asreeoH DELIVERED er eaoaeE'woaD,Esa, BEFORE A. COMMITTEE OF THE FRIENDS OF AT CONSTITUTION HALL. NEW—YO1?tI§'., 020. Tuesday Evaieaeteug, men May, 185%. FELLOW Crr1;z1:cNs :—--— y ~ You havejust been told by our worthy chairman, that the object of the addresses this evening, is toarouse your feelings. I hope hedid not allude to myself, for Ishall rnake no such attempt. Owing tomylindispositionI have made no preparation_., except to note down a few heads, from which 1 shall submitto you some re» Inarks, without attemptixig to rnalte a set speech. iThe cause of. our a.ssembli1ig, is, to consider the propriety of niominating DANIEL VVE.I3$.%'1‘E1”t, as :71. candiclate for the Presidency, at thei‘g‘eneral Whig Convent,,ion, which is soon to assemble. I thinl: veryierroneous viewstare entertained by many, as to the position of Mr; ’W1«:esTa:a, before the people of" the country, and I think it is high time that those errors were removed. It shall be my endeavor thisevening to present him in the true li,qht. In dciing; so, I shall not attempttotdisparage any of the other Wliig candidates, Whom I Hold in higli respect. I have some personal aequaitttanee with most of the candidates on the other side. i» I shall say nought against them either. .l‘/lyisubject does not require it, and 1‘ have no disposi- tion to do so.’ . i , V T Iloolcupon the selection of a high ofi‘ieer of the government in a very different light from that in which itis generally considered. It isuusually esteemed and treated as a ywzlvilege. That is the point of . View in which it is held in the country from which we sprung, whexreall power and authority are presumed to emanate from the 4 . crown. Hence an election is held forth as a grand gala dayé-—-a festive amusement-—--the subject of excitement, enthusiasm and en-- joyment——-such as a set of slaves who had just emerged from bondage might indulge in. I consider, on the other hand, the elective fran- chise on the part of the people as an exercise of high political power, as an important function of the Government. ,Like all such public functions it is attended with liigh responsibilities, and should be performed under a deep sense of dut.y. The making of a Legis- lator or a President is as important an act of political power as the enactment of ‘laws or the administration of executive functions. “It is part and parcel of our “system of government, and no part of it ought to be exempted from a sense of duty. It is just as much the duty of those concerned in the selection of a President, to look to“ his fitness and qualifications as it is the duty of a legislature to enact good and wholesome laws, or of the President, when elected, duly to administer them. i. If we all viewed the subject in this light and acted up to it, how differently would our elections be conducted. _ ‘We should not then be guided by mere personal predilections or preferences. What an admirable lesson we may tal.-te on this point, from the history of Cromwell: He is generally held up as a tyrani- cal usurper, who sacrificed his king that he llllgllt rise upon the ruins of monarchy to supreme power as a military dictator. Wlien he tool; the reins of government his first effort waste select the ablest and most efficient men for office. He looked around for a chief justice of Eiigland. He saw one who loomed largely above the lieadsof all others as an eminent jurist. It was the venerable I-Iale, the defender of Laud, theopposer of Cro’mwell’s power. Crom- well urged him to take the office; Lord I-Iale was reluctant-—-——because he was opposed to him and was conscientious, and could not sustain him. But C1‘Ol'l.iVV€i‘ll told him he had selected him as the ‘fjittest man in the country,” and for that reason alone, and Hale finally concluded to take the otlice, thougli he was opposed to the Government, for his country's good. ‘Will the free people of this free country be out- done by a tyrant in performing the important function of selecting the high officers of the government? I should hope not. Wliei'e two candidates are equal in point of fitness, personal preferences i may he indulged in. Not so, where there is superior fitness, especi- ally when tliat” superioity is clear anddecitded. it . ._,Thcre are two topicstto be specially, considered when a candi~ . date is proposed for popular stiffralge———-qi,ialification and availability. Qualification stands first in order and is of far deeper importance. , It seems like a. worl; of supererogation to dwell upon the qualifi~ iCEl.i.lOI1S of DANIEL ‘Wnssrnn. He is well ltnown to be deeply versed in the Constitution of his country, heis skilled in public law. No man isso extensively and minutely acquainted with the public history of this country, in all its details. He isthoroughly acquainted with 5 the foreign relations of the United States. His 1*eputatie%r1 for talent and acquirement as a statesman, both at homeland abroad, is far greater than that of any other man. His talents have a breadth: and comprehension, that have seldom been equalled--——neversur- passed. His experience has been great in all the departments of ' legislation and of executive government. To all this, he adds a «deep and extensive knowledge of the laws of this country. I think I may venture to say that no other candidate would Venture to com- pete with him in all the elements of st-atesmanship, and when We consider the high respectability and endowments of many of those candidates it is saying; a.» ggreat deal, though not too much. The only man in the country who would attempt to challenge a comparison with him, would be I-Elnnrtr CLAY’. , Mr. Wnssrnn has been well and severely tried in his patriotism. ‘We have angreat deal of pro nssion on that subject. Iam not zdisposed to place much confidence in niereprofession, and I have generally found that those who deal the most profusely in it are the- most ready ,to sacrifice the ,g.re1'ieral p;oo»d, when it comes in conflict with their personal interest; But, when a man like Mr. VVnas'rna has deliberately shaped his course and pursued it at the imminent I risk of his personal popularity, and with the prospect oflosing all his hopes of preferment, in order to promote What he considered for his country’s good, and essential to its integrity and salvation, he may be held to be a well tried patriot. i I have, I must confess, heard of one objection to Mr. Wnnsraa. I have heard it rumored that he has been at times more orless em- barrassed in his pecuniary affairs, and that when in that predica- ment he has felt the inconveniences of poverty and pecuniary dis- tress. About this, I know personally nothing;, and have not heard ‘much. Ihave no disposition to pry into the private afl'airs of others. It is a matter with which We have iiritlitinpg to do in the ease of Mr. W/Vnesrea, unless perchance it may liave a l3ezi.1*itig upon his merits as a candidate. The a1*guz*i*ienta,gai1riist him is this. Ila man cannot manage well his own private axflairs l'1eliou,;rht not to be trusted with the affairs of others. Adrriittinp; the arrrurnerit to be true, it re-~ mains to show the truth of the major proposition as applied to him. Isit true thatMr. Wnesrnn ccmnot niana.ge his own afl"ai1*s? Or on the other hand, is it not true merely, that he does not manage: thembecause his time has been devoted to the public interests, and inta.l‘gi*eattme‘asnre 'eI]g1‘0SSed‘Wlll1 them. ‘When Mr. Wsnsrnn, in. early life, left the I-Iouse of Ilepresentatives and moved to Boston, he determined to devote lhimselti' to his profession. But he was not suffered to remain there, he was ur._s_2;erl and drawn away from it by the pressing solicitations of friends and political men, all over the country, to etigtige again in public afl’-airs. He has consequently been able only occasionally and as a sort of bye-business totpursue his profession; He may, ever since,” he said to have lived and tit ihreaithed in the public institutions of the country. To them all his «energies, all his tliotiglits, all his reflections have been devoted. How then could he compete with others in,,_tl"1e management and acquisi- tion oftprivate property? lint l‘~nlr. W'1«:ns're'n “does not stand alone in thisparticular, M1‘. Pitt was embarrassed ; his country, after his death, paid his debts; was he thereliore untit to manage public -'afil31l.lfS_? Jetiierson and lf‘:l2%-ttTllltOl’l were embarrassed; who doubts their competency? Mr. CLAY has been etnlsarrassed, and his debts have been paid for him. "Wire will stand upand say that he is not an accomplished and efficient statesman ? There isa similarity in some respects, in the fate and fortune of these. two ITIBD--—CLAY and T/VE.t3STtEtt.~—i.lt£tt is very str'ilceedinp;s in the ancient Republics, in matters ot"Legislation, where some Senatorial, or other body prepared the laws, and thus prepared, they were laid before the people, for their enactment by vote. t ' It is in this common law branch of the constitution, among these middle-men or political partizans, that the real difliculty lies. I do not mean to insinuate, that they are actuated by any sinister motive -~-«but they are mistalszen in their views. it‘ you tall: to these men, you Will find them all in favour of Mr. W'n;ss'.rsn, but they sl11‘ug their shoulders and say “ it is impossible--—-he will nottrun with the people and therefot'e We otiglit not to talte him up. It would be a glory to this country, to have sucli a chief tna,g1st.t*ate-—it would add to our respect abroad-——-——but we cannot elect him-~——-it will not do.” , Thus we find that every body is in favor of Mr. 'Wnssrnn, but, all this class seems to think that every body is £t,g‘£1l,l'lSlZ him. Have you not all witnessed this state of thiiiigs. It is passing; strange, and I was unable to account for this Sl1’0.11gepE1.1‘&ClOX till I looked into it a little more closely. On inquiry ofthese people the reason for their opinion, I found invariably they expressed the apprehension that Mr. W1arzs'rntt was too great at man to run with the people. That the people had no sympathy with ggreat men and would not vote for them. . t N ow this I do not hesitate to pronounce a most claznvzable political Zrere.t‘_z/!———(Loud cheers.) A heresy of the most dangerous conse- quence. One which it behoves us, as we value our political exist- ence and prosperity, to put down. If for no other reason, than to put it down, we ought to use our utmost exertion to prevent its application to this case, and have Mr. Wnnsrnit nominated. Wliy such a principle would discou1'age all e‘fl"orts on the part of great minds to acquire distinction. It would destroy all stimulus to sweat exertion. , Like the Upas it would blight eve1~ything' which ap- proached it. t - t i , . y » .l,.Itis, as false too, in fact, as it is datigerous and destructive in its con- sequenlces. “*Itis'not true that the people do not sympathise with able and efiicient men. On the contrary, mankind are so constituted as to admire such»men, and to be disposed to support and encourage them; this is natural. , The gi‘eat masses of the community actout their natural feeli1i,<2,'s,,and give them fair play. . It is a Wise provi- sion of nature. ‘When mankind admire abilityand efliciency it encourages minds, gifted by nature, to become by industry able and effici,e,nt,..and thus useful to the community. A 2 10 People triever object to a man becausehe is great. Pride, vanity, and osterrtation constitute objections, and they are objectionable to the people wh-ether they appear in great men or in pretenders to great- ness. Here is also a wise provision, for such qiialities destroy all =syiripa't-thy with the common class of manl~:ind—~—-all disposition to con- sult the=ir interests and promote their happiness: A Is My-tr. WEBSTER one of that description’! Let the mechanics of Boston-——--the farmers of New Hampshire---or the farmers and fisl ~ ermen efMarshfield answer that question. I have hea.rd it said that Mr. Whrssrnn was taken up as acandidate’ in this city by the rich banlters and -merchants of Wall street. And this has been said with a view -to blight his prospects with the people. You know better, you lniowp,vei'y well that where there was one of that description, there were a dozen bossmeclianics who joined in brin,g‘ing him forward. '1‘he people can distinguish between pride and ostentation, and that kind of retired habit which results from diffidence or deep reflec- tion. Some of the most retired men I have ever known have been the freest from vanity and pride. ‘Witness the late Dr. Alexander, of P1‘lI1.p6t0n, one of the most modest men that ever lived, and yet i no one ever approached him without the conviction that he was a truly great man. Wliy, we have among our own citizens a distin- guished merchant whose munificent philanthropy has carried an entei'prise, so honorable to our whole nation, into the very frozen seas; and yet this gentleman, from a retiring disposition, modestly declines the public testimonials laid at his feet. Do you think, how- ever, that if Mr. I‘“IENRY Giiiwivnnr. should be proposed as a can- didate for an honorable public oflice, that unpopulczrity could be Lirged against his availability’! (Great applause.) it Mr. Wnssrnn is a man of deep reflection, and therefore often retired-—-—bLit that profound reflection has served to impart those qualifications which ought to be his passpoi*t‘throiigh preliminary political conventions to the people, who, if he once gets fairly be; fore them, will soon show you that he is the most popular candidate that can be presented for their sufirages, by any party, or any set of men. ' i ' ‘But, from some strange cause or other the notion has, within ‘a few years past, among politicians, become prevalent in this country, that very gifreat men will not run before the people. They may not always run. -There €t1‘e“Me‘XceptiO"11S to all 'genei'a1rules. A great man by his peculiar courseof conductmay have made many warm friends” and many bitter enemies. He may be violent and arbitrary in hisviews, iinconciiiatingi and bitter in debate when opposed. Mr. Wsssrna is l{110‘WI1’1:O be exempted from that objection. A [ It is time this notion should be discarded. It has no solid founda- tion to rest upon. No country ever did or ever will risettoigreiat» ness or glory without master minds. Look back at Greece or M Rome. The .Lrmdo7z Times has lately broached the idea that Mr. VVsss'rna could not be made’ President, because he is too great a_ man. It is not surprising that the editor of‘ that distinguislied pa- per should think so, because he is prejudiced a,gains‘t' Republican institutions and knows but little of the tvo1~l:ing of ours. In him, it is asneer at us, fey; he knovvs very Well that England has been clistirigttisliecl for hergalaxy of grelat men-——that from Cecil, under the lofty and imperial Queen, down to Lord Derby in the reign of the pure and virtuous Vi'ctoria, long line of statesmen, able, distin- guished, of large views, have pguided and regulated English affairs, and have raised Etigland to the heiglit Where she now stands. Wliat could have git*et1 rise to this stra.n,r,.g'e infatuation in this coun- try? is there any tinting; in our example cliflerent from the example of otlter ,great countries? We started into existence but yesterday, speaking in reference to the age of nations. "We rose up uridenthe auspices of Vl7ASt}ITNG'I‘ON---l'.l”1e man of the largest and most compre- hensive mind of" his age———and surrounded with men of great and distinguislted ability. We now stretch from the Atlantic to the shores of-the Pacific. The Commerce ofthe ‘World is within ourgrasp-—--our Mines are inexltaustible—~—---our territory, unparalled in extent and fer- tility, is to be filled up. What a prospect is here presented for fu- ture glory and greatness. Are we to" rise to this glo1*y and greatness Without the lead and ,c;11it:la.1ice of master mivztds? If We are, then the laws ofhuman conduct in our case are to be reversed. And if not reversed, We must, if we dttempt it, dwindle into insignifica.nce. A European philosopher once renflarlted, that every thing in this country was on at {great scale, but its men. It is to be hoped that the politicians in this country, under this strange infatuation will not Vetfify this remark. l\i.anl«;ind are often misled by the use of terms. A sort ofhazy idea. is often attached to the epithet of a great man. It is sometimes said there is no 1'l’1:].glC in words. It is true there is no magic in them to elicit truth-———-but they are often magical in leatlimg us into error. There are various kinds oi”,greatness often referred to, and in such a Way to cause confusion. The man of wealth, accumulated by great industry, jL1t,'l,gmt31lt, and attention to business, is sometimes and very properly called a guest man, tlitnugli it may not be of the very liighest order. No one accuses Mr. Wsnsrsn of being a great man inthat sense. i y 4 In some countries they have a body of great men, whose main distinction, consists in their descent tlt1'ot1gi1 a long line of distin- guished ancestors--—ennobled- by titles---emblazoned by stars and ribbons, and ga1~te1*s..” Mr. Vlfnesrzstt has no such distinction, He is the i;'iapsbt1rg'lt of his own family. His root is in the earth--amidst the roclts of his own New Hampsliire. He sprang from the people. '1‘hou,<,__»;h his intellect is elevated far above them by culture, yet true to his origix;i, his heart is in the midst ofthem. l 1:23 There is another kind of greatness to be considered. It maybe called legitimate ,greatness—---such as the head of man approves, and his heart recognises. It is in short czZ)z'Z*2'2fy and eflZcienc;ty for great employments. To the reproach of this kind of greatness, ifin the eyes of his countrymen it be a reproach, Mt‘. "Ii/VI~‘JBS'J.‘E'I‘t must bow in silence. By natural intellect combined with Vast acquire- ments, long experience and profound reflection, he is the ,greatest statesman of his country. ‘Will any politician go bet'-ore the people and inake this objection to him? Yet this is the objection, itfthere be any at all. Substitute for the name of'g7t'e.ct man, the terms, an able and’ Qflicrtient man Tot’ great employment, and the objection vanishes. IilVet'y rnan becomes ashamed of it. It is plain maxim of political economy----it is a dictate of com- mon sense, that it’ you Want an ap;en't to transact any busin<~:»ss great or , small, select a man who is the ablest and most tit to do it. Is this dictate iotcomrnon sense and sound political economy to he discar- ded in melting a I’resident C’ Manl~:int:l are sotcons-tit.iut.ed, as to ad?- mire ability and etlficiency, for the pe'rfo1'n'ia.nc:e of any honest and praiseworthy employment. I would rather see a good shoemalter, than a poor politician. If by some magic power, I should have the authority conferred upon me to select public oflicers, I would endeavor to be :Q:l-lifltiefll by V this plain maxim I have stated. IfI wanted a COI’t'1t“I]£tl.”l(;lG‘l' to lead our army to the field, and to raise our standard upon the loltiest battle- ments of the enemy, I would select GnNnr._«,'t., Sco'r'r. IFI wanted a naval officer to conduct our fleet over the mountain Wave, and un- furl our flag to the battle and the breeze, CC)M‘M0.D01ftft"£ f§3'1rc>os';roN, should be my man. If'I wanted a Chief Executive C)tii’it:-.e1* of the Government, to carry the country safely tlii*t>t.1g'li all political com~ motions and diflictilties at home and abroad, and by his profound statesmanship, elevate the glo1'y or his country among the nations of the earth, and ,give them assurance of a man, I would presen““t you WithI)aN1nL VV.nt3s'.r1:=.:n. (Immense cl1eet*iiig.) , Ihave now gentlemen, pointed out the ditliculty. The remedy will at once sttgpuest itself to all ofyou. It is to remove that ditfi- culty---let the notion be discarded, that the people ofthis country cannot ciistinggtzisli and apifireciate their greatest public man. Ifthis isdone and he is presented as a candidate before that people, his election sure. Every efiiirt should be made by every tight thinl - ing? man torput down this gross and dan5,3;erous heresy. There are some furtlier topics which, to my mind, are otfg1~eat im- portance, to be considered, but Imam a“li'aid Ihave already trespussect too long upon your patience. (Cries of “‘ go on”) I "I‘lie considerations i I am going; to present have, I must confess, operated very powerfully on myself, in lead,iiig me to the course I have talaen; for, as I have told you, I discard all personal consider— zations in a matter of this ;_;;ra;Ve and irnportant charact:er to the country. 13 T Whoever has attentively viewed the course of public affairs among usrmusit have perceived that the standard of qualificationvfor high offices has been gradually lowered. It has been seen and felt,~an.ct deeplydeplored. The natural consequence has been, that the bonds_ of Government are relaxed, and are becoming more and moreloose.» Treason is no longer, in public estimation, what treason was some thirty or forty years ago. ~ It certainly is not owing to any prejudice on the part of the People against the most able and efficient men, ‘for the reasons I have already explained?” a l 7 5‘ But, whatever may be the cause, every good man must be im—‘ pressed with the importance of furnishing some adequate and speedy remedy.‘ T r T , There is a tendency under allwfiee Governments to a great variety’ of opinions, especially on public affairs. V/Vhen, men are freeto‘ speak and thinlt, they willthinlt differently. Myanymyen will have many minds. Where there is one man of it la.rge and comprehensive grasp ofmind, there are a hundred active, sharp, subtle, but narrow intellects. The pride ofopinion in these men is always the strongest; They look only at one side, and hence they see no ditiiculties. As Sir VVilliam Temple says, “Their own reason they make the certain standard of Truth, and their own knowledge, of what is posssible in Nature.” ‘ y y r In all free Governments, the central power must be more or less "weakened, and that of thelocal municipalities increased. This is requisite, in order to spread aznong the people a practical ltnowledge ofpublic afiairs, andto prepare and fit them to watch over ‘their liberties. But the natural result of it is, to multiply indefinitely amongithe people, divisions of opinion upon public atiairs. ‘ Partyk spirit is thus engendered, and it becomes continuallytmore andmore prevalent. Patriotisnp, which is supposed to be the great andtesseni-r tial element of Republicanism, yields to the influences of these divisions, and men give up to party what lielongs to theirlcountiryg Hence the maxim so often met with in political writings, that fact: tion and discord are the bane of all itepublics. These political diyisions lead to general licentiousness, and men oF‘pro‘priety, of character, of peaceful and conservative dispositions, become ready to_ take refucre in some stronrr Government. We seeit iexem ilified 2:: as q . . l 3 _ inthe late French Republic.” ,3 , y i i t p It ” But when this popularldissension assumes via lsectional characttetgt the danger isincreased and brought nearer. Sections are enlisted against sections. It is not only a contest between parties, but be- tween parties occupying separate and la1'§jelte1‘1*itories of the country, Animosity is hence doubly increased, and responsibility in the same ratio diminished. If this Government should fall, it will more prob- ably break up into sectional fragments long before party licentions- ness prepares the public mind for the introductiouyof a st1'onger govern men t. 14 l,Wliat is the remedy? We are unwilling to increase the power of the general Government. aflut we may increase its moral power and influence-——-and that is to be done by i*aisina' 1_ns.tead of lowering the standard of qualification fcii*liigl1 oflict-3s.~ 1 his is not to be done by ditfusiiig the ideathat the man best qualified is too great for the people. Act in public: atliiurs as everyprudent man does in his pri- vate afi”airs. Employ those best qualified and fitted for the business to be done. This remedy will he founc_l efiectual. "We have only to look back upon our past political history. Wheiieve‘r a great mind has been at the head of this Government he has been able to carry on the Government with most eli'i_cienVcYa 1}0iWlihSt‘mdln§f-f.‘ party dissensions. Such was the case with Wasliiiigtoii and Jet- fersjon. Does any one believe that this remedy, or that any 1'-em;edy at all is not.neecled? ‘We have, I am aware, been accused a_people of being a little vaiii-g;;loi'1oLis——-of thinking we can do anything and everytliiiig, and yet, that under the influence of our niaiiifestqdestiny, all will be safe. Let no one suppose we are exempted lrom the common lot ofhumanity. Let no one take that flattering‘ unction to his soul. i There is but one further topic and on that I will detainyou but a very short time. And that is in _rel'e1‘ence to our Foreign ltelations. Society in Europe seems to be in a transition state. New classes are Spl‘l1"JglI"ig up in society out of the old, and acquiring influence in the state. This causes, from time to tinie, a general upheaving of the moral elements. Has it ceased? Lei'tiiinly not. It will continue as it long as manltind continue t.o advance in wealth and knowledge. They will advance thus, while improveinents and new facilities of intercourse and commerce continue to be opened up. Rziil roads, can:-.ls, magnetic telegrapl'is are great revolutionists. Changes in gOV’@1‘I]m€l”1lL l3eC,Ot.'11l11g necessary by the increase and ezttension of knowledge and wealth, cannot be eilected without coinniotioii and conflict. There is a speclt. of war in the European horizon. It may not burst forth this year or the neXt~—--and it may the year after. Wlieii it shall come, what will be our condition? If_.we avoid intervention with them, can we prevent their inter- yention with us? We could not do it in the long wars which devas- tated Europe in the days of the great Napoleon.-———Our proximity has since changed from forty to ten days. Suppose difficulties -should arise, we must prepare for the exigency. If they threaten to sweep our commerce from the ocean as theydid before, we may ward oil‘ the threatened blow by appeals to their justice, by point- ing out in clear and strong language the falsity of their views, and the gross violation of international law, which their conduct would involve. A clear and powerful exposition of the real atti- tude in which we may stand, may be of immense value both in t‘eference.to them and ourselves. “ t 15 Let me suppose such a case to arise, and that the very panic crea- ted, shouldglirow our business in confusion, threaten a general bank- ruptcy and paralyze all operations, and that youshould be collected here as you now are--that in place ofthe chairman and myself‘, this latform should be occupied by all the present candidates for the lE)’1‘esidei1cy, and you had time to hear a speech from some one, and one only, of them-—setting forth our real position, the dangers and difficulties We had to apprehend, the best means of avoiding them, or the best mode of’encoti1ite1'inp: them, whom would you call out ? Whom would you ‘wish to hear? (Cries of Wsssranl Wnssrna l I) Is there a man in the country, who would not want in such an exigency to hear him in preference to any other? Yet, We are told the people would not put him in the appropriate place, from which his opinions should emanate, because forsooth, he is too great, a man. It is time that this senseless objection should be abandoned. (Mr. Wood sat down amid long and loud Cll6G1’ll7lg) Digitization information for the Daniel Webster Pamphlet Project University Libraries University of Missouri——Columbia Local identifier web000 Digitization work performed by the University of Missouri Library Systems Office Capture information Date captured Scanner manufacturer Scanner model Optical resolution Color settings File types Source information Format Content type Derivatives — Access copy Compression Editing software Editing characteristics Resolution Color File types Notes 2004-2005 Minolta PS7000 600 dpi Unknown tiff University of Missouri copy lacks title page. 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