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DELIVERED AT WALLINGFORD,
JUGUST am. 1.30;. e
in Co1nme;;1oration of theIi~rDEPENDE4NcE of the
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AN

ORATION

ll‘!I¢Il‘A|«t|*I0(@®w’N’N’ll,Il’II’|I

Farrow Czsrrzmvs,

W E are this day affembled to commemorate the Independence of“

the United States. The fentiments and feelings which the recolleétion of that
event infpires, are at all times prefent to the heart of the real patriot. It is
hoped therefore, that no charge of impropriety will attach to the circumitance
of fubftituting this for the anniverfary day of American Independence ; efpeci-
ally when it is coniidered that, a faithful and proper attention to the urgent
bufinefs of that feafon of the year rendered a poltponement prudent and necefl
fary. May that day ever remain dear to the hearts of freemen ! While ty-
rants read the glorious tranfaftions which will give immortality to the 4th of
July 1776, and appalled remember that men are equal; may we and our
pofterity to the end of time celebrate its return with joy and gratitude. l
Delightful would be the tail: to recount the circumllances which attended the
commencement, progrefs and conclufion of that great event; with fond re»-
mernbrance and mingled anxiety, to trace the viciflitudes of war ; to celebrate
the bravery of the foldier, the triumphs of viétory; and to weep over the dy-
ing hero who fell in {'0 juit a caufe. Honorable to ourfelveswould it be, and
jultice to the belt feelings of our hearts, to eulogize the memory of thofe illui‘...

 

trious men who in the council and in the field, atchieved and fecured our inde-I

pendence.

But, my fellow citizens, it is not the part of wifdom to indulge fentiments
like thefe, however commendable, at the hazard of loiing that blefiing which
is to us ineilimable. '1"he glorious exertions of our forefathers have left to us

the fruits of their labor, our freedom and independence. That thefe be prefervn .

ed and tranfmitted to our polierity, is a facred tr-nit of the mail important
nature, for the rdifclinrge of which we are refponfible. Let us :then withggrau
titude aclznowledge the goodnefs of Divine Providence, under whofe wife fun
perintendance this great event was eiieéted. Let us recall to mind the heroes

and ltatefmen, whofe bravery and patriotifrn contributed to its accompliifha at

ment. Let us pay to their memory and their virtues the moi’: refpecftful and

acceptable tribute, by cultivating a love of the principlesby which they were u

animated, and by ailiduoully i’criVi1“1g- to preferve the bleflings which they won.
‘With thcfe fentiments impreiied on our minds, let us with vigilance and fidel-

t , ity liften to the voice of reafon and experience. Let us fearch theilhiilzory of

former ages, and we fhall learn that the freedom and independence ofnations,

like every tliirrg human, is mortal ; that the time will ‘come: wlien  free in- p

‘ habitants of’ this happy land ihall bow beneaththe iron yoke of tyranny when l 

the glorious anniverfary of our independence {hall be no longer at pperied
of joy and thankfgiving ; and fhall be only remembered with forrowglwhen
the events of the revolution, the blefiingsof freedom, and our boaited ,coniii»-

i tution ofgovernment {hall be forgotten, or only remembererdi to add to itheir i

n [----4»--—]“

mifery, by the central’: of their unhappy condition with thefe happy days.---.
3?’ it said that although Greece, and Rome, and Carthage, and all the republics.
stviantiquity loft their liberties; and although Switzerland, Holland, the re-

publics of Italy, and indeed of all Europe, in later times fhared the fame, .

fate; yet American liberties will be preferved, becfitufe the ftate of the repub-

l lies, of fociety and. of men iniancyienti and m,odern,times.were diflimilar?

Important differences may be difcovered between the ancients and moderns,
which would have influence -upon the permanency of their civil lI'lli‘.lt1ltlO1'1S.---»
The Greel;:s,_ the Romans, the Carthagenians, and the ancient Germans, at
the adoption of republican governmentsfiwere in the early Pcages of fociety.—---i
Luxuryi was unknown among them... Avarice had not corrupted the fprings of
action, ; and the love of their country was the ruling pafiion. Theprogrefs.

of tliat Pcate of manners vv*hic:,h_ in modern times is called refinement was flow ;_
‘hence the duration oftliofe republics greatly exceededvthofe which have fince

exilized. But when their territory became extended, when by improvement
in the arts they became acquainted with the luxuries of life, and the value of
money as a mean of" fupplying thofe luxuries, and procuring for them ref-'
ggeét and power‘; vicesrrufhed in upon them like a torrent ; their fimplicity of
1fna1111ers,_ their love of country, and their liberties,‘ were {wept away. Had
not the fimplicity of manners, and the patriotifm of the Swilh been overpow-

eredby the love of money, they might yet liave remained freye: Thelibertiee _

of Holland. were facrificed at the fame lhrine ; and the luxurious and etlemine

‘ate Italians fold for a price their independence vvhich they liadnot courage to r

defend. That thefeeallertions are true, may be found by reading the hiPcory_
of the intrigues of’ France with the venal anddegenerate fonts of all the repub-

i lies, vvhich, {he hasrfubverted‘. That luxury, vice and venality have been uni:
formly fatal to republican governments‘, is clearly proved by hiftory. Is not

the fame pofition equally clear. from teafon E In republican governments the

people govern themfelves, Se long as the happinefs or the people is the ob-.

jeét of the government, lfo, along that government will merit and fecurethe.

loveland fuppolrt ofthetpeople‘. But when the aggrandizernent of the rulers,

becomes the rnpving principle, the true object of govern_rnentis_ notpurfued,
the affeiftions of the people are alienated‘,_ and the government muft fall. In

a the infancy offocietny th_e wants of men are few, confequently the rulers are

Iefs liable, to facrifice. the public good. to private interelt :, Their minds, their
pafiions are fttoiigpand vigorous, and it is their happilnefs, as it is their highelt

‘glory to devote even life itfelfto the good of their country. But when in the-

tiiproigtrefi; of refinement, the minds of" menare, enrervated, by luxury, and their
kipaflions ab.andoned to” vice; when wealth becornes the grand objeét of purfuit,
as necefliiry to fupply their imaginary wants, and to give them that influ-

ence in fociety towhich their virtues. do not intitle them ; the trueyobjeétil oi’)
government is forgotten, public employrnents are eagerly fought for me.

ppurpofe of private emolurnent, and‘ the happinefsi of the people becomes a 123-.

condary conlideratiom , ,
‘Ii’ thefe 'pofitions are correct, is there any di‘:&°e1'e11ee\ between the American

republic, andptheiother republics of which we have been fpealting, vvhich will 
‘ipreferve the former from the common fate? America was fettl_ed~fby,‘erni:,.

granite  nation then at th.ehei"gl:1tof re'fin.ernent anclnational glory. i Her?-

V firlhitihabitants were Ptrongly attachedjtoi religion, virtue was loved and;
 ‘  X As ’h'erpopul‘atio1i encreafed, commerce’ and rrianufaétures opened
V fnevsiffources of pwealtln a “With thefe, luxury and“ vice gradually advanced.-we-A

fllhejilyrevolutionaryiwar intiroducedfnevv ‘vices; and theconfequences of tire,

eliablifhmentiof our ir;ideplendence,, were an le;t,tien‘ded i C;omm.erce,_ and,‘ ham

[j--5--]

encreafe of individual wealth. Hiltory does not afford a parallel inl'i‘an'c‘e~'
wherevvealth, and her conftant attendants, luxury and vice, have encreafed”
with equal rapidity. It may be {aid that the general information which the
art of printing has fo greatly contributed to difl"ul'e,‘ is an auxiliary of repub-
lican governments, which the ancients did not enjoy. The language of the
Greeks and Romans attained a degree of perfeétion which no modern nation.
can boall. And the monuments of Grecian and Roman refinement in poetry‘,
liiftory, eloquence and’ the fine arts, vvhi‘cl'1 have reiiiltedi the force of time, af-
ford models which modern nations are proud to imitate. But were it true
that the people of" the antient republics were lefsenlightened than the rnoderns,
it is not certain that men, are virtuous in proportion to their knowledge, and‘
that they are lefs liable to be influenced by motives of felt interefl, in propor-
tion as their fuperior information enables them to di-fcover and to graityify this
paflion. But however reafon and hiftory may decide upon this interefiling fub-
jyect, yet thefe remarks may by fome he confidered as vifionary. The ardent
patriot with parental anxiety may vvatch his favorite through the operation of
cla1ige1~ous,di‘fe21fe, and rejecting‘ the plainelt evidence, may cherilh the- ground-
lefs hope of recovery, till death removes the illufion. c T hefe fond hopes may
be indicative of real goodnefs of heart; but they betray wealtnefs of judg-
ment, and may if indulged, be the caufe ofthofe evils which we fear. But
fortunately for our country, the operation of the caufes which we have con-
lidered. as l'1avir.g been uniformly fatal to republics. upon our own govern-
rnent has been too vifible to leave room to doubt. The Pcruggle for public
ofrliccs vvith vvhich our country has been agitated during the laft fir years,
has afforded the molt conclufive evidence that private interell, and not the
public good has been the moving principle. The feveral amendments of
the conllitution, dicftated bythe prefent adnrinifl-ration, having for their avowed
object the elevation of one party, and the depreflion of the other, {peak in km.
guage which cannot be rnifund‘erftood'.,

this period dillurbed‘ the regularity, and corrupted the purity of our eleétiens,
tttlhid alarming proo'Fthat our liberties are in danger. But, my fellow-citizens,
why do we leek for evidence of our danger from thefe fources, when a driftin-
guilhcd member of Corigrelis dui-ing; the lalt feflion, in public debate, and in
lf2111g'u$Lg‘&WVhlCl1 would have done honor to a Brutus in the expiringtrnoments.
of Roman liberty‘, dared to charge the majority of the national government
with bribery and corruption, and with facrificing the interelt of the people to

perfonal’ aggratidifemerit. '1"-‘this, charge mzide by the leader of pthofe who.

claim to be the eztclulive friends of the people, againlt his own party, deferves
the feriopus attentionof every free man in America. The recent communica;
tions of another member of the government, who was lately a diliinguiflied

, ornament to his party, lately publiflied, have difclofed fcenes of intrigue,

influence and corruption, which never before dgifgracedithe hillory of a;_
republic, at the early age of lixteen years. i -t i

Mutt we then admit that the independence of our country, and" the fafety of "

our republican form of government, by which that independence is fecured,
are in danger of dellru<.‘.‘ti‘on E‘ Let us politically adopt the language of return-
ingg; v'irtt11e, and let us all unite in the important 6I1C1”L1l1.’y' “ whatfhall we do to
he faved.” In making this enquiry,iI indnlgethe hope that I’ addrefs myfelf
to men vvlio love» truth.‘ I’ know that tyouare ilrongly attached to l the liberty
and independence of your country. I fee many prefent who fought to obtain
them i; and I truth that their children vvhofe early years prevented a participa-
tion, * in the 8-lorious..worl«:,wi1l, unite in the. no lefs important taflc, tl1ei1~vplre-A

The intri ue rnanarrement, hriber 0 en and indireét, which have within ,
E? v r»

r:-~«--6---:1t

fervation. Let us then for a moment forget the prejudices and the fpirit of
pJarty,and with candid and honefl intentions purfue this fubject, which em.
braces the common interefl: of all. Let us fearch for the errors into which we
mayhave fallen; or to which we are liable ; and conficler the meafures pro...
per~ to be purfued, for the prefervation of our independence.

 our government being wholly elective, the ppeopleretain in their own hands

tpower amply fuflicient, if properly exercifed, to controul its operations. To the

people then mufizwe refort to difcover the fources of exifting errors, and by
them mull; the remedy beapplied. Among the caufes which have contributed
to ruin all former republics, an implicit and unfufpecting confidence repofed
by the people in artful and ambitious individuals, holds a confpicuous place--~
men by nature love power and difiinction. In republican governments, this
can be acquired only by the fuifrages of the people. The ambitious man
therefore uniformly makes it his firfi: object to gain their favor. tHe tells them
that all men are equal, and that rulers are the fervants of this people. i This
fpeculatively may be true. But the inference which he draws from it is, that
the rulers‘ are under obligation to ferve and obey the people, while it is op»
tional with the people to obey or difobey the rulers. Are the people Pcrongly

‘p attached to their liberty and their laws? He tells them that their rulers
are traitors, that they are feeking to efizablifh monarchy; and that the laws.

are as arbitrary as the edicts of the Grand Seignor. Have they any foible,
any weak fide? Here he directs‘ all his force; and withal modefcly fuggefis
that fo Pcrong is his love for the people, that he would facrificelevery thing dear
to him,» for their good. This was the language of the demagogues inthe
Grecian republics, and in the Roman republic.

. Thiswas the language of Robefpierre, and fcores of French patriots in our
ownidayg and even imperial Buonapatte in the days of his republicanifm, was
a molt vehement friend of the people. The people more credulous than wife,
believed thefe arch deceivers, gave them power, and fell victims to their ty.

T ranny. This is the uniforrnlanguage of hiftory; and the news-papers of al...

molt every week afford us evidence, thatthe language of royalty is as grateful
to the ear- and the tongue of Napoleon, as of George 3d. t This former friend
of the people, in his imperial edicts, denominates the people of France, whiofe
blind credulity and rnifguided zeal raifed him from obfcurity to a throne, his
people and his fubjects; and their eftates inherited from their anceftors, his
empire, with as much complacency and affurance as the farmer {peaks of his
flock: and his farm. And have not you my fellow-citizens been addrefled with
iimilar language 9 Have you not been told that you were no better than white
flaves is That you have no conftitution E’ Thatpyour clergy, and your law...
y'.ers,.and your aged and experienced rulerswere ariilocrats, and that they
erercifed over you a government as defpotic as that of ‘Turkey? That you
‘were oppreffed with a religious efcablifhment which defiroys liberty of con-
fcience it Have you not been told that the fame men who, at the hazard of eve»-
ry thing dear to them, eltabliihed our independence, with VVa{hingto11 at
their head, were combined with the national reprefentatives in a nefarious. con-
fpiracy, to enflavethe people ; and have not thofe famewatchful guardians
of the people been careful to tell you, that fo ardent was their love of the peo.
ple, that if the reins of government were -tentruflied to them, all thefe evils
~*would be corrected ; all thefe impending dangers would be ytaverted. Thus‘
farlif my. fentiments are correct, have we purfued with great exactnefs the
eourfe of all republics antient and modern. ln thenational, government, the
progrefs has been morerapidpp and the likenefs is {till preferved.   To flatter the
foibles of the people, to cliznpicfe on their credulity, has been found neceflaryp

rl}"**~7--Cl

to fecure that power which tirnilar rneafures had acquired. That this petition;
is correct, fuffer me to fay, what you all know, that the prefent adminiitration
have repealed the internal taxes, the payment of which was felt by the peo.
ple ; while in defiance of pa maxim of the old congrefs that »“ indireét taxa-
tion is the horror of free fi:ates,” which the fame men urged with great zeal
againfc the former adminiitration, they have encreafed the impoiton a «large
portion of imported goods. That after inveighing with great vbitternefs againfl;
executive patronage, andviolating the Conltitution by removal of the Judges,
with the profeiled intention tolop this odious branch of executive power they
eftablifhed in Louifiana a form of government more defpotic than any
fovereign in Afia has ever dared to lfhew his fubjeéts upon paper; and vell-
ed theppowers of that government in the Prefident of a republic. That claim-»
ing the merit ofmore economy than their predeceilbrs, they paiied an Aft
with the impoiing title of an act for the redemption of the Whole public. debt,
by which it ..appears that the rapid exteniion of commerce, and encreafe of
population, if not impeded, will afford a fufiicient encreafe of revenue, is to
difcharge the public debt within a given time. This is neither more nor lets in
fan, than the application of the furplus of revenue over and above payment of
the intereit of the debt and the expences of government to difcharge the prin-
cipal ; and in fubitance the fame thing which had been done many years
before by an act publilhed under a lefs deceptive title.

For itdoes not require great mathematical talents to difcover, that al-
tho’ the fecretary of the treafury has calculated that a certain fum maybe
applied annually to difcharge the principal of the public debt, yet ihould this

revenue be infutlicient to afford that form after payment of the intereft of the

debt, and the expences of government, the deficiency Inuit be drawn from fome
other fource ; or the payment of principal be deferred. That this is the under-
ftanding of the Secretary, may be inferred from the an that he has already
fold the bank flock of the United States, and applied theavails in aid of the
ordinary revenue.

Butmy fellow-citizens, it is lei}; my province to cenfitre than to enquire.
Thefe remarks are made to fupport the pofitiou vvhichl am attempting to
eftabliflt-—--And the view which has been given ofthe progrefs and termination of
republican government in France, is not deiigned to cenfure republican go»-
vernment, but adduced as evidence to thew that the fame caufes which prevail
in it our own country, proved fatal to the French republic.

If then it be true that in all ‘former republics, ‘ambitious men have com-«
menced their career by flattering the foibles of the people and irnpoiing on

their credulity; and terminated it by deftroying their rights, vigilance and,
, difcretion are republican virtues of the tirit importance. Shall we permtv in

the err or which we are attempting to expofe, and believe that our patriots are l
more honeit, fincereand dilintereiied friends of the people, than thofe vvhofe ‘

example they follow? Our own exger*ience though fhort affords inflcruéption.
iwhereiare the men who five years fince were the itrong friends of the people,
andwhofe eyes were blind to their own intereit when the good of the people

i came incornpetition ; who declairned againit the extravagant pprofuiion‘, “and
‘high falaries of your rulers, Landlfilled every village with fcandal and feditioni’
ipThey are ienjojyingothe fruit of their uliefttl labors, and rioting -“on” the falariea of

their predeceilbrs. l And th”eXpeop~le, "vvpherei are they ? Aisiitthieyl were. 

,-~fellovv.c‘i?tizens of Connekfilcicut, if your iituationis indeed as deplorable, and

the gfriendihip of l our former patriots as ardent and iincere“ as you have been

« taughtto believe; why have they pp abandoned you to the encreafecl fury of
prieficraft and oppreiiion. Perhaps they have lef t the people of i this -State to

i:'T""""‘8""""““-:l

‘work out their own political falvatioii. Vifould to heaven this were true!
Then mould we efcape the errors vvhicli have been fatal to all republics ; and
if i virtuous, our -republic would be immortal.

Nearly allied to the error of repoiing implicit confidence in defigning and

?ambitious individuals, and the means by. which it becomes dangerous, is the

giving our fuffrages for them, or by their «direétion. In an eleélive government,
the right of fuffrage is the corner itone. p Thisis the proteétion of the rights
of the people. But it is alfo the avenue through which the governmentmay
-be ail"-ailed and deftroyed. While the people underliand their rights, and, their
interell; ; and give their votes according to their underflanding ; the govern-

Wment will Pcand unihaken. But when an ele<fl:ion,becomes a trial of the

ilrength of parties, and men relinquifh their independence in ‘ the exercife of

the right of fuffrage, to fecure the fuccefs of a favorite candidate; as well

might we trult the faterof our liberties to the iflue of a boxing match, or the
call of a die. In Rome, ambitious men ‘extended the right of fuffrage to

A V men who before did not poflefs this right, and thus fecured their votes,‘ the

confequences were revolutions, violence and confufion. Who without appre-

vheniion can view the management of our own elections? ‘So well my fellow.-

citiaens are we difciplined, that unanimous votes of many thoufands are given
-every yearfor nominations of txrenty different perfons, moi’: of whom. are
unknown to the eleétors. Thefe things come not by chance ; they are the re-

,i*fult of deep delign, Thefe nominations are made by a few individuals, who
a “generally inliert their own names, and impofed upon the peoplepwho vote‘ as

they are direfted, negletfting to ufe their own judgment in {canning the merits
-of the candidates, and forgetting the obligation of their oath. The confe-
quences of this mode of proceeding are, that dangerous and unqualified men

«have an equal -chance to obtain public ollices, becaufe their merits are not ex»-
amiiied by the elecftors»: and a better chance, becaufe men of talents and
rintegrity will not condefcend to the mean and dilhonorable praétices, which

have become neceflary to enfure fuccefs. IF this conducil admits of palliation

or excufe, it can only be where i-t is adopted from neceflity, and as a meafure

of tdeifence againfl: the dangerous attempts and infidious arts of a formidable

'-oppoiition. But letit be remembered that if long perlilted in, it will idefiroy

the purity and independence of ‘ eleétions, introduce deligning and ambitious

pi men to oiiice; ~en_courag_e and continue faélions and party fpirit, and ultimate-
ly prove fatal to liberty.‘   i

Another dangerous error into which we have fallen, is the habit of forming
our opinions of men and meafures, according to the fuppofedpinterelt of the

- party to. which we are attached. Were the interells of the different political

divifions of the people dilliereiit; or were it true that one ‘party is entirely

 right, and the other wholly wrong, this rernarlc would be incorreét. But

as the intereft of the people is the fame ; and as in all other cafes each party may
be partly right and partlywrong-; it becomes theduty of the people to ufe
the reafon with ViJ'l’}.lCi"l_..lZl'l€‘Y23.l"~f3. endowed, in forming correét opinions on thefe

\‘ fubjeéts. _  who illinutsihis eyes againll; the light of truth ;i and he who will
, not open. themyto difcover it, are equally guilty of treafon againft themfelves,

and deferve ' the flavery which their jllupidity will certainly bring upon them.

i , Among thofeiyfubjeftsp up.on_ vvhich. tliispbale and treacherous habit of blindly
i Wfollovviiig a._party,p may be moPc,abu{‘ed, I pwilliafl; your attention only to that

roof rnaterialamendments of the conllitution in iirnpportanit articles.‘ I 111311 inét i

he contend tliat the c_onPtitntion ought in no cafe to bepamended; or that fo
up iperfeél as towexclude the idea  amendment. The articleproviding for

aimenclrn.ents, is: ,aII101'lg tliernoit important. , But the tconftitution was formed

II--9--~II

«I

with great deliberation ; it was adopted by the people after mature refle<Stion;-

it was deiignetl to iiecnrea to ourfelves and to our pollcerity that liberty which
is our birtl,1right, and the price of our blood. It was defigned to protect us
on the one hand from tyranny and oppreilion, by defining the powers of our
rulers; and on the other from nnetrcliy‘ and violence, by invelling them with

fnch powers, as the political higjtppinefs of the people required. It" is according

to the natural courfe of things, that rulers lhould feel»: to exteiitl their power,
and abridge the rights of the people. This can only be done by violating,
or altering the conllitution. The former will only happen in cafes where the

offenlive article ztdrnits of dilferent conllrttctions, and however ingertioullyp
fophillzry may argue, will not often be attempted. This indeed becomes,

tmnecelliery, where the people hztvefallen into the error of which we are foe2tl«:in=:v~.
I I V i o no 0 a ‘L L‘

An ambitions de1nagc>gue, who hasithe 1II1pl.1C1t«aI1d,L1nl‘L1l.p»C€l1l11g.CO1'1l:1Cle11Cl;%

of 2:. pztrty, rmty enhly inclnce men who heme no other rule of action, or

fh-tndnrcl of opinion thztn the fnppofed intereli: of their party, to adopt the

molt imporitant alterations without due zellevftion. With regret we are
compelled to notice the operation of th efe caufes, Vv’l1l£l1l”18.VE already deformed.
the fnirelt production ofhumzm. wifdorn, and in their progrefs, threaten its
dellrnrflion. It is not my province, nor will your patience permit me to
eztetmiiie the merits of the fevernl nlterntions which have been made, or of
thofe which lmvye been propofcd. ’I‘ho£e which are pelt mull: be fnbrnitted to;
tliofe which are future imny be reJ'eI£tecl.i I feel: only to fhew you the danger
:-md llt1pidity,offoreg_.roing; the 1‘ig~11t ofj udgitig for yonrfelves, and fncrificing

"your rights to promote the fnppofed interell of your party. ,For whattny

fellow citizens is this interell; of the petty, which A1-equiresfuch immenfe Iitcri-
fices. It is the interePt of your leectlers, :a. few defigning and ambitious men.
But after all it may be fnid, that thepeople alone are interelled in thefe

thi11gs.; that they underlizamd theirinterell, end will be governed by it. If .
they fzutction an amendment of the conllitntion, that nrnendment is right; if

they elect 21. Inan to office, he is conftitntionzttlly cloe.the.d with power, and it
C:5i.1'mOt be fnppofed they will ll1.p,p01‘t 21, rnnn who will fa.criF1ce their interell.

If men were free from the influence of p;tllir')r1Jn11d prejudice, and acted only .
z=tccortli11g to the ditfih-1tes_o~l'1<e:etfon, the evils of which we he.ve been fpenlzing

would excite no fears. But I need not nttempt to convince you that men in

their private concerns, too often fncrilice their intereli, and theirrhappinefs, V

by noting from the irnpulfe of pnfiion and prejudice, and neglecting the voice
of renfon.. Neither does it require nrgumeitts to prove tlmt when 3.1-nrge body
of people nre engngetl in the fnnie purfuit, the force ‘ofre:rfon is proportionably
w.cnl~:ened, and the llrength ofpnflion and p1“(ijl1CllCe, proportionnbly encrenfed.
It is only gtgziixilt the beneful influence of pnilion and pprejndice, that  feel: to
guard yon. Lill'en to the voice of re;ifo11—--tlcliberétte before you act, and

your liberties will be invulneroble. To rcllore rnento the ‘government of

rextiim, and to enable them to act agreeable to it, correct opinions upon
political fnbjefts are indifpeitfably ncceilin-y. For this pnrpofecorrec’t1nfor..

rnettion mull be obtained. He who diifufes c‘orre<‘.'ti and ufeful inforznntion «
rtrnong the pCr('.:~pl£~2, renders an eifentinl fervicc to the pceufe of li_berty.p' lt
cnnnot be expc«S’ced tl“ld.l: the pfrent body of the people will be .correétiy.

informed coiictix-xiing; Ztll the rninnte details of political fnbjectsp. But that
degree ofppoliticnl hntixvletige, which when united with honieit intentions,

yzsund clircétcd by cool and iitliifpztllionnte reefon, will be fullicient for every ,

vnlnnble pnrpoife, is eelily lcztrnedp and repnjiernbcred. Let itnot bf: fltidithafi

B

T [:--------l C--*--9:]

men ever have, and ever will fall into errors, and that therefore ’ attempts“
to reclaim or amend them are unavailiiig. The profligate and abandoned
have been reftored to virtue, and the greateft and bell of men in antient and
modern times, have Pcruggled to arrefi: the progrefs of corruption, “ and Item
the torrent of a downward age.” i Let us not then difpair. Our means of
political information are abundant, and political honefiy is yet a virtue. If
Ihave been fo fortunate as to convince you that our liberties are in daiiger,
and that the Adan‘geir originates or is greatly e11c1'eafed by errors which may
beavoided; the duty of every friend to his country is ‘plain. Place no confi-
dencelin men ‘who feel: their own aggrandizement by flattering your foibles,
and by ertravagant profellions ofpatriotifm. Flattery is generally indicative
0"-1'5 a want of fincerity, and always a bafe mean of effecting a dilhonorable
purpofe. Real merit never proclaims its own worth. Exercife your moi’:
ifnportantl right, theright of ftuferage with independence and deliberation";
and remember the obligations of your oath. T

‘ A man who deferves your vote will never folicit it. Form . your opinions,
and act according to the dictates of reafon---guard againft paflion and preju-
dice, the legitimate parents of error; and let your objeél: he the happinefs "of
your country, notthe fuccefs of your party. Look well to your conftitution,
Thisis the pillar of a cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night, to guide
your political courfe, and fave you from the houfe of bondage. And altho’
the hand of prefumption has weakened the Pcrength, and dimmed the luflre
of this celellial guide, yet is its prefervation highly important. Suflier it not
to be4pVflp,_to:uclied by unhallowed hands, left you Wander in darknefs without a

.v....gul"Ei'e. Remember that every alteration varies its proportions, dillurbs the

original harmony of its parts, affefts its operations, and nbridges your rights.
That under the fpecious name of amentiments it may be transformed into an

engi=ne ofoppreiiion, leaving to the people no other diltinétion from the llaves of

de-l"p“otii:in, than the difgraceftil reproach, that they are flaves by confent, and
tyzrannized over by rule. “ l l l =

l 1 But, vnrylfellovvacitizens, the molt fure refource remaining which can fecure
us againfi thedangers toilvvhicli We are expofed, isa cordial reunion of hone-Ii;
men of all parties who feelc only the happinefs of their country. The rnaztim
“"united We conquer, divided we fall,” is no lefs applicable to the people in
relation to the ambitious and Wicked defigns of their rulers, than to a nation
attacked by a powerful .-foe. While the people are united and vigilant, they
may abide defiance to ufurpation and tyranny. But when divided and one
portion of them is oppofed to the -‘other, and taught to believe them enemies
and traitors, each party feeks to encreafe its own Ptrength and weaken its
antagonift. l The necefiity of union among the members of each party is

l obvious, and the governing party fupport their rulers in whatever mieafures

they adopt.‘ ‘Prejudice blinds their underflzanding, and fhould they difapprove,
policy or fear compells them to be filent. This is precifely that {late of things
rvhiichlisi favorable to the defigns of the falfe patriot and ambitious demagoglue.
The people are pallive while he rivits their chains, or aid him in the dreadfui
work. The ftrong man of the houfe is fall: bound in the chains of prejudice,
andhis goods are plundered without refiftance. Thefe clonfequen-ces of the
drvtlion and prejudices of parties among thelpeople, are not thevifionsiof

V irnaginatiom They rell not in theory. The hillorian of America ‘mull;

record,and if afriend to the liberties of his country will record with tears;
that the rnfatuatxon of party fpmt fanétioned the removal of fixteen tjtidges

B  l-r--Zl

conititutionally appointed during good behavior, without impeachment, trial
or accufation, and in plain and direct violation of the conltitution. That the
fame caufe impelled many of the fmall ftates, and of the New-England iizates,
to fign the death--warrant of their political importance inthe elecftion of the
prelident andvice prefident of the United States, by ratifying the alteration
of the confizitution in relation to that election. That many thoufands of the
inhabitants of New.-England who once were in principle New-Epnglandmen,

celebrated with unufual demonitratious of joy and triumph, the acquifition.o£'

Louifiana; not reflecting that every acre of territory added to the fouthern
part of the United States, and every inhabitant added to their population,
diminifhes proportionably, and Inuit ultimately by its enlargement, annihilate
the relative influence and Pcrength of the northern fiates. ‘With regret asa
citizen of Connecticut, am I compelled to acknowledge that this baneful fpirit
has in this once happy Ptate, perfuaded thoufands of her freeman to believe

‘that they have no conftitution. I will proceed no farther in this recital.

This fingle faétis fuflicient to fhew, that under the influence of this deteitable
principle, men may be led to diihelieve their fenfes, rejieét they leffons of expe-
rience, and the dictates of their own rreafon, nay even to the guilt of political”,
fuicide; '

The dangers which refult from the divifion of parties, among the people, i

being fo obvious, I trult every honeft man will admit the expediency of a
"union, provided it is practicable. Let me all; your attention to a few remarks,
the object of which fhall be to fhew that the difference, in opinion, which unl-
happily difturbs the tranquility of this State, has no juft foundation. For
this purpofe it will be neceifary to trace this divilion to its fource. The
adoption of the federal conliitution, for various reafons met with very confid-
erable oppoiition ; but the happy effeétsiwhich were almoll inftantaneeufly
experienced from its operations, unitedwith the virtues and talents of the.
illaftrious Waihington, produced an almoit univerfal acquiefcence during» a his
::3.Cl1’1’1l1fllll2I'21tl01'1. Many were oppofed, but from motives of prudence were
filent, and the oppofition was feeble. The French revolution, which began
in the early part of his adminiliration, was an event in which Americans tool:
a deep and cordial intereft. They confidered it as the reiloration of millions,

of flaves to the arms of liberty, and ertulted in theidea that America by here

example had the honor of contributing to its accomplifhment. The public
voice was almoft univerfally in her favor : the war which foon after c_omrnen-
cod, and in which the greater part of Europe was involved under the aufpices
of Great Britain, was confidered as a war between tyrants and liberty: Frenc-h~;
victories were celebrated, and her martial fongs were fung with penthuifiafm.
Our commercial relations with Great Britain, and our friendlhip for France
became incompatible. Demands of aiiiltance were made by the latter, on
the ground of antient treaties ; and the obligations of gratitude for fervices

rendered us by the king of France, whom they had murdered,‘ and for which i

we had paid the Pcipulated price, were urged by l2l1€.€XBCl1tlV.‘.e~ directory.
Great. Britain, refenting our partiality for France, committed depredations on
our commerce. In this fituation of affairs, war feemed inevitable, “and was
only prevented by the proclamation of ipneutrality, ‘This meafure bladed the
hopes of the friends of France, and excited the refentment; of the French gov»

ernment : the treaty with Great Britain which foon. followed, confolidated the p
oppofition. M-any who were hoitile tothe COI1l-tl,tL1t1.g)r1,,l'lQW ‘came fomfrard.
Tile French revolution ‘in its developetnent, had difcovered features which in

E--1‘2'--31

its commencement were not vifible. W"ith the true principles of liberty, were

blended the doctrines of ‘infidelity and modern philofophy. T hefe doctrines:
incnlcated in the writings of Voltaire, Godwin and Paine, had for their
avowed object, the annihilation of chriitianity, the fnbveriion of moral obliu
gation, and the rell'raints of government. The fruits of thefe principles foon
appeared. Clariitianity was abolifhed, the worihip of the goddefs of reafon
was elizahliihed, and the guillotine was ere<E‘ced. Tl1ot1fn.nds without trial were
beheaded, {hot in the public fquares, drowned or ailhiizrinted. i French lib»-
erty feemed to delight in blood 5 in comparifon with the cruelty and atrocity
of the fucceilive tyrants of republican France, the ciefpots of Alia were mild
and humane. Americans had been accniiomed to believe, that republican
government was intended to protect, not to de-iiroy the people, and thoufands
clefpnired of the vfalvation of France. At the clofe of the adminiftration of
Preiidenrt Waflrington, the clamor of oppoiitionhad fubfided , and was loll
in the general expreilion of forrow. - l t l

Duane alone dared to proclaim that day :1 jubilee to the United States.
A negocintion Wltll France was pending; ‘partial holtilities were "carried on ;
and her canfe had yet numerous advocates in America. i At this period Prefi-
clent Adams was elected, in oppofition to the wifhes of many in the large

rfouthernillcates. The former oppofition encreefed, and” became active. The

negociation with France proved abortive ; interconrfe ‘with her was fini-
pended; and a {late ofhoililities continued; menfures of defence were adopted‘,
and iinrniifhed tothe oppofition new materials for exciting difcontent nnoong
the people. The oppofition to France was reprefented as oppoiition to liberty ;
the continuance of peace with Great l?vr'itai11, as evidence of a predilection for
monarchy. l\/Ii;{i'epr'ei‘er1tation and falfelmod were diifufed 111"1"lO1'1g the people
with a liberal hand. Every_«me:1fure of the government, however neceiliiry
for the public, or harrnlefs in its mature, was confirmed as tending); directly to
tlI0ll1l)jLlg'21ti'Ol'10f thepeople. Thefe cntrfes at lengtli produced their eil’ec't",

and the natiiornal ig0VE1“111T1@1'1t‘WaS‘ transferred to the oppoiitiom In Cenne€ti-

cut, they had compzsiretively a final} effect ; but as the wheel was in motion,

it aii’ord'ed alrlattering profpeét to the difcontented and ambitiiions,‘ andrtztniveru

fiil reirolntion be'came the favorite objeift. To effect this revolution, nllrgreet

‘7'variety~of e:ipedient'sl"1ar'e been adopted, the principal of which only we

{hell have time to notice. , «
l i It has been warmly infiiiec-i, that the right of fuiirege oi1.pfl1t»to be ttniverll

Val.‘ Th.at every man who pays taxes, or’ ferves the public in the militia, or

by labor on the higlixwtiys, ihonld be admitted to‘ vote ; and thnt no pecuniary
qualification ougrlit to he required. Government» is inititnted to protect the
lives, liberties, and properties of thofe who live under it. The ens-zpences of

-~ governments can be paid only by property. lrlence arizfes  difference in the

intereii, which di.tFere:1t>~fnbje.€ts have in the fame government. He who de--
pends on-the govermnent under which he lives, for the protection of his life,
liberty and property, is more ll11"O1'lgl}"' attached toit, ancln:1ore~deep1y intereiierd
in its prefervetiotn, till}:-3.T1 he whole life and liberty only  prolteéted. In a

p civilized and cornrnercinl country, the proteiftion of property engages at lenit
‘ nine tenths of tl1e‘carre-and attention of government. ;;This will fully app'ear~
l by ernmpiniiig tlieritetuptei book, and the iiiits whichvcornie before the conrtsi of

j,n{lice.@ The {late of 2'I‘1OI‘£tliS,riaI1Cl the wantzi of rnotive, together with the in»-
idiefeafible rigbtwhich ieiveryrman enjoys, and is generally ready to erercife, in

” Ciefjenlce at his life antllliherty, render thofei rights very ii:-cure.~» The l3.WE¢?1'.(:~

E--~13--~iIl ‘

lating to tliern, once ePcablifl1e'tl,j feldorn require alteration. Iint ti'1e‘varyii1g;~
itate of «property requires the iconilant attention ofrlegiflatnres andicouirts‘.-W
The man who plofliefies property, is cliarg-eable with the erpences of govern-:
ment. r Hence he cleferves a right to a {hare in the adrniniltrat~ion of govern-
ment,’ which the man who pays nothing cannot claim; For it is-av funda-
mental maxim in the government of every free ftate, that no man’s property
{hall be taken from him without his confent. It would perhaps be impractica-
ble to apportion to every man his exacft {hare of influence in the government,
according to the benefit which he derives from it, an-dithe rcharges= vvhich he
pays. * But when it is confidered, that in every civilizediiiate, the majority of
the people have comparatively {mall properties to protect, and {mall taxesto
pay ; that the poorer clafs are more expofed to influence and corruption; and
that univerfal fuii*‘rage~ would plaee the government under their controul ;.
we may well doubt the jullice and expediency of this claim. The rellriétions
under which this right is eztercifed in this ftate, mull‘ be allowed to have for
tilieir-object, the liability of property and government, without i-nfringing
the jail: riglits of any clafs of hercitizens. In this Pcate, a greater number oi?
voters without property, or with tfrnall pecuniary qualifications are admitted,
than in any ilatc, where the principle of nniverfal fuiirage in its full extent
has not been adopted. i l

Much has been {aid of the influence of the clergy. You have been told that
the ufurpation of popery, and the fubtilty of jeihitifm are exemplified in the
pcharaéter of your clergy ; and that church and {late are united in fecret alli-
ance, to opprefs and deilroyyou. I will difdain to defendthem by extolling
their ufeftilnefs, or to paliate thefe charp;es, by an oifsett of their vi1'tuesp I
will rather feelc for the ground on which the-fe charges reil. The clerg-iy,{j§‘l'lold~

no civil offices ; ‘confequently they caziiiot exercifel that influence over"others; 

which is attaclied to important ilations. They are generally poor; iconfew
‘quently they do not enjoy the influence attached to wealth ;. that they do

not take an active part in political intrigues, and the nranagement of eleél'ions,4 to

“I appeal to every man to decide from his own kiiowledge. And laflc of liimi _ it 

only this favor, thatupon this point he would eztarnine and judgelfor liimfelfit

and not form his opinion upon the bold and indefinite cl".1arp;es Wlllcll have been,
and conflantly are reiterated’. Vifhat then have they clone? They have quia-~
etly exei~cifed the right of ftiiirage at elections, to which bylaw they are entie
tled. Is this a crime 2’ They have upon fuitahle occaiions, warned their hear-.

era to gtizir-d agaiiifi the attacks of infidelity, and the ii.1fc:inating; docilzrins of?

the new philofophy ; and does this afford evidence that they are feelting to op».
prefs you? Let me appeal to every chrifiian, and to every honell man, whether:
-the rapid increafe of i thefe pernicious principles "within a few years, is not fut?
ficient caufe of alarm ; and has not made it the dirty of every. man, whois a
friend to the peace of fociety, and tl1e‘l1appinei's of the human race, to fetihis
face agaiiifl them. If there are any whohave not difcriminated betwe-en‘ the
true fpirit of liberty, and that heterogeneous mixture of licentioufnefs, immoe
rality and infidelity which originated in France, and which i‘.l1€.'1”(2’rlSlli0QiII'1'L1ClI
reafon to believe, covered by a deceptive name, auflnates many ofvour downy

countrymen, it is their duty, and their interefi, to eramine critically and

deliberately. It is however a circumltance whicli will $3-‘tlln the attention of
canclitl men, that every attack upon the e denio1~aili‘eii"1gprinciples, is cenfur-
ed as holiile to liberty ; and to inculcate ‘virtue, religion anrlfuhorclinationrto
government, is by manyiconiiderecl as urziirvoralzsle to repuhlicant pr~‘i11ciples%;

E------1 4w]

But I l<novvmy'fellow' citizens that this is not the republicanifrn, which many‘;
of you fuppofe you are advocating. I fear that upon this point you are de-
ceivecl.

It, is foreign to my purpofe, and would be improper for me, to advocate
the idea of any fuperior patriotifm or intelligence, in the profellion to which
Ifbelong. But fuifer me {'0 far to notice the calumnies which have been cafl:
upon that profeflion, as to remarlc, that talents and integrity, or their oppo-,,..
fites -do not exclufively belong to any profefiion, or clais of men; that good
and bad, ignorant and accomplifhed men may be found in every profeflion.
But fliould We admit that Virtue and talents are not predicable of the profell
lion of the law ; yet thofe who have {aid moi’: of the influence of lawyers, have
betrayedha want of fincerity in the accufations, by placing the lawyers of their
own party almofl; without exception, in the front rank of candidates for pro»
motion. , r ~ g

The government of this Rate, in its infancy, adopted the idea that the public
worfhip of God, 1 and the preaching of the Chriltian religion, were inPci-
tutions, highly necellary to promote the peace and happinefs of fociety, and
the falvation of men. In conformity to this idea, the laws relating to religious
focieties were framed. Thefe in the beginning, partook of the fpirit of the
times, and in fome refpeéts abridged the rights of confcience, in a greater degree
than policy required, orjufi: principles of toleration would jnftify. But in the
progrefs of improvement, thefe laws have been altered, and I truit on exami-
nation will be found in no degree to abridge the rights of confcience. If it
l;~eg_admitted that religious iinititutions tend to promote the happinefs of
fqciety, and for that reafon deferve the attention of a government, wllofe {ole
object is the happinefs of thofe who live under its protection, the objections

ivvhiclt have been urged againlt the laws on this fubjeét, may be refuted.

There is no preference given by law to any denomination. ~ All religious
focieties which have been, or may be incorporated by the legiflature, have
equal privileges. a Every individual has the right, which is exprefsly recog»
niaed by law, of eleéting the fociety or denorninatien to which he will belong-—--—
to furniih the proper evidence of his eleétion, a certificate. under his hand,
mull be lodged with the clerk of thefociety which he has left.‘ This lappears
to be rational--but objections claiming to be confcientious have ari-fen.
Certain denominations cannot acknowledge the right of the civil arm to ins-
terfere in any thing relating to religion, and will not therefore be incorporated
by law ; or {'0 far acknowledge the authority of government, as to lodge certi-
ficates. The government which prefcribes articles of faith, and attemptslto
compel men to believe them, infringes their natural rights ; but the laws. vvhi ch
protect men in the exercife of the rights of confcience, and provide for the reg»
nlarinculcationofreligious duties, are calculated for the public good, and
therefore obligatory. Would it not be better evidence of real religion, in
thofe who clairnlfolarge a {hare of it, in the exercife of chriltian hurnility, to
fubmit to the authority of government, in matters which do not infringe their
natural rights, and are elfential to public happinefs ; than to oppofe this au-
thority as tyrannical, and Pcigmatize it with opprobrious names. Upon a.-

, foundation. {'0 Weak, has the fiate been agitated with complaints of perfecntion,

and religious intolerance. i But the oflicions attention to this rfubjeét, which
many who defpifed all religion, have fhewn to promote theirown party views :;
yiwithlimorepjufiz and deliberate refleétion, have convinced many who were con»-
fciientionsl in their objections, that theircomplaints are groundlefs. Andit is

[---15m-]

to be hoped that the timeis at hand, when the fpirit of real religion {hall unite
chriitians of all denominations in love and harmony, and thus enable them;
better to relifif the attacks of the common foe.   1‘

It has been {aid that the rulers of this Rate are holtile to the admiiiiltration
of the general government, and therefore ought to be removed. Is tlieiladn
miniifirationof the general governrnentthe only correéi: ftandardpbylvvhich
the merit of all others is to be determined? Connecticut fhrinks not from
this ciomparifon.----The falaries of our oflicers, the expences of government,
the concifenefs of our laws, the economy and regularity of our fifcal concerne
would afford grounds for eulogium, for which We {hall in vain fearch“ in that
adtniniliration. The principles of our government have the authority ofthe
oflicial printer of i that adrniniftration, to fupport their claim of being the
molt republican in the union. No official aft of our government has treat-4
ed that adminillration Withpdifrefpeiét. Wherein then does this iioppofitiort
oonfilii’ My fellow-citizens, it is a charge without foundation, intended to

terrify you into fubmiilion; to frighten you from your polls, and leave the .

ofiicers of government to be feized by thofe, who have long and earnefily
{ti-uggled to obtain them. But the pfovereignty of the {late is guaranteed by

the conltitution. Duane and his fatellites may infolently threaten to eiimtpofe ’

a coniiitution upon you ;_il)ut their threats are contemptible.----Aft accor'ding7

to the honeft conviétions of your own minds, and bid defiance to their attempts, i

to alarrnyou. Then will you live independent, "or die glorioufly.--l-Thiat

the rulers of this {late are not like molt liates in the Union, blindly devoted to p
the will of the national government, is a circumftancze highly important to they

prefervation of our liberties. Thereal patriot of whatever party, will re»
joice that there isleft aiwatchman upon/the walls of our republic, to ‘guard
againit the approachesof tyrannyin this diaiy of political darknefs ancllvdelufion.

But the merit’ formidablei rrieafure, conlidering its nature, and the zeal:
fhewn in its adoption and purfnit, to which the oppofition in this State, have
reforted to effeéiz arevolution ; is the pofition that this ltate has no conliitu-3
tion. A conliitution is the rules andprinciples by which a. fovereign Rate in
governed, prefcribing by whom, and in what manner, the fuprerne power of
the State {hall be exercifed, Every fovereign [late is iiecefiiirily independent 
and from its nature may exercife unlimited clifcretion as to the form of a conlli-A»
tntion, and the manner in which it lh-all be publiihed and preferved. Corrie-4
quentl'y there are no rules, by which it istcompellalble to ad: ; and {hould the
inhabitants of a ftate, delegate to an individual, or a number of men deil
potie power, I know not the power which has a right to lay “ why do ye fo."f
In her external relations, a fove1~eigv11liate is fubjeet to the laws of nature.i
Aiconflitution to be binding, muft have the aflent of the people. Thisiaillcnt
may be eztprefs, or implied ; if a {late be fovereign and independent, *there in

no liatute which can require an eztprefs ailent ; much lefs that the oonfiitutilon ,

{hall be written. Neither can precedents be obligatory. ‘ Fiorvif‘ every“ fovep-‘V
reign llate, had from the creation, to the fettlenient of C3onne’éi'icut,'”forrned
written conflitixtions, it could not bind the people of Conneéiicut: toigppciorriiriit
theirs to writing, without implicating their fovereignty. ' ‘Hiftory iriforirrs ine
that Coriiieéiicut from her infancy waslfoverei and independent, favin"g‘onl,Y?_

a nominal dependence on the iBritil‘h crown which in no niannerllpiaiieéts ithis 
queltion ; that her inhabitants vvith great. folemnity formed wliatcitheyiioalled ya. i

eoniiitutiont, and quietly lived under it till 166% vvheniilgithey procured; the
faneflion of Charles 2d. in the form of a charter  and lived and died ninderrt‘

 

.[---*1 <3»-—1

Z.ll~l« years ; and that by the Cl€‘Cl:d.I‘2U1lOI‘1 of independence, the t‘oynlfe.11«§tiort
was nnnillilated. Here a.ri:l"es it materiel quellion, whether this event com-up
pletely ntiiiihilated the conltitntion, or whether it left it in the it-ate in which it
Was, Wlien put into the form of 21 charter. Concerning this queilzion much
has been {aid and Written, and many of us have been induced to believe, what
very few have underftood. I fhould not i1'idt;ilge the hope of melting my»
felf more intelligible were I to attempt at clifcuflion of this queftion. Aclmpit.»
ting then, tliat the original l11l'1£:3.l.)lt&1I1tS of Connecticut were iniltnlteii, when
they fnppofml they had formed 4 conPcitution, and in {hail made no fitch thing,
that the charter of Ch;.-trles 2d. fttpetfieded, a.nd El.1111ll"lllH.t€3Cl this fuppofed con-
flzitution 5 3.1’1€l.'W'ctS itfelfannihilnted by the decla_re.tion of independence ; end.
tlint the efibrt of at fitcceeding; niiembly to revive this elinrter, was nngntory
and ineffeftnal ; {till a good citizten, who feelcs only the lmppinefs of his
country, and the tmnqulil enjoyment of his rights, c‘.-tn eztlily find fiilllcient
evidence to fiitisfy his mind, that he lives under 2'. conftitution as free rind as
jult, as the fun ever lhone upon. Tllat We lmve £1 lawful p;ove.rntnent, tlmt
this governmentis and for more than one hundred and forty }/.V.3‘.—'l.1‘S, lies been
ndtniniftered according to <:ertn.in know rules and principles, will not he denied.
Thefe rules and vprinciples, which prefcrihe the mode of exerciling the fu-

prerne power of the ftzitte, were once committed to writing in the cl'12rii~te1~of

Clinrles. ‘fince that charter, the fame rules and p1'l11C.lplt3Sl12tW3 been ohierveol
by the government. T he only qu.e[tion rernnining is, hzwe the people nlllent-
ed to this form of government, or coziltitntion. They have znlexited to it ex-
prefsly by fweatring to fnpport it, .h§rtele&i11g the oll“icers of government, and.
by obeying the lnvvs mzide in conformity to it. And if our ipolition he eorreél,
tlmt alcoiiltitntiori may er-zilt as well in parole as in p:.1rchrnent, this conPti-~
tution would be oblignto1*y, altho’ no trace of that cl1'.11*te1' could be
found. And in xvh:-,1: other mode can the nlTent of the fnccellive gene-
rations, which at ,difi'?erent periods compofe the l1'll'1:41.l)ll'.1:1,I1’£S of the flute,
be obtained. We are told tl'l£LlZ the people of this lltlttt have never
eitercifecli the right inherent in the people of every l:lI2ItlIf3,pCl.i~ foi'n1ing; it conltitu-
tion. ‘ This would be eqn;-tlly true, nltlviouglt the conltitntion I11;-.l.Cl€3‘ by their
predecellors l1z1.<Il. been made, written and executed with every potlilhle l"o.i'mnl-
airy. Ezich generation, nay each individnztl niiglit difpttte the vnlidity of £3. com
ltitution, in the formation of which he had not in voice. A litate of l2l"1l1"1gS truly
delirnhle would thisbe to the revolutionifl: nnd tlilbngztnizer ; but to the honell;
and peaceful citizen, incnlculably vvorfe than 3. [latte of nature. To emxniiie
the merits of this conltitution, would require more pzttience tlnin I linve n. 1'ig;'lit
to expeét. But I .c:tnnot fox-beer r'emerkii1g that the people of this ftnte, lmve
referved in their own h:-.a.nds at greater flmre of power than in any other lhite;
that our conftitution fin-vived the revolutionary war vvhicli proved fatal to
molt pztpisr conllitntions ; that the people of this ftnte ever linve, and {till do
enjoy 21 greater deggree of political lmppiiiefs, than the people of nlmolt any
other {late on the globe; and tl1;-it in this day of revolution and diforder, we
are comparatively tranquil. l

_ The e;tpe-rience of pelt ages, and the ohfetrvntion of the Wifelt ltéitefnitzti linve
proved, that the fttndz.-u:z'1ent:~il lziivvs or conllitution of £1 ltnte, t>ng.;l1t not to he:

wise or elinitged for tzivinl canfes. Tire fame idea. is recopgnizizedl in the Cleo-

I llnrntion of independence. In every free Ptnte, the ltrengtli of the lows depends
much on opinion. Men feel more refpeét for, and pay it more'clp1eerfnl ohedi‘-.
‘ once to laws to which they h:3.ve been long ecetiftozned, tlmn to tlttole of recent

[---*1 '7-----]

iniiitution. The coniiitntion of this ilzate, and her'citizensl1ave grown to»-

gether. Each feems fitted for the other. Speculative men may inc their clowy

fete, form iconliitutiions nicely balanced and proportioned; but the experience
of others, affords reafon to fear, that like many curious inventions of modern
times “they will not go”. ln France, within a few years, they have had a.
confiderahle number, which have fuccefiively appeared, played their parts, and

made theirezxzits. The prefent coniiitution, being made of flzronger materials,

and guarded by the fword, bids fair for long life. There is perhaps no method

a more eiiecftual to bring the minds of a free people to fnbmit to tyranny, than to
, harrafs them with frequent changes of the conilitution. Such was the alien-

iihing eifeéiz of frequent changes in the government of France, that the fame
people, who in 1790 filled the world with their enthufiafm for liberty, equality,
and the rights of man; in 1804: accepted a coniiitution by which their liberty,
equality and rights were anniliilated with as much indifference as they would
have heard a new fong. « — y ,

When We refieét that Buonaparte has iefiabliihed abfolute monarchyyby a.
written conititution, and that even the black Emperor of I-layti has under
that once revered name, erected a military defpotiiin, the people of this iiate
ought at leeflc to have fome reafon to believe, that a firnilar impofition is not
deligned for them, before they hazard the experiment of changing the govern-
ment, under a title 130 deceptive as that of forming a conftitution. ,

Highly abfurd is it to change the form of government, unlefs impelled by
grievances which render the change neceflhry. But itis incztlculably danger-
ous and abfnrd to attempt this in the prefent {late of things; A confiitution
ought to he founded on nniverfal confent. It will then be a fecurity in times
of violence, and party fpirit. But when formed in the heat of party yfpirit, it
-will have forits object the fnpplort of the dominant party, and the deprefiion of
the oppofition. Parties are continually i-luetuating. Time leader of a trium-
pliant facition may be on a throne to-day, and to-morrow in the grave.
His Works perifh with liimt The conliitntion which was intended to iiecure
his authority, will be the firfi: victim to the fury of his fuccellbrs. This procefs
may, and will be continued, lfo long asthe Rate is divided by fatitions. The
people, finding no fecurity for their rights, and worn out with profcriptions,
baniihxnent and death, will feel: repofe and protection at the foot of a throne.

It may perhaps be expected that I fhould notice the charge fo long and {'0
frequently urged againli: the ruling party in this liate, that they are feelting
to deftroy republican government, and to eliablifh monarchy. M I would dill
dain to notice a charge in itfelf fo abfurd, and unfnpported by evidence, were
it not that filence irnay be confirmed as confeflion of guilt. Time will not
permit an ample difcuflion of the fubjecft. I will therefore only fubmit to
your conlideration, a few remarks in addition to what has been already faid
ttppllctllale to this fnbjeét, to {how the fallacy of the charge. Its origin, has

been traced to the interelt, which the people of this country took: in, the i
‘French revolution, and from this review, it would appear to be falfe. i But _

let us examine the foundation of this charge more particnlarlyy. Thirty years
have fcarcely elapfed iince the people of the United States, almo{tuns.nimous-
ly reiiited the tyranny of ‘Great Britain, at the hazard of property, liberty.
and life. The principle for which they contended, was the right of felf-gov-
ernment, they were fuccefsfnl; and in the year‘ 1789, peaceably fld0Pied £0”
the pnrpofe of fecnring this right, the inoft retpubliclanforrn of goverximent,

which the world ever raw. The illuftrious Wafhingtona W110 ¢~°m"1ima§=d ‘hi’
M M C

,[---:1 8----j

j’revdlutionary armies, ‘ and wheat the clofe of the war,"holdin g the fwbrd, and

the command of an army of unpaid foldiers ; held in his handthe liberties of

This country, refitted the temptation,‘ and having retired to private -life, was
"u-tmanimoluily e1eiétediPrefident of the Uruted ‘States. H15 adminiftration dun»

tiring eight years, was confidered by allto be republican, and was approved by

at large majority of the people, efpecially in Conneéticut. The profperity-of

the country was ‘unparalleled. ‘Duri-ng theladminiflzrationtof P-refidernt Adams,
meafures were ~adopte=d which admitted of various opinions ; Connecticut fi1p»-

yported thefe -rneafures,hand the charge of attachment to -arii’to’cracy and mom
, archy was l‘reitera‘ted with great Wehemence. -«Placing-confidence in men,

Whofe iintegrityhad been long tried, "Who£'e' interefi: was the fame as that of the

people ; believing that the fafety of the nation required decifive and energetic

zneafures, the people of Connecticut thought themfelves warranted in an opinu

t ion, pwliicllwvas explicitly‘-and putbli-clylapprovedt by VVafl1ington. They Werei“

inclined to believe, that Waihington in aflhming the vi:ommand?~of the prom
Vil'lO1121l~l'ét'1‘1'1‘1‘_V‘, ‘*’w*asi11i’iuen'ced byfthe ‘intention of defending, not of enflavin

his country ;. But in this they "may "-have erred- It might be poilible, that
W'alhingto'n “and Adams, with-ithereprefentatives of the people, excepting
only afrnall number rnoitly from the fouthern ftates, were ‘combined in a

lwiclzed confpiracy to deftroy the liberty, and independence of their country,;“
’whicl1 but afew years before, they had Il£113iClCi~lil‘I1Cl'1l1'IlI11(?1'll’.t.“. facrifices to eii

tilblifh. c l t e
That after haying fuifiiereid the mo1"ne’n't‘t‘o plaifs by, when with an ‘army un-
der their command, they rnighthave butfpoiten the word and been al>1'olute~_;

it they had engaged in a plan of ufurpation, whichin this nation of freemen with
 talents of a Cromvve-ll and the courage of an Alexander, Inuit have been

i“mprac'ticable. Admitting this my fellow-citilzens, the people are chargeable
only with an error of judgment, certainly parclonable if an offence. In this
View of the fitbjecft, no 0bl’cacl’e' to and union of parties appears. Stranrre in»-

deed woulditbe, thatanen whofe acftive patriotifm, and tvltofeneal for liberty

were evidenced «by the uniform exertions, and unvarying perfeyerence of their
lives, ihould foi foori become apoitates and traitors. Still more wonderful
would it be, that a whole nation ‘ihou-ld fo foon apoftatine, and content to re-
linquiih the right offelf-government, in the acquilition 'o~t"which they received
Wounds not yet healed. Let us “fpeak plainly. in relation to this fubjeélz,
theixnajorityof the people in this Rate who approyelthe government, may be

i divided into two claiies ,1‘ thofe who knowinglyand from principle approve a

-monarc*hi-'ca*l form ofgoyernment, and tbofe who through ignorance are advo‘-
eating and Tupporting fitch men and meafures as will i ultimately terminate in
the oppreiiion ofthe people. i i ii p  ~ e
Let us identify thofe of the firft clafs. Sentirnentsofi a terrdency highly ana-~.
‘ti-«republican, have been afcribed to a fenator from Cionneéticut, and to one
irnember or the Council. The erpreliion of thefe fentirnents has been den‘-ied.
Proofs on bothlfides have been adduced, and truths diametrically oppofit have
been eftablilhed by complete legal teflcimony. Let us refort to their charact-
ers in former times. i Have they been notorious advocates for arbitrary prin-
ciples, and within the fphere of their influence, indulged their regal mania in

i opprefling their fellow-citizens? Certainly not. 3 They ‘were friends to the

revolution; to the federal conftitution; and until yvithin a very few" years, were

. ‘uniyerfally efteemed and refpeéied as honed. men, and good citizens. ‘The

other oiiicers of our ftateigovernment, have been aflailedonly by general and

rwre-~—-it
indefinite accuf'ations.. The general lafpeét of theirradminii?cration,* is the erie.
deuce bywhich thefe accufations are ‘ fupported. Some clifcover fymptome:
of monarchy in a turnpike road ; others feel the hand of opprefiion in a pole;
tax. which they never pay ; the rights of confcience are violated; and the in».
tereft of religion attacl:ed.by the law which provides for the regular preach» .
ing of the gofpel ;, and theicommon people are compelled to "fall down and»
worfhip theimage of. prieficraft, which the joint labor of Moles and Aaron-
have ere6ted,. The power by law v-elied in the moderator of ‘a town, fociety,
or freernen’s meeting, to preferve order by removing diforderly perfons,favore.
Pcrongly of defpotifm ; and the eleétion law has completely expofed the
eloven afooti; « A V i t i ,
Reafoning like this my fellow-citieens .defies,refutation. Asfwell might we»
attempt to prove that honell menwill. refort to fueh means to fave their felw
low-citizens from impending flavery, as that they are not conclufive to prove,
the corruption of-our rulers: Vlfitli pleafure will I appeal. to every man,

wl1ois.nothlin‘ded by prejudice, to decide from the general complexion of-7

the laws of this Pcate, and the ladminifiration of her 4, government, whether tlte

i liberties of the people are in danger. I will only requelt: thofe who fear on ;

this fubjeaft, to examine candidly and deliberately the foundation of their fears.

In the firlt clafs may alfo be ranked, thofe whoa  the revolution were de-«
nominated tories.. Thefe areneither numerous, 1"101"‘3.£SllVC‘ :,\ neither are they
erclufively, attached to the partywhofe defence I am attempting. ‘ Marry oil"
them, if I am. rightly, informed, in this and other ftates have become good -
patriots. l T hofe witliinour own knowledge are good citizens.» None fiavow
fentiments unfriendly to republicanifmr In vindicating thofe of the fecondr
clafs, who are fuppofedrignorantly to; fupport meafures hoflzile to liberty, 1"
will not refort to the »favorite ma.:ti3m.~of demagogues, “ The. voice of the
peopleis the voice of God.” i p , l M

I {hall hazard the remark, that the majority of the mople v(bein~g human}5
may err. . But the people of this {late have fome reafons (certainly plaufible) '
to fuppofe that theiripolitical opinions are correcfit, their fathers had lived in-
a. plain, fober, regular way, they believed they were free, their children imbi»,
bed the fame opinion, they felt no oppreflion, their 1'lgl1tS<'W€31'€: proteéted, and
their taxes fmall. They 1'-aw no proud lordling grotvirig; rich by the emolu,,
merits of office. So far as they could judge, they had attained all the ll.1l)ll:'£L11--
tial beneiiteof aifreer and regular government. Vifhen called upon to aroufe
from their flumbers, to lhalce oil" their fetters, and fave themfelves from flare» ,.

ry, theyrdid not defpife the Wariting apparently fo lincere. They examined, i
for themfelves, and thefe loud. alarms feerned to be idle tales. They have‘

perfevered , in adhering, to their ileady habits, waiting the refult of this revolw-r
tioniaing experiment among; their neighbors. Thus far they lee no reafon to re».
‘gr-et their caution... 'Phey. believe their rights, and their liberty to he at lZlll8.

moment, at lealtas fafe, as thofe of thepeop_le; of» P,ennfyilvan.ia, Virginia, or»

New-Yorlz. m 4 ;

Btu: this modesof reafoniiig is not oonclmlwe. Men guilty of ’trcafon<«.agair2fl;,
the liberty of their country, will not confefs their guilt, wliile a hopeof con-»
oealment remains. They will claim to be honeft, and if wrong, deroand the
i'iidulp;e11ce due to error. Let 1115 then refort to  criterion whole delciiion is in.»-
fallihle. Let us cornpare our political fentiruents, and feel: to difcover this
ali11~n'1i11g dilierence, Whiczh has let the '1htl'1er agai:-ill: the lien, t and llllfifiltmc

agziiitfi the father, excited difcord among b1'otl1em, deitroyed the peace zuisl

  ili:*"'“90'*{l

harmony of our once happy Rate, and threatens to deprive us of every thing
valuable. Let each one confcientiouily anfwer for himfelf, and charitahly
place confidence in the £inc_e,rityy of his neighbor.‘ Let not. the obftinacy of
party tfpirit, or the pride of opinion, prevent this explanation» _Your duty,
your interelt, your religion demand it. Is there a man Io Pcupid, that he
‘would exchange the right of felf-government, for fubjectiioit to hereditary
monarchy 3 Who would be governed by an ariilocratic nobility in preference
to legiilators of his own choice it Wl”1O would prefer being oppreffedl by taxes
to fupport a luxurious band of penfioners, and oflicers with high falaries, to
light taxes and a prudent and economical» ad-rniniftration it Who would ,fub-
fiitute for our national confiitution the Britifla. form of government, or the
ufur ation of Napoleon? W110 would confent to abridge the riwrhts of the
peoplle by alterations of that coniiitution, which the public goods dbes not re-

y quire? Not one. If in thefe principles we agree, wherein do we differ i’----..‘.

lvliatever differences eztift among us-, are differences in opinion as to the ap-
plication of thefe principles to particular meafures, not diffetenctes in relation
to the principles. One man would infill that the {edition law 170 called, in»
fringed the conftitutional rights ofiliberty of fpeech and of the prefs. i.Ano~
ther would coniider it as only a falutary reitraixtt of the licentious and improp-
er ufe of thofe rights‘. Both would agree that the liberty of fpeech, and of
the prei"sare'rights of great importance, fecured by the conftitution, and in no
cafe to be violated or infringed. If this amazing tliffet-eiice boa difference in
principle, and the people of this {late who advocated and aided in eltabliihing
the independence of the United States, have altered their fentiments, and are

now endeavoring to fubvert it; iitrely they can relate fome circurnftances of i

their converfion. Enquire critically of every man ; and what is his anfwer?
He is fenfible of no change ;. he thinks as he then did ; and believes that he is
purfuing the fame object. o It cannot be fuppofed, that the majority of the peom
ple aét from corrupt motives. L If then they are in principle monarchiits, they

would be fuch from a conviction, that monarchical government is preferable "

to republican; If they had ixnbibed} thefe principles from conviction, they
wonld avow them, and endeavor to convert others---But no fuch thing appears.

Thus my fellow-citizens, I have endeavored to refute thseireafons on which
the difference in opinion in this {late feems principally to relt. The fame ream
{one it is probable, influence the thinking part of thofe who are endeavoring to
revolutionize this Pcate. But as much the greater part of mankind, as well on
politicalas other fitlajecfts, do not found their opinions and concluét on the bell:
arguments and reaibns, this fubjeét deferves further confideration. How can
it be poflible that the majo:ri_ty in Coynnexfticut can be right, when opipofed to
fourteen very “large, wife and intelligent Pcates? Thofeiwho afl: this queiliozi,
will pleafe to recollect, that in the adminiilration, preceding March 4th. 1801,

they could very readily conceiveit poflible that the majority of the people tor‘,

the United States were in an error.

And were they willing to coniider the majority of the people of Counecfticut
at this time, as only in an error, the greateit obitacle to 21 reconbiliatioii of par-
ties would be removed. The fee]: is that the majority, as Well as the minority
may be wrong. From neceiiity arifing from the 1'13.i‘.1.11‘€ of things, and the:
want of a more certain Pcandard, the majority is legally confiderecl to be right,
on all queftions on which they decide.. But the Pcate nttuit be revolutionized,
Do you labor under grievances fo intolerable, that they will admit of no de«-
lay it Are you c6I't3.~l:1i'£l38.l2 a revolution would effo'x*d you relief i’ Will the canw

didates for ofice who have been longbefore the public in that cliarader, cer«
tainly difcharge the duties of office with more integrity, ability and faitlifulu.
nefs, than thofe to whom you have been aceultomed? Will they fall into no».
errors 5’ Will your {late be perfect if they are in office? Will the conilitutionz:
which they have promifed you, rife above the imperfeétion, inherent in every:
thing human? Is‘ there no danger in revolutions? Can you fay to the over,»
whelming force of faétion, “ hitherto {halt then come but no further, and here‘
ihall thy proud '\;V2l.V€‘S be Pcayed E” This project: ofuniverfal revolution, is in
the full tide of expirement. In ordinary afliairs, if there is any hazard asto
the refult, prudentrnen» would wait and fee how others fucceed... c In this buli-
nefs, which is of all others the moft important, let us obferve the fame rule-,

If we look into the other Ptates where the experiment has been fully tried, we a

{hall fee good‘ reafons for delay. In New-Yorlc the reigning families are di-
vided, and hofiile ;, and wehear left of the rnelioration of the condition. of time“
people, than of the flzruggle for ofiices, In Virginia, we are toltlthat therul-
ing party are molt cordially at variance; In Pennfylvania, the friends of the
people and the conllirtutional republicans, are more difiimitly feparated, and’
more inveterate and abulive towards each other, than when united’, they were‘
againll the opponents of both. The molt refpeétable men have withdrawn

from their comrades, and rallied round the conllitution, which the friendsrof

the people with Duane and Simon Snyder at their head are Pcx'uggli11g hard‘ to
deliroy; , The former leaders of the revolutionizing pitrty, under the forbidding
title of conllitutional republicans, denounce their old companions as jacobins
and diforganizexs, while the latter, under the very loving appellation of friends.
of the people, retaliate with charges of bribery, apofiacy and the love of oflice.
T his is a complete pié‘ture of the progrefs of revolutions+---The catallrophe is
not yet difclofecl-——-The only confolation rer-naiiziing to the friends of ‘freedom is,
that :1 Being of infinite wifdom,powe1* and goodmefs fits at the helm of the uni»
verfe—---He alone can educe good from thefe evils----May the people of Conneétm
icut conlider and be inlliuéted 1 Let us not reproach the good people of
Pennfylvania with the harfh and unfriendly reflection, “ we told you fo,” but
let us pity their misfortunes, and learn wifdom by their example. i Let us

like men of prudence, and conlideration wait until the experiment is tl1rot1gl't I

in other dates. Should it then appear to be expedient to revolutionize Cona-
neetictrt, the people will unite heart and hand..* For it is but juilice to the cit»

izens of Conneetipciit to allow that they readily dilicover, and eagerly purfue .

their own interell. With a proper degreeof ‘vigilance, you will in the mean
tune be able to preferve your riglits from any clan gerous encroachment. p '
Tlius have I endeavored to thew you that the liberty and independence of

I our country are in danger; to difcover the fources from which thefe dangers

originate, and to point out the means by which they may be avoided.
Having for our objeét a union of the people in defence of their rights, and
not believing myfelf competent to controul the opinion, or change the polit-
ical faith of any man ; I have omitted many things which this mode oftreating
the liiilnjecft would naturally ftrggeli. As a citizen of the United States, and
flrongly attached to the liberty and independence of my country, I rejoice in
this opportunity oi”z1tld1"efl‘i1tg you. I claim not to be infallible. Irnprell'ed
with a conviélion of the truth of the remarks which I have made, I alltonly

‘ that they may be heard and yconliderecl with the fame honefty of intention by

Wllich they are ftiggefied. The fubjeél: is of incalculable importance. We
are ciitiaens of the fanze liate. Our interelt is the fame. The people mull:

l?'"?39**:'l“j

fiend, or fal1:r;1:ogether.t How unwife isiitthen that cozitentionsanddifcomig
{hould arife between men who are purfuing the fameobyeét. Howdangerousl

when thefeeontentiolns and this difcord have a direcft tendency to fubjeft them

to thofe_evils which.all are endeavoring to avoid. Our fathers for ,many_
generations inhabited this {tater in peace and. harmony. They vigilantly
guarded, anclbravelyr defended their rights and liberties.. We have inherited:
them unimpaired. Let 1'1s.not lofle them by inattention or negleft. Let

i them not be facrificedon..the altar of difcord and party fpirit. As men, let

us. exercife the reafonwhich Godshas givenrusa. Let us rife above pafiion and
prejudice, ancl‘.thin1~: and.,a& forourfelves... Let us love and praéticepvirtue
and religion., Without thefe, in vain have we liberty and independence.
Like the tender flower plantedin an unkind foil, they may bloom and flour.-
iihfor a moment, but their fources of life are rfoon e:.thaufted;,, they fade and;
fall in annntimely dlll0l11tl0fle» Let ‘us not-forgetthei: obligations ofreligionir
and morality. in our political conduét; Can we love,“ fear and ‘ferve the
Supreme‘ Ruler -of the nniverfe, whenwe pnrfuing thofe meafures which 1»
will. inevitably Cl8llI'0'y‘;tl;l(Df8.lnfl3llI11‘tlOI1S which are defigned, to promote hie
glory and the happinefs of men? Are we ju{t,.to.oux fellowmen, when the-
confequences of our conduébwillibe the deitruétiontof .~ their rights 2 i Isenot the.
firfl:.tprinc:ipleo£ our nature an obligation to pu-rfue our OWI1r‘il12113Pl11CI[.S? Thus‘
powerfnl.and commanding are the obligations irnpofed upon: us-. as membere.
offociety. The man who aéts upon this important fubjeét without improving,
the means. with which he is furnifhed to enable him to think and arfttcorreétly,
is not lefs criminal than he. who difregards the conviélion of his own mind.
This» fnbjecft is of up great. importance to be made “the. inltrnment of felf

ii interefls, or of. perfonal aggrandi'zement.y

We are liable to err, altho? we confifiexrtioufly endeavor to think: and atilx
jultly. Let this confideration induce us tojudge of the motives and conduét,
of each. other with candor. Let it moderate our zeal and . prevent a wanton.
and criminal oppreHion»dF“oI31ers, Whofe .rofi'ence ieonlyr a difference in opinion.

Let itrbe the happinefs,; asit is the duty of each. one, toxcornciliate the mindset

of men ;- to diffnfe corre€t“opinionsion political fubjecfts ;, to difcountenance er»
ror anddeeeption, and endeavor to reltdre harmony and ;.peace. Thus may
we hope for the blefling o£ the Supreme Author of peace, harmony‘ and love.
And may that Being who direé‘ts the affairs of men, guide us in the paths of"
truth ;_ refcore to us who are children of the fame family, peace and harmony ;_:
pppreferve to us the bleflings of {elf-government; and canfe that our: indepenchm

fence continue, commenfurate with the duration of t-imc.”

aim.