é2:t>Z2tzfTt'on£.sts, I think they weret so1't;'1e.t.i1i1<:e:s cellecl.)
They essunietgl the inahxtne of DemT’oemt7.'o Tflcpublzfctzrzs in 21822, and have
retainecil t‘heir nerne mxxilTprinciples up to the ‘preeent hour. True to their
political ‘F2-tiil3l‘1, they hvevle s,1weys,TT e‘pertTy, been in fi.wo1~ or l:in1itTetionsT
of power ; they bevel insisted that ell powers not cl<sl.eg'zttetl_to the feder.el=

governtnent are 1‘eserved,endT lnwe been eonstent.ly st.rugg'ling', as they

new ere, to preserve the right.s of the states, emi to prevent tliernlfroni
being drawn into the vortex, mud swallowed up by one g.3;rcs.t consolideteti
government. T  T T T

Sir, any one ecqueintetl with. the history of pmties in this country will
T recon,-11izeinyt.lie points now in dispute between the senator front Moses»:

ehusetts end niyseli’ thehvery Tgrot1rn;.ls which i have, f'rom tl1yeyl:»eg;itiT11ing,
divided the two greet ‘pm-ttieeT~ in this country, and which (ci'1£11't]T16Sel‘F)a1i"""

ties by what names you will, and TctrnoZ_qo“n“T2.ctte them as you: meTy)<will-T

divide them forever. The true distinetion between tl1osteThpestiee is 17eitl=
d‘ownT in e.Tceleh1-etecl A" mstiifestog issued by the ,4 convention otltthe “Fediesr-T
eliets of Massachusetts, essemhled in Boston, ilnTTFebruery, 18.‘24,i on the
occasion‘Tot' yorge,snitzingT e“pTztrt.y opp*ositionTto‘ the reeleetionTof Governor"
Eustis. The gent1eTrnen ‘ wi11'Trecog;ni.ze this e.s“‘the canonical book of“
political scripture ;” and it instructs us .th£tt,Twhen the Axnericenl col-—
onies redeemed T themseltree .f'rottt;‘ fBritie~l1 jhe1tyde;g;e5h%senr1~ became so 
mdepemlent. nations, lltheyifiroposecl t‘oi‘orm’ z1'NAtTIONA.:E IUNIQTN; (not 

. y .Fedeml Union, sir,‘bu’tt‘TtTe;TNetion=e1*Uuion.)X “ Those who were {in fettorao-f

at mt-5092 Qf are $tates't.i9t this form becameknown by the neme'2of 
ésts ; those who Wanted  unionT oflftheTstetes,ror Tdiislikecl the yTpre’po:sed

16, I t , SPEECH on MR. earns

form of union, became known by the name of Anti-Federalists. By
means which need not" be enumerated, the Ants-Federalefsts became (after

the expiration of twelve years) our national rulers, and for a period of’.

sixteen years, until the close of Mr. Madison’s administration, in 1817,
continued to exercise the exclusive direction of our public atlairs. Here,
sir, is the true history of the origin, rise, and progress of the party of Na-
tzfonal Repulnlicans, who date back to the very origin of the government,
and who, then, as now, chose to consider the constitution as having
created, not a Federal, but a National Uizion ; who regarded “ consolida-
tion ” as no evil, and who doubtless consider it “ atconsuunnation devoutly

to be Wished” to build up a great “central government,” “one and in-,

divisible.” Sir, there have existed, in every age and every country, two
distinct orders of V men---the lovers of freedom, and the devoted adeo-
castes of power. . y _

The same great leading principles, modified only by the peculiarities
of manners, habits, and institutions, divided parties in the ancient repub—
lics, animated the wings and tories of Great Britain, distinguished in our
own times the Ztderczlsiand ultras of France, and may be traced even in
the bloody st.1'1iggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gallantlfriego,
who devoted himself, and all that he possessed, to the liberties of‘ his
country, was dragged to the scaffold, followed by the tears and lamenta-
tions of every lover of freedom throughout the world, he perished amid
the deafening cries of “Long live the absolute king! ” The people whom
I represent, Mr. President,‘ are the descendants of those who brought
with them to this country, as the most precious’ of their possessions, “ an
ardent love of‘ liberty;” and While that shall be preserved, they will
always be found Ina-nfully struggling against the ,C092SOZ’I:d<'.m.'09?. of the
gorer-m2te9zt——-As 'TI<II.+‘.‘. ‘WORST OF‘ EVII.s. i I I

The senator from Massachusetts, in alluding to the tarifi", becomes quite
facetious. He tells us that “ he.,11ears of nothing but taragfii tar-zf; tai~t‘fi',~
and, if’ a word could be found “to rhyme with it, he presumes it would
be celebrated. in verse, and set to music.” I Sir, perhaps the gentleman,
in moo/terg of our co-ntgolctints, may be himself disposed to sing the praises
of the tariff’, in cloggerel. verse, to the tune of “Old Hundred.” I am
not at all surprised, however, at the aversion of the gentleman to the
very" name of tarvzifll I doubt not that it must always bring up some
very unpleasant rec.ollectious to his mind. If I am not greatly mistaken,

the senator frorn Massachusetts was a leading actor at a great meeting”

got up in Boston, in 1820, against the tarzfil It has generally been sup-«

posed that he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meetiixig, denoun-i

cing the tariff" system as unequal, oppressive, and unjust, and if’ I am not
much mistalzen, cZe72.;z/t'.:rzg its corzstz'tzttz'onal27ty. Certain it is, that the gen-
tleman made a speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions,
denouncing the system in nolvery measured terms; and, if my meniory
serves me, callzfvzg its constitutionality 2'72 question. p I riegret that I have
not been able to lay my hands on those proceedings; but I have seen
thenntanclr cannot be mistaken in their character. At that time, sir, the
senatorifrorn Massachusetts entertained the very sentiments in relation to
the tariff‘ which the south now entertains. Vile next find the senator

. from Massach;usetts expressing his opinion on the tarii‘l', as a rnernber of

the House jtofelhtepresentativesl from the icityrof .,l?}oston,,in 1,824. On that
occasion, sir, the gentleman. assumed a position which icommanded the

respect andadtniration of his country. He stood the powerful and

ON rue ResoI.UrIo:: or M132. FOOT. 17

that-leesl champion of free trade. He met, in that conflict, the ndvocetes

~ of‘ restriction and monopoly,‘ end they “ fled t"ro1n bet'ore his 1‘hc.e.” l/Viith

e. protbund segucity, e. fulness of knowledge, nncl e rielmees of‘ illustmt.ion
that lutve never been s1,11*pessed, he m.eint.-aitiecl end eete,hlisl’1ed the pr1n”c1-
piles of cornrnercial freedom, on e fbundetion never to be shaken. Great
indeed was the victory achieved by the gentlemen on that oeczesion ; most
striking the contr:-.tst between the clear, forcible, and convincing argu--
ments by which he carried away the unde1*ste11di1‘1gs of l‘1.lS‘ll(3€t“1‘€3I‘S,
and the ne.rrow v1ews and wretched sophtstry of ozvtozfher CZ‘l..S?f’t92gu‘2,S.7l86Z
orator, who may be truly said to have “ held up his farthing candle to
the sun.” i c t

Sir, the senator from Messecl*1usetts, on that, the proudest day of his
1_,it‘e,, like at 1'nigl1ty glant, bore away upon his shoulders the pililers. of the
temple of error and de1us1on, escaping himself unhurt, end letmng his
edvers.eries overwhelmed in its ruins. Then it was thathe erected to
free trade at "beautiful and enduring monument, and ‘finscribecl the mar-
ble with his name.” Mr. Presitilent, it is with peiti and regret that I now
go forwztt-d to the next’ grrettt era in the political life of tltet gexttleinen,
when he was found on t.h1s noor, support.1ng, zttlx*ocnt111g, and t11:utlly voting
for the tux-il'7f' of 18:28 ---l".l.'1:£l.l3 “ bill ofebominotions.” By that nest, sir,
the eentttor :f‘rom .Meseecl;mset.ts lute destroyed the lnbore of his whole life,

V entgl given tt Wounctl to the ceuee of free t1'u.<:le never to he l"n=::1le«;.l. $51‘,

when I recollect the position which that gentlernen once (.'.‘)(3LT~ll§)l(t(1l,, :1-ntl
thttt which he now liolde in public eetimzttion, in rel:tti<.:>nto thi;-.:~: zélllliljerci,
it is not at 2111 eu1'prising tltnt the tariff’ $~ll‘1OUlCl be lmt:el"z::l to his enre.
Sir, if I luufl erected to my own thine so proud e 1'nc_»x:'n.tn:1<;-nt  t:lnu;

e'hiel1 the g't,:I‘1tl(3I1'1£t11 built up in l53“2-4., end I cgtzxltl ltutve hoeu teznpttetl to ’

thrstroy it with my own h::u1ds, I should llete the voice that should 1‘ixr1g;g‘
“the aC(311,I‘&'.’»€3(ll te:riti"’ in my ears. I doubt not the ,g;;entle1n:m feelis ‘very

lunch, in reletion to the t.e1‘it‘F, he 21. certain l~;11ig;l1t did to ““27rtet2'vzet,”‘t‘tr1d‘

with him would be dieposccl to ex.cleint,—-— %
V “Ah ! no more of then Iilel, an thou lovest me.”

I':lut,,Mr. President, to he more serious; what are we of the south to
thinl~: of What We have lmeercl this day? The senetor t"rom l\It<tsez‘tcl'3.t1eet.ts
tells us that the teriff is not an eastern mees1n~e,nnc;1 treats itus it’ the
east hztd no interest in it. The senator from lZVIieeoL1ri insists it is not a
western 1nee.su1'e, end ~tl’1£tl3 it has clone no goodto the west. The south
comes in, end, in the most. t:"‘.tiU‘l'1@éI-‘;T»,I1'l£:3.I”1l’llI"3,,lZ', rep:-eeerits to you tltet. this
measure, which we ere told “ is of no value to tl'1eeeeet or the west,”

 “‘ utterly destructive r of ourlinterests.” We 1~e1';>1~csent toliyou thntlit
has spreecl ruin and devestntion through the lend, end proetrnted our i

hopes in the dust. We solemnly declare tltetwe believe the eystern to
be wholly unconstitutional, and e violation of the compact between the
etates and the Union; and our brethren time as deaf ear‘ to'om~ cm. -
plethts, and refuse to relieve us from n system ‘F which 'not~enriches‘ them,
but makes us poor indeed”, Good God It Mr.wPresident, has it come to
this? Do gentlemen hold the feelings aI1drWi;~3l18Sll0f their brethren at so
cheep, a rate, that they refuse to gretifyltlteml at so stnell at price? Do

gentlemen value so lighltly the peace lend hmtrnony of the country, that
they will not yield ermeesurecof this?descriptio‘n to the etFect.io11ete eu-

tireeties and earnest  remonst tenlcesl of 1 their frienjclls?“ Do gentlemen
eetinutte the value of the Union at so low at price, that they will noteven
3 y .

18 speech or MR. HAYNE

make one effort to bind the states together with the cords of affection?
And has it come to this? Is this the spirit in which this g‘overnment
is to be aclministered? If so, let me tell gentlemen, the seeds of dissolu-
tion are already sown, and our children will 1'eap the bitter fruit.

The honorable gent.len.ian iii-orn Massachusetts, (Mr. W'ebster,) while
he exonerates me personally from the charge, intimates that there is a
party in the country who are lool~:i1'lg to disunion. Sir, if the gentleman
had stopped there, the accusation would have “passed by me like“ the
idle wind, which I 1'eg;arcl not.” But when he goes on to give to his

‘accusation “ a local l12jtl)lt:3.tlOI'1 and a name,” by quoting the eXpress:ion of

a distinguished citizen of South Carolina, (Dr. Cooper,) “that it was tithe
for the south to calculate the value of the Union,” and in the lzingtizigta
of the bitterest sarcasm, adds, “ Surely then the Union cannot last lon'ge.t*
than July, 1831,” it is impossible to Inistalte either the allusion or the
object of’ the gentleman. Now, Mr. President, I call upon every one
who hears me to bear witness that this controversy is not of my S(38l{i“il_g'.
The Senate will do ‘me the justice to renueinher that, at the time this
‘unprovoked and uncalled-i'or at.tacl:»: was made on»the south, not one word
had been uttered by me in disparaggenient of New E1.'1gla11<;l; nor had I
made the most distant allusion either to the senator froin l\’Iassacl.1_uset.ts
or the state he represents. f311t., sir, that geiitloiiiaii has l.li1UlTlglll'. 1')l§'C)p(;i5fl',
for purposes best known to liiinseli’, to strike the sout/1.1, tl;’fl1'C‘)lj‘!,$‘.f",ll‘l me, “the
most unworthy of her servants. Ifle has crossed the border, he has in»-
V':§L(I(3:Cl the state of South Carolina,  rnaljting war upon her citirens, and
endeavor-ing to overthrow her principles and her institutions. hilt‘, ‘when
the geiitleiiiaii provokes me t.o such a conliict, I meet him at the tfl1rrsh-
old; I will st.ruggle, while I have life, fox‘ our altars and our tiresides;
and, ii’ Grod gives me stir"-engt.'h,' I will drive back the invader (li.$3C:C).l?I'1.il.t«f:¥d.
Nor shall I stop there. . If the gentleman ‘p1‘0VOl§”.G53 the war, he shall
have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border; I will carry the war :intt:«
the enemy’s territory, and not consent to lay down my arms until I l'1t*t‘\'.-_:
obtained “indemnity for the past and security forthe future.” It is
with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the per:t'orri:i-
auce of this part of my duty; I shrink almost instinctively i'ro.tn a couisc,
however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional :f'eel-
ings and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task. has been for-cettl 'ttpt>r:n
me; and I proceed 1'igl1t onward to the performance of my duty. Be the
consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have
izrnticisecl upon me this necessity. The senator froni Massacl7n:tset.ts has
t.l‘10l1gl‘1l3 proper to cast the first stone ; and if he shall find, according. to a
hoinely adage, “that he lives in a glass house,” on his head he the con-
sequences. The gentleman has made a great flourish about_his fidelity
to Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests
and honor of South Carolina; of that my constituents shall judge. It"
there be-one state in the Union, Mr. President, (and _I say it not in a
boastful spirit,) that may challenge comparison with any other, for a
uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion to the Union, that
state is South Carolina. Sir, from the veryicomniencernent of the revo-

lution up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, she has not

cheerfully made, no service she has ever hesitated to perforrn. I She has
adhered toyou in your prosperity; but in your adversity slfie has clung
to you withmore than filial afi”ect“ion. No matter what was the condition
of her cloxnesticj affairs, though deprived of her resources, divided by

ON '.[‘HE.'RESOLU'.PION on MR. FOOT. 19

parties, or surrounded with diiliculties, the call of the country has been to
her as the voice of God. Domestic discord ceased at thesound; every
man became at once reconciled to his brethren, and thesons of Carolina
were all seen crowding together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the
altar of their common country. i t ,
Wliat, sir, was the conduct of the south during the revolution? Sir,
I honor New Englandfor her conduct in that glorious struggle. But
great as is the praise which belongs to her, I think, at least, equal honor
is due to the south. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren with
a generous zeal, which did not suffer them to stop to calculate their inter‘-

est in the dispute. Favorites of the mother country, possessed of neither I

ships nor seamen to create a commercial rivalship, they might have t'ound

in their situation a guaranty that their trade would be forever fostered

and protected by Great Britain. But, trampling on all considerations
either of interest or of safety, they rushed into the conflict, and fighting iior
principle, perilled all, in the sacred cause of freedom. Never was there
exhibited in the history of the world higher examples of noble daring,
dreadful sufi'ering,. and heroic endurance, than by the Whigs of Carolina

‘during the revolution. ' The wholeestate, from the mountains to the sea,
was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of indus-

try perished.~on the spot where they were produced, or were consumed by
the foe. The “plains of Carolina” drank up the most precious blood of
her citizens. Black. and sinoking ruins marked the places which had
been the habitations of her children. Driven from their homes into the
gloomy and almost impenetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty
survived, and South Ciarolina (sustained by the example of her Sumpters
and her Marions) proved, by her conduct, that though her soil might be
overrun, the spirit of her people was invincible. .

But, sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in another revo-
lutionary struggle, and that, too, was a struggle for principle. I mean the
political revolution which dates back to ’98, and which, it’ it had not been
successfully achieved, would have left us none of the fruits of the revolu-

tion of ?76. The revolution of ’98 restored the constitution, rescued the

liberty of the citizenfrom the grasp of those who were aiming at its life,
and inthe ,,empliatic _language of Mr. J eife1'son, ‘F saved the constitution at
its last gasp.” And by whom was it achieved? By the south, sir, aided
only by thedemocracy of the north and west. I e

I come nowito the warof 1812 --——a war which, I Well remember, was
called in lde,rision.(Wl1ile itsievent was doubtful) the southern, war, and
sometimes the Carolina war; but whicli is now universally acknowledged

to. have done more for the honor and prosperity of the country than all

other events in our history put together. What, sir, Were, the objects
of that war? ‘? Free trade and sailors’ rights it”. It was for;,the:protection
of northern shipping and New England seamen that the country flew to
arms. What interest haduthe south in that contest? If theyhad sat ‘down

‘ iicoldlyito calculate the value of their interests, involvedin it, they would

have found that they had every thing to lose, and nothing to gain. , But,
sir, with that” generous devotion to counti'y__so characteristic of thesouth,

‘ they only asked, if the rights of any portion of their fellow-citizens had i

been invaded; and when told. that northern ‘ships and cw England sea-

- men hadtebeenarrested on ythejcommone highway of nations, they feluthat
the honor of their country, Was«pasisai‘led ;. and acting on :that_e_xa1ted. senti-
ment “ which feels a stain like a wound,” ttheyeiiresolvedwto seelt, in open

"270 . ‘  srr.:scI—I orna. ears-In

I tv:£xi',f'o1‘ a redress of those injuries which itdid not become freeznen to
‘e;ndure.i Sir, the whole south, animatedas by a (301'm"l1(Z)lTl impulse, cor-

dially united in declaring and promoting that war. South Carolina sent to
your councils, asthe advocatesand supporters of’ that war, the noblest of
her sons. * How they fulfilled that "trust let a grateful country tell. Not
be ineasureriwas‘adopted,5not la * battle fouglit, not a victory won, wl;iich

contributed, in any degree, to the success of that war, to which southern
councils. and southern valor did not largely contribute. Sir, since South
,Car_ol-ina is assailed, I must be sufiered to ‘speak it to her praise, that at
I gtliefivery moment when, in one quarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed,

“ that it did not become a religious and moral people to rejoice at the vic-
tories of our array or our navy, ” her legislature unanimously

“vRes0Zoed, That we will cordially support the government in the virg-
orous “prosecution of the war, until a peace can be obtained on honorable
terms, and we will cheerfully submit to every privation that may be re-

quired of us, by our government, for the accomplishnient of this object.”

South Carolina redeemed that pledge. i She threw open her treasury to
the government. She put at the absolute disposal of the officers of the
United Srtatefs a.ll that she possessed —-—---her men, her money, and her arms.
She appropriated half a million of dollars, on her own account, in defence
of her maritime frontier, ordered a brigade of’ state troops to be raised,
and when left to protect herself by her own means, never suii'ercd the
enemy to touch her soil, without‘ being instantly driven cit’ or captured.

Such, sir,‘ was the conduct of the”southi—-—- such the conduct of my own.
state in that dark hour “which tried 1neu’s souls.” ‘ I

When I look back and contemplate the spectacle exliibited at that time
in another i quarter of I the Union -—-4 when I think of the conduct of certain
portions of New England, and remember the part which was acted onthat
mexnorablel occasion by the‘ political associates of the gentleman from
Massachusetts ——-na 1*, when I follow that gentleman into the councils of
the nation, and listen to his Voice during the darkest period of the war, I

am indeed -i astonishedt that he shouldgventure to touch upon the topics
which he has introduced into this debate. South Carolina reproachcd by

Massachusetts! And froin whom does the accusation come ? Not from the

ipdcmocracy of New England; t"o'r they have been in times past,  they
are now,.‘the“friends and alliesot‘ the south. No, sir, the accusation

comes irom that party whose acts, during‘ the most trying and cwcntful
period of‘ ournational history, we:-em‘ such a character, that their own
legislature, but a few years ago, actually blotted them out froni their rec-~
ords,  astain upon the honor of’ the country. But how can they ever

'3 be vlotted out froinjthe recollection of any one who had a heart to feel, a
tiruitidvtotr comprehend, and a memory to retain, the events of that day!

, -iii1',. shall not attempt to write the ‘history of the party in N ewiEnglau<:1
, ltioswliicli I have alluded I-I4-4-iitliie war party in peace, and the peace party in
I Neal‘, "-*~='iI‘hat‘ task I shall leave to some future biographer of ~ Nathan Dane,

. and I {doubt not it will be found quitejeasy to prove‘ that the peace party
~of iihlassachursettsi were the to‘n‘ly~ dei'enders of their country during their

p war,‘1and_.acttia1l}y achieved all our ‘victories by land and sea. In the mean
tiine, sir, ~iaI1d“”luntil fthat~* history shall btetwritten, I propose, with tlie_,?it‘eeble
‘and llgiimmassg‘«:1ig1asi.whichl,;I possess, toreview “the conduct of thirsfparty,

“ in"~=connectiOnWith 3 the *w'ar,'.and" theyleyentsi which immediiatelyj p‘recededif.,9it. .

r  It Vwi-ll be”llecteidfsivr, jtlrat our‘  .ca;uss*s *of‘rsi~i—quarrel‘r~  

gliritain. were  F depredations on  northern :co1n"merce,:~ and  ~ »impress-

ON THE nnsomrrxon on MR. room. C 21

ment of‘ New England seamen. From every quarter Welwere called upon

for protection. Importunate as the west is now, represented to be on-

another subject, the importunity of the east on that occasion was far

,greater~. I hold in my hands the evidence of the fact. Here are peti-,

tions, meinorials, and remonstrances from all parts of New Exigland,
setting 1"orth the injnstice,the oppressions, the depredations, the .insults_.,

the ont1'ag*es committed by Great Britain against the unoifending com-—i
merce and seamen of New England, and calling upon Congress ibr redress. ‘

Sir, I cannot stop to read these memorials. In that from ‘Boston, after,

‘ stating the alarming and extensive condemnation of our vessels by (‘;‘rreat~

Britain, which threatened “to sweep our commerce from the face of the
ocean,” and “ to involve our merchants in bankruptcy,” they call upon

the government “ to assert our rights, and to adopt such measuresas will ,

support the dignity and honor of the United States.” p t

From Salem we heard a lztrignztge still more decisive; they call ex»
plicitly for 45 an appeal to arms,” and pl.GClg€:_l3l1'3lI‘ lives and property in
support of any measures which Congress inight adopt. From Newburyw

port an appeal was made “ to tliefirmnepss, and justice of t the govern-.

ment to obtain compensation and protection.” It was here, Ithinl~:., that,
when the war was declared, it was resolved “ to resist our own igove1'1i»

ment even unto blood.” (Olive Branch, p. 101.) i l t V

In other quarters the common lttngnage of that day was, that our com--t

memo and our seamen were entitled to protection ;, and that itrwaslthle
duty of the government to aii'ot'd it at every liazard. The conduct of
Great Britain, we were then told, was “‘ an oiit.1'a,g;e upon our national in-
dependence.”- These clamors,whicl:1 commenced as early as January, 1806,
were continued up to 18.'12‘., In a mBSStLg€tf1‘0];11 the governor of one of

the New Eriglaiiti States, as late as the 10th October, 1811, this lang;1ia.gei

is held: “ A. manly and decisive course has become inclispensable;  course
to satisfy i'oreign nations, that, while we desire peace, we have the means

and the spirit to repel aggressioxi. Vveare false to ourselves when ~our

connnercc, or our territor , is invaded with impunity.” , y l
About this time, however,  reinarkable clittxige was observablesinithe
toneand tettnper of those who jhatl beenendeavoring to force the country
into a war. The 1itnp;tia.ge of complaintlwas changed into that of insult,
and calls for protection converted into,reproaches.i , 36‘ Smoke, sn1ol~:el”

says‘ one writer a; i “ my life on it, our eraecutive haveno more ideaof,

declaring War than my grandmother.” The committee of ways land

means,” says another, “ have come out with their Pandora?» bloat oi‘;
; taxes, and yet nobody, dreams of war.” “Congress do not ymeanito. de-

clare war; they dare not”, But why multiply examples ? an honorable

member of the other house, from! the cityiof Boston, [lvI1i.;,;Quincy,],in a,
speech delivered on the 3d April, 1812, says, i“~Neither~:l,promises,nor A

threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths, will make me believe. that your will
go to war. The navigatidn states are sacrificed,‘ andsthe spiritancl char»-

acter ofrthescountry prostrated by fear and cavarioefiy .“ You pcannotfi’ said V

the same gentleman, on another occasion, “ be kicked into a7 War.” 4 c p _
Well, sir, ithewartatlilength came,anc1 ”Wl1£tl3,,CliCll.W6ibBhOldt?.t ; The very

men who pghad ‘jflfirenllfbr six years clamorons £or war, and f'or‘iWhosei,lp1‘o~ , .
i‘.G‘,C5l101'l it was Wagerd, became at toncepequally clamorous=i,;against_ Pit. , 
had receivecl a pmiraculous visitation  lnew light snc,lc;l=en1y, beamedinpon 

if-heir I11iI“1dS; the scales iellifrom their eyes,;; anclcitxwas ,discoverec1_ that the 1

war was declared from, ll.“,islI,1bservipen;cy to Fran,ce;”- and that ;~Congress,, at C

272,‘ ~i SPEECH or MR. narnni

and therexecutive, “ had sold themselves to Napoleon; ” that Great Brit-
ain hadin fact “ done us no essential injury; ” that she was “ the bulwark
of our religion;” that where “she took one of our ships, she protected
twenty ;” and that, if Great Britain had impressed a few of our seamen,
it was because “ she could not distinguish them from their own.” And so
far did this ‘spirit extend, that a committee of the Massachusetts legis-
lature actually fell to calcu1atio:n,'and discovered, to their-infinite satisfac-

‘tion, but to the astonishment of all the world besides, that only eleven
Massachusetts sailors had ever been impressed.‘ Never shall I forget

the appeals that had been made to the sympathies of the south in behalf

‘of the “thousands of impressed .A.mericans,” who had been torn from their

families and friends, and “ immured, in the floating dungeons of Britain.”
The most touching pictures were drawn of M the hard condition of the Amer-».
ican sailor, “ treated like a slave,” forced to figlit the battles of his enemy,
“ lashed to the mast, to be shot at like a dog.” But, sir,~the very moment
We had taken up "arms in their defence, it was discovered that all these

. were more “ fictionsy of the brain ;” and that the Whole number in the state
of Massachusetts was but eleven; and that even these had been “taken

by mistake.” Wo11de1~ful discovery! The secretary of state had collected
authentic lists of no less than six thousand impressed Americans. Lord
Castlereagh himself acknowledged sixteen hundred. Calculations on the
basis of the number found on board of the Gruerriere, the Macedonian,
the Java, and other British ships, (captured by the skill and gallantry of
those heroes whose achievements are the treasured monuments of their
country’s glory,) fixed the number at seven thousand ; and yet, it seems,
Massachusetts had lost but eleven! Eleven Massachu.sett.s ‘sailors taken
by mistake! A cause of _W.€-W indeed! a Their ships too, the capture of
which had threatened ‘‘ universal bankruptcy,” it was discovered that
Great Britain was their friend and protector; “ where‘ she had taken one
she had protected twenty.” ~ Then was the discovery made, that subser-
viency to France, hostility to commerce, “a determination, on the part

i of the south and west, to breakdown the Eastern States,” and especially

 reportecl by acommittee of the Massachusetts legislature) “to force

the sons of commerce to populate the wilderness,” were the true causes I

of the war.” (Olive Branch, pp. 134, 291.) But let _us look a little fur-
ther into thecondnct of the peace party of New.Engla1id at that im-—

portant crisis. Whatever difference of opinionimiglit have e:~ris1".ccl as to V

the causes of the war, the country had a right to expect, that, when once
involved in the contest, all America would have cordially united in its
support. Sir, the War effected, in its progress, a union of all parties at

t the south. But not so in New England; there 1g1~eat efforts Wereniadc

to stir up the minds of the people to opposeit. Notliing  left undone
toembarrass the financial. operations of the government, to prevent the

 enlistnrent of -troops, to keep back the men and money of New England

from the service of the Union, to force the president from his seat. Yes,
sir, “the Island of «Elba, or a halter I ” were the alternatives they pre~
selntedto l~thei‘e‘xcellent and venerable James Madison. Sir, the war was
furither oppos~edby openly carrying on illicit tradewith the enemy, by

permittingpvthat.enemytto establish herself on the “very soil of Massaclxuw B
,se‘tts,i and flbyfolpenintg avfree ”t1‘2tClC-B between Great Britain and America,

with a rseparfateyicustomcihiousle; <vYes,i_sir, those who icannoti endure the

. ‘thought thatwvegishouldinslistton a free, trade, in tirne of profound peace,
. i could, without soruple, claimlandllrexeroise the right of v icarrysing on a free

on THE RESOLUTION on Jun. room. 23

trade with the enemy in at time of war; and finallyrbygetting up the
renowned “Hartford Convention,” and preparing the way for an open

~ resistance to the government, and a separnttion of the states. Sir, if I am

asked for the proof of those things, I i"ea.rlIessly appeal to contemporary
history, to the public documents of the countr , to the recorded opinion
and acts of public assemblies, to the declaration and acknowledgments,
since made, of the executive and legislature of*Massacl1usett.s herself.?*
Sir, the time has not been allowed Ineto trace this subject through,
even if I had been disposed to do so. But I cannot refrain from ref'er1-ing
to one or two documents, which have fallen in my way since this debate
began. I read, sir, frointhe Olive Branch of Matthew Carey, in lwhich

are collected “ the actings and doi1igs” of the peace party of New Eng- I

land, during the (30I1l3l1'.llLl2.l.1'1C6OfIl2l1Et Iembarggo and the war. I ltnowthe
senator from .Massachusetts will respect the liigli authority of I his political
friend end fellovwlaborer in the grertt cause of "‘ domestic industry? A

In p. 301, ct seq., 309 of this Work, is St detailed account of the measures
adopted in lVIn.ssecl"iusetts during the war, for the express purpose of:
ernbar1'assing the iinn,nciu.l operations of the ,r,,>fove1°nment, by preven‘ting:
loans, and thereby Cl1'iV'i]],§f our rulers from their seats, end forcing‘ the
country into a dislionorahle peace. It appears that the Boston baInhs

commenced an operation, by which at run was to be made upon all the 

banks to the south; at the same time stop13i1_'1g their own discounts ; the

efl"ect‘0fiWl1icl:1 was to produce it sudden and 1nost‘ule1*ming-diminution oi’ ,

the circulating rnec1iun:1,‘.uud universal distress over the whole countr '~----
‘‘ e distress which they failed not to attribute to the unholy .vvnI'.” '

To such on extezit was this system carried, that it uppears, from a
statement of the condition of the Boston banks, niede up in January,
181.4-, tlntt with nearly éll%5,000,000 ct‘ specie in their vaults, theyhad but

:’i»‘2,(.l0(),C)O(l of bills in circuhrtion. It is added by Corey, that at this very’

time on extensive trnde was cnrriied on in British government bills, for
which specie was sent to Cttnatlu, for the pny11'1cnt of the l3.ritisl'1l troops,
then -tluying waste our northern frontier ; and ‘tips too at the =v*IeryImoment
when New Eriglantd ships, soiling, under British licenses, (ta trade declared
to be lawfult by the courts both of Grrent Britain‘ and Massacl1usettts,T)
were supplying‘ with provisions those veryarmies destined tbr the inve-
sion or our Iownshores.I Sir, the ttuthor of the Olive BI'£tI1Cl1, with a

it In answer to an address of (.}ovc1°nor Itlnstis, denouncing the conduct of the

peuceypnrty cluriugthe W-nr,thc House of Representatives of Mess.-aolursctts, in June,
1823, say, “ Tliechnnge of the political sentirncnts‘evinced in the late elections ‘forms

indeed a new era in the history of our C:C)I'I11‘l’l0l”lVV£l£tl.tll. It is the triumph‘ of reason;

over passion; of patriotism over iperty spirit. plwassachusctts hes returnedI to her first
love, and is no longerie stranger in the Union. We rejoice that tlrotujrlr, ii111'ingIthc
last war, suchineusures were éulopted in this state as occnsioned,doul)lesacrifice of
‘treasure and of life, coverecl the friends of thenntion with humiliation and mourn»
ing, end fixed a stain on the page of our history, a. reclecrningI spirit has at length
arisen, to take away Iourreproaoh, and restore to us our g'oo_;d: name, ourrank among
our sister states, a.ndIo_ur just influence in the Union. w  i ‘  I I .

r “ Cl‘houg*l1 wepwould not renew contentions, or i1‘1'iltu.te,,t3vanto11ly, we believe that there
arelcases when it is necessary we should ‘vwouudto hes-1.’ f And we consider it among the
first duties of the friends of our nationel governInient,I on this return of power, to disuvow

the unwar1~autabIle course pursued by thisI,sts.te, dllrlflg‘ the t_1ete,wer,and to holdup I

thepmeesures of I that period as beecous ; that the present and succeeding; gL;!,'.1£‘l(l3,,l,‘tt;l2li(.‘)I"1S
may shun‘ that cat-cer,"whi<r:rhImust inevitably terminate in ,the rlestruction of the indi-
vidual or party who pursucsit; and may learn the importantrileisson, that, in all tirnes,
the path of duty is the p'athIof Isafety; and that it is never dangerous ton-tllylIlu1*ound‘
the standard. of o11r.country.”I ,  I II_ I  I It I  p  _ 1 r y I I II I I I, g y

1' 2d Dodsorfls Admiralty Reports, 48. 13th Muss. ‘Reports, 26.

» and con:n"ort to the enemy.” I shall not follow his example.

3

‘24

SPEECH 017‘ MR. IIAYNE

holy indignation, denounces these acts as “treasonableg” “ giving aid
But I will
ask, With what justice or propriety can the south be accused of disloyalty
from that quarter? If we had any evidence that the senator from Mas-—
sachusetts had admonished his brethren then, he might, with a better
gt-ace,,a.ssume the cities of admonishing us now. I

Wheii I look at the measures adopted in Boston, at that day, to deprive

the ,g2;overnn1ent of the necessary means for carrying on the War, and
think of the success and the consequences of these measures, I feel my
pride, as .anrAmerican,tl1umbled in the dust. Hear, sir, the language of
that day. I read from .pages 301 and 302 of the Olive Branch.
no man who Wishes to continue the War, by active means, by vote, or
lending money,dareto prostrate himself’ at the altar on the fast day.”
“ Will fecleralists subscribe to the loan? Will they lend money to our
nationals rulers? It is impossible. First, because of principle, and
secondly, because of principal and interest.” -“Do not prevent the
abusers of’ their trust from becoming bankrupt. Do not prevent them
from becoming odious to the public, and being replaced by better men.”
“Any federalist. who lends money to government must go and shalte
hands with James Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy.”

I (I beg‘ pardon of my honorable friend from Tennessee---—but he is in

good company. I had thought it was “ James Madison, Felix: G1'L1ru.ly.
and the devil.’’) Let him no more “ call himself a federalist, and a ti:-iend
to his country: he will be called by others infamous,” cite. .

Sir, the spirited‘ the people sunk under these] appeals. - Such was the

eti'ec:t produced by them on the public mind, that the very agents of the

government (as appears from their public advertisements, now before nu-.+)
could not obtain loans without a pledge that “the names of’. the suh-
scribers should not be known.” Here are the adverltliseuientsz “The
nanles: ofgall ~subscribersi” (say Gilbertand Dean, the brokers emplc>yed
by gover11me11t)r “shall be known only to the undersigned.” As if those
who came forward to aid, their country, in the hour of her utmost need,
were engztged in somedark and foul conspiracy, they were assured “ that
theirinames should not be known.” Can any thing show more conclu-
sivelylrthe unhappy. state of public feeliiig which prevailed at that day
than this singzgle fact?

of the United States, and devising measures” for witlid1~awing;j her quota
 the taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the resources ct”
the country, but actually depriving the government (as far as depended
upon her) of all the means of carrying onthewar---t-— of the bone, and mus-i
ole, and sinews of war i“ of man and steel--—-the soldier and his sword.”
But it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her resources for liersclf-—-—~
she was to defend, and protect her. own shores. And how was that duty

.1;;)erfo:rmedl? In some places on the coast neutrality was declared, and

the.enem.y_~was sufi°erecl to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed.
to.occupy___lier, territory until the peace, without one eiibrt to rescue it
f'1'o1n.l1iS~grasp..i; Nay, .more,-- while our own governrnent and our rulers
were coxisidered asrenemies, the troops of the enemy were treated "like
friends -::~the,:,,a‘sst. intiltnate commercial relations were establislited 
uieaa, audirmaiutainexdi *uipito,{tl1e, peace. I: .A.tthis dark period or ou1‘,inrtttio1it11
affairs, fwhere wasrrpptlie senatorpfrom Massachusetts How; were his i po-

litical associates leifnployedi _“ Calcu.1zttiiig they value” of the 'U,niont?”-

“Let

Of the same character with these measures was
the conduct of Massachusetts in withholding her militia from the service

on 'r:z:—m nnsonurmn or nun. room. I 25

Yes, sir, that was the propitious moment, when our country stood alone,
the last hope or the world, st1'uggli1igfbt' her existence against the colos-
sal power of Great Britain, “ concentratecl' in one mighty efi"o:rt to crush
us at a blow ;” that was the chosen hour to revive the grand scheme of
builcling up “a great northern cot1t‘ecleracy”-—--a scheme which, it is

‘ stated in the Work before me, had its origin as far back asthe year 1796,

and which appears never to have been entirely abandoned. I

In the laiigtiatge of the writers of that day, (17 9 6,) “rather than have
a constitution ‘such I as the anti—federalists were contending for, (such as
we are now contending for,) the Union otight to be dissolved;” and to

I prepare the way for that measure, the same methods were resorted to

then that have always been relied on for that purpose, exciting prejudice
against the south. Yes, sir, our northern brethren were then told, “ that if
the negroes were goocl for food, their sotuthern masters would claimlthe right
to destroy them at pleasure.” (Olive Branch, p. 267 Sir, in 1814, all these

topics were revivecl; Agaizi we hear of‘ “a northern confederacy.” “ The

slave states by themselves ; ” ft the mountains are the natural boundary ; ”
we Want neither “the counsels nor the power of the west,” &c., &:c. The
papers teemecllwith eccusations atgatixist the tout]; end the west, and the
calls for at dissolution of all connection with them were loud and st1‘ong.
I cannot consent to go t'l11rc)u;_;*li*i the tiisgtistirig details. But to show the
height to which the spirit of c:lisafi'ect.ion was carried, I will takes you to

the Itetnple of the living‘ God, and show you that sacred pZoc'e, wh.icll:t ,

should be devoted to the c.xtei:1s;ior1 of “ peace on earth and goocl ‘will.
towards nienf’ where “ one duyfis‘ tmcc Oilglfl surely to;.be allowed to the
(liE$StLtl‘1:%lt")}‘ilS% and aniinosities of 1:n:etnl~:ind,” converted into on _fz'e—rcc c1;Ire22u.' of

;uc2Z'zft2.’cctZ stvvjiz, where, frorn the lips of the priest, Sl32LI1fll1?1,g‘Il)Gi}\V'(3<3!1, tlie I

horns of the hitter‘, there went forth the most terrible alett‘?t’ItG27C?tttt7t‘(.ti'

:—tgz'Iti:1st all who should he true to I their country in the hour: of her,

utniost need. l I i .I V

‘“ It‘ you do not wish,” said :1 reverend pczltzngyrnen, in esermon preached
ix1i,,Bost*o1i, on the lziid J11'1y,~l8,l.:3, “ to become the slaves of thosewho
own slaves, and who are tlicnisclves the slaves of Fr'e1icl'1 islaves, you

must either, in the Zttltg/‘11;t.?.g¢e of Mac clog/, our 'rn;‘e IooNN't«:o'1‘I<:>n*, or so tin.-i
alter the nationalt c<:nnpu.cti as to insure toyourselvcs 23. due shiarc in the
governlncntf? (Olive H.li5l't7l.I1"t(;tll1,'fp.,i;3l.l).) “'lf‘l'1e "Union?  the snrne

writer, (p; 82l),)l‘F' has been ltnig since "vii1'tt1a1ly dissolved, and it is full
time that this part of the ,tllisu1.“1ilted.  should take care of itselfi’?
Another reverend gentiltentntn,Ipastor of a church at Medt'ord, (p. ”321,)I

issues hisa1iatlr1etna~——-g“‘Le'r ;nt:tr scrnsrn A.CUTJRf5E1)””I—-—figitirlst a1l,.allI
‘who, by their 5.‘, personal services,” for “1os.n_s of‘ money,” “co11verszttion,”

or ‘‘ wIriting,’’ or “influence,” give countenance or‘ support to the un»
righteous war, in the ~fb11towingVt_errns : “ That man is an accomplice in
the wickedness »--e-- heloacls his conscience with the blackesttcriines —-—-_ he
brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the sight of God and his
law,I/lte is in 1\IURDEfiI<3R.”I I p y I I  I  I _ ”

One or two morefiquotations, sir, and I tsltall have done, A reverend
doctor of‘ t divinity, the pastor ore church at Biyfield, Massachusetts," on

the 7th of Apr-i1,ill8l14, thus addresses his flock, y(p.l 321:) “ The .Israel-; in

ites became weary .Iot'lTyie1clingactlie I fruitof their labor, to painpertt their
splendidrityrnntsl 'TIhe5ytl1ef't“theirj: politicallstwoes. a'I‘n::sr snrsnncrnn;

where is our Moses? °WhIe*re 'the<r‘oclI of‘: his :rni‘raclest?, Wl1e1”t3 is our,
Aaron? Alas it no voice from the burning tbushihasldireeted them l1t6I"3l.”

b 96 c .. srnnon on MR. rmrnn

“We must trample on the mandates of despotism, or remain slaves
forever,” ( p. 322.) “ You must drag the chains of Virgiziian despotism‘,
unless you discover some other mode of‘ escape.” “ Those Western States
which have been violent for this abominable war-—t»hose states which
have thirsted for blood-—~ God has given them. blood to drink,” (p. 
Mr. President, I can go no further. The records of the day at-e.t"ull of

such sentiments, issued from the press, spolszen in public lassemblies,

poured out from the sacred desk. God forbid, sir, that I should clia-r,qe
the people of Massachusetts with participating in these sentiments. The
south andlthe West had there their f'riends—men who stood by their
country, though encompassed all around by their eneinies. The senator
from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) was one of them; the senator from
Connecticut (Mr. Foot) was another; and there are others now on this
floor. The sentiments I have read were the sentiments of a party em-
bracing the political associates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. If
they could only be found in the columns of" a newspa.per,in. a few occa-
sional pamphlets, issued by men of’ intemper._ate feeling, I lsliould not con-
sider them as atiorcling any evidence of the opinions even of the peace
party of New England. . But, sir, they were the common langzuaget of
that day; they pervaded the Whole land; they were issued from the
legislative hall, from the pulpit, and the press. Our books are full of
them ; and there is no man who now hears me but knows tlriat they were
the sentiments of a party, by whose members they were ])l‘Ol11Lllgtl.l7G(l.
Indeed, no evidence of this would seem to be required beyond the fact
that such sentiments found their way even into the pulpits of’ New li3n;;_r-
land. Wliat must be the state of public opinion, where any respectable
clergyman would venture to ‘preach, and to print, serrnons containing
the sentiments I have quoted? I doubt not the piety or moral vvorthot‘
tl’1(3t3(3 gentlerneu.  I am told they were respectable and pious men. a But
they were men, and they “kindled in a common blaze.” And now, sir,
I must be sufl“ered to retnark that, at this awful and melancholyperiod

i of our national history, the gentleman from Massachusetts, who now

manifests so ilgreata devotion to the Union, and so much anxiety lest it
should be endangered from the south, was “ with his brethren in Israel.”
He saw all these tliings passing before his eyes——-—he heard these senti-

ments uttered all around him. I do not charge that gentleman with any a
V participation in these acts, or with approving of these sentiments. l p 7%
But I will ask, why, if he was animated by the same sentiments then I

which he now professes, if he can “augur disunion at a distance, and

snuff‘ up rebellion in every tainted breeze,” why did he not, at that day, I

exert his great talents and acknowledged influence with the political
associates by whom he was surrounded,~ and who then, as now, looked up

I to him for guidance and direction, in allaying this general ezszcitement, in
poiniting; out tohis deluded friends the value of the Union, in instructing‘

thenl that, instead of looking t‘ to some prophet to lead them out of the

land of Egypt,” they should become reconciled to ,p,lieir brethren, and

unite withfthem in the support of a just and necessary war? Sir, the
gentleinan mustiexcuseme for saying, that if the records of our country
afforded :”any" evidence ;tl‘:xat.he had pursued, such a course, then, if we

could find recoridedt,initheihistory of those ytimes, that, like the imrnoirtalt
Dexter, I he liliadlz breasted - that a; mighty torrent which jvvas ¥sWeepin,g.,r .hiet:91'e .

it all that was great. and vfaluable  ourhpolitieal Iinstit.ulti~o1;1s‘3~4:-+.it’ii like " I
hixnhe hadistood his COlII11;I‘y~ in opposition to -his party, sir, we would,
1 like little children, listen to his precepts, and abide by his counsels;

ON THE RESOLUTION or Me. roor. _27

As soon as the public mind was sufliciently prepared for the measure,
the celebrated Hartford Convention was got up; not as the actof a ieiv
unauthorized individuals, but by authority of thelegislature of Massachu-
setts; and, as has been shown by the able historian of that convention, in

‘accordance with the views and wishes of the party of which it was the

organ. N ow, sir, I do not desire to call in question the motives of the
gentlemen who composed that assembly. I knew many of them to be in
private life accomplished and honorable men, and I doubt not there were
some among them who did not perceive the dangerous tendency of their
proceedings. I will even go further, and say, that if’ the authors of the
Hartford Convention believed that “gross, deliberate, and palpable vio-A
latious of the constitution” had taken place, utterly destructive of their
rights and interests, I should bef the last man to deny their riglit to resort
tor any constitutional measures or redress. But, sir, in an view of" the
case, the time when and the circumstmices under which tlidlt convention
assembled, as well as the IneasuresIrecom1nended, render their conduct, in
in o inion, wholly indefensible. get us contemplate, for a moment, the
sphctgcle then exhibited to the view of the world. I will not go over
the disasters of the war, nor describe the diiiiculties in which the govern»-
ment was involved. It will be recollecteduthat its credit was nearly gone,
"Wash.ington had fallen, the whole ‘coast was bloclracled, and an immense
force, collected in the West Indies, was about to make a descent, which
it was supposed we had no means of resisting. In this awful state of our
public ati'airs, when the govcrnnient seemed almost to be tottering on its
base, when Great Britain, relieved from all her other ene1nies,‘l1acl pro-
claimed her purpose of “reducing us to unconditional.subinission,” we
beheld the peace party of New Engrlantl (in the laxigiiage of the work
l.ietbi-e us) 1')l.”lI‘S11l“.I’1g‘ a course calculated to do more injury to’ their coun-
try, and to render lEngla11d1iio1'e effective service than all her armies.”
Tliose who could not find it in their hearts to rejoice at our victories
sang Te Deum at the King’s Chapel in Boston, for the restoration of the
Bourbons. ‘Those who could not consent to illurninate their dwellings
for the capture of the Guerriere could give no visible tokens of their joy
at the fall of ‘Detroit.  The “ beacon‘ tires ” of their hills were lighted up,
not for the encouragement of their friends, but as signals totheenerny;
and in the gloomy hours of II1l(1I1lgl'1i3, the very lights burned blue. Such
were the dark and portentous signs of _the times, which ushered into
being the renowned I-Iarti’ord Convention. That convention met, and,

from their proceedings, it stppea1's that their chief object was to keep hack.

the men and money of New England i'ro1n‘t,he service of‘ the Union, and
to effect radical chaiiges in the goveriixnent:-e- changes that can never be
effected without a dissolution of the Union. "I I I  i I V

e Let us now, sir, look attlth,eii*‘proceedings. . I read tiromr“ AiShort Ac—-
count of’ the I-Iartford Conlventionfl (written by one of itsQme1nb,ers,) a
very rare book, of which I” was fortunate ‘enough, a few years ago,to
obtain a copy. t [HereiMr. I~I.v read from the proceedi1igst.°*]. I t i

 It appears atp.j6 of the “Account” thzlLt,=-bye vote oif‘ltl1e‘I~Iouset of Representa-

tives of Massachusetts, (260 to 290,) delegates to this convention were ordered to be

appointed to consult upon the subject “ of their public’grievanr.est and conc-m~ns,’,’ and
upon “ the best means of preserving their resources,” and for procuring a 'l."i3Vl$J.0I'1.0f

the constitutionof the United ifzltates, “*1noreefi'ectua11yito secure the support andata

tachrnent & all the people, by placing all upon the basis oflfair “representation.”t

The convention assembled at Iiamford on the 15th December, 1814. On the next‘

day it was

28, i srsncrx on MR. HAYNE

W It is unnecessary to trace the matter fhrther, or to ask what would
have been the next cli:ipte1' in this history, if the inessures recominended
lied been cztrried into etl"ect.; and it”, with the men and money of New

l England withheld from the governrnent of" the United States, she hurl
been witlidrown frorn the war ; it" New Orleans had fallen into tl1e_l1.sncls '

oi‘ the enemy; and it‘, without troops and almost destitute of money, the
Southern and the -Vlfestern States had been thrown upontheir own rc-
sourees, for the prosecution of the war, and the recovery of New
Orleans. _ ‘ ‘ '

Sir, wliatever may have been the issue of the contest, the Union must
have been dissolved. But EL wise and just Providence, which “shapes
our ends, roughhew t.he1:ni  we will,” gave us the victory, and crowned,
our efloorts with a. glorioustpeace. The a1nbasseclo1‘s of I'I2irt.i’ord were
seen 1'etracing their steps from ‘Wasliiiigtoii, “the bearers of the glad
ticlings of great joy.” CoL1i‘ege and psuriotism t1*iu1npl‘1ed----tlrie country
was szivecliwathe Union ivss preserved. Anal are We, Mr. President, who

stood by our country then, twlio threw‘ open our cofFe1's, “W110 bnre<:l our

bosoms, who freely perillecl all in tlint conflict, to be reproacliecl with
want of attscliineiit to the Union? If, sir, we are to lizive lessons of
pdtriotisin read to us, they must come from £1. cliiiineiit c11m,1-tei'. The
senator from Mztssiicliusetts, who is now so sensitive on all subjects con»-
nected with the Union, seems to have a. Incniory forgetful oi’ the po1'iticsl

Iilcsohaed, '.l‘lm.t the most in\*iolsl>lc SCC1'0Cy,Sl1t1ll,l)0 observed hy ouch rncmhcr of
this convention, inc:1i1cling; the set:1'ctnry,hs to all propositions, debates, and mocccclings
thereof, until this injunction, shall be suspended or altered. , i l o

On the Betti‘: oi'1)eccmhcr, the committee sppo—interil to p1ieI3*lu'e and report is gen ‘cl
project of such niensurcs as nisy be proper for the convention to adopt, reported,
srnong; other t,1iin;:_3,~s.-————- , « l

y ‘- 1-. Tlmt it was ;cs.peclicnt to recommend to the lcgisIstu1'cs of the states the adop-
tion of the most ctlhctual sncl decisive me::1su1~cs to protect the militia oi‘ the SlZt'Ll33S from
the usurpntious contained in these proceedings.” ' [The proceedings ot‘,Cong*rcss and
the e:~:c<-utivc, in relation to die militia and the War.] l l l

‘* That it was expedient‘ also to prepnre_e statement, ersliihiting the necessity
which the improvidence £l.I'1Cl*ll1ZllIllllL_V oi’ the get1c1'nl government have imposed upon
the states of providing for their own clefcnoe, and the in‘1possihility_ of their dis»
(*.l1l.l.l’ti'g‘_.,*.'i1’l§.!,'i this duty, and at the some time fulfilling the requisitions of the geiiersl

, goverhzncnt, and also to recommendl to the legislatures oi‘ the several suites to inskc

provision ii)1'*1n1tt11ul defence, and to trnulzo an earnest; application to the government

of the United Stntcs,lwitl1 2:. view to some amrungenient wlicrcby the “suites 1I1il._V be

enabled to retnin it portion of the taxes levied by Cong1*css, for the purposes of self-
defencc, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incurred on account of the
United Smtest . ; . l
* “:3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several‘ state legislatures certain
omencltnents to the constitution, viz., -~---- , ' it it
“ That the powerto declare or make war, bythe Congress of the United States, be
restricted. ‘ l l  l i l V  ~ l
. “That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restrsfining Congress in the
exercise of an unlimited . ower to make new stntes,ia7i1d,edinit them into the Union.
i “iC,l,‘het an amendment e proposed 1'€3Spe0tl11giSla‘:V'B irepresventationl;endi slave tena-
tion.  r ‘ - .  i j l     t
On the 29th of December, 1814, it was proposed “ thatstheucapscityi of naturalized

citizens to hold oflices of trust, honor, or profit out his to is be restrained,” &c. \

The l subsequent,_proceedings are not gigvcn 111.13 ergo). But its;cems_tl1a.t the report
of‘ thetcommitteclwss adopted, and alsos, recommezidstion of certain measures (of the
character ofkwliich we sreilnot ,inforxned)ljto the suites forltheirl mutual, defence; and
having voted; that the injunction of isec1'ecy,,i,n,,reg;a.,rd to. all the debates and preceded-

ings of the convention, (except soifartas ivrelstes to the report finally adopted) be cone
tinned, the convention 2Ld_jOl11’n€tCljSin8,(l,2:c’\.,llluli,£l»S it was supposed, to meet again when ;

circlumstances should require it.

on TI-IE RESOI.UTION or MR. roor. ~ 

events that have passed away. I must t.l1eret"oréi ref‘resh his recollection-
. a little further on these subjects. The history of’ disunion has been writ~

ten by one whose authority stands too high with the American people to
be questioned; I mean Thomas JefiF'erson., I know not how the gentleman

may receive this authority. Wlien that‘ great and good man occupied ,

the presidential chair, I believe he comtnanded no portion of the gentle-
man’s respect. , i ” t

I hold in my hand a celebrated pamphlet onthe embargo, in which
language is held, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, which my respect for his
memory will prevent me from reading, unless any gentleman should call
for it. But the senator from Massachusetts has since joined in singing
hosannas to his name; he has assisted at his apotheosis, and has fixed
him as “a brilliant star in the clear upper sky.” I hope, therefore, he
is now prepared to receive with deference and respect the high author-
ity of Mr. Je:tl."erson. In the fourth volume of his Memoirs, which has
justpissued from the press, we have the following history of disunion
from the pen of that illustrious statesman: “Mr. Adams called on me

spending the embargo, and ‘while endeavors were tnaking to obtain its
repeal: he spoke of the d1ssat1stact1on of the eastern portion of our com.

federacy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, and their rest-
lessness under it; that there was nothing which might not be attempted
to _rid themselves of it; that he had information of the most unques-
tionable authority, that certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think he
named Massachusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents or’ the
"British government, the object of which was an agreement that the N cit
England States should take no further part in the warq(the commercial
war, the ‘war of restrictions,’ as it was called) then going on, and that,
without formally declaring their separation from the Union, they should
withdraw from all aid and obedience to them, doc. Frorn that molnent,”
says Mr. J ., “ I saw the necessity of abandoning it, [the embargo,] I and,
instead of effecting our purpose by this ipeacef'ul_ measure, we must
light it out or break the Union.” In another letter, ‘Mr. J eiletison adds,
“‘ I doubtiwhetlier a single fact known to the world-will carry as clear
conviction to it of the correctness of our la:;nowleclge~ oi‘ the treasonable
views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the most
nefarious randt daringattempt to dissever the Union, of which the Harti’ord
Convention was a. subsequent oltapter; and both of these having failed,
consolidation becomes the t'ourth chapter of the next book of their his-»
tory; ‘ But this opens with avast accession i of strengtlt,‘ ii-orn their
younger recruits, who, having, nothing in them of the feelings and prin-

ciples of ’7 6, now look to a single and splendid government, &c., riding

and ruling‘ over the plundered ploughman and beggtircdi yeomanryf’

" (vol.?iv. pp. 419,  I i

The last chapter, says Mr. J efferson, of that history, isto be thund 

the conduct of those who are? entleavoring to bring about consolidation;
a.y,,s1r, that g very‘ consolidation for which the gentletnan from Massa-
chusetts <1s contending-i-t-the exercise by the federal government of I pow-

~ ers not delegated in" relation to “ in~ternal improvements ”’ and “ the pro.

tection of manufactures.” And why, sir, does Mr. lJeii"erson consider
.consol1dation asleading ‘directly ~to”:disuniton~? 9 Becauselte knew that the

ienercise, by the federalist government,o.f, —.l}l1€%i powers contended for, would

imakc this “ agovernmentgwitliouit‘limitation of powers,” the submissior
to which he considered in greater Ievili than vdisunion itself. . There vi

'0

30 srnnon on MR. I-IAYNE

one chapter in this history, however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled
up ;‘ and I must therefore supply the deficiency. It is to be found in the
protests made by New England against the acquisition of“ LOl1l55l‘c'TLI1£tg In
relation to that subject, the New England doctrine is thus laid down by
one of’ her learned doctors of that day, now a doctor of laws, at the head
of the great literary institution of’ the east; I mean Josiah Quincy,‘ pres-

.ident of Harvard College. I quote from the speech delivered by that
gentleman on the floor of Congress, on the occasion of the admission of

Louisiana. into the Union.  , t

“ Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a remark he had made, which, to
save all misapprehension, the had committed to writing, in the following
words : If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually
a dissolution of the Union; that it will free the states from their moral
obligation ; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some,
to px;epa.re for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they
mus .. I ‘ ,

Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that all the remarks
I have made on this subject are intended to be exclusively applied to a
party, which I have described as the “ peace I party of New England ”—--
embracing the political associates of the senator f'rorn Massachusetts-~—-— a
party which controlled the operations of that state during the embargo
and the war, and who are justly chargeable with all the measures I have
reprobated. Sir, nothing has been further from my thoughts than to
impeach the character or conduct of the people of New England. For
their steady habits and hardy "virtues I trust I entertain a becoming
respect. I fully subscribe to the truth of the description given before
the revolution, by onewhose , praise is the highest eulogy, “that the per-
severance of Holland, the activity of , France, and the dexterous and firm
sagacity of English enterprise, have been more than equalled by this
recent people.” I-Iardy, enterprising, sagacious, industrious, and nioral,
the people of New England of the present day are worthy of their
ancestors. 0 Still less, Mr. President, has it been my intention to say any
thing that could be construed into a want of respect for that party, who,

‘ trampling on all narrow,,sectional feeling, have. been true to their prin-

ciples in the worst of times; I mean the democracy of New England.

 Sir, Iwill declare that, highly as I appreciate the democracy of the
‘south, I consider even higher praise to be due to the democracy of New
England, who have maintained their principles “through good and
through "evil report,” who, at every period of our national history, have
stood up manfhlly for “their country, their whole country, and nothing
but their country.” In the great political revolution of ’98, they were
found united with the democracy of the south, marching under the ban»
tier of the constitution, led on by the patriarch of liberty, in search of the
land of political promise, which they lived not only to behold, but to pos-
sess and to enjoy. Again, sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period
of the war, when our country stood single-handed against “ the con-

quetrert of the conquerersof' the world,” when all about and around them

was dark and dreary, disastrous and discouraging, they stood a Spartan
band-in that tnarrowpass, Where the honor of their country was to be
defended, or to findits grave... , And _ in the last great struggle, i,i11V01ViI1ga
as weibeliejve,‘,the, V81i'yi6XIlSl3€¢I1tCegoftthet principle of , popular v$0W31‘Gig11tya
where were the democracy. of New England? ; Where. they always have
been f'ound,isir,l,istrugiglin.gl side by side, with theirjbrethyrent of ; thelsouth

I sand.”

on THE RESOLUTIONVOF Mn. room. 31

and the west, for popular rights, and assisting in that glorious triumph, V

by which the man of the people
their gift. I V

Who, then, Mr. President, are t.he true friends of the Union? Those
who would confine the federal government strictly Within the limits pre-
scribed by the constitution; who‘would preserve to the states and the
people all powers not expressly delegated; who would make this a fed-
eral and not a national Union, and who, ad1ninist»ering the government in
a spirit of equal justice, would makexit a blessing, and not a curse. And
who are its enemies ? Those who are in favor of consolidation; who are
constantly stealing power from the states, and adding strength p to the
federal government; who, assuming an unwarrantable jurisdiction over
the states and the pe,op1e,4unde1-take to regulate the whole industry
and capital of the country. But, sir, of all descriptions of men, I con-
sider those as the worst enemies of the Union, who sacrifice the equal
rigl1ts which belong to every rnember of the confederacy to combinations
of interested majorities, for personal or political objects. But the gentle~
man apprehends no evil from the dependence ofthe stateson the federal
governrnent; he can see no clang;e1~ of corruption from the influence of
money or of patronage. Sir, I know that it is supposed to be wise
saying; that “ pat.rona,ge is a source of weakness ; ” and in support of that
1I1.‘1Xl.I11, it has been said, that “ every ten appointrnents make a hundred
enemies.” But I am rather inclined to think, with the eloquent and
sagacious orator now reposing on his laurels on the banks of the Roan-
oke, that “ the power of co11ier1'ing;'.tavo1's creates a crowd of depend-
ants ;” he gene a forcible illustration of the truth of the 1'eniark, when
he told us of‘ the effect _of holding up the savory morsel to the eager eyes
of the hung1*y1:xou1r1<;ls gzttliierccl around his door. It mattered not Whether
the gift was bestowed on Towzer or S‘Weetlips,_“ Tray, Blanch, or Sweet»

was elevated to the highest office in

7 heart;” while held in suspense, they were all governed by a nod, and

vvhen the morsel was bestowecl, the expectation of the favors of to-Inorrow
kept up the subjection of to~-day.. » I ‘ ‘
The senator from Miassachusetts, in dexiotincingiwhat he is pleased to

call the ,Carolina clocti-inc, has attenipted to throw ridicule upon the idea .

that a state has any constituticn.a1 remedy, by the exercise of its sovereign .

authority, against a“ a gross, ipalpable, and deliberate violation of the con-
:tit;t1}11ti<t>n.; , tlfle clallsi it 1“   ” O1‘1d‘":‘:’t 1'i'LdictI:i1louisTnotion,"" or son:1ethinp'
o a e‘ ec ,, ant acrec,  1 won t i mate “It? men a rnererope o
N ow, sir, as the gentleman has not condescended to enter into
any examination j0f;l".l"l(3 question, and has been satisfied with itlirowing
tahe weigliplof htis p.lutlt1cri_tyti11tL<l) the sc-alto, I dp nplt deerfi l'l1.t,:t1(3(3t3S.8El1‘1:’}17'~’l3](:)
o more 12111 c new 1110.. "16 OppOS1€3 scae me an 101‘1 y on W101
South Carolina relies; and there, for the present, I are perfectly Willing
pg ,lr-ilave the COI1:1"_0V(3%‘S¥. The Soutth Caroling). ddcligctrine, th'at_“i:s tof say,
e ocrlne con .a1nec_~ mean exposi ion repor e y a connni eeo e
legislature in . December,»1828, and published by their authority, is the
good old republican doctrine tof1t’98---the doctrine of; the celebrated
9‘ Virginia Resolutioins ” of that year, and of 9‘ Madison’s Report” of "99.
It will be recollected t11at~the.legis1ature~of ,Virginia,~ in~Dece1nber, ’98.
took into consideration the alien and sedition. laws, then conside1‘ed:s_by all
repnublicansasi a gross violation of the constitution of the United , States

i and on that day passed, among others, the follovving resolutions   I

“__The General Assembly. doth er.pli~citly and7peremptorily- declare,fthat

32 1 srnnon: OF-—-VMR. HAYNE

it views the powers of’ the to federal government, as restrzzlting from the
compact to which the states are parties,  limited by the plain sense and
intention of the instrument co11sti't1itin,g~ that compact, as no f'urther valid
than they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that cornpact; and

that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dan,{.3;e1*o1,is exercise of other

powers not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties there-
to have the right, and are in dutybound, to interpose for arresting the
progress of the evil, and for maintaining, Within their respective limits,
the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them.”

In addition to the aboveresolution, the GreneralAsse1nbly of Virginia

- “appealed to the other states, in the confidence that they would concur

with that commonwealth, that the acts atbresaid [the alien and sedition
laws] are unconstitutional,  that the necessary and proper measures
would be taken by each for cooperating with Virgiiiia in maintaining un-
impaired the authorities, rights, and liberties reserved to the states
respectively, or to the people.” 1 y '1 1 1

The legislatures of’ several of the New England States,l1avi1ig, con»
trary to the expectation of the le,g.,rislatt11'e1of Vi11-giziia, expressed their

dissent frorn these <:l.octrines,the subject came up again for consideration -1

during the session of 1799,?1800, when it was rei"erred to a select com-»
noittce, by Whom was made that celebrated report which is familiarly
known as “ l.hiatliso11’s Report,” 1: and which deserves to last as long; as the
ronstitution itself. In that report, which was subsequently adopted by
the legrislatuire, the whole subject was cleliberately 1‘(§t§X2l1I’l1lIl(3.(ll, and the
(§tlT}.jl(‘3C3i1l0Il.‘:3,Ll1‘g(:‘.Cl against the Virginia doctrines car-eiiilly consitloi-ec:l. The
1*r;:sult,w>va.s, that the legislature of Vl1‘g,‘i11ia reaiiirinecl a11t1t.l1e principles
laid down in the resolutions of 1798, and issued to the world that aclmi-~
rable report which l1as.sta1nper;l the character of l\-.’[r.1 l\Iac.lison as the pre-
se1rve1' of that constitution which he hatl contrirbuted so lttngtelyr to create
and establish. I will herequotc from Mr. Matlison’s report one or two
passages which bear more immecliatcly on the point in controversy. “The
resolutions, having taken this View of the fecleral compact, proceed to
infer ‘tlixat in case of a deliberate, palpable, and Cla.I"1gt31‘OtlS ex:e.rcise of
other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties

1 ‘thereto have the rig;l1t,antrl are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting

the progress of the evil, and for ntiaintaining, within their respect.ive
limits, the au~thorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to~tl1en1.’ ”

‘ “It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, ibuncled in coma-
moxt sense, illustrated by coizrnnon practice, and essential to the nature of
(.?C!IllpflClI1S,1tl1Ebl3, where resort cab behad to no tribunal superior to the
authority of’ the parties, the parties11thc1nselves must be the riglitful
,1_iudg‘es' in the last resort, Whether the bargain made has been pursued or

violatecl. Tlie constitution of the United States wasformed by the sanc-

tion of the states,‘ given by each in its sovereign1capacit1y. It adds to the
stability and dignity, aswell as to the authority, of the constitution, that
it rests upon1this legitimate 1and1sol1i1clfoundation. The states, then, lacing
the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereigxi capacity,

it follows 1of;ncceshsity that there can be no tribunal above their authority,:

to decic1e,_in1the11ast”1resort, whether the compact n1a<:le bythem he vio-

lated, and 1_consequen‘tly1 that, as 1 the parties to it, they must-theIn1‘seIv1es 1

rlecide, in thjelast resort,”
to require theirpinterpositionflh‘   - , ,1  1 1 1  1 1
r 9‘ This resolution:r_has , guar1ded1 _against .any misapprehension 1, of its object

1such1qucsti1ons1 as may be of sutiicient1,n1agnitudcl1

on THE RESOLUTION on MR. roor. 33

by expressly ‘requiring for such an interposition ‘the, case of a delib-
erate, palpable, and dangerous breach of the constitution, by the exercise
of powers not granted by it.’ ' It must be a case, not of a light and tran-
sient nature, but of a nature dangerous to the great purposes for which
the constitution was established. ‘ “

“But the resolution has done more than guard against misconstruction,
by expressly referring to cases of a deliberate, palpable, and ‘dangerous
nature. It specifies the object of the interposition, which it contemplates,
to be solely that of arresting the progress of the evil of usurpation, and
of maintaining the authorities, rights, and libertiesappertaining to the
states, as ‘parties to the constitution. . .

“ From this view of theresolution, it would seem inconceivable that it
canincur any just disapprobation from those who, laying aside all too-
mentary impressions, and recollecting the genuine source and object of
the federal constitution, shall candidly and accurately interpret the mean-
ing of the General Assembly. If the deliberate xexercise of dangerous
powers, palpably withlield by the constitution, could not justify the parties
to it in interposing even so far as to arrest the progress of the evil, and
thereby to preserve the constitution itself, as well as to provide for the
safety of the parties to it, there wouldbe an end to all relief from usurped
power, and a direct subversion of the rights specified or riecognized
undergall they state constitutions, as well as a plain denial of the funda-
mental principles on which our independence itself was declared.” i i

But, sir, our aut.l:iorities do not stop here. The state of iKentucky
responded to Virginia, and on the 10th of November, 1798, adopted those
celebrated resolutions, well known to have been penned by the author of
the Declaration of American Independence. « In those resolutions, the
legislature of Kentucky declare, “that the government? created by this
compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the
powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, and
not the constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other
cases of compact among parties lzaving no common judge, each party has
an equalright to judge, for ‘itself, has well of i infractions as of the mode
and measure of redress.” ‘ , * 2 . h it

At the ensuing session of the legislature, the subject was reexamined,
and on the 14th‘ of November, 1799, the resolutions of the preceding
year were deliberately reaffirmed, and it 'was, among other things, sol»
emnly declared, —-—- i i

4‘ That, if those who administer the general government be permitted i

to transgress the ‘limits fixed by that compact, by a total disregard to the

, special delegations of power therein contained, an annihilation of the

state governments, and the erection upon their ruins of a general consoli-
dated government, will. cbethe inevitable] consequence. That theprinci-
ples of construction contended for by sundry of the state «legislatures,

i that the general. government is the exclusive judgeof thejexztent of the

powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotismylsince the rdiscrew
tion of those who administer the government, and not the constitution,

would be the tmeasure of their powers. That the (several states who V

formed that in rument, being sovereign and independent, have the : ufn
questionable ri‘ it to judge of its i infraction“, and that a nu1lification,.by'
those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts doney under» color of that jzirv

strument, is the rightful~remerdy.’1’ip u   p r J i ,  i l , t .
,'I‘imc and experience confirmed  JefFerson’is opinion on this all.

34 srnnon: on MR.‘ rmvrvn

important point. In the year 1821, he expressed himself in this emphatic
tnanner: “ It is a fatal heresy to suppose that. either our state govern-
ments are superior to the federal. or the federal to the state; neither is
authorized literally to decide which belongs to itself or its copartner in
,-governlnent; in differences of opinion, between their different sets of
public servants, the appeal is to neither, but to their employers peaceably
assembled by their representatives in convention.” The opinion of Mr.
Jefi'erson on this subject has been so repeatedly and so solemnly ex-
pressed, that they may be said to have been among the most fixed and
settled convictions of his mind. i

In the protest prepared by him for the legislature of Virginia, in De-
cember, 18:25, in respect to the powers exercised by the federal govern»-
ment in relation to the tariff and internal improvements, which he
declares to be “usurpations of the powers retained by the states, mere
interpolations into the compact, and direct infractions of it,” he solemnly
reasserts all the principles of the Virginia Resolutions of ’98, protests
against “these acts of the federal branchof the government as null and
void, and declares that, although Virginia would consider a dissolution of’
the Union as among the greatest calamities that could befall them, yet it
 not the greatest. There is one yet greater —- submission to a govern»
ment of unlimited powers. It is only when the hope of this shall become
absolutely desperate, that further forbearance could not be indulged.”

In his letter to Mr. Giles, written about the same time, he says,;-——~~ .

‘* I see as you do, and with the deepest afliiction, the rapid strides with

' which the federal branch of our government is advancing towards the

usurpation of all the rights reserved to the states, and the consolidation
in itself of all powers, foreign and domestic, andthat too by constructions
which leave no limits tothoir powers, <3-co. Under the power to regulate
commerce, they assume, indefinitely, tliat also over agriculture and manu-
t'actures, 850.. Under the authority‘ to establish post roads, they claim
tliat of‘ cutting down mountains for the construction of roads, and digging
canals, 82:0. And what is our resource for the preservation of the con-—
stitution? Reason and argument? "t You might as well reason and argue
with the marble columns encircling them, doc. Are we then to stand to
our arms with the hot-headed Georgian ? No ; [and I say no, and South
"laroliua has said no ;_'j that must be the last resource. i We must have
patience- and long endurance with our brethren, &:c., and separate from
our companions only when the sole alternatives left are a dissolution of
our Union Withithem, or submission to a government Without limitation
of powers. Between these two evils, when we must make a choice, there
can} be no hesitation.” ‘

Such, sir, arezthe high and imposing authorities in support‘ of “the
Carolinia doctrine,” which is, in fact, the doctrine of the Virginia Resolu-
tions of V1798.  t _

Sir, at that day the whole country was divided on this very question.
It formed. the line of denrarcation between the federal and republican
parties; and the great political revolution which then took place turned
upon the very questions involved in these resolutions. That question was
decided by the people, and by that decision the constitt. ion was, in the
emphatic language or Mr.» Jefferson,‘ “saved at its last gasp.” I should

suppose, "sir, it would require more self-respect than any gentleman here

would be willing to, assume, to treat lightlyrldlolctrinies derived“ from such
high rlesources.7..‘..i'Resting ton‘ authority :like* this, Iwill ask gentlemen

on 'r1—n«:. I:ESOLU'1‘ION or MR. FOO’I‘. 35

whether South Clarolina has not manitlested a liigh 1'e:g2ix'cl tin" the Union,
when, under a tyranny ten times more grievous than the alien and sedi-
tion laws, she has hitherto gone no furtlier than to petition, remonstrate,
and to solemnly protest agaiiist a series of measures which she believes
to be wholly unconstitutional and utterlydestructive of her interests.
Sir, South Carolina has not gone one step fhrther than Mr. Jeti‘erson
liimself was disposed to go, in relation to the ‘present subject of our
present complaints---not a step further than the statesmen from New
England were disposed to go, under similar circumstances; no further
than the senator from Massachusetts himself once considered as within
‘F the limits of a constitutional opposition.” The doctrine that it is the
right of a state to judge of the violations of the constitution on the part
of the federal government, and to protect her citizens from theoperations
ofmiiicoiistitutioiial laws, was held by the enlightened citizens of Boston,
who assembled in Faneuil Hall, on the 25th ct‘ January, 1809. They
state, in that celebrated memorial, that “ they looked only to the state
legislature, who were competent to devise relief against the unconstitu
tional acts of the general government. That your power (say they) is
adequate to that object, is evident from the or,g;a.i1izatio11 of the confed-
cracy.” T

A distinguished senator from one of the New England States, (Mr._

Hillhouse,) in a speech delivered here, on a bill for enfisrcing the embaI'g0,
declared, “I feel myself bound in conscience to declare, (lest the blood
of those who shall fall in the execution of this nieasure shall be on my
head,) that I consider this to be an act which directs a mortal blow at
the liberties of my country— an act containing unconstitutional provis-
ions, to which the people are not bound to submit, and to wliich, in my
opinion, they will not submit.” a

And the senator from Massachusetts himself’, in a speech deliverecl on
the same subject in the other house, said, “ This opposition constitu-—
tional and leggal; it is also conscientious. It rests on settled and sober
conviction, that such policy is destructive to the interests of the people,
andvdangerous to the being of government. The €3}£p<31‘ll(31'1C€3 ct’ every

t day contirms these sentiments. * Men who act from such motives are not

to be discouraged by trifling obstacles, nor awed by any dangers. They
know the limit of" constitutional opposition; up to that limit, at their own
discretion, they will wallet, and walls fearlessly.” How ** the lieiug; of the
,sg;ove1*n1nent” was to be exidangered by “ constitutional opposition” to the
embargo, I leave to the gentleman to explain.

Thus it will be seen, Mr. President, that the South Carolina doctrine
is the republican doctrine of ’98 —-l-~ that it was promulgated by the Fatliers‘

of the faitli--that it was maintained by Virginia and Kentucky in the ‘
worst of times ---- that it nonstituted the very pivot on which the political ~~

revolution of that day turned———-«that it embraces the very principles, the
triumph of which, at that time,,saved the constitution at its last gasp,

and which New England statesmen were not unwi liiig to adopt, when they

believed themselves to be the victims of unconstitutional legislzitioii. Sir,
as to the doctrine that the federal government is the exclusive judge of
the extent as well as the ilimitations of its powers, it seems to me to be
utterly subversiveof‘ the sovereignty and independence of the states. It
makes but little diflerence, in my estimation, whether Congress or the
Supreme Court are invested with this power. It‘ the federal governxnent,

T in all, or any, of its departments, is to prescribe the limits of its own‘

"is

36 i T eraser»: on MR. H.s'.YNn.

authority, and the states are bound to submit to the decision, and are not to
be allowed to examine and decide for themselves, when the barriers of
the constitution shall be overleaped, this is practically “ a government
without limitation of powers.” The states are at once reduced to mere
petty corporations, and the people are entirely at your mercy. I have but
one word more to add. In all the efforts that have been made by South
Carolina to resist the unconstitutional laws which Congress has extended

‘over them, she has kept steadily in view the preservation of the Union,

by the only means by which she believes it can be long preserved ---a
firm, manly, and steady resistance against usurpation. The measures of
the federal government have, it is true, prostrated her interests, and will
soon involve the whole south. in irretrievable ruin. But even this evil,
great as it is, is not the chief ground of our complaints. It is the principle
involved in the contest—-- a principle which, substituting the discretionmf
Congress for the limitations of the constitution, brings the states and the
people to the feet of the federal government, and leaves them nothing they
can call their own. Sir, if the measures of the federal government were
less oppressive, We should still strive against this usurpation. The south
is acting on a principle she has always held sacred -—-—-resistance to un-
authorized taxation. These, sir, age the principles which induced the

' immortal I-Iampden to resist the payment of a tax of twenty shillings.

Would twenty shillings have ruined his fortune? No ! but the payment
of half twenty shillings, on the principle on which it was demanded, would
have made him a slave. Sir, if acting on these high motives --———-r if animated
hy that ardent love of liberty which has always been the most prominent
trait in the southern character»-—-—— we should be hurried beyond the
bounds of a cold and calculating prudence, who is there, with one noble
and generous sentiment in his bosom, thatwould not be disposed, in the
language of Burke, to eiiolaiin, “ You must pardon something to the spirit

of liberty”?

Ms. WEBSTER’S SPEECH.  

 

‘In Senate, January 26, 1830.

FOLLOWING Mr. I-Iarnn in the debate, Mr. WEBSTER addressed
the Senate as follows :-—-- '

Mr. PRESIDENT: When the mariner has been tossed, for many days,
in thick weather, and on an unknown See, he naturally avails hirnself of the
first pause in the storm, the earliest glance of the sun, to take hislatitude,
and ascertain how far the elements have driven him from his true course.
Let us imitate this prudence, and before we float farther, refer to the point
froth which we departed, that we may at least be able to conjecture where
we now are. I ask for the reading of the resolution. T l n t

[The secretary read theresolution, as follows :---  p 1

“Resolved, That the committee on public lands be instructed to inquire
and report the quantity of the public lands remaining unsold within each

, state and territory, and whether it be expedient to limit, for a certain

period, the sales of the public lands to such lands only as have hereto-
fore been offered for sale, and are now subjectto entryat the minirnum
price. And, also, whether the otlice of surveyor general, and some of the
land offices, may not be abolished without detriment to the public interest;
or whether it be expedient to adopt lmeasures to hasten the sales, and

extend more rapidly the surveys of the public lands.”] 7 '
VVe have thus heard, sir, what the resolution ilS,.Wl'1iCl1 is actually be-—
fore us for consideration; and it will readily occur to every one that it is
almost the only subject about which something has not been saidsin the
speech, running through two days, by which the Senate has been new
entertained by the gentlemen from _South Carolina, T Every topic in the
wide range of our public affairs, whether past or present, —-—— every things,
general or local, Whether belonging to national politics or party po1itics,———~

 seems to have attractedlmore or less of the honorable member’s attention,

save only the resolution ,before us. i He has spoken of every tliingiibut the
public lands. They have escaped his notice. To that subject, in all his
excursions, he has not paicleven the cold respectof a passing ‘glance.

‘When this debate, sir, was to be resumed, on,Tl1urs[day morning, it so i
T happened thatit would have been convenient for “me to be elsewhere.

The honorable member, however, did not incline to put off the discussion

~ to another day. He‘ had a shot,,"l1e said, to return, and he wished to dis-'

charge it. That shot, sir, whichit was kind ythilusi to tinformlus wascom-

ing, that we might stand out of the way, or prepare ourselves to fall bee ,

fore it,and die with decency, hasrnow been received. Under all advan4
tages, and with expectation awakened bythfet ltoneiwhich preceded it, it
has been discharged, and , has spent its force.‘ ‘It may become, me to say
no more of its effect than that, if nobody is 7found, after all, either killed

" or wounded by it, it is not the first time in the history of human aiihirs it

(37)  

38 SPEECH on MR. WEBSTER

that the vigor and success of the war have not quite come up to the lofty
and sounding phrase of the manifesto.

The gentleman, sir, in declining to postpone the debate, told the Senate,
with the emphasis of his hand upon his heart, that there was son1et.l1ing~
‘rafllilllflg here, which he wished to relieve. [Mr. IIAYNE rose and dis»
claimed having used the word ran/cl-27ng.] It would not, Mr. President,
be safe for the honorable member to appeal to those around him, upon the
question whether he did, in fact, make use of that word. But he may
have been unconscious of it. At any rate, it is enough that he disclaims
it. But still, with or without the use of that particular word, he had yet
sometliing /acre, he said, of which he wished to rid himself by an imme-
diate reply. In this respect, sir, I have a great advantage over the lion-
orable gentleman. There is nothing here, sir, which gives me the slight-
est uneasiness ;‘ neither fear, nor anger, nor that which is sometimes more
troublesome than either, the consciousness of having been in the w1*ong.
There is nothing either originating /here, or now received here by the
gentlen1an’s shot. I Nothing original, for I had not the slightest feeling of
disrespect or unkindness towards the honorable member. Some passages,
it is true, had occurred, since our acquaintance in this body, which I could
have wished might have been otherwise; but I had used philosophy, and
fo1*gott.en them. Wlien the honorable member rose, in his fili1'E'»l3 speech, I
paid him the respect of attentive listening; and when he sat down, tl‘1oL.z;.;'l‘1
surprised, and I must say even astonished, at some of his opinions, 1iot.ll1in;g;
was farther from my intention than to commence any personal war-fare;
and through the whole of the few remarks I made in answer, I titV’l0i(,l(2<fl,
studiously and carefully, every thing which I thought possible to be

construed into disrespect. And, sir, while there is thus notliixng origi»

nating here, which I wished at any time, or now wish, to discliarg'e, I
must repeat, also, that nothing has been received here, which r'cm7:le.s‘, or
in any way gives me annoyance. I will not accuse the honorable Inernber
of"violating the rules of civilized war——-I will not say that he poisoned
his arrows. But whether his shafts were, or were not, dipped in that
which would have caused rankling if they had reached, there was not, as
it lrappened, quite strength enough in the bow to bring, them to their
n'iarle:. r If he wishes now to find those shafts, he must look for thorn else-
where; they will not be found fixed and quivering in the object at wlrxich
they were aimed. I r t

The honorable member complained that I had slept on his speech. I
must have slept on it, or not slept at all. The moment the honorable
member sat down, his friend from Missouri rose, and, with much. honeyed
commendation of the speech, suggested that the impressions which it had
produced were too charming and delightful to be disturbed by other senti-
ments or other sounds, and proposed that the Senate should adjourn.
Vlfoulcl, it have been quite amiable in me, sir, to interrupt this excellent
good feeling ? Must I not have been absolutely malicious, if I could have

thrust myself forward to destroy sensations thus pleasing? Was it not a

much better and kinder, both to sleep upon them myself, and to allow
others, also, the pleasure of sleeping upon them? But if it be meant, by
sleeping upon his speech, that I took time to prepare a reply to it, it is
quite a mistake: owing; to other engagements, I could not employ even
the interval between the adjournment of the Senate and its rlieeting; the
next morningrin attention to the subject of this debate. lNevertheless,
sir, the mere matter of ‘fact is undoubtedly true----I did sleep on the

on rt-In RESOLUTION for” MR. “softer; 39

gentleman’s speech, and slept soundly. And I slept equally well on his
speech of yesterday, to which I am now replying. It is quite possible
that, in this respect also, I possess some advantage over the honorable
member, attributable, doubtless, to a cooler temperament on my part; for
in truth I slept upon his speeches remarkably well. But the gentleman
inquires why he was made the object of such a reply. Why was he
singled out? If an attack had been made on the east, he, he assures us,
did not begin it —--it was the gentleman from Missouri. Sir, I answered
the gentlen1an’s speech because Ihappened to hear it; and because, also,
I chose to give an answer to that speech, which, if unanswered, I thought
most likely to produce injurious impressions. I did not stop to inquire
who was the "original drawer of the bill. I found a responsible indorser
before me, and it was my purpose to hold him liable, and to bring him to
his just responsibility without delay. But, sir, this interrogatory of the
honorable member was only introductory to another. He proceeded to
ask me whether I had turned upon him in this debate from the con-
sciousness that I should find an overmatch if I ventured on a contest
with his friend from Missouri. If, sir, the honorable member, ea; _qratt'r.t
moclestice, had chosen thus to defer to his friend, and to pay him a con1pli-
ment, without intentional disparagernent to others, it would have been
quite according to the friendly courtcsies of debate, and not atall ur1g1~ate~
ful to my own feelings. I am not one of those, sir, whoestcem any
tribute ofregarcl, whether light and occasional, or more serious and delib-
erate, which may be bestowed on others, as so much unjustly withholden
from themselves. But the tone and manneriof the gentlen1an’s question
forbid me thus to interpret it. I am not at liberty to consider it as noth-
ing more than a civility to his friend. It had an air of taunt and dis-
paragernent, a little of the loftiness of assorted superiority, which does
not allow me to pass it over without notice." It was put as a question for

me to answer, and so put as if it were difficult for me to answer, whether I I

deemed the member from Missouri an overmatch for myself in debate
here. It seems to me, sir, that is extraordinary lairguetge, and anextraor-.~

dinary tone for the discussions of this body.

, Matches and overmatchesl Those terms are more applicable else-
where than here, and fitter for other assemblies than this. Sir, the gen»
tleman seems to ibigget where and what we are. This is a Senate; is.
senate off equals ;, of men of individual honor «I and personal character,
and of absolute independence. Wellcnow no masters; we acknowledge
no dictators. This is a hall for mutual consultation and discussion, not
an arena for the exhibition of champions. I offer myself, sir, as a match
forno man; I throw tliechallenge of debate at no 1nan’s feet. But,‘then,

I sir, since the honorable member has put the question in a maniier that

calls for an answer, I will give“ him an answer; and I tell him that,
holding myself to be it the humblest of the members here, I yet know

,nothing in the arm of his iiriend from Missouri, either alone or when

aided by the arm of his friend from South Carolina, that need deter even
me from espousing whatever opinions I may choosetto -espouse, from
debating whenever I may choose to debate, or from speaking whatever I
may see fit to say on the floor of the Senate. I Sir, when uttered as mat-
ter of commendation or compliment, Ishould dissentfrom nothingywhich
the honorable mernbermiight sayof his friend, Still less do Input forth

any pretensions of my own. , But when put to tII1e;?aS matter of taunt, I I

throw it back, and say to the gentleman that he could possibly say

40 srnncn or Ms. Wnesrnn.

nothingless likely than such a comparison to wound my pride of personal
character. The anger of its tone rescued the remar: from intentional
irony, which, otherwise, probably, would have been its general accepta-
tion. But, sir, if it be imagined that by this mutual quotation and com-—
mendation; if it be supposed that, by casting the characters of the
drama, assigning to each his part, ----to one the attack, to another the cry
of onset, —-——- or if it be thought that by a loud and empty vaunt of antici-
pated victory any laurels are to be won here; if it be imagined, especially,
that any or all these things will shake any purpose of mine, I can tell the
honorable member, once forall, that he is greatly mistaken, and that he
is dealing with one of whose temper and icharacter he has yet much to
learn. Sir, I shall not allow myself, on this occasion,—---I hope on no

occasion,-——— to be betrayed into any loss of temper ; but if provoked, as I

trust I never shall allow myself to be, into crimination and recrimination,
the honorable member may, perhaps, find that in that contest there will
be blows to take as well as blows to give ; that others can state compari-
sons as significant, at least, as his own ; and that his impunity may, per»
haps, demand of him whatever powers of'ttaunt and sarcasm he may
possess. I commend him to a prudent husbandry of‘ his resources.

But, sir, the coalition I The coalition I Ay, “ the murdered coalition” I
The geiitlexnan asks if I were led or frigltitecl into this debate by the
spectre of the coalition. ---— “ VVas it the ghost of the murdered coalition,”
he exclaims, ‘_‘ which haunted the member from Massachusetts, and which,
like the ghost of Banquo, would never down?” “ 1Th.e murdered coali-
tion I ” Sir, this change of a coalition, in reference to the late administra—
tion, is not original with the honorable member. It did not spring up in

the Senate. ‘Whether as a fact, as an argument, or as an embellishment, ,

it is all borrowed‘. He adopts it, indeed, "Front a very low origin, and a
still lower present condition. . It is one of the thousand calumnies with
which the press teemedt during an excited political canvass. It was a
charge of’ which there: was not only no proof or probability, but which
was, in itself", wholly impossible to‘ be true. No man of common infor-
mation ever believed a syllable of it. Yet it was of that class of false-
hoods which, by continued repetition through all the organs of detraction
and abuse, are capable of misleading those who are already far misled,
and of further fanning. passion already kindling into flame. Doubtless
it served its day,.and, in a greater or less degree,“ the end desigiicci by it.
Having done that, it has sunk into the general mass of stale and loathed
calumnies. It is the very cast-—oflF' slougli of a polluted and shameless
press. Incapable of further mischief, it lies in the sewer, lifeless and
despised. It is not now, sir, in the power-of the honorable member to
give it dignity or decency, by attempting to elevate it, andto introduce it

I I into. the Senate. He cannot change it from what it is ---- an object of gen-
eral: disgust and.scorni (:)n"r'the=contrary, the contact, if liejchoose to

touch "it, is more likely to drag him “down, down, to the place’ where it
-lies ..itse1f..i...il. _ I . i I p . 
.B.ut,l‘%si1*,»the«honorable member was not, for other reasons, entirely

lhappyin‘ his allusion to the story of‘ l3anqno’s. tmurder and Banqno’s t in
ghost.  Itwas-11ot,;;I..=ttl1ink,ithe friends, but the enemies of the murdered
Banquo, ‘atrshoste.‘{..biddinlg his.s1pirit.~twould not down. The honorable.

gentlemanf’is.t~iireshllin hisylreiading of the Engltish classics, and can pntme
riglit if Iaamixwronpgg tbut»,=accordi:ng. to my poor recollection, it was at

those who had begun with caresses, andended with foul and ttreacherous‘

ON THE RESOLU'l‘I'ON or 1un.iroor. 41

A murder, that the gory locks were shalrlen. The ghost of Banquo, like

that of’ Hamlet, was an honest ghost. It disturbed no innocent man. It
knew Where its appearance would strike terror, and who would cry out, A
ghost! It made itself visible in the right quarter, and compellecl the
guilty, and the conscience-smitte_n, and none others,.to start, with

“Prithee, seeithcrel behold ! ——--—look! 10!.
If I stand here, I saw him ! ?’ I

T/ietr eyeballs were seared-—-Was  not so, sir P -~—- who had thought to
shield themselves by concealing their own hand, and laying the imputa-

I tion of the crime on a low and hireling agency in wickedness; who had

vainly attempted to stifle the W01-kixigs of their own coward consciences,
by ejaculating, through white lips and chattering teeth, “Thou canst not

say I did it I ” I have misread the great poet, if it was those who had

no Way partaken in the deed of the death, who either found that they
were, or flared t/tat t/icy siaozald Z23, pushed ii'om their stools by the ghost
of the slain, or who cried out to a spectre created by their own fears,
and their own remorse, “Avauntl and quit our sight I ”

There is another particular, sir, in which the honorable ,me1nber’s
quick. perception of resemblances niiglit, I should think, have seen some-
tliing: in the story of Banquo, n1akin,g; it not altogether a subject of the
most pleasant contemplation. Those who murdered Banquo, what did
they win by it? Substantial good? Permanent power ? , Or disap-
pointrnent, rather, and sore mortiiication —-—- dust and ashes --— the common
fate of W.-‘tt1ltir:1g' ambition overleaping itself? Did not even-lianded jus-
tice, ere loxig, comrnend the poisoned chalice to their own lips? Did they
not soon find that for another they had “ filed their mind ”? --—- that their
nnibition, though apparently for the moment successful, had‘ but put a
b-.n*ren sceptre in their grasp? ,A.y, sir,»---— I .

“ A barren sccptre-in their gripe, ,

Thence to be zcrenclzcd In an mzlineal fiend,

I I No son of tlzeirs succcea‘/£729.” -

Sir, I need pursue the allusion no further. I leavethe honorable gen-
tleman to run it out at his leisure, and to derive from it all the gratifica--

tion it is calculated to administer. If he finds himself pleased with the

associations, and prepared to be quite satisfied, tliough the parallel should
be ‘entirely completed, I l1a’<;l almost said I am satisfied aIsoi-—--but that I
shall think of‘. Yes; sir, I will think of that. I I _, I.

y In the course of my observations the other day, Mr. President, I paid
a .passing tribute of respect to a very worthy man, Mr. Dane, tot’-Massa-

icliusetts. It so happened, that he drew the ordinance of 1787 for the

g()"\-'G1f11lTI1e1’ll3 of the North-Western Territory. A man of so muchability,
and so little pretence; of; so. greata capacity to do good, and so unmixed

a disposition to do it for itsown sake ; a gentleman who acted an important I

part, forty years ago, in a measure the influence of Iwhichis still deeply
felt in the veryjmatter which was the subject of debate’, might, I thouglit,,
receive from me a commendatory recognition. “ I j \ I

But the honorable member was inclined: to be facetious on the subject.
He was rather disposed to make it matter of ridicule that I had, intro-

duced into the debate the name of Ion:e'Nathan Dane, of whom he assures
1 us he had never before lieard. Sir, if I the honorable member hadl never
before heard of Mr. Dane,‘ I am sorry for it. It shows him less acquainted.

_ as Mr. Dane has accomplished.

fere with them in their own exclusive and peculiar concerns.

4:33 srnnorx or MR. ‘WICBSTER
\E’li.l'1i.l'lG])L1bllb men of the country than I had supposed. Let me tell
him, however, that a sneer from him at the mention of’ the name of Mr.
Dane is in bad taste. It may Well be a higli mark of ambition, sir,
either with the honorable gentleman or myself’, to accomplish as much to
make our names known to aclvantage, and renoernbered with g1'ati.tiurle,
But the truth is, sir, I suspect that Mr.
Dane lives a little too far north. ‘He is of Massachusetts, and too near
the north star to be reached by the honorable gentleman’s telescope. -If
his’ sphere had happened to raiige south of Mason and Diiron’s line, he
niiglit, probably, have come within the scope of his vision! .

..

I spoke, sir, of’ the ordinance of 17' 87, which prohibited slavery in all

Future times north-—west of the Ohio, as a measure of great wisdom and
tbresight, and one which had been attended with highly beneficial and
permanent consequences. I supposed that on this point no two gentle-
men in the Senate could entertain diti'erent opinions. But the simple
expression of’ this sentiment has led the gentleman, not only into a labored
defence of slavery in the abstract, and on principle, but also into a warm
accusation against me, as having attacl<.ed the system of domestic slavery
now existing in the Southern  For all this tlxiere was not the
sliglitest fbundation in any t.l1ing said or intiinated by me. I didynot
utter a SlIi1,g‘l(-}VVO1‘Cl which any irigetiuity could torture into an a.t.taeki on
the slavery of the south. I said only that it was liiglily wise and useful
in l.egislating for the nortlii-western country, While itwas yet a wilc;lcr1iess,
to prohibit the introduction of slaves; and added, that I prcs1.:uncd, in the
neighboring state of Kentucky, there was no reflectingz; and lI'1t@:lllfg‘€3Ill3
grentlexnan who would doubt that, if’ the same prohibition had been
e:«;t.encled,- at the same early period, over that commonwealth, her :‘:llt1.‘fr3”l1£‘.‘i‘.l1

amtl population would, at this day, have been far greater than they are.

If" these opinions be tl'lOl;1,.Q_,‘l”ll: cloubtfiil, they are, nevertheless, I trust,
neither exztraordinary nor disrespectful. They attack nobody and Inenace
nobody. And yet, sir, the gentleman’s optics have discovered, even in
the more expression of this. sentiment, what he calls the very spirit of
the Missouri question! He represents me as nialiingg; an onset on the

vwliole south, and manifestiing a. spiritwliicliwould interlicre with and dis--

turb their domestic condition. Sir, this injustice no ot.lie-rwise surprises
me than as it is done here, and done without the Sllgliltflfit]f)I‘(3.lLf3l'1C!(‘3, of

,<_7::round for it. I say it only surprises me as being done here; for I know ..

lhll well that it is and has been the settled policy of some persons in the
south, for years, to represent the people of the north as disposed to inter-—

delicate and sensitive point in southern feeling; and of late years it has
always been touched, and generally with efiect, whenever the object has
been to unite the whole south against northern men or northern measures.
This feeling, always carefully kept alive, and maintained at too intense a
heat to admit discrimination or reflection, is a. lover of great power in
our political machine. It moves vast bodies, and gives to them one and
the sameLdi1'ection. But the Feeling is Without adequate cause, and the
suspicion whicli exists wholly groundless. 'I‘here is not, and never has
been, a disposition in theinorth to interfere with these interests of the

..south.| Such interference has never been supposed to be within the

power of’, government, <nor;=ltias7 itkbech in anyway attempted. It has

always beiencregarded as a inatteir of domesticpolicy, left with the states-

themselves, and with whieli the federal government h.adi‘i‘1iotl1i11g to do.

'I‘l:1;is- is a_,

Run

on 'riI-its nEsoLurIoN or inn. iro'or.’w 43

I Certainly, sir, I am, and ever. have been, of that opinion. The gentle--

man, indeed, a1'gx.1es that slavery in the abstract is no evil. Most assur-
edly I need not say I diti‘er with him altogether and most Widely on that
point. I regard domestic slavery as one of the greatest of evils, both
moral and political. But, though it be a malady, and whether it be curt -
ble, and if so. by what means; or, on the other hand, whether it be the
’Z7uZ')?/its t7mn2.edicab2IZe of the social system, I leave it to those Whose right
and duty it iseto inquire and to decide. And this I believe, sir, is, and
uniformly has been, the sentiment of the north. Let uslook a little at
the history of this matter. I . l ' I

When the present constitution was submitted for the ratification of the
people, there were those who iniagined that the powers of the govern-
ment which it proposed t.o establish might, perhaps, in some possible
mode, be ezxterted in measures tending to the abolition of slavery. This
stiggestioii Would, of course, attract much attention in the southern con-
ventions. In tliatof‘ Virgriziia, Governor Randolph said, ---~- I

“I hope there is none here, Who, considering the subject in the calm
liglit of philosophy, will make an objection dishonorable to Virg;inia—--
that, at the moment they are secui~inp; t.he 1*ig._v,*l1ts of their citizens, an ob-I

jection is started, that there is a spark of hope that those un‘f‘ortunate~

men now held in boiidage inay, by the operation of the general govern»-
ment,:be made free.” h

At the very first Coiigmess petitions on the subjectwere presented, it‘ I
niistake not, from dit’Ferent states. The Pennsylvania Society for promot-
ing: the .A.bolition of Slavery took a. lead, and laid before tnCong;ress a mo-
morial, praying Congress to promote the abolition by such powers as it
possessccil. Tliis memorial was ret"e.rred, in the House of R6.?pI'€’3S€tI1t€;ttllVt!!R,
to a select cornrnittee, consisting of Mr. Foster, of New I‘”IEt1;"I‘lpSl1l1‘(E3,_3I1‘.
Gerry, of Mass.ael'1usett's, l\Ir. l";Iu1‘1tingto1i, of’ Connecticut, Mr. Lawrence,
of New Yorlc, Mr. Si11niclts<:»1i, of N ew Jersey, Mr. I"-Iartley, of Pennsyl-
vania, and Mr. I’a.rlter, of’ Vll‘,Q,‘l1llt ; all of them, sir, as you will observe,
northern ‘men, but the last. Tliis committee made a report, which was
conrnnitted to a committee of" the whole house, and there considered“ and
discussed on several days; and being amended, altliiough in no material
respect, it was made to ex.p1'ess three distinct propositions on the subjects
of slavery and the slave trade. First, in _the words of the constitution,
that Congress could not, prior to theyear 1808, prohibit the migration or
importation “of such persons as any of the states then existing should
thiiilg, proper to admit. Second, that Congress had authority to restrain

the citizens of the United States from carrying on the African slave

trade for the purpose of supplying l"oreign countries. Onthis proposi-
tion, our early laws against those who engage in that tratiic are founded.
The third proposition, and that which bears on the present question, was
expressed in the-following terms :~---——-- 4

“Resolved, That Congress have no authority to interfere in the eman--V

cipation of slaves, or in the treatment of I them ; in any of the states; it

remaining with i- the several states alone to provide‘ rules and regulations ,

therein, which humanity and true policy may require.”

This resolution received the sanction of. the House of Representiatives
so early as March, 17' 90. And, now, sir, the honorable member will
allow me to remind him, that not only were theselect committee who
reported the resolution, with a single exception, all northern men, but also

‘I

44 I SPEECH or MR. Witnsrnn

that of t.he members then composing the House of Representatives, at large
majority, I believe nearly two thirds, were northern men also.

The house zagreecl to insertthese resolutions in its journal; and, from
that day to this, it has never been maintained or contended that Congress
had auy~authority to regulate or interferewith the condition of slaves in
the several states. No northern gentleman, to my knowledge, has moved

any such question in either house of Congress.

The fears of the south, Whatever fears they might have entertained,
were allayed and quieted by this early decision; and so r'ernain.ed, till
they were excited afresh, without cause, but for collateral and indirect
purposes. When it became necessary, or was thought so, by some politi-
cal persons, to find an unvarying ground for the exclusion of northern
men from confidence and from lead in the afl’airs of the republic, then,
and not till then, the cry was raised, and the feeling industriously excitccl,
that the influence of northern men in the public councils would endaiigcsr
the relation of master and slave. For myself, I claim no other inerit,
than that this gross and enormous injustice towards the whole north lies
not wrought upon me to change my opinions, or my political conduct. I
hope I am -above violating my principles, even under the smart of injury
and t‘alsei1nput-ations. Unjust suspicious and undeserved reproach, what-
ever pain I may experience from them, will not induce me, I trust, nevcr—~
theless, to overstep the limits of constitutional duty, or to cnc-ro:.itcl.1 on the
rights of others. The [domestic slavery of the south I leave. where I
find it-——in the hands of their owtt governments. A It is their €tll'll..l1', not
mine. Nor doI complain ct‘ the peculiar etieiot which the niagnitticle of
that population has had in the distribution of power under this iederztl
government. We know, sir, that the represelitationiof the states in the
other house is not equal. We know that great advantage, in that respect.
is enjoyed by the slaveholding states; and we know, too, that the intended
equivalent for that,advantage----tliat is to say, the imposition ot‘direct
taxes in the same ratio-«has become merely nominal; the habit of‘ the

VI government being almost invariably to collect its revenues from other

sources, and in other modes. Nevertheless, I do not complain; nor
would I countenance any movement to alter this arrangement of repre-
sentation. p It is the original bargain, the cou1pact———let it stand; let the
advantage of it be fully enjoyed. The Union itself is too t'ull,oi’ benefit

-to be hazarded in propositions for changing its original basis. I go for

the constitution as it is, and for the Union as it is. But I am. resolved
not to submit, in silence, to accusations, either againstmyself individu--

ally, or against the north, wholly unfounded and unjust---«accusations»

which impute to us a disposition to evade the constitutional compact, and
to extend the power of the government over the internal laws and do»-
mestic condition of the states. All such accusations, Wlierever and when»

,ever made, all insinuations of the existence of any such purposes, I

know and feel to be groundless and injurious. And we must confide in
southern gentlemen themselves; We must trust to those whose integrity
of heart and magnanimity of feeling will lead them to edesire to 1nain——

tain and disseminate truth, and wliopossess the means of its ditihsion “

with the southern public; we must leave it to them to disabuse that pub-
lic of’ its tprejtidices. But, in the. mean time, formy own part, I. sliall
continue to act justly, whether those. towards ‘Whom justice is ,en.;e1"cised
receive it with, candor orwith contumely. ~ I I

Having had occasion to recur to. the ordinanceof 1787, in order to

ON THE nnsotorron or Ms. F001‘. 45

defend inyself against the inferences which the honorable member has
chosen to draw from my former observations on that subject, I am not
willing now entirely to take leave of it without another remark. It need
hardly be said, that that paper expresses just sentiments on tl1e,,g1'cat
subject of civil and religious liberty. Such sentiments were common‘,
and abound in all our state papers of that day. But this ordinance did
that which was not so common, and which is not, even now, universal;
that is, it set forth and declared, (6306 high and btndiazg duty; of gooemznzeat
asst)‘; to encourage schools and advance the means of education; on the
plain reason that religion, morality, and knowledge are necessary to good
government, and to the happiness of mankind. One observation further.
The important provision incorporatied into the constitution of the United
States, and several of those of the states, and recently, as we have seen,
adopted into the reformed constitution of Virginia, restraining legislative
‘power, in questions of private right, and from impairing the obligatioli of‘
contracts, is first introduced and established, as far as I am informed, as
matter of’ express Written constitutional law, in this ordinance of 17 87 .
And I must add, also, in ‘regard to the author of the ordinance, who has
not had the, happiness to attract the gentlemarfs notice heretofore, nor to
avoid his sarcasm now, that he was chairman of that select committee of

the old Congress, Whose report first expressed the strong sense of that’

body, that the old confederation was not adequate tothe €Xl{,§6I1ClCS of the
«country, and recommending to the states to send delegates to the conven-
tion which formed the present constitution.

An attempt has been made to transfer from the north to the south the
honor of this exclusion of slavery from the l\Torth~western Territory. The
journal, without. arggument or comment, refutes such attempt. The session
of Virginia was made A March, 1784. On the 19th of April following, a
committee, consisting of Messrs. J cefihi'sr)n, Chase, and Howell, reported 
plan for a temporary government of the territory, in which was this article:
“That after the year 1800, there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude, in any of the said states, otherwise than in punishment of"
crimes, whereof’ the party shall have been convicted.” l\fl_I:r. Speight, of
North Carolina, moved to strike out this paragraph. The question was

V put, according to the form then practised: “Shall these words stand, as

part of’ the plan,” &:c. New lilampshire, Massachusetts, Ithode Island,
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania ----~ seven states ---
voted in the affirmative; Maryland, Virginia, and South Carolina in the
negative. North Carolinawas divided. As the consent of nine states
was necessary, the words could not stand, and were ‘ struck out accord-
ingly, Mr. Jefierson. voted for the clause, but was overruled by his
colleagues. I I  I-

, In March of the lncxt year, (17 85,) Mr. M King, of Massachusetts, sec- i

ended by Mr. Ellery, of Rhode Island, proposed the formerly rejected
artiJcle,with this addition; “And that this regulation shall be an ctrttole of
compact, and remain afzcmlamentosl principle of tits constitution between

the thirteen original states and each of tire states described in the resolve,” ,

&c. Onthis clause, which provided the adequateanid thorough security,
the eight Northern States, at that I time,hvoted affirmatively, and the four
Southern States; negatively. The votes of nine stateswiere not yet ob-
tained, and thus the provision was again rejected bythe Southern States.
The perseverance oi’, the north held out, and two years afterwards the ob-
ject was attained, It is no derogation from the ieéredit, whatever thatlmay
.,—}€ ,

Zlallwll Ii

46 srnncn on MR. wvnnsrnn

be, of drawing the ordinance, that its principles had before been prepared
and discussed, in the form of resolutions. If" one should reason in that
way, what would become of the distinguished honor of the author of the
Declaration of Independence? There is not a sentiment in that paper
which had not been voted and resolved in the assemblies, and other
popular bodies in the country, over and over again. . .
But the honorable member has now-found out that- this gentleman, Mr.
Dane, was a member of the Hartford Convention. However uninf'ormed
the honorable member may be of characters and occurrences at the north,
it would seem that he has at his elbows, on this occasion, some high-minded
and lofty spirit, some magnanimous and true-hearted monitor, possessing
the means of local knowledge, and ready to supply the honorable member
with every thing, down even to forgotten and moth-eaten twopenny
pamphlets, which may be used to the disadvantage of his own country.
But, as to the I-Iartf‘ord Convention, sir, allow me to say, that the I pro-

ceedings of that body seem nowto be less read and studied in New,

liltiglaiid than farther south. They appear to be looked to, not in New
England, but elsewhere, for the purpose of seeing how far they may
serve as a precedent. But they will not answer the p1.11'pose«---tliey are
quite too tame. The latitude in which they originated was too cold.

‘Other conventions, of more recent existence, have gone a whole bar’s

length beyond it. The learned doctors of Colleton and Abbeville have
pushed their commentaries on the Hartford collect so far that the original
t.extvvrite1's are thrown entirely into the shade. I have nothing to do,
sir, with the Hart.f.'ord Convention. ‘ Its journal, which the gentleman has
<.,uoted, I never road. So faras the honorable member may discover in
its proceedings a spirit in any degree resembling that which was avowed
and justified in those other conventions to which I have alluded, or so far
as those proceedings can be shown to be disloyal to the constitution, or
tcndging to disunion, so far I shall be as ready as any one to bestow on
thein reprehensio-n and censure. *

Having dwelt long on this convention, and other occurrences of that
day, in the hope, probably, (which will not be gratilied,) that I should leave
the course of this debate to follow him at length in those excursions, the
honorable Inember returned, and attempted another object. He referred
to  speech of mine in the other house, the same which I had occasion to
alludcto myself the other day; and has quoted a passage or two from it,
with a bold though uneasy and laboring air of confidence, as if he had
detected in me an inconsistency. Judging from the gentle1nan’s manner,
a stranger to the course of the debate, and to the point in discussion, would
have imagined, from so triumphant a tone, that the honorable member
was about to overwhelm me with a manifest contradiction. Any one who
heard him, and who had not heard what I had, in f'act,previous1y‘said,
must -have thought me routed and discomfited, as the gentleman had
promised. Sir, a breath blows all this triumph away. There is not the
slightest difference in the sentiments of my remarks on the two occasions.
What I said here on Wednesday is in exact accordance with the opinions
expressed ibypme in the other house in 1825. Though the gentleman
had the metaphysics of Hudibras ---though he were able

i it i “‘ to seVer‘and divide
A hatrdtvvixt north and north»-west side,”

on run n.ssoLUrIon or its. noor. 47:

he could not yet insert his metaphysical scissors between the thir reading ‘

oi’ my rernarks in 18:25 and what I said here last week. There is not
only no contradiction, no diii'e1'ence, but, in truth, too exact a similarity,
botli in thought and language, to be entirely in just taste. I had myself’
quoted the same speech; had recurred to it, and spoke with it open before
me; and much of what I said was little more than a repetition from it.
in order to make finishing work with this alleged contradiction, permit me
to recur to the origin of this debate, and review its course. This seems
expedient, and may be done as well now as at any time.

Well, then, its history is this: The honorable member from Connecti-

cut moved a resolution, which constituted the first branch of’ that which

is now before us; that is to say, a resolution instructing the committee
on public lands to inquire into the expediency of limiting, for a certain
period, the sales of public lands to such as have heretofore been offered
for sale; and whether sundry offices, connected with the sales of ' the
lands, might not be abolished without detriment to the public service.

In the progress of the discussion which arose on this resolution, an
honorable member from New Hampshire moved to amend the resolution,
so as entirely to reverse its object; that is, to strike it all out, and insert
a direction to the committee to inquire into the expediency of adopting
measures to hasten the sales, and extend more rapidly the surveys of the
lands. r i l

-The honorable member from Maine (Mr. Sf)1‘:Et,g'l1t3) suggested thatr

both these propositions might well enough go, for considerat.ion, to the‘
committee; and in this state of the question, the member from South

Carolina addressed the Senate in his first speech. He rose, he said, to
give us his own free thoughts on the public lands. I saw him rise, with
pleasure, and listened with expectation, though before he concluded I was
tilled with surprise. Certainly, I was never more surprised than to find
him following; up, to the extent he did, the sentiments and opinions which
the gentleman from Missouri had put forth, and which it is known he has
lotig entertained. a t

I need not repeat, at large, the general topics of the honorable gentle-
man’s speech. "When he said, yesterday, that he didinot attach the East»-
ern States, he certainly must have tbrgotten not only particular remarks,

but the wholcdrift and tenor of‘ his speech; unless he ineans by not-

attacking, that he did not commence hostilities, but that another had pre»
ceded him in the attack. Isle, in the first place, disapproved of the whole
course of‘ the government for forty years, in regard to its dispositions of

the public land ;, and then, turning northward and eastward. and fancying ,
he had found a cause for alleged narrowness and nigger-dliness in the

"‘ accursed policy” of the tariff, to which he represented the eople of
New England as wedded, he went on, for a_ full hour, with re at-ks,‘ the
whole scope of which was to exhirbit the results of this policy, in feelings

and in measures unfavorable to the west. I thought his opinions un--i

founded and erroneous, as to the general course of the government, and
venturedto reply to them. » l

The gentleman had remarked on the analogy of other cases, and quoted‘
the conduct of European governments towards their own subjects, set-r
thing on this continent, as in point,to showthat we , had been harsh and

rigid in selling when we should have given the public‘ lands to settlers.
I thought the honorable memxberrhad sufi"ered, his judgment to be be»-
trayed by a false analou 1'; that he was struck with an appearance of

4.-8 SPEECH on MR. wnasrsn

resemblance where there was no real similitude. I think so still. The fir-st
settlers of’ North America were enterprising spirits, engaged in private
adventure, or fleeing from’ tyranny at home. When arrived here, they
were forgotten by the mother country, or remembered only to be oppressed.
Carried away again by the appearance of analogy, or struck with the
eloquence of the passage, the honorable member yesterday observed that
the conduct, of government towards the western emigrants, or my repre
sentation of” -it, brought to his mind a celebrated speech in the British
Parlianient. It was, sir, the speech of Colonel Barre. On the question
of the stamp act, or tea tax, I forget which, Colonel Barré had heard a
member on the treasury bench argue, that the people of the United States,
being British colonists, planted by the maternal care, nourished by the
indulgence, and protected by the arms of England, would not grudge their
mite to relieve the mother country from the heavy burden under which
she groaned. The language of Colonel Barre, in reply to this, was,
“They planted by your care? Your oppression planted them in America.
They fled from your tyranny, and grew by your neglect of thernf. So
soon as you began to care for them, you showed your care by sending
persons to spy out their liberties, misrepresent their cliaractcr, prey upon
them, and eat out their substance.” t

And now does the honorable gentleman mean to maintain that language
like this is applicable to the conduct of the government of’ the United
States towards the western ‘vemigrants, or to any representation given by

‘me of’ -that conduct? Were the settlersin the west driven thither by our

oppression? Have they flourished only by our neglect of them? Has
the government done nothing but to prey. upon them, andeat out their
substance? Sir, this fervid eloquence of the British speaker, just when
and where it was uttered, and fit to remain an exercise for the schools, 
not a little out of place, when it was brought thence: to be applied‘ here, to
the conduct of our own country towardsher own citizens. From America
to England it may be true; from Americans totheir own government it

would be strange language. I Let us leave it to be recited and declaimctl I

by our boys against a foreign nation; not’ introduce it here, to recite and
declaim ourselves against our own. ‘

, But I come to the point of the alleged contradiction. In my remarks
on Wednesday, I contended that we could not give away gratuitously all
the public lands; that we held them in trust; that the government had
solemnly pledged itself to dispose of them as a common fund for the corn-
mon benefit, and to sell and settle them asits discretion should dictate.
Now, sir, vchat contradiction does the gentleman find to this sentiment in
the speech of 1825.? c He quotes me as having then said,that we ought
not to hucr these‘ lands as a very great treasure. Very well, sir; suppos-
ing me t ‘be accurately reported in that expression, what is the contra»
diction ? s I have not now said, that we should hug these lands as afavor-
ite . source of pecuniary, income. No such thing. It is not my view.
Whatil have said, and what I do say, is,~that they are a common t’und—,——-—
to be disposed of for the common benefit--—-to be sold at low prices, for

the accommodation of settlers, keeping the object of settling the lands as

muchtin view as that of raising money from them. . This I say now, and
this I havealwayssaid. Is this hugging tl1em,.asalfavorite treasure? Is
there no differencet between huigginganrditThoarding this fund, on the one
hand, as a gr"eat,treasure,r and on the lotherfot‘ disposingof it atlow prices,

a placing the proceeds in the general treasury of the] Union ?. Myopimion

on THE nnsonorronr on MR. roor. ' t 49‘

is, that asmuch is to be made of the land,;-as fairlyrand reasonably may
be, selling it all therwhile at such rates as to give the fullest. effect to
settlement; This is not giving it all away to the states, as the gentle»
man would propose; nor is_it.l1uggin:g the fund closely and tenaciously,
as a favorite treasure; but it 1s, in my judgment, at‘ _]l1Sl3 and wise policy,
perfectly acco1'di11lg with all the various duties which rest on government.
So much for my contradiction- And what is it? Where is the ground
of the gentlemaifs triumph? Wliat inconsistency, in wordor doctrine,
has he been able to detect? Sir, if this -belasaxnple of that discomfiture
with‘ Wlllcll the honorable gentleman threatened me, coommend me, to the
Word discornfitetre for the rest of my ‘life. ”
r But, af't.er all, this is not the point of the debate ; and I rnustbrin the
gentleman back tovthat which is the point, g . r
The real question between me and him is, VVhere has the doctrine
been advanced, at the south or the cast, that the population of the west
should be retarded, or, at least, need not be liastened, on account of its
e.fi'ect to drain oil‘ the people from the Atlantic States? Is this doctrine,
as has been alleged, of eastern oirigirn? That is the question. Has the
gentleman 'fou:nd any tltiing by which he can make good his accusation?
I submit to the Senate, that he has entirely failed ; and as far as this de-
bate has shown, the only person who has aclvauced such sentiments is a
_g€~311l1l(‘31’X1t1I1'f1‘O1J1l South Carolina, and a friend to the honorable Inember
himself. The honorable geutlernanhas ,c;iven no answer to this; there 
none which can be given. This simple tact,whi1e it requires no comment

\ to enforc:e it, defies all argument to ret"ute it. I could refer to the speeches

of another southern g(’3I‘1l3l(21’11:~1I1, in years bef'ore,Uof thesame gexieral

character, and to the sauce effect,  thatwhich has been quoted; but l '

will not consume the time of the Seztate by the reading of them. i \
So then, sir, New 1‘!lugl_a11d is guiltlessof the policyof retai'ding:
Western population, and of all envy and jealousylof the growth of tlie.

new states. ‘Whatever there be of that policy in the country, no part ct’,

itbie hers. It” ithas a local liabitation, the honorable rxiemberlhas proba-
bly scen, by this time, where he is to look for it; and-if it now has
received a name, he himself has christened it; _ l p r

We approach,ratcllengt.l1, sir, to a more important part;oi' the r honora~
ble gentlornarfsl observations. yr Since it does not accord with my views‘
of justice and policy to vote away the_public~lands altogether,as mere

{matter of gratuity, I am; asked, by the honorable gentleman, on what

ground it is that I consent» to givetthexn away in particular, instancres.
How, he inquires, dogI reconcile with these lprofessed ‘sentiments my
support of’ measures appropriating portions of the lands to particular
roads, particular canals’, particular rivers, and ‘particular ,:iustitutions lot“

education in the West? a Tlliis leads, sir, toithe real and wide ldili'erence~

in political opinions betweenr the honorable gentleman; dhnyself. On
n1yupart,.I loolt upon all Cthese objects las‘ connected.with»the common.
good, fairly embraced in "its; objects and its terms: ; . he,1on: the contrary,

deems them-all, if good: atxall, only local goodly Thisjl isvour difiereitee-.~

The interroga"tory which he p;roceede1d:«:to repute*at+~oncewerxzplains tl1is.dif—~

i*’e?rence.u “Whatinterest ’* aSkS“%e‘c\l1flS‘ll South Garolinae in a canal in:
‘ 0 3 I ‘I , . l,‘ - W l v- l n ‘ u ,
Oh1o?s’ t S133,‘ this ‘veryoquestxon as»,:fuelli*cof,'tstgnznicanceltl It -develops

the gent1erna11’si whole ‘ political l system; and itsyanswer, lexpounde mines

Here we difl“er- toto male. I . lookw cupoa la» lroadxrilcolver the» Allegb§any,*al.
canal round the falls of the lOh.io~,aor3a canalor railway from the Atlantxhr

50 V srnnon or  WEBSTIQR

to the western waters, as being objects large and enztensiveenougli to" be“
fairly said to be for the common benefit. The gentleman thinks other-
wise, and this is the key to open his construction. of’ the powers of the
governtnent. He may well ask, upon his system, What interest has South
Carolina in a canal in Ohio? On that system, it is true, she has no inter-
est. On that system, Ohio and Carolina are clifi"erent governments and
different countries, connected here, it is true, by ‘some slight and ill-

defined bond of union, but in all main respects separate and diverse

On that system, Carolina has no more interest in a canal in Ohio than in

Mexico. Tlie gentleman, therefore, onlylfollows out his own principles;
he does no more than arrive at the natural conclusions of his own doc-
trines; he only announces the true results of that creed which he has
adopted himself‘, and‘ would persuade others to adopt, when he thus dc»-
clares that South Carolina has no interest in a public WO1‘l~T.~l11 Ohio. Sir,

we narrow-minded people of New En,g;la.nd do not reason thus. Our”

notion of things is entirely difi"erent. We look upon the states, not as
separated, but as united. We love to dwell on that Union, and on the
mutual happiness which it has so much promoted,‘ and the common re—
nown which it hasso great1y_ contributed to acquire. In our contempla-
tion, Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country——states‘united
under the same general government, l1a.vi11g interests coinxnon, associ-

aatecl, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the con-

stitutional power of this government, we look upon the states as one.
Vie do not impose geographicalrlimits to our patriotic t'e‘c‘1ing or regard;

' we do not follow rivers, and lmouritains, and lines? of latitude, to find

boundaries beyond which public ixnprovernents do not benefit us. ‘We,
who come here as agents and representat.ives~of those .nar1'ow~minded
and selfishimen of New Eflglallfl, consider ourselves as bound to regard,
with equal eye, the .,<._:ood of the whole, in wliatcver is within our power
-of legislation. Sir, if’ a railroad or a canal, beginning in South Carolina,

and (:‘.1’1(lingiI1lSO11i3l1 Carolina, appeared to me to be of national impor-

tance and national magnitude, believing as I do that the power ot'g;over1i~
.»ment extends to the .encouragement of works of that description, if I
were to stand up here and ask, .“ Wliat interest has Massachusetts in a
railroad‘ in=South Carolina? ’’r I should not be willing to face my constitu-'
ents. . These “same narrow»-mrinded men would tell me that they had sent)"
me to ractrfor the whole countr, and that one who possessed too little
oomprehen.sio~n=, ‘either of ,intellect or feeling, -~— one who was not ~large
-enough, in nnind” and heart, to embrace the whole,-——~was not fit to be
.i_ntrusted with the interest of any part. Sir, I do not desire to enlarge the
powersof. the government by unjustifiable construction, nor to exercise
any not within a. fair interpretation. But when itis believed that a
power does exist, then it is, in my jud-ginent, to be exercised for the
general benefit of i the Whole-,: so far as respects the . exercise of such a
power,.the states are one. ~ It was the very object of the constitution to
create unity of interests to the extent of the powcrsof the general gm»
-ernrnent. O In war and peace we are one; iingcommerce one; because the
authority *of'‘ the :general government reaches tower and peace, and to
the regulation of commerce. I have never. ‘ seen any more difficulty in!

erecting r1ig‘hthousesr~*onrthe lakes» thanon the ocean; in irnprovinga the
harbors of g inland ~;:s,eas,f rthani if *1 they were within the ebb and flow of;

thiettidel; ~.or: ofrexnovlinlgy obstructions. in the vast strea1:os’io'f . the west,
more than in anyiworlr to» facilitate commerce on itheirktlantio r coast. . If

on ran RESOLUTION ‘on an. FOOT. t 51
there be power for one, there is poweralso for the othergwandlthey are
alland equally for the country. i ” T T, p   - ~

There are other‘objects, apparently more rlocal, or the benefit of “urhielli
is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I, have concurred with otl1ers'
to give aid by donations of land. It is“ proposed to construct_ a road in‘
or through one ‘of’ the new states in tvliielz this'g0ve1*1ime11t possesses
large quantities of land. Have the United States no i'ig*l1t, as a great
and untaxed proprietor ——- are they under no obligation —~-—— to contribute to
an object thus calculated to promote the common good of all the pro-
prietors, themselves included? And even with "respect to education,"
which is the extreme case, let the question he considered.‘ In ’the flrst
place, as We have seen, it was rnade matter of ‘ compact with these states
-theythey should do their part to promote education. r“ In the nexti place,
ourwhole system of’ land laws proceeds on the idea that education is
for the common good; because, in every division, a certain portion is
uniformlyreserved andapp1*op1~iatecl for the use of schools. And,"finally,
have not these new states sii1gula1'ly strong; claims, Founded on the ground.
already stated, that the government is a great untaxed proprietor in the
ownership of the soil? It isa consideration of great importance that
probably there is in no part of the country,or of‘ the world, so great a call:
for the means of education as in ‘those new states, owiriglto the vast‘num«_
her ofpersons within those ages in which education and instruction, are
usually received, it‘ received at all. This is thenatural consequence oi.’
recency of settlement and rapid increase. The census of these states
shows how great a proportion of the whole population ‘occupies the
classes between infancy and manhood. These are the wide fields, and
here is the deep and quick soil for the seeds of ltnowledgc and virtue;
andthis is the favored season, the spring time for sowing tliem. Let
them bedisserninated without stint. Let them be scattered with a l)0‘un-

tiful broadcast. Whatever the government can t'air1ydo towards tliese

objects, in my opinion, ought to be done.‘ i , y . ,

These, ‘ ‘r, are the grounds, succinctly stated, on wl1i’chj"my votes-i'or'i
grants of lands for particular objects .rest, whileI maintain, at the satire’
time, that it is all a. common fund, for the common benefit. And reasons
like these, I presume, have influencct.l the votes of other gentlemen from

New England- Those Wl10,}1:.l.Ve a; ldif’fhrex1tviiew'of the powers of the

government, of course, come to diti‘erent conclusionson these as onother
questions. ;, Iobserved, when speaking on this subject before, that if we
lookedvto any measure, whether for a road, a‘ canal, or anylthixigi else
intended for the improvement of’ the West, it would be found, that ifiltlie
New Eng1a.n,d ages‘ were struck out ‘of’ the list of" votes, the southernl [noes
would always have rejected the measure. The truth of this;,l1a's notbeen
denied, and cannotbe denied. a In stating this, I ‘thought it just ‘to’ ascribe
it to the constitutional"scruples ot’“_the south, rather tl1an*to;“any other less
favorable or less *cha;ritab1e cause. But. no sooner had It donie this, than
the honorable gentleman asks if I reproach him hand his friends with their
constitutional"lscruples. , Sir, If reproach nobody. “ I stated a; fact, and I

‘gave the mostjrespectful reason for it thatloccurred to am. The gentle-

man cannot »den“y the fact  may, if l he choose," disclaim the reasonl. ,
Itis not long since I had o‘c‘ca.sion, in presenting a petition from his ‘QWII

state, to T account for its being” intrustedior'tor,n::yj 1mads,by *saying,,,itl:at‘lthe‘
constitutional opinions of T the T, gentleman» and his “worthy colleague’ pre-I
vented. them‘ from =suppor‘ting”it.  did I‘7state' thisias almatter of *

52 ‘  srnnion, on MR. wnnsr:snI

reproach? Fair, from it. IDid-I attempt,to.find any other cease than an
honest one for these scruples P Sir, I did not. It did not become me to
doubt, nor to insinuate that the I g_entlem-an had’ either changed his senti-
ments, or that he had, made up a. set of constitutional opinions, a.ccommo—~
dated toeny particular combination of political occurrences. Hadl done
so,iIshould have felt, that while I was entitled to little respect in thus
questioning other people’s motives, I justified the whole world in Isuspecting
Iny_own._ I I U I  ‘ I ,

But how has the gentleman returnedithis respect for others’ opinions?

.His ° own candor and justice, how have they been. exhibited towardsi the
. motives of others, while he has been at so much pains to maintain-—-«whet

nobody has disputed--—-the purity of his own? j Why, sir,.he has asked
rw/2e92,, and /low, and w/2.3/pNew England, votes were found going. for mess-e
ures favorable to: the West; he has demanded to be informed whetlier all
this did. not pbegin [in 1825, and while the" eZecI,tt'on, of‘. presidertt was still
gienoltiztg. ij Sir, to thcseiquestions retortIwou1_d he. jjustified; and it is both
c;ogent.ianId at hand, Nevertheless, Iwill nnswerI the inquiry not by

V retort, but by facts. I will tell the gentleman token, and /tow, a,11dIwizy,
New England. has supported measures favorn,ble,‘i to. the west. I have,

alreztdyi referred, to the early history of the governn1ent---tot the first
acquisition of the lands -—- to the original laws for disposing of them and

for governing the territories where they lie; and have shown, the influence.

of New pEng;lzrnd men and New Englancl principles in all tl1ese,1eoding
measures. I s,hou,1d not be pardoned were Ito go, over tliet ground

,2tgain. I Coming to more recent times, and to measures of ,e,1ess,ge11Iere.l,

chamcter, I have, endeavored to , prove that every 13l."li11g,Of this kind

designecl for western irnprovernent has depended oncthe v,ot,es:of“ New

England. All this is true beyond the po,\ver_of. .contmdiction,.I , I
And now, sir, there are two measures to, which I. will irefer,;_not so

ancient  to belong to the e.-ztrly history. of the ‘public, lands, and not so

recent as to be on this side of the,

iI111ag‘ines a,.new,direction may linve, been given to New England. feeliiug

and N ew lEngl:n11d.ivotes.., These rnea.sures,a.nd the New England votes

period when the gentleman cl1sritshlyI

in support in of them, mztyhe itahen as samp1Ies and specimens of I all the

1'es,t.' .18-2,0, (oibscrve, Mfr. I’resident, in 1820,) the people of, the west

besotighti Congresls i”o1'.n.1'eduction in. t.heprice of lands. In i‘e.vorIot,'_
that 'reductio1i,,N cw Fgnglnnd, with a delegntioii of fort.yimenihersi,ni,ther
- other house,, gave thirty-three votes, and one only ngaipiist it." Theifour
SoL1therniStaties,, with .,1i.f’t-y members, gave thirty-«two votes for it, and.

seven iagainist it. A,gain,.,,in 18271,,(olis,e1'v,e again,-Isir, the tiIine,‘,) the_laW

passed for the relief ofthe, purclmsers of’, the public lends. , This was ,a.
nieasure of vital,‘imp,ortsnce, to the west, and i more especially to, the

so,utl1ip-west.  It em/ghori,zed the irelinquishment of con;tro.cts for lands,

which had been ienite1'edi:into at high ‘prices., endure, ,reduction, in ‘61;1h1€f3I.\

icnS,eis,i  not. less tl1ani,i3i7§. ,perUoent.,].on the purclinse ,m°onIey. Many

millionsipipof ,,do1lars,_ size, ory,seven,.,,I, be,liev.e,, at ]es,st,—-—,prob,a.b1y. much.

‘more, trelinquisilied by,this;la,W, . On, this bill, l_§~TeWi,England,.wit11,I,
her fortygxnembwers, geve more affirmative yotes_iiithen.. the four» So,uthern:I

Stetes,WitliI;.it1isi1‘  or .Ithr<:3e_ Imembsr.si~iii Tfiew  .:,a«1fe    ‘thI‘3‘~
most ilnsolrtant‘  Iresrectinsi the @Mb1icII‘ lands: .n*hirchIiI haN.eiIl;..beI¢11 

  ,     I
That, is  _i3.§‘i_,_t0p...fiiil,16IIII_1’IJ.a:1;lI1QI'i i,Ihow,: the; gentlqemnn.

already  sees ipthat fit was ,by;g voting, in I ,s,o1idI ;coluInn,i for ‘I.itl).,elI ,I;required

at

ON THE "RESOLUTION OF ‘ME. “FOOT. I 

relief ; and lastly, as to the cause why, I tell the lgentlemzm, it was because
the menabers from New Etxgland tlioug-l1t thefmeaeures just mudlisztlosteryg
Tlaeoamee t.l1e'ylentort.ai11ed towzu-Vcls the west neitlxerenvy, l1a.trecl,nor*malice.;
because theyldeemed it becoming them, -as jllSl'L2L1'1d enlig11tem33‘di‘public
men, to meet the iexigenoy which had‘ arisen in the west withthe appro-
-priate meo.eure oflrelief; ’beoa11ee they felt it due totheir ow11l;cha,mcter_c3,
a.nd't-hecl'121.ra.cters of their New England predecessors: in this ‘govern-
7ment', to act towarcls the lnewlstates in the spiritbf ‘atlibera,l,lllpatronizing,

l1nagn2L111=ix11o11spolicy. So much, sir, for the come Lwhg/l; I and,Ii"hope'ltl1.etl
-by tl1is“t.i-me, sir, the honorable lgentlelmmn is e*a.tiefie‘d?ll; if not, I do "not

know w/zen,‘ oi"/tow, or why, he ever will be. . l . _

lHo.ving recurred to these ‘two impox-tent measm*es,*in :at1s"We'r“to the
gex1tlenw.n’s inquiries, I must now beg pe1'mlilseion to i go J-‘b.a.c:*’.l-:.*il,,t.o*-o. peit~:i;od
still -eonieltbing'eo,r1ier, for the purpose still fuvrther 2-of SlilowillghOW?1;31110l1,

or 1‘_éLiLl5l‘€3I‘ how little, relasolxn tlmr-e is for the gem;le'ma,1*1’s ‘insinmttion that‘

polil~tioo.l hopes, or fears, or pa-“trt.y a.ssoeiations,,we1*e the grounds of ‘lthese
New Iilnglztncl votes; And o.i'te1~ \7t'h£tl3il12lS‘be63n eaid,~I hope ~it‘V‘In‘a.y*be
iorggiven roe if I ztllude to some political opinions and votesof my own,
of very little public i111po1*t:;mc»e, certoirlly, but lwl1iol1,“fr‘om the time at
“which they were given and ex.p1*eeseld,l<n*myipass for good witnesses ‘on
itlxielooozteiorx. ‘ V * l l , 1% l l  4 A,  , ~ l
,_ This govetmmont,  1’resident,tftiom.eitsl‘ o1*igin?~to the rpeoole of 1l815,
-bode boexi too Inulolt” engrossedwitli vmious other important ~oot1oem‘1eto
be ztble to turn its t11ougl1te i11«Wa.1'd,a‘11dl1ook to the developmenétiof its’;

,~ms.ti11te1*r2:11 1~eeou1'cee. In the e:-a;r1y ‘part of Preeiclent Woelxington’s

odoiinielzrattion, it Wits fully occupied *with o1*g*::mi,zing the»gov7err1ment.,
Imavitliing for the ’pul:)lio debt, defeliciix-‘lg the f‘ron,tiers,‘anc1lmeintaizting
d(>1'r1eet‘io peace. Bo‘f'o1~e the ter1r1’imttio11 of that ac1rx1oilniet1-atio11,l the fires
of the E‘re1io1“x revolution blezelil forth, its ‘from aimewl-~ope=r1ed,vo1co.no,

':m<'1 the whole b1~e.e<.ltl.1 of the loeoen~diclil1'1ot entirely secure “us fxionx its

~e1'l'eoLe. ililieleznokelmld the Cinders 1'eao11od- me, thgvugli not l’tl1=eVbu*r11i,ng
llova. I)itliou1t zmcl ~~ogi;to.ting; c1ueetione,I ex'x1lm.1~rzteeing to -goveromleot, and
divi?din’g' public opiniicm, sprung’ out of‘ the new sto;tej~of our lforeig;11«1'el:a.-»
tione, o,nc1* were etxooooded. by 0tll‘@1'S, and yet agoitm lby otlierefiequztlly

lex,x1l3;x1i1%m3sirlg,*land eqguelly exoiting division and discord, i3t111*ough the 4

long series o'f',twontyJyot1re, till they firxally ieeued pin. the ‘war with
Engl-a.ncl. Dlown to the close‘ 01" that, war, no dietinot, lma1~:ked,lond clelib-ja

emte a‘tt.entio"nil1ztc1i been given, or could hzzwo =boeo given, to the internoill

conc:lit.ion of the loountryl, its oepoztoitiee of imp:-ovement, or‘ the conetitu»

tiomtl power of the ,‘gov‘ernm'ex*1'*t, l in regard to! objects ‘connected "with t

such irnprovenlent.
r *1 M

‘be ‘ peace, Mr. President, i’brought I about "2111 entirely -neWUw:1di+la;i'miost
“interesting state of things l;l it opetled to us otluerlptospeots,~o;w&+eoggested

“0t11~e';rl vdutieel; we om~selvee were ohez1ged,ligo;ndi i"iSi'li»®'i*WhO13Vii“i01l1d"W115
"cha.11ger.l. The lpacifioetioneof Europe, after June,l1l8i5,i’lesloumed let firm
’‘a11dJ1Jer1i1a.nenltoepeiet. ‘ Tltiell 7Il‘al3iO~1‘lS /e—vid{ent1y‘ilmoxiifloetedllftbat they were
-‘diepo‘sed3"fo1" peace  some egi-tation of the *wa.ves 6mi,g‘ht‘lbe~expected, even

after thestormllhadlleobsidedi;  the ‘tendenoyllwos, 1et—irdmgly =a'r,1¢iLrl rapiclly,

"'c‘owards sett’l'ed~- reipoee. ‘

It so hoj3pe11e&,yeir,~,thato I'*wasntt‘=ithe,t Wamiemlberof Gongrosswtnd,
like others, inetuiivalfly =*tuavne‘cl my -Wttetttion bot the’“=—ioofit.eti1p1otion%*of’<'ft11te

;v11ew1y«ét1tex*ed T ~*conclition of the  it of world. A l  epileated
-<'ple.inlylei11ougl1' t?o~l.ll1me,‘~ael41vel1 lae  wieeri  more elzzperienoefl men,

54 r i M isrnncn on MR. WEBSTER

that the policy of the government would necessarily tal«:e a start in a
new direction ; because new directions would necessarily be given to the
pursuits and occupations of the people. We had pushed our commerce
far and fast, under the advantage of a neutral flag". But there were now
no longer flags, either neutral or belligerent. The harvest of‘ neutrality
had been ig1'eat,~but-we had gathered it all. With the peace of Europe,
itwas iobviousittthere would spring up, in her circle of nations, 3. revived
and invigorated spirit of trade, and a new activity in all the business, and
objects of civilized life- Hereafter, our commercial gains were to be
earned only by successin a close and intense cornpe.tit'ion. Other nations
wouldproduqce tbr theinselves, and carry for themselves, and nianuiacture
ibr themselves, to the full extent of their abilities. The crops of our
plains wouldno longer sustain European armies, nor our ships longer
supply those whom war had rendered unable to supply themselves. It
was obvious, that, under these circumstances, tliecountry would begin to-
survey itself, and to estimate its own capacity of improvement. ‘And

this improvement, how was it to be accomplished, and who was to ac-

complish it? e a

We were tenor twelve millions of people, spread over almost half a
world. We were‘twcnty-four states, some stretching along the same sea—-
board, sorne along the same line of inland frontier, and others on opposite
banks of the same vast rivers. Two considerations at once presented
themselves, in looking at this state .oi' things, with great force. One was,
that that great brancli of improv oment, which consisted in furnishing
new facilities of intercourse, necessarily ran into different states, in every
leading instance, and would benefit the citizens of all such states. No
one state, tliei-efore, in such cuses,,would assume the whole expense, nor
was the coéipcration of‘ several states to be expected. Take, the instance
of‘ the a Delaware» Breakwater. It will cost several millions of money.
Would Pennsylvania alone have ever constructed it? Certainly never,
while this Union lasts, because. it is not for hersole benefit. Would
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and ,Delaware have united to accomplish it,
at their joint expense? Certainly not. for the same reason. It could not
he doue,,,.th.er.ci'o1'e, hutby the general government. The same may be
said of; the.‘ large inland unde1'takings,.except that, in them, government,
insteadot’ bearing -the whole expense, coiiperates with others who bear a
. art- ,The:other,- consideration is, that the United States have the means.
:' hey enjoy thcrevexiues derived 'fron:1A commerce, and the states l1‘£‘l.Vt3, no
abundant and easy sources of public income. The custom houses, fill the
general treasur .,, while the states have scanty resources, except by resort
to heavy direct taxes. , .  .

Under this viewtof things, “I l’.l1i0l.lgl1t it necessary to settle, at least for
myselflsomc. definite~notions,.with respect to the powers of government,
in regardtoi internal afl'airs. , ; It may notsavor, too much of’,se1t'-connnen-
dation to remark, that, with this object, I considered the constitution, its

a judiiioialieconstruction, its conte1n_poran;e,ous exposition, and the whole history

ofi..thep1egislationt of Congress under. it; and I arrived at the , conclusion
that iigovernmentei has power to accomplish sundrylobjects, or aid in their

accornplishrnent, which are now commonly spokventof as .IN'.rEnNs.L,, ,I1u--- , U

_.ra~oYEM*sN.Tsa ,  M That concklu sion, si,r‘,;; may ,jhavtei-phecnti;rigl1t, sort it may have
b.e;en‘.iwrtoI}f1gs&;.  ~;am,..not.,about ;;toMa.rgue the grounds vof . W3 .1?‘<11‘g<=v~r  . 1:833’
‘0l1‘1)"~t-llilrli  .W$S,'j‘adop:t*3d: :a«ndr:£tstedi oI.1,t«;evcn sci  .6148 «tin   .3568,

 , lPreside¥nt,  made. up i  .op‘iuien, ,,auda.idetermined on U intended

ti

on trgmt RESOLUTION or HR. room. 55

eourse of political conduct on these subjects, in the 14th Congress, in
1816. And now, Mr. I’resident, I have further to say, that I 1na,dc up
these opinions, and entered on this course of political conduct, flhucr-o

"dates. Yes, sir, I pursued, in all this, a. South Carolina otrscl-:. On the

doctrines of intern:«;tl limprovernent, South. Cm-oliiitt, as she was then rep-
resented in the other house, set forth,in 1816, under afresh and lesd«ing
breeze; and I was tunong the followers. But if my leader sees new
lights, and turns a. sliurp corner, unless I see new lights also, I keep
strz“tight on in the same path. I repeat, that leghding gentlemen f1'or.=u
South Carolina. were first and foremost in behalf of the doctrines of
:internal improvenicnts, when those doctrines first came to be considered
and acted upon in Cong-ress.i The debate on the shank question, on the

tsrifi" of 1816, and one the direct tax, will show who was who,‘ and who:

was what, at ptliet time. The ta.rifi‘l'l of 1816, one of the plain cases, of

opp1'ession:;a,nd usu1‘ps.tion,f'ron1 which, if the government does not recede

iudivitluul states rmty, justly secede from the government, is, sir, in-truth.
s. South Carolina, t.s.1'itl‘, supported by South Carolina votes. But for
those votes, itcould not have’ passed in the form in which it did pass;
wliereus, if it had depended on lliussuchusetts votes, it would have been
lost. Does not the honorable gentlemen well know all this? There
are certainly those‘ who do full well know it all, I do not say this to
I‘lZ’:pI‘O:?L(3l'l South Curolins 3 I only state the fact, stud I think it will appear
to be true, that snioug the earliest and boldest advocates ,oi" the turiif‘, as
it mes,sure of protection, and on the express ground of protection, were
lendiiig; geiitlerxieii of South C‘«urollimt,in Cor1gi*ess.p I did not then, and
cunnot 1'1ow,um.lerstund their lungiiuge in any other sense. While this
tu.1~itl" of‘ 1816 was under discussion in the House of Represcututives,,on
liox1ox'::x.l>le gexritleixu-m from Greorgia, now of this house, ,(l.\f[r. Forsyth,)
moved to reduce the proposed duty on cotton. He failed by four votes.
South CétI‘O1lllt1 givizig three votes (enough to have turned the scale)
egnlrist his motion. The not, sir, thenpessed, end -received on its 1)sssugc
the support of at majority‘ of the repi-esezitetivestlof .Soutl1 il(Ju1—oliinu
present and ‘votiiug. This act is the first, in the orrlero:f'» those now de-
uounoed as plain usurpetions. We see it daily in the list by the side of"

those ot'l18i24er1cl 1828, as 21. case of manifest ,opp_ression, _iustit‘yiru_:v,' dis»

union. I put it home to the lionoruble inembclr front South Carolina, tlist
his own state was not only “ art and part” inthis measure, but the ccmsa
cuu‘sc;ms., Without her aid, tl1iS‘SGmlIl£;l;l principle of mischief, this root
of ups;s_.., could not,l1uve been planted. I here already Sttid----—tL11d.it;iS
true --—---i1h.t£1.l‘4 this soft proceeded on the ground of protection.j It ixlterferetl
directlywitli existing interests of great vgilne and eniount. , It cutpupp the
Calcutta cotton tro.de,by"the roots, BLIC-wit, passed, neverrtheless, and it

I passed, on the principle ofprotejctingi manufactures, on ,the_principle

against free trade, on the principle opposed tort/zest ,’w72«2'c/ti lets us alone.
Such, Mr. President, were the, opinions of rixnpportunt§und;,1eedi11g gen-

‘tlenuen of South Cerolina*., on the r subject of iriternsl Mixnprovement, in

1816. I went out’o,f*Congress tthetnext year, and ,1'eturning sgeiii in

1823, thouglit I found l"Soutl1,Cs.ro1intt, iwhe_re I hfldl lieftpp her. , I reality sup-'

posedthat ellrpthiings remained has Ithey, Were,,andf tliutp, the South Csrolixiu

doctrine of internal improve1nents,,would, ‘pbe,.,def'ended by the semepiwelo-~

quent voices andiithclisasne strong ;srms,,,as,t’o»rxnerly.. In the 1upse,,ot'
these six yet I =, it is ,true,,po1’itics.li, ss;so,eia.tions;,ha.d sssuxned at newriaspetet
and new div _ 3118.‘ ,,ii,A,,partyl,had £tI'fi?S;l€}11t;,;iHI,1_fl1,@, soutl1,,hostilcto tl,1e,doe-

I

56 V r osrisnon on MR. wrsssrnn

t:rin‘e of internal improvements, and had ‘vigorously attacked that doctrine.
Ar1t.i-¢;:on-solidation was the flag under which this party fought, and its~snp-
porters inveighed against internal nnprovernents, much after the same

i rnanner in which the honorable gentleman has now inveighed against

them, as part and parcel of the "system of vconsolidation;
o Wlhether-this party arose in South Carolina herself, or in her rneigh...
borhood, is more than I know. Ithink the latter. However that may

' have been, there wereflthose found in South Carolina ready to make war

upon it, and who did make intrepid war upon it. Names being regarded
as things, in such controversies, theybestowed on the anti~improven1ent
gentlemen the appellation of’ radicals. Yes,«sir,the name of radicals, as
a i-term. of distinction, applicable and applied to those who denied the lib-—
eral doctrines of internal improvements, originated, according to the best
of‘ my recollection, somewhere between North Carolina and ‘Georgia.
Well, sir, those mischievous radicals were to be put down, and the strong
arm of South Carolina was stretched out to putthem down. l About this

time, sir, Iwretnrned to Congress. Then battle with the radicals had been ,
fought, and our South Carolina champions of the doctrines of internal  

improvement had nobly maintained their ground, and were understood to
have achieved a victory.’ They had driven back the enemy wit.l1,5clis-
eoxnfiture ; a thing,  the way, sir, which is not always performed when
it is promised. A gentleman, to whom I have already referred in this
debate, had «come rinto‘Congress, during my absence from it, frorn South
"la1*olina, and had brought With1hin1a high reputation for ability. He
came from a school with which we had been -‘acquaimed, st ozosoitatr rt sooiis.
I hold in my hand, sir, a printed speech of this distiiigxzislied geiitleximn,
(Mr. l\ICD'UI~‘FIE,) “ on INTERNAL xMr1t0vr:M;sNrs,” delivered about the
period to which I now refer,-.*and printed with a few introductory remarks
upon consolidation; in which, sir, I i-think he quite consolidated the
arguments of his opponents, the radicztls, if to crush be to consolidate. I
give you a short but substantiveiquotation from these treniarks. He is
speialting of a pamphlet, then reoerxtly published, entitled “ Consolida-
tion ;3’ and"liaving~a’llude'd to the question‘ of rechartering the forrner
Bank of the United States, he says,“ Moreover, in the early l’llSiO1‘y'0”.i.

parties, alndwhen Mr. Cra.wiiord* advocated the renewal of" the old char-~
tear, it was considered a i’edera.1 measure; which internal improvexnent,

never was, as this author erroneously states. This latter -measure origi-
nated in thee-administration of Mr. Jefi'erson,iwitl1 the approp1~iat.iongrfor
the Curnberlandlrtrloadrgr and was fiI’St proposed, as easy/rte-In, by~Mr. ‘Cal-~
homo, and carried «through the House of Representatives by a large srna-
jority of the republieans,~ including almost every one of the lleadingvmen
who carried us through othwe late war,” r a  r «
“So then, internal improvement is not-one ofxthe federal heresies.
no paragraph more, heir. i l t o g * g t r i r

“ M =“ The r author in questionynoti rcontentwwith denouxicingr-as rrfederalists
G‘-enre'1'allJarckson, Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the ‘majorityrrof the South

Carolinalirldielfigationg in Congress, modestly fextends the denunciation 

Mr. Monroer and; the Whole l rrepublioan partly.“ 3:1-Iere are his rwordsai

“During the administration of Mr. QMonroe,?m'uoh has passed -which the

republican” jparty would tribe ~;gl1aid\m= epprove,=ifriitheysscouldél I ~ But: the
is the renewal of the 4sYs';IL‘E"M fo~1r=,=InrjnRNM; Inter-t0?t*nMte:r.l “ sf if ;,Now;= this
measure rwaswadoptedby anode offi->1  t=e+86, “of; a ~repuM“~ eanwflengress,

principal feature, and‘ »rthd;t”Whioh3A~ihesrr ’-fehiefly>e‘1ioited.Vtlaiese gobservatiorttsgi i

on rHr;m.isoLurxoN or MI~;.W’FOOT. ' 57

and ea,notior1ed by a republican ipresident. b ‘Who, then, isflthis author,
who laSS11l'I1GS”tl16 higli ~prerog~ativ~e of denlotlllclllg, in the nam=e of the
republican: lparty, therepublioan, ’adrni1i~iet1+‘etion «oftlxe l0Ol1IltI‘y'-=--it dehumi-
oiation including Within its sweep Oasllioun, 'Lowndes, and Clieves ; men
who will be 1'egeL1'ded as the brigilti-test ornaroe11tsiof' South Cerolilna,
and the =3’-t1*o-ngestl pillars of the 1'epub+lirean -party, as longlass -the late
war shall ‘be -remembered, and lrtalerrts and 'pa,t1‘iotis.m1 Sl“121.ll be re-
garded es the proper objects of the admiration emd gratitucle of a free
peoplel I ” N . l y n
Sucli areltlie opinions, ~eir,=wl1icl1»were lnminteijned by South Carolina
gentlemen in the House of Represexit-waives on the subject of‘ mternal
1lI11pI’OV*e1”I‘1(-3111'», wlien I took my seat there:a;s»a,, member from llIa,eeacl1u-
eeitt.s, in 1823. But this is not all ; we lhagdl-a bill before us, and passed it
in ;tha.t liouse, entitled “ An ~a./ct to lprooure ~tl1B~1'1eC8SS€L1‘:"f‘ :'-surveys, pllane,
and es'tirm-ites upon tl18‘1-$l1l’)jt3Ot~0l' roads and corals.” J3? autfaov-z'zed:—tI2~e
«prlesident to cczztseisurveg/s»cmd 6‘St‘2lmCtt6.S‘ «to be made of the routes of such
roads, land ccmasls ‘£108 726 mtg/at deem of lv2,atr£mzaZ=?I:»ny9ortcmc.e in at comman-
ct'ar,l'or omllitctry point .oflm'ew, or for the tmatsportation of the mail ; and
:3Lpp1‘0pI‘l€l.iL6Cl thirty‘ thousand dollars out of the treasury to clefmy the
expense. , This -a.ot,~tl1ough l].i")1'(;““.—l.l!‘1‘1l'm‘:’tI“y'~lI1 its miture. covered the whole
grouml. It took lfb1'l~grented the yzomplete pow-erot‘ interuo.l improve-5
ment, as liar, 51$ any of its aclvoootes lied ever oonteiirled for it. i Ilztviug
passed the otltler :l1ou.~i:e,lthe« bill oe.1ne lupilto, the Sfiitlllttléi, anal twat; hm
(Z(‘)11.‘L~‘»ilC1¢E.‘1‘(_:,‘Cl_ mid~ (lG:l)tLtli>.(l in April, l82~:l~.. The lionorable 11"ie1nhe~;1*”i'1*o1n
South CltL1‘O«liI1::"l. wee £1. me:-nber, of the Senate l:i,t4l‘tl;1ztt time. l/Vhile the
bill was under oonsiclermion here, a. 1?Il0tlOniWttE5 wide to add tllefbllowing
proviso :——~- ‘A l 
“‘ P2~om'clod, Tlmtinotliing llerleiooonrtained ehatll be conetxiued to afii1'<m
or taclmit 2.1 power in Congx~ees, ouwtilleiir own »«esullthority, to make 1'Oil:ClS or
camile within any of'tl1ei.etatesl of the Union.,”, A l l 1-  l V
’l‘ho yeast amt mys» were ?ta.keni ;o‘oI this iiprovieol, and ‘tlire lhoiiomble mem-
ber votlecllmltZm.n(egat£oe..lll ’l‘hle~lprovliso*tbilled.l by i i it ~ to =  r l
A llrnotilon vmietlllett ‘mstt7’le“ to otlcl ‘tl1ie lprovlisioii, viz. : ~+--- i V t l
- “ .=Prom'ded,,*i»’I‘l1ot the =f7a'.ilt1‘1~of' the Unitedfiittitee is hereby pledgecl, that
no money 8l192l.ll* ever‘ be explerrcled for iroecls or canals, except it Sllall be
arnongztlie {several states, and in the} same proportion as direct taxes are
laid and eseeeeed byltlre provisions of -tlieconstitution.” ' l   i '
The honorable member yoteldl tzflqaiiizst Ilil'islrp7‘0~v‘is0 also, and it t'ztiled.~
l'I‘hebi11 ~wos:-; then put, on“ its passe.ge,l«and. the~.lio11ora.ble member §vote'd
for it, and it Imseed, liandlbecemle a. ‘law. A i * it  l y 
Now, it Strikes me,~eir, that there is no <»1‘nh,inta.ining =these»yoteswbtt

~‘ uponthe power of lllbéiritlfbll «improvement, invites broe.tdes.t sense. ,_In .tru\th~,
‘ these bills -for surveys and estimates iliave alwayslbeeln :oon-siderecl 31:8’ —teet

questions. They -showllwholl isfor and who agaiiist ~interna.lrimprovelment.
This :law itself :went”the -whole leiigth, and ‘£lS'S1.1‘«l'IN3Cl. thelllllfullllond ‘complete
power. ‘ The gentlemanie voltes risuetaitied that power, in revery fbrm, in
which the =va.iriotisl . propoeitiovnsllilto amend =p>resented Wit, He went for. the

entire and .;un1~eetr‘ained authority, Witliout iooneulltinglithe »ste.tes, mid with;

out agreieinlgll to i any propolrtionate dlisitribultiyon. , And "now, suffer me ‘Ito
remind, you,  President,liltliat1 wit isl,i*thieg*',very some power, thus 
tiorted, in every form, lbythew gentlemawisi-jownl opirlion, stlmt is i so plain
and, .=lmenif'est = to usurpo.tic¥m,~ that’ the state‘ of South lllflarolioa is suppoeed gm
be .1 juetified in irefusinlg «submission to a;nyi?1awsl.>oeArryingl the l. power? into

58 I srnnon or Ms. WEBSTER

efiect. Truly, sir, is notthis a little too hard? May we not crave some
-mercy, undertfavor and protection of t ‘I the gentleman’s own authority?
Admitting that a road or a canal must be written down flat usurpation as
ever was connnitted, may we find no mitigation in our respecttfor his
place, and his vote, as one that knows the law?

The tariff’ which South Carolina had an efiicient hand in establishing
in 1816, and this asserted power of internal in1provcn1ent,-—'i—advanced
by her in the same year, and, as we have now seen, approved and sane-—
tioned by her representatives in 1824,‘——— these two measures are the great
grounds on which she is now thought to be justified in breaking up the
Union, if she sees fit to break it up. ‘ p ‘ ‘ ,

I maynow safely say, I think, that we have had the authority of lead--
ing and distinguishedgentlemen from South Carolina in support of the
doctrine of internalimprovement. I repeat, that, up to 1824, I, for one,
followed South Carolina; but when that star in-its ascension veered oil‘
inan unexpected direction, I relied on its light no longer; [Here the
Vice President said. Does the Chair understand the gentleman from
Mttssachusetts to say that t.he person now occupying the chair of the
Senate has changed his. opinions. on the subject of ' internal improve-
ments?] From nothing ever said to me, sir, have I had reason to know
of any change in the opinions of the person filling the chair of the Senate.
If such change has taken place, I regret it; I speak generally of the
state of’ South Carolina. Individuals we know there are who hold opin-
ions favorable to the power. I An application for its exercise in behalf of
a public work. in South Carolina itself is now pending, I believe, in the
other house, presented by members thorn that state. i

I have thus, sir, perhaps not without some tediousness of detail, shown

mat, if I ant in error on the subject of internal improvements, how and

in what company I fell into that error. If I am wrong, it is apparent
who misled inc.  . . ‘ 1 I _ it

. _ I go to other rernarlrs of the honorable member-W and I have to com-
plain of an entire Inisappi-ehension of What I said on the subject of the
national debt —--- though I can hardly perceive how any one could xnisnn-
derstand me. What I Said, VV'c%»‘:3, not that I wished to put oft‘ the payment
of the debt, but, on the contrary, tliat I had always voted for every
measure for its reduction, as uniformly as the gentlernan himself’. ,He
seems to claim the exclusive tnieriytnot‘ a disposition to reduce the public
011-Mae; I 610.1101; allow it to him.   As 5. debt, I was, 1am, for :paying it;
because titis a charge on our finances, and on the industry of the country.
But I observed that I thought I perceived a morbid fervor on that sub»:
ject; an excessive a11xietY,tot_,paypoii’ the debt; not so rnuch rbecauseit is

_ a debt siinply, as because,‘ while it lasts, it yfurnishesrone objection to dis-

union. {It is a tie of‘ commons interest while it lasts. I did not irnpute
fiuchirnotive to the l1ono1.°able member himself; but that there is such a
feeling in existence I have not a particle of doubt. The most I said was,

that if one efibct of the debt wasgto strengthen ;ourUnion, that efiicct,

itself Was, not regretted by me, however much ,Otl1(F}1'S;11'.l.lgl1tl1‘(tgJ.‘€_ttit;

The gentleman has not seen how‘ to reply to this otherwise _tha11 by sup--

posing me to l"1£W® advanced the doctrinefthat atrnatiional debtis a national
blessing .0l111t3I'8,_It_tmuSGih0P3a,li‘_Wil1r; find less difliculty i1”1j;;truxldierstaxiding
me- I distinetlyy f alid‘»p£)iI1te(?lly¢'Ga+11ti0I;ued, yttthefihonorable fmembe1~ not to
undlerstand me  ; expressing an opinion favoratilei totathejcoxitinuanee” of
thefdebt.. w I repeated ytthisoycau-tion, mtrejpeated it more: than onceflw--es but

it was thrown away.”

on man RESOLUTION on MR. zwoor. I 59

, On yet another point I was still more unaccountably misunderstood‘.
The gentlelnan had harangued against “consolidation.”  told him, in
reply, that there was one kind of consolidation to which I was attached,
and that was, the CONSOLIDATION or OUR UNION; and that this was
precisely that consolidation to which "I feared others were not attached;
that such consolidation was the very endtof the constitutionew the lead»
ingobject, as theyhad infoi-me;d, us thernselves, which its framers hadlaept

, in view. I turned to their cornrnunication, and read their very vvords,-—---

,“ the consolidation of the Unionf}-—,a1id expressed my, devotion to this
sort of consolidation. 1 said in terms that I wishecl not, in the slightest
degree, to augment the powers of this government; that my object was
to preserve, not to enlarge; and that, by consolidating the Union, I un-
derstood no more than the strengthening of the Union and perpetuating
it. Having been thus explicit; having thus read, frornpthe printed book,
the precise words which I adopted, as expressing, my own sentiments, it
passes coxnprehension, how anyman could understand meascontending

V for an extension of the powers of the government, or for ‘consolidation in

that odious sense in which it means an accumulation, in the federal gov»
ernment, of the powers properly belonging to the states.

I repeat, sir, that, in adopting the sentiments of -the framerstof the con-
stitution, I read their language audibly, and word for word ; v and I pointed
out the distinction, just as fully. as I have now done, between the consoli-
dation of‘ the Union and that other obnoxious ‘consolidation which I dis-
claimed: and yet the honorable gentleman misunderstoodtxne. The gen-
tleman had said that he Wished for no fixed revenue -—-—- not a shilling. If’,
by a word, he could convert the Capitol into gold, he would not do it.
"Why all this fear of revenue? I "Why, sir, becausc,as the gentleman told
us, it tends to consolidation. Now, this can mean neither more nor less
than that a common revenue visa common interest, and that all common
interests, tend to holdthe union ofjpitltegghstatesi together, I confess I like
that tenclency ; if the gentlernaii ‘\§:ldi#31ike‘€l3"_‘ it, he is,right:inj deprecatinga
shi1ling’s 1’i:;ed.,revenue.,, , So mn‘cl1,§,sir,i;for_consolida.tio11..,,   e . . : i.

, Aswell as I preeollectwtheyconnsetivofivhis.’ reinarks, the thonorable gentle-
man next recurreditttiolthe subject io'f,.thei=tari,fi‘.. iI~I[e‘ did not.» doubt the
word, must be.i,ofl,unpiIeasant,,v sound. to \l,,x,1 ’\  ‘x x    3 with an effort
neitheri “ newinor pattendedyip with new success, toinvolve me and my votes

in inconsistency and C0lCltI'a:C1ICl}l()I1a» _I am happy the honorable gentleman

has furnished me an opportunity of a timely ,ren1ark. or two on that sub-

ject. I was glad he '. approachecl it, for it is a question I enter upon twith-

out fear_frornl;a,ny bocly, ,T,het,strenuous,toi1 of the gentleman «v hasheen
tovraise an inconsistency between my dissent to the tarifii' in4i182f4,andtmy

Vote in 1828. It is labonlost. , He pays tuxidesez-ved, compliment . tomy

speech in 1824 i; but this is to raise mehigh, that my-fal,l;ashse?vvvou1d
have it, in 1828 n1ay,,be_th_e~1nore signal. Sir, them; wasno fall at all.
Between the ground Istoodtoiit in 1824 and _,that It toolstqixxit 1828, he there
was notponly no precipice, but; no dec1.ivity._ . I,twas..a change of position,

 meet newcircumstances,,but on the same; levejltfii plaintale explains
it theipvsrholeipvmatters In 1816, Ihad not acquiesced in the tax-ifi‘,:t11en sup-

ported by Souths oam1ina., To» someypa1g.ts]fxof,it,¢especially, felt and

‘expressed great repugnancei .I iheldttheg satnet,,i,i'op.inioinsvin 1821, ,£l«l3.,tl1,_l;’,

meeting in FaneuiilI~Ia1l, to which ygentlem-jan;,,,ihasi alluded; [I said
then,and say now, «that, asan o‘riginalt,qu,estion,.the authority of Congress
to exerciseeythe revenne, power, witht.dir,eot reference to the protection of

0

I60  II s~:e143Ii«3c‘H on MR. Iweestcnn

Iinenufactu1'ee, is a Iqnestionable authority, for nclore queetionable, in ‘my

judgment, than the power of internal «i1npIroven1ents.I I must conlf'esIe,
oil", tlmt, in one I respect, some impression IIl1a.s been made on my opinions
lately. Mr. Ma;dieon’Ie ptxblioation ’l1ns put the ‘power in Ia very strong
light. -He I has placed it, I must altzkxaoxvledge, upon*g1'oundsI of oonstruo—~
tion and IIIargumeInt which seem impregnztble. But, even if the ‘power
were doubtful, on the face of Ithe constitution itself, it had -beenIessum-efi
and Iaeserted in the=firstIrevIenuepIla.w IefverII-passed under that Ieennel consti-
=It-notion ; anti, on this ground, -as aIrnaItterI~sett1ed by contempo1*az1eo"us p1*e.e-
tiee, I had refmined from expreIssingI tlI1e*oIIpin-ion Ithat the tariff’ laws
transcended Ioomstitutional limits, as the Iger1ltleman "supposes; "What I did
my at Faneuil Hall, as fan‘ as Inow reme1nbeIr,'Wa‘s’, tIhatI this was origin
n-el.ly 1na;t.-Iter of doubtful oonstruot.ion. The gg;ent1en*1~21n‘”lihInself, I suppose,
AthIinIksI the1f*e is noI doubt I about it, and thatthe la,WSn.1‘e-plaixuly against

the constiItution. IMr.»Madison’e letters, oglreadyp referred to, conItain,II:ln I

I,1n:yIjudg1nent, by f'IarIthe most able exposition extent of" I this part of Ithe
tg::onetitntion. He has satisfied me, IsoI‘far 1-‘LS tl1eIpprac.tice ofthe govern-
ment lI1:-.1d left it an IopeI’n question, I I II
VVith a great majority of *tlI1eI Irepreser1ttttivIes of I1\Ie.ssaol1‘usette, I voted
Iegttinst the tarifi’ of 1824. My reasons twere then given, and II Willnot
new repezxt them. But nottvitIlxstexxtlIing; our dissent, the Igr-eat states of
New York, IPenInsylvenia, Ohio, and KIer1t.uolcyIwex1tIItorItlI1eI bill, i11alrnoet
Iunbxt-oken column,Iand it passed. IIlICpong1-ess Ie;zI1IdItl1e preeidIenlt senctionecl
<it-,gaII,nd it became the*lo.w of‘ the land; I ‘VVhn.t,p tlxen, we1~e”VIveIIto do’? Our
only option was*eIi1:l1er to fall in with thisIsett1Iecl oonree of"IIIpL1b1io poIlIioy,
«wool Ito IeocomImodote ou1*eelvesI/Ito Tit IIIa.e well as weIcoulcI1,Ior to eml:I1*aee
the South Carolina Idootr.'n1e,IanId to;1*kIIof' nullifying the statute by state
inIterf'erenoe. I I I I I I I I ‘I I I I p I I
I»I'I‘Il1is laet Ia,1te1~11Ietive did not IIIeuIIIIit “onrIIIIprinciples, and, of course, ‘we
adopted ’[IIl'1'I€."‘pIf¢I.*)I\'I'1’l‘G_L‘I“I..’ In I1827,‘IItl'iIeAII’eu‘bjeet came ‘again before Co11g1*eee,

tone etp1'opoeitiIIonIIffhvorstbl-e to wool and ‘woollens. ‘We I looked upon the

systezn of’ protection‘ as IbeIiIng; I 3fiI::ceI<:lIII eml sIett.led. The I law of’ 1824
orezneined. ‘It hadI gone into full _oIperatio11,Ia.ncl in regard to some objeots
intended by it,~pe1-hops rnIIostIof‘t-he.rnIIIIl1a;d IproIch1oedlallIite expected effects.

I_ No Imam proposed to Irepeal Iit «I---I-no 1nIenIat,tempted to renew the general

conteston its p1~IinIoip1e.II II Bot, Iowing to Ie'ubsIequenIt encl IIu‘r1It'oreseen oczourr
renoes, the benefit Iinptenéledtby it}‘toII wool ‘a.nclIwoIol1ent fabrics lntd not been
realoized. IIE*ve1tte;InotI IknownIIh~e1*eIIIwl1Ien the Ilzrvw pnseecl, lmcll token IIIpI1ace,
-vr.-+1hiic:I1 defeatedl‘IitsI-Iobjeotf -in that ‘particular ‘respect.-I IAI measurepwae
e.oooIrclinIgly brought ‘forward Ito I meet this I precise IdefiIoienoy,II to remedy
this Iparticulzlfr ~ defect. IIlItII:wIe:s Ilhnltetljto wIoolIIonc1 Iwoollensg p Wes ever
a.nyIIIthing more=Ireesena,1y1eg?§ f*~‘If" the policy IIIoIf' ItIheItariff' 12i.wsIIl:1a.Id become

Iesteblislhed-I in Iprineiple ego“ the I“IpermttInent Ipolicy of Ilthe government,

sIihIIu-ild they not be reIv*iee<§lj‘tI”e:n‘d amenIded,I'an‘d *x‘n’ade equI2il,‘IliIke other l“aw,=3I,
as I{em:igeneieeIIIshou1d arie*e,IorIj~u‘stioe reqjuire? IIBeoeoee-Iwe’had"‘dou‘bpted
aboutedopeting the ‘IIsyet_em; were ~vveIIito refuse to’ ‘cure its *ImaniI‘f'est defecte

after it beoIam~eII- IodoI})teIcl,I e;ndI*wII'I'hen Info pIorleII avttIefnp_teIi1I*Iits Irepeal? 

this, six-flisI< the iinoo-nsieten-oy4soI mach *bruitet1I. I Il:1edlII"votIed’agai::1st the

ltavifflfofp18~2.I4zI—e+-‘IbutI*pitIpaesed1II;IIIIahclI IinII‘;‘I18I2l7 and III1‘I8;‘I2‘<‘.I3I,I I voteIclI_‘:to ttmenfl I

iInoooeisten‘oy?=I?IIIIII*IIII ®*ot§zlclIIIIl[II*cloo3*othexhvisel?II II 

i it  tirx "a, 1 porint» 3eseIentiozI II"toII'I*the* interest p of **my_lI'Ioonet’1tttentsp;I If ”'

I

o I I I ‘Sir, I Icl'oIIIes Ipoltltldall ~ oon'eie‘tenoyI boneisttin aways  nego.tiVIreI_IIvotesI?

o Does it require II«o;f‘II>a;I IpuIbliIe 9‘-toII*xI~ef’usIeI=I to IIIoonIenrI* in ‘amending Ilawe

on THErRESOLU’3.‘I.,ON: on MR’. roor. , 61:

because they passed against his; consent? Having-vioted againstitlle tarifi‘
orginally,doesconsistency demand that Ishould do allin my power to
maintain an unequal tariff, burdensometo my own constituents, in -many
respec,ts,----:t'avorable in none? To consistency of that sort I lay no
claim ; and there is another sort to which I lay as little-i---and that is, a
kind of consistencyby which ptersons-:i'ee,1 themselves as much bound to
oppose a proposition after it has become the*l-awe of the land as before;
The billof 1827, limited, as I have said, to the? single object in which
the tariff of 1824 had manifestly failed in itsreti7ect,. passed the House of
Representatives, but was lost here. i Wevhad then. the act ref’ 1828» I
need not recur to the historyof a measure so recent. Its enemies spiced‘
it with whatsoever they thotight would render. it ‘distasteful; its friends
took it, druggecliriasiitr was. ,, Vast amounts of’ prop;erty,many millions, had
been: invested in manufactures, under the inducements of the act of 1824,
Events called loudly, as I! thought, for further regulations to secure the
degree of protection intended a by" that act. I was disposed to vote for
such‘ regulations, anddesired nothing more; but certainly was not to be
bantered out ofimy purpose by a threatened augmentation of duty on
molasses, put into the bill for the avowed purpose of making it obnoxious.
The "vote may have been right or wrong, wise or unwise; butit is littleless
than absurd-to allege iagainst itan inconsistency with opposition to the
former law. t i i

it Sines to the \general subject of the tariff", I have little ‘nowto say... i

Another opportunity maybe presented. I remarked, the other day, that

this policy did not btzgiri with us in New England; and yet, sir, News

Eng‘12"l11£l is clittrgecl with vehemence as being favorable, or charged with
equal vehenience as being unfavoz-abl.e, to-the. tariff policy, ‘just as best
suits the time, place, and occasion for znaking; some charger agaiiist lien
Titre credulity oi‘ the public has been put to its extreme capacity of false

itnpression relative to her conduct in this partticular. ’Eh1‘o11gl1,all the ‘
south,during the late contest, it,vv!as,iNev,v E,ng1andt,,l:,policy,‘andua iNew» "

lilnglzx11d- adxnrinistration,xthiat W3aSi,,ailiEii0ti1lg:ith&3i;COi.lIliZ1"y with asitarifi’ policy
beyond all ”“'endr1irance,iiwhite;rj: onfisthe otherr side of the Allegheny, even
the or act of y 1828 itselfw the very isublimateclq, essence: of ‘ oppression,
according toi~souther11iopinions r~,--- waspronounced to be one of those bless»
i11’gs:rrt'oir V$’l1i(3l1'i3l'tri3. west was;,indebted to the ?"generoustsouth.”

” With large inivestments, in manutactu1*i11g» establishments, and various

interests connectedtwith and dependient*on-them, itis not to be expected
that New England, anymore than other portions. of the country,:wi1l:now
consent to any measure destructive or thiglily dangerous. ,Tl1e idntyirof
the -gover111ner1t,‘att the present moment, wouldseem to beito preserve,
not to destroy; to maintain the position which it   has assumed; and 1: for
one, I‘“shall feel it an indispe"nsable; otbligation to hold ; it steady,  far, as

in my power, to that cleg1'ee,rof proltectiong which - it» has undertakenito“

bestow, Noiilnore ofithe‘ ;tarifi'.  i ‘ . to i ., i

it P1'oitessing:tr4toab=e~provo1;ecl by what he ;t chosertoiconsicler a cliarge
made by me against:s~South Oaroliiia, the ihonorebleyi member, Mr. Presi-
dent, iihastitahen upia newtcrusade against .N‘ewiIJn‘gland. LeaV:ir1g, alto-i
geth-er the: subj ect of i the public 'lands,« in which». l'1i$§ success, perhaps, i had
been tneither diistinguished not satisfactory, sand lettings go, also, of the topic

of the“ tariff", he sallied forth silinta :genere1.i assault iontthe opini‘onis,t politics, .

and parties woof New? aEhgland~,; ss;,,:t1;,ey jihavies 1 beens,=*'exhibited in ithelivlast

thirtyyears. This i3«I’li2\i}l3l1'1”’r;l&1sr v The». ‘tnarrowipolicyi,"’ of the rpnhlic lands,

i 62 » .i srsson orame. wessrnn ‘

liad proved a legal settlement in South Carolina, and was not tIo"’be'
removed. The “accursed policy ” of the taritfl also, had established the
fact of its birth and parentage in the same state.» N owonder, therefore,
thegentlernan wished to carry the war, as the “expressed it, into the

tenerny’s‘country. i Prudently willing to quit these subjects, he was doubt-

less’ desirous of‘ fastening others, which could not be transferred south of

Mason and Dixon’s line, The politics of New Englandi became his,
theme; and it wasiint this part of his speech, I think, that he menaced '

meiiwitli such sore discornfiture. p 1
I)iscornfiture it Why, 8711‘, when he attacks any thing which I maintain,

and overthrows it; when he turns the right or left of any position which

I take up; when he drives me from any ground I, choose to occupy, he

may then tall: of disco1'nfiture,‘but not till that. distant. day. What has he \
done? Has he maintained his own charges ? Has he proved what the"

allegecl? Ha.s he sustained himself in his attack. on the government, and
on the history of the north, in the matter of the public lands? Has he

disproved aifact, ;refuted a proposition, weakened aniargumeiit maintained,

by me? Has he-cometwithin beat of drum Ol'la11y,p0SltlOIl of ‘mine?
O,no; but hehas “ carriedthe war into the enemy’s country ” ls Carried
the war into the enemy’s country In Yes, sir, and what sort of a war has
he ‘madeof it? Why, sir, he has stretched a dragnet over the whole
surface of perished pamphlets, indiscreet sermons, f1'O’Cl1}"w paragraplis, and

.fi1ming‘popu1ar addresses ;, over whatever the pulpit in its‘mon:1ents~ of

alarm, , the press in its heats, and parties in their extravagance,ihave

severally thrown off, in times of ‘general excsiittement and violence. He 1

' has thus swept together a mass of such things, as, but that they are now h

old, the public health would have required him rather to leave in their
state of dispersion. i t it , ~ = s .- i 1
For a good longhour or two, we had the unbroken pleasure of listen-

 ing to the honorable member, while he recited, with his usual grace and

spirit, and with evident high gusto, speeches, pamphlets, addresses, and
all the at cetems of the polit.ical-sprees, such as warm heads produce in
warm times, and such as it would be “ discomiiture ” indeed for any one,

whose taste did not tlelighti in that sort of reading, to be obliged to peruse.“

This is his war. , Tliis isto carry the war into the enemy’s country. It

is in an invasion of this sort that he flatters himself with the expectation ‘

of gaining laurels fit to adorn a senator’s brow; ,

Mr. P1-esident,,I shall not, it will, I trust, not be expected that Ishould,
either now or at any time, separate this farrago into parts, and answer‘

and examine its components. I shall, hardly bestow upon it all a general_

reniark or two, In the run of forty years, sir, under this constitution, v
we have experienced it sundry successive violent partycontests. , Party

arose, indeed, with:the?:"const.itution itself, and in, some iformorother has

attended through the greater part of its history». a t t i i
Whether any other constitution than the old articles of confederation ,

was desirable «was, itself, a yiquestiontion which parties iformed; if at new

constitution, was framed, what powers shouldube given‘ to it was another,

question i; and whenit had been f'ormed,=what was,~in fact, the just extent

of ttheppowers actually‘ confeirred,i.was,a ‘ithiird. «p]?arties,  we lmow,
existed under i-thevfirst adminis~tratioin,tas distinictlymarked i as thosewhich 3 ,

rna_nifestedtheinselvest at any subsequent : perriedti‘,  

  g'~1‘he contest,» iminediate1y;:iprecedingii the politicalflchange >ix11eo1,iima
that,again, which existed at thexcommencement of the? lateiawar,r areother

on run RESOLUTION or Me. Four. 63

instances of I partyexcitement,” of something more than usual strength

and intensity. In all these conflicts there was, no doubt, muchvof vio-«W

leuce on both and all sides. ‘I It would be impossible, if one had a fancy
forisuch employment, to adjust the relative quantum of violence between.
these two contending parties. There was enough in each, as must always
be expected in popular governments. rWith a great deal of proper and
decorous discussion there was mingled a great deal, also; of‘ declamation,
virulence, crimination, and abuse. . 7 . r _ . t
In 1~egard to any party, probably, at one of the leading epochs in the
history of parties, enough may be found to make out another equally
inflarned exhibition as that with which the honorable member has edified
us. i For myself, sir, I shall not rake among the rubbish of by-gone
times to see what I can find, orwhether I cannot find something by which
I can fix: a blot on the escutcheon of any state, any party, or any part of"
the country. a General VVashington’s« administration was steadily and
sealously maintained, as we all know, by New England. It was vio--
lently opposed elsewhere... We. know in what quarter he had the most
earnest, constant, and persevering support,¢in all his great and leading
measures. We know where his private and personal character were
held in the hig;he‘st rdegweerof attachment and veneration; and we know,
too, where his measures were opposed, his services isliglited, and his
character vilified. I A . i .
fi'We know, I or we mightvknow, if we turn to the journals, who ex-
pressed respect, gratitude. and regret, when he retired from the chief’
magistracy; and who refused to express either respect, gratitucle,i or
regret. I shallnot open these journals. Publicationslmoreabusive or

scurrilous never saw the light than were sent forth against VVashington,-.

and all his leading measures, from presses south of New England,-,»
but I'sliall not look them up. I employ no sca.vens.gers-~—n_o one is in
a.ttendance on me, tendering such means of retaliation; and it’ there
Were, with an ass’s load of thenl, with a bulk’ as huge as that which the
gentleman himself’ has produced, I would not touchone of them. I see
enou,«.g;h of‘ the violence of our own times: to be no way anxious to rescue
from t’orgetf'ulness the extravagances of n times past.“ .Besides,,What is all
this to the present purpose? It has nothing to do with the public lands,

in rega1~d to which the attack was begun ; and it has nothing to do with

those sentiments and opinions, which I have_!tl1o*ught tend to disunion, and
all of whichthe honorable members seems to have adopted himself, and
undertaken to defend.  New ,Eng1.and.has., at times, -———-— so argues the gene

tleznan,-~—- held opinions as dangerous I as those which he now holds. _ Be; , it

it so. But why, therefore, does he abuse New England? tlflfietfinds
himself tcountenanced~by acts of hers, how is it that, while he relies--on
these acts, the ‘covers, or seeks to cover, their authors with reproach ?C

I But, sir, if, in the course of forty. years, there , have been undue efi'er.«-

vescences,oi‘;,party.in New England, has the same thing happened no» r
where else I’, . Party animosity and party outrage, not in .New.7England,.

but -elsewliere, denounced President ,Washingtofn,~not only as a federalist,
but as a tory, a.‘ British agent,‘a man who, in Iris high oflice, I sanctioned

corruption. $But, does the honorable rmenuber suppose. that, if I thada
tender here, who should put such an eiiiusionia. of; wickedness and f'o1ly..in'

my hand, that I would stand upandtireadait .ar,,,rainst the south E’: . Parties~

ran into. great heats, again, in 1r7.99;an:d’.1'800. r=i+What wassaicl, sir,~or*

rather what was not said, in those years,. against John ‘Adams, one of the

64 srnnon on MR, Wnsslrnav

signers of the Declaration" of Independence, and: its adinittcdl ablest

, defender on the floor of Congress? Ifthe: gentleman wants to increase

his stores of party abuse and frothy violence, if he has i a determined
proclilvit.y to such pursuits, there are treasuresrof that sort south of the
Potomac, much to his taste, yet untourchecl. Ishall not-touch them.

The parties which divided. the country, at the com-niencernent of the
late war, were violent. But, then,th"ere Wasrviolence on bothsides, and
violence in every state. Minorities and majorities were equally "violent.
There was no more violence against the War in New Englantl than in
other states ; nor any more appearance of violence, ex.cept‘that,_ owing to
jla-dense population, great.er~ facilityifor assembling, and Kxncre presses,
there - may have been more, in. quantity, spoken and printed there than
in some other places. In the article ~ of serxnon-fs,,too,i N ew Englan-do is
somewliat more abundant than South Carolina; and ‘for that reason, the
chance of findingllhere andthere an exceptionable one may be greater,
I hope, too, there are more good ones. ‘Opposition may have been more
formidable in New England, as it embraced a largerportion of the whole
population ; but it was no more iunrestrained in its principle, or violentin
manner. The minorities dealt quite as. harshly With their own state
governments as the Inajoritiesdealt with the administration. here.‘ There
were presses on both sides, popular meetings on both sides, ay, and pul-
pits on both sides, also. The gentlexnan’s purveyors have onlyeatered
fO1"l'1fl1I1 anioiig the productions of one side. Iocertainly shall not supply
the deficiency by furnishing samples of the otliert I leave to him,.and to
them, the whole concern. v ‘ p p l
i It is enough for me to say, that if,iin any part of this, their grateful
occupation ----- if‘ in all their resea.‘rche‘s?-- they find any thing in the his-
tory of Massachusetts, or New England, or in the proceedixigs of any
legislative or other public body, disloyal to the Union, spealtiiig-slightly
of its value, proposing to breakit up, orlirecommending non-intercourse
with xieighboritig states, on account ot'idif’ference of political opinion, then,
sir, I give them all up to the honorable gentleinarfs unrestrained rebuke,;
expecting, however, that he,’ will extend, his buffetings, in like manner,to
all similar p1*oceledi1igs,Wherever elserfound. o i - V

l The gentleman, sir, has spoken at large of former parties, now no
longer i,n‘bci11g, by their received appellations, and has undertaken to
instruct us, not only-in the knowledge of their “principles, but of their
respective 1.)ecli,o,;rees.also. He has ascended to their 01-igini, and ru, “out-
their geneialogies. ‘With most ezszemplary modesty, he speaks o the
partyto which he professes to have belonged hiniself, as the truc,pure,
the only honest, pa.trioltic*pa1*ty, derived by iregnlar descent, froxn tether
to son. from the time of the virtuous Rouians lit Sprcaclingl bei"ore us the
family tree of political parties, heetakes especial careto ‘show himself
snugly perched on a popular boughl 1 Idle is wakeful tothe expediency
of aclopiiting such rules of‘ ‘descent, for political }j).‘%1.1*l‘Ql(3S, as shall b1~ing; him
,in::,ting exclusion of others, as an heir: to the; i.‘lI1lI£§l1'Zl7iu‘lL1'i,‘Ct3 of all public vir-,~
tue,»la:ndf allltruer politica1:»principles.~,« I*Iis,=do2tyt~is?ta1ways orthodoxy.

Heterodoxy,,_,is,. confined tohis Aopponents, u He spoke, sir, ofatltxe federalists,
and.I1thou.ght I saw some eyes belginito open and store a little, wihenvhe»

ventured on that grouncla» I1e:K.pected.=hep-W+Ol:tll1j:l draw i1"iisl,sk~oetc.hpes 1'ath5&1‘
light-lye, when she looked on the 1 circle: r irouind  and it especially * if “he

should cast:tthisi,ithough,tts to,i.3ithe,i,;h,igh§spltt:ces out:ofl‘iithe,’S?enate,;l, li:e,verthe-s i _

less, he went pbaokwto: ,Rome,; ,ad1an,aam»gi,,arla oomlita, and -found it tliezfatheirs

on THE nnsonurion-for MR. roor. ‘ 65

of the federalist in, the primeval aristocrats of * that renowned empire!

Hetraced the flow of federal blood 2 down through successive ages.

and centuries, till he got into the ” veins of the American tories, (of whom.
by the way, therewere twentyin the Carolinas for -one in Massachusetts.)
From the tories, he followed it to the federalistsg and as the federal
party was broken up, and there was no possibility of transmitting it
farther on this side of the At.lantic, he seems, to haveadiscovered that it
has gone off, collaterally, -though ‘against all the canons of descent, into
the ultras of France, and finally became extinguished, like exploded gas,
among the adherents of Don Miguel. I I » - y _, __ V
This, sir, is an abstract of the gentlemazfs history of federalism. I am
not about to controvert it. ‘It is not, at present, worth the pains of refu-
tation, because, sir, if at this day one feels the sin of federalism lying;
heavily on his conscience, he can easily obtain remission. He may even
have an indulgence, if he is desirous of repeating the transgression, It
is an affair of no difficulty to get into this same right line of patriotic
descent. A man, nowadays, is at liberty to choose his political parent-
age. He may elect his own father. ‘Federalist or not,‘ he may, if he
choose, claim tobelong to the favored stock, and his claim will- be allowed.
He may carry aback his pretensions just asffar as the honorable gentleman
himself; nay, he may make himself out the honorable gentlemanfs cousin,
and prove sat.isfactorily that he is descended from the same political great-
grandfather. All this is allowable. Weall know a process, sir, by which.
the whole Essex J unto could, in one hour, be all washed white from their
ancient federalism, and come out, every one of them, an original demo-
crat, dyed in the wool I Some of them :l'12W’e actually undergone the oper-
ation, and they say it is quite easy. The only: inconvenience it occasions,
as they tell us, is a slight tendency of the blood to the face, as soft suffusion,
which, however, is very transient, sincenothing is said calculated to deepen
the red on the check, but a prudent silence observed in regarclto all
the past. In<:lee’d,‘sir, some stniles foftapprobation yilisavebeenbestowed,
and some crurns of comfort havee.,fallen,«"not a9 thousand mileS'f1‘0I”I1,rtht.%
door of the Harttiord Convientioni iitseltliy ‘And it if the author of t the ordi-
nance of 1787 possessed the other requisite“;qua1itications,~there is no
kiiiowing, notwithstanding his federalism, to Whatillieightsiofi favor he niiglit
not yet attain. ‘ p I ’,
Mr. President, in carrying his warfare, such as itwas, into New Elig-
land, the honorable gentleman all alorng professes to be acting on the
defensive. He desires to consider me as having assailed South Carolina.
and insists that he - comes forth only as her champion, and in her defence.
Sir, I do not admit that I made any attack whatever on -I South Carolin: :.

Nothing like it, The honorable ‘member, in his first speech, expressetll

opinions, intregard to revenue, and someother tOpiCS,‘Which Igheard both
with pain and surprise: I to-ldeth-e gentlemant that Iwas aware that such
sentiments were entertained tom.‘ of the government,:but*had inotexpecteclr
to find them advanced in it; that I knew there were persons in the south
who speak of our~Union with inclitfcrence, or doubt, ‘taking painsto mag-
nify its evils, and to say nothingiof its benefits; .that_ theiiihonorableiemain»
berhimse1f,rI was sure, could never b6iQI1@§0£5llh3$e; and ;I' regretted itho
expression of such opinions as he,qhad:ancwed,,sbecause-.1uthouglit their‘
obvious tendency was to encourage rfeeli1igs~of «disrespect. to the Union.

and; toweaken its connection. ; ‘Tlris,;.sir,, isxthe? sum and substance ,:0}f:7r3»1lr

I said on the subject. I And this cohlstitutesiti the attack which lcalled. oni
9 V

66 to isrtsnonor MR. wnssrnn

the: chivalry of the gentleman, in his opinion,” to harry us with such a for-

aggei among the party pamphlets and party proceedings of Massachusetts. .

If he means that I spoke with dissatisfaction or disrespect of the ebulli-
tione of individuals in South Carolina, it is true. But,if he means that
I had assailed the character of the state, her honor, or patriotism, that I
had reflected on ‘her history or her conduct, heiihad not the slightest
,ground for any such assumption. I did not even ‘refer, I thinlz, in my
observations, to anycollection of individuals. I said nothingof the recent
conventions. I spoke in the most guarded and careful manner, and only
expressed my regret for the "publication of opinions which I presumed
the honorable‘ member disapproved as much as myself. In this, it seems,
I ‘was mistaken. . y
I do not remember that the gentleman has disclaimed any sentiment, or
any opinion, of a supposed anti—Union tendency, which’ on all or anyof the
recent occasionsthas been e:~:press"ed.. The Whole drift of his speech has
been rather to prove, that, in divers times and manners,wsentirnents
equally liable to objection have been promulgatecl in New England.
And one would suppose that hisobject, in this reference to Massachusetts,
was to find a precedent to justify proceecliiigsi in the south, were it not
for the reproach and contumely with which he labors, all aloiig, to load
his precedents. ‘ I Q . o
By way of defending South Carolina from what he chooses to think." an
attack on her, he first quotes the example of M.'assachL1set.t.s, and then
denounces that example, in good set terms. This twofold purpose, not
very consistent with itself, one would think, was €:‘Xl'1lbl’l7(:3t'l more than once
in the course of his speech. He referred,for instance, to the Hartford
-Convention. Did he do this for authority, or for a topic of reproach?
Apparently for both; for he told us that he should find no fault with the
mere fact of holdingsuch a convention, and considering and ciiscussiiig
-such questions as he supposes were then and there discussed; but what
-rendered it obnoxious was the time it was holden, and the circumstances

of the country then existing. We were in a War, he said, and the country

needed all our raid; the hand of government required to be strengtliened,
notweakened ;  and ipiatriotisrn ‘should have postponed suchproceedings to
another day: “The thingitself, then, is a precedent; the time and manner
-of it, only, subject of censure. I A >
Now,“sir, I‘ go ‘much farther, on this point, than the honorable rneniber.
‘S1Ipp0SlI'1g, as the gentleman seems to, that the I~Iartford Convention 
semblecl for any. such purpose as breaking up the Union, because they
thought unconstitutional laws had been passed, or to concert on that subs
ject, orito cal‘cu1ate<»theWvvaluex of the -Union; supposing this to be their
purpose, or any part of I it, thenl say theimeeting itself was ;disloyal,. and
obnoxious. to censure, ‘whietlier held in timeof peace, Tor time of war, or
under whatevero circuinstances\.: The materialmatter is the object. ls

p dissolutiongthe object? If it be, external circumstances may makeit fly

more or less faggzravated :case,.but cannot affect the principle. I do not
hold, tlicrefore, that the Hartford Gonvention was pardonable, even to the

iextientlof the orent1e‘1na11’s admission if its ob'ects were reall such asfhavci
:3 7 J . j Y .

‘been in1oputed:<to“‘lit. :” Sir, there neverrwas  time, under any degree I: of
excitement,  ivvhiclii  -the. Hartford; v1Con*vention,: for any other convention,
could maintain’ itself :one_7 ‘rnoment; in gNewi iEng1and,.: tiff assembled for ‘ any
such lpurposei   gentlerhani: says vwbulid .have; been an allowable in pur-
pose. "I *To3 holds conventional-filters. idecide qjuestiions of constitutionaliilaw I-——-

H

on r1=rnn13s,oL»UrIon on MR. roor. G4
to try the binding validity of statutes, by votesin a-convention I to Sir, the
Hartford Convention,,I presume, would not desire that the honorable
gentleman should be their defender oradvocate,-if’ he puts their case upon
such untenable and extravagant grounds. I i V
Then, sir, the gentleman has no fault to find with these recently-pro-
mulgated South Carolina opinions. An.d,rcertainly, he ‘need have none;
for , his own sentiments, as now advanced, and; advanced on reflection, as
far as»I, have been able'it"o'comprehe;ndi them, gothejfull length of all
these opinions. I-~propose,*sir, to say something on these, and to consider
how far they are just and constitutional. Before doing that, however, let
me observe, that. the reulogium pronounced on the character of the state
of South Carolina, by the honorable gentleman, for her revolutionary and
other merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge that
the honorableimember goes before me in regard for whatever of idis-
tinguishedtalent or distinguished character South Carolina has produced.
I claim part of the honor, I partake in the pride, of her great names. I
claim them for countrymen,‘ one" and all. I The Laurenses, the Rutledges,
the Pinckneys, the Surnpters, the Marions:-~—.A1neri.cans all ---— whose
fame is no inoreto be hemmedjin by state lines than their talents and
patriotism were capable ofqbeing circumscribed within the same narrow

r limits.  In their day and generation, they served and honored the country,

and the whole country-; and their renown is of‘ the treasures of the whole
country. Himrwhose honored name the gentleman liimself bears--I-does
he suppose me less capable of gratitude for his patriotism, or sympathy
for his sufferings, than if his eyes had first opened upon the light in Mas-
sachusetts instead of South Carolina? Sir, does he supposeit is in his
power to exliibit a Carolina name so bright as to. produce envyin my
bosom? ~ No, sir, increased gratification and delight, rather. ‘  

Sir, I tthanl: God that if Iam gifted withlittle of‘ the spirit which is
said to be able to raise mortals to the skies, I, have yet none, as I trust,
of that other sipiritmvhichrwould drag angels I down. it When, I shall be
found, sir, in myv place there in y the Senate, or relsewhere, to sneer at
public merit, because it happened to spring up beyond the little limits of
my own ,¢etate,j or : neighborhood; when I refuse,;pt'or. any ‘such cause, or
for any cause; the homage due to~American talent, to elevated patriotisni,
tosincere devotion to liberty andthe» country; or if I see an uncommon
endowment of Ileaven, if I I see extraordinary capacity and virtue in
any son of thesouth, and if, moved bylocal prejudice, or gangrenediiby
state jealousy, I get up there to abate the tithe of a hair from his just
character and just fame,~——+~may my tongue cleave to the iroofiofiiimy

mouth! Sir, let me recur to pleasing recollections; let me indulge in‘

refreshing, remembrance of the past; let me remind you that in early
times no states cherished greater harmony, both of principle and feeling,
than Massachusetts and South Carolina. Would to God thatgharmcny
might again return» Shoulder to shoulder they went through the I revo-
lution 5‘ hand in hand they stood »round the administration of; Washington,
and felt his own great arm lean” on"-them~for,,~support.; I Unkind feeling, it‘.

it exist,,alienation, and distrust: are the growth, unnatural to such soils, I
of false principles since sown; . They are rrweedsgtheirseeds of which that ~ “

same great arminever scattered.   j ;, ~

Mr.“ President, I shall enter on no encomium, upon Massachusetts 
shegneedsi none. u'1‘here she is ta----.beho1d,l;r,her,i and judge for yourselves;

There is her history 5----s the world knowsit by heart. The past, at least,

7768 c t . SPEECH or MR. wnssran

it

is secure.‘ There is Boston, and Concord, and Lexington, and Bunker
Hill; and there they will remain forever. The bones of her sons, fallen
in the great struggle for independence, now» lie mingled with the soil of
every state from ”New England to Georgia; and there they will lie for-

ever. And, sir, where American liberty raised its ‘first voice, and where

its youth was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength
of its manhood, and full, of its original spirit. If discord and disunion
shall wound it; if party strife and blind ambition shall hawk at and tear
itgiif folly and madness, if uneasiness under salutary and necessary
restraint, shall succeed to separate it from that: Union by which alone its
existence is made sure,————-it will stand, in the end, bythe side of that
cradle in which its infancy. was rocked ;it will stretch forth its arm, with
whatever vigor it may still retain, over the friends who gather round it ;
and it will fall at last, if fall it must, amidst the proudest monuments of
its ownglory, and on the very spot of its origin. , v
Tliere yet remains to be performed, Mr. *President, by far the most

grave and important duty which I feelto be devolved on me -by this

occasion. a It is to state, and to defend, what; I conceive to be the true
principles of the constitution under which We are here assembled.‘ I
might well have desired that so weighty a task should have fallen into
otherand abler hands. ‘I could have wished that it should have been
executed by those Whose character and ‘experience give weight andinflu-
ence to their opinions, such as cannot possibly belong to mine. But, sir,
I have met the occasion, not sought it ;‘ and I shall proceed to state my
own sentiments, without challenging for them any particular regard, with
studied plainness and as much precision aspossible. , v 
y I understand the honorable gentleman from South Carolina to maintain
that it is aright of the state legislatures‘to interfere, whenever, in their
judgment, this government transcends its constitutional limits, and to
arrest the operation of its laws. “ i  v I
I. understand. him to maintain this right as a right existing under the
constitution, not as a right to overthrow it, on the ground of extreme
necessity, such. as would justify violent revolution. i I 2
I understand him» to maintain an authority, on the part of the states,
thus to interfere, for the purposeof correcting the exercise of power ‘by
the .genera1-lgove1'nment,l- of checking it, andof compelling it to conform
to their opinion» of the extent of its power. I I I p o I l v 4
Iiunderstand him to maintain that the ultimate power of j‘udgingIo:f‘the
constitutional extent of its x own authority is not lodged exclusively ‘ in the
generalgovernmentelor any branch of it; but that,on the contrary, the
states vmaylawfnllyl decide for themselves, and each state for itself,
whether, in a given case, the act of the vgenerallgovernment transcends
itsfipower. . t l ; =   t at f I  A r w c to v I
 Iunderstandrhim to insist that, if the lexigency of the case,=in the opin-
ioniof any state government, require it,tSUCl1iiSt¢‘1l;6$ government may, by its

own,,,sovereiglnl authority, annul an actof the»genera1lgovernm~entl vvhicli I

it deemsfplainly andlpalpably:unconstitutional; it  

. C7Thisisis:l=tl1e sum of what Ilunderssitandrfromhimbto betheSoutl1C‘aro~ a

line  v Ilpropose to consider::it,.anduto =eon1pare»it= vvitlrthev consti-
tution.” Allow me to say,ias a preliminairyvrfemark, ‘that Iicall this -‘the
South  iflarrnlinaf» doctrine: = “only because« the  :lgem1en;,.anrr shiniuslelf has  so
denominatedslit. xa  do not; feiel aat i-iliberftyalltoi’ say» that ‘South <Caro1ina,<'asr a

‘ state,  iever§Vadvanced~ l these  sentimiehts.» lI, ilihorper she?  not, st and

l on THE nssiorurxon, or Ms. poor. 65%»

never may. That. a greatmajority of her people are opposed to the
tariff’ laws isldoubtless true. That a majority, somewhat less than that
just mentioned, conscientiously. believe these laws unconstitutional, may
probably also be true., But that anyrmajority holds to the right of direct
state interference, at state discretion, the right of nullifying acts _ of’ Con-
gress by acts of state legislation, is more than I know, and what I shall
be slow, to believe. ; V I

That there are individuals, besidesthe honorable gentleman, who do
maintain these opiuions,,is quite certain. Iirecollect the recent expres-
sion of a. sentiment which circumstances attending its utterance and puls-

lication justify us in supposingwas not unpremeditated ~—--—- “ The sove1'eig11-i

ty of the state: never to be controlled, construed, or decided on, but by
her own feelings of honorable justice.” ‘ ' I I

[Mix HAYNE here rose, and said, that, for the purpose of being clearly I

unclerstood, he would state that his proposition was in the Words of the
Virginia resolution, as follows :—-- » «

“ That this Assembly doth explicitly and percmptorily declare, that it
views the powers of the federal government, as resulting from the com-
pact, tovwhich the states are parties, as limited by the plain sense and
intention of the instrument constituting that compact, as no fuiftlierivalid
than they are authorized by the ,grants enumerated in that compact ; and
that, in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise’ of other

powers not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties there»

to have the right, and are in duty hound,to interpose for arresting the
progress of the evil, and for maintaining, within their respective limits,
the authorities, rights, and liberties pertaining, to them..”]

Mr. Wxtusrnn re.sumed:~--«-- , I i   i r  

I am quite aware, Mr. President, of the existence of the resolution
which the gentleman read, and has now repeated, and that herelies on it
as his authority. I knowthe source, too, from which it is understood to
have proceeded.  I ineednotisay, that, I liavet much, respect for the con-
stitutionall iopinionse of  Madison , ithrey woulcl, pweigli , greatly with me,
always. But, before thew authority of his opinion} be dvouched for the
g-entl.eman’s iipuoposition, its will be ipproper to consider what is the fair
interpretation of; that resolution, to which Mr. Maclisoin is understood to
have givenhis s;anctio'n. As, the gentleman construes it, it is an author-
ity for him. Possibly he may not have adopted the right lconstruction.

That resolution declares, that via the case of. the davtgerous exercefsev oft

powers not granted by the general govea~nment,‘i. the states may tater-
pose to larrestrt the progress of the evil. But how interpose ?, and what does
this declaration purport? Does it mean no more than thatthere may be
extreme cases in which the people, in any mode of ‘ assembling, may resist

“usurpation, and relieve themselves from a tyrannical government? _No

one will.deny.this_.. Such resistance is not only acknowledged to be just
in Ainerica, but in Elngland. also. Blackstone admits. as much, in the
theory and practice, too, of the ‘Englishiconstitution, ii ,We, sir, who oppose
the Carolina doctrine, denote, deny that the ipeoplemayl,i  they choose,
throw off anyrigovernment, when it becomes, oppressive and intolerable,
and «erect ;a~better.i11 itssteaclje.  alllliknow, ‘,tha,t ci_Vi1,,instit11ti0%1S;,3+1‘,6
established for the public-benefit, and thatmrhen. they cease to answer the

,ends of i their e:x.istence,. theyfmay be changed; I g ‘ s s

But I’ do not under$tandi~~ the ;doctrine now contended for ; 11¢. ,be_.that
which, for; the sake of , dis,tinctness,, wemmay loallripthe, right ~ of I revolution.

70 V s1=-nzeon or ivm. ‘WEBSTER i

I ‘understand the gentleman to maintaih, that. ‘without revolution, without
civil cornmotion, Without rebellion, a remedy for supposed abuse -and
transgression of‘ the powers fioflthe general government lies in a direct

appeal to the interference of‘ the state,igovernments.l [Mn Iiiarnn hero ,

rose’: He did not contend, he said, for the more right of revolution, but
for the right of *eonstitutional resistance. What he maintained was, that,
in case of; a plain, palpable violation of p the constitution by the general
government,i a state "may interpose; and that this interposition is con-
stitutional.] Mr. Wxcesrnit resumed:~--~--- ‘  

‘ so, sir, I understood the gentleman, and am happy to find that I did
not misunderstancl him. W'hat he contends for is, that it is constitutional
tointerrnpt theadministration of the constitution itself, in the hands of
those who are chosen and sworn to administer it, by the direct interfer-
ence, in form of law, of the states,~in virtue of their sovereign capacity.
The inherent right? in‘ the people to reform their government I, do not
deny 5 and they liave another right, and that is, to resist unconstitutional
laws, without ove1*tur1iingl the gover1n'nent.t It is no doctrine of mine, that
unconstitutionallaws bind the people. ‘ The great question is, W/zoso pre-
rogative sis it to decide on ‘tile covzistzftztteforzctltty -or -lamconst27t'2.mT0nolvity f the
lam? On that the main ‘debate hinges. The proposition that, in case of’
aisupposed yiolyation of the constitution by Congress, the states have a
constitutional “right itointerfere, and annul the law of‘ Congress, is the

~proposition of the 'g‘(311tleI“11aI1; I do not admit it. If the gentleman. had

intended no more than to assert the right of revolution for justifiable i_C£t11S(?.,
henwould have saidlonlyiwhat all agree to. ‘But I cannot conceive that
there can be a middle course between submission to the laws, Wlien regu-
larly pronoun.ced eonstitutional,pon the one hand, and open resistance,
which isrevolution or rebellion, on the other- I say the right of a state
to annul a, law of’;C'ongress cannot be maintained but on ' the ground of
the unalienable scrip;-lit‘of' man to resist oppression ; 1 that isyto say, upon the
groundicifi-evolution.l I admit that there is an; ultimate violent remedy,
above the constitution, and inideiianceiof the constitution, which may be
resorted to, ‘when ‘a retvoliutiouii is“ to be justified.‘ But I do not admit that,
under the constitution, and in coiitlormity with wit, thereis anylmocle in
which at state ‘governnient, as member of the Union, can int.ert'ere and
stop the progress‘ of tlieolgenleralt governxnen't, by force of her own laws,
under’ any circunistances whatever. i i o ~ °

Thisleads us “to inquire into the origin of this government, and the
source of ooitslopowergt  Wltlose zigent isit ?i Is it the creatlure of the state
legislatures, or" tl1e'creatt1re‘~ oi'"the people? Ifithe government of the
United Statespbe“ the ‘agent of the   state governments,s then they may
eontrol it, pi-o~vicl,5ed~ th’e3roan agree in 'the"rnauner of controllirngiiti; ifit is
the agent of the p-eopleytheni the people“ alone‘ can oo*ntrol~ it, restrain it,
inodify or reform it. “It is observable enough, that thedoctrine for which
the honorable gentleman contends "leads? him tothe necessity‘ of main-
taining, not only ithatthis» general-government Bis the creature is of s the

ostat”es,“‘butit',that i»itfii.s, the creature of eachioff the states severally ~;, so“ that
aeaclil inayjassert the “ power, for iitself, or ~deterrnining‘wl1etheri it it acts
within ~i‘tlieViliii1its of its authority.‘ tltis the servant of four and twenty
'masters‘,’- of it “diifierenti sans ended differeintli“purposes  2 and yet" ~5b~oundi,=to ,ol3e§' ,

all. This absjurdlity [(forxit“«isee1ns,rio t,Iess)i;~iarise“sistroxnfa misconception

i as to‘theiitorigin4st‘,ithis;govermment,,and its tru:e+fehait'aoter.~‘oic  xsir], the l
p peop‘1e’s leonstit‘ution,‘~ii the7 people’s f:i*govieir11me1fift;‘ci lmficdfile ‘«f0i‘+{ the peoples;

ohm

on man RESOLUTION o:rT1un~. room. 

made bythe people; and answerable to the people.  The people of the
United States have declared that this constitution shall be the supreme.
law. T We must either admit the proposition, or disputetheirauthority.
The states are. unquestionably sovereign, so far as their sovereignty is not
affected by thissupreme law.‘ The state legislatureTs,_ as political bodies,

however sovereign, are yet not sovereignovler the people. So far as the ’

people have given power to Tthe: general government, so far the grantT.iTsT
unquestionablygood, and the government holds of the people, and not of’

the state governments." We areall agents of the same Tsuprexne power,

the people. The general governrnentand the stat.eTT'gove1'nxnentTs derive‘
their authority from the same source. , Neither can, in relation to the
other, he called primary gvthough one is definite and restricted,,and the
othergeneral and residuary. _ ' T in T T T  , T T.  T T T

T’he~nationalTT~governmentT possesses those powers which it can be
shown theipeople have conf'erred onit, and no more. Al1the,restbe-
longs to the state governments, or toithe people theirnselves. So fares
the people have restrained state sovereignty by the expression of their
will, in the constitution. of the.United States, so far, it must be admitted,
state soverei,g*Tnty is etfectttally controlled. do I do not contend that it is, or
ought to be, controlled t'urtl1er.. The sentiment to which I have referred
propounds that state sovereignty is only to be controlled byits own “feel-
ing iofjnsticeg ” that is tosay, it is not to be controlled at all; for TTone_whoT
isto follow his feelings, is under no legal Tcontrol.  Now, however men

may think this oughtl-TTtoT be, the Fact is, tltat theTTpeop1e" of the United States:

have chosen to impose control on state sot'ereig1'1ltics. T The constitution
has ordered the matter 'difi‘erently from what this opinion announces. To
make war, for instance, is an exercise of sovereignty; but the constitu-
tion declares that no state shall make war, TT To coin money is another
eztercise of sov,e1'eign power; but no state is at liberty to coin ,11'lOfI1,($_‘,'..
Again: illlliz‘. (50nt~‘:l1llJI1l4,lC)“I,l_SEty$,tl3l1£t,t,Il0 sovTerTeign stateTs,hal1TT,be so ,Tsot*e1'ei,fgn
as to niahe  treaty, i see proltibitions, ittirlust be oonfessed,§are a con»
trol on the state soTv,ere:x   yTToTfT SouthV:;Caro1‘ina, as well as of'the—Totl1er_sta?tes,

     

E1‘:

'0, T . T .m, ‘ ‘V c o , an 5
T which does\notT ar1se:T“from ,1l€tT.l,0W'I1::f63]1ng'S of Thonora_ble Justice.-’,’ , Such
an opinion, therefore,,TisT in defiance of the plainest prov;isTions Of.‘ the con- T

sTtitution.T    T T TT TT ‘ ‘V T TT
I There arenotlier proceedings of public bodies which have already been
alluded to, = and r to which TITTr'ef'er again for the purpose of ascertaining
Inore fully what is the Tlength and breadth of that doctrine, denominated
the Carolina doctrine, which the honorable memTber has now stoodTupVon
this floor tomaintaTi11T.T-  ,  t T   TT T  TT Tl :  T;
In one of them I find it TresolvedT that “the tariff of 1828, and every
other taritl’TT designed to promote one branch of industry at the expense
of others, is contrary to the Tmeaning and intention of :the,fe.dera1TT com-
pact; and as such, at dangerous, palpable, and,deliberateT T usurpation of
power, by adetermined majority, wielding the general government beyond
the Tlimitsiof its delegated powers, as calls; Tupon the 2 states ‘which compose
the suttering xninTority,J,in theirTsovereiTgn capacity, to: exercise It-11e'.1)0WerST
which, as sovereigns, necessarily devolve upon T them, Twhen ‘ their compactT
is vio1a,t1e,dT.T”?1,,,, T  , _      I   “   ‘ 
; TT , ObsTe;rve, T sir, that I this , r:eso1utio,h,,;.jholdsT ithe tar-"ifi' .of. 1828, and; .every
other tarifl‘, TdesignedTlTto T promote one branch of iindustry at the expense of
anotlter, to T_be2suoh€ a .dang,ferous,T T pa1pTab1;e,Z and , tdelTiberat.e usn.rpatTionTTT of
power, as calls uponsTtl1e.st.ates,:T in sovTereignT_,,capacit.y, toTTintcrfeTreby

 it session‘ or Mn‘. wnesrhn

their own" power. ‘This denunciation, Mr. President, you will please to
observe. includes our old tariff’ of 1816, as well as all others; because that
wasestablislied to promote the interest of the manufactures of cotton, to
the manifest and admittediinjury of the Calcutta cotton trade. Observe,
again, that all the qualifications are here rehearsed, and charged upon the
ta1'itiI, which are necessary to bring the case within the gentlemans’sl prop-i.
osition. The tariff’ is _a usurpation; it is a dangerous usurpation; it is a
palpable usurpation; it is a deliberate usurpation. It is such a=usurpa-~
tion as calls upon the states to exercise their right of interference'. Here
 case, then, within the gentleman"s principles,and all his qualifications“
out" his ‘principles. i It is a casefor action. The constitution is plainly, dan-
gerously, palpably, and deliberately violated; and the states must inter-
pose their own authority to arrest the law. Let us suppose the state of
South Carolina to express this same opinion, by the voice‘ of her legisla-
ture. That would be very imposing; but what then? Is the voice of one
state conclusive? It so happens that, at the very moment when South
Carolina resolves thatthe tariff laws are unconstitutional, Pennsylvania
and Kentucky resolve exactly the reverse. T/my hold those laws to be
both highly proper and strictlyconstitutional. And now, sir, how does
the honorable xnernber propose to deal with this case? How does” he get
out of this difficulty, upon any principle of‘ his? His construction getsus
into it; how does he propose to get us‘ out? ‘

In Carolina, the tariff‘ it is a palpable,deliberate nsurpatio.n; 'O€2tI'Ol;l111‘t,
tlierefbre, may mtZlv.'jfz/ it, and ref'use to pay the duties. In Pennsylvania,
it is both clearly constitutional and leziglily expedient; and there the duties
are to be paid. And yet we liveunder at governmentiof unit'orxn‘laws.,1
and under a coustitution,too, which contains an ezaprcss provision, as it
happens, that all duties shall be equal in all the states! Does not this
approach absurdity? . - y 

If there be no power to settle such questions, independent of either of
the states, isnot the whole Union; as-rope of sand}? A-reiwe not thrown
back againn precisely upon the old confederation? l t i * t

It is too plain to be argued. Four. and twenty interpreters of constitu-
tional law, each with a power to decide for itself”, and none with authority to
bind any body else, and this constitutional law the only bond of their union l
What is such has state of tliings’ but at more connection during pleasure‘,
or, to use theilphraseology of the times, dinning feeling? And that feeling,
too, not the feeling otithe people who established the constitution, but the
feeling of the state governments. ‘ ‘ ' i i l i

In another of the South; Carolina addresses, liavirigl premised that the

crisis requires 4‘ all i.tl1e-«concentrated energy of Jpassionfian attitude of
open resistance to the laws. of the Union is advised. Open resistance to
the laws, then, is the constitutional remedy, the conservative power of’ the
state, which the iSouth;Carolina doctrines teachifor the redress of political
evils, real or imaginary. A.nclLits authonsfurther say that, appealingwith
confidence torthe constitution, itself to .justif'y~ their opinions, they earn

not consent to ‘try their accuracy byéthel courts oi:',’justice.l In one sense,
indeed, sir, this isassuming an attitude of open resistance in favor of 
liberty. But what sort of liberty? The liberty of iestablisliingl their own?
opinions,. in d‘e;fiance:.~of the opinions of alltdthers  lthlelilibertyiofvjudgingfandl
of deciding exclusively; ltheniselvespinaisa matter. _,iI1.n‘.WlI1lGh; 3others'have.=qasti
much right to judge: and decide sthe?y.;«-th3er:.1iberty yof replacing their:

opinions above. ‘their; j,udgment.of all notherspabove the»- 1,awsl,§,.andl above

on rm: tense-ootnrroni or  roor. _ 

the constitution. This is: their liberty, .and- this is the’ r,fai1"rersn1t'.irlof ti-he,
proposition contended for by the honorable gentl“eInan.;‘ Or it:mayibejmore~;

l properly said, it is identical with it, rather.than ai result from it... In the

same publication we find the following:*‘‘ Previou-slyto o-nrrrevo=1=utiJon,

when the arm of oppression was stretched over New E13gl.and, where“ did’

our northern rbrethren, meet with a . braver synipatliy than that which
sprung from the bosom of Carolinians Pt ;WIetfh-ad~no extorrefotz, no oppres-
sion, no colliisiam wait/2 the /‘oi-ng’s mt'm’sters, no smut:-ziqtttefon ’Z'7ZZ6'f'6'S?f.S‘ tspringwri
ting 1,539,759’; envious rvfvalryof England.’’ 7 7 - ' _  2 I '   ~

This seems extraordinary language. South Carolina no collision with
tl1e.9king’s ministers in 1775 !. no extortion! no oppression I 1 But, sir, it
is!-also most significant language. Does any man “doubt” therpuriposeifor
Wlllcll it was penned? Can any one fail to see that it wasrdesig~ned to-

raise in the reader’s mind the question, whether, at this tt'me.,—,-tljiat is to”

say, in 1828,—--South Carolina‘ has any collision with the l<i1.1g?s ministers,
any oppression, or extortion, to fear from Eriglaxid ?»whether, in short,
England is not as naturally the tfriend-of South Carolina as New England,
with her xiaviggation interests springing up in envious rivalry of England?
Is it not strange, sir, that an intelligent man in South Carolina, in 1828,
should thus labor to prove, that, in 1775, there was n0,l1oet‘ili.ty, noqcanse
of war, ?-betiween South Carolina and England? »that¢s1;1e had no ocea-
sion,-tin reference‘ to her own interest, or frorn a rregax-den to her own wel
flare,rtottake up» arms in the revolutionary contest? Can” any; one account
for the expression of such st.r21.ng:e sentiments, and, their "circulation
througli’ the state, otherwise than by supposiinge the o1’:wjec:t‘ to bie,iw11at I
have already'intimated, to raise tl1‘e’question, if they had no “ ‘c-oZZt's2Ton’,’

(mark the ex.pression) with theministers oftlifing Geoxige theThird,,in‘

1775, what collzfszfoat have they, in1r828, withthe hxnrirnisters of. King George
the Fourth Pr Whatis there now, in the ‘exldtlllgf state,of' things,«to: sepm
arate Carolina frorn Old, mom, or ratller liess,;tl1ar1:ffl:'orn New E11gland?,,
Iteso1x,itio»ns,,;,sir,r have ,be61”1l::t‘e_C®J.i1tly passed by the legislature,i‘of ,.South
Carolina. I3 need notrefer to: theyggo no~i‘u:rther tl1an‘theJhnnor-
able“ gentleman, liimselftthas gone-.-—-and I hope not so far, all content
myself‘, there1°ore,Jwith:debating:the matter with hirn. ‘  ; 7
o Andvltrow, sir, what I have first to tsay on this subject is, 'Tthat at no
time, and under‘ no circumstances, has New England, or any state in New
Jihgland, or any respectable body of persons in New England, or any
public man of standing. in New England, 7 put forth snoli a doctrine as
tl,1AisrClaro1ina c1'oetrine.; l r  7  7 or i

,The gentleman", has found, no clasew---he eanxfind nonle-t-v-‘to support

his own opinions by New England authority. ew England ~1ias—stndied
the constitution in other schools, and under other teaehers. She, ‘‘ looks
upon it with other regards,and deems mo1?etl1igt.hly,an;d, reverTently,:tb,oth
of its just authorityand its utilityra-and excellence, "Tllfiirl1lSi}QI'y::0ffl'i61:
legislative proceedings may be tra‘ced—-M the ephemeral effasionts of“ tern-—
porary bodies,»called together by the excit.ementtoftthe toeeasiion, may be
hunted up ---they have been hunted up- The opinions and? votes. of her
public men, in and out of Congress, may be ytrestplotrfed »-‘-”-‘it .will;.all—‘ be? in
vain. The tJOarolina_ doetrine lean: derive, from her.;»neither., eotintenancfle
nor support. a She rejects it now.; she always ‘did: reject it it ;V4 anld; tillshe
loses her »senees,~she"a1ways will reject-it.~ t,;r,:;:Thery hon:erab_1e membemha*s
referred to e;x:pressions.1on the subject i~:ot7,the: yernbargo-7 law, maids j.yiI1“7this
place by an 7 honorable and venerable» igentiemantt Ilintrionsn)
V 7 10

7.4 . ssrezsncnz on MR. wsssrnn

now favoring us with his presence. He quotes that distinguished senator
as saying, that in his judgment the embargo law was unconstitutional,

and that, therefore, in his opinion, the people were not bound to obey it. C

i That, sir, is perfectly constitutional language. An unconstitutiona.l
law is not binding; out time it does not rest weft]; ct resolution or at low of
a state le_qz'sZcttm~e to decide wlzetizer an act of Congress be or be not con-
stitutional. An unconstitutional act of Congress would not bind the
people of ‘this District, although they have no legislature to interfere in
their behalf; and, on the other hand, a constitutional law of Congress does

bind» the citizens of every state, although all their legislatures should .

undertake to annul it, by act or resolution; The venerable Connecticut
senator is a, constitutional lawyer, of sound principles and enlarged knowl-
edge; a statesman practised and experienced, bred inrthe company of
Wasliington, and holding just views upon the nature of our governinents.
He believed the embargo unconstitutional, and so did others; but what
then? Who did he suppose was to decide tliat question .? The state
legislatures? Certainly not. No such sentimenttever escaped his lips.
Let us follow‘ up, sir, this New England opposition to the embargo laws;
lctus trace it, till we discern the principle which controlled and governed
New England throughout the Whole course of thatiopposition. We shall
then see what similarity there is between the New England school of con-
stitutional opinions and this modern Carolina school. The gentleman, I
thinl“:,= read a‘ petition from some single individual, addressed to the legis-
lature of Massaclnisetts, asserting the Carolina. doctrine"--—-that is, the
right of state interferencehto arrest the laws of the Union. The faterof

, that petition shows the sentiment of the legislature. It tinet no favor.

The opinions of Massachusetts were otlierwise. They had been ex-«
pressed in 1798, in answer to the resolutions of Virginia, and she did not
depart from the1n,~nor’bend them to the times. Misgoverned, wronged,
opp1'essed, as she felt herself to be, she still held -fast her’ integrity to the
Union. The gentleinan may find in’ her proceedings much evidencelof
dissatisfaction witli the measures of government, and greatand deep dis-T
like; to the embargo; all this makes the case so much the stronger for
her; for, notwithstanding all this dissatisfaction and dislike, she claimed
no rightstill to sever asunder the bonds of the Union. There was heat
and there“ was anger in her political feeling. . Be it; so. Her heat or her
angerrdid knot, nevertlielcss, betray her into infidelity to the government.
The gentleman labors to prove that she disliked the iembargo as much as
South Carolina dislikes the tarifl‘; and expressed her dislike as strongly.
Be it so ; i but did the propose the Uarolma remedy? Dial size titreatein to
interfere, 53/ state authority, to cozatul the laws of the. Union? = That is the
question for the gentlemanfs consideration.» T   .
Nojdoubt, sir,ra great * majority of the people of New England con-
scientiously believed the embargo law of l 1807 7unco11stitutional—‘-——as con-
scientiously,‘certainly, as the people of South Carolina hold that opinion
of the atariffl__ They‘ reasoned thus: Congress has power to regulate com-t
mercje; but here is alaw, they said, stoppingall commerce, and stopping
 indefinitely.  Thelaw is perpetual; tliat is,“ it is not limited in point‘ of
tin1e,"and:must ofilcourse continueitill it shall be repealed. by some other
law. ‘ if Ithisflas perpetual, 'therefore, as the lawlagainstv treason. or rnurcler.
Now, is this llreglulatingyyicommerceto-rt rdestroyingrvits Is  guicling,~r~con.l-
trolling, giving the rrulidfito =cornnd?erce, as a subsisting thing, or is itiipuitting
an end: to it ‘laltogether. ? :  Northing r is more certain than that axmajaority in

ON rnzn; RESOLUTION Orim. FOOT. ' 75

New England deemed this law a violation‘. of i the constitution.‘ The very
case required by thegentleman to justify “state interference had then
arisen. Massachusetts believed this law to be P‘ adeZt'Z1e7'ate, paZpable,s and
dangerous exercise of a pa-war not granted byi/1.3 constz'tzotz'07z.” Deliber-
ate it was, for it was long continued; palpable she tliouglit it,las. no
words in the constitution gave the power, andlonly a 1 construction, in her
Opinion most violent, raised; it; dangerous-.iit.=iwas”i,isince itlth’reatened’iutt'-er

i ruin to her most iniportant interests.» H.ere,then‘, was a Carolina case.-
,HIOw did Massachusetts‘ deal with it? Itwas, as she" thought, a plain,

manifest, palpable violation of the constitutionyandlit brought ruin to her
doors. Thousands of families, and hundreds ofithousands of e individuals,
were beggared by it. . VVhi1e she saw and felt all this, she saw and‘ felt,
also, that as ameasure of national policy, itwas perfectly futile; “tliattethe
country was no way benefited by that which caused so much individual
distress; that it was efficient only for the productionof evil, and all that
evil inflictedon our-iselves.   In such a case, under such circurnstances,
how did Massachusetts dernean -herself? ‘Sir, she remonstrated, she
mernorialized, gshe addressed l herself‘ to the . ‘general government, not
exactly “ with the concentrated energy of passion,” but with her strong
sense,ancl the energy of sober conviction. But she didnotinterpose the
arm of her power to arrest the law, and break the embargo. Far from
it. Her principles bound herto two things ; and she followed her prin-
ciples, lead where they might. First, to submit to every constit.utional
law of Congress; and secondly, if the constitutional validity ‘of the law
be doubted, to refer that question to the decision of the proper tribunals.
The first principle is vain and ineffectual without" the second.» A major-
ity of us in ,New England belidved the embargo law unconstitutional;
-but the great‘vquestiOn~Was, and-always will be, in. such cases, Who" is
to decide this? Who is to judge between the people and the govern-
ment? And, sir, it is quite plain,». that _tl1e*constitution of the United
States confers on the {government-itself‘, tombe-‘llexercisedvlby its appro-
priate department, .-this . ‘power -:.of'r iirdecidingysultimately' and ‘ cOn‘clusiv'e~-
ly, upon. the just iextent of tits own .autl1ority.' . If this -had not ibeeh
dOIf1C’.,i‘W’(9fl should not haveadvanced ap sing1e‘step beyond the older con-

i federation. ,

Being fully of Opinion that the embargo law was unconstitutional, the
people of N ew England were yet equally clear in the Opinion—-—it was a
matter they did not doubt upon c---- that the question,after all, n1ust‘bede~
cided by the judicialtribunals of the Un’itedvStates. ~ Before those tribu-
nals, tlierefore, they; brought the question... Under the provisions of the
law, they had given bonds, to millions in amount, and which were alleged
to be forfeited. 1 They: suffered the bonds to be sued, anidithus raised"! the
question... In the old-fashioned Way of settling disputes, -they went" to”“l‘aW.
The case ‘i came to hearing and solemn argument {and herwho» espoused
their cause i and stood up for them it against .tl1et‘validityiof the iaict, was

none other than that great man, of whom the gentleman has maderhonor- '
able mention, SAMUEL Dn“X'rE:a.t He was then, sir, in the fulness of his

knowledge and the maturity of his stre11gth.,i was had 6 retired from long.

and distinguished public service here, to 'the::re'newed pursuitofy pro‘-"
fessional. duties ; carrying a with him i. all that i:enlar,g'ernent;: and iexpalnsion, i

all the new strength and force, ;w11ich»an pacqnaintan’ceii=with =thei_n1ocre
genleralsubjectsi discussed in the xnationaloieounicilsis capable of adding to
professional attainment, ~Tin~gal~mind,.ofiltrue greatness-.and coniprehcnsion.

7'6 . , srnncn i on MR. wnesrsn

He wasva lawyer, "and he was also a statesman. A He liald-studied the con}-
stitution, when he filled public f station, that he might defend it; he had
examined its principles, that he might maintain them. More than all
men, or at least. as much as any man, he was attached to the general
government, and to the union of the. states. His feelings and opinions
allran in that direction. A question of constitutional law, too, was, of
all subjects, that one which was best suited to his talents and learning.
Aloof , from technicality, and unfettered by artificial rule, such a question

gave opportunity for that deep and’ clear» analysis, that mighty grasp of

principle, which so ‘much distinguished his higher efibrts. His very
statement was argument; his ini'erence seemed demonstration. The
earnestness of his own conviction wrought convictionfin others. One
was convinced, and believed, ‘and assented, becauisewit was grat_if'ying,
delightful, to think, and feel,:and believe,in unison with an intellect of
such evident superiority.» l i i i  t i t a

Mr. Dexter, sir, such as I haveadescribed liim, argued the New Eng-
land cause. Heiput -into his iefliort his whole heart, as well as all the
powers of‘ his understanding; test he had. avowed, in the most public
manner, his entire concurrence with -his tnei-gltibors, on the point in dis-
pute. , I-Ie argued the cause; it was lost, and New Engltand subntiitted.
The established tribunals pronounced‘ the law constitutional, and New
England acquiesced. Now, sir, is not this the exact opposite of the
doctrine. of’ the geiitlemaniofrorn South Carolina? Accordiiig to him,
instead of ref’erring to the judicial tribunals, we should have broken up

‘the, embargo, by laws of our own; We should have repealed it, gained

New England; for we had 'a strong, palpalile, and oppressive case. Sir,
weibelieved theembargo unconstitutional; but still, that was matter of
opinion, and who was to decide it? iWe.. thought it a clearcase; but,
nevertheless, we didnot take the laws into our hands, because we did not
2027312, to 5?"?:‘I?g'tCZb0Ztit‘ at rezzolntclon, nor to ‘break up the Union ; for I main-
tain, that, between submission; to the decision of the constituted tribu-
nals, and revolution,. or disunion, there is no middle ground--- there is no
ambiguous condition, half‘, allegiance and V halt’ rebellion. , There is no
treason, mczdcosy. , And, sir, how futile, how very futile it is, to admit the

right of state interference, and then to attempt to save it from the char-

acter of unlawful ~resista:uce,. by adding. terms oi" qualification to the
causes and occasions, leaving ialltthe qualifications, like the case itself, in
the discretion of the state governments. It must be a clear case, it is
said ,-,t a.de1iberate’iease;;~ a palpable case; a dangerous case. But, then,

i the state is still left at vliberty to decide for herself‘ what i is clear, whatis

deliberate, what is opiflpable, what is dangerous. , l p l

  Do adjectives ,aI1d..6pitl16t$ avail any thing .7’? Sir, the human mind is
so constituted, that the ymeritssof both sideslof a controversy -appear very
clear, and . very ,palpab1e,;-  t those who’ at respectively. espouse them, and
both 1. sides usjually" grow aclearer, as the “ controversy advances. South
Calfolinasees unlconstiturtionality in the tarii"Fv~—l~+~.lshe.,sees oppression tliere,

,a1SOlal‘.a»nd~ishe sees; danger. Pennsylvania, with; a vision not less sharp,

looks at,t,th.elsameitarifi', and sees; no such thing in::itr-—~‘-- she sees it all con-

stitational,all,.u,sei'ul, '3«11:”S3:fflt The faiithiiof” South Carolina is strength-« i

ened .by,opepesitilon,;: aansdshei snow: not only ?sees, not i resolves, that the tatriffl

is palpably ouneonstitutionahsoo;ioippressire, ’3»l1d.?lt.ltiléa.IJilgeI‘O11Sl§l but Peiiiisylrawl
11i3»:,I10l’»’t,0 be behindther. nei.glabors, ::=.ea1lyf7willing7 to strengthen {her
own faith by rat odent iassmreration, smsclves also, and. gives u to . every;

on THE RESOLUTION ornzn. roor. 77

warm affirmative‘ of South Caralina, sat plain, downright ‘Pennsylvania
negative. ' South Carolina, to show the.strengtl1~and "unity. of heropin-
lions, brings her assembly to la unanimity, within seven votes; Pennsyl-

vania, not to be: outdone in this respectmore than others, reduces -i.-her

dissentient fraction to five votes. ‘ Now, sir, again I ask the gentleman,
what is to be done? Are these states both right? Is. ‘he’ bound? to

consider them‘ bothright? If not, which isiin the wrong? or, -rather, _

which has the best right to decide? l l

.And if he, and if I, are not to, knowlwhatrthe constitution means, and i
What it is, till those two state 1egislatures,‘and.the twenty-i-two others, shall i

agree in its construction, what have we sworn to, when wehave sworn to

maintain it -? I was forcibly struck, sir, with one reflection, as thegent1e- ‘

man went on with his speech. He quoted ’Mr. Madison’s resolutionssto
prove that a state may interfere, in a case of deliberate, palpable, and

‘dangerous exercise -of a power not granted. ~ The honorable member

supposes the tariff law to be such an exercise of power, and that, conse-—

V quently, a case has arisen in which the state may, if it see fit, interfere

by its own slaw. Now, it so happens, nevertheless, that Mr. Madison
himself‘ deems this‘ same tarifi‘ law quite constitutional. Instead of a
clear and palpable violation, it is, in his ~judgment,? no violation at all. So
that, while they use his authority for ‘arhypothetical case, they reject illicit
in the Very case before them. All this, sir, shows the inherent futility-M
I hadalmost useda stronger word»--«of conceding this power of inter-

Iferenice to the states, and then attempting to "secure it from abuse by

iniposiiig qualilicatlions of t which the states themselves are to judge. One
of two things istrue: either the laws ofthe'Unionare beyond the control
of the states, or else we have no constitution of general government, and
are thrust back again to the days of the confederacy. ” ’ l 2
Let me here say, sir, that if the gentlemarfs doctrine had been received
and acted upon in New England, in; the times of the enibargo and non-

“ intercourse,wevshould p1'ohah1ylnotlnow have beenuh-ere. t The govern-

ment would very likely have gone. to pieces tandcrumbled into cclust. to

stronger caseican ever arise than? existedi unjderthose laws; no states can

ever entertain a clearer conviction’ than the ew~England States then
entertained; and if they had been underthe influence of that heresy of
opinion, as I must call".it,~whichTtl1e ‘honorable imerhbetr espouses, this
Union wou1cl,in all problability, have lbeenlscattered to the four winds. I
ask the gentleman,tther-efore, toapp1.y his principles to that case ;v Itask
him. to coinellfortli and dec1are]w11ether,¢in his opinion, the ’New=En*g‘land
Statesywould have been‘justi’fied in interfering to break up5tl1ei,Iemhargo
system, under the conscientious opinions which they held upon it. - ~~Had
they a right ;to_annulthat'law,t.? iDoes the admit, or deny? I If that which

is thought palpablyunconstitutional in South Carolina justifies that state

in ..rresting the progress of the law, tell me‘ whether. that which was
thought palpably unconstitutional also in Massachusetts would have justi-

jiied lier in doing the same thing. ‘ ‘Sir, I denyvthe wholeidoctrine. It

has not .a,,i'oot of grou‘nd..inthe constitution to stand on. [Nopublic man
of reputation ever advanced it in Massachusettainv the rwarmest times,

or could :rn_aintain himself upon it thiere-at anytime. l ~ «  .
Ilwish now, sir, to maker auremarklupon the.Virginia: .res,oltutions<”of i

1798. It cannot undertake to say how th*e:se< resolutions were understood
by those who passed them. Their language is not a little indefinitef r In

~ the case of the exercise,.’%by..iCongress,iof a«dangerous~power, not  granted

78 season. or rm. »wnnsrnnl
to them, the resolutions‘asse’rt.» the right, on the part of the state, to inter--
tiers, and arrest the progressof the evil. ‘ This is ‘susceptible of more than
one interpretation. It may mean no more than that the states may inter-
fere by complaint and remonstrance, or by proposing -tothe people an
alteration of the federal constitution; This would all be quite nnobjection-
able ; or it may bethat no more is meant than to assert the general right
of revolution, -as against all governments, in cases of intolerable oppres-
sion. This no one doubts; and this, in my opinion, is all that he who
framed these resolutions could‘ have meant by it; for I shall not readily
believe that he was ever of‘ opinion that a state, under the constitution,
andin conformity with it, could, upon t.he ground of her own opinion of
its unconstitutionality, however clear and palpable she might think the
case, annul a law of Congress, so far as it should operate on herself, by
her own legislative power- > r l  l e l

I must now beg to ask, sir,-tWl1ence‘ is this supposed right of the states
derivecl? Whlere do they get the power to interfere with the laws of the
Union?" , Sir,,~the opinion which the honorable gentleman maintains isa
notion foundecl in a total misapprehension, in my jndgment,~of the origin
of this government, and of the f'onndation on which it stands. I hold, it
to bee popular government, erected by the people, those who administer
it responsibletotlie people, and itself capable of being amended and
modified, just  the people may choose it should be. It is as popular,

just as truly emanating. from the people, as the state governments. It is

created for one purpose; the state governments for another. It has its
own powers; they share theirs. There is no more authority with them
to arrest the (operation of‘ a law of Congress, than with Congress to arrest
the operationlof their laws. We are here to administer a constitution

exnanatimr immediate] pfrom the co ale and trusted b them to our
:3 .3’ P l 2 Y

administration. It is not the creature of the state governments. It is
of’ no moment to the axgument that certain acts of the state legislatures
are necessary to fill our seats in this body. That is not one of their
original state powers, at part of the sovereignty of thestate. It is aduty
which the people, by the constitution itself, have imposed on the state
legislatures, and wliicli they might have lleft to be perforrned elsewhere,
if they had seen fit. So theyhave left the choice of president with
electors; lbutall this does not aii"ect the proposition that this whole, gov-
ex-nment--——-president, Senate, and lflouse of Representatives----is a pop«--
nlar government. It leaves it still all its popular character- The
governor of a state»(in some of the states) is chosen not directlyby the
people, but by those who are chosen hy the people for the purpose of
performing, arnongleothezr duties, that l of electing a governor. Is the
government of the state on. that account not a popular government?
This lgolvernznent, sir, is the independent offspring oflthe popular.wi11.
It isnot the creature of state ulegislatures ; nay, more, if the Whole truth

must be told, the people’ brought it into existence, established it, and have

hitherto. supported it, for the very purpose,amongst others, of imposing
certain salutary restraints on state sovereigntiesg. r"I‘:l1e states cannot now
make warjfythey, , cannot contract alliances; theycannot make, each for
itself‘, separate regulations of commerce‘; they cannot lay imposts; they
czannotr;coin»mo;ney.».T If this «constitution, ~sir,vbe the creatureof. lstat-2
i1eg'iS1atuI*eS,r it must. when admitted; that it has s obtained a strange control
over the fvolition‘s;,of ,its;creato,rg.     it i l l * l  l

K

The peopleithen, sir, erected this government.» gaveit  consti-T

on THE RESOLUTION on MR. F001‘. 79

tution, and in that constitution they have enumerated the powers Which-

they bestow on it. Theyhave made it a limited government. They have
defined. its authority.‘ They have restrained: it to the exercise of such
powers as are granted; and all others, they declare, are reserved to the
states or the people. But, sir, they have not stopped here. If they had,

they would have accomplished‘ but half their work. No definition can be

so clear as to avoid possibility of doubtigno limitation so precise as to
exclude all uncertainty. Who, then, shall construe this grant of the

people? Who shall interpret theirwill, Where it maybe “supposed they I

have left it doubtful? With whom do they leave this ultimate right of
deciding on the powers of the government? Sir, they have settled all

this in the fullest manner. They have left it with the government itself,
in its appropriate branches. Sir, the very chief end, the mairndesign for
-which the whole constitution was framed and adopted, was to establish
a government that should not be obliged to act through state agency, W

’ to maintain the constitution under which we sit.

or depend on state opinion and discretion. The people. had had quite
enougli of that kind of government under the confederacy. Under that
system, the legal actions--—- the application of law to individuals —-—~belonged
exclusively to the states. Congress could only reco1u1nencll—--~ their acts
were not of binding force till the states had adopted and sanctioned them.
Are we in that. condition’ still? Are We yet at the ‘mercy of state discre-~
tion and state construction?  Sir, if we are, then vain. will be our attempt
But, sir, the people have wisely provided, in the constitution; itself, a
proper, suitable mode and tribunal for settling questions of constitutional
law. There are, in the constitution, grants of powers to Cong1*ess, and
restrictions on those powers. There are also prohibitions on the states.
Some authority must therefore necessarily exist, having the ultimate juris-
diction to fix and ascertain the interpretation of these grants, r.cstrictions,
an_d prohibitions. The constitution has itself" pointed out, ordained, and
established that authority. How has it accomplished. this great andlessene
tial encl?S By declaring, sir,“ that “gtltc rconstzftutvion and the claws of tire
Matted Statcs,= made an pttrsttarteo thereof; shall be tire supreme nlewof‘ the
land, any t/ting  r the 7const9itcttz°~on or slows of any state to the oontmry
norwttitstandtingfl’  W . ~ W l t t  W . W e r T T , WW
This, sir, was thevfirst great tstep. By this, thesupremacy.ot' the con»
stitution and laws of the United States is declared. Thexpeople so will
it. No state law is to be validiwhich comes in conflictwith the constitu-

tion or any law of the United States. But whoshall decide this question

of‘ interference ?- To ‘whom lies the last appeal? This, sir, the constitu-

tion itself decides also, by declaring “ tltctt‘t7ze _jucZt'ct'otl ._power's/iallinerctemt
to all cases larzfsingi under the constitution and laws of the United r xS'tetes."r’

These two provisions, Wsir,_cover the whole ground." Theyuare, in truth,
the keystone of the arch. .With these it is a constitution; without them

iitis la confederacy.  In pursuance of these cleartand express provisions,
~ Congress established, at its-very first session, in the judicial act, amode

for carrying them into full ‘effectpand for bringing all questions of consti-
tutional power to thefinal decision of the Supreme Court. It then, sir,
became a governnnent. It then had the means of self-protection ;, and but

for this, itrwoiuld, in all probability, have been" new amongi tliings which
are passed. Having constituted theglovernrnent, and Wdeclaredlits “powers,

the people have further said, that since ;somebody"must decide onthe
eX;tent of these powers, the government shall itself‘ decide «-~e- subject

8O  eraser: on MR. ‘WEBSTER

always, like other popular governments, to its responsibility to the people.

‘And now, sir, I» repeat, how is it that a state legislaturre acquires any ‘-

rriglit to interfere? lWho, or what, gives them the rightlto say to the peo-
ple, “ VVe, who are your agents and servants forone purpose, will under-
-take to decide, that your other agents ,and.servan'ts, appointed by you for
another purpose, have transcended the authority you gave them”? The
reply would be, I tl1ink,not irnpertinent, “ Wholiznaderyou a judge over
another’s servants ? To their own masters they stand -or fall.”

, Sir, I deny this power of state legislatures 7 alogether. ‘ It -cannot
standthe test of excamination. I Grentlemen may say, that, in an er-_:tre1ne
case, a state government might protectthe people frorn intolerable oppres-
sion. Sir, in such a case the people might protecttthernselves, without
the aid of the state governments. Such a case warrants revolution. I It

must inake, when it comes, a law for itself. A xiullifying act of a state

legislature cannot alter the case,"nor»1nal:e resistance any more lawful.
In maintaining. these sentiments,'sir, I am but asserting the riglits of
the people. I, state what they liave declared, and insist on their right to
declare it. They. have chosen to repose this power in the general gov-
ernment, andvl think it my duty to support it, like other constitutional
powers. r I I I I I I 1

For myself’, sir, I doubt the jurisdiction of South Carolina, or any
other state, to prescribe my constitutional duty, or to settle, between me
and the people, the validity of laws of Congress for whichl liave voted.
1 decline her umpirage. I have not sworn to support the constitution
according to her construction of its clauses. I have not stipulated, by
my oath of" otlice or otherwise, to come under any responsibility, except
to the people and those whom they have appointed to pass. upon the ques-
tion, whether the laws, supported by my votes, conform to the constitution
of the country- And, sir, if we look to the general nature of the case,
could ranylthing; have been more preposterous than to have made a gov-
ernment for the whole Union, and yet left its powers subject, not to one
interpretation, but: to thirteen or twenty-four .interpreta'tions? Instead of
one tribunal, established by all, responsible to all, with power to decide
for all, shall cons'titutional questions be left to four and twenty popular
boclies, each at liberty to decide for itself, and none bound to respect the
decisions of others; and each at liberty, too, to give anew construction,
on every new election of its own members? _Would any thing, with
such a principle in it, or rather with such a clestitution of all prinlciple,
be fitto be called a g’,overnn1ent P No, sir. It should. not be denominated
a constitution. Itishould be called, rather, a collection of topics for ever-
lasting controversy‘; heads of‘ debate‘ for a disputatious people.» It would
not be a government. It would not be adequate to any practicalgood, nor

.iit.fo1' any country; to liverunder.‘ , To avoid all possibility of being misunder-

stood, allow me to repeat again’, in the fullest 1'1"1f:1.1?1'I1t$1‘, tliat I clailll 1’1,0p0W6I'-‘S

tbr the govex-nment by forced orunfair construction- ,Iadinit that it is a

government‘ otfstrietly limited powers; of enuxnerated, ‘Specificcl, and par-

«ticularized powers; .;and_ that *whatsoever is not granted is withlield. But,

notwithstanding all this, and however the grant. of . powers may be ex-
'pl'ESSBd,'ltS?71l1T1itS.and extent may yet, in some ..,cases,,:aclmi.t of doubt; and

the generfal govern-mentir would be good 'f0I‘,I10.I1l1ing5s itwould beincapable

of long existence,I*if isorue mode ghad lnoit bcxcn.-iprovidedii-.lin which those
doubts, as ‘they, sh_oulc1_ arisailmightibe peaceabl:Ys bl1;llauth0Tital3iV31Y:l S01Y<td-
V * And now,VMr.? President, let me rungpthc:’h0.I10rab1o ge1’1tt1c1n.an.’at copu-

ON rm: maelomrron or Mn. -FOOT. " 81

ttrine it little into its preotieel ttpplicetioii. i Let us look at his probable

p modes 0pe’7'(,t?Zd'2:. It‘ 21. tilting can be done, an ingenious men can tell how

it is to be done. iNoW, I Wl£~3l‘l to he informed how this state interference
is to be put in practice. “to will take the existing case of the ~tarifi'
law. South Ceroliiia, is said to have made  her opinion upon it;  If
we do not repeal it, (218 we probably sl1ell<'not,).isl1ewill thenepply to
the ease the remedy of her doctrine.‘ She Will, Wetmusttts11ppose,paes
a low of‘ her legislature, declaring {the ‘several pacts ofiCo11greee,lusually
called the tariff’ laws, null end'void,i so for astthey respect South Ctn~o~
line, or the citizens thereof. So far, all is a. paper traneactio1i,iix‘and easy
enoiigli. But the collector at Cliarleston is collecting the duties imposed
by these» tariff‘ laws---hen, tlierefore, must be stopped. The collector
will seize the goods if the taritfidutiee are not paid. i The statetautl1ori—
ties will undemtlte their rescued: the 1n‘a;1~ehal, with his posse, wil1:coxne
to the oolleetor’s aid; and - here the contest ‘begins. The militzia; of the
state will be called out to sustain the nullitying act. They will~m:;troh,
eir,r under :21. Very getlleiit 1e2tcle1*;'for I believe 13l1€‘tll01101‘.‘:‘tl)l€‘3 member
himeelf cominttncle the militia of that ipert of the state.‘ He will wise
the NULLIFYING A.C’l‘ on l"1lS Sl~2;11’1Cl€t.1‘Cl, ma eprencl it out has Ins banner.
Itpwill lmvee prettmble, bearing t.l1nt. the tariff‘ laws are p2tlpehle5 delih-
erete, and denggeroius violations lot" the constitution»  twill prooeel,
with his banner flying, to the otistoiii liouee in Cluu'let*,to11,t--+ t T  w
V  ‘i‘i1lltl“1(~3l'Wl1ile _
Sonorous metal blowing um.rtielAsou‘nds.” ‘ ’

Arrived at the euetom-house, he will tell the collector that he mtist collect
no more duties under any of the ~t£t1’ifi" ‘1a.we.t t This he will be somewliet
puzzled to say, by the way, with e gr.-twef countenance, considering wlint
liexitl South Carolina. herself heel in mentor 1-81~6.t tBut,t sir,‘t'he oolleotor
would, p1*ohztbly, not clesietlttttet liiefbitdtiing. ~I'I_erei would teneoe-' 13lu,us‘e;
for they say, tlmt a eertiainp Stilliiteporlpreeedee the ptempest.“ —tBet'ore“this
inilitery a.1*1'eyipie‘ho1tldi_*fa.l1iontoiitlie oustomr‘liot1ee,l’colleotor,telerlrs, tied‘ ell,
itittiere1*y p1*oba.hlefeoii1e of those? eoniposiiig it Wouldp relqutest; of their
gallant oomtnetndere-‘in~el1iet'to be~iut’ormed  little upon the point of law;
for they have tlotibttleeslie. just respect for his opinions asspe lttwyer,  well
aef'o1*‘liie bravery as  soldier; < They know he has teed"tBleokstonep‘endV the
conetitutio1i,e.s well its Turenne zuicl Vuuhmi. Theywouldl  l1ll’l15 there-
fore, eornething concerning theirtriglite infithie matter. T11-eye would in-
quire whether it was not eomewhm deugerotits to resist a law or the Uxiitetl
Ste.tes: p Whettwould be"tl.1e tuature oi’;-their tofiienee, they “Would wish to
1ea.rn,[ if they, by military force and array, resisted the execution line (latit-
oli1ieyofla,lleW of the United States, and it should turn out, eftertall, t.lio.t
the VIEIJW was cb7‘ts?5tlfttt'2.'07%ctli.“‘=‘ He would a.nswer,toi‘ oouree, trea!so’n. No
lawye1* could give any other a,neWer.[  J ohn Fries; he Wo’u1d"~tell ‘them, lietl
lea.I‘11(~l(ltl1€tt sorne~yee;rs ego. p How, then, they would ask,‘do*you iproposze
to clefendp nus  We dare‘ not afreicl“ otlbpullets, butfitI‘eason Alias a Way of
taking people ofl°ithat~w1e jdofnot Ihueli r”eilish.~ How: dotyou‘ propose to
tdetend us P “~Lo‘ok at  ‘floatihgt banner,” he tvfougld reply';*“ eee‘tlie1*e
the omllifytttg law 1”‘ Is it yourtlopitiion, %g2tll?e,nt eon1toa1ider,t they would
then say, *l',l"1i.tl.'( i'f”'we should be indicted ibrtreeeon,VtpI;thet ee1ne“~"floatin=g
tbonner of yours would make at golodtilifpltetti in‘ new 9“iSoutihppiCero1ina;ii is
a sovereign state,’’‘ he would reply; {<'.l‘h’ett~is true”; hutlwould the""‘judge

A etdmittour pleat? “ These tariff‘ ‘lewsfl’ the would repeat,V “ a.re- ?unooneti-

11 ‘ i 

8'2 srnncn on MR. wnnsrgnn

tutional, palpably, deliberately, dangerously.” That all maybe so; but
it‘ the tribunals should not happen to be of that opinion, shall we swing
for‘ it? We are ready to die for our country, but it is rather an awkward

' business, this dying without touching the ground- After all, this is a sort

of }.v..emp-tax, worse than any part of the tariff.
Mr. ~President, the honorable gentleman would be in a dilemma like

. that of another great general. He would have a knot‘ before him which

he could not un‘tie. He must cutit with his sword. He must say to
his ‘followers, Defend yourselves with your bayonets ; and this is war-—
civil War. t ,.

Direct collision, therefore, between force and force, is the unavoidable
result of that remedy for the revision of unconstitutional laws which the
gentleinan contends for. It must happen in the very first case to which
it is applied. Is not this the plain result? To resist, by force, the
execution of a law, generally, is treason. Can the courts of the United

States take notice of the indulgence of a state to commit treason? The.

common saying, that a state cannot commit treason herself, is nothing to
the purpose. Can it authorize others to do it? If John Fries had
produced an act of’ Pennsylvania, annulling the law of Congress, would it
have helped his case? Talk about it as we will, these doctrines go the
length of revolution. They are incompatible with any peaccable admin-
istration of the government. a. They lead directly to clisunion and civil
commotion; and tlierefore it is, that at the commencement, when they are
tirst found to be maintained by respectable men, andin a tangible form,
that I enter my public protest against them all. y , l U

The honorable gentleman argues, that if this governmentbe the sole
judge of the extent of its own powers, whetlier that right of , judging be
in Congress or the Supreme Court, it equally subverts state sovereignty.
Tliis the gentleman sees, or thinks he sees, although he cannot perceive
how the right of judging, in this matter, if left to the exercise of state
legislatures, has any tendency to subvert the government of the Union.
The gentleman’s opinion may be that the right ougitt not to have been
lodged with the general government; he may like better such a consti-
tution as we should‘ have under the right of state iiitei-t'erence ; but I ask
him to meet me on the plain matter of f'act---- I ask him to meet me on the
.const.itution ilitself-—-—~ I ask him if the power is not found there--——- clearly
and visibly found there. pp , . l y it

But, sir, what is this danger, and what the grounds of it ? Let it be

.remembered, thatytheconstitution of the United States is not unalterable.
It is to continue in its present form no longer than the peoplewho estab-
U lished it shall choose to continue it. ‘ If they shall become coiwinced that
they have made an injucliciousor inexpeidient partition and distribution
~ sf power between the [state governments and the general government,

itheycan alter that distribution at will. .

any thing be found in y the national constitution, either by original
pr-ovisyion or subsequent interpretation, which ought not to be in it, the
people, .kn7owl how to get rid of it. _ If any: construction be established,
unacceptable to them, so as to :become, practically,-ta, part of the constitue-
tion, they fwi1l=amend it ail3,,tl'J.f3§l1‘lOV,V,I1f, ysovlereign” pleasure. ya But while the

people hhoose to maintain; it as it.»is;,w,hile they . are satisfied} with it, banal ,

refuse to; chjangevit, who has ,given,;or,W,h0»  giive,.,t0ir,lthlG,lSl§€Fl?eK13giS.F

, latures pa riglhtlitto alter it,eithertbyiyinyterference, constructionmrTether-
l wise? Gentlemen, do not seem to recollect tliat the lpeyoyplel have any

V on THE nns_o'LU'rIoN or Mr:._ I<"O0'I‘. 83

power to do any thing, for theinselvesg they iniagiiie’:.t.herc. is no safety
for them any longer than they are under thee closellguardiaxisliip of “the
state le,gislatures. Sir, the people have not trusted their safety, irrregard
to thegeneral constitution, to these hands. Theyhave requiredother
security, and taken other bonds. Theyhave chosen to trust themselves,
first, to the plain words of the instrument, and to such constructioln as the
government itself‘, in doubtful cases, should put on its own powe‘rs,.under
their oaths of office, and subjectto their ,responsibilityt.oothem; «just as
the people of a state trust their own state governIn~en:§ts with .a,~.si1nilar
power. Secondly, they have reposed their trust in the eflicacyi of fre-
quent elections, and in their own power. to remove rtlteir own servants
and agents, whenever they see cause. Thirdly, tl1ey'ha_vc treposed trust
in the judicial power, which, in order that it inight be trustworthy, they
have made as respectable, as disinteres,ted, and as independent as pr.-ac-
ticable. Fourthly, they have seen fit to rely, in case of necessity, or high
expediency, on their lmown and admitted power to alter or; amend the
constitution, peaceably and quietly, whenever experience shall point out
defects, or irnperi'ect.ions. And finally, the people of the United States
haveat no time, in no way, directly or indirectly, autlioriaecl any state
legislature t.o construe or interpret t}2.ct'rinstrurnentlof government; much.
less to interi’ere, by their own power, to arrest its course andioperation. .
If‘, sir, izhe people, in these respects, had done otl1e1"W;ise than they have
done, their constitution could neither have been preservsed,nor wouldlit
have been worth preseirvizig. And if its plain tp1‘o'visi<>n;‘s1*1all now be
<lis1'eg;arclecl, and these new doctrines interpolated in it,it. ;.Will.l>cco1ne as
feeble and helpless a being as enemies, Whether earlyjor more recent,
could possibly desire. A It will exist in every .sta‘te,:rbut as a poor depend-e
ant on state permission. It must borrow leave to. be, and. will be, no
ltmger than state pleasure, or state clisc1'etio11,_sees fitto grant the indul-
,g;c1.1ce, and to prolorig its poor existence. .. "  t  I.  I I t
But, sir, althoughthcre are fears, tliere .are.i%hopesxalso.  The people
lzavep1*ese1fveditl1is, their own chosen constitution, ;t‘o;vat'orty: years, and
have seentlieir happiness, prosperity, and renownf grow» vtEi~'th«..:its growtli
and sstrengsthen with its st1‘ength.,_ I rTheyl are .!new, <gencral1y,,.,stx*<>ng;ly
attachecl to . it. Overthrown by direct. assault it cannot. be; I; evzaded,
undermined, NULLIEIED, it will ; not be, if We, tan»-ds irll0SQ*Wl.10 shall sno-
cccd us here, as agents and representatives ‘of: the people, shall qcor1scien—
tiously and , vigilantly discharge the two. great b~‘aI1cl1es of our public
trustw-faithfully to preserveand Wisely to; administer it. I a

Mr. President, I have thus stated the reasons of it my dissent tothe

doctrines which havebeen advanced and maintained; I am conscious of

having detained you, and the Senate, much too ltmg. I was drawn . into

thedebate, with no previous deliberation such as is suited to the discus-

sion of so grave and important a subject. But it a subject of’ which
my heart is full, and I have not been willing to suppress the utteranc.e of
its spontaneous sentiments. ' . "

I cannot,even now, persuade myself to relinquish it, Without express-

 ing, once more, my deep conviction, that since it respects n.otl1ing less

than‘thc union of the states, it is of most vital and essential importance
to the public happiness. I profess, sir, in my career hitherto, to have
keptsteadily in view the prosperity and honor of the whole country, and
the preservation of our Federal Union. It is to that Union we owe our

A84  srnncn: or MR. wrzrisrnn.

sa,f'ety at home, and our ‘consi=dere;tion end , dignity abroad. It is to that
Union that we are chiefly indebt.ed for whatever 1.1]2tl's'.(3S us most proud of
ourtcountry. That Union We reached only by the discipline of our Virtues
in the severe schoolcof adversity. Ithed its origin in the necessities of
disordered finance, prostrate commerce, and ruined credit. Under its
benign influences, these great interests immediately awoke, as from the
dead,»and sprang forth with newness of life. Every year of its duration
has teenied with freshlproofs of its utility and its blessings ; and although
our territory hes stretched out wider and wider, and our population
sp1'ee.dyfartl1e1' and farther, they have not outrun its protection For its
benefits. It has been to us all  copiousfountain of national, social, per-
sonal5ha.ppiness; VI hnveynot yellowed myself, sir, to look beyond the
Union, to see Wliet might lie hidden in the dark recesses behind. I have
not-coolly Weighed the chances of, preserving liberty, when the bonds that
unite us togethershallbe brolé:.en.esunder. I he,ve*n.otaccustomedmy-
self to hang over the precipice of disnnion,Vto see Whether, with my short
isight, I can fiethom the depth of‘ the ebyiss below; nor could I regard
him as e safeicounsellor in the nffeirsr of this government, whose thoughts
should be mainly absent, on considering, not how the Union should be 
preserved, but how tolerable might be the condition of the people ivhen
it shall be broken: ‘up and destroyed. While the Union lasts, we ‘mire
high, exciting, tgretifying prospects spread out before us, for us and our

"children. Beyond tlint I seek: not to r peiietrete the veil. God grntnt

that, in my day at least,-that curtain rnay not rise. God grant that on

V my vision never may be opened whet lies behind. Wlien my eyes sliell

lbeturnedi to behold, for the ‘Instr 1:itne,'tlie sun in lieerveii, may I ~ not see
liinis shining on it the ibroken and ridishonored fregmeiits ot"e’ once-glorious

»Uniox1;' on states dissevered, discordant, belligerent _: one a. ltmdrent with

civil‘ feuds, or°d1-enohed, it may be, in ., fmternel bloodtl, Let their last
feeble and lingering glance, rathencbehold the gorgeolus ensign of the
republic, now known and honored throughout“ the earth, still full liigii
advanced, its arms , and trophies streaming in their original lustre, not
2:. stripe eresedr or pol1futed,r,nor= be‘ single star obscured-~ bearing for its
mottof no such miserable interrogetory y as, What is aZl+ this wo7~t?t2?
noravthoset otherwwords of» idelusionendy folly, qlltberty first, and Umbn
ogfievrtoards,;“but iieverywwlierfe, spread well over in characters of lining
light, blazing‘ on ielliiitslsi ample folds, as they float over the see and over
the land, and in every windeunder the whole heavens, that other senti-
ment, dear to every true American iheart --—- Liberty‘ ands Union, now and

forever, oneyand inseparable! "r V

MR. WEBSTER’Se SPEECH.

 the »S'emzte ofthe United i»S'totes,»M"m*cIz7, 1850, on the
A l _‘Sla'veijy Covizgwomiee. At t l i  A A _ ‘V

 

Tun VICE PIti«:.sIDENT. The resolutions submitted by the semtor
from. Kentucky were made the special order of the day at 12 o’clool~:.
On this subject the senator front. "Wisconsin (M1~.lW'a1_ker) lms the floor.

Mr. WALKER. M1‘. President, this met audience ‘IIELS not eseemhlled

V to hear me ; and‘ there is but one ymun, in my opinion, who can ztseeinhle

such. an audience;  They, expect to heaL1~hin1, mid I feel it to be my duty‘,
t>LSt'W(~3ll as my };ilensu1‘e, to give._t.l:1e_yfloor t tlierefoxfel to the eei1et;o13fl‘o1xt
hfuesoeliueetts. I“[iu11de1fet2tnd it lo imr,n::1.t.e_1*iztl 5 to him upon Wl1lCl1:ylO_£.
these questions lmelepeaks, and tl1erefo1*e I iw.i.1ly not move to poystpone the
weciol c>I'c1ei*. A    f A - V A A 4 l V Y i he 
Mr. W’"n13.etrnn. ‘ I beg to express my oh1.ig2ttilo11s to my friendi from
W'is.=eonei_n, (Mr. 'Walker,) as well  to my frieml from New Yorla,
(lllr. Sewa1:d,) for their oou1*tesy:in ‘a.ll0VVl!l'1g me to o_.«ld1‘esS theySene.te
this morning. y , Vi ’ i it
Mr. n13’res:iclent: I wish to speak to~_duy, not as e llleseuelixusette mim,no1'
as ye. nort1'1erny man, but as on Amel1'icen,i .:~tn<:l  niexnbery of the Sexiete, of
the United Ste.tes.; It iei f‘o1'tunnte that °tyl1erei  e;'Seno,te of the United
ft-‘$te.tes ; to body inotjyet ymyoved from itde  propyrliiety,:' not loeto to he. just_ sense
of its own dignity,  own liigh 1‘esponoibii1it.lee,and go hodylto VVh?l.(':l‘1
the country looks with corifidenee foritviee, lxnoclemtey ,pat1‘iotic, nude 1163,1-
ing counsels. t It is not to be denied that we livie Qiniyythe ymidet of strong
ag,itla.tione, and are eurro11nded by very caoxteiciemble ,deng;e1*s to our in-l_-A
etityutions of government; The imp1+ieogedyytvli1ids'ierevlllet loose. yTlxeyeo.et,
the West, the north, and the stormy :e{oiit1i,yly eombine' to othrymv fthe,
‘Whole ocean intotleoinmotion, to toes its i7biI1ows_,toljtheskies, and to Adios:
eloeef iteyyprofoundeet:‘ depths. I do?-not ‘a.tfl‘eot"tto_1‘eg;:ntd myself} 

Piresident, esyholdinggor e_syy’fiti_t.o hold, the helm in this combetyyot’ 
political elements ;jyb‘u;ty Iohovelta duty to pe1'form,  mean _to_,.pyeyrfo_rmi

it with fidelity-—-”-nlot‘ without y uyyyeensye lof ‘Surrounding dengers,iilibluy_tl not
vrithout hope. It ha.ve:‘.lle_fpe"rjt_ to not, not f'o‘r""myyo*wniieeeyu1~ity‘safety,
for I am ylooliing out for, no flfagmentyt11p01’1lWhoi§§hiltbilflbatiiiawttyyyflfolnythe
wreck,  wrecky there must ybe,'y_l3u'tyfo1:-Athle good of the whole, endttlne pres-2
ervation of ltliefivyholeoig j and is that vvhielviiwilljkyeeplme to myydutjsr

during‘ this struggle,‘ whethelftheieunLW,a,i1’d lytlleiietors :jl:$hell_o;ppe211*, or shall '

noteppear, forlfmtany d§‘l:yS#N y:yI}; spelaktlltoedayiylfopj pi'eeery'at.ion of the
Union. “IwIee1i me for ‘myyéfii1S»é;fifil ‘I éépeiikf too-ydey,lyloL1t of a, solieitioyue
e,n.d anxious lieayrtyfor the 1f€.f.St:()A1‘A{:iLt°i£Q\I1;Vt0_tl1el‘;y¢t;)ilflf»I'y:Oftlilat quiet lyzindyyythet
harmony which makteytlie blessingeyi:‘ofo‘f«l1is lUnior1.i~lso:riieyl1‘ and so ‘de:a.1*to_ytuo
all. These are the topics that I propoee""to myself to discuss; these are
i ~ l i 85

l‘ he

86 SPEECH or Mn. WEBSTER

the motives, and the sole motives, that influence me in the wish to com-
municate my opinions to the Senate and the country; and if I can do
any thing, however little, for the promotion of these ends, I shall have
accomplished all that I , desire. ' ‘

Mr. President, it may not be amiss to recur very briefly to the events
which, equally sudden and extraordinary, have brought the political con-
dition of the country to what it now is. In May, 1846, the United States
declared war against Mexico. Her armies, then on the frontiers, entéfhd
the provinces of that republic ; met and defeated all her troops ; penetrated
her mountain passes, and occupied her capital. The marine force of the
United States tool; possession of her forts and her towns on the Atlantic
and on the Pacific. In less than two years a treaty was negotiated, by
which Mexico ceded to the United States a vast territory, extending seven
or eight hundred miles along the shores of the Pacific; reaching back
over the ‘mountains, and across the desert, and until it joined the frontier
of the state of Texas. It so happened that in the distracted and feeble
state of the ‘Mexican. government, before the declaration of war by the
United States against Mexico had become known in California, the people
of California,“ under the lead of American officers, overthrew the existiiig

provincial government of tCaliforniai--S»-the Mexican authorities--,-and ‘

run, up an_indepenclentflflarr.l When the news arrived at San" Ii‘rancisco
that war had been declared by the United States against ,Mexico, this
independent flag was pulled down, and the stars and stripes of this Union
hoisted in its stead. So, sir, before the war was over, the powers of the
United States, military and naval, had possession of ‘San lhraticisco and
Upper Caliliornia, and a great rush of emigrants from variousparts oi’
the world took place into California in 1846 and 1847. But now, behold
another Wonder. , A i  
In January of 1848, the Mormons, it is said, or some of them, mniade a
discovery of an ex;traordinary rich mine of gold-—— or, rather,_of a very
great quantity of gold, hardly fit to be called a mine, for it was spread
near the. surface --4—i-on the lower part of the South or American ‘branch
of the Sacramento. They seem to have att.ei,npted,ito conceal their dis-
covery for some time; but soon anotherdiscovery, perhaps of greater
importance, Was made of gold, in”, another part of the American branch of
the Sacramento, and near Sutter’s Fort, as it is called. "The fame of these
discoveries spreadifar and wide.‘ They ex.citcd more and more the spirit

of cniiig1*ation~itowa1fds California, avian had already been excited; and -
‘ persons crowded 'in'h1undrcds, andflocked towards the Bay of San Finalis-

cisco. This, as'I l1ave_sa.id, took place in tliewinter and spiiiiigof 1848.
Thesldiggiing commenter ‘injthespring of that year, and froin that time to
this the workJof searching ‘for gold has been prosecuted witha success not
heretofore ‘known history of this globe. , We all _“knoW,,sir, how in»
credulons the Anierican public was at the accounts which reached us at
first "ofithese disco‘verios;. butwe alllknow now that these.” accounts re»
ceiyedj, and continue to receive,‘ daily confirmatiyon ; and down to the present
i1'1Oment I suppose the assurances are  ,strong,“ after the experience" of
these Vsievferal months, of mines of “gold iaplpairently inexhaustible in the
regions:nefarjSanf:Francisco, in California, they iwereiatl any perilodlott‘
the €m'1ierl‘l.dates,iofthe,“ accounts.““ 7,It'fiso; happfened, sir, that? although in
the tires , cf “i>eac*e, f itilibsicamei at very» iirlportantt   subjects fer: llesisletiw
con«sdd-eration and  l'egis1atiyie.i‘ fdecisifon‘  provide at. ‘proper lyterritoriacl
government for lQalifornia,l 'yetjdiii’erences, of opinion] in the counselsilof

ON THE snavnnr comrnomsn. V 87

the government prevented -the establishment of any such territorial
government for California, at the last session of Congress. Under this
state of tliinggs, the inhabitants of San Francisco and oCalifornia—-—then
amounting to a great number of people-——-in the summer of last year...
thought it to be their duty to establish a local government. Under the”
proclamation of General Riley, the people chose delegates to a conven-
tion: that convention met at Monterey. They formed a constitution for
t,,l,1e~ state of California, and it was adopted by the people of California in
their primary assemblages. Desirous of immediate connection with the
United ‘States, its senators were appointed and representatives chosen,
who have come hither, bringing with them the authentic constitution of
the state of California; and they now present then1selves,asking,r in ‘beer
half‘ of their state, that the state may be admitted into this Union as one
of the United States. This constitution, sir, contains an express prohibi-
tion against slavery or involuntary servitude in the stateiof California.
It is said, and I suppose trL1ly,'tlm_;t of the members who composed that
convention, some sixteen were natives, and had been residents of the slave-
holding states, about twenty-two” were from the non-slaveholding states,
and the remaining ten members were either nati,ve Californians or old
settlers in that country. This prohibition against slavery, it is said, was
inscrt.ed=with entire unani  , M

Mr. l“IA;I.I.t. Will the seihator give way until ‘order is restored?

The Vice PRESII)ENT.r'j '1’he,sergeant-at—-arms will see that order is
restored, and no niore persons admitted tovthetfloor. . V l

Mr. Cass. I trust ; the scene of the other day will not be repeated.
The serg’ea1it~at—a1'ms must display more energy in suppressing this
disorder. a t i U 1 ~ '

Mr. HALE. . The noise is outside of the door. .

Mr. Wnss*rnfa. And it is this circumstance, sir,,the prohibition of
slavery by that convention, which has contributed to raise--——-I do not say
it has wholly raised --—-- the disputeas to the propriety, of the admissionot’
Califoornia‘ into the Union under this constitution. . I-this not to be denied, a
Mr. I’resident~——-yrioibody thinks of: denying--M-«that, what.ever*_ reasons
were assigned at the commencement of the late war with Mfexico, it
prosecuted for the purpose of the acquisition of territory,and under the
alleged argument that the cession of territory wasthe only form inwhich
proper coinpeusation could be made to the United States by Mexico for

 

the various, claims and demands :which the people of this country had 1‘l‘

against that government. ‘ At any rate, itwill be found that President
Po1k’s nressage, at the commencement of the session of December, 1847,
avowed thatthe war was to be prosecuted until some acquisiti.on,iofiterri-

story was made. And, as the acquisition was to be south, of the .line

of‘ the United States, in warm climates and countries, . it was natn»
rally, I.’ suppose, expected by the south, that whatever acquisitionswerc
imaderin that region would be added to the slaveholding iiportionwof the
United States. ~ Events have turned out as was not expected, and that

.eapectation hasrnot been realized; and _,thereforex=so,me I degree of disapu

poiiitnoent and surprise has resulted, . of course. ‘V In otheriwords, it is
obviousthat, the questionwhich has soiilong y-harassed the country, and at
some times very seriously alarmed the mindsiiirofiiwise; andgoodimen, has
come upon us for air fresh discussion we-iitheviir question of slaveryin these
United States. pl , , ii ~ i  V p - J .i Q .  '  '
. Now, sir, I propose perhaps at the tiepxprense of some detail and :con-

88 isrnnon on MR. vv;ess'rna

sequent detention of the Senate?-T-— to review, historically, this question of
slavery, which, partly in consequence of its own merits, and partly, per»-
haps mostly, in the manner it is discussed in one and the other portion of
the country, hasbeen a source of so much alienation and unkind feeling
’ etween’ the different portions of the Union. We all know, sir, that sla-
very has existed in the world from time ixnmemori-al., There was slavery
in the earliest periods of history, in the Oriental nations. There was
slavery among the Jews ; the theocratic government of‘ that people made
no injunction against it. There was slavery among the Greeks, and the
ingenious. philosophy of the Greeks found, or sought to find, a justifica-
tioni'or it exactly upon the grounds which have been assumed for such a

- justification in this country‘; that is,‘ a natural and original ditl"erence

among the races of mankind, the inferiority of the black or colored, race
to the white. The Greeks justified their system of slavery upon that
ground precisely- They held the African, and in some parts the Asiatic,
tribes to be inferior to the white racei; but they did not show, I think, by
any close processot‘ logic, that, if this were true, the more intelligentand
the stroiiger had, therefore, a riglit to stihjttgate the weaker. ‘
T The more manly philosophy and-’ jurisprudence of the Romans placed
the justification of slavery on entirely diii'erent grounds. a l
The Roman jurists, from the first, and down to the fall of the empire,
admittedthat‘ slavery was against the natural law, by which, as they main-
tained, all: men, of whatsoever chine, color, or capacity, were equal; but
they justified slavery, tirst, upon the ground and authority of the law of
11atior1si-~—~a1*guing, and arguing truly, that atthat day the conventional
law of nations adinitted that captives in war, Whose lives, according to the
notions of the times, were at the absolute disposal of the captorsfiniglit,
in exchange for eitetnption trotn,d“eatl1”,”be made i slaves for life, and that
such servitude might extend to their; posterity. ‘ The jurists of Rome

also maintained that, by the civil law, there mightibe servitude ----- slavery,

personal and hereditary; first, by the voluntary act of an individual ‘who
might sell himself into slavlery; second, by his being received into a state
of slavery by his creditorsiiri satisfaction of all debt; and, thirdly, by
being’ placed in a state of servitude or slavery for crime. At the i intro»-
duction of Christianitylinto the World, the Roman. World was full of slaves,
and I suppose theresis to be found no injunction aggaixist that relation
betweeni1nauyan~d mantiiiiin the teacliings of the gospel of Jesus Christ, or
of any oi’hisapostles.4 Titre object of the instruction imparted to -man»
kind by‘ the Founder ~ot'Cl1ristianity was to touch the heart, purify the
soul, and improve the lives “of , individual men. That object Went directly
to the first fountain ofiialllpolitical and all social relations of, the human
race ----the individual heart andi'n:ind;of man. i i it  o , i
Now, sir, upon the general nature, and character, and influences of slavery,
there exists awide difiiarence between the nolrtliern portion of ' this coun-
try and -the soutl1ern.s:V It is said on theonei side that, if ‘notthe subject
of ‘anyinjuniction or idirectwprohibition in the New Testament, slavery is a

'"lwrongi;i that it eislfoundedtimerely; in the rightxof the strongest; and that

it is an oppression, llizke allxun-just wars,:lilte all thosesconflicts by whicha

mightyignation ,subjects a ~wea1;«a-s nation~=to their will T; and that slavery, in
i its nature, whatever may be? said of it. in: the ntordifications which have

taken place, :iisfitnot,t~ int,*fa:ct,ri according: to u the meek spirit  of the igospelg, ; It
is not kindly affectioned; it does not ‘F seek an;other’s, and not,:its?oWn3?I  It

does not “.letiiii:tha;,~ ,ioppres»sedj;ggo ‘fr’ele;.i’ i These =a»re« sentiments ttliatfliare T

on THE. SLAVIERY COMPROMISE. 89

olterislted, and recently with greatly augmentecl force, among the people of
the Northern States. It has taken hold of‘ the religious sentirnent of
that part of the country, as it has more or less taken hold of the i1'eligious
tbelitigs of a considerable. portion of Inankind. - The south, upon the other
side, havin,g»; been accustomed to this relation between the two traces all
their lives, from their birth — having been taught in general to treat the
subjects of this bondage with care and l.rindness-.—--and I believe, in gen-
eral, feeling for them great care and kindness —--have yet not taken this
‘t’lC.‘.‘\~V of the subject which I have Inentioned. There are thousands of
;t~eli.gioLts men, with consciences as tender as any of their brethren at the
north, who do not see the unlawtulnesss of slavery; and there are more
thousandsi, perhaps, that, whatsoever they may think of it in its origin,
and as a matter depending upon natural right, yet take things as they
are, and, fitiditig slavery to be an established relation of the society in
whie11‘t.l1eyl.iVe, can see no way in whiell-—--let their opinionson the
abstt-act question be what they may----it is in the power of the present
g;enet'atio11 to relieve t1.'1e1:nselves from this relation. And in this respect
<:andor objliges me to say, that I believe they are just as conscientious,
.inu.ny of them, and of the re'licr;ious- people all of thetn, as they are in the
north in hol.<:ling tltitlbttettt opinions. . ‘ 1 1
Why, sir, the honorable se1tu.t;<)1' from South Carolina, the other day,
alluded to the separu.ti<)n of‘ that greet religious eonnnunity, the Metho-
dist I"ll1Z)lS(2(I)},T).tL1 Clhuroh. +T11{1.i3..‘i5t3p£;tl.'2't1;lOI1i\V:;tS brought ebout by d:iti’er-
enoes of opinion upon this peotiliar subjeet of slavery. I felt g.g;‘reat
eonoe1'n, as that dispute went on, about the result, ancl I was i:nhopesthat
the cjlitteretiee of‘ opinion 1‘fl1l.gllt be adjuste<.'l,,, because I lo’o1;ed upon that.
1-t.:lli,s.g;ici*tt:s denornination  one of the great props of religion and morals
tEi:'<:;n.;1;glt<;»t1t. the wltolle eountr , frorn lttlaine to Georgia. The result was
:.nr::tit;1st my wislies and t1g‘£tl1'tSi3 my hopes. I have read all their proceed-
iatgs, :;tnt‘l all their arguments, but I have never yet been able to oome to ‘
the conclusion that there Weed any,real:.grou1.'1dtt for that separation; in.
other wor<:fls, that no good could. be produced by that separation. I must“
say I think there was sornei went; ot"~esndot- an»d.l'..~e117erity. aSir,~ when a
question of this kir1cli,..rt-ttkes holdfiof the religious sentiments of mankind,
and eornes to be discussed in religious assemblies of’ thesele1'gyt and 1ait.y,
there is slvvaytstr to be eztzpeeted, or always to be feared, atgreztt. dregree of‘
e:r.oi.ten1ent. It isin, the nature of man, rnanifested by his whole history,
that 1*el.ig;ious disputes are apt to become warm, and me11’s-.stt*ex"1gt1'1 of
conviction is proportionate to their viewslof’ ‘l‘.l1(3.1I12l.gI‘1lE11(f1f.t of the ques-
tions. In all such’ disputes there will sornetimes men he found with whtoyrn
every tliing is absolute——-absolutely wrong, or absolutely right. .’I‘hey
see the 1'ig§l*ttelea1'1y ; they tltink otlters ought so to seeit, and tlley are dis»
posed to establish abroad line of‘ distinction between what is right and what
is wrong. And they are not selclonii-willing to establish that 1ine_uponlt11eir,
own eonvietions of the truth and the justice of their own oopinionstyg and are
willing to rnarlszancl‘ guard that line, by placing alongfit-'a.se1iies’ of do-grnas,
as lines of boundary are marked by posts andtyystones, a ,Tl.1ere are men who,
with clear ptireeptions, as they tl1:ink,ot'.their own’. duty, do see ho"w,too;
hot at pursuit of one dutyimay involve them it1t.thei’v.ie1atiox1 of others, or how
too wttrni s11~ernbraeernent of one .t1‘uthtn1ay,lendt:to.a d1S1’5€tg£1.1‘C1“0f'_t3tl1e11
truths equally in14ports.11t.i As I heairdsit ytstated lstrioxigly, not many dnyst
ago, tltese persons are disposed to mount upon” some particular dutyas
12 I . .

90 srnnon on MR. WEBSTER

upon a war horse, and to drive furiously, on, and upon, and over all other
duties that may stand in the way. There are men who, in times of’ that
sort, and disputes of that sort, are of opinion that human duties may be
ascertained withthe e'r:aetness of mathematics. They deal with morals
 with rnathernatics, and they think what is right may be distinguished
i"rom what is wrong with the precision of an algebraic equation. The

l1ave,‘th'erefore, none too much charity towards otherswho differ from
them. They are apt, too, to think that nothing is good but what is per-
fect, and that there are no cornprornises or modifications to be made in
submission to diflierence of opinion, or in deference to other men"s judg--
ment. If their perspicacious vision enables them to detect a spot on the
face of the sun, they think that a good reason why the sun should
be struck down from heaven. . They p1'efcr the chance of running
into utter darkness, to liVin,e_r in heavenly light, if that heavenly liglit be
not absolutely without any imperfection. ‘There’ are impatient men---
too impatient always to give heed to the admonition of St. Paul, “that we
are not to do evil that good may come ” -——‘ too impatient to Wait for the
slow progress of niorml causes, in the iniprovernent of nianlcind. They
do not remember, that the doctrines and the miracles oi" Jesus Christ
have, in eighteen hundred years, converted only a small portion of the

human race; and axnong the fiations that are converted to Christianity,

they i'o.rg;et how many vices and crimes, public and private, still prevail,
and that many of’ thorn---—-public crirnes especially, which are offences
against the Christian religion---— pass Without exciting particular 2g;1°et or
IlI1(Tll§'_.”,"I"l.‘:1’DlO1’l.i Thus wars are wa,gred, and unjust wars. I do not deny

that there rnaybe just wars. , There certainly are; but it was the rexnark

of an erninentl person, not many years ago, on the other side of the At...
lantic, that it was ohetof the greatest reproaches to human nature that
wars were sometirnes .necessary.. The defence, of nations sornetirnes
causes a war against the injustice of other nations. T

» Now, sir, in this state of sentiment upon the general nature of slavery,
lies the cause of a great portion Jot" those unhappy divisions, exaspera-
tions, and reproaches which find vent and support in dilfi'eren't parts of the
Union“. Slavery does, exist in the United States. It did exist in lhc
states locfpre the adoption of this constitution, and at that time.

, And now let us consider, sir, for a mornenft, what was the state of sen-
timent, north and south, in regard to slavery, at the time this constitution
was adopted.- A I‘t"3IIr1t'1.1‘liltJ.l')le~(tl1t7t1'1g,'t% has taken -place since; but what did
the wise and great men of all parts of the country think of slavery?---- in
what estimation did they hold it then, when this constitution was adopted?
N ow, it will be f'ound,»sir, if we will carry ourselves by historical research
back to that day, and ascertain rnen’sopinions by authentic records still
existing anionglus, that there was no“ great diversity of opinion between
the north and the south upon the «subject of’ slavery; and it will be
found that both parts ofthe countrylheld it equally an evil --4-- a moral and
political evil. It willpnoti “bell libiund T’ that either at tlie“ north or at the
south there was much,*thoughithere-was some, inveotive against slavery,
aslinhuinant and cruel. 7 fllbe 'greati,i,gro,nndof objection to it was political;
that itlwealienedltlier social, tf’abric;v that, taking the place of free labor,

society» was less T stroingliahd-llaborlit vtas less T productive 5, «and, therefore, we

find, from  j sthe; tctetninent : men soil the ftirne, I the A: clearest exprpessijonti or
their opiiiion that slavery was anyevil. Arid:-they ascribetd its egszitstence

on run sLs;vnnrootirnoMisn. - 91

here, not without truth, and not without some acerbity of temper and

force of titlanguage, to the injurious policy of the mother country, Who, to  
a favor the navigator, had. entailed these evils upon the colonies. I need

hardly refer, sir,to the publications of the day. They are matters of
history on the record. The eminent men, the most eminent “men, and
nearly all the conspicuous politicians of‘ the south, held the same senti-
ments; that slavery was -an evil, a.- h1ight,.a“ blast, a mildew, a. scourge,
and a curse. There are no terms of reprobation of slavery so vehement
injithe north of that ‘day as in the south. The north was not so much
excited against it as the south, and the reason is, I suppose, beicausethere
was muchless at the north, and the people did not see, or think they saw,
the evils so prominently as they were seen, or thought to beseen, at the
south. I » r ' I

Then, sir, when this constitution was framed, this was the light in which

the convention viewed it. The convention reflected the judgment and
sentiments of the great men of the south. A member of the other house,
whom I have not the honor to know, in a recent speech, has collected
extracts from these public documents. They prove the truth of what I
am saying, and the question then was,how to deal with it, and how to
deal with it as anevil- ‘Well, they came to this general‘ result. They
thought that slavery could not be continued in the country, if the impo1*ta—
tion of’ slaves were niade to ; cease, and therefore they provided that after-
a certain period. the importat.ion inight be prevented by the act of the
new government. ._Twent.y yea.rs were proposed‘ by some gentleman,-—--—
a x1o1~tl'n,.-:1.-:1 gggcxitlemttii, I thinl:,---. and rnanyvof the southern gentlemen
opposed it as being too long.h Mr. Madison‘ especially was something
warm against it. He said it would bring too much of this mischief’ into
the country to allow the irnportation of slaves for such aperiod. Because
we must take along with us, in the whole of this discussion, when we are
considering the sentiments and opinions in which this constitutional pro-
vision originated, that the conviction of alllmen was, that, if the imports-
tion of slaves ceased, the white race would multiply faster than the black
race, and thatpslavery would therefore gradually wear out and expire.
It ntay not be .irnpr;oper here to allude to that, I had almost said,cele-
brated opinion of  Madison. You observe, sir, that l‘l'.l1e,l3€1‘111 “slave ”
or “ slavery” is not used in the constinrtion.: Thevconstitution does not
require that “fugitive ‘slaves’? shall.begdeliveredYup. i It requires that

“ persons bound to service. iuone state,” and escaping into another, shall  I

be delivered up.” AIM:-. Madison -r opposed the introduction. of the term
“ slave” or “slaveryI’j’ into the constitution ;. for he said that hejdid not
wish to see “it recognized, by the constitution of the .United Sta-itesl of
;America, that there} could‘ be property in ,n:i;en. Now, sir, all this took
place. at the convention in 1787 ; but connectedwith ,'l}l1Il'S+,-_-.COI10l11‘.I'€Ili3
and [conternporaneous --«sis another important transaction not sufliciently
attended to. The convention for framing this constitution assembled in
Philadelpliia in May, and sat until,S:ept_ember,,1~787. During all that
time the Congress of the United States was in session at New York. It
was r a. matter of design, as we know, that the convention should not
assemble in the same city where ; Congress was holding its sessions. Atl-
most all the public men of the country, therefore, of distinction I and
eminence, were in one or the other of these two assemblies ; and I think
itlhappened in some insta.nces that the same gentlemen were rnembersoi"

both. If I mistake not, such was the case of Mr. Rufus King, then a

%

493

SPEECH OF ME. WEBSTER ~

member of Co11g1'eself1*om M2tssael1us?et.ts, and at the sa.n.1e'timei 2:. member:
of the comrermion to frame the consti‘tutionf% ‘F1’-om that state. Now, it was
in the summer‘ of 17 87, the veryltimewhen the convention in 1°l'1ila(lelpl1ia
was tmming this lconstitution, that tl1elCong;ress in New lYo'rl<. was training
the o1‘di11an'oe of’: 17’87.t They passed that ordinance on the’ 13th of July,
1787', at.NeW:Y‘orl:, the very n1ontl1,<perl12t_ps the very clay, on wl1iel1“
these qtxestione about the‘ importation of slaves and the cllamcter ‘of

slavery we1~e‘lclel:>a..ted in the convention at PI1ila.clelpl1ia. And,‘ so far V

as We can now learn, there Waste. perfect coneurrrenoe of opinion" between
these respective‘ bodies; and it 1~e'sulted in tlfie ‘ordinance of 1787, ex-
eluding slztvezjfas applied to all the te1'rito1'y-over which the Co‘ngress of’
the United States ,lll12‘td ju1'iedic_tion, and thett was all the territory north-
west of the Ohio. Three yestrs before, Virginia, and other sto.teet lied
made afoeslsionlof t,lmt g1~eat'te1*ritory to the U11it‘ecl* States. And at most-
nlagnifioent act it Was.‘ I never xjeflect upon it without 21 diexposition to (lo
honor %a,ntlVjL1etiee———tt11d justice would be the l1igl1est honor--——- to Virginia.
fo1*ltl12?tt*~aet.0I" eession of her no1*th—wesstern lter1*it01'y. t I will say, sin it
is oneof her fairest Clt”i.l1'.If1S to the respect gmcl gzmttitucilet of the United
States,‘ and that perlmps it is only second to that otherl czlnim whiellt
a.t.teel1esv to her‘«--that, from her oomxsels, anal 'F1*rm‘1 the int.elligge2'2(:r3 aml
patriotism of her’lleecling‘stetesmerm, proczeecled the fi1‘:st‘li<;lezt put into
practice for the foIrm::Ltiont()'l°  genierol oonetituticm of‘ the lhglitetl »‘E3tztte::...‘
Noxv, sir, the orcline.nce of 17 87 eppliecl thus to the wltole. ter-1*it.ory over
whiel1 the Congress‘ of the Uxtitecl States l1acl‘ju1'i:scliction. It was-1 mlopttecl
nearly threei- _years%be'forellthe ‘eooetitt1ti%on of’ the United St:~.‘tt.os went. into
epera'tio11,, beoztuee the ordinance ‘took efilect it1fr1nuediat.ely on its p:e:.s3sa.g'e ;
while the constitutioxmlolft the Uzfaitetl States, having been; f1‘:»;1.1:oerl, vs-fats to
he sent to tl1e‘strates to be adopted “by their oonventione, and then st gc>v-
er11111ent«lmcl to be oxgganilzed under it. This ordinance, tlxen, was in
opemtion encll f'o1*ee whenltlxe constitution was adopted, :.-tncil o tlfis gotre1~x'1-
mentpt;1ti11'1notio11,inj;A.p1*il; 1789. l t l   «% j t ' ' t  %
l Mr. P1'e:sicle11t, ethreee tl1‘in‘geta.1'e quite clear as l1iSt01'lCz1l~ trtttllert’ One
is, tlxat there Waste,nh‘~‘ex,15eotationttlmt on theleeasing of the ixnpozmtion
of tslrwee 1"ro1:n .».hf'x~ic:af, slttvery vvouldl ‘begitm to run -out. t That was ‘hoped
and teX‘peot.ecl.' t‘1A11ot,l1er% is, th:,!tt,,'T "es”1"ar 11.55 there was my power‘ in Cone-
greeeto prevezit the sprea.cl : of lelevettyt in the Unitedl States, that power
was executecl ‘in the ‘most absolute xnanner, :.»mcl‘ to the ‘fullest extent. ‘ 
honorable member whose ‘health does not allow him to be lllere to‘~dzty«-—--"ll
t A SENAT0It;lhhNl% He is liere; (Referring to Mr. Ct-1ll1011I1.) e the t
ltlrl. \VI«:Bs'1‘EIt..'- I am v*e1‘*yjh_2tppy to hear that he is ; rnay lxelong he
in health and the “enjoyme11t'of'§it~ to servel hrls CO11I’lt»1""y—--’SitiCl,”t-l'le other
cley, that he oonsidte1*ed%%tlxiel ordim‘x.neeta,s;£tl1eh first in tlxe ~se’1"i-es of n*1'ea:s-
111-hes caleulatecl to 7e11f'eeblet tl?1e*south,“ a.i.1cl~ tsleprivei them ot'hthei1*‘%j11st
pm-ti:oipetion in the benefits felndll plxtilvileges of this ‘gover~zm1e11t. file we
‘;"E31‘.y'l properly tl1at%%itjma;s &ohel”um_l‘e1* the 0101‘ ‘eonfeclemtiozu, tmcl before‘
this oot1istitutiol11 w_enth-iintot effect »; ‘b'ut'_inyt tptitfeeent lpturpoee,‘ is only to ‘say,
Mr. Preelcle11t,Vtlmtt'1it 'W:.ts‘”~don”e Wltlt 1' tlte entire °a11clllt12.1anit11o11s oot1oor--

rence 4efVTthte%7lvhh&l»e fsou‘th.V W'l1y;*“th»ere “it stmtnasvz * lThevote of et-*he’::*'~§rt

J“
‘ .

state -inTthe4Unionitwael1xne;11imotts¥fin7ftwor*oeft'the lorclim‘-tttee, with 

etteeptioh ibt7*iei§r1glel lvindivitlualltllvfloteglmid 5 it that ~t‘:%i¥rtdiVicltmoll l twe  t‘l‘O1t‘lJlljE§i‘I_1
mm.» ‘ B=1I1i=,“;%_ lsiflty ~ the tQI'fCl3in*a’,1’1ltQe  ‘e¥'hh1let‘l1ing‘=l 'oifi‘l‘TI€t>€theijll‘ léptlolii‘t;4iltit::l1%;g5jtAll 
nortthawest gof  Ohio ltell/;_1la;Ms*:~~tllte*hend ’ anti 1   of  evlery‘t1leomil1e5r11‘V Ametrlber

in l«Cong1‘ei=el.  ot-here thiriclt lleleartltl'l1l£§toiir*ioal‘l t1*?u?thl7tie,l tt~t‘lm;t' "the

on ‘Tim SLAVERY oonrnonxsn. 93,

V convention meant to leave slavery, in the states, as they found‘ it, entirelyh-

uncler the oontrol of t the stat.es. t ‘ V
This was the state of things, S11‘, and this the state of opinion, under
which thoee very iniportentiinatteie we.r-e erra,nged,Aand“ thoeetwo impor-

tant things done; that is, the esteblieliment of'fthe constitution, with n‘

recognition of slavery as it existed in tlie“ sta.tes,I2t11dr the establishment
of the ordinance, prohibiting,*to the full extent of all ‘territory owned" by
the United States, the introduction iot'ela;ve1'y into tl1o.se=iter1fitoI'-iest,and the
leaving to the states all power V"oVer~ wsletvery, tineitheir-1”‘ own” lirni7ts.v And
h<31'9«s S11“: ‘V9 may P‘<‘~“59- We may 1‘@fl'eetf“fbr a; mornoie?t‘l-iv>upo1ilthe’ entire
coincidence and concurrence of eentimentvbetweentthe north and iLl16tSOl1fl1
upon: these questions’ at the period of the I adoption ‘hot’ the constitutiioril.
But opinions, sir, liave clinnged ---- greatly clienged .....i changed new-,h and
chmigecl south. 9Sle.very is not regerdediin? the eouthinow as it owns then*.
I see t1.11’»l101’l0I'f.t1'J1(‘3 member of this“body=‘paying the the honor of list+e11ing_1;
to my I'fE*J1‘l1Ei.1'l{S; he brings to me, sir, freshly‘ and v'iviclly,*tlie senti;
ments of his great ‘ences~tor=,+.eo much icli-etinguished in his day“ and‘ gener-
ation‘, eopworthy to he succeeded by eo‘Worthy—e igmnedeon, tyith all ‘the
sentirnente he expressed in the convetitiaon of Pl1ilndelphin.ii

o t I-Iere we Ina ‘ anse;  There-was, iftzlotlan entire unsmirnit ‘ a. enerel A
. Y: 2%”

concnirrenee of’ sen'timent,3~trunntingi through the whole ‘ comnzutiityg and
e'epeicio.].ly entertained byithei eimintentfwi-melt ‘of all portions 'lot'.«tho icouiitry.
But soon or cliaiigepbegoni at the north and ‘the ‘south, and that severance
of opinion showed itself--— the north: gI“'oWingiv‘_Hl1_nuc11li mm;-3 warm and
strong ngnizist slavery“, lando the sourthtltgrowing‘ much ‘more worth and
strong inpits support. Sir, thereis~I1o tgen?e1~a'tion”“of menltindlwhoee
opinione are not .~suh_ject to the infit1encediby'wh‘a;t ‘eppeaiewto themmo be

their present, emergent, eIelfisl1,and exigent intereetp.  I, impute to_ the

south no pnrtieixlnrly selfiehtview in the change which has come over her.
I*il'I1p1.HJ(3 to her ce1~tni.nlytno clishonest view. ”A1‘1?thet>l1ee happened has

been n:;tturnl.~ Ittlins followveci those entieeshfwliich Ittlweysi‘ influence the“

human ~II1lI'l(I1".‘:3t1'1drO]D€fI't7tt‘8 uponwit. VW7he;t,sthen,*heve“=been ‘ the‘ causes
which hover created so new at fee1ing‘i‘ipn f'evort of slavery in the south-———
Which l.xtwetohttngetl the whole nonzenclelturetof the south on the subject
-1--‘a.11clfromtbeing tlionghtof’ and deseribfeclin the terms I have5n1en~
tioned -and will not repeat, it line now become an institution, a. cherished
institution, in that qunrter; no evil, no "scourge, ibutn greet religions,
social, and Inozral bleeeing,  Ithinlc Itlnrve heard. it latterly described?’
I suppose thin, sir, is owing; tothe sudden uprising, aitdmpid growth ofthe
cotton plantations of I the eonth.‘ So for as any rnotive‘ot‘lhono1*,ljuetiloegeud‘
general judgmeiit could not, it was the cotton intereetiithattignvei1e“inew:}de—
sireto p1~on1oIteitsl2wery, to spreed]it,+e.nd to+-‘use itswlebor;i  tI= aga:in_l eay
that that was prodncecl by the causes which we zmun: ’e1Ways itexpect to
produce liken teflielctegi tl<1~ei1' liwholetinterest beoemetp,‘,toonn«eete,(§l with=it.=~ It‘

We“ looltbnclt to the ghieitory»ot’t the tconnnerce of ithieoountrjgieti Etched early
years, (of? this tigoivernnient,' ;whet were oer exports   (Cotton was. *“ho.1~dl;r,

or but to afiverylimitetll extent,i5knownil‘?‘ Will} show that the '

exports of cotton tbr theviiyeereo 117' 907~e,nd "~9il ,were;not,,im;ore,th'ant forty or fifty
thousanldidollarste ypearlv ”lIt_ht1,Sqg,01f.1te on?5?irrc1iéttsi1ig“rapidly, until it tmay
now, peirliapsyintaiiseason of'rj»<-grestt: proidfuotoit j‘s~di‘highi prices, emountlito e.
hundred inillions of rlollnre. »; 1‘  ltldef @#ye[er$???Ij l?l711‘a$‘Ve’ int-en‘ti'onecl t.here;lwa.=;
more of wax, Ino1'e?of'tinoli’go,=*rnorel of iriitceif, more‘ ofelmost every article foot"
export from the ‘south, ‘th4’an‘ttllo2F%eottom  thiinl::I'ithetile‘l‘heo.1~d‘it seidmrhen

94: SPEECH on MR. WEBSTER

;.l\'{r. "Jay negotiated the treaty of 1794 with Englantl, he did not know
that cotton was exported at all from the United States ;, and I have heard
it said that, after the treaty which gave to the United States the right
to carry their own commodities to England, in their own ships, the

‘custom house in London refused to admit cotton, upon an allegation that i

it could not be an American production, there being, as thcysupposed, no
cotton raised in America. They would hardly think so now 1 T
Well, sir, we know what followed- The age of cotton became a golden
age for our southern brethren. It gratified their desire for improvement
and accumulation at the same time that it excited it. The desire grew
by what it fed upon, and there soon -came to be an eagerness for other
territory, a new area, or newareas, for the cultivation of the cotton crop,
and measures leading to this result were brought about, rapidly, one after
another, under the lead of’. southern men at the head, of the government,
they liaving a majority in both branches to. accomplish their ends. The
honorable member from Carolina observed that there has been a majority
all along in favor of the north. If thatbe true, sir, the north has acted
either very liherallyjand kindly, or very Weakly; for they never exercised

1 that majority five times in the history of the government. Never. Wl:1ether

they were outgenerallecl, or whether it was owing to other causes, I shall
not stop to consider; but no man acquainted with the history of the conn-i

try can deny, that the general lead iuthe politics of the country for three

fourths of the period that has elapsedsince the adoption of” the constitutioii
has been a southern lead, In 1802, in pursuit of the idea of opening a
new cotton region,.the United States obtained a cession froin Greo1'{._g;ia of
the whole a other western territory, now embracing the rich and ,r_.§rowi,ng
suite of Alabania. , In 1803 Louisiana was purchased from France, out
ct’ which the states of Louisiana, .Arkansas, and Missouri have been
t'raz.ned, as slaveliolding states. In 1819 the cession of Florida was made,
bringing‘ . another cession of slaveholding property and territory Sir,
the honorable member from South Carolina thought he saw in certain Op-
erationsof the government, such as the manner of collecting the revenue
and the tendency of those measures; to promote emigration into the Counw
tr-y,what accounts for the more rapid growth of the north than the south.

ltlelthinks that morerapid growth, not the operation of time, but of the}

.system of government established under this constitution. .'l‘hat his a
matter of opinion. To a certain extent it may be so; but it does
seem to me that if any operation of the goverxiinent could be shown in

any degree to haveipromoted the population, and ’ growth, and wealth of ,

the north, it is much more sure that there are sundry. importantiand
distinct operations of the , government, about which no man can doubt,
tending to promote, and w11ich~abso=1utely have promoted, the increaseof
the slave interest and the sl_ave territory of the south. Allow me to say that
it was not time that brought in Louisiana; it was the act of men; It

wasnot time thatbrought in Florida; it was the act ct’ men. And lastly,
sir, to complete those acts of men, which havecontributecl so much to en-,~,
large the areaand the sphererof the institution, of slavery, ; Texas, great,i~
and vast,,an:dl_,illimi,table Texas, was added to the Union, as a slave statpe,-e

in 184c5;,‘and that, sir, pretty much closed the rwhhle ,chapter,_ and settled

the Whole ’=m<>,0u.nt.‘ TThatl,closed the whole -chapters  that settled the ,W110ler
account, because  annelxhationpof Texas, jsupon thfe conditions and, under:
the guaranties uponcwhich  Wasgjachnitted, did i not leave an 7acref3,of 
18-flda, Capable Of bfiting cultivateld by slave labor, between‘, this Capitol gar-.*d.

on THE smvnnr oonrnomsn. 95

the Rio Grande or the Nueces, or whatever isithe proper bonndar ' of
F ‘ ,

,l“exasr—--not an acre, not one. From that moment, the whole country,
from this place to the western boundary of" TeXa.s, was fixed, pledged,

tastened, decided, to be slave territory forever, by the solemn guaranties:

of law. And I now say, sir, as the proposition upon which I stand this.
day, and upon the truth and firmness of which I intend toact until it is
overthrown, that there islnot at this moment‘ within the United States, or;
any territory of the United States, a single foot of‘ land, the character of

which, in regard to its being freesoil territory or‘ slave .territory,_is not ‘

tired by some law, and some irrepealable law, beyond the power of the

actionrof this government. Now, is it not so with respect to Texas 3

Why, it is most manifestly so. The honorable member from South Caro-

lina, at the time of the admission of Texas, held an important post in the :

executive department of the government ; . he was secretary of state. An-
other eminent person of great activity-and adroitness in atl’ai1's, I mean
the late secretary of the treasury, (Mr. 'Wall<er,) was a leading member

of this body, and took the lead in the business of annexation; and I must)
say they did their business faithfully and thoroughly; there was no botch

left in it. They rounded it off’, and made as close joiner work. as ever

was put together. Resolutions of annexation were brought into Congress,

fiflyj
object which they had in view; and those resolutions passed. I

oined together--compact, firm,et:‘ticient,conclusive upon the great;

Allow me to read the resolution. It is the third clause of the second sec-it
tion of the resolution of the 1st of lMarch, 1845, for the admission of Texas,‘

which applies to this part of the case. That clause reads in these words : ---I

“New states, of convenient size, not exceeding four in number, in
addition to said state of Texas, and having sufficient. population, may,
hereafter, by the consent of said state, be formed out o'i“_tlie territo1‘y»
thereof‘, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the
federal constitution. And such states as Inaybe formed. out of that por-.

tion of said territory, lying south of 36° 30.’ north . latitude, commonly
known as the Missouri compromise line, shallbe admitted into the Union

with or without slavery, astheipeople of each state askingjadniissionmay

desire; and in such state‘. or states as shall -be formed out of’ said territory

north of" said Missouri compromise line, slavery or involuntary,servitudel-

(except for crime) shall be prohibited.’’.,

Now, what is here stipulated, enacted, ‘secured? It is, that a1l‘Texas.f

south of 36° 30’,~which is nearly the whole of it, shall be admitted into

the Union as a slave state. It .was~a-slaves state, and tlierefore lcamein
as a slave state; and the guaranty is; that new states shall be made out of 

it, and that such states as are formed out of that . portion, of‘, Texas; -lying;

south of 36° 30’ may come in’ as slave statestol the number of ;fonr,<in,
addition torthe state then in existence," and admitted at tha.t;Ati1ne by these
resolutions. T I know no form of : legislation which can "strengthen that. I
knowtyno mode of recognition iithattcan add i a tittle of~wle,iglit to it.- I
listened respectfullylto the resolutifonsl of my honorableigi friend from Ten-
nessee,  Bell.) He proposed to_recognize' that istipulation with

Texas. But any additional recognition would wealzen the force of it,
because it stands here on the igrvonnd of a contract, a thing done for 
consideration. It is a law founded on a contract with Texas, and designed;

. to carry that contract into effect. IA recognition founded not on any ..con—;

sideration or any contract would not be so strong as it now stands onhtlse

face of the resolution. Now, I know no way, 1 candidly cont'e'ss, in which

96‘ I SPEECH on MR. Wnesrnn

this government, act.i11g in good faith, as I trust it always will, can relieve
itseli'f'ro1n that stipulation and pledge, by any honest coiirse of leggisla-t.ion
whatever. And, therefore, I say again that, so far as Texas is concerned
-—- the whole of Texas south of 86° 30’, which I suppose embraces all the
slave te..rrit.ory——-t.he1'e is no land, not an acre, the cliaracter of which is
not establishecl by law, a law which cannot. be repealed without the viola-
tion of a contract, and plain disregard of the public faith. ‘

I hope, sir, it is now‘ apparent --that my rproposition, so far as Texas is
concerned, has been maintained; and the provision in this article  and

it has been well stiggestecl by any friend froin Rhode Island that that part

of Texas which liesnorth of'34° of north latitude maybe formed into free
states-—— is dependent, in like: manner, upon the consent of Texas, herself
arslave state. ‘ I I w i . . j I
~-WVell, now, sir, how came‘ this? -How came it that within these walls,
where it is said by the honorable -member from Sou*th~ Carolina, that the

free‘ states have a majority, thisresolution of annexation, ‘such as~I have

described it, found a majorityerinsbotli houses of Coiig1'ess 3’ Why, stir, it

‘found that majority bythe great addition of northern votes added to the

entire ‘sent-h_eri1_.vote, or at least, nearly the whole of‘ the sont.hern votes.
That niajority was made up of northern. as Well as of’ .southern votes. In,

the House: of Representatives itstood, I think, about eighty sontliein
votes for the admission of Texas, and about fifty northern votes for the

-admission of’ Texas‘. In «the»: Senate the vote stood for the. admission of
Texas, tWent.y»-seVen’,*and twenty-five against it; andof those twent.y-seven
votes, constituting a!:rnajority= forvtihe admission of Texasr in this body, no
less than thirteen of them came from the free states W four of them were
from New England. ~‘1‘he Whole of these thirteen senatorsfrom the free
.states-m within a fraction, you .see,«of one half of all the votes in thisbody
for the achnisision, of Texas,._witl1Vits immeasurable ezxtent of slave territo1"y
--~— were sent here by the ‘votes ‘ofifree states. 1 I
 Sir, there is ‘notiso rernarkable at chaptelirin our history of political
events, political tparties, and political, men, as is afforded by this measure
fbrtithe admission of Texas, with this immense territory, that a bird cannot
fly over in a Week. I r[Langhter;]~ 2 Sir, New England, with some of her
votes, supported this 2 measure.  Threei"ourths oftlie votes of liberty-lam
ing Connecticut Went for it in the other house, and one half here. I Tllere
was one~'vote for it in Maine, but I am happy to say, notthe voteof the
honorable ‘Inemb.er who addressed the Senate the day befbre yesterday,
(Mr. I*Iamlin,) and who was theniaxrepresenltative froxn. Maine, in the-bother
house; but there Wlasi allvotelora two from Maine -——- ay, and there was one
vote for; it from‘ illvilalssachusetts, theegentleman then representingiand now
livingin the distriet inxwhiehii the prevalende .ofrfriee.soilt sentiment, for an
couple of’ years ‘or so, hasidefeated , the choice » of, any ‘member to repres'en_t

it in 1lCo11g1'ess- iSiI?,ttha:l3l’l)0Cl}7\0f norrthern and eastern‘ men who gave

those “votes at that time, are now seen Staining upon themselves, in the
nomenclature of politics, itheappellatioiniof the Northern Democracy.

They nin«d%srtooiki.t.o iwield the 3 destinies of thisezmpire --—4i:f'iI‘ may call a re»
public anrenipirie and their policy was, and t=hey persisted in it, to: bring;
int0hthie‘%30l111t1”'y”alljthe»13eI‘rit0try\,they would. I :¢ tTiheyl did it under ‘pledges;

absolute ,p1e.dges+ to tliei ts1aveii.l,intenestr  the «case of :Te:x‘.as‘,»j and afteiéfyvards

'theylent their laid, ~ini“brringing\ tlieseinisnewiiieortquestsév~*Flliy lifilidfablle

friend: f'ron1= Georgia,  Marich, 18‘é4='iT,3,;mot7sed ;31:lEI6* ySenate , to declare :i,11‘lc'-it
thefuwar I o.ugl1t,??»4ilno1;QCto be i)r0$(tt‘.‘«Ul3edlt~*l’f01‘\fi)Ctqu*l$i?l}iOn,i,l.;fl)1’I coinqnest, for the

yj,‘ .

ON I THE SLAVERY c0iirn.o.uIss. 97

dismetnberment. I of Mexico. The same northern tle.n1ocrat~y entirely
voted against it. He did not get a vote from them. It suited the views,
the patriotism, the elevated sentiments of the northern democracy to
bring ina world here, ainong the nfountaitis and valleys of California and
New Mexico, or any other part of Mexico, and then quarrel about it; to
bringit in, and then endeavor to put upon it the saving grace of t.lie.,Wil—
mot proviso. There were two eminent and highly-respectable gentlemen
t'rom the north and east, then leading gentlemen in this Senate: I rei'er~I--
aud I do so with entire respect, for I entertain for both of those gentlemen
in general high regard —-—»ItoI Mr. Dix, of New York, and Mr. Niles, of
Connecticut, who voted for the admission of Texas. 1 They would not
have that vote any other Way than as it stood; and they would not have
it as it did stand. I speak of the vote upon the annexation of Texas.
Those,,,two gentlemen would have the resolution of annexation just  it is,
and they voted for it just as it is, and their eyes were all open to it. My
honorable friend, the member who addressed us the other day from ‘South

Carolina, was then secretary of state. I-Iis correspondence with Mr. "

Murphy, the charge, d’afi"ai1'es of the United States in Texas, had been
published, That correspondence was all before those gentlernen, and the
secretary had the boldness and candor to avow in thatcorrespondence
that the great object sought by the annexation of Texas was to strengthen
the slave interest of the south. Wliy, sir, he said, in so many words ‘
I ‘Mr. CALHOUN. Will the honorable senator permit me to interrupt
liitn for a moment ?1 l I . I
Mr. ‘Wnns'rnn. Certainly. . i
Mr. CALHOUN. I am’ very reluctant to interrupt the honorable gen-
tleman; but, upon a point of so much importance, I deem it right to put
myself‘ reams in om-t'a. I did not put it upon the ground assumed by the
senator. I put it upon this ground --I that Great Britain hadannounced to
this country, in so manywords, that Ibex; object was to abolish: slavery in
Texas, and through Texas to accomplislrtlie abolishment of slavery in the
United Statesandlithe world.  Thegroundxl putsit on was, that it would
rnake an exposed frontier ;, and, if Great Britain succeeded in herobject, it
would be impossible that that frontier could be secured against the aggres-

 

sion of the abolitionists; and that this governmenLt was bound, under the

gua1'anties of the constitution, to protect us against such a state of things.
Mr. WEBSTER. That comes, I suppose, sir, to exactly the same thing.

It was, that Texas must be obtained‘ tiortlthei security of the slave interest

of the south. , I I t p i I I V
I Mr. CALHOUN. Aniotlierview is very distinctly given.   I s ,
Mr. VVI«::es'rr.R. I That was the object set forth in .theI‘correspond'ence
ofla worthy gentleman-"not new living-,w'ho?pre-ceded the honorable. n:1_e1:r1-.-
ber new South CarolinaI in that office.= I There. repose on the files of the
department of state, as I have occasion to know, strong. letters frozn Mr-
Upshur to the United States minister in England, a1icl“'II: believe there are
Isonieto the same minister from the honorable senatoriliimself,‘ asserting
to this efl"ect the sentiments of this Igo-vernrnent.,I that*(S‘rreat Britain was
expected not to interfere Ito takeITexasI out of the hands of its then exist-
ing, governznent, and make it IaIIIIIf:ree I ‘country...-‘i” But my, argument, my
suggestion,?is this thatithoseigentlernen. who co-tnposerl the northern def

\

, mocracy when Texas was brought into lthellnion, saw, withall their eyes,

that it was brought in as slave country, and broughtin for the ipurposeof

being maintained as slave ‘=IIteri-itory to the Greek kalends. II I rathertxthink _

13

98 season: or MR. wnssrsn
. p I .

the honorable gentleman, who was then secretary of state, might, in some
of his correspondence with Mr. Murphy, have suggestecl that it was not
expedient to say too much about this object, that it might create some
alarm. At any rate, Mr. Murphy wrote to him, that :El1gla11d wasanx-
ions to get rid of the constitution of Texas, because it was a constitution
establishing slavery ;i and that what the United States had todo was, to
-aid the people of Texas in upholding their constitution; but that nothing

‘ should be said -that should offend the_ fanatical men. , But, sir, the honor-

able rnemher did avow this object, himself, openly,boldly, and manfully;
he did not disguise his conduct, or his motives.

Mr. CALHOUN. ‘Never, never. . A, l i I

Mr. Wnnsrnta. What he means he is very apt to say.

Mr. CALHOUN. .A1ways,»always. V ~

Mr. VVEBSTER. And I honor him for it. This admission of,,Texas
was in 1,845. Then, in 1847, flagmmfe belle between the United ‘States
and Mexico, the proposition I have mentioned was brought forward by
my friend from*Georgia, and the northern democracy voted St1‘€1lg,‘llt ahead

. against it. Their remedylwas to apply to the acquisitions, after they
should come in,the VVilmot proviso. Wliat follows? These two gentle-

men, worthy, and honorable, and influential men-—~—--and if they had not
been they could not have carried the rneasure~—--tliese two gentleinen,

pmembers of this body, brought in Teszas, and by theirvotes they also

prevented the passage of the resolution of the honorable member from
Georgia, and then they went home and took. the lead in‘ the freesoil
party. And there they stand, sir! They leave us here, bound in honor
and conscience by the resolutionsrof anne1cation--tliey leave us here to

. take the odium of fulfilling the obligations in favor of slavery which they

voted us into, or else the greater odium of violating those obligations,
while they are at liorne, making rousingg: and capital speeches for freesoil
and no slavery. . [Laughter.] And, therefore, I say, sir, that there is
not a chapter in our history, respecting public measures and public men,
more full of what should create surprise, more full of what does create, in

my mind, extreme mortification, than that of the conduct of this northern .

democracy. I t T

Mr.,13‘resident, sometimes, when a man is found in a new relation to
things ‘around him and to other men, he says the world has clianged, and
that he has not changed. I believe, sir, that our sel,f-respect leads us often
to make this declaration in regard to ourselves, when it is not exactly
true. An individual is more apt to change, perhaps, than all the world
around him. But, under the present circumstances, and under the re-
sponsibilityrwhich I knowrI incur by what I am now stating here,yIfeel
at liberty, to recur to the various T expressions rand-istateinents,made at
various times, of my own opinions and resolutions respecting the admission
of»Texas, and all that has followed. Sir, as early as 1836, or in the

” earlier part of 18.37, a matterof conversation and correspondence between

myself-and some private friendsiwas this project of annexing Texas to the

a United States; and. an honorable gentleman with whom I have had a long,

acquaintance‘,r a friend of mine,anow§perhaps linriyttliisp chamber --—_—.I,mean,
Greneralvl-Iamilton, of«Soutl_1~ Clarolinaé-+ was knowinzgto 1?11‘«:113 _ C0r17¢SP0fld*
ence.‘   had lviotedvfor . the recognition? of , Texan independenfiei. because!‘ I
believed Litswias I an ex.istingl fact, s;:urprising;: land tastonishingi as it ; W33,‘ Md
I wished~well..ito the i new. rlepnblic: :but.I,manifested fromjthe tfiflrstrlutter
opposition to bringing, I her, with  her ;{te1'ritory,,_ into ;the.,,..Ujn,ion. ,3 .I. had

ON THE tstavnnr conrnomsn. N r ' Ij,: 99

on occasion, sir, in .1837, to meet friends in New York, on some political, occa-

sion, and I then stated my sentiments upon the subject. It was thefirst
time that I had occasion to advert to it; and I will ask a friend near me
to do me the favor to read an extract from the speech, for the Senate may
find itratlier tedious to listen to the whole of it. It was delivered in
Niblo’s, Garden in 1837. I I I ;  V I  I I , ,  A
Mr. GREENE then read the following extract from the -speech of the
honorable senator, to which he 1‘efer1'ed:—-ea II p j I 
“ Gentlemen, We all see that, by whomsoeverlpossessed, Texas is likely
to be a‘ slaveholding country; and I frankly avovv my entire unwillingness
to do any thing which shall e;_s;tendI. the slavery of the African race, on
this continent, or add other slaveholding states to the Union. I  ,
“When I say that I regard slavery in itself as a greal moral, social,
and political evil, I only use language which has been adopted by dis-
tinguished men, themselves citizens of slaveholding states. I ;
“ I shall do nothing, therefore, to favor or encourage itsfurtlier exten-

sion.‘ Wei'l1ave; slavery already among us- The constitution found it

F‘ To thefull, extentrof these guaranties wears all bound in honor, in
justice, and by they-constitution.  All the,stipulations containedrin the

among us; Iit recognized it, and gave it solemn guaranties.

constitution in favor of it.heslavel1olding states, Whichare already in" the I

Union, ought to. be fulfilled, and, sofar as depends , on 1ne,Isl1a1l;,,IbeiXfu_l~
filled inthe fulness of their spirit and to the exactness of their letter.

I Slavery, as it exists in the states, is beyond the reacl1Iof_ Congress. It is a

concern of the states tliemselves. ‘ They have.nIe;verIIsubmitted. it to Con-
gress,‘ and Congress has no rightful power over it. I ‘ I W;  j I
“ I shall concur, therefore, in no act, noerneasure, no menace, no,Ii11dica—
tion of purpose which shallinterfere or threaten to interfere with the
exclusive authority of the several states over the subject of slaver, asit
exists within their respective limits, All this :appears to me to be matter
of plain and imperative duty.   ,  , ; i  _ I , I I  A Ix ,
‘‘ But when we come to speak of admitting new Isltates, the subject

,assumes an entirely Idifl"eI'ent, aspect. Our rights and our duties are then

both diflhrent. ,  j I . . . y , . , p j I 
,“,I see,theIrefore,I no political necessity for the annexation. of Texas to
the Union -——-no advantages to berderivodifrom it; and objections to it of

la strong,.and,,in my juclg1nent,a.of a decisive ~character,”I  i  I  I
  Wnesrne. , I have nothing, sir, ttoadcl to, nor to take batch from,
those sentiments. I That, the Seiiate will,Ip.er;ceive, in 1837'. .The
. purpose of imn1ediatIely annexing Tezxas at ;that~time, was iabandoned, or
postponed; and it was not-“revivecl with any vigor f0I'gSQl3l3 tyearsg Inthe

mean time it had so happened‘ that I had become a member ,:oi'thei sex-pecu—
tive administration, and was for at short period in; the department of state.
The annexation of Texas was a subj,ect.of COnVB1‘ISa.tiOflr'v"11iQi3 confidential
——with ‘th'e;presid~ent and heads of clepartment, as ,w,e1l,A,as‘=', with otlier pub-
I1ic,men.?,§Noi seriouslaetempt was then made,-ahowjever, to bring it; about.

Ileft the; -»department of state,in.:aMay, 1I8j43,ian,d ashortly.-I after I learned,

though no way co~nnected ofiicial information, that adesign had been
taken Iupof ibri_I;1ging;I;,ir1;..Texas,,:.rwithII,her; pslayel territory and population,
into the United States} ‘I was here in ‘Wasliington at the time, and~;;per-

sons are now here vvho.~,,wil1ljIre,1T1€"¥Inber,. that we; j.had an arranged, meeting
, for conversation, upon, it... Iiwent home .to Massachusetts, and jproclaimed
the existence-~ of thatIpu;rpose; but I could get noaudience, and but little

100 II I season or its. wnesrnn

attention. Some did not «believe it, and some were too much engaged in-,

= their own pursuits to give it any heed. They had gone to their farxns or

to their merchandise, and itwas impossible to arouse any sentiment in
NewIEngland or in Massachusetts that should combine the ‘two great

I political parties against this annexation ; and, indeed, there was no hope

of bringing the northern democracy into that view, for theleaning was all
theiliother way. But, sir, even, with Whigs, and leading whigs, I am
ashamed to say, there was a great indifference towards the admission of
Texas with slave territory into this Union. It went on.I ‘I was tl1enI out
of Congress. The annexation resolutions passed the 1st of March, 1845.
Thelegislature of TeXaIs cornplied-with the conditions, and accepted the
guaranties; for the phraseology of the language of the resolution is, that
Texas is to come in “upon the conditions and under the guaranties
herein prescribed.” I I happened to be returned to the Senate " in March,
1845, and was herein December, Tl-845, when the acceptance by Texas

of the conditions proposed by Congressiwas laid before “us by the presi-

dent, and an act forthe consummation of theconnection was laid before

the two houses. The connection was not comlpleted. Aflnal law doing

the deed of annexation ultimately and finally had not been passed; and
when it was upon its final passage here, I expressed my opposition to it,
and recordedniy vote in the negative: and there the vote stands, with
the observations that I made upon that occasion. I It has happened that
between 1837 and this time, on various occasions and opportunities, I
have expressed my entire opposition to the admission of slave states, or
the acquisitionof new slave territories, to be added to“Ithe United States.
I know, sir, no chaiige in rnyownisentiments or my own purposes: in that
resipect. I I will new again ask my friend froinIRl'1ode Island to read
auIotherI extract 'fromIIIa * speech of‘ mine, nnade atvva wliigvconvention in
Springfield, <Massacl1usetts, in the rnonth ot"S‘eptember‘,i184.7. I I

Mr. GREENE here read Ith-he following ext1'actl: «~---«— I

“VVe hear much just now of a pmtacect-fb1' the dangers’ and Ievilsof
slavery and‘ slave annexation, which they call the ‘ Wallmot Proviso.’
That certainly is a just sentiment, but it is not a ‘sentiment to found any
new party upon. It is not a sentiment on which Massachusetts Whigs

I ditfer. There is not a man inthis halliwho holds to it more firmly  I

do, nor one who adhereslto itiimorei than another.   II   i I I II I

“ I feel some little interest in this matter, sir. Did not.IWcjornmit 1ny--
self’ in Il838 to the whole: doctrine, I fully, entirely? Andi I must be per-
mitted to say that,II cannot‘ ‘ quite i consent that more recent discoveries
should claim the 1neritIandI5take out a patent. I f I I "I I ~

“I I deny the priority of their invention. “Allow me to say, sir, it is not
their thunder. I  .I l. I I i It  I I * I

Is“ Wetare to use the. first and 1ast,~and every occasion which I offers to p

-3 oppose the _eX~tensi‘oIn I of II slave *poIWer.i t I 

  But I speak of it here,*ICongress, as a political question, a qnesl I

«1-.ionI =-for statesmen I to i act II upon; I * We-l finest fso regard it. It certainly do
«not: scan to say that it islI1esis? irnportant Ling a moral point of view, that it
E-isIIIi:iot,IIIInor'»e,I important in mew other -pointsof view; but,~Ilasl a legislator,
tors in ianyf‘ofiicial;Icapacity,t  Imu‘strI1ool: at it, considenit, and decide‘  a
I I ~ ;  .W:as-ran.  1? otligegrj occasions,II in . Ideb,aI.tIes:IlIhere,'l?II *hav‘eIIII eixpressIed
myideterminationf to fhr no »Iacquisition, Iorj cession, or annexation,
’n~0rthI or south, east ori‘»:«wes—t'.. 5I My opinion I‘Ihas’~been,=IIthIa*t wef~éhaveIte:rri~

ON THE SLAVERY oonrnonrsn. l 1,01:

tory ienough, and _that we should follow the Spartan maXirn,w“ Improve,
adorn what you "have, seek no farther.” ‘I think that it wasin some
observations that I made here on the three million loan bill, that I avowed
that sentiment. «In «short, sir, the sentiment. hasibeen avowed quite as
often, in as many places, and before as many assemblies, as any humble

A, sentiments of mine‘ ought to be av_owe”d. ‘ = . l

‘But now that, under certain conditions, Texas is in, with all her terri-y
tories, as aaslave state, witha solemn pledge that if she is divided into
many states, those states may come: in as ,slave statesfsouthtof 36° 30?,
how are we to deal with this subject? I know no wayof honorable legis-at
lation, when the proper time comes for the enactment, but to carry into
effect all -that we have stipulated to do. I do not entirely agree with my

honorable friend from Tennessee, (Mr. Bell,) that, as soon as the time "I

comes when she is entitled to another representative, we should ‘create a
new state, The rule in regard to it I take to be this: that,- when we have
created new states out of territories, we I have generallygone upon the
idea that when there is population enough to form a state, sixty‘ thousand,
or sorneisuch tl1ing', we would create a state; but it is quite a different
thing when a state is divided, and two or more statesmadefiout of it.p It
does not follow, in such a case, that tl1e*~ same ruleiof apportionment should
be applied. i That, however, is a matter for the cousicleration» of Coiigress,

when the proper time arrives. I may not then be here. .I‘may.have no

vote r-togiver. on the occasion ; but I wish it toberdistinotlyvunderstood I20‘?
day, that, according to my view of the matter, this government is solemnly
pledg-ed~by law to create newrstates out of ,Trexas,i with her consent, when
her population shall justify such aproceeding; and, sofar as suchstatcs
are formedout of Texan territory lying south of 36° 30’, to let them come

in as slave xstates. That istherimeaning of i the resolution which our

friends, tliefnorthern democracy, haverleft us *to~lfulfil ;* and I,‘iforVIonc,
mean to fulfill it, because I; will not violatethe faith ” of the igovernment. Q

 N ow, as -to~vCa1ifo:rniaand,_ewMexico,«'I~ hold slavlery toiebeiencludedf

from those territoiriest ~by”Ia lawi,even,i:superion to mat which achnits and

sanctions it in Texas:  2  I mean; the law of nature,  of rphysicalrgeography, ,

-—-—-2 the law of the formation of the earthv. That law settles fo~rever,~.:with
a strengtlii beyond all terms ofhuman enactment, tliattslavery cannot exist
in California or I New Mexico. Understand me, sir; “It mean slavery as
weregardrit; slaves in gross, of the colored race, t1'ansfer'able by sale and
delivery like other property. ‘‘ I shall not discuss .this*point, but I leave
it to the learned gent.le1nen,wl1o,have undertaken to discuss it; but I,;sup-e
pose there. is no slave of that :description in California now. I un;d.er—-
stand that peomism, a sort of penalservitude, exists tl1ere,or rather a sort
of voluntary sale of a man and his offspring for debt, asvit is ‘arranged
and exists in some parts of California andihlew Mexico. ~~Bntvwhat I

“mean” to saytis, that Africanislavery, as we see it rcamong ‘ius,~‘iis:5a_si utterly

impossible mend itself, oritito be found, in MeXico,as:any~o,thernatural
impossibility. s v California I and «N ew Mexico are Asiatic izhxtheirformation
and scenery. is They are composed of vasttridgesi of tmountains of , snore
11'1011Spl”1€’;lgl'll3, with broken ridges and deep F valleys. l Thesides of these.
mountains are bapreri, entirely barren, .,theiimtops,;?,.cappebl~ by perennial
snow. *[Tl1erc may, be in California,; now, insider? free r ‘byvitrs constitution,
and nodoubt there are, some tracts of “‘V‘a.'1ua&1‘e"Sland.i“-l But it is not so in
New Mexico. Pray, what, is ;theeir.idencev,,’which -every‘ ,gent1ernan must
have obtained on this subject, .fro1:n.;inforInation :soug~ht;by. himself-or C01Il~.~;-

102“ I, srnncnitor MR. Wnnsrrnn .

municated by others ? I I have inquired and ‘read a1l"I could find in order‘
to obtain information. ‘I What is there in New Mexico that could by any

possibility inducewany body to go therewith slaves? There are some

-narrow‘ strips of tillable land on the borders of the rivers; but the rivers.

the1:nscl£ives~dry? up before midsummer is gone. All that the people can do
is to raisetsome little articles, some little wheat for their tortillas, iindall

that  irrigation. And who expects to see a hundred black. men culti- A

vating tobacco, corn, cotton, rice, or any ‘thing’ ‘else, on lands in New

Mexico made fertile ‘only by irrigation? I look upon it, therefore, as a"

fixed fact, ----~--- to use an expression current at this day, -t--I-tthat both California
and New Mexico are destined to be -free, so far as they are settled at all,
which I believe, especially in regard to New Mexico, will be very little
for a great length of time ; free by the arrangement» of things by the
Power aboveus. I’ «I have, therefore, to say, in this respect also, that this
country is fixed for freedom, to as many persons as Ishall ever live there,
by as irrepealable and more irrepealable a law than the law that attaches
to tl1e"i*ight' oi‘ holding slaves in Texas 9;* and I will say furtlier, thaIt' if a
resolution aorta ilaw were-now before us to provides. territorial government
for N ew Mexico, I ‘would not vote, to put any,prohibition,into it whatever.
The usewof such a prohibition would be idle, as it ‘respects any effect it
would liave upon the territory ;, and I would not take pains to 1‘(3Etll,'l1‘II1 an
ordinance of Nature, nor to rcenact the will of God. I And I would put in
no’Wil1notI provisoIt’or the purpose of a taunt or a reproach, , I would put
into it no evidenceof the votes of superior power, to wound the pride, even
whether just pride, a rational pride, or an irrational pride ,—-- to wound the
pride of the gentlemen who belong to the Southern States. I have no such
object, no such purpose. I They would think it a taunt, an indignity; they

would think it to be an act tithing away from them what theyregard a proper "

equality of pritvilege; and whether they expect to realize any benefit from
it or not, they twould think it a theoretic wrong; that I, something more or
less derogatory to their cllaracter and their rights had taken place. I pro-
pose to inflict’ no such Woundupon any body,‘ unless something essentially
important tolthe country, and leiiicientto the preservation otif liberty and
freedom, is to be ei'l‘ectedI. Thex'cfore, I repeat, sir, and I repeat it because
I Wisli it to be understood,..that :I do not propose to address the Senate
often on this subject. I desire to pour out all my heart in as plain a
manner as possible; and I say, again, that if a proposition were now, here
for at governxnent for New Mexico, and it was moved to insert a“provifsioJ:1
for a prolziibition of slavery, I would not vote for it. I , s W ,
Now, Mr. » President,,I‘ have estahlished,: so far as ,I_proposed to go into
any lineof observation to establish, the proposition with which set out,
anduponu whichl propose tostand or fall ; I andthat is, that tliefwliole ter-
ritory 0f’tl1€ states; in the United States, or inithe ,newly-acquired territory

of the: United States,uhas: at fixed and settled, character, now, fixed and “

settled bylaw, which.eannot‘,~ be repealed; in the ease of Texaswithout a

violation of public faith, and cannot be repealed, by any hu1na11,powertinl
regardlto California or NetviMexico,; that, under one, or other of these I
laws, ev,:eryr2foot;,of iterritoryinpthe states orkin the territoriesfilias now I

received~:;ja lfi’x.ed,tlIand decidedf character, ,

, Q‘. ,

l ‘ “Sir, ?ifIi%w*e:iiwerelIn%o'w« Inakingaj governmenti for New i:Mdr:ico, and any body 

should. propose : fa WilmotIIIprov?iso, “I should treat , it ,exactly as I Mr; ,Pt01l<.

treated ‘that.,provisi"onx;for~excluplling ,?slavery fro,mI Oregon. Mr;f,1iiolkI was t

known to be inigllopiniornrdecide y :f.ave:rse,I , to to the Wilrmot , p1'oris0f; tlliut 118

1,,

on THE snavnnr c‘oMrno1u:1sn. 103

halt. the necessity, of establishing a governinentpfor the territoryof Oregon,
and though the proviso wasthere, he knew itwould be entirely nugatory ;

and, since it must be entirely nugatory, since it took away no right, no 1’
r.lescrlbable,no estimable, no weighable or tangible right of the so_uth,l1e "

said he would sign the bill for the sakeof enacting a law to form agovern-
ment in that territory, and let that entirely useless, and, in th‘atoonnection,‘
entirely senseless, proviso remain. For myself',”I will ‘saythat we hear
much of the annexation of Canada; audit’ there be anyman, any of the
northern democracy, or any one of the freesoil party, who supposes it ne-

cessary to insert ilrnot proviso in a, territorial governrnenttfor New

Mexico, that man will of course be of opinion that it is necessary to ‘pro-‘
tect the everlasting snows of Canada from the foot of slavery by llllefhléllila

ov?erpowe1~i11g wing of an act of COlTlg1‘t‘;‘Sr'5‘. Sir, wlierever there is a partic- , 
ular good to be done, ‘wherever there is a toot of land‘ to he stayed back 
t’ron1 becomincr slave territory, I {LL11 ready to assert the principle of the l I-

exclusion of slavery. I and pledged to it from the year 1837 ; I liave
‘ncen pledged to it again and again; and I will perform those pledges;
but I will not do a. tl'1ing unnecessary, that wounds the feelings of others,
or that. does disgrace to my own"unrlerstaiidiiig.

Mr. President, in the excited times-in which we live, there is found to
exist a stateeiot‘ crimination and recrimination between the north and

south, ‘There I are lists of~Vg‘ri_evances “produced by each _; and those:

grievances,.real <orWsupposed, alienate the lminds of one portion of the

_country fromthe other, ‘texasperate the tfeelings, subdue the sense of fra-

ternal connection, and patriotic =love,and mutual. regard. I shall bestow a

little attention, sir, upon these variousvgrievances produced on the one

side and on the other. I begin with the coinplaints of the south- I will
not answer, further than I have, the general statements of thehoniorable
senator from South Carolina, that the north has grown upon the south in
consequence of the manner of adiininisteringitliis government, in the » COL!
looting of its revenues, and so forth. These are disputed topics, and I
have no inclination to enter into them. But I will state these complaints,
especially one complaint of" the south, which has, in my opinion, just 'Foun--
dation; and that is, that there has been found at then.orth, among indi-
vidnals, and ainong; the legislators oi’ the north, a disinclination to perform,
fully, their constitutional duties in 1'egard to the return of persons bound
to service, who have escaped into the tree states. In that respect, it is
my juclpgmexit that the south iswright, and the north is Wrong. Every
member of every northern legislatu1'e is bound, like every other otlicierin.
the country, by oath, to support thewconstitutioni-of the United States:

and this article of the constitution, which st ys. to these states, they shall‘

deliver up fngitittes front service, is as binding, in honor and conscience as
any other article.‘ No man fulfils his ‘duty inrany legislature who sets
hirnself, to find exouses,evasions, escapes «from this iconstitntional obliga-
tion. I have always thought that the constitution addressed itself to

the legislatures of the states or to the states themselves. i It says 

that thosedpersons l escaping to other states shall be delivered up, and I
confess I have alwaysbeen oil: the opinion that it was an I injunction upon
the states,the;mselves~.  ..When it is said thata person ‘escaping into anoth-
er state, and becoming tl1erei'or‘e within the jurisdiction of that state, shall
be delivered up,iitillseen1slIt'o 1nelthe'import of the passage is, that the state
itself, in obledience ‘to theconstitution, shall cause him to be delivered-‘up.
Thatgis my judgment. : f_ I .rha"ve ‘always entertainedlthat opinion,land I

104. srnnon or MR. vvsnsrsn i

entertain it now. But when the subject, some years ago, was before the
Supreme Court of the United States, the majority of the judges held that
the power to cause fugitives from service to be delivered up was a power
tobe exercised under the authority of this government. I do not know,
on the whole, that it may not have been a fortunate decision. My habit

is to respect the result of judicial deliberations, and the soleinnity of judi-

cial decisions. But as it.now_ stands, the business of seeing that these
fugitives are delivered up resides in the power of Congress and the na-
tional judicature, and my friend at the head of the judiciary committee
has a bill on the subject now before the Senate, Witlzi-tls_eme amendments to
  I proposehtohsuplaort, Withfallllitsbprovisionsfto the fullest extent.
.. n cesire to ca t e attention 0 a so er—minded men of all conscien-
tious men, in the north, of all men who are not carried away by any
fanatical idea, or by any false idea whatever, to their constitutional obli-
gations. I put it to all the sober and sound minds at the north, as a ques-
tion of morals and a question of conscience, What right have they, in their
legislative capacity, or any other, to endeavor to get round this constitu-
tion, to embarrass the free exercise of the rights secured by the constitu-
tion to the persons whose slaves escape from them? None atall; none
at all. Neither in the forum of conscience, nor before the face of the
constitution, are they justified, in my opinion. Of" course it is a matter
for their consideration. They probably, in the turmoil of the times, ha.ve
not stopped to consider of this ; they have followed What seems to be the
currentof thought and of motives, as the occasion arose, and neglected to
investigate fully the real «question, and to consider their constitutional obli-
gations; as I am sure, it’ theydid consider, they would fulfil tliein with
alacrity. ’I‘heret'orc I repeat, sir, that there is a ground of c<:>niplaim:
against the north, well founded, which ought to be retrieved, which it is
now in the power ot’ the different departinents of this government to re-
move, which calls for the enactment of" proper laws autlio1'izing; the ju<.li-
cat-ure of’ this government, in the several states, to do all that is necessa.ry
for the recapture ct’ fugitive slaves, and for the restoration of’ them to
those who claim them. Wherever I go, and wherever I speak on this
subject, —--andtvvhen I speak here Iidesire to speak. to the whole north,-—---
I say that the south has been injured in this respect, and has a right to
COl11pltl.l1.'1;, and the north has been too careless of what I think the cone:
stitution perernptorily and emphatically enjoins upon-it as a duty. ,
Complaint has been made against certain resolutions that (‘3I'l'l21l;12tl3€3 fron".
legislatures at the north, andare senthere to us, not onlyon the stibject
of slavery inthis District, l)l1l}.SO1'X1Gtl1I1GS recommending Congress to eon-
sider the means of abolishing slavery in the states. I should bevery
sorry to be called upon to present any resolutions here which could not be
ret"erable to ‘V any committee. or any power in Congress; and therefore 
shoulcl be very unwilling to lreceiveifrom Massachusetts instructions to
present resolutions expressing any opinion whatever upon slavery as it cin-
ists the present monientin the states, for two 1'eas"ons: because, first, I
do? not considerthat tlicV%1egislature of Massachusetts hasi,aiiyyt.liing. to do
with it; landilneszt, Ido not consider that I, as I her representative here,
have any thing todo with it. . Sir, it has become,‘ in my opinion, quite too
coinrnon; audit the fltllefgislatures of‘, the » states do not lll§.(i‘¢;13l1€1.l}l,70plIllQI1s
tlleytlltwe a» great. deal more poywertoput it down than »I,l1a.V£t to tupiholsd it.;

It liasiilbecornieiiiin my opinion, quite toocomtnon aepracticte« for the state ~
legislatures to: present resolutions here: on all ~sufbjects,, and I to ginstruet us

on we smvnnr OOMPROMISE. I 105

here on all subjects. There is no public man that requires instruction
more than I do, or who requires inf‘orrnation more than I do, or desires it

more heartily ; but I do not like to have it come inltoo imperative a shape. '

I took notice, with pleasure, of’ some remarks upon this subject, made the
other day in the Senate of I\-Iassachusetts, by a young man of talent and
cl1aracter,fi*om whom the best hopes may beientertained. I mean Mr.
Hillard.  He told the Senate of Massachusetts that he would vote for no
instructions whatever to be forwarded to members of Congress, nor for
any resolutions to be ofiered expressive of the sense of Massachusetts as
to what their mernbers of Congress ought to do. He saidithat he saw no

propriety in one set of public servants giving instructions and reading lec- I

tures to another set of public servants. ' To their own master allof them
must stander fall, andnthat master is their constituents. I Wish these
sentiments could become more common, a great deal more connnon.‘ I
have neverentered into the question, and never shall, about the binding
force of instructions. I will, however, simply say this: if there be any
matter of interest 13enclin,g* in this body, while I am a member of it, in
which Massachusetts has an interest of her own not adverse to the gen-
eral interest of the country, I sliall pursue her instructions with gladness

of heart, and with all the efficiency which I can bring it. But it’ the

q_ucstion be one which affects her interest, and at the same time affects the
interests of all other states, I shallllno more regard‘her.political wishes
or instructions than I would .1*ega1'cl the Wishes ofoa, man who might ap-
point mean arbiter or 1'eferee to decide some question. of important pri»
vate I‘l,§g,‘l'1t, and who n1igl.1tl.i11st1~uct me to decide in his favor. If lever
there was a government upon earth, it is this government; it’ ever there

.was a body upon eart.h, it is this body, which should consider itself as

cornposed by agreeiiient of all, appointed by some, but organized by the
general consent of all, sitting here under the solemn obligations of oath
and conscience to do that which -they think is best for the good of the
whole.   .  .i   ' _ -I A; I
Then, sir, there are ltheseiabolitiou societies, of which .Il,am.i.u11willing'
to speak,ibut in~1*ega1'ocl-too which I have very clear notions and opinions.
I do not think them useilul.lE .Illtl1l11l{‘:tl1C“)lI‘ operations for the last twenny
years have produced notl1i11g~good‘o1' valuable. At the same time, I know
thousands of them are honest; a-ntd good men;, perfectly .‘tVe.ll~I11t‘:t’t11i1}g;
men. I They have excited feelings--tl1ey?tl1in.l< they must do sometliirxg

for the cause of‘ liberty, and in their sphere of action they do not. see '
what else they can do, than to contribute to an abolition press.orIau_

abolition. society, or to pay an abolition lecturer. I dofnotniean to zintpute
grosslmotives even to the leaders of these societies, but I anrnotlblind to
the consequences. I cannot‘ but see What rnischiefs their ilnterfereincellwith
the south has produced. And is it not plain to every ;man—?f vLet any
gentleman who doubts of that,recur to the debates in the.Virginia House
of De1egates;inl1832, and he will see with what freedom a proposition
made by Mr. Randolph for the gradual abolition of slavery was discussed
in that body. AEjvery one spoke of slavery as he thought; very igno-
minious and disparaging names and epithets were applied to it. I The

debates in the House of Delegates on that occasion, Ibelieve, were all ‘

published. Tlieywere read by every colored man who could read, and

if» there were any who could not read, those debates were read to them

by others. At that time Virginia was ,notunwilling nor afraid to discuss
this question, and to let that part of her population know as much éofitll
14 I I

106  SPEECH or Mn. Wnnscrsa

they could learn. That was in 1832. As has been said by the honorable.
niember from Carolina, these abolition societies commenced their-course

of action in 1835. Itris said----I do not know how true it may be———— that
they sent incendiary publications into the slave states; at any event, they

. attempted to arouse, and,‘ did arouse, a very strong f'eelin<r- in other

5
words,‘ they created great agitation in the north against so‘ut.he?r11 slavery.
“Well, what was the result? The bonds of the slaves‘We1'e bound more
firmly than before; their rivets were more strongly fastened. Public
opinion, which in Virginia. had begun to be exhibited agztiiist slavery, and
was opening out for the discussion of the question, drew back and shut

itself up in its castle. I wish to know whether any body in Virginia ,can,

now, talk as Mr. Randolph, Governor McDowell, and others talked there,
openly, and sent their remarks to the press, in 1832. We all know the
i"act,.andt we all know the cause; and every thing that this agitat-itnig
people have done has been, not to enlarge, but to restrain; not to set free,
but to bind faster the slavepopulatioiri of the south. Tliat is my _jt1cl,g;-
ment. Sir, as I havelsaid, I know many abolitionists in my own 1lt3lgl'1-
borhood, very honest,‘ good people, misled, as I tl1inlr., by strange enthusi-
asm; but they wish to do something, and they are called on to contribute,
and they do contribute; and it is my firm opinion this day, that within
the last twenty years, as much money has been collected and paid to the
abolitionsocieties, abolition presses, and abolition lecturers,  would par»-
t."llfl.‘30 the -freedom of every slave man, woman, and child in the  of’
Maryland, and send tlitctn all to Iullj)t".1“l:_~1. I have no doubt of it. int I
have yet, to learn that the benevolence of these abolition societies has at
any time taken that particular turn. [Laugliteinj I
Agaiii, sir, the violence. of the press is complained of‘. The 
violent! "Why, sir, the press is violent every where. . There are out-
Ll‘ti_§§'€dOllS reproaches in the north against the south, and there are 1‘€?.pI‘l0€l;(:l.lL?S
in not much better taste in the south against the north. .Sir, the ex-—
trernists in both parts of this country are violent ; they mistake loud and
violent talk for eloquence and for reason. They lljlllllli that he who talks
loudest reasons the best. And this we must eXp_ect, when the press is
t’ree-»---as it is here, and I trnstalways will be-———-~—i'or, with all its licen-t

tiousness, and all its evil, the entireand absolute freedorn of the press is t

essential to the preset-vationtoi’ government onthe basisof a free consti-—
tution. . ‘Wherever it exists, there will be foolish pa1'agrap11s and violent
paragraphs in the press, as there are, I am sorry to say, i'ooli.shspeecl1es
andtviolent speeches in both houses of Con,t;ress.,. Intruth, sir, I must
say that,*in my opinion, the vernacular tongue of" the country has become
greatly vitiated, depraved, and corrupted by the style of our congressional
debates. [Laug:hter.] ‘And if it were possible for our debates in Con-
gress to vitiate theprinoiples of the people as much as they have depraved
their taste, I should cry out,“ God save the Republic 1 ’* a i
.tl‘iWell, in all this I seeno solid. grievance; no grievance presented by
the south, within the redress of the government, but the single one to
which I have referred; and ;,that is, the want of’ a proper 1-e,ga1*d to the
injunction of the constitution forthe delivery of fugitive slaves. . I

There are also complaints of the north against. the 1 south. I I need not

go overaathem; tlpai-tiicularly.~m'I‘he gfirst. and: gravestuis,~ that tl1e§fi01'tl1’

adopted thevelonst.itut.ion,;reeogtnizinigt the existence .ot'>slav,'jery in tlieypstates,

and recognilzing the right,llltotrai certain ae->;:tent, of ‘represent:-ttion. of the
slaves to in’ Congress, under a static. of sentiment and  expectation I which do

ON THE SLAVERY conrnomsn. 9107

not now exist"; and that, by events,» by circumstances, ‘bygtlieil eagerness
0'illLl16 south to acquire territory and extend their slave ‘population, the
north finds itself’,-- in regard to the influence of the south and the north,

of the free statesand the -slave states --- where it never did expect to find‘

itself when they entered the compact of the constitution. They come»-
plain, theret'ore,-that, instead of slavery being regarded as an evil, as it
was then ---r— an evil which all hoped would be extinguislied gradually -——it
is now regarded by the south as an institution to be cherished,‘ and pre-
served, and extended; an institution which the souththas already ex»-
tended to the utmost of herupowerr‘ by the acquisition of new territory.

, V’Vell, then, passing. from that, every body in the north reads; and every

body readswliatsoever the newspapers contain; and the newspapers ---
some of them, especially those presses to which I have alluded ---- are care-
ful to spread aboutamong the people every reproachful sentiment uttered
by any southern man bearing at all against the north ; . every thing that is
calculated, to exasperate, to alienate; and there are many such things, as
every body will admit, from the south or some portion, of it, which are

spread abroad among the reading people; and they do exasperate, and
alienate, and produce a ‘most niiscliievous effect upon the public mind at the

north.‘ Sir, I would not nqtioefthingsi of this sort, appearing in obscure
quarters; but one tliing? has ‘occurred in this debate whicli struck me
very forcibly. An honorable member frorn»Louisiana addressed usithe

other day on this subject.-we I suppose there is not a more taxnialile and

worthy ‘gentleman inthis-l Cl‘1i.1I”11b<3I‘,-----:1‘101‘ a gentlemantwliowould be more
slow to give, offence to any body, and he did not mean in: hisl rernarlts to
give otlence. Butwhat did he say? Wily, sir, he took pains to ‘run a
<:ont.rast between the slaves of the south and the laboring people of the
north, giving the preference in all points of condition, and coma;-1-,, and
happiness, to theslaves of the south. * The honorable member, doubtless,
did not suppose thatehe’ gavel any oii"en~ce, or-did any injustice. He was
merely ~e:2cp,ressing< his opinion. i But does he know how, remarks of that
sort will be received by the -laboring people of the north ‘Pi Why, who
are the laboring: people of the north? They arewthel north. , They are
the people who cultivate their own farms with their own hands; free-
holders,; educated men, inldepenclent men. Let line‘ say,‘ sir, that five
sixths of the whole propertyof the north is inithe hands: of thelaborers
oi‘ the north; they cultivate their farn1s,*th~ey= educate’ their children, they
provide i the r rneaiis " of iiridlependeneegr if they are not ifreeholders,“tlieyl
earn wages; these wages accun1ulate., are tiurneduiiito capital, into new
freeholds, andilsrnallt capitalistsarecreatedu That is tl1e”case, and such
the course {of,_thinlgs:«“Witl1 us,-~:an1o1rg'-tlie industrious and i'ruga1.i _And
what can these people a tlziinlt, ~-~Wlre11' so respectable and worthy a gentleman
as tliemembeijp from Louisiana undertakesto provethat the absolute signe-

t rance and the abjeett; slavery l0f,,'.ll'l6lS0£1l3l1iiSL more in contbrznity with the
high purposes and  destiny: of‘ immortal, rational, human beings, than i the.
educated,~:.the. independent afrerei laborers of the north? “._Tl1eI‘6 is a more

tangible an,d:ii_rri'tating«cause of? grievance at the .north;' Free blacks are
eonstantlyieployedi inelthe vesselsittof the nor{th, generally asgcooks or

stewards." a ‘Whenthe vesselufarrives, these ~free='colored‘rnen are takenon
shore by theipolice orainnnicigfwl authority, imprisoned, and kept in pirison,
till the vesselpiisagaini ready to sail. : This is not only irritating, tbiitiex-it

ceedingly inconvenientjini practice, and seems altogether impracticable

and oppressive.“ , ,Mr.~j,I*Ioar’s:. mission, some time ago,‘ to South, Carolina,

;108 t SPEECH on MR. wnnsrnn

was a well-intended effort to remove this cause of complaint. The north
thinks such imprisonments illegal and unconstitutional. V As the cases
occur constantly and frequently, they think it’; a great grievance.

Now, sir; so ‘far as any ofithese grievances have their founclation in
matters of law, theyican he reclressed, and ouglit to be redresseld; and
so far‘ as they have their foundatiori in matters of opinion, in sentiment,

 in mutual crimination and recrirnination, all that we can do is, to endeavor

to allay the agitation, and cultivate a betteri’eeling and -more fraternal
sentiments between the south and the north.‘ l ‘ p _
Mfr‘. President, I should much prefer to have heard~f'rom every member

on this floor declarations of; opinion, that this Union should never be dis. _
solved, than the cleclare.t.1ons ‘Of opinion, that, in any case, under the
pressure of any circumstances, such amlissolution was ‘possible. I hear

With pain, and paiiguisli, and distress, the Word secession, especially when
it falls from the lips of those who are eminently patriotic, and known to
the country, and known all over the world, for their political services.
Secession! ‘ Peaceable S¢.~‘?C€iSS?lOI1l. Sir, your eyes and mine are never
destined to see that miracle. ~ The dismernberment of this vast country
Without convulsion I The breulszing up of the f'ountains of the g1'e2.tt.icleelp
without rutiling the surface! Who is so f'oolisl:1-—---I beg every body’s
pa1'don----as to expect to see zinysuch tliingit Sir, he who sees these
states now 1‘“GVOlVl11gtiI’1 harmony around a common centre, e2'cpecti.ng to
see them quit their planes, and ‘iiy off, without, convulsion, may look, the
next hour, to see the heavenly bodies rush frorn their.‘ spheres, and jostle
agziiiist eaeli other intlie realrns of space, without p1'oducing the crash
of the universe, ‘ There can be no. such thing as at peaceablie secession.
Peuceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the g1'eat constitution
under which we live here,‘ covering this whole [country---—is it to be
thawed and melt.ecl away‘ by secession, as the snowson the mountain melt
undcrthe intluence~ot" a vernal sun ~—--iclisap1;>ea1' almost unobserved, and

die oli‘? No, sir! No, sirl; I will not .S.t£ti€tWl1tti3* might produce the

disruption of‘ the states; _l;>ut, sir, I see it as plainly as I see the sun in
heaven»---I ‘see that disruption must produce such a<war I will not
desei-ibe 2'92. its twofold chemeter.’ . a i “ .     i

Peaceabile secession I penceable secession  The concurrent agreen1e1'1t
of all the mernbers of gtliis gr~e‘att republic to separate All A voluntary
sepaintion, with alimony on one side and on the other! Wliy, wlant
would be the result? Where is the line to be clrawn ? . ~What states are
to secede? iWhat isto remain American ? lWl1at am I to\be.?t An
American y no longe1'? rWil1e1'.e is the flag of i-the republic tot remaini"
VVl1ere isthe elagle still to tower? or is he to cower,andishrielintand fall
to the tground? Wliy, sir, our ancestors--=--our sf?ath~ersg yancl Vour; grancle-
fathers, those of tith~em, that are yet ilivinglamongst .us"W_ith»: prolorigecl lives
-—tt-4--twould rebuke andyreproacli us; and our chiildrerrand our‘granclcliil'i
drent-would cry out sliame upon us,tit‘~we;of thisiigeneratiion should clis--
honorythese ensigns of the power Ofrtl1GJg0V6I‘I1II1l€3Ilrll18111113 the~‘ha1*n1ony‘ot’
the. Union which is every daygfelti among us WZltll»S0.II111=Cl1 . joy and great-'
itucl_e.; sWhat is to become of the lax-my Pm »:What is to become of the

navy? e "What is to ibec~omelof7;tl1e- public tlands‘? How is each of 2 the

thirty istatesytllittodiefend "inaelfj? ,1 know, alttmugh the rides A lies not iibeien
stated distinctly; Tlieregis to» be iaefiiouthern ~-Confederacy. » = -I i do not
mean, when I ~el:l‘u1cle to? = this us:teteme1*it,rlithiat}; any one seriously centenn-
plates such astategof tliiiiigsr side notixniean to saythat it  true, hut 

ON THE snnvnnr COMPROMISE. . 109
have‘ heard it suggested:'elsewhere, that that idea has originated» in a
design to separate. I am sorr , sir, that it has ever been thought of,
talked of, or dreamed of’, in the wildest flights of human imagination.
But the idea must be of’: a separation including the slave states upon one

‘side, and the free states on the other. ‘ Sir, there is not--— I may express

myself too strongly, perhaps, but some Ithings, some moral things, are
almost as impossible as other natural or physical things; and I hold, the

idea of a separation of these states, those that are free to form one gov—»

ernment, and those that are slaveholding to form another, as amoral
impossibility. We could not separate the states by any such line, if we

were to draw it.  Wecouldnot ‘sit down here to-day, and draw a line of; -

separation that wouldisatisfy any five men in the country. There are
natural causes that would keep and tie ustogetherr; and there are social
and domestic relations which we could not break if we would, and which
we should not if we could: Sir, nobody can look over the face of’ this
country at the present moment--—nobody cansee where its population is
the most dense and growing —--avvitliout being ready to admit, and com-
pelled to admit, that ere long Americairwill be in the valley of the Mis-
sissippi. 2 - i  ~ it i I ‘
Well, now, sir, I beg to inquire what the wildest enthusiast -has to say
on the possibility of cutting off’ that river, and leaving free states at its
source and its branches, and slave» states down nearfits mouth. Pray,
sir, pray, sir, let me say to therpeopleiof this country, that these things
are worthy of their pO1‘1Cl€‘.I'lI”lg'a1ZlCl of their consideration. Here, sir, are

five millions of freemen in the free states north of the River Ohio ; can '

any body supposetliat this population can be severedbyla line that
divides them from the territory of a foreign and an alien government,
down somewhere,tl1e Lord knows where, upon the blower. banks of the

Mississippi? Whatwould become of Missouri? Will she join the arron—-.

alissement of the slave states » ..Shall the man from tlieliellow Stone and
the Platte River be connected,%in the new republic, with the? man who lives
on the southern extremity ofirriithe Capeiof Florida? 3 Sir, Ipam asliamed
to pursue this line of remark., 1 I“ dislike it; I have an utter disgust for it.
I would ratlieriiliear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence, and
i'amine, than to thearpgentlemenii talk of» secession. Toubreak up»-—--to

break up this great gOVG1‘IlII161’ll3--:-l10“CIlE31'I1('3lfI1l)eI2' this great country --i-to

astonish~EurIope with an “act of folly such as Europe for two centuries

has never beheld in anygovernnientl N o, sir ;i no, sir-I There will -be

no secession. ‘ Gentliemen are not serious when they talk of secession!

t  Sir, I heartthereiis to bea convention’ held at Nashville. Iwami bound I
to believe, that, -if worthy‘ gentlemen meet at Nashville in iconventsion, ”

their object will he‘ to adopt counsels conciliatoryea-—to advise the south
to f'orbearancej and moderation,-‘and to advise" the north to. forbearance and
inoderation, and to inculcate prinlciples, of.b1'ot11erlyylove‘-and affection,
and attachment to te constitution: of’. the countryas it now is. I believe,
it‘ the convention “meet ratall,i it will be for. this purpose ; fornertainly, if
they meet forfiany purpose hostilexgtothles Union; they have been singularly
inappropriate in their  ionitot‘ :place.~:i ~_I_:rememb‘er, sir, that when
the treaty was “ concluded tsetlween lFrance:1;Eiiglaiid. at the peace riot’
Amiens, a sternviold English 3,: andt‘rriau~;:n:rator, whoiiilidislihedr the ,terms
of the peace as ignominiousititpi jflflglandyisaidi: in. tl1e~House of Coinrnons,
that, if King William could‘lilinlowiiittheitermstrot",thatxtrefaty, he would .turn
in his cofiin. Let me comm§eni1‘,tl1e~saying§0frMr. Windham, in all its

 

11O . srnnon or Mn; wnesrnnv \

emphasis and in all its force, to any persons who shall meet at Nashville
for the purpose of concerting measures for the overthrow of the Union
of’ this country over the bones of Andrew Jackson. a l  i

Sir, I wishto make two remarks, and hasten to a ‘conclusion, I wish

to say, in regard to Texas, that. if it shouldbe hereafter at any time the

pleasure of’ the government of’ Texas to cede to the United States a per»
tion,:_larger or smaller, of her territory which lies adjacent to N ew Mexi-
co, and north of 34° of north latitude,to be formed in.to free states,
for a fair equivalent in money,. or in tliexpayment of her debt, I think it
an objectwell worthy the consideration of Congress, and I shall be happy
to concur in it myself, if I should beinthe public councils of’ the country
atthetixtne. I I Q ; ~ I I
;I have one otherremark totmalte. In mytobservations upon slavery,

. as itihas existed in the country, and as it nowexistsr, I have expressed no

opinion of t~he.Inode of‘ its extingutisliment oramelioration. I will say,
liowever, though I have nothing to proposeon that subject, because" I do
not deem myself competent as other gentlemen to consider it, thatfif I any
gentleman from the south shall: propose a scheme; of colonization, to be
carried on by this government, upon a ‘large scale, for the transportation of
free colored people to any colony, or any place in the world, I should be
quite disposed to incur almost anytdegree of expense ;to accompl.ish that
object. Nay, sir, following an example, set here II”1()1't3,l”~l.1€:L1‘1 l.\Vtf51ll1y' years
ago,,by a great man, then a’ senator from ‘New YfOI'l{,,I would return to
Virginia -—-«and through her, for the benefit ‘of the whole south -- the
Inoneyreeeived from the lands and territories ceded by her to this govern»-
ment, for any suchpurpose as to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any
way to diminish I or deal beneficially with the free colored population of’
the Southern States. Ihave said that Itlhonor Virginia for her cession of
this territory; There have been received into the treasury of the United
States eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the sales of public lands
ceded by Virgilnia. If the residue shouldhe sold at . the same rate, the
whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions ofdollars. If Virginia
and: the south see fit to adopt any proposition to- relieve themselves
from the free people of color among them, they have myifree consent that
the government shall pay tliern any surnof money, out of its proceeds
wliich-may be adequate toth-e purpose. ~ 1 -    , I I I I

t Andi now, Mr. President, I draw these observations to a close. I have
spoken freely,‘ andfl meant to do so. I have. sought to make no display;
I have sought to enliven the occasion :by no animated discussion; nor
have I attempted" any train of: elaborateargumlent; I II; have sought only
to speak my sentiments, fully and :at~1arge,= being desirous, onceaud for
all, to let the Senateknow, and to let the countryqknow, the opinions and
sentiments which I entertain onualltthese subjects; y These opinions are not
likely toibe suddenlypcliangemdg If therebe anyfuture service that I can
render to the country, consistently. twithuthese sentimentsand opinions, I

shall clteerftilly render it, If there be not, It shall still be glad toihave
.l1ad*-an, opportunity to idisburdentmy conscience lfromr tl1_e..bottom of my

heart, and toiinake known everyipoliticallsentimenttliat ‘therein exists.

I And now,;Mr. President, instead of speakzini of the possibilitytor utility I

of secesisiontlihsteadi-of» dwelling in the.se:,,;ea§?isternsi,~of., darkness, insteadoiof

groping with those ideas so ihllrofa 'hotrrid% ,u.,and~ horrible, letsuse

come out into:  A light of, day»;  lest usijég en,gioyl.1tl1e5f1iesl1 airs :Of Liberty, and
Union ;, sletsus cherish‘ , those hopes  towusi-; ,,let us devote tour-

_ on rat: S'I..AVERY oozurnontss. 111

selves to those great objects that are fit for our consideration and our

’ action; let us raise our conceptions to the magnitude and the importance

of the duties that devolve upon us; let our comprehension be as bread as
the country for which We act, our aspirations, as high as its certain
destiny; let us not be pygmies in a" case that calls for men. Never did

i there devolve on any generation of men‘, higher trusts than now devolve

. upon us for the preservation". of this constitution,‘and the harmony and
peace of’ all who are destined to live under it. Let us make our genera— ,

tion one of the strongest and the brightest links in that golden chain

~ which is destined, I fondly believe, to grapple the people of all the states

2

to this constitution, for ages to come. It is a great popular constitutional
government, guarded by legislation, by law, by judicature, and defended
by the whole aflections of the people. Noumonarchical throne presses
these states together; no iron chain" of despotic power encircles them;
they live and stand upon a government popular in its form, representa-
tive in itscharacter,.founded upon principles of equality, and calculated,
we hope, to last forever. In all its history it has been beneficent; it has
trodden down no man’s liberty; it has crushed no state. Its daily respira-
tion is liberty and patriotism, its yet youthful veins all full of enterprise,
courage, and honorable love of ‘glory and renown. Large before, the
country has now, by recent events, become vastly larger. This republic
now extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole continent. The two
great seas of the World wash the one and the other "shore. Werealize, on
a mighty scale, the beautiful description of the ornamental edging of the
buckler of Achilles :-y-— i i v I

“ Now the broad shield complete the artist crowned
With his last hand, and poured the ocean round ;
In living silver seemed the waves to roll,

And beat the buckle:-’s verge, and bound the whole.”

Mr. CALHOUN. I rise to correct what I conceive to be an error of the
distinguished senator from Massachusetts, as to the motives whicht-i'n-
duced the acquisition of Florida, Louisiana, and Texas. He attributed
it to the great growth of cotton, and the desire of the southern peopleto
get an extension of territory,: with the view of cultivating it with more
profit thanthey could in a compact and crowded settlement. sN ow, Mr.
President, the history of these acquisitions, I think, was not correctly
given.  It is well known, that the acqnisitioii of Floridaiwasrthe result of

it an Indian war.W The tSeminolevIndians residing along the line attacked

one of our fbrtresses; troops were orderedfout; they were driven" back;
and, under the ’ command syof General Jackson, Pensacola and  Marks
were seized. . It was these acts, and not the desirefor the extended culti-
vation‘ of cotton, which led to the acquisition of Florida. 2 I. admit that

there had been fora long time a desire on the part of the south,‘and of.

the administration, I believe, to acquire Florida ;V butlitiiwasvery different

from the reason assignedylbytthe honorable senator. i There were collected.

together} four tribes of Indians»--»tl1e Creel<s,~theUChoctaws, the Chicka-
savvs, and the Cherokees, about thirty thousand warriors -wvvho held. con-
nection, almost the whole ofthem, with t1ieiSpanish authorities in Florida,
and carried on atraide perpetually with lithemw It was wen known thatxa
most pernicious. influence was thus ezaiercisedmrer them; and it was the
desire of rrpreventingwconflict begtveen tl1e:r§Indians.~and ourselves in the
south, as I believe,’ which induced the i acquisition of Florida.  I’ come

112 SPEECH or Me. ‘WEBSTER

now to Louisiana. We well know that the immediate cause for the
acquisition of Louisiana was the suspension of’ our right of deposit at
New Orleans. Under a treaty with Spain we had a rigl.1t to the naviga-
tion of the river has far as New Orleans, and a right to make deposits in
the port of New Orleans. The Spanish authorities interrupted that right,
and that interruption produced a great agitation at the west, and I 

say, throughout the whole United States. The gentlemen then in oppo- .

sition, a highly respectable party —— the old federal party, which I have
never said a word of disrespect in 1'egard to -—if' I mistake not, took the
lead in a desire to resort to arms to acquire that territory. Mr. Jefferson,
more prudent, desired to procure it by purchase. A purchase was made,
in order to remove the difiiculty, and to give an outlet to the west to the
ocean. That was the immediate cause of the acquisition of Louisiana.
Now, sir, we cometo; Texas. Perhaps no gentleman had more to do
with the acquisition of Texas than myself; and I aver, Mr. President,
that I would havetbeen among the very last individuals in the United
States to have made any movement at that time for the acquisition of
Texas; and I go fhrtlierz if I know myself’, I was incapable of acquiring
any territory simply on the ground that it was to be an enlargement of‘
slave territory. I would just as freelyphave acquired it if it "had been on
the northern as on the southern side. No, sir; very clifi"erent motives

actuated me. I knew at a very early. period -—-- I will not go into the

history of'it—--the British governnient had given encouragement to the
abolitionists oi" the United States, whoiwere represented at the World’s*
Convention. The question of the abolition of slavery was agitated in that
convention. One gentleman stated that Mr. Adams informed him that if
the British government ‘wished to abolish slavery in the-United States,
they must begin with Texas. A commission was sent from this World’s
tlioxivexition to the British secretary of‘ state, Lord Aberdeen; and it so
happened that a gentleman was present when the interview took place

between. Lord-Aberdeen and the committee, who gave me a full account‘ ,

of it shortly after it occurred. , Lord Aberdeen fell into the project, and
gave futlltencouragementft to the abolitionists. ‘Well, sir, it is well known

- that Lord Aberdeen wasia very direct, and in my opinion, a very honest

and worthy man ; and when Mr.Pakenham was sent to negotiate with "
regard to Oregon, and incidentally with respect to Texas, he was ordered
toread a declaration to this government, stating that the British govern-
nientwas anxious to «put an end to slavery all over the world, com-
mencing at Te:~:as.a It is well I known, further, that at that very time a
negotiation was going on between France and England to accomplish
that object, and our government was thrown by stratagem out of the
negoltiiation; and that object was, first, to induce Mexicoto acknowledge
the i11dependence'iof~Ter:as -upon the ground that she would abolish it.
All these are matters of history; and where is the man so blind--— I am
sure the senator from Massachusettsi is not so hlind --—- as not to see that

it‘ the project of Great Britain had been isuccessful, the whole frontier of

the states of’ Louisiana and Arkansas, and the adjacent states,would have
been exposed to ithe I’ inroads of British emissaries. “Sir, so far as I was
concerned, I put it exclusively upon that tgroundg; fiI never would ‘run
into the folly of reannexation, which I always: held ‘ itoube absurcl. Nor,
sir, would Ixsputr it uIpron«-the~j.groundi-—--—.whichrI might!wielluhavet-‘pnt~ 
of lcommercialvand manufahtnringi considerations ; ~~beca;use those wemlnot
m'y.m€itive.;~ 'printeiples,.andrr.Il chose to assign what were.‘ So fantasy cour-

on res SLAVERY oonrnomsn. i 11.3

merce and manufactures were concerned, It would not have movedin the

matter atthat early period. _ p _ p

The senator objects that many northern ilgelitlemen voted for.anneXa-
tion.. ’ Why, sir, it was natural that they; should be desirous of fulfilling
the obligations of the constitution‘; andbesides, rvhat man at that time
doubted‘ that the Missouri tcompromise line would be adopted, and that
the territory VVO11lCli2i’all entirely to the south? All that northern" men
asked for at that time was the extension offthat line; “Their course,'in

my opinion, was eminently correct and patriotic. ”

Now, Mr. President, having made these corrections, I must go back a t

little farther, and correct a‘ statement Wl1iCl1'Iill‘i11l{ the senator has left
very def'ectiVe,‘rel.ative to the ordinance of 1787., He states, every cor-
rectly, that it commenced under the old 'coni"ede1-ation; that it was after-
wards confirnied by Congress; that ‘Congress was sittingin New‘ York at
the time, Wl'1i1(-3. the convention sat in Philadelphia; and that tliereuvvas
concert of action. I have not looked into the ordinance very recently,

butiny meniory will serve me thus ‘far, that Mr. J e’li"e1'son introduced his .

first proposition to ‘exclude slavery in 1784. There was a vote taken
upon it, and  think on tliat vote everylsoutliern senator voted against it;
but I am not certain of’ it.‘ n One thing I am‘ certain of, that itwas three

years beforethe ordinance could pass. It was‘ s‘turd_ilyV resisted down to p
.1787 ; and when it was passed, as I have good treason to abelieve, it was

upona principle of compromise: first, thatthe ordinanceshould containa

provision similar to the one put in the constitution with respectto f'ugi- be

tiveslaves; and nenzt, that it should be inserted in the constitution; and
this was the coinprornise upon which the prohibition was inserted in the
ordinance of 1787. ‘We thouglit We had an indemnity in that, but we
made a great inistalte. ‘Of what possible, advantage has it beenitotius?
Violated thith has‘ ni_et_us on every side, and the advantage has been

altogether in their favor. ,  the other fsicle,’ it has been ‘thrown opento t
a northern population, to the ,en_tire'eX‘clusion of‘ the southern. This was
the leading nieasL11'e_wl1ich destroyed ‘the scornprornise ofthe, constitution,
and then followed the Misso'uricornipromise, iwhicliipwaslpcarried mainly by ‘
northernivotes, laltliotighppnow iclisavoiwed ‘and not respected by them. ~
Thatpwas the next step,an:d’ bet‘we‘en, these two ‘muses the equlilibrium, up

has been tbroken; . ,

Iiiavingp made these remarks, let  say tliatf I took“ great pleasure in r
listening to the declarations of th"el“p,ihono1fab1e‘ lisemao:- fron1.;Massachusetts‘ l
upon severalppoints’. pg pu;ts_i.hinis"elf;upon lthedfulfiliiientp of the conitract 
of Congress in the r,eisoluti‘onspj.~1’of :Tex,as‘ ann.e':;ation, for-the adniissionltlofi ,
the four new states provideld “for by those resolutilons tobe forixnediionttof 
the territory of Texas. i i ‘All ithatit,Was“n1anly,p statesmanlike‘,' and‘ t:‘al;cul'ated, 

to do good, because just.” in  went further; 1ie,r¢¢saemne‘d, 'an?djrigihtful1y7

condeI,nned,‘and in that .he has shown great 'flrniness,_the course"iof ‘the ’

northrelatitéep to the stipulations of the 'co'nstituiti'o“n for the restorationroi'

fugitive slaves ; but periniti ‘me to “say, for I‘ desire toibe ‘candid? , upon all _

subjects, , that  the senator, ptogether ‘yviith  ion this side of the
charnber, puts thislllconiiidenoe. in the “bill jv%.§liifch,’l has_ been reported here,

further to extendiithep‘; ‘laws (if "Congre’ss  it will prove
fallacious. "‘It‘“ is impossible, to lexecutewasyrf‘  , iQerigress  

people .of,“‘the psitatesf shall coiiwperate:
I‘ heard ithef” entlernanllwithp”.g""_,a

 pleasurefsayi this as Woi1ld" “not

vote" for the Wil‘mot~~.p‘roviso,‘ for‘ he ' regarded ' such an act ‘ unnece‘ssary,9

15 r

W

114   srenon on MR. iwnssrnn

considering that nature had already excluded slavery. As far as the new or

acquisitions are concerned; I am disposed to leave them to be disposed of
as the hand of nature shall determine. I Itis what -I always have insisted
upon. Leave that portion of the country more natural to a Anon-slave-
holding population to be filled by that description of population; and
leave that portion into which slavery would naturally go, to be tilled by a.
slaveholding population --edestroying artificial lines; though perhaps they
may be better than none. Mr. J effersonpspokey like a prophet of the effect
of the Missouri compromise line. I am willing to leave it for nature to
settle; and to organize governments forthe territories, giviiig all Free
scope to enter and prepare themselves to participate in their privileges.

‘We want, sir, nothing but justice. I When the gentleman says that he is .

willing to. leave it to nature, I understand he is willing to remove all inr-
pedimentawhether real or imaginary. to It is consuminate follyto assert-
that the Mexican, law prohibiting slavery in iCa1if'ornia and l.\Tewf Mexico

is in force; and I have always regarded it so.

‘No man would feel i fioreflhappy than myself to believe that this Union

formed. by our ancestors should live forever. . LOOl{l1lg back to the long .

course of forty years" service here. I have the consolation tobelieve that
I hatter never done one act which would .weaken_ it; that I have done full
justice to all sections. And if‘ I share, ever been exposed to the’ imputa-
tion ofra contrary motive, itiyis because I liaye been willing to defend my

section from unconstitutional encroachments. _But I cannot agree with '

the senator frotn Massachusetts that this Union cannot be dissolved. A111
I to understand him that no degree of Voppression, no outrage_, no broken.

.faith, can produce the destruction of tLl1is Union§? yVV1'17'.'a silrg if that be-

comes". a listed fact, it will itself‘ b;8CO1I1(~i}y the great il.I17Sl.1‘l111’.1t311l2l0'i. producing

oppression, out.1fag;e,ra11d‘ brolteny faith.. No, sir, the Union can be broken."

Great moral causes will ilbrealt it if' they go on, and it can only bepre-
served by justice, good faith, and ,a,rigid adherence to the constitution.
Mr. WEBSTER. ,Mr. President, a single word in reply to'the honor-

able 1 member from South rCarolina.» My distance from the honorableiy 

member; and .the.crowded state of to the room,~preventedime from liearing -. it

the whole of his remarks. I have onlyione or tw_o observations to make ;
and, to «begin_, I first notice the honorableiimember-’s last remark. He asks

nde if Ihold the breaking up of the Union by any such thing as the volume”.

tary secession of _states as an impossibility. I know, sir, this Union can‘
be broken up; every government can be; and I admit that there may be
sucha 7degree of oppression as will warrant resistance and albrcible set»
erance. I }1‘hat_is. revolutions‘! Of that ultimate right of revolution I
have not been ‘speaking. I know that that law of necessity does exist.

‘ I forbearifiom‘ going further‘, because I do not wish to run} into a discus-

sion of the nature yofiithifsp goyerrnment. r 'I‘he r hoinorabile member and my-
self have brokenr lancesy.sufl‘icient.ly often before on that subject.

I I 7 .l8?Ir..'yC.uf.HoUN. I have no desire to do it now. V

yiWn;nsrn1;.Ao  I presume the gentleman has not, and I have quite as
little; gentleman refers to the occasions on which these great acqui-

isitionsiwere, made to t;e.rritory onithe hsouthernrlsirde.ij ‘Why, undoubtedly,

wise.'ijand_{rfskilfu1'  amen,‘ havingjan objerctirto} accomplish, may take y

advantageiyiyof foIccasions‘.yi’. _I_ ‘nidianyrwars are an one; a fearof the occu~—

pation of ‘iTeii;asyl‘.by the British was Ianrii.iii.occasion§;; but when the {occasion
came,~under pressure, of .which‘,,' lor'y1$,i]I1C1¢31'f ._:the_'I justification of which the “-

thinsrc°u1<1   it ..<101is»afi<iilfl9seski1fs11Y- Mi» me 535’ ‘me

onérns SLAVERY COMPROMISE. V I * 115

‘_ .

to have been, throughout all Mexico, before the revolution and the testab-

lishment of the ‘Texan government, then, if it were desirable to have
possession of Texas by purchase, as a means of’ preventing its becoming
a_ British possession, I suppose that objecticould have been secured by

I lmaking it a free territory of the United States, as well as a slave territory. ~

I _ISir,p in my great desire not to prolong this debate, I have omitted what

 I I intended to say on a particular question under -the_mIotion of the honor:
able‘ senator from Missouri, proposing an amendment; to the resolutionsoi”
it the honorable member from Illinois; and thatis, upon the propriety and

expediency of I admitting California, under all circumstances, just as she

 is. I The more general subjects involved in this question are now before

 

the Senate-under the resolutions of the honorable member from Kentucky.
I "will say, that I feel under great obligations to that honorable member

for introducing the subject, and for the very lucid speech which he made,

and which has been so much read throughout the whole country. I am

also under great obligations to the honorable member from Teunessee,t‘c>r
t [the light which he has shed upon this subject; and, in some respects, it
i will be seen that I differ very little from the leading subjects submitted by
either of those honorable gentlemen. I I I I I I I

V YNOIW, sir,when theidirectquestion of the admission of’ Calit‘orniais_hal1

I it ptbetlbefore the Senate, I proposeteev but not bef‘oIre everyj Iothertgezittlentanll I

r avvlio 'lI1I21S' alvvishtto address the Senate shall ‘l have gratified that desire-I-----
. to say something upon the boundaries of California, upon the constitution

ofjCa1ifornia, and upon the expediency, under all the circumstances, of

_ admitting her with that constitution.

 2 I Mr. CALHOUN. ‘ One word, and I have done; and that word is, that,

rII10tWi’tl1StandiDgItl1e acquisition pot’ the vast territoryof Texas represented
by the senator! from Massachusetts,,it is the fact that all that addition to y
l , our territory made it by no meansuiequal, to what the Northern States had

excluded us from bepforef thatffiacquisitiont. Theterritory lying; west be-— I

_ tween the Mississippi and tl*1e‘I,IRocky Mountains is three fourths of the

wyholeirof Louisiana; and tl1£LtIWl1lCl1 lies between the Mississippi and the

_ Ohio, added tolthat, makes "a much greater extent of territory than Florida,
V and Texas, and that portion of , Louisiana that haslfallenp to our share.

 , Mr. Walker moved the postponement of the further consideration of I

l the resolutions Iuntpil to-marrow, which was agreed to. _

I I A f run nun.

thingxfurtlier ; and that is, that if slavery were abolished, asit was lsupposed I

 

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