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BOSTON 2
L?T:?R.INTED BY % E14153}-IA B}?»IJLAEvHU

9 W I U ¢ I l I 9 Oh

;» BOSTON, 5th JULY, IBQO.
Col. HENRY ORNE,
Sir,
flt a meeting of the Commlittee of./€lrra.nge—
inents for the Republican Celebration of the 4th of July, 1820, held at
Fanienl Hall, an unanimous Vote was passecl for presenting you with
the thanks of the Committee for your ORATION on the occasion, and
requesting a Copy for the Press.
The honour of co7nmanicatin.g the Vote, hweing devolved on us,
we shall be particularly gratified by your compliance with the request.
‘WILLIAM ING-ALLS,

JACOB STEARNS, COMMITTEE.
JOHN P. RICE,

, v “
-mun-mfl. »‘;,4.5- -Jean--....

BOSTON, JULY 6th, 1320..

G'r‘2:N'rLEMeN,

V, t _ ‘ or 'M‘Yourr ~polilre""‘i‘lno”"te ‘hoe ‘rbeehn'““r'ecei'vred with the
eensibility which suclt attention demancle. The Oration pronounced
at your request is, with great propriety, at your clisposal. My own
.sati.gf'act'ion in the publication of it, however, would be much greater,
if I conlclfiatter myself with the unreasonable hope, that any sentiment
containecl in it could be useful to my fellow citizens. V

For the particularly civil man-ner in which you have exercised the
trust reposecl in you by our Republican brethren, be pleased to receive
the very grateful achnowleolgements of

Gentlemen, with very great respect,
Yoarobeclient servant,
I~iENR.Y oemz;

Cote. JACQB STEARNS,

DOCTOR "WM. INGALLS,£
JOHN 1’. RICE, Esta.



 

IT was a profound remark. of Rousseau that his own age
erred in addressing itself too much to the reason of mankind, and
too little to their passions. Human feelings are powerful spriiiga
by which, either virtue or vice, may move the machine of aociety;
giving to the dictates of reason, a redoubled energy, and often
urging; to the same result, by motives more rapid, animated, and
};aow'erful. The love of freedom ought not to be confined to «oohl.
calculations of its benefits; the iinagination should be fired by
those symbols, and devices by which liberty spreads herself be»
fore the senses, and seizes upon the heart. The celebration of
our political independence should assume something more national
in its character, and more animated in its garb ; it draws closer’
the tie which binds; as to the generation which achieved it, and
oatches from the spirit which acquired freedom, new motives to
dofoxtid it. But tliougli it is an occasion when unnanal hilarity
ahonld not only be felt, bot indulged, the celebration has liigher
oil:>jocta than festivity or parade.

We are the deacendants of men who have acquired for us great»-
or political tl(lVillT‘lttt,g‘t”£.‘5, than society has over before enjoyed.
Tltiey were acquired at tlzio sacrifice of peace, of security, and
even of life ; they have been trananxittocl to as with all the soliciw
trade that parental allbotion could manifesst. ‘The fruits of the
g'rea.test sacriticea that human fortitude could endure, of the
rriightieat efforts which exalted patriotism could dictate, are ours ;
but they who paid the price, enjoyed not the pnrcliase :---«the cost
was our fathers, but the benefit in our own. It is not enough to
any we should remember these men with gratitude and Veneraw
tion. The fatlner.e; of our revolution have higlier claims upon us.
We are not simply the objects of their favonr, but the trustees of
their fame. Tlieir affection was gratified, indeed, in securing to
as our liberty, but that “holy ambition Wbiclilseolaslto be distina

45

guished, as well as to be useful, has committed their characters,,
and reputation to our care. With the greatest of human ben efits
has devolved upon us the most sacred of human obligations. The
liberties which have been acquired, we are bound to defend ;---Q
the institutions which have been built up, we are bound to pre-
serve ;-—-the inheritance which has descended upon us, we are
bound to transmit, unimpaired in its strength, . and uncorrupted in
its purity. It is not by temples or monuments you can preserve
their fame; give to distant posterity the fruits of their labours,
and the reputation of your patriots, will be as imperishable as
their works. The most feeling petition which genius, or fame,
can make to posterity, is to preserve their productions: if the
statue of an Apollo Belvidere had never been lost, the world
would have now known the sublimest of its sculptors.

The jubilees of a free people should have a reference to their
liberties. The present occasion, dedicated to that cause which
awakes the enthusiasm of an American, in whatever quarter of the
world his pursuits, or fancy, may draw him, cannot be better de--
voted, than to a slight recurrence to the history of our liberties,
and an attempt to appreciate their character. If we turn from
the little occupations of the day, to look back through the lapse
of a few generations, and enlarge our conceptions to the high
.   amassed. their
attention, and the noble impulses by whitish they twiereiactuateid,
it cannot, be but our own characters should become elevated and
enlarged, our sentiments obtain new vigour, and our motives high«
er objects. T

Forty-four years age between two and three millions of people,
scattered over an immense territory, without money, ‘and without
arms, deliberately proclaimeda sentiment which was to involve
them in hostility with the organized strength, of the most power»-
ful state of Europe. If the consequences of this declaration were
tremendous, and appa1ling,‘they were nevertheless foreseen. It
was not the ebullition of a sudden passion, thoughtless of the con-
sequences of indulging it, yielding. to an impulse without knowing
where it would urge them, and turning from the contemplation of
an evil which the next moment might overwhelm them. If the
end were independence, it was nevertheless foreseen that the way

lay through scenes of rapine, and desolation, and blood.‘ The ,

men who with a sublime effort of courage, dared to proclaim their

5

freedom inviolable, and to rely upon the patience, and firmness of
the people to preserve it, knew as well as we now do, that they
gave their dwellings to the flames, and their best blood to the
steel of the mercenary soldier. It was a cool, deliberate purpose,
calculating consequences, and calmly, but firmly, preparing to en-
counter them. It was an act of deliberate selfldevotion, where the
soul is wrought up to the highest point of its energy, mastering
and subduing the weakness of nature, and courting the trial of its
destiny. Calm, patient,and serene, but fixed, resolute, immova-
able. ‘ V

In the great drama of the revolution there was so much of mag-
nificence and variety---so many scenes of pathetic tenderness to af-
fect—--so many disasters to dismay us-——-such transitions from despair
to hope, and from defeat to unexpected, unlimited, overwhelming
"victory;--that the mind is distracted by the multiplicity of its ob-
jects, and subdued by the intensity of its emotions. We behold a
nation yet weak, divided, and irresolute ; just awaiting to a
sense of its danger, and yet conceiving but faintly its extent ;
alarmed for the safety of its liberty, and not yet roused to the
hazard of its defence; full of fears, but full of hopes; dreading
much from the hostility of a ministry, but hoping more from the
clemency of a king. It was a deep struggle between the conflict-
ing emotions for loyalty, ancient friendship, and peace on one side,
and for inviolate freedom, attended with war and desolation on the
other. It was with a feeling of irresolute and wavering horror
they perceived a danger which could only be warded off, by
striking at their allegiance. There was an impressive earnest-»
ness in their appeal to the justice of their oppressors. They
watched with breathless solicitude, the varying expression of a
countenance, deliberating on their rights. In the addresses tirst
offered at the feet of royalty, there was something so respectful,
so patient, and so temperate, that it seemed filial affection appeal-
ing to parental tenderness, scarcely more alarmed for its own safe-
ty, than distressed for the errors of a parent. But when they per-
ceived that remonstrance was lost upon implacable arrogance, and
that the ear was shut to the most impressive supplications, they
drew back on the energy of their own resources. They were not
insensible of the value ofwealthl or peace ;. they could exercise a
rigorous frugality to acquire the one, and suppress the risings of a
just resentmentto preserve the other : But when their inherent

6

and inalienable privileges were threatened---when that liberty
was in danger which their infant lips had been taught to venerate,
they thouglit little of peace, or security, or wealth. The battal-,

V ions of despotism might parade before them; the high way of

their commerce might be blocked up ; their dwellings might blaze
by the incendiary hand of the mercenary soldier : But in the
noise of their Wanner and OTIS, calling them to resistance and to
arms ; telling them it was in the cause of their country, of their
children, of distant posterity itself, they were suffering, there was
a charin which made the little objects of property and peace, di-«-
rninish before them: They rose, and amidst carnage, and terror,
and the thunder of arms, silently invoking the justice of that G-on,
to whom the foundations of their governrnent were dedicated,
they swore to perish with their liberties, or defend them.

It is not simply the events of our revolution, glorious and inter—-

esting" as We may feel them to be, that we ought to study : It is of

t"’arrnore consequence to ascertain, if possible, that cause in our
habits, or institutions, or laws, by which the great contest was ex»

‘ sited, and supported with such inflexible fortitude, and firmness.---e

That peculiar Feature of society, by which men set a greater value
on freedom, than on the usual objects of worldly ambition, may
he the product of causes almost as numerous as the motives for
ihmnan,action._,,_,I3jut,ifi_,,,,tliere pbemone ,_cause, more than another,
froin, w1'iteh‘1iibe’n:y has ibeléii pesuiiariy c‘1ieiisl1e£l ty  ancestors,
and by which it may be preserved and perpetuated by us, it will
he found in the practical equality of their condition. Political
Eqna.lity, or that state in which man stands his fellow with man,
and preserves, in the notice of his Cannon, the same level which
he derived from his gift was the great spriazg of the ./imcrilccmi
.Re'uoZa'.z‘;i0'it. ,

By political equality is not meant the absence of actual diversity
in the influence, or station, or respectability of men. Freedom
eonfers no disparity in rank, any more than in property ; and we
must notleirpect all men to be erqualliy eminent any more than equal,
lly rich. Distinctions will exist; power and wealmess, affltipence
and poverty will surround us; but this is the eistcellence of society
rrhen it is attributable, not to arbitrary distinction, or e,:<t1"aneous in-.
tiuences, but simply to the inherentudifferences in the merits of men.
Fotlitical equality removes those barriers by which society isshut

ent from etpxal,con‘ipetition, and tallies from opulence, and descent,

*2"

an unjustilipreference over poverty and obscurity; It is that state
of society in which all the products of nature are made to contri»
bute to its advancement; in which the sphere of competition is not
reduced to a few, but enlarged to embrace us all; and which oh»-
tains the assistance of genius from whatever condition it may be
drawn. It is reasonable to expect that as we enlarge the sphere,
we shall multiply the effect, and that uncommon excellence will he
obtained in proportion to the numbers from which it is selected.
Political equality,in the institutions and -habits ofour forefathers,
was the principal cause of our national independence. They who
have once lived under its influence, are unwilling to renounce the
elevated sentiments it inspires, and the honorable prospect it operis
to thezm, at any hazard which human affairs can disclose. With
the loss of this they feel a sense of personal degradation, the last:
sentiment to which human nature can be reconciled. It was that
feeling of self-respect, and conscious dignity, which drew our soiber
and peaceful citizens from the tender connexions of domestic life,”
to the restraints, and privations of a camp, so little in unison with
their sentiments and habits. It reconciled them to the carnage and
desolation of a civil war, infinitely more destructive of their pros-
perity than the oppression they resisted. The loss of political
liberty carried with it no influence on doinestic life, or private
comfort, compared with the unlimited privations, and trying‘ sacri-~
tices of a sa"mguinaI'y war. But it is the nature of conscious freedorn
to elevate the sentiments above selfish considerations, and enlzirgts
the views to the interests of‘ posterity. =Tl'Llt'-3 history of our revo-»
lution displays models of character more worthy oi'innita,tion time
the reiterated names ofantiquity, or tlziepopnlar heroes of the pre~
sent age, glittei‘ing with the fictitious lustre oftl:ie.}>ap;ezi'ntry which
surrounds them. But in seelting the true cause oi’ that unyielding:
firmness, and inflexible perseverenco, which achieved our low
dependence, we must ‘carry our scrutiny beyond the Genet?»
ads which directed the move1n.entsof armies, or the Statesman
who laiboured in the cabinet. Inz’liviclual eminence was the
effect of our natiorial struggle, not the cause of it. Greatness
naturalily arises from that state of society in which private
character sufiers no restraint 1" rom intolerant laws, or aristocratic.
distinctions. If every name dear to our recollection had existed
but in fancy, the Ainerican people would still have been free. W In
equal competition the most powerful will rise, and station, and ex-

8

perience would have made generals, out of privates and suhalterns.
We cannot estimate too highly the great men of the revolution,
unless we do it at the expense of the people. Their reputation
will not suffer by a comparison with any names which human an-
nals can furnish. When mellowed by time, and enlarged by the
mist which the lapse of ages will throw around them, there will
he no greater subjects for the romantic eflhsions of poetry, or the
inspired efforts of the pencil. But instances of greatness are every
where produced by great occasions, and though a nobler occa-
sion than our. revolution was never known, nor characters which
have better risen to suit the magnitude of the. occasion, yet in the
great catalogue of sages, and patriots, they find competitors, if not
rivals. The true cause bf your Independence was the character
of your people. To estimate it rightly we must study the feelings
of our population, and the condition of our society :-—-——-We must look
downwards from the most eminent, to the humblest of the actors.
We must look at the men who suffer but do not shine, at the arm
which wields the sword, as well as the head which bears the laurel.
It is among those men of whom history tells us scarcely nothing
but their numbers, that we must seek the just character of our
countrymen, and the true merits of our history.

On that memorable hill which overlooks your town, the fancy
may stilltsketcsh the eommon soldier, with his coarse..frock,. and rusty

. rifle, piling up the i‘rai1.breastwor-lz: against the tire of the tremen-

dous artillery. The ground before him seems broken by fresh
made hillocks ; they cover the scarcely cold bosoms of those com-
panions who marched with him from the same village, and once in
their childhood, mingled with him in the same sports. In that humble
attire, and patient avocation, the eye perceives no indication of
pretension, or lure for ambition. The prosperity of his country
awards him no wealth----its independence secures him no honours;
what retains him amidst the perils and privations of" the camp, to

whom victory promise little of its conquests, and nothing of its .

fame? It is not the lustre of a leader’s name ;---he flew to the
camp before his country had a leader. It is not the cordon of guards
which surround him ; the cautious vigilance of the veteran yields
to the integrity of the citizen volunteer. It is not the dread threat
of martial punishment ; no force has drawn him there, and no
compact retains him. In the ravages of battle there was to him,
hithertb a novice in such scenes, enough to appal, and ‘confound

is

him. War rages around him in all its horrors, and death stalks i

through the field in undisputed ascendancy. And yet he goes not
though his companions fall aroundihixn, though the brother by his
side reels to the well aimed rifle, and the next flash may leave his
children fatherless. Why does he stay«—-s-—-Why does he not fly,

before the fatal bullet is sped, to the home he has left, and to the

arms which welcome his return '2 He stays from that proud feeling
of political equality which defeat may wrest from him, to open new
lures._.to the rapacity of rank : He stays to guard the shattered form
of that violated liberty, bending before the storm of organized op»-
pression : He stays to secure that Independence which his country

. and posterity ask of him-—-~that Independence which he has given

to you t

The same hahits,and institutions which lead to our Independence,

it would be prudent to regard as its safest defence. Every citizen

i should understand the essential features of his government, or he

will lose it while most desirous of its preservation. It is a great
error to suppose liberty can be preserved merely by charters, or
bills of rights. In society there is a perpetual tendency adverse
to the principle of political equality. Wealth, talents, and the en»
joyment of power, incessantly tend to perpetuate monopoly, and
transrnitt ranlt, Some a cause must be found constantly to counter»-
act this influence, and undermine the inequalities as they spring up
around» us, or the principle of freedom will be perpetually impair-
ing. ".l‘l1e natural tendency of society must find a connterpoise in

the constantly I'l;3(31lI'I'lI'lg‘ influence of the laws, and of liabits still

more powerful than laws. ,

Time great principles of regeneration, by which society is
brought to its natural level, are the diliitsion of knowledge, and
tl,1edistril;>ution ofproperty. One source of factitious rank, that
whicharises from the enjoyment of power, is effectua-lly removed
by the nature of our government. Offices are conferred by suil
fragos, and not by descent, and danger from this quarter is
obviated so long as We preserve our constitution. But the monou-
poly of wealth, and leaming;, are sources no less powerful and
productive, and equally dangerous to the government. The
defect in English liberty at this nnotnent is not so Inuch in the form.
of their constitution, as in the laws securing the monopoly of pro-
perty, and the benefits of instruction, among‘ the higher classes of
their pogiulatiog. The, theory of their gotfernment is represents-=;

5:0

tive ; but the representation is confined to their pi"0pe1~ty$_
and the ignorance of‘ the great mass of society secures hereditary
tank; from the competition of" the people. The language of our
constitution afihrde no S:-tfel-g't1ard against this silent and treacheas
rous cause of unequal highite. Wealth may accumulate lwithottt
restraint, and learziing be moaopolized by the richer classes, With.
eut any ;l'IlfI‘lI1g‘el1"l€I1lZ of your charters. These influences can be
controuiled only by your laws, and those habits: ‘Wl"liCl;1 depend on
the virtues of the people. This political equality, secured by the
dilfueion of intellig'e11ce., and the clistributioo of wealth, is the
great object of your political inet:itut.ione. The geeiee of our gov‘-
ernment is anl;i~ol"ietocratic. We imbibed this spirit, at leaetin thie
quarter of tlieycouotty, from our earliest settlers-3. lrhrimitive in
their manners, and aiming ‘at religiotze fteeclom more tliaa worclly
aggriatndiaementg they preserved 3.l”110l7l§§;‘ t.l1em a level, not simply

«of :1 social, but almost of la lvclomeetic character‘. Thie ie the origi-'

nal bias; of our _iiisstit.etions, and it its inetmc.tive to notice how stu-
diouely it has been ‘preeervecl through euccees’iVe= generatioils, by
the instinctive eagacity of the people.

The theory of political equality is proclaimed in our constitu-
tion. “ All men are lZ)0I't"1 free and equal.” “ The several mag-
istrates, and ollicers of government, Veeted with authority, wlnather
tlyelgiyslatjivfem e:gyeTc:etlve,,yit0orlllldicielit W3 the aaermsti;iiiioli.t11ei~1m<:>1:>1ra

, andacool1ntai'bl-e to tlaierzti.” ~“ No nian has aayyotheir title to ob-

tainy advantages, or particular and eztclusive pr.ivilegess., than wliat
arises from the consideration of services remlered to the public.”

'4‘ No man shall be molested for woreliippitw; God in the mannexf“

and season most agreealale to the dictatee of conscience.” “ Tlie
liberty of the p1:‘(3&5S is; essential to the security of‘ a free state; it
o11gl1.t not tlie:ret'ox'e to be restrained in this connnonwealth.”
These are the eentimeots of the conetit‘ution,_and before we recur
to their practical influence in our systiem, let us exainine one mo-
merit the theory itself’. \ i

“ The idea,” says tl1e‘ocomstitution, “ of a man being; born a
magistx-ate, la‘w-giver, or j1.tclg:§e, is a,hsurcl and urmatural.”-’ Rights
to pat*tici1la.r-privileges, or distinctions, can only arise from eer-
vioeeto~ the public, and these are not liiereditary. I-‘Iereclitary
clietinction ioconsidered as an ellectlsurviving its cause. Reason»
able and just as these seatieieote eeein, is it not su1.'prieir1g'ltl'1at we
etancl alone of all the oiviltitfietl ‘W0'l;‘lCl in pt'oc:ltaiming; them ? No

ill

people have ever tried the experiment before us :--l--in no age or
icoontry wnseit ever before conceded in their political code, that the
only claim to distinction arose from services rendered to the public.
Even in the days of her Brutus, when the stern arm of liberty tore
down the symbols of despotic power, Rome had her patricians,anél
her pleliietie. With his oath of inop-peasiblie hatred, the infant
Hen-nibol received 1'" mm his father at once his hostility to Rome,
and the command ofhis Carthage. Eogl.end too, whose freedom.
is procloimecl nnpnraloleled by her iportiol enlogiste, selects one
half of her law givers, by the glittering steer, which a monarclfo
thvor ettnohes to their habits. Examine the most enlightened

nation of the most enliglitened age, and you will nowhere find men.

:ii‘(-Be from oristocmtic clistitnctiions, and hereditary rank. America.
alone in the ocience of her politics, recognizes no rlistinctions.
Men stomlo here on the level of his fellows, with nothitng to re-—
deem him from mediocrity but his own virtues and t1se.i’nlneso.. In
the theory of our government we know nothing of feniilieés :3, the?
child whose father, to-~(ln.y, directs the armies of the republic, may
to-morrow be cornxrnontlecl by the son ofhie soldier.

But the real principal of equality is not secured by the porch-
linflllil0i~yOl.II"l11EE5ilit]il()n. That ve~nereted charter may proclaim
in every page, that all men are politioelyly equal, but let knowlw
tatlge he conlinetl to I-1i.(3l2ll.‘"55‘~, let wealth hy lows of priinogeniture oo-
ontmiizite in ii “Fe W tiimiliee; let the press be free only for the gov»-
eritiment, or smhject to the (3(E3rl.“37«<i)1.‘.‘E‘»l‘1,lp of its ogento,‘ae:1cl you may
nc‘lm.ire the tilt‘-!0i‘y' of your conetitlu.:xtion, for you will have nothing‘
elee to ziclmire. ’l;‘he political eqtmlity of your conclition will exist;
only on the records of your public otlicee! "’ 

A g(?:1”.l@l.'&"tl oystetn of ed.uc:.ition, by which all men miglit he free}
to snsstzoin the competition for political power, was one of? tlie.
greatest ol)ject.s oi’ the founders of your government. The sysstent
of public, schools was eclopted by 21 ongncious people, and cerriecl
into extensive use, as an indiepcneible means of perpet11nti11glib-
erty. '.l_;‘il1(-.3 fri.iends.4 of eonrpolitiml institutions; should cherish their
pi-iniery schools with as intlex;i‘ble on atteohnient as their politicei,
ol1e.rtere., ‘

Limit the cliflhsion of‘ knowledge and you rnonopolizeipower;
Aecendency will be obtained by these best qualified to possess it.
ll‘ you, or your cchildren are inferior to :YOUI'11t?‘.lg‘i1ilO1I1’Si, rerneniber
the fault is not inyour goveirnment, bntin youxzeelves. clfyouwish

.  ’- is

to preserve practical equality, divide alike the sources of distinc-
tion.‘ Confine education to one class, and patricians and plebians
will rise up around us withoutthe aid of senatorial authority, or
titular distinctions. Dniffusiopn of knowledge is the great power by
which the cumbrous edifice of despotism is overthrown. The mo»
ment men begin to be enlightened, they begin to be free. The
iron despotism of the feudal ages was not overthrown by arms,
nor ameliorated by a magnanimous policy. The haughty chief
upon‘ whose voice hung the sentence of life and death, did not
emancipate his cerfs, nor fall before their combined resistance. It
was the avarice. of the masters of mankind, giving the arts to their
slaves, in the intervals of their feuds, which at length subdued their
power, and restored freedom to the world. General education is
the great cause why‘ society is now every where agitated. by polit-
ical passions, and the thrones of monarchs are tottering under
thenn, Education travels downwards in society, and freedom rises
on its basis. Public seminaries, of instruction are better than for-—
tresses, and armies, to secure, and perpetuate freedom. They are
part of the institution of government, and should be supported by
the public. It is not a subject on which we should allow ourselves
to talk of the expense. The public revenues are the people’s,
and they have nothing to spare for other objects till this be accom-

plished. ,In.ti-m~es-"oi" prosperityitherwealth -ofrtitvtatriustriotls peo-

ple must accumulate ; let that excess be collected in part by jw»
dicious taxes, rather than wasted in idle luxuries, and dedicated to
the great end of promoting the public intelligence. The govern-«

“ ment of every country loves to surround itself with the contribu-
tions of genius and” the display of taste: A free people should.

surround the recesses of their power, with every thing which may
impress upon us a sense of their dignity; but let them remember
theirpower is no where so securely deposited, as in those halls of

. T instruction, where therchildren of the poor are secured in a prac-

tical equality with the offspring of the opulent. In Europe the
stranger may look for the palaces of their princes; but in this
country let him rather find the proudest specimens of the arts in
those buildings which a free people dedicate to God, their liberties,
and their government. a g V

The general diffusion of intelligence enables men to become
competitors for the public favour, and to be qualified for the first

-ofiices in a republic. Our constitution recognizes the validity of  

13

such pretensions, and disclaims all obstacles fromfactitious rank.
But it would have indicated a singular ignorance of human nature,

not to have foreseen that wealth might create obstacles almost as -

insuperable as titular distinctions. Real aristocracy does not de-
pend on the names which distinguish it: It has existed in its most
obnoxious forms under appellations as simple as citizens of a re-
public. The lords of Greece and Rome were distinguished only
by the names of their families : A Scipeo or Brutus, an Alcibiades
or Cymon held the power of state without the epithets of modern
aristocracy. Unaccompanied by power or wealth, there is no
magic in a name, and the pompous titles of Castilian rank, are as
harmless as the hereditary honors of our own Cincinnati. The
shrewd sagacity of our progenitors, who recognized in political
equality the essential cause of civil liberty, and who fixed deep
the foundations of democratic freedom, saw that, though they had
proscribed hereditary power, there was no less danger from hered~
itary influence. They well knew that whatever might be the lo-

lgal rights of opulence, the deference of mankind would yield toits

influence what it denied to its claims. A family who should enjoy
through successive generations uninterrupted opulence, howev.er«
obscure in its origin, and tainted with plebian avocations, would
become formidable competitors with humble-r names. There is
besides a poison in continued prosperity, in being raised and pre-
served by fortune above our neighbors, which blinds the eyes of
men, and renders them incredulous of that equality they do not
feel. It was not by such men demos 'atic liberty was to be pro-—
tected. Glittering in parade, surrounded by ltmiury, callous to mgis»
ibrtunes they do not share, and deatl to sympathies theynever
solicit, the'y would soon expect that society would authorise their
pre--eminence, and stamp with authority their aspiring pretensions.
The numbers of such men alone, might not endanger our liberties ;
but the same causes which make a few men eminently rich, make
the many eminently poor. Squalicl poverty is always in the train of

tglittering ostentation. The magnificence oi‘ the palace is raised

on the ruins of the cabin. By the monopoly ofwealth, a class of

T men would grow up among us which other countries designate, by

the term rabble or populace, but which, to us, -are as yet unlstnown.
Too ignorant for a. cdnsciousness of their natural equality, too
poor to rvegarcl» it, they would be dependants and sycophants ct"
Wealth, andptit'iln.strun1ednts for unlrightoous ambition. . Accumulatw

1%

ing wealth makes factions leaders ; give them a dependant popu-it
lace, and janissaries and pretorian guards will be ready organized,
to sell at once their own freedom, and the rights of their country.
Wealth may now have its influe.nce—-fashion tnaystill corrupt its
Votaries, butwe have reason to thank Goo that their reign will be
short, and,;,that the redeeming influence of our law of di_stributions,
will scion overthrow their ‘towering ambition, and supply their
places from healthier ranks of society. No matter now to what
eminence the casualties of commerce may raise its pursuers---l\To
rnatter what splendor may surround them to blend us to the sense
of the equality of our condition :—-—The proudest and loftiest heart
which wealth can swell, is brought to a just estimate of its condition,
by that inevitable vicissitude, which will make the ,<g;rancl-son of
his labourer, the acknowledged equal and companion of his own.
In such a stateof society genius has nothing to fear: Poverty for

a while may banish it from the circles of fasliion : the courtesies V

and civilities of ‘society may smile more graciously on a richer
rival; the humbleness of a name not yet Wliisperecl in the rlrawe
ltig‘-I',0OlI1 may light up disdain from the lipe of the ai‘rog*ant ;~,-wtniit
let him keep on. Conscious of the real irnfluence of merit, let the
aspiring plebian look witli a smile on the little trammels which
fashion may bind around him. The most honorable avocatione are
open to his e,xe,rti;ons ; the confidence oi“,anfreer,ip«atwlfl»ii$li:ithe +legi,tii»-
mate prize of his ambition. He may see his competitor indeed

buoyed up on the public favour, and fanned withthe brea'tl.1 oi‘

fael:iioiiable applause : I".l€'3 may hear hingi claim the prize almost
as the privilege of his rank, and eee the hands of coui'l:ee_y and
aduylatqion ready to yield it up; but in the name of the g_;*reat cause
of natural, and constitutional tT:ql.ltlllil2_’3/, let him command them to
pause, and assert the indefensible pretensione oi'rncrit frorn what»-
ever rank it may be drawn. There is no ohetaclee to his claim,
either in the character of your laws, or the (30l"lF5llliUl.lOlTl of your
society; the impartial tribunal who sees in his eminence the
promise of their own, will gladly assign liimtho prize of cligni'l:y,
and rank, and he will stand forth redeemed flrornl poverty and oh—-
scurity, by the regenerating influence of political ec.iu21ili~t.3r.

The diffusion of knowledge lenahlee etjery class; in a republic to
become cornpetitors for public conticlence ; the division of wealth
breaks down those artificial distinctions by which the CQl’I’l}'H3l;lllOI‘.t
is rendered unequal, and leaves no serious obstacle to the actual

£5

influence of’ the spirit of our governinent. But the practical prew-
niervation of liberty may sometimes find an obstacle in the faith-
leesness of the public functionaries, as well as in the conflictirigr
interests of society. Under a constitution lilrfie ours the real sov-
ereignty is vested in a majority of the people, Whose wishes when
ascertainecl, should be in a human point of view, supreme and un»
controulable.

The:-ev~ie no safe way to ascertain their wishes but by atforcliiagf
an easy expression to the public opinion. Our representative eye»
tern a.~3oertain.s'. that opinion on points within the scope of legisla»
tive antliority, but obviously furnishes no checks against the 
tiltlitlfii or faithlessness of the legislature themselves. Public opin-—
ion is not formed by the abstract sentiments of individuals, but 
the result of expression, coniparirzson and connbination. Without
unity and direction the wislies ofa greater number cannot contenct
with the syetetn and combination of a smaller. l’i1bLic opinion, it’
we rnay use the (3§CpI‘t3SSlOl'1,  not in the ratio oi" the integral nutm-
hers, but oftlie %3qu21I'0 of the cornbination. It not the physical
"force of an ()l“g'2'til;lZ€:(l and clieciplittied army, Wlllcll l1o1cl.~3 a whole
pe(;>ple in eult,>_j<;ecliion ;--——-—-int  their cotnl;>ined action, and unity oi”
pnrpn:3e., wlxioli ("")VlOt'W“.l.lt;!ll'l'l:5 a sli1pe1'ioi*, by the siicceseive over»
throw ofite detaolied constituents.

To p1'er~:e.:i+i’e the authority of the public voice, we must have
eonie fl.l"g':1l“l by which it can be <:onm1t1nicate'cl. 'l;‘liere is no otllor
than a free fl;m“e.«_s'.s‘. %

Uniiler a desapotic: governzrnent the iv'e:;il«:iiee.«:-;,ic>if the people con--~
aisle in their l'i:itrii1g no public opinion. It  not boeauee the ‘:3l21Vt'.t
has no l’eelliiii_e;;'r;i aversse~tc;> lite t yrant that he continues in l.fiondafg;e ;
he may writlie antler the laelti as eeneibly, and came l’1ll3 chains: as
enilpl’iatical'l_v.,:1:3 he who owne no master. it is not always be-
cause he  blind to the, iglegmaclation ot"h'i:.=s eervitiide, orii1clit’fei'ei1tl-i
to the t>i:'ig'iii:;i“l tlignit_y oi‘ hie condition, that he does not rise and
assert his rigliti:-3. 1-vie lute l7.ll.S ()pll1l(.ll'IS, and they are as decicletlly
opposed to the ju.<=i.t;iee of liie S[ll'il_llilg‘iill’lOn as the more querulou:-5
cotnplainte ol'ar1injiii'etleiti:.»:ei"1. lie rnig,;'tii‘t aim at cnfranczliisernent,
but who willienpporti ltiiin-—--he n1ig'li'it proclaim hie rights; but who
will 1'eten to him '3 it its not because there are not enoiiglii to share
in his wieliee, limit who Willjoin in his objcct=’:’ ‘ Thereare enongli
who would answerxto his call, but how shall he nzzal-ze it known to
them 2’ If he rises«:he rises alone, anclie .enbdnetl before his effort?»

16

are made known to his companions. The greatest security of a

tyrant is, not that his subjects have no arms, but that they have

no public opinion. Men disunited and unconfederate, are irreso-»
lute, timid, and weak, even while the object of their wishes is
within their grasp. It was not from an indifference to their con-
dition we lately saw the Spanish people indolently gazing, while‘
their Qunaoca called them to arms, and their gallant Rtnoo waved
the standard of revolt to the face of his terrified sovereign. In
Spain there was no free press. Catalonia might desire her free»
dom without knowing Andalusia would bleed to obtain it. The

strength of an oppressor can crush an unassisted effort, and partial
insurrection secures only the doom of the revolter. Let strangers
who see but superficially into the complex machine of society,

suppose Spain was indifferent because she was calm ; let them
mistal-re for apathy the stillness and soherness of that irresolution,
which heard the summons to arms, and paused to weigh the pros--—
pects of’ the sun1mone1~; let them misapprehend the caution which
waits to know the extent of its support, for the timidity which
dares not resist, or the baseness which prefers submission. It
will be well for Ferdinand it‘ he sees deeper into the human liearti
It was not the sanction of the king which made the constitution so
dear to the people: It was not the official decree which drew
ihrth ‘that trernendous 'burs_t offapplause,.whichi~-seemed,,.1ilte an

electric slviock, to touch‘ at the same instant each extremity of

the country. The decree of the king simply gave a license to
public opinion. It unshacltled the hitherto stifled voice, by which
the sentiments of a nation could be made known to itself, and it
burst forth_ in tones which startled authority, and gave assurance
todistrust. Partial oppression in Spain will be no longer borne
from the doubt of a general resistance. A free press now tells
the people, the oppressioniof one is an outrage to all, and that the
first efibrt at counter revolution will be met by an united, indig»-

nant and determined people. The concession of a panic struclr ,

monarch he may attempt to resume, when the shouts of an angry
populace shall no longer thunder in his ear; but if he ever restore
the waning power of a bigoted sceptre, he must first overturn the
disenthralled press. Leave public opinion thee and it will sum-»
men a million of bayonets to warn him to desist, or to immolate
the miserable pageant on the altar of their liberty. t
The establishment of public opinion has secured the rights of

Spaniards. Liberty tired of waging a petty contest with the



ttgents of her porsecutor has turned on their chief" and now waves
her triumphant ensigns over the recesses of his power. For a.
nation to be free she needs only to will it says a great French pom
litician. To will her freedom she must have a public voice. A
free press is the liglit which marks to numbers their position, and
their course ; without it they grape in darlmess and fall before
the stroke which they connot anticipate. The real power of the
press may be shown by its influence on despotic goVernrnents.-—--
Under apprehension or dismay the first object of the.ir alarm is the
ltv1l}§.J?'l‘i:il§,j!"G of the press. It is that, they tell us, which shakes the
t'out:nfi:;ttioi‘i of their thrones, ontl unsettles society. Tyranny 00.11“
not l()2T)g sust:..tin the competition with public opinion; she must
stiilo it or p‘“o.t'isli. She sees in :1 free press the dread rival which
tells liter the worhl  not 'lorge enouo;l1 for both. In the language
of our own tiitztt-it, it spooks to her with the cleorness of destiny,
liere, is your enemy, ifyou do not ltill her, she will hill you.
Whenever a government shows itself jealous of the press, you
may suspect its intep;t-ity. While _iustice governs her councils she
lies notliing; to four from it. While she obeys the only legitimate
sovereign. oi‘ society, public opinion, there is no cause of alarm.---
The moment she attempts to sncrilice the linppiness of the nation
to the oupidity of a few, she grasps at the throat of the public
voice with desperate energy. It is the first object of her terror,
and she line no rest till it silenced. In the restriction oi’ the
press you may rent] the present c.hnr:_tcter oi’ the British governa-
ment. ’§lI‘.liore was :1 time when Ellglttllld heard in the licence of
the public voice, the watch Word of her so.fet:y : when she point»
ed to the ruins of other g<>veI'nrnents and clung to the pillars of
her 1l)I‘os;s' for security oncl support, amidst the throes of society,

v(V
1

end, the storm of revolution. Now her eloquent statesmen may
thnnlt. G-<.in freetlonri line yet :1 strong‘ liold, but it is no longer in
the ].‘~it’l,ll.‘a'l1 isles. i

No notion was over free Where public opinion was silenced.-~—.-«
Puhlic opinion has no voice but tllirotigli an unrestrained press.
Under the pretense of lt'€3E~3tif'ttilf1l1'lg‘ licentiousness, or stibduing sedi-
tion, suitor no laws to be enacted by which your sentiments may
be stiifled. ,'I‘he genius of o. Republican Government hollows no
corrective for this evil, but the gioocl sense of society. Our rights
are founded upon the public virtues, and while these last there is
no fear for the outiiority of ,g‘orernment. Titers is now no real

‘'9
..a'

£8

4*

tlange1* from liceutiousness. This is the pretence of’ arbitrary

power, by which it attempts to lull jealousy while it destroys i'ree—'
., dom. No man suffers from the calumnies oi‘ the press, who de-

serves to escape its censures. Falsehood can always be opposed
by truth ; error can always be detected by reason ; calurnny re»
coils with redoubled energy on the assailant, from the shield of a
just reputation. Accusation is harmless unsupported by evidence;
and the. niagnitude ofa charge becomes ridiculous in proportion to
its improhability. To suppose that language cannot be tree with-
out danger, is to doubt of the ability of truth to encounter false-
hood, and to give ‘to vice an inherent superiority over virtue.
Leave equally free the assailant, and the accused; hear them
with moderation and judge them withiinp-arti‘a.lity. Society gives
to power sul°ficient advantage in the contest to need no aid from
the cover of concealment. Itthe charge be groundless, the con»
tempt of mankind awaits the dot:-actor, and the (l(3.ll:1II1a‘lLlC)l] ltinclles
a livelier sympathy for the injured. Tlie public accuser has no
arms to second his injustice, no magistrates to enforce his art»-
thority, no laws to inflict vengeance on his opponents. He stands
alone, resting on the eternal principles of truth and justice, and
they who fear his appeal, Sl11"l1f1l{ in the consciousness of their guilt,
or doubt the integrity of the tribunal who is to judge them.--------
“ Error of’ opinion may be tolerated with safety when reason is
left free. to coinbat it,” -is the divine sentinierit ot'iJr~:r:rnnsoN. In

that little aphorisxn is an intrinsic energy of truth, which defies

human learningand ingenuity to controvert it. We hear it only
to yield our assent, and feel conscious volumes could not answer it.
‘There can be no danger in appealing to public opinion; it is a
tribunal, dispassionate, intelligent and impartial. It allfords to in~
nocence as certain a protection as it awards censure to crime. 
who is called before it has nothing to fear from the malice ofliis
accuser. When the tribunal of justice opens to the prisoner, it is

not the charges of theiprosecutor which appal him»---it is the

consciousness of his guilt. . r
The influence of political equality on your government may be

seen in the economy of your expenditures, in the prosperity not‘

your pursuits, and in the ability and integrity of your public otficers
A government springing ~i‘roi:n* the people requires no support
against domestic insurrection. '.Pl]e.1'l’.lOIIleI'1t opposition becoines a.

majority, a revolution is effected withouthloodshed.‘ ’ The ban»-

19

hiss which glitter on a.1nonarch’s brow, the pageantry ofeqtiipage,
of retinue and guards,-—-—those political cancers which teed upon
the public wealth ’til the sustenance of the poor labourer is gradu-
ally crumbled from his month, are viewed by the manly sense of
the American people with ixieffalile disdain. But its influence in
private life is the cause of the greatest triumph of its advocates.’

 Under its operation the labourer becomes enterprising and indus-

trious. Public confidence is a prize open to every condition of

society: from municipal officers of towns to rulers of‘ the state,‘

the public suit:-ages are souglit for as the testimonials of a well-
spent life and ol"an honourable reputation. The ruling passions of
men lceop inotrinp; them on to that distinction which He‘ave11 has af-
lloi-decl as the great spring oi‘ human exertion. A stranger, in seeli:-~
sing; the greatest excellence which our institutions altord, should
not have pointed out to him the simplicity of the government, the
eloquence of the senate, or the trophies of our arms. He should
he carried into the streets to witness the condition of the great
mass of labourers; he should converse with our farinprs and me-
chanics, behold the state of their domestic society, and witness at
once the iliitelligltnce and subordination on which the stability of
the government is placed. He should be made to see that the eX-
cellence consisted not in the liauglitiness of our independence, or

the triumph of our arms, but in elevating the human character to ’

a higl1ot' standard of moral worth, and in extending the fruits of
science and civilization to lower gra<:le~s of society.

ll’ the principle of political equality be the basis of our freedom,
we have reason to rejoice that We lmhold it so essential a part of
all our institutions. There are but few points in which this great
o'iiject soerns to have escaped the safgacity oi’ the people. The
system ofyour govermnent is built upon the principle of equal rev-
presentation ; yet your senate is apportioned on wealth, and not
on population. On one side ofa line the Farmer or mechanic, has
tlriree times the voice he can liave on the other. Tliere  no
usefulness in this regiilzitiory--_~;it irnpairs the great principle of our
government without an adequate object. It presupposes  false
fact that the interests of a section of the state with less wealth
may be diverse from that with more. This is not so : our inter»
ests are as identical for a state, as for any portion of it, and even
in districts with the greatest ratio, the rich are entitled to no more
rotesthat: the ipoor. Under your present constitution your gov»

20

vernznent: is not one of the public will~»—-the Senate is not chosen by
a majority of the people. Thewprinciple ofpolitical equality is im»
paired from the exploded sentiment that some portion ofaristocracy
was a. necessary ingredient of government. You have now the
opportunity to remedy the evil. ,The disrneniherment of the
state alfords a safe occasion to retouch the edifice of government ;
let it be done with a sparing and cautious hand, but without fear
or trepidation. We should venerate the proud l'ahric of our liber-
ties, but not sanctify its errors. A majority can at all times alter
their government ; a law which requires two thirds is at war with
the constitution, and an usurpation upon the people. Remove
then the tiny obstacles which impair the princl pal of political
equality. Remould your Senatorial constitution, and do away
with religious tests. Government is designed for human society ;
they who are subject to its authority should have an interest in its
preservation. Let religion he guarded, but suffer no persecution
of honest men. Religious tests either procure hypocrites, or ex-
clude men of principle. The’ man who has integrity enough to
give his office for his opinions gives the best evidence of his quali-

fications for your service. If he sacrifices honesty for your favor 7

he is unfit for your purpose : if he preserve it to his own exclu-«
sion, you lose the best among your citizens. It is a had law----it
can bring you only vice, and keep oil‘ nothing ybputinfleiribleq princi-—

l,,._jple., V .  

Inladmiring -the greatsystem of your national institutions, in

it which the principle ofpolitical equality is so generally preserved.

I would with pleasure forget there is a mighty part, in which aris-
tocracy is snflhred to triumph in its deadliest form over the equali-
ty of human rights. Slaver , so far as it has been recognized,
»~shon~ld be regarded, not to excite regret, but simply to ameliorate
its condition. But when it is sought to give it new force, and a
more formidahl-e and threatening attitude, honest men should hold
 a political and religious duty to resist it. There is no cliilerence
between the diffusion and extension of slavery. The simplest
laws of population might teach the least enlightenecl of our rulers,
that the numbers of an increasing society will he in proportion to
the “territory which contains it. The question for the present is
settled, and well settled. Ifit be revived, meet it with a firmness
whicli will convince its advocates, that on subjects connected with
like p>rin~cipies of our national constitution, the people of this sec-

‘fit

tion are not tohe terrified. If political equality he the hasie cl’
our government, these institutions are at war with the theory.
Tliey give rise to leaders with a monopoly of wealth, and a popu-
lace without any ; they not only restrain the ditiusion of intelli-
gence, but altogether exclude it from a great portion of the com--
munity. With ambitious leaders, and adependant rabble, imagi-
nation alone can tell, what future desolation a servile war may
spread over that fair portion ofcreation. But we have reason to
hope, that permanent limits are now placed to its Further expan-
pansion. The continuance of the Union may depend on not hav--
ing a division into such equal parts as to counterpoise each other,
and bring the angle ofpressure at the centre. a O

, There is little use in occurring to exploded arrgumente, were it
not that one has been ndvancedin the name ofliherty, which aday
devoted to her CGl0lJ1‘t1l'l0D should di.~'sclaim. Slavery was claimed for
Missouri as a matter ofti*eedom.* It has hitherto been the fancy of
the painter to pourtray liberty  n lieeiitiful angel, henzming henev-»

olence to rnanltind, eti-ilting the letters iron: the oiitrzigetl slave, and

Sllalilllg‘ them ii1dignaiit:ly over the prostrate oppressor. lfwels-should
embody the new attributes of the l’v’lisaouri goddess, claiming slaw-

ery as the guzmmtee of a treaty whicli secures the freedom of the

federal constitution, we must clothe her in new colours, and snr-
round her withlother symbols. We ‘should point her, not with a
smile which miggjlit: liegiiile i.mpi"is:onrncut of its solitude ; not with
the oppreseor overt.hrovvn at her t'eet, and the broken letters fall-
ing around her——hut as a ticrce und vene;oful figgure, clencliiiigtthe
unbroken clmit'ie, and l.ending* the slave cleuler by the arm,‘ sternly
demzincliiig il'(”.)lTl‘J the laws the terrified, and yet unsl‘iacl«;.lled African,
recoiling tron) her approach. She ought to move before us the
pander of avarice, and the sycophant of power, forging new bolts

‘ll’ It is but justice to many of my "Republican fellow citizens to remark,
that they would have preferred a forbearance ofnny allusion to, What is gen-
erally termed the Missouri question, as exciting sentiments between different
sections of the American cornrnunity, which it is desirable to avoid : but the
author, heving always felt the iniportance of the subject, and thinking the
free ezszpiession of opinion upon it as operating remotely to preserve the pub,
lio harmony, considered an inquiry into the principles of’ political equality,
so far as they are protected by our public institutions, to hehgrossly defective,
"whicli overlooked the bearing of slavery on the question.

 

.9}?
iii:-if ”W€?tliTtéSS, and treetliing under foot the ntlecting; nppeiile of out»~
ingecl humanity. Unfortunate African ! so inveternteis the destiny
wliicli. pursues you, that even liberty, the friencl of every other

is'ntl’erer., loses her greoiousness in contenipleting your misery, and

‘It-”l‘t’€:ll3 your chains in invoking the principles of'freeclotn.
Under the influence of political equali.ty., no rational tears can
he entertained of the permanency of our institutions. lepuhliics

llzuwe risen, and flourished, and fell-—--the vicissitudes of time have

nntlorimvinecl the proudest edifices which human genius» has erect-
ecl: Bet wlmtever may he the language oftheii‘clinrte1*s, the
:tTa3~n.noz1tion~s of all other governments hzwe rested on the pertinl
interests of society. Ours is built on the equal riglits of all, and
while men shall be governed by selilinterest, will never be over‘
tnrnecl. Until the eizpeeinient was nmtle in this new world, no
linemen g‘ovvernment was ever built upon the broad basis of politicnl
eq,nnlilty.t ‘In every other country under lieaven, privilegecl orders
wem recog‘nizerl—-~hereclitnry distinctions have existed, and the
Lzxretensions of men to public conliclence been weighecl, no 'less by
their descent, than their rnerits. The weight of it cumbrous
mristocracy has preseecl clown the equal pretensions of tindistim
f§l;'IllS~l1Q{lVVOul‘l2l"'t--—Eit')Clf3l§y has lost the selection froin all the oflerings
ofnntiiire, and discontent has pinecl over the i1ieqi,in'lit.y of its con.»-

tlition. But the influence of our ezszemple is nowv“b%egi1iitiin;g; to % be
ifelt.hceyondttlietfencli of our protection. The great truth that

political equality is not only practicable, liutconsistent with every
nsefutl design of gyovernmentt lies been demonstrated by the lll)l.-3l."«-
ties We this day celebrate. Education is diffusing intelligence
zznnongt the lower OI'(l€3l”'S of Europe, and the means Ol~S5l.lE%ll.lll'”lll'1g' ZR.
iooliltical competition are hecoxnixig more general. VlTlllt'1 the co»
gincitiy to sustain their pretensions, tl1eyl::eg;i.n to be conscious of
their riglits to urge them, and the eclitice of despotism, l‘l'0Wl’"lll‘lg‘
over its own rlarlsness, totters es the ling-lit penetrates its foundation.

It is 21 tnisernhle soplii.s1n to deny to men the cspezzity of sel:l'-
;§"O"i’€I;"IlKIl€31'llZt. It is the niostcontemptihle folselioocl that rational

sreiiectioniies everproclnimed. It clenies to the works of Goal

on essential tendency to orcler, and claims for the wistlom of men
the nhsence ofperplezarity and confusion. There is no p%eo_ple on the
ihtce ofthe earth who have not sut‘iice1'xt intelligence to I"(.'3§;’t1ltllt2
their own et'lf21iir*s. Take the I‘tlt“l€‘SlS,lll_:“l(3Cl&3 of the ’l‘i.iI‘lt--tTinr.l the
l'3'c7l:tiJE:l; cl.e;2;z-eit‘le;l slaves of’ Asia-——-—ney select tfroni the l‘}l'0l;Zl.1!f}lf'~3 

%3

European corruption the most polluted oftheir tenants, froth llllzl
public prisons and penitentiaries the most profligate of their con-~
victs, and you will find, when left to themselves, and kept from
other intercourse, they will establish order fi‘0If11 necessity, anti
prohibit vice lrorn indisputable self-interest. Orcleris the eternal
tentlency ofG-oclls works: it springs as regularly out of society as
the intlnst1'y which feeds, or the intelligence which covers us.
Even the science of English crime, elaborate and copious as the
wants and compactness of her population now make it, select and
conclensecl by the product of successive shipments cannot keep her
trarisported convicts from the regenerating influence of sell1gov-
crnrnent.

Men, fellow citizens, can govern themselves. G-rent revolutions,
indeed, cannot be efl'ected without confusion, but blood equally‘
flows, and crime and ruin for a while ecpnally holtl the ascenclancy‘,
whether men attempt to recover their liberties, or a tyrant seeks
to perpetuate his despotism. The work of human emancipation
is going‘ on; ligl1ttr':ivels (‘l0Wl‘1‘vV:i1I'tlS into the ranks of society.
Force may clizixige a dynasty, and armies interrupt the tlelibe'ra-—-
tions ol'a senate. But wl:iel;her a Ifourbon, or a Bonaparte, reign
in 1i‘rance : W.l'ltTtl.ll.t’3t‘ Germany receive her laws from a Congress,
or a mOl121FGl1-VVl]Gll'llCI’ Elpain listens to the recomnnendations of
her Cortezvs, or ol.le.ys the ti'1nmlatee cl’ her lhnatic Ferdinttnd,
emancipation is g;'oing on, intelligence is cliffnsi,-ng' in society, the
‘monopolies of wealth are §_2,'ii'inp,° way, and a grintlilng aristocracy
in yielding‘ to an inherent equality in the I-iglits of human nature,
Tlie time may not arrive in our day, but it is not far distant, when
the tlillnsion ol‘lttiowl.e(l;,§‘e, the clistrihntion of property, and the
iircetlotn of public opinion shall. Wertnrn all ltnextxlitary power, and
erect the g*rezt1t‘teznpl,e cl‘ hnnfnnn 'liho1'ty in every country, and in
every zige, on tile 'z'.mparia/z,ttzc';In Zzcc.-an Q/l"_,'r;~o;";r':t;Ea:z:zl CI;/'tiCtiel?iZf,.'.