NI‘ 1,, V5, ‘ ‘ w“ _‘ I ; 2‘, ‘ ‘ 1 ‘ ‘ ‘ > I ‘ l l I,:\‘ ;\‘ I: ‘ " I‘ 3 “ ‘ ‘ 5‘, A ~ * M i‘~»m&£c‘v»a.w- ’. .;Y‘,,‘“ A‘ I ‘. ‘V ‘ , \ y ‘, ,1, M ", w 44 OF '1" ~WBSTER%~AT BOSTON, WI*TI~II:I S P E E 0 H, DELIVERED :1.v1$Mj[.;A_1\I%1a+.":”tIVIL I~IAT[§LH(‘.)N THAT OCCASION, ,w1 , . ,1 :\\w,.‘ ,1‘ , ‘ V BOSTON: SAMUEL N. DAICKINSAAON, PRINTER. 184.2. CORRESPONDENCE. To THE HON. DANIEL WEBSTER: . S'ir,--—- The undersigned, desirous of evincing their gratitude for your eminent and patriotic public Services, during a long term Of years, and ‘especially for the part sustained by you in the late negotiations which have been so skilfully con- ducted and happily terminated in a Treaty with Great Britain, invite you to meet them at a Public Dinner, at such time as Shall be convenient to yourself. \ H. G. OTIS, I EBEN. CI-IADWICK, SIDNEY BARTLETT, J. MASON, ROB’T HOOPER, JR. SEWELL TAPPAN, WILLIAM STURGIS, SAMUEL QUINCY, SAMUEL L. ABBOT, JOSIAH BRADLEE, OZIAS GOODWIN, JOSEPH BALLISTER, CHAS. G. LORINC, JOS. RUSSELL, HENRY D. GRAY, CHAS. P. CURTIS, JACOB BIGELOW, GEO. B. CARY, WM. ABBLETON, JONA. CHAPMAN, NATHAN HALE, ABBOTT LAWRENCE e. R. RUSSELL, J. M. EORBES, N. ABBLETON, H. WAINWRICIIT, I-IOO'PER, P. T. JACKSON, FRANCIS ]5‘ISI~IER, GEO. HOWE, JOSEPH BALCH, . JOHN S. BLAKE, . W. H. GARDINER, JAMES K. MILLS, F. C. GRAY, J. H. WOLCOTT, F. SKINNER, B. R. CURTIS, DANIEL C. BACON, J. T. STEVENSON, LEMUEL SHAW, J. I>AvIS,‘J;z.-.., HENRY CABOT, THOS. B. WALES, W. C. AYLWIN, P. C. BROOKS, GEO. MOREY, F. DEXTER, ROBERT G-. SHAW, C. W. CARTWRIGHT, ISAAC LIVERMORE, BENJ. RICH, E. BALDWIN, TIIOS. Ic.k, arncl that he had received a letter from a committee of those o*er*1t;fle1r1er1 who had extended the invitation to Mr. VVebste:r, ].‘(;5(ii111(;3Sl.il.1'1g liirn to pre- side. , This he had consented to do, unl,ess e'b_je<::1;ier1 should be made. (Applause) He 'WO1.1l.(;l sirnplly say, their, that: the com- mittee would bring Mr. VVel:>ste.r :i.;n 1:)ree,:i,s«:::ly at e.l.even o’clock. Amid the applause that followed this inl'or1na.ti0n, Mr. Wurs- STER, with the cornrnittee of his fzrierids, entered the hall amid tremendous and continued el1c3eri:rt1,g. Mr. Chaprnan led him forward upon the platform, and after the assembly had given nine hearty cheers, addressed its guest as follows.---Boston Daily Ad'vem'.s'e9', Oct. 1, 1842. THE MA.YOR’S ADDRESS. MR. VVE13srER : —--- I have the honor, Sir, to be the orgarr of this large assembly of your former constituents, and still fellow citi.-- zens and friends, who have ga1;l1ered to greetlyou with a cordial welcome, upon your Visitto what we are proud to call, and trust i you will always feel to be»---~ your home. We sought to meet 4 you at a social festival; but it has taken the present far better form, at your own request. The pointed meaning, however, of the occasion is unchanged. Believing that as a true republican, you will find the richest reward of your public services in the respect and gratitude of those whom you serve, we would assure you in the mostemphatic manner, that so far as your friends ‘ here are concerned, you have them from the heart. We would assure you, that though your duties, at your country’s call, have separated you from us for a season, you are not forgotten,---but that wherever your destiny may place you, so long, as in time past, you shall be nobly defending your country’s Constitution, andrnaintaining untarnished her honor, there will be living and beating hearts here, in which you will ever be enshrined. A large portion, Sir, of your mature -life has been spent in the public service, --- and of that portion,-la great part as the immedi- ate representative of this city and Commonwealth. Werrejoice in this opportunity to testify to you, that your long and eminent ' services in our behalf, are stillheld in most grateful remembrance. ‘We acknowledge ourtdeep obligations to you, for your unwaver- ing fidelity to our interests ---for yourable support of that cause of American industry, whose protection has so distinguished the recent session of Congress, and for the broad and comprehensive spirit in which your legislative duties were ever discharged. Bright, Sir, ever bright will be the page of history which records the efforts of your commanding intellect in the councils of the nation. And New "England-—--—glorious New England----your birth-place and your home——-whose heart, you know, is warm, though her skies be cold--- New England, from every summit of her granite hills, will never cease to hail you as her worthy rep- resentative. We parted with you with regret ‘indeed, but still with ready acquiescence in the wise judgment of that good old man, who, ---himself placed in the Presidential chair, amidst a people’s accla- mations,---from amongst the bright lights of this broad land, selected you to stand at his right hand. It pleased a wise but inscrutable Providence, too soon, alas! to mortal eyes, to remove himtfrom his elevated seat on earth to, wetrust, a higher one above. -But inobly, have ,,:you. sustained the momentous in- 5 terests, which in a ,most critical period of the country’s history, he committed to your charge. No sound, indeed, of his glad Voice shall ever againygreet your ear. But we feel that l1is be- nignant spirit has been, and will still be near to bless you, and approve the loud “well done,” with which every true patriot must salute you. It is to your eminentservices, Sir, on thi.s broader field which you have latel.y occupied, that we look this day with special pride and admiration. Sir, in simple but heartfelt language, we thank you for the honorable attitude, in which, so far as your de- partment has been concerned, you have placed your country before the world. Woulcl to God that it stood as well in cither respects! In the many emergencies in our foreign relations, which the two past years have presented, you have been faithful throughout to the true interests and h.onor of the eountry, and no where in its archives can abler, manlier, Wiser or more dignified papers be found, than those whicli hear your s.i,g11a1;ure. Wlieii the dark cloud lowered upon our r1ei,ghbor,i.ng frontier, ---- when a. great and fu11<;l.ament;al. law of n.ations had ‘well nigh yielded to popular passion, —---when si.ngle step only intervened between us and a war, that must have been disastrous, as it would have found us in the wroiig, --—--it was your Wise and en- ergetic interference that dispelled the storm, by seekirxg to make us just even under gelling provocation. Wlien a. gasconading upstart from a neigl1bo:ring republic, so called, presumed to ,address to this government a com1,nu1iicati<>n worthy only of his own, but which no one of his coadjutors was bold enough, to present in person, -------.,one firm and dignified look from our own Secretary of State, a single sweep of e hispower- fularm, relievedthe country from any further specimens of Mex- , ican diplomacy. And, crowning act of all, when amidst the numerous and perplexing questionsywhicli hadso long disturbed the harmony of two nations whom God meant should always be friends, England sent forthher ambassador of compromise and peace, youmet him like aman. Subtle diplomacy, and political leger-i r demain you threw to the winds,and taking only foryoury guides, simple honesty, common sense, and a christian spirit, behold! by 6 their magic influence, there is not a cloud in the common heavens above us, but only the glad and cheering sunlight of friendship andpeace. , pp We have already, Sir, on this same spot, expressed our satis- faction with this treaty with England, while paying a merited tribute of respect to the distinguished representative of that country, who was associated with you in its adjustment. We repeat to you our satisfaction with the result, and with the mag- nanimous spirit by which it was accomplished. We may add now, as we might not then, that we know not the other individ- ual within the limits of the country, who could have so success- fully achieved this happy event. We are aware, Sir, that this treaty is not yet completed, but that an important act is yet necessary for its accomplishment. We anticipate no such result, and yet it may be that still further work may be necessary for the crowning of our hopes. You have brought skill and labor,-—-ay, and self-sacrifice too,---to this great work, we know. And whatever may befall the coun- try, in this or any other matter, we are sure that you will be ready to sacrifice every thing for her good, save honor. And on that point, amidst the perplexities of these perplexing times, we shall be at ease; for we know that he who l1as so nobly rnaintained his country’s honor, may safely be intrusted with his own. And permit us, Sir, most warmly to greet you as our personal friend and fellow—citizcn. Though the few and brief intervals of leisure which your public duties have permitted you, have allowed us far less intercourse with you in private life than we have wished, we have never ceased to feel that you were one of’ us. We rejoice in the kind Providence which has been with you in the past, and may Heaven still smile upon your future years. Long may you live to be an ornament and support of your native republic. And when at last your sun goes down,-—-—- i as every orb, the brightest even, must set,----may it be from a serene and’ tranquil sky. It was bright at its rising; it is bril- liant at its meridian. ,May no clouds gather around its depart» ing; but, life’s labors done and honors won, may it,---iii your i 7 own classical and beautiful words,--—-may it go down with “slow descending, long lingering light.” And now, fellow-citizens, it would be the idlest ceremony in the world, to presume to introduce to you our distinguished guest. It was his privilege, upon the occasion of an important trial in the Supreme Court of this commonwealth, a few years since, to introduce to that Court, and to the bar, the late lament- ed Wifliam lWirt, his opposing counsel in the cause. He did it by a just and beautiful tribute to his eminent talents and worth. It was the no less just and beautiful reply of Mr. Wi1‘1:, when he rose in turn to address the Court, that he had. one reason to regret the very kind introduction which he lied received; for his friend, Mr. Webster‘, had thereby placed him under an obligation which it never would be i.n liis power to return,----- for he never could meet that gentlemen at any bar in the United States where his name and his fame had not gone before him. And here, fellow-citizens, in Boston, ---- here, in Faneuil Hall., last place of all,—---ancl amongst you, last people of all, is such a ceremony needed. I have only to say, that DANIEL '\7V:I:«:13s'r:en, the faithful representative, the manly and able statesman, your fellow-citizen and friend, is before you, and I leave his name to do the rest. MR. WIject;s still un- settled with England. Fi.rst:, there is tlrat: corticernirig the trade between the United States and the possessions of Erigfltand, on this cointincnt, and in the West: Indies. It been my d.uty to look int:o that subject, and to keep the run. of it, as we say, from the arrangement of 1829 and 11.8230, until the present tiime. That arrangement was one unfavorable to the sltipping interests of the United States, and especially so to the New~Englancl f:‘t;at:es. To adjust these relations is an important: subject:, either for cl;i- plomatic negotiation, or the consideration of One or both houses of Congress, indeed, has called upon the proper department for a report upon the operations of that ar- rangement, and a committee of the House of Representatives has made a report, showing that some adjustment of these rela- tions is of vital importance to the future prosperity of our navi- gating interests. There is another question, somewhat more remote; that of the North—west Boundary, where the possessions of the two coun- tries touch each other upon the Pacific. There are evident pub»- lic reasons why that question should be settled before the coun- try becomes peopled. t W 14 There are also, gentlemen, many open questions respecting our relations with other governments. Upon most of the other States of this continent, citizens of the United States have claims, with regard to which the delays already incurred have caused great injustice; and it becomes the Government of the United States, by a calm and dignified course, and a deliberate and vigorous tone of administration of public affairs, to secure prompt justice to our citizens in these quarters. I am here to-day as a guest. I was invited by number of highly valued personal and politzical frierids, to partake with them of a public dinner, for the purpose of giving them an opportunity to pass the usual greeting of friends upon my return; of testifyu ing their respect for my public services here1:ofore, and of tender- ing congratulations upon the results of the late negotiation. It was at my instance that t;h;is proposed dinner took the form of this meeting, and instead of meeting them at the festive board, I agreed to meet them and those who chose to meet: me with them, here. Still, the general character of the rirreeting seems not to be changed. I am here as a guest; here to receive greetings and salutations for particular services, and not under any intimation or expectation that I should address the gerrtlernen who invited me or others here, upon subjects not suggested by themselves. It would not become me to use the occasion for any more gen- eral purpose. Because, although I have a design at some time not far distant, to make known my sentiments upon political matters generally, and upon the pcl.itical state of the country, and that of its several parties, yet I lrnovv very well that I should be trespassing beyond the bounds of politeness and propriety, should I enter upon this whole Wide field now. I will not enter upon it, because the gentlemen who invited me entertain on many of these topics, vievvs different from my own, and they would very properly say, that they came here to meet lVIr. Web- ster, to congratulate him upon the late negotiation, and to ex- change sentiments upon matters about vvhich they agreed with him; and that it was not in very correct taste for him to use the occasion to express sentiments upon other. subjects on which they differ. It is on that account that I shall forbear discussing political subjects at large, and sh,all endeavor to confine myre- 15 markslto that which may be considered as affecting myself, di- rectl.y or indirectly. The Mayor Was kind enough 1:0 say, that having, in his judg- ment, performed the duties of my own department to the satisfaction of my country, it might be left to me to take care of my own honor and reputation. ( Cheers.) I suppose that he meant to say, that in the present distracted state of the Whig party, and among the contrariety of ' opinions that prevail (if there be a contrari.ety of opinion) as to the course proper for me to pursue, the decision of that question might be left to myself. I am e::cactl.y of his opinion. (Loud and continued applause, conclu.ded by three regular cheers.) I am quite of opinion that on a question touching my own honor and character, as I am to bear the consequences of the decision, I had a great deal better be trusted t:o mal«:.e it. (Cheers.) No man feels more h:i.ghly the advantage of the advice of friends than I do; but on a question delicate and important like that, I like to choose myself the friends who to give me advice; and upon this sub_ject, gen- tlemen, I shall leave you enlightened as I found you. I give no pledges, I rnalaze no :i1"1t;.i1na1:.ions, one “way or the other; and I will be free, when thzis day closes, to act as duty calls, I was when the d.aWri of tliris day (ltlere Mr.W. was interrupted by trernendous applause, ending with three times three cheers. "When silence was restored he continued :) There is a delicacy in the case, because there is always del.i- cacy and regretfvvhen one feels obliged to differ from his friends; but there is no embarrassment. There is no embarrassment, be- cause if I see the path of duty bpfo1'e me, I have that within me which will enable me to pursue it, and throw all embarrassment to the winds. (Renewed cheering.) A public man has no oc- casion to be embarrassed, if he is honest. Himself and his feel- ings should be to him as nobody and as nothing; the interest of his country must be to him as every thing; (cheers ;) he must sink. What is personal to himself, malszing exertions for his coun- try; and it is his ability and readiness to do this, which is to mark him as a great or as a little man in time to come. ( Cheers.) There were many persons in September, 1841, who found great fault with my remaining in the President’s Cabinet. if You 16 knovv, gentlemen, that twenty years of honest, and not altogether undistinguished service in the Whi.g cause, did not save me from an outpouring of Wrath, which seldom proceeds from Wliig pens and’ Whig tongu.es against any body. I am, gentlemen, a little hard to coax, but as to being driven, that is out of the question. (Laughtein) I chose to trust my own judgment, and thinking I was in a post where I was in the service of the country, and could do it good, I staid there. (Cheers) ) And I leave it to you to-day to say, I leave it to my country to say, Whether the country would have been better oifl’ if I had left also. (Renewed cheer- ing.) I have no attachrnent to office. I have tasted of its sweets, but I have tasted of its bitterness. I am content with what I have achieved; I am more ready to rest satisfied with what is gained, than to run the risk: of doubtful efforts for new acqui.si- tion. (Cheers) I I suppose I ought to pause here. (Cries of “ go on.”) I ought, perhaps, to allude to nothing more, and I will not allude to any thing further than it may be supposed to concern Jnyself, directly or by implication. Gentlemen, and Mr. Mayor, a most respectable convention of ‘Whig delegates met in this place a few days since, and passed very important resoluti.ons. There is no set of gentlemen in the coinrnonwealtli, so far I knovv them, who have more of any respect and regard. They are Wliigs, but they are no better Wliigs than I am. They have served the country in the Whig ranks, —---- so l:1ave I, quite as long as most of them, perhaps with less ability and success. 'I‘heir resolutions on political subjects, as representing the Wl:;1i.gs of the State, are entitled to respect, so far as they were authorized to e:x:p1'ess opinion on those subjects, and no 1’:'u.rt.her. They were sent hither, as I supposed, to agree upon candidates for the oflices of Governor and Lieutenant Governor for the sup- port of the Wliigs of Massachusetts; and if they had any an» .thority to speak in the name of the Wli.igs of l\/Iassachusetts to any other purport or intent, I have not been informed of it. I feel very little disturbed by any of those proceedings, of what- ever nature; but some of them appear to me to have been in- considerate hasty, and their point and bearing can hardly be mistaken. I notice among others, a declaration made in be-- I 1'7 half of all the Whigs of this commonwealth, of “ a full and final separation from the President of the United States.” If those gentlemen saw fit to express their own sentiments to that extent, there was no objection. Whigs speak their sentiments every where; but whether they may assume a privilege to speak for others on a point on which those others have not given them au- thority, is another question. I am a Whig, I always have been a Whig, and I always will be one; (tremendous cheering ;) and if there are any who would turn me out of the pale of that com- munion, let them see who will get out first. (Laughter and cheers.) I am a Massachusetts Wlt1.i.g, a Faneuil Hall Wltig, (renewed cheering,) having breathed this air for five and twenty years, and meaning to breathe it, as long as God spares my life. I am ready to submit to all decisions of “Whig Conventions on subjects on which they are au1.hori7.ecl to rn.ake deci_sions; I know that great party good and great: public good can only be so ob- tained. But it quite another question whether a set of gentle- men, however res_pecta'bl.e they may be as :ind;iviclut:tls, shall have the power to bind me on matters which I have not agreed to sub- mit to their decision at all. “A full and final separat:ion” is declared between the Whig party of lV.[assachuse1:1:s and the I€’res:ide11t:. 'I‘hat is the text:-m it requires a commentary. What does it mean? The Presi- dent of the United States has three years of his term of oflice yet unexpired. Does this declaration mean then, that during those three years all the measures of his administration are to be opposed by the great body of the Whig party of Massacliusetts, whether they are right or wron,g’.? There are great public inter- ests which require his attention. If the “President of" the United States should attempt, by negotiation, or by earnest and serious application to Congress, to make some change in the present arrangements, such as should be of service to those interests of navigation which are ‘ concerned in the colonial trade, are the Whigs of Massachu- setts to give him neither aid nor succor? (Cries of No! No 1) If the President of the United States shall direct the proper department to review the whole commercial policy of the United States, in respect of reciprocity in the indirect trade, to which so 18 much of our tonnage is now sacrificed,----if the amendment of this policy shall be undertaken by him,--—--is there such a I separation between him and the Whigs of Massachusetts as shall lead them and their representatives to oppose it? (No! No!) Do you know (there are gentlemen now here who do know) that a large proportion—--- I rather think that more than one half -—--— of the carrying trade between the empire of Brazil and the United States, is enjoyed by tonnage from the north of Europe, in consequence of this ill-considered principle with regard to reciprocity. You might just as well admit them into the coasting trade. By this arrangement, we take the bread out of our children’s mouths and give it to strangers. I appeal to you, Sir, (turning to Captain Benjamin Rich, who sat by him ;) is not this true? (Mr. Rich at once replied, True!) (Mr. Webster continued.) Is every measure of this sort, for the relief of such abuses, to be rejected? Are we to suffer our- selves to remain inactive under every grievance of this kind, until these three years shall expire, and through as many more as shall pass until Providence shall bless us with more power of doing good than we have now? Again: there are now in this State, persons employed under government, allowed to be pretty good Whigs, still holding their oifices: Collectors, District Attorneys, Post Masters, Marshals. Whatgis to become of them in this separation? Which side are they to fall? (Laughter) Are they to resign? or is this resolution to be held up to government as an invitation or a provocation to turn them out? Our distinguished fellow-citizen, who, with so much credit to himself and to his country, represents our government in England,-—-«is he expected to come home, on this separation, and yield his place to his predecessor, or to somebody else? And in regard to the individual who addresses you-st-what do his brother Whigs mean to do with him? Where do they mean to place me? (Laughter.) Generally, when a divorce takes place, the parties divide their children. I am anxious to know, where, in the case of‘ this divorce, I shall fall. 7 (Laughter.) This declaration denounces a full and final steparation between the Whigs of Massachusetts and the Presi-- dent. If I cheese to remain in the Presidentirsr counsels, do 19 these gentlemen mean to say that I cease to be a Massachusetts Whig? I am quite ready to put that questi.on to the people of Massachusetts. ' I would not treat this matter too lightly, nor yet too seriously. I know very well that, when public bodies get together, resolu- tions can never be considered with any degree of deliberation. ‘They are passed as they are presented. Who the honorable gentlemen were, who drew this resolution, I do not know. I suspect that they had not much meaning in it, and that they have not very clearly defined what little meaning they had. They were angry; they were 1'eser1t'ful; they had drawn up a string of charges aga:inst the President, --—-~ a bill of‘ indictment, as it were,---and, to close the whole, they introduced this dec- laration about “a full and final separation.” I could not read this, of course, wi.thout perceiving that it had an intentional or unintentional bearing on my position; and therefore it was proper for me to allude to it here. I Gentlemen, there are some topics on which it has been my fortune to differ from my old friends. They may be right on these topics; very probably they are; but I am sure I am right in maintaining my opinions, such as they are, when I have formed them honestly and on deliberation. There seems to me to be a disposition to postpone all attempts to do good to the country to some future and uncertain day. Yet there is a Whig majority in each house of Congress, and I am of opinion that the time is now to accomplish whatyet remains to be accomplished. (Applause) Some gentlemen are for suffering the present Congress to expire; another Congress to be chosen, and to expire also; a third Congress to be chosen, and then, if there shall be a Whig majority in both branches, and a Whig President, they propose to take up highly important and pressing subjects. I These are persons, gentlemen, of more sanguine temperament than myself. “Confidence,” says Lord Chatham, “ is a plant of slow growth in an oldpbosom.” He referred to confidence in men, but the remark is as true of confidence in predictions of future occurrences. Many Whigs see before us a prospect of more power, and a better chance to serve the country, than I 20 we now possess. Far along in the horizon, they discern mild skies and halcyon seas, vvhile fogs and darkness and mists blind other sons of humanity from beholding all this bright vision. It was not so that tvve accomplished our last great victory, by simply brooding over a glorious Whig future. We succeeded in 1840, but not without an effort; and Irknovv that nothing but union»--— cordial, sympathetic, fraternal union -—-- can prevent the party that achieved that success from renewed pros- tration. It is not,-—---I would say it in the presence of the world,---it is not by premature and partial, by proscriptive and denunciatory proceedings, that this great Whig family can ever be kept together, or that Whig counsels can maintain their ascendancy. This is perfectly plain and obvious. It was a party from the first, made up of diflierent opinions and principles, of gentlemen of every political complexion, uniting to make a 1 change in the administration. There were men of strong state rights principles; men of strong federal principles; men of’ ex- treme tariff, and men of extreme anti-tariff, notions. What could be expected of such a party, unless animated by a spirit of con- ciliation and harmony, of union and sympathy? Its true policy was, from the first, and must be, unless it meditates its own I destruction, to heal, and not to widen, the breaches that existed I in its ranks. It consented to become united in order to save the country from a continuation of a ruinous course of meas- ures. And the lesson taught by the Whole history of the revo- lution of 1840 is, the momentous value of conciliation, friend- ship, sympathy, and union. Gentlemen, if I understand the matter, there were four or five great objects in that revolution. And in the first place, one great object was that of attempting to secure permanent peace between this country and England. For although, as I have said, We were not actually at War, We were subjected to per- petual agitations, which disturb the interests of the country almost as much as war. They break in upon men’s pursuits, and render them incapable of calculating or judging of their chances of success in any proposed line or course of business. A settled peace was one of the objects of that revolution. I am glad if you think this is accomplished. 21 The next object of that revolution was an increase of revenue. It was notorious that, for the several last years, the expenditures for the administration of government had exceeded the receipts; in other words, government had been running in debt, and in the mean time, the operation of the compromise act was still further and faster diminishing the revenue itself; A sound revenue was one of those objects; and that it l1as been accon1- plished, our thanks and praise are due to the Congress that has just adjourned. (Applause) A third object was protection——-protection incidental to reve- nue, or consequent upon revenue. Now as to that, gentlemen, much has been done, and I hope it will be found that enough has been done. And for this, too, all the VVl1i.gS who supported that measure in Congress are entitttled. to high praise; they re- ceive mine, and I hope they do yours; it right that they should. But let us be just. The French rl1et:o1'icia1‘rs have a maxim that there i.s nothing beautiful that is not true: I am afraid that some of ou.r jubil2;1nt oratory would hardly stand the test of this canon of cr;i1:;icisrn. It is not true that a majority, composed of ‘Whigs, could be found, in either House, in favor of the Tariff Bill. lV.[ore than thirty ‘Whigs, many of them gentlemen of‘ lead and influence, voted against the law, from beginning to end, on all questions, direct and indirect; and it is not pleasantto consider What would have been the state of the country, the Treasury, and the Governmerrt itself, at this moment, if the law actually passed, for revenue and for protection, had de- pended on Whig votes alone. After all, it passed the House of Representatives by a single vote; and there is a good deal of eclctt about that single vote. But did not every gentleman who voted for it take the responsibility and deserve the honor of i that single vote? Several gentlemen in the opposition thus befriended the bill; thus did our neighbor from the Middlesex district of this State, (Mr. Parmenter,) voting for the Tariff out and out as steadily as did my honored friend, the member from; this city. We hear nothing of his “coming to the rescue,” and yet he had that one vote, and held the tariff in his hand as absolutely as if he had had a Presidential veto! And how was it in the Senate? It passed by one vote again there, and could not have 22 passed at all, without the assistance of the two senators from Penrisylvania, of Mr. Wflliains of Maine, and Mr. Wright of New York. Let us then admit the truth, (and a lawyer may do that when it helps his case,) (laughter,) that it was necessary that a large portion of the other party should come to the assist»- ance of the Whigs, to enable them to carry the tariff, and that if this assistance had not been rendered, the tariff must have failed. And this is a very important truth for New England. Her children, looking to their manufactures and industry for their livelihood, must rejoice to find the tariff, so necessary to these, no party question. Can they desire, can they wish, that such a great object as the protection of industry should become a party object, rising with party, and, With the failure of the party that supported it, going to the grave? (Cries of No! No I) This is a national, a public question. The tariff ought to be, inwrought in the sentiments of all parties; and although I hope that the preeminence of Wliig principles may be eternal, I Wish to take bond and security, that We may make the protection of doinestic industry more durable even than Wl1l.g supremacy. ( Cheers.) Let us be true in another respect. This tarifl" has accom- plished much, and is an honor to the men who passed it. But, in regard to protection, it has only restored the country to the state in which it was before the coinpromiise act, and from which it fell under the operation of that act. It has repaired the consequences of that mectsure, and it has done no more. I may speak of the compromise act. My turn has come now. (Laughter) No measure ever passed Congress during my con- nection With that body that caused me so much grief and mor- tification. It was passed by a few friends joining the whole host of the enemy. I have heard much of the motives of that act. ’l‘he personal motives of those that passed the act were, I doubt not, pure and all public men are supposed to act from pure motives. (Iiaugl1ter.) But if by imotives are meant the objects proposed by the act itself, and expressed in it, then I say, if those be the motives alluded to, they are Worse than the act itself. The principle was bad, the measure was bad, the conse- 23 quences were bad. Every circumstance, as well as every line of the act itself, shows that the design wasto impose upon legisla- tion a restraint that the constitution had not imposed; to insert in the constitution a new prohibitory clause, providing that, after the year 1842, no revenue should be collected except according to an absurd horizontal system, and none exceeding twenty per cent. It was then pressed through under the great eniergency of the public necessities. But I may now recur to what I then said, namely, that its principle was false and dangerous, and that, when its time came, it would rack and convulse our sys- r tem. I said we should not get rid of it without throes and spasms. I Has not this been as predicted? We have felt the spasms and throes of this co1rv11l.s;ier1.; but we have at last gone through them, and begin to breat.l1e again. It is something, that that act is at last got rid of ; and the present tariff is deserving in this, that it specific and discriminatin.g, that it holds to common sense, and rejects and dis .-ards the principles of the compromise act, I hope, for ever. (C3l.iet::rs.) Another great; and principal object of the revolution of 1840, was a restoration of the currcznczy. Our troubles did not begin with want of money in the treasury, or under the sapping and mining opera1;:io11 of the cornprorn.ise act. They are of earlier date. The trotible and distress of the country began with the cm~rcatcg/ in 1833, and broke out with new severity in 1837. Other causes of difficulty have since arisen, but the first great shock, was a shock on the currency; and from the effect of this the country is not yet. relieved. I hope the late act may yield competent revenue, and am sure it will do much for protection. But until you provide a better currency, so that you may have a universal one, of equal and general value throughout the land, I am hard to be persuaded that we shall see the day of our former prosperity. Currency, accredited currency, and easy and cheap internal exchanges-—--until these things be obtained, de- pend upon it, the country will find no adequate relief. And now, fellow citizens, I will say a word or two on the his- tory of the transactions on this subject. At the special session of Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Ewing, arranged a 24 plan for a national bank. That plan was founded upon the idea of a large capital, furnished mainly by private subscriptions, and included branches for local discounts. I need not advert, gentle- men, to the circurnstances under which this scheme was drawn up, and received, as it did, the approbation of the President and Cabinet, as the best thing that cou.ld be done. I need not re» mind you that he had been called to the head of the government, whom we had all agreed shoul.d hold the second place in it. I need not say that he held opinions wholly d;i:{'l'e1*er11: from mine on tl1ese subjects which now came before us. But those opinions were fixed, and therefore it tl1ot1.gl‘1t the part of wisdom and prudence not to see how strong a might be made agai.nst the President, but to get alorig as well as we inright. VVith such views, Mr. Ewing presented his plan to Corigress. As most persons will remember, the clause altlotvitritg the bank to establish branches, provided that those branclies 1n;igl.i.1; be placed in any State which should give its consent. I have no idea that there is any necessity for such a restriction. I believe Congress has the power to establish the branches without as well. as with the consent of the States. But that clause, at most, was theoretical. I never could find any body who could sh.ow any practical rnis-— chief resulting from it. Its opponents I went upon the theory, which I do not exactly accord wi.th, that in any case, an omits- sion to exercise a power, amounts to a surrender of tl'1,at p(.T)\V(31‘. At any rate, it was the best thing that could be done; and its re»- jection was the co1nrnencernen.1: of the disastrous di.ssens;i.ons be- tween the President and C7o1'1gress. I G-entlernen, it was excceedirnglty doubtful at the tthne when that plan was prepared, whether the capital woul.d be subscribed. But we did what we could about it. We asked the opriniorn of the leading merchants of the principal co1n1ne1'cial cities. They were invited to VVashington to confer with us. They expressed doubts whether the bank could be put into operation, but they expressed hopes also, and they pledged themselves to do the best they could to advance it. I And as the cornrnercial interests were i.n its favor, as the adrninistration was new and fresh and popu- lar, and the people were desirous to have something done, a great earnestness was felt that that bill should be tried. 25 It was sent to the Senate at the Senate’s request, and by the Senate it wasrejected. Another bill was reported in the Senate, without the provision requiring the consent of the States to branches,-—--was discussed for six weeks or two months, and then could not pass even a VVhig Senate. Here was the origin of distrust, disunion, and resentment. I will not pursue the unhappy narrative of the latter part of the session of 1841. lV.[en had begun to grow excited and angry and resentful. I expressed the opinion, at an early period, to all tho_se to whom I was entitled to speak, that it would be a great deal better to forbear further action at present;--— that opinion as expressed to the two Whig Senators from Massachusetts is be- fore the public. I wished Congress to give time for consultation to take place, for harmony to be restored; because I looked for no good, but to the united and harmonious action of all the branches of the Wliig government. I suppose that counsel was not good, certainly it was not followed. I need not add the comment. , V This brings us, as far as concerns the questions of currency, to the last session of Congress. Early in that session the Sec» retary of the Treasury sent in a plan of an exchequer. It met with little favor in either House, and therefore it is necessary for me, gentlemen, lest the whole burden fall on others, to say that it met my hearty, sincere, and entire approbation. ( Cheers.) Gentlemen, I hope that I have not manifested through my public life a very overweening confidence in my own judgment, or a. very unreasonable unwillingness to accept the views of others. But there are some subjects on which I feel entitled to pay some respect to my own opinion. The subject of currency, gentlemen, has been the study of my life. Thirty years ago, a little before my entrance into the councils of the Government, the questions connected with a mixed currency, involvingthe proper relation ‘of paper to specie, and the proper means of restricting an exces- sive issue of paper, came to be discussedby the most acute and , well disciplined understandings in England in Parliament. At that time, during the suspension of specie payments by the bank, when paper was fifteen per cent. below par, Mr. Vansittart had presented his celebrated resolution declaring, that a bank note . 4 I s , 26 was still worth the value expressed on its face----that the bank note ‘had not depreciated, but that the price of bullion had risen. Lord Liverpool and Lord Castlereagh espoused this view, as we know, and it was opposed by the close reasoning of I~Iuskisson, the powerful logic of Homer, and the practical common sense of Alexander Baring, now Lord Ashburton. ( Applause.) The study of those debates made me a bullionist. They convinced me that paper could not circulate safely in any country, any lon- ger than it was immediatel.y redeemable at the place of its issue. Coming into Congress the verynext year, or the next but one after, and finding the finances of the country in a most deplora- ble condition, I then and ever after bestowed myself, in p.rei"er-- ence to all other public topics, to the consideration of the questions relating to them. I believe I have read every thing of value that has been published since on those questions, on either side of the Atlantic. I have studied by close observation, the laws of paper currency as they have exhibited themselves in this and in other countries, from 1911 down to the present time. I have expressed my opinions at various times in Congress, and some of the predictions which I have made have not been alto- gether falsified by subsequent events. I must therefore be permitted, gentlemen, without yielding to any flippant paragraph of a newspaper, or to the hasty ebullitions of debate in a public assembly, to say, that I believe the plan for an Exchequer as pre-- sented to Congress at its last session, is the best‘ measure---—--they only measure for the adoption of Congress and the trial of the people. I am ready to stake my reputation upon it, and that is all that I have to stake. I am ready to stake my reputation, that if this Whig Congress will take that measure and giveit a fair trial, within three years it will be admitted by the whole Ameri- can people to be the most beneficial measure of any sort ever ‘adopted in this country, the Constitution only excepted. (Cheers.) I mean that they should take it as it was when it came from the Cabinet, not as it looked when the Committees‘ of Congress had laid their hands upon it. ( Laughter.) For when the Commit- tees of Congress had struck out the proviso respecting exchange, it was not worth a rush; it was not worth the parchment it would be engrossed upon. I The great desire of this country is a general 27 currency, a facility of exchange; a currency which shall be the same for you and for the people of Alabama, and Louisiana; and a system of exchange which shall equalize credit between them and you, with the rapidity and facility wit.h which steam conveys men and merchandise. That is what the country wants, what you want, and you have not got it. You have not got it, you cannot get it, but by some adequate provision of government. Exchange, ready exchange that will enable a man to turn his New Orleans means into money to- day, as we have had in better times -- millions a year exchanged, at only three quarters of one per cent., iswliat is wanted. How are we to obtain this? A Bank of the United States founded on a private subscription is out of the question. That: is an ob- solete idea. The country and the condition of things have changed. Suppose that a bank were chartered with a capital of fifty millions, to be raised by private subscription. Would it not be out of all possibility to find the money? Who would sub- scribe? What would you get for sliares ? And as for the local discount, do you wish it? Do you, in State street, wish that the nation should send rnillions of u11T.‘£;LX€Cl banking capital hither to increase your discounts? \Vhat then shall we do? People who are waiting for power tofmake a Bank of the United States, may as well postpone all attempts to benefit the country to the incoming of the Jews. ( Laughter.) What then “shall we do? Let us turn to this plan of the Exchequer, brought forward last year. It was assailed from all quarters. One gentleman did say, I believe, that by some possibility, some good might come out of it, (1aughter,) but in general, it met with a diifereiit opposition from every different class. Some said it would be a perfectly lifeless machine,-- that it was no system at all,--—~that it would do nothing, for good or evil; others thought that it had a great deal too much vitality, admitting that it would answer the purpose perfectly well for which it was designed, but fearing that it would in- crease the executive power: thus making it at once King Log and King Serpent. One party called it a ridiculous imbecility; the other, a dangerous giant, that might subvert the constitution. These varied arguments, contradicting, if not refuting one 28 another, convinced me of one thing at least,-----that the bill would not be adopted, nor even temperately and candidly con- sidered. And it was not. In a manner quite unusual, it was discussed, assailed, denounced, before it was allowed to take the course of reference and examination. It is extraordinary, what difliculties we meet in carrying out our system of con- stitutional government. The constitution was intended as an instrument of great political good; but we Wsometirnes so dis- pute its meaning, that we cannot use it at all. One man will not have a bank, without the power of local discount, against the consent of the States; for that, he insists, would break the 5 constitution. Another will not have a bank with such a power, because he thinks that would break the constitution. A third will not have an exchequer, with authority to deal in exchanges, because that would increase executive influence, and so might break. the constitution. y And between them all, we are ];_i_ke the boatman who, in the midst of rocks and currents and whirl- pools, will not pull one stroke for safety, lest he break his ear. Are we now looking for the time when we ean_ charter United States bank, with a large private subscription’? Wlierr will that be? When confidence is restored. Are we, then, to do nothing to save the vessel from sinking, till the chances of the winds and waves have landed us on the shore? Ile more sanguine than I am, who thinks that the t:i.rr1e will soon come when the VVhigs have more power to work eHectu.al.ly for the good of the country than they now have. The voice of patriot- ism calls upon them not to postpone, but to act at this moment, at the very next session; to make the best of their rnearis, and to try. ( Cheers.) You say that the admiriistration is responsi- ble; why not then try the plan it has recommended. If it fails, let the President bear the responsibility. If you will not try this plan, why not propose something else? Gentlemen, inspeaking of events that have happened, I ought to say, and will, since I“ am making a full and free com- munication, (eheers,) that there is no one of my age, and I am no longer very young, who has written or spoken more a.ga.:in~st the abuse and indiscreet use of the veto power, than I have. U( Cheers.) And there is no one whose opinions upon this sub- 29 ject are more unchanged. (Renewed cheering.) I presume it is universally known, that I have advised against the use of the veto power on every occasion when it has been used since I have been in the Cabinet. (Tremendous cheering.) But I am, nev- ertheless, not willing to join those who seem more desirous to make out a case against the President, than of serving their country, to the extent of their ability, vetoes notwithstanding. ( Cheers.) Indeed, at the close of the extra session, the received doctrine of many, for a time, seemed to be, that theywould un— dertake nothing until they could amend the constitution so as to do away with this power. This was a mere mockery. If we were now reforming the constitution, we might wish for some, I do not sayywhat, guards and restraiints u.pon this power, more than the constitution at present contains; but no convention would recommend striking it out altogether. Have not the people of New York lately amended their constitution, so as to require, in certain legislat;i.ve action, votes of two thirds? and is not this same .restri,ct;i.on in daily in the national House of Represen.ta.t:titves itsel.t', in the case of suspensi.on of the rules? This const:itut:i.(:)1"1al. power, therefore, is no greater a restraint than this body imposes on i.tsell'. But it utterly hopeless to look for such an arnenclment; who expectzs to live to see its day? And to give up all practical efl’o1‘ts, and to go on with a general idea that th.e constit:u1::i.on must be arnended before any thing can be done, was, I will not say l.l,'.'l,fl.l..I’lg, but treating the great neces- sities oi' the people as of quite too little importance. This Congress accompl:islred, in this regard, notlnng for the people.) The exchequer plan which was submiitted to it, will accomplish some of the objects of the people, and especially the "Whig people. I am confident of it; I know it. (Cheers) Wherr a mechanic makes a tool, an axe, a saw, or a plane, and knows that the temper is good, and the parts are well proportioned, he knows that it will answer its purpose. And, I know that ~ this plan will answer its purpose. (Cheers.) . There are other objects which ought not to be neglected, among which is one of such importance that I will not now pass it by----I mean the mortifying state of the public credit of this country at this time. I I cannot help thinking, that if the 30 statesmen of a former age were among us,----if VVashington were here,----if John Adams, and Hamilton, and lVlad.ison, were here,———they would be deeply concerned, and soberly thoughtful, about tl1e present state of the public credit of the country. In the position I fill, it becomes my duty to read, generally with pleasure, but sometimes with pain, co1nmu11i.cz:» tions from our public agents abroad. It is distressing to hear them speak of Z/Lair distress at What they see and hear of the scorn and contumely with which the American character and American credit are treated abroad. VVhy, at this very tirne, We have a loan in the market, Which, at the present rate of money and credit, ought to command in Europe one liuridrcd and twenty-five per cent. Can We sell a dollar of it? And how is it with the credit: of our own commonwealth? I)oesit1“1o1; find itself affected in its credit by the general state of the credit of the country? Is there nobody ready to make a moven1e:nt in this matter? is there not a man in our councils large enougli, comprehensive enough. in his views, to u.nde1'take at least to present this case before the Arnerican people, and thus do some- thing to restore the public character for morals and honesty? There are in the country some rnen, wlio are ind,:iscreet enough to tall: of re_792rd*i(r.t’£0-7z,-~to advise 1;li1c_i.r i'lell,c>w—ci.t.iizens to repudiate public debt. Does repudiation pay a c:l.e’l;'>t? Docs i.t discharge the debtor? Can it so modii'y a del{i>t that it shall not be always binding, in law as well. as :in Intorals? No, gentlemen; repud:ia1;ion does nothing but add. a sort ol"(il:i.srepu.1:e to aclmowledgecl inability. It is our duty, so ‘far as in our power, to rouse the public feeling on the subject; to maintai.n and assert the universal principles of law and justice, and the importance of preserving public faith and credit. People say that the intelligent capitalists of Europe ouglitz to distinguish between the United States government and the State govern- ments. So they ought; but, gentlemen, What does all this amount to? Does not the general government comprise the same people who make up the State governments? May not these Europeans ask us how long it may be before the national councils will repudiate public obligations? The doctrine of repudiation has inflicted upon us a stain 31 which we ought to feel worse than a wound; and the time has come when every man ought to address himself soberly and seriously to the correcti.on of this great existing evil. I do not undertake to say What the constitution allows Congress to do in the premises. I vvill only say, that if that great fund of the public domain be, properly and in equity, beloriging, as is maintained, to the States themselves, there are some means, by regular and constitutional laws, to enable and induce the States to save their own credit and the credit of the country. Gentlemen, I have detained you much too lone‘. I have wished to say that, in my ijudginent, there remain certain :i.rn_portant objects to eiigage our public and private attention, in the national affairs of the country. These are, the settlement of the re11iai.11i.ng questions between ourselves and England; the great questions relating to the reciprocity principle; those relating“ to colonial trade; the most al)sorbi.i1g questions of the currency,and those 1'elati11g to the meat subject of the restitu- tion of the national character and the public faith; these are all ob_"jects 1:o vvhicli I am willing to devote myself, both i.n public and in private life. I do not expect that much of public service 1'e1.'nai:r1.s to be done by me; but I am ready, for the pr<:>motion of objects, to act with sober men of any party, and of all parties. I am ready to act with men who are free from that great. danger that surrounds all men of all parties, ~- the danger that patriotism itself, warmed and heated in party CO1”1l€3E3tS,f\Vill run into partisanship. (Cheers.) I believe that, among the sober men of this country, there is a growing desire for more moderation of party feeling, (cheers,) more predomi- nance of purely public consideration.s, more honest and general union of vvell-meaning men of all sides to uphold the institu- tions of the country and carry them forward. (Cheers) In the pursuit of these objects, in public life or in a private station, I am willing to perform the part assigned to me, and to give them, with hearty good-vvill and zealous effort, all that may remain to me of strength and life. Digitization information for the Daniel Webster Pamphlet Project University Libraries University of Missouri——Columbia Local identifier web000 Digitization work performed by the University of Missouri Library Systems Office Capture information Date captured Scanner manufacturer Scanner model Optical resolution Color settings File types Source information Format Content type Derivatives — Access copy Compression Editing software Editing characteristics Resolution Color File types Notes 2004-2005 Minolta PS7000 600 dpi Unknown tiff Pamphlets Text with some images Uncompressed Adobe Photoshop 600 dpi Bitonal; images grayscale tiff Pages cropped and brightened Blank pages removed Property marks removed