AN"

ORATION:

;m«.;.mvE1n:=:I> AT TI-IE

REQUEST OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT,

JEEFORE '.'l‘."£~IE

CITIZENS OF BOSTON,

ON THE f3r1‘I:t OF JULY, 1830.

may ALEXANDER 11. :1a7.v1m13mr.

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A1330 A A,

 

.M’ctyor’s Ojfiee, Gth Jttly, 1830.
DEAR Sm,
I have the honor to communicate to you the enclosed vote of the
City Government, and avail myself of the occasion of renewing to
you the assurance of my best respects.

I H. G. OTIS.
A. H. EVERETT, Esq.

 

CITY OF BOSTON.
In Common Cottitcil, July 5, 1830..
i0’rale7'ed, That the Mayor and Aldermen be a Committee to pre-~
sent the thanks of the City Council, to the Hon. ALEXANDER H...
EVERETT, for the elegant, spirited, and very appropriate Oration,
this day by him delivered, and to request a. Copy for the press.
Sent up for Concurrence, ,
B. T. PICKMAN, Pre.9iclent.

In the Board of ofllclermen, July 5, 1830.

Read and Concurred, and ordered that the Mayor be requested to»

eommunicate the same.
H. G. OTIS, .Mayor.

A TRUE c OPY---A'l‘TES'1‘,

S. F. IWCLEARY, City Clerk...

Summer Street, July 6, 1830.
EAR Sm, ’
 In compliance with the request contained in your note of this day-
I have the honor to send you a. copy of the Oration which I deliv-
ered yesterday in commemoration of our great national anniversary_
‘ Permit me at the same time to express to. you,‘ and through you.
to the other gentlemen of the City Government, my grateful sense of
the indulgent manner in whicli you have been pleased to receive it,
and to offer you the assurance of the sincere respect and esteem.
with which I am, dear Sir,
Your very faithful and obedient servant.
t A. H. EVERETT;
1 Hon. H. G. OTIS,
Mayor of the City at the .Mayor’s 0172303..

ORATION,

The Fourth of J nly, 1776, opened a new era in
the history of the world.

This language, fellowvcitizens, in the mouth of
one of our countrymen, might. be thought to savour
of national pride, if not presumption. I borrow it
from the opening of a treatise on the situation and
prospects of the civilized World, published a few
years ago by a writer of lllgl"l estimation on the
Continent of i;;l1urope. Nor was it in him the ex-
pression of that overvveening attachment to the
forms of government established in this country.,
which is often felt most strongly by those who live
under others. The author of‘ the work, from which
I borrow it, is a subject and counsellor of one of
the sovereigns composing that celebrated Alliance
which assumed the name of‘ Holy; and he ap--
peared arnong the Representatives of’ crowned
headset the memorable Co11g1*ess of Vienna, in
1814:. The opinionhe expresses is the deliberate
decision of an experienced political phil0sopher—--
of a competent judge, whose prejudices——---as far as
he may have any----are of course against us----upon
the character and results of the American Reeve-
lution.

4, A

We are now assembled to commemorate not
merely one of the greatest events in our own an-
nals, but one of the most important epochs in the

historyof our race. The same principles and feels , v t

ings that A determined the occurrence of our Revo-
lution, and gave it its character, have no doubt
been in action at other times and places ; but their
operation had been previously limited by the influ-
ence of principles, and feelings of an opposite dc»
scription. It is only on the great theatre of this
our West‘e1*n Continent that they have put forth all

their vigor, and begun to change and renovate the

aspect of society. Such-—---as I haveshown you
-——-—-is the opinion of the highest authorities abroad;
and, if the point were considered doubtful, the
most superficial glance at the course of events since
the close of the American Revolution, would amp-
ly confirm it; and would prove that these events
are all more or less direct consequences of that
cause. i The two great movements that have occu-
pied the political theatre during that period, have
been the French Revolution, and the emancipation

M of our neighbors in Spanish America. It requires

no great reach of sagacity to discern the connex-

ion between these occurrences and the proceed-—
ings of the 4th of July, 1776. r The earliest, the
most judicious, andthe purest leaders in the strug-
gle for liberty in France had previously followed
in person the standard, and lodged in the tent of
the citiz~en-soldier who led ourfathers to victory.-M
Our southern neiglibors--Q--—in their efl'orts to slialte
oil" the shackles of colonial bondage----in their less
fortunate endeavors to found and consolidate A new

5

systems of a civil polity---have exactly followed
our example--—at times, perhaps, tooexactly for
their own good. LA FAYETTE was the pupil of’
WAsnINeToN-~—~NAPoLaoN andBoLIvAn were
hadcopies of the same great model. i So apt-
parent indeed hasiheen the influence of our Re-
volution uponthe subsequent progress of events

that it is admitted alike by our friends and our

enemies, They all agree that we have given—————-
whether for evil or for good--——~a new direction to

the current of human‘ affairs. And so decisive has

been this intlnence that fOI‘@l.g11 nations havenot
only adopted our principles and itnhihed our feel-
ings, but even borrowed the names and forms of
our political machinery. Wfritten Constitutions,
of which this State, l.l"l1“0L1§;§l"l the agency’ of Jonn

and Mom. .1‘it.1>AMe, lied the honor, less thzni fifty
years ago, of setting‘ tlt1e~first example, have made _
the tour otithe civilized world l"l‘0II1i Poland t.o Pe-
rut t'I‘he' once noodest desigtiatioti of President,

which Wes first brought into notice by the patriotic

nierohant Who, withinronr own day, inhabited the

little stone mansion, that 0VOI'l00li2S ont*1t1agnificent
Common and the lieatttitlil expanse of fields and
waters that spreads beyond it, is now worn with
pride asthe highest title of antliorityhy those who

1 occupytho ancient palaces of Er11pero1's, * Incas,

Kings andSt1ltanel Little did that patriotic mer-
chant dreatn, when he atlixetl hie sigr1att11*et.o the
Decla1*ation,vvliich we this day C0tIl‘mGIIl01‘t1t@,rrtl1at,

within half a cetitnryg its p1*inciples would he eno~—  

bodied not only in the lzttiguttges of Bossnnr,
CAMOENS, CEl’tVAN'1‘I:‘.:3 and TAsso,, but in that of

6

PLArro and HOMER. Little did the fathers of our
respected fellow-citizens, who now dignify the
highest stations in the Government of this city and
the neighboring Unive1'sity-M-who but lately digni-A

fied the highest station in the Government of the

Unior1,—--little did OTIS, QUINCY, and the ADAMSES
dream—--when they made the old cradle of Liberty
resound with an eloquence not less lofty and happi-
ly far more effectual than «that of TULLY or DE~
Mos'rI~IENns————that within half a century not only
Paris, Mexico, Madrid and Naples----with twenty
other capitals of minor note--——but even Rome and
Athens would have each its Faneuil Hall.

I shall not be understood to intimate that this
mighty influence has been uniformly productive at
every moment and on every point of unmingled
good. In the progress of these vast movements much
has occurred at which reason revolts-———much from
which humanity recoils in indignation and agony.
My intention is merely to indicate the fact»-—-to at-—
tract your attention to the remarkable circumstance
that to this country———I may even say to this city,---~
for there would be no great hazard in assuming
beforean assembly of Bostonians what it might
not be quite prudent to affirm without reserve in
the hearing of our sister Virginia.,—c——-—that the state of
Massachusetts, acting under the" direction of this
city, was the prime mover and throughout the most
efficient supporter of the Revolutioni-—-that to this
city theref'ore——--«this comparatively little city, then
containing some fifteen or twenty thousand inhabi-
tants, it was allotted in the order of Providence
to give the impulse to a vast political movement,

'17

which has already chaiiged the aspect of’ civilized
society, and of which the remote consctpiences are
beyond the reach of conjecture. '

The Fourth of July, 1776, opened a new era in
the history of the world. The document, which

was that day published, is not only the title-deed of

our own national existence, but will prove----if our
hopes be realized--—---the Great Charter of the Rights
and Liberties of Man. The smallest particulars con-
nected with an act of such extraordinary importance
are highly interesting: and I have thought that I

could not better answer your natural expectations t

on the present occasion than by dwelling for a few

moments on the circumstances attending the adop-~

tion by the Continental Congress of the Declaration
of Independence. I shall afterwards add a few re-
marks upon the characteristics of the new era of
which this instrument marked the A opening-—-—-the
hopes it encourages-w--the dangers to which it ex-p
poses us and the duties that are peculiarly incum-

bent upon us, if we wishlto avoid these dangers

and attain the highclestinies, that appear to be re»

served for our country. The field which I have

marked out is of course too large to be surveyed in

great detail; I must content myself with a very cur-—

sory outline and must beg your indulgence should

the powers of the speaker appear but too evidently

inadequate to the important and elevated charac-~
ter of the subject.

Although the nature of the controversy between

the mother countryand her colonies, which ter» a

minated in the war of Independence, was such,

from the beginning, as to authorize but little hope A V

M‘)
E

of an amicable adjustment; and although the es» i

sential inexpediency of a political connexion be-
tween countries so remote, must necessarily at one
time or another have brought about a separation 3 it
is nevertheless certain that the object of our fath-
ers in all their earlier proceeclings was merely to
obtain a redress of grievances and to vindicate
theirrights as British Subjects. They admitted
with reluctance the idea of independence, and still
hoped that a favourable turn in the councils of the
Government might accomplish their object at a
cheaper rate. Their thoughts and aflections still
lingered round the white cliffs and green enclosures
of the parent island, which they continued to call
by the endearing name of home. It contained the

l ancient sources of their laws, their literature, and

What to them was far more important---«their relig-
ion. There were the scenes of the celebrated
battles, where their fathers, the Puritans, fought
the good figlit of Liberty ',+----there were the tombs
that held their venerated relics. Every spot in
the island was hallowed by historical, poetical
and pious associations; and when these high

a and tender recollections recurred to their minds

in the midst of the then almost unexplored soli-
tudes of‘ this new Continent the feelings that
possessed them were those of l fond regret and
melancholy longing rather than political hostility.
Britain had been to them a cruel mother, but
they still looked with admiration upon her severe

i beauty and hoped that at one time or another she

might relent into kindness and permit them to love
hen. Evert i at a later period, and when the prom

9

grass of the quarrel had taught them that this expec-
tation was delusive, they appeared to regret the ne-
cessity that had given them a new country. “Haw-
ing reached the famous island of Greatl3ritain,”
says JOSIAII QUINCY in the account givcnin his
diary of" his emotions on landing at Falmouth on
the 8th of November, 177«~l:,--~—-five months only be-
fore the battle of Lexington,m“l1avir1greached the
famous island of Great .B1*itain I am prone to con-
template the glorious deetls that have made it im--
mortal ! But alas’ I” he adds, “ my affections

and my duty call me‘ to consider the state of’ my

native country I” I1u+anotl‘1er;passa.ge herernarks
—--—“i The scenes of l"lymouth-Doclzsw-Stonehengge
--VVi1ton~I~Iouse-M--wliich contains the statues
and paintings of the Earl of Psmnnoris----exceed
all description.-—--Nay,I will venture to say that 1! he
imagination stretched to its utmost limits cannot
form any idea of their grantleurw--—'l‘l'1e same may
be saidtof'Exeter and Salisbury Catheclrials. But
why”~——--—he adds in the same deep and moiurnlhl
tone of patriotic feeling-m“wl1y do I waste time
upon any other subject than my country Cl” 2 The
puhlio papers which proceeded from Congress at
about the same time were all inspired by the same
sentiments, and we know that their authors were
too high minded as Well as too honest to disguise
their real views.----It was not until‘ the actual com-

-mencement of war by the British had disclosed

their final determination to proceed to the last e:x:-

tremitythat our fathers on their part resolvedr on

independence. After the luloattlewoft*Llexington;,

which took place on the 1‘9th=7April,l~775, they A
t 2

l0

became aware of the desperate character of the
struggle, and bent all their energies to the task of
bringing it to a favorable issue.

Independence, in fact, already existed, although
it had not been declared. The Continental Con»
gress had already been in session at Philadelphia
for two years, having assembled in 1774:. WAsH~
INGTON had already been designated and com»
rnissioned by that body as Commander in Chief of
the American Armies and had entered on the exer-
cise of his functions.-—-—-M assachusetts had applied
to Congress for advice on the subject of taking up

and exercising t.he powers of civil governments-—— .

It was high time therefore to declare a in form the
momentous fact which was already realized in sub»
stance. The first public demonstration to this ef-
fect was made by the General Assembly of Vir-
ginia, which resolved unanimously on the 17th of
May, 1776,-———just one month before the battle of
Bunker Hill,-—---that “the delegates appointed to
represent this Colony in the General Congress be
instructed to propose to that respectable body to
declare the United Colonies Freeland Independent
Stat»es:,t absolved from all allegiance to or depen-—
dance on the Crown of Great Britain.’ ’----—-In~ pur-
suance of this instruction and by the desire of his
colleagues of the Virginia deIe“gation,ton Friday,
the 9th of June, 1t776,.rR1cHAaD HENRY LEE
moved in Congress, “ That these United Colonies
are and of right ought to- be Free and Independent
States, and that the political connexion between

them and the state of Great Britain is and ought“

toubetotally dissolved.”---~The motion wasseconded

ll.

by J on:N ADA Ms. It is entered on the journals of
Congress in these terms. “Certain resolutions
respecting independence being moved and second»

ed, resolved, that the consideration of them be de-

ferred till tomorrow morning and that the members
be enjoined to attend precisely at ten o’clock in
order to take the same into consideration.” On
the following day which was Saturday, the 10th of
J une, the resolutions were accordingly taken up
and Congress for the purpose of acting upon them
resolved itself into a Committee of the whole, Mr.
I'IARltISON of Virginia in the chair. The whole
of Saturday was occupied in the discussion of the
subject and the debate was adjourned to the fol-
lowing Monday, when the resolutions were report»
ed by the Committee to Congress. The meas-
ure was now considered as decided on, but in
order to afford time for preparing a suitable paper
it was resolved topostpone the farther consider-
ation of the subject, till the first Monday in July,
and that no time might be lost in case Congress
should agree thereto, a Committee was appointed
to prepare a declaration to the effect of the
leading Resolution the language of which I have
already recited.

Such were the first steps that were taken in this
business; let us pause to reflect for a moment on
their character in connexion with the object they
were intended to effect. A motion is made and
seconded in a deliberative assembly, composed of
forty-eiglit gentlemen taken from the various walks
of civil life, and, after passingthroughthe usual forms
of reference and having been debated for two days,

152

is decided in the affirmative. This appears at first
View to be a very simple proceeding and---to judge
from the noise and stir, that generally attend the
transaction of important state afi'airs—-—-—We should

naturally conclude that the one under consideration

was of minor consequence. It requires at the
present day a stormy debate of two or three Weeks
to charter a Rail-Road company, or repeal a tax

on molasses. It cost the United States at the

opening of the last session of Congress a debate of
several days to abolish the oflice of draftsman to
the House of Representatives, and another of
equal length at the close of the session, to reestablish
the same office. VV hat then has been the result of
this short discussion of two days with an intervening

Sunday for reflection ’? Thirteen colonies inhabi-

ted by more than three millions of people and occu-
pying or about to occupy a vast. continent have
been separated from the mother-country :——-—-a great
nation has been constituted on a model of gov—-
erment before untried :~—-—---a new era has been open-
ed in the history of the world. Considering the
grand and eXt.raord;inary character of the objects ef-
fected it mustbe owned that the machinery employ-
ed was surprisingly A simple. it Who had ever heard
before of a moving and seconding in a deliberative
assembly the existence of at great nation’!-M-of' re»-
ferring to a committee of the whole the question of
the dependence or independence of thirteen United
S,tates.--The origin of other empires is involved

in clouds of table, and, as far as it is known to

us; had been the product of ages. of confusion, guilt
and b1o_ed.shetd.----—Tl1e field of battlehad been the

13

only theatre for discussing the momentous question
of national existence and the shock of‘ hostile ar-
mies the only debate that had before preceded the
decision. With us the case was different. It is
true that We had an army in the field but this was
intended merely for defence against invasion. The
existence of the nation took effect by virtue of a
vote of Congress on a motion made by RICHARD
I‘lENRY LEE and seconded by. Joan‘ ADAMS.
The proceeding, though difierent from any which
had before been had in similar cases, was not an
innovation for the Worse. It was dignified, im-
posing, and in its perfect simplicity morally sub—-
lime. The ‘character of’ it was ominous of good
in the future fortunes of’ the country. It forebo-
ded the 1'eign of law and orc1er~—---tlie triumph of
principle over brutal l'orce—--the subordination of
the military spirit to the civil autliority-W--p1'ogn,os~
tics, which have thus far been happily verified in
the subsequent progress of our history. The in»-
troductory steps in this important affair were there»
fore singularly interesting, but not more so than
those whichfollowed, as will amply appear from
the sequel of the narrative.

Itwas the usage of the Continental Congress to
sit with closed doors--——-a precaution obviously re-
quired by the nature oftheir functions, which com»-
bined those belonging to the legislative and execu-
tive departments, and included a superintendance of
the military operations at home, and the negotiations

abroad, to the success of both which entire secresyt

» was absolutely essential. In consequence of this cir-t» i

cumstance,and of the pdiscretien which the“me,m-

14;

hers very properly observed respecting these pro-
ceedings, the debate upon the motion for declaring
the country independent was never reported; nor
did the illustrious Seconder,--——-when in his latter
days he furnished, at the request of a venerable
brother patriot, several interesting particulars re-
specting this event, to which I shall presently al-
luzle,----deem it. proper to supply on this head the
deficiency of ourinfbrmation. This omission may in
in him have been the effect ofa graceful and gen-
erous forbearance to dwell upon his own services;

for it is altogether probable that he was himself the
leading oratorin support ofthe motion. JEFFERSON
and FRANKLIN never spoke at much length in pub-
lic .3 and the former,at a subsequent period of his life,
declared that JoI—1N ADAMS was the Colossus ofIn-
dependence on the floor of Congress. RICHARD
HENRY LEE,the mover oftheReso1ution, an accom-
plished gentleman, who had been educated in Eng»-
land, and having overcome the diflidence which
had oppressed himin earlier life, had for some time
previous distinguished himself‘ by a pure, fervid and
classical style of eloquence, RICHARD HENRY LEE
was doubtless conspicuous in support of his own
motion. Among the more remarkable members that
appeared in opposition vvas——--—as We have reason to

conjecture--~——JoHN D1oK1NsoN, author of the cel- E

ebrated Farmeiws Letters. who had co-operated
ably and successfully in rousing the peopleto a
sense of their wrongs, but who is understood to

have shrunk at last from the decisive stepof in-— E

dependence. HANCOCK and SAMUEL A.DAM*s,‘

charming speakers both, and among the A most Ede-4

15

termined and uncompromising friends of the

cause, as is sufliciently attested by the fact of

their prescription, were of course among the
foremost on this critical occasion in lending it the
Weight of their influence. How much is it not to
be regretted that some able stenographer had not
been present and taken notes of this debate, from
which-——-when the critical period, that requiredits
concealment, should have passed over»--——-he might
have furnished the world with a full contemporary
report! How gladly would we now exchange
whole volumes of the less ix1terest.ing discussions
of subsequent years for an authentic record,
were it only in a few pages, of the weighty sayings
of these two ever-memorable days!

But, although the particular circumstances of
the debate upon the motion for declaring indepen-
dence are not recorded, the general course of the
argument may be readily conjecturecl without
much danger of" mistake. It was doubtless urged
by the members of Congress opposed to the mea-
sure that a Declaration of Independence was in-
consistent with the object, for which we were pro-
fessedlyrcontendirig, which was to secure the rights
of Englishmen and not to obtain the character of
foreigners,----that, although we were authorised by

law and conscience totoppose the Government,

even to blood, in defence of our legal privileges as
citizens,we could not proceed with equal safety in
an attempt to shake off entirely our allegiance
to our natural sovereign,-~—-«that even if the mea-
sure were justifiable itwould scarcely be polit~
ic,-«that we were hemmed in on all sidesby thecol~

16

onies of twopowerful nations bound together by a

strict Family Compact and ready to act against

us in concert. if ever thetprotection of England
shouldb er withdrawn,-—--and finally that if the attempt
wereeven justifiable and politic its success would
be completely desperate,-----that we could not hope
for a moment to contend single-handed with the
overwhelming force of that mighty monarchy,——-—-
that the struggle for independence must necessari-
lyfail,——-—--and thatits only result would be to produce
an enormous waste of life and treasure, to de--
stroy the prosperity and happiness of one or two
generations, to retard the improvement of the
country for a century, and, by exasperating the
Government, to induce them to aggravate the bur»

ldens, which we thought already too oppressive to be

borne‘. , r. A

To this course of argument it was doubtless re»-
plied in substance by the friends of the cause, that
the relation between thecolonies and the mother
country was one, that could not in the nature of
things endure forever,—-~—,-that the wrongs ‘we had
suffered were indirect consequences of the un-
natural character of this connexion,-———that, if this

were not a suflicient reason in justice and policy for

taking up arms at any particular moment, it was a
very powerful foneninffavor of declaring indepen-
dence at a time when other circumstances ap-
peared to render such a course expedient,-—-----that
the state of intercourse and feeling between the
two countries had been such, for many years, as
to”, render it probable that they" could nevervrbe
completelyreconciled,--—4-and,- that the actual com+-

17

rnencernent of’ war by England ought to he con-~
sidered as determining the period, when this

probability was reduced to a certaint.y,----thatr
henceforth we had no choice left but to assert our
independence, or submit to lose the rigl1ts'tofE11g~'

lishmen, and he treated as a conquered and de—-
pendent possession of the crown,-——that, were the
chance of success even more decidedly? against
us than itappeared to be, we were bound, as high-
minded men, to encounter the risk with a firm
and buoyant spirit, rather than adopt. the other
part of the alternative,--W-l)ut+ that our cause wasby
no means so desperate as it was represented to be,
--—-that the moral, reaction, producetl by a deep
sense of injury, was often found to counterbalance
anyhpysuperiority of physical force,»--—-and that an in-
Vaclinp,‘ army, however brave, well-equipped, and
VV8llv~t.il.‘3Ciplil’l@(l, would always contend at a great
disadvantage with a Whole population, fighting in
defence of their families, their property, and their
dearest personal rights,——~——-tliat the rodiurn of the late
violent proceedings on the part of the Govern»-

ment would increase the popularity of our cause
in England,-—--~tl1at,ii11t‘a war with that country, we
should have the {neat powers of .li‘rance and’

‘:3pain~ on our side, instead of against us, and

should, of course, have notlhing to apprehend,--—at.
least for the pI‘(;‘3S@l‘lt,----i’lt‘Ot3tl their hostility,~.--«antl,

finally, that the vast extent of our territory,

our distance from Europe--——-the g1‘(3fl.t@lGf118t1ial;
principles of time and space»---—-the force of cir-i
cumstances, and the favour of Providence would;
allbe with us; and if‘ we were but true to our»

53;

18

selves, would, at no very distant period, ensure
our success. FRANKLIN had, in fact, already
foretold, with prophetic certainty, in his con--
versations at London with JOSIAH QUINCY, that
a Seven Years’ War would settle thequestion;

and the event justified his prediction to the letter.

Such, or similar to «these, were the arguments,
which, enforced with the talent and eloquence that
so eminently distinguished the leading patriots of
this heroic age in the history of our country,
determined the adoption by Congress, acting in the
form of at committee of‘ the whole, of the resolu-

tions declaring the independence of the United

States. This decision took place, has I remarked
before, on the 10th of June, 1776. On the even»-

ing of the same day, RICHARD HENRY LEE receiv-

ed intelligence from home of the occurrence of a do-

mestic calamity, which required his immediate re-

turn to his residence, and having solicited and
obtained a temporary leave of absence, left Phila-
delphia the following morning. This event, in
itself of no great importance, had a marked influ-
ence on the form and authorship of the declaration
then about to be published. Had Mr. LEE been
present in Congress, when the committee to prepare
the declaration was appointed, he would doubtless
have been placed upon it; and would, probably,

as the original mover of the resolution, and in every
respect one of the most conspicuous members of
the body, have been employed to make the draft.
Thesubstance of the paper, Whichwas given by
the _ circumstances under which it was Written,

would of course have remained the same: the form

19

would have been diflerent, tl1Ougl'1 it could not well
have been superior} and Mr. JEEEEESON would
have lost that high title-—--—-which he, not without rea--
son, valued so much as to wish that. it might be
engraved upon his tomb-—-stonem-Of the Author of
the Declaration of Independence. However this
might have been, the committee for preparing the
draft was appointed by ballot on the same day On
which Mr. LEE left Philadelphia, namely, On MOn-
day the 11th Of June, 17 '76. It consisted of
THOMAS JEFFERSON of Virginia, JOHN ADAMS
OfMassachusett.s, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN of Penn-
sylvania, Roenn SHERMAN of Connecticut, and
ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON Of New-York.

It was a sirigular proof Ofthe force of Mac J E F-
EEnsON’s character, and of the confidence that was
generally felt in his talents and virtues, that al-
tliouglt one of the youngest members Of Congress
---«probably the youngest of all»----he was yet placed
at the head of this important committee, contain»
ing tOO—-————-as it did--——-~sucl1 men as FRANKLIN and
J OHN Aiontvrs. To the fervid and active friendship
of the latter Of these two statesmen, afterwards his
political rival, but then his ahlest and most ardent
coadjutor, he probably Owed this distinction, as
appears from the account Of the circumstances at--
tending the appointment of the committee, given
by Mr. ADAMS himself‘ in his letter to Mr. PICK-
ERING Of August 6, l8_°3§3.-“l\’Ir. JEFFERSON,”
he remarks, “ came into Congress in June, 1775,
and brottght with him a reputation for literature,
science, and a happy talent for composition. VVrit-
ings Of‘ his were handed about, remarkable for their

20

peculiar felicity of expression. Though a silent
member of Congress, he was so prompt, frank
and explicit upon committees,——-not even SAMUEL
ADAMS more so,-—---that he soon seized upon my
heart, and upon this occasion I gave him my vote,
and did all in my power to procure him the votes
of others. I think he had one more vote than any
other, and that placed him at t.he head of the com-
mittee. I had the next highest number, which
placed me second.” Mr. ADAMS then proceeds
to remark, that the committee of five met, and after
discussing the subject, appointed Mr. JEFFERSON
and himself a sub-committee to prepare the draft.
The sub—committee met in turn, and after an ami-
cable altercation upon the question which of the
two should perform this task,-—-—each endeavouring
to devolve it on the other,-——~—-it was finally assigned,
—---as was 11a.turally to be expected from the order
of precedence in the committee,---tho Mr. .lEEEEE--

. SON. It ought to be remarlied, that it was not the

object of either of these patriots to avoid responSi--
bility or labour. Each-.--r-—-with the genuine modesty
that belongs to real merit———-believed the other to
be more capable than himself of doing justice to
this most delicate and critical occasion, and each
was willing andtdesirous to sacrifice to considera--
tion for the public good, what both very properly
regarded as an enviable distinction- That Mr.
J E FFERSON should have been the first to yield vvas
.——as 1 have just remarked»----~th.e natural result of
his place in the committee. The draft made by
Mr. JEFFERSON having been examined by E Mr.
ADAMS, and aftervvardsaccepted by the committee

 Av ‘ “

;a nW~g1t..M.-_...-i.tA.w ,...-4.._4»,-_w _«\..,..,W,w.m._4fi¢,A,.._x~.s~4—«a«ma~4 « ~, / ~ A A

21

= of Five, was reported to Congress without altera-

tion, as it stood in the hand-writing of the author.
On the first of July thetresolutions moved by
RICHARD HENRY Lite for declaring independence
----the further consideration of which--—-as I have said
before-—-«had been postponed from the llth of the
preceding month until that day, were taken up again
in committee of the whole, and having been debated
through the day, were reported to Congress. The
subject was then postponed until the following day,
which was the second of July, when the resolutions
were taken up in Congress and after further debate
finally passed. On the third of July, the draft of
the Declaration of Independence was reported
to Congress by Mr. Jnrrnnson, as Chairman of
the Committee of Five who had been appointed to
prepare it, and having been fully considered and
amended in several points, on the following day,
which was the Fourtlt of July, was adopted. The
original draft, as reported by the author, has since
been printed and brought into comparison with the
amended form which appears in the oflicial publi-»
cation. The alterations made in Congress, though
not essential to the eliect of the paper, are in gene»-
ral for the better, and give a high idea of the calm»
ness and judgment with which our fathers proceed-~

ed in maturing every part of this importanttand p

delicate transaction.
In this manner was prepared and adopted the
celebrated Declaration of Independence. It would

be superfluous to recite in detail the contents of a

document so familiar to us all.‘ Suffice it to say
that the propriety with which itis drawntup fully

22

justified the confidence reposed in the Committee
by Congress, and satisfactorily proved the care and
ability with which they had executed this high and
interesting duty. The Declaration is wholly fi*ee
from the noisy flourish, with which a vulgar mind
so naturally seeks to produce effect on similar oc-
casions, and of which we have unfortulnately seen
so much in the more recent documents of a simi-
lar description, that have been prepared in other
countries in imitation of this. It commences with
a simple statement of a few elementary political
truths, proceeds to recapitulate in plain language
the wrongs of the country, and ends with a firm
assertion of the great fact of Independence which
it was mainly intended to announce. The form
of the paper is therefore——---as it was highly impor-
tant that it should hem-pert"ectly suited to the ‘sub-
stance. Bnt it is not in the choice of words or
contexture of phrases that We are to look for the
real essence of’ this unique document. Its true
value lies in its being the written contemporary
record of the event which it published, and which,
according to the high European authority I have
already quoted, opened a new era in the history
of the world. As this era advances, and as the
importance of it is more and more distinctly per-
ceived, the circumstances under which itcommenc-
ed will be constantly becoming more and more in-
teresting. If our hopes are realized the Declara-—
tion of Independence will ‘be, as I intimated be-
fore, acknowledged hereafter throughout the civil-

ized World as the Great Charter of human liberty‘

and happiness. To have been called to, prepare
and write such a paper was a piece of good fortune,

28

which could only have happened to a truly great
man, and it is one which a truly good man, if" it
were in his nature to envy any thing, might fairly
envy.

It is gratifying to our feelings as Bostonians to
reflect how important an influence was exercised
by this city in the conduct of this transaction. Of
the Committee of Five appointed to prepare the
Declaration, tvvo members,—~--and surely not the
least eminent of the I1l1t’fll)eI“,----FRANKLIN and
JoHN”ADAMs,--—--were citizens of’ Boston. FRANK-~
LIN had indeed removed to Philadelphia at an
early period of life, and had never returned to fix
his residence among us. He had carried with hint
into other ahodes the high moral and intellectual
qualities which have rendered the natives of N evv-
England, by the admission even of those Who
love us not, a rnarlted people. But. the bones of his
parents repose in our sepulchres-——-and their son will
always A be claimed by us with pride and pleasure,
as a citizen. A second of our citizens was---as
we have seon---the Colossus of Independence on
the floor of Congress. A third--——the high-mind-
ed, eloquent, and patriotic I"‘IANCOCK, was the
President of" that body. A fourth---—-the accom-
plished, the incorruptible, the truly republican SAM-
ULEL ADAMS: and a fifili-—--—-the able and judicious
ROBERT TREAT PAINLE----Were among its most dis-
tinguished and efficient members. Such were the
spirits which Boston could then afford to send forth
to a distance to assist in the councils of the Union,
at a moment when her“ own Walls were besieged
by the enemy~—----at a moment when several of her no--

224+

blest sons had lateliyt fallen in the order of nature,
or under the forces or treachery of our oppres-
sors. OTIS-—-—-the most eloquent and ardent of the
earlier advocates of the American cause in this
quarter~—-O'r1s—--whose speech on writs of assist-
ance has been justly pronounced the prelude to the
high strain of independence--—-O'rIs was d1'agging
out a wretched existence at Andover, bereft of
reason by the effectstof the vindictive fury of one
of the subaltern agents of the crown. Josmn
QUINCY was no more... On the 27th of April
preceding the day of which we celebrate the an-
niversary, a vessel arrived from England in Cape
Ann harbor, bearing on board the remains of that
accomplished patriot. He had expired a few
hours before, at sea, without havingenjoyed the
satisfaction of beholding again the dear scenes of
his home and country. As the love of that country
occupied his thoughts so exclusively while abroad
that he deemed it a waste of time to bestow his
attention, even for a passing moment, upon the
wonders of art and nature, that cover every inch
of d the soil of England, so the same maste1'-pas-
sion, stronger than death, absorbed his whole
mind in the midst of the final agonies of dissolving
nature. “I should die contented’?-~~were his last
words

“if Icould but converse a few moments

with Josnrn VVAKRREN?’ ‘ Generous soul ! you
shall meet him——--too soon for the welfare of your
country-—~———in a better ‘world I "Within two months 4

from the death of QUINCY, the young hero_,rfor
whose confidential ear he reserved his important

inessageg was resting in his glorious grave on.

25

Bunker-Hill. He had written to his friend, while
abroad, that his countrymen were ready to sa-
crifice their lives in defence of their freedom;
and he proved the truth of his remark by going
forth himself, in the freshness of his manly bloom,
to die in the first battle. Such were the spirits
which Boston had lost at a time when, after pro»-
viding for all her immediate exigencies at home,
she could still send forth to Philadelphia the
noble deputation she then had in Congress:—-—-
I*-Iow rich, in that age, was our beloved native city
in the high-minded men, that constitute the real
wealth of nations-—-——the cheap and sure defences of
the unvvalled state ! I-Iow fearful is the responsi-
bility that rests upon us who are called, in the

order of Providence, to bear their names and en-
deavor if possible to imitate their virtues !

On the evening of the Fourth of J uly, after the
Declaration had been adopted by Congress, JoI~1N
ADAMS addressed ,a letter to his family, in which
he pourtrayed in vivid colors the remote conse----
quences of the event which had signalized the
day. It has since been printed and reprinted, but

deserves to be often recurred to and kept con-

tinually fresh in our remembrance. I remarked
at the outset ithatrhe and his f'ellow-patriots were
hardly conscious at the moment of the vast and

rapidinfluence which their proceedings were to

exercise upon the fortunes of the civilized world:

but I probably did them injustice. From the

letter, to which I allude, itis plain that ~Mr. An»
AMS was perfectly aware. of the nature and re»«

sults of these proceedings. a He knew that they

26

were pregnant with danger to the people at large,  

and especially to those who took a leading part
in them. He felt that quiet—---property---—-his own
fair fame~—--the fortunes of his family-----life itself--~
were staked upon the immediate success of the
struggle, and that this was any thing but certain.
But he still looked forward with unshaken con-
fidence to the final triumph of the cause, and fore-
told that the day which was just expiring would in

future be commemorated throughout all time as o

a season of public rejoicing and national jubilee.

He foresaw, fellow-citizens, with his f'ar-sighted
mental vision and distinctly specified the various

demonstrations of patriotic feeling, that make up
the celebration in‘ which we are now engaged. .He
saw the citizens exchanging congratulations at
Faneuil Hall-----the brilliant troops parading the
streets——-the waving banners——-——the long procession
-——-the assembled multitude———-the sweet face of beau»-
ty overlooking the scene from her open balconies.

He heard the pealing bells-——-the roar of cannon---—
the solemn anthem rising in strains of grateful ado-
ration t.o the Author of Good. All this he antici-
pated and foretold on the evening of the Fourth of
July, 1776, and, in the honest pride of his noble
heart, he pronounced it to be a great and glorious
day. Fifty years after, this venerable patriot----after
passing through the toils, the dangers, and the tri-
umphs of our struggle for national ex;istence,-—-after‘
doing perhaps as much as any individual in civil life
to ensure its success,--—-~--~after . enjoying their distinc-
tions which that success conferred upon him-;--—was
roused upon his death-bed by the ringing of bells,

97

the discharge of cannon, and the sound of martial
music; and, having inquired what it all meant, was
informed that his neighbors were celebrating the
Fourth of’ July. Half a century of glorious re-
collections flashed at once upon the brain of the
dying patriot. He pronounced it again to bea
great and good day; and when called on for a
sentiment to be drunlt at the public dinner of his
townsmen, he collected his facultiesand gave out
the fine, free, natural, manly and emphatic toast---
“INDEPENDENCE EoEEvEn !” When asked ifhe
wished to add any thing to this short phrase he
answered, “not a worcl,” and never spoke again.
His dying lips declared, with their last accents, the
accomplishment of the prophecies with which his
faith in G ed, and love to his country, had inspired
him fifty years before. Is there any thing supe-
rior----is there any thing equal to this in the recorded
sayings of the best and greatest men of other days
and nations’! Tlie sublime and touching inter--

est of the scene surpasses even the effect of the

strange and beautiful coincidence of his death with
that of JEFFERSON, and of’ both with the return of
our great national anniversary.

The Declaration being finally adopted, it only
remained to engross it on parchment, and afiix to it
the signatures of the members of Congress. In
this way several of them, andamong others R101»:-~
ARD HENEY LEE, the mover of the Resolution,
who were absent when the vote was taken, were
enabled——-as they all desired»-—-totassume their share
of the high responsibility connected with the Act.
For this purpose the document, "fairly engrossed

E38

onrlparchment, was placed on the table of the
President, and the members successively rose
from their seats and went up to sign it. ‘When
CHARLES CARROLL of Carrolton crossed the
hall, another member sportively remarked, as he
passed before him---—-“ There goes half a million
of money at the dash of a pen !” The clear and
beautiful character of his signature evinces that
his mind. was undisturbed by the sinister predic-
tion. CARROLL wasimmensely rich; but he
reckoned his gold as dross in comparison with hon-

or, conscience, and liberty. He chose wisdom in

preference to wealth“-—-I mean true Wisclom---—-~tl1e
wisdom of the Set-iptures———~vvhich is Honesty, Vir-
tue, Religion: and experience has shown that, in
his case, as in every other, length of days is in
her right hand; and in her left hand, riches and
honor. CHARLES CARROLL of Carrolton is the
only signer who survives to Witness the fifty-fourth
anniversary of this great and good day----to re--
ceive, as the living representative of his fellow--
signers, the grateful homage of the country. He
survives with undiminished wealth; and, I may
add, with undiminished alacrity to stake it without
hesitation upon the result of any honorable and»
useful enterprise. We heard but lately that he
had invested a princely sum, not less, I believe,
than fifty thousand dollars, in the Baltimore and
Ohio Rail-Road: and when we heard it, fel-
lovv--citi-zens, we regretted the more that the race
of the signers of the Declaration was extinct in
this vicinity. How beautifucl is the evening of
sucha life! Long may he survive to enjoythe

£29

honors he has so nobly ea1*ned----tl1e wealth he
employs so well-—-~—and may he celebrate, in health
and happiness, many anniversaries like this before
the grave shall finally close upon the mortal remains
of The Last of the Signers. e t

Such, fellow-citizens, are the principal circurn-
stances which attended the preparation and adop-
tion of the Declaration of Independence. In briefly
recapitulating them on this occasion, I have had no
pretension to inform you of any thing which you did
not know before. The incidents in the history of
the Revolution--——the names of the leading patriots
who effected, it-—--—-are familiar to us all as household
words. lrlacl l sought to attract your attention by
the grace of novelty, I might have chosen other
topics not entirely foreign to the purpose of the
day, a.nd much less frequently handled than that
which I have taken for my subject. I might have
found in the interest that naturally attaches to- con--
temporary events, a substitute for the freshness
which is no longer to be expected in a story that has
now been repeated in a thousand different shapes,

for more than half a century: and there are not

wanting in the present situation of the country cir--r
cumstances that are well entitled to an hour’s medi-
tation. Or. I might have told you of the triumphs
and reverses of liberty in foreign lands, many of the
scenes of which I have had occasion to witness in-
the course ofa long and weary pilgrimage abroad.
I might have led you in fancy to the consecrated
grounds of Marathon and Runnymede, or opened

to your View the gloomy cloisters of the Escurial, r

and shown you by example how completelya

30

vicious system of government and administration

has reduced to imbecility a nation that was once

the leading power in Europe. Such instances

are fitted to teach us very useful lessons, but I

have thought that I should better consult your

wishes by fixing your attention on the actual events

of the day of which we celebrate the anniversary.

This day is sacred to the memory of our fathers.

In celebrating it you wish to be reminded of their-

achievements and history--—--to dwell with tender

and grateful recollection on their virtues, their
triumphs, or their glorious fall. There is time

enough on other days to hear of the heroes and

martyrs of freedom in Greece and Rome, in France,

England and Italy. On the Fourth of July the

names that sound most sweetly to your ears are

those ofBunke1'--lrlill and York—Town----—HANc oo:s:,

ADAMS, Orrts, QUINCY and VVAsHINe'ro1v.

Never may the state of the country be so much

changed that we shall cease to welcome with plea-

sure the return of this auspicious day ! Never may;
this anniversary pass over

lF‘rorr1 this day to the ending of the World,
y But they in it shall be rememberecl!

and however valuable the lessons We may learn
from a‘ diligent and thoughtful study of the history

of other countries, it will be praise enough for us

if We shall succeed-—---even to an imperfect eXtent---- t

in catching the spirit and copying the example of
our noble ancestors. r .

Having . thus, fellow-citizens, paid the tribute,
which on this anniversary we owe to the authors of

= our fieedom and inclependence---havingtrecognised

31

them as the founders not only of our great and rising

nation, but of a new era in the history of the world,

---let us dwell for a moment before we part, on the
characteristics of this new era-~—--the hopes it encour-
ages---——the dangers to which it exposes us,---«and the
duties by the steady and vigorous discharge of
which we may expect to avoid t.hese dangers and
secure the continuance of our present prosperity.
A very few reflections on each of these topics will
serve as a moral to the narrative with which I have
already too much fatigued your attention.

1. The leading characteristic of the period in
the history of the world which commenced with
the Fourth of July, 1776, is the great influence of
the principle of individual Liberty.

The political institutions of most other periods
have been constructed on the plan of strengtlioning,
as much as possible, the influence of government at

the expense of the rights of individuals. All the

Eastern nations, whether of ancient or modern
times, have been, and still are organised on the
model ofpure, untnitr.igatecl, unadulterated despot-4
ism. The individual is efi'aced,—---the reigning
sove1*eigt1 is himself the whole state. In all these
countries the authority of government has been con-
solidated and reinf'orced by connecting with itthe
sublime truths, the inspiring hopes, the mysterious
terrors of religion. The sove1*eign regularlystancls
forth as the representative of‘ God as well as of the
Commonwealth. Religion and government are
always understiood to act in strict alliance; and
however faviourable--—l1owever indispensable~—--~1nay

be the influence of religion in sustaining, the regal-~

32

lated order of a well-tempered Commonwcalth----
and that it is for this purpose an influence of the
highest value no one can doubt-—-—-it is easy to con-
ceive that in a system where the power of govern-
ment is already too strong the accession of this
new impulse must have a fearful tendency to
render it still more excessive. ‘We find, accord-
ingly, in connexion with the advantages which
belong to a system of this description, such as
permanence, stability, and internal quiet, an al-
most complete extinction lot‘ the individual mind.
Overawed at once by the actual presence of the
earthly sovereign, and by appalling apprehen-
sions of the spiritual powers, which are supposed
to wait upon his bidding and back his orders, the
subject loses the sense of his moral dignity.-———
Man sinks into a beast of burdens-——-woman into an
instrument of sensual pleasure,--—-—and the Common-

wealth stagnates in torpid corruption until it finally,

dwindles into nothing at the first touch of any
young and vigorous nation that happens to invade
it.

In Europe, and in Europe only, until the set-
tlement of this our Western Continent, do we find
any instances of political institutions in which a
preponderating, or even a fair and just impor-—
tance, has been allowed to the principle of Lib-
erty. But in the European nations, whether of
ancient or modern times, the institutions founded
onthis principle‘ have been of brief duration, and
of a mixed and uncertain character. Greece and
Italy, though bowed down at the earliest period
of their history under the same double yoke that

533

oppressed the nations of’ the ancient world, sue--ii
ceeded by the effect of some happy combination
of circumstances in shaking it off, and for the first
time recognized in theory and practice, the dig-—
nity and personal rights of the individualtman.~——-—
The principle vvas, however, professed in a very
uncertain shape, and practised upon in a very im-4

perfect manner in both these countries. The

sphere allowed to individual action was often too

extensive. The influence of Liberty was never
justly counterpoised by the well-1*egu1ated opera-
tion of the opposite element of Law; and the di-
vision of the territory into a multitude of inde-
pendent states, with the continual wars which
naturally arose out of thiscircurnstance, kept the
Whole system in a state of permanent Revolution,
and prevented the establishment of the sort of
equipoise between the two great constituent ele-
ments of social order thatwouldiperhaps have
naturally grown up in a long period of tranquillity.
In the Italian Republics of the middle ages, in
Holland, England, and most other regions of

western Europe, where attempts had been made »

before the period of our Revolution to establish
governments of a more or less popular form, the
result had been nearly ‘similar. In all these
cases‘ thereign of freedom had been a short,
stormy, and on the whole revolutionary period.—---
While: itvvltastedii there hadbeen a‘po’vverful teffort
at reaction, whichhad, in a great measure, ineu--l
tralized the advantagesvvhich naturally flow from

liiberal institutions, and finally brought back the

34:

Commonwealth to the old basis of arbitrary gov-
ernment. l

By What happy combination of circumstances,
or peculiar bounty of Providence, a different
result has been obtained on this Continent, it would
carry me too far to undertake to explain; nor is
the explanation necessary to an audience so fa-
miliar with the historyof the settlement and or-
ganization of the country. Emigrating from Eng-
land during one of those revolutionary periods, to
which I have alluded, our pilgrim fathers brought
with them the passion for liberty in its most ex-
alted shape; and finding in the openfield which was
offered by this unsettled region, no obstruction to
the application of it, they brought it into opera-
tion in its purest and most absolute form. Their
sons and successors have made it, from that day
to this, the basis of their political institutions. N o
tendency towards reaction,--no effort to restore the
influence of arbitrary princip1es,————-has ever been
exhibited, except in the feeble attempt of the
mother-country to subject us to a system of ille-
gal taxation, which defeated its own object by
producing the War of Indepenclence, The other
nations in the South and West of Europe, and in
Spanish America, which have been influenced by
our example, have copied, in this respect, the form
and substance of our institutions, as far as the cir-
cumstances under which they acted, i would per-

i mit---so that governments, founded onlthe principle

of Liberty, have become, since the American Re-
volution, the H fashionable polity ‘of the ‘Western
Worlid. if r A

35

This circumstance establishes at once an es»
sential difference between the character of’ this
and of all other periods in the history of man,
and justifies the remark I have already made, that
the influence of our Revolution had changed the
aspect of civilized society. The leading charac-
teristic of the new era, upon which we have enter»-
ed, is therefore the principle of Liberty. The
hopes, the dangers and the duties that belong to
it, are natural consequences of the principle, which
gives it its character. A

 The hopes which are encouraged by the in»
creasing influence of liberalprinciples of govern»
ment are those of Progress and Improvement. The
immediate efi"ect of taking off the restraints which,
under other forms of polity, embarrass the move-
ments of the citizen, is to produce at once a great
increase of individual activity .3 and activity—————if not
universally the cause----is, in general, a. necessary
condition of improvement. In arbitrary govern--
ments the surfaceof society is smooth and placid ;
but, on the other hand, activity is compressed—--—-
the wings of intellect are clipped-—---the springs of
moral daring lose their firmness, and the Com-—
monwealth stagnates in a sort of lethargy. But no
sooner is the sphere of individual activity extended
than there takes place at once a mighty movement
in the mass of the people----a rushing as of a many
waters--—-at running toand fro in all directions.--—---
V/Viealth abounds-—--—-knowledge is increased----genius
plumes her wings, andmounts the empyrean a sky
of discovery, or the higher heavenlof poetical inven--

tion. ,The heart swells with generous aspire-t-V

36

tions after unknown excellence, and fancy begins
already to dream of an earthly millennium.

Nor is the hope of progress and improverment,
which is suggested by the character of the princi-
ples prevailing at this period, by any means destroy-
ed--——-although it may in some degree be chastened
and mocleratedm-by the experience of the World,
whether in foreign countries or our own. N otwith-
standing the imperfect manner in which the princi-
ple of liberty was exhibited in Greece and Rome,
and the great -disadvantages under which it ope-
rated, the period of its prevalence was nevertheless
by far the most remarkable and brilliant one that
has ever occurred in the history of man. In Greece,
within the fleeting interval of two or three centu--
tries, most of the elegant and useful arts and sci-

ences were for the first time successfully cultivated

and many of them carried to perfection. Elo-
quence, poetry, music, painting, sculpture, and

architecture sprang into being, and bequeathed to

after ages, as the fruits of their first efforts, master-
pieces which, as far as they remain to us, it has ever

since been deemed a sufiicient and the highest glory
l to beable to copy. Moral Philosophy, in the hands

of Sooanrns and PLATO, assumed the form of a
pure and sublime religion. The effect of this new de-
velopment of our intellectual nature was felt in the
conduct of practical life, and the human character
for the first time put forthitsfull dignity. In Rome
‘especially, the loftiest and most amiable virtues--
conjugal, parental and filial tenderness--—-a noble
simplicity of manners---a passionate devotion to the

  public good and a deep sentiment of piety---instead

37

of marldng out their possessors as rare exceptions,

became, in the best days of the Republic, the esta—-
blished traits of the national character»-—~—~For five
hundred years there was no example at Rome of
conjugal infidelity. For five hundred years no Ro-
man soldier ever broke the sacrament that bound
him to the eagle of his legion.--—-Such was the prodi-
gality with which the most distinguished citizens sa-
crificed themselves in the public service that three
hundred young men of the great Fabian family are
said to have fallen in a single battle. The names of’
the most remarlrable members of this heroic Com-
munity have been cited ever since as the standing
symbols of political and military talent,‘ patriotism,

purity, and every other public and private virtue.
The human form itself appeared to expand and im-

prove with the new activity of the gocllilie principle
within: and assumed in Italy and Greece an air
of majesty and beauty which it has never worn
in any other region before or since. What other
nation could have liurriishecl the models of those
celebrated wonders of art, of which the mere copies
in plaster---—-as we see them here in the Atheneum

(e3l~allery-———-seem to realize our notions of the shape
and l)ea1'ing of beirigs descended from a higlier
world’! We are not to suppose, with some, that
the peculiar personal beauty of the Greek and

a Roman races was the effect of any extraordinary

qualities of climate. It was rather the cheerful,
vigorous and unrestrained activity of the moral
and intellectual prinoiplewitliin, that expanded
every limb and feature into just proportions-—~—-

A’ lighted up the eye with flashes of noble daring,

38

and clothed the large high forehead with a sort of
superhuman glory. The wonderful creations of
this memorable period are well known to us all.----
Who has not heard of the Greeks and Romans ‘I
Who, I may ask with more propriety, is not tired
of hearing of them ’! Who, says a modern French
poet, willdeliver us from the Greeks and Romans ‘I
Qui nous dclivrera des Grecs et des Remains?
Although I have the honor of addressing you at a
distance of more than two thousand miles and of
nearly two millenniums from the time and place
when and where these illustrious‘ nations flourished,
I have more reason to fear, in alluding to them,
that I shall tire you with topics that are too familiar,
than that I shall shock you with unexpected novel-
ties. VVe have heard so much and so often of the
Capitol and the Parthenonmthe Apollo and the
Venus»--—the summits of Mount Pindus and the yel-
low waves of the Tiber——--that we are apt to turn
away with a sort of disgust from a repetition of the
story, as the Athenian voted for the banishment
of ARISTIDES, i in order to avoid the fatigue of
hearing him always called the Just. In conse-
quence of this familiarity with their history, we hard-~
ly realize how extraordinary a thing it is, that these
comparatively insignificant communities, with their
limited extent of territory, population, and material
resources, should have not only ruled in arts and
arms the whole contemporary world, but have re-
mained the undisputed masters in civilization of all
thesucceeding generations from that day to? this.
All was the effect of the great activity they allowed

to the principle of individual liberty: and when this;

39

main spring lost its elasticity, the beautiful machine,
which it kept in motion, stopped forever.
 Woods that wave o’er Delphi’s steep!
Isles that crown the ];Egean deep! l
Fields that cool Ilyssus laves,
Or Where Meander’s tuneful waves
In lingering labyrinths creep,
How do your mournful echoes languish,
Mute but to the voice of anguish!
,'Where each old poeticxnountain
Inspiration breathed around,
Every rock and hallowed fountain
Murmured deep a solemn sound.
Till the sad Nine in Greece’s evil hour
Left their Parnassus for the Latian plains,
Alike they scorned the pomp of tyrant power
And coward vice that revels in her chains.

The results of the experiments that have been
made upon the effects of the principle of Liberty in
Italy, Switzerland, Holland, and England, which
I have not time to describe, are fitted, invarious
ways, to sustain and encourage our hopes of im-
provement. The experience of t.his country is thus
far still more favorable than that of any other.---4
A few weeks hence, my fellow-citizens, you will
meet to celebrate the completion of the second cen-—
tury that .has elapsed since the foundation of this
city, and will hear from theeloquent lips of one of
their lineal descendants the story of the virtues and
talents of its founders. Two hundred years ago
the only inhabitant of this Peninsula was a certain
BLAcKs'roNE, who had chosen it as his residence
on account of the advantage which he found here of
a good stream of running water, little thinking per--
haps that his name would “be mentioned with respect
on the same spot,” before such an audience as this,

4+0

in the year 1830. Withiii this interval What Won-
ders havebeen accomplished! A few insignificant
settlements, scatteredalong a narrow strip of land
upon the Atlantic coast, have grown up into twenty-
four sovereign and independent states, extended or
fast extending over the whole habitable surface of
the Continent, and united in a Confederacy which
is recognised by statesmen as one of the three or
four principal powers of the Christian World. The
rapid increase of our Wealth and population has
refuted the theories of economists, and the success
of our experiments in government has changed the
basis of political science. In the exultation,with
which we naturally contemplate these great results,
we begin to look forward to future ones of a still
more remarkable character. We calculate the
time, and consider it as not very distant, when our
population will surpass that of China-—--our single
Republic balance in political power the combined
European Commonvvealtli-—-vvlien the state of civ-~

ilization will rise among us to a point of improve-

ment before unattained in any part of the world,
and the human character approach, if it do not at-

C tain, the ideal height of complete perfection.

These are the hopes, which are encouraged by
the principles prevailing at this period, and which-----
a little more moderately statedm-a1'e not to be re-
garded as entirely chimerical. But, in order to
realize them to the greatest possible extent, we
must carefully remark the dangers and diligently
tpractise theduties, that result from the same prin-

ciple, which authorizes us to form these brilliant

expectations of the future greatness ofiour country.

*".~l% 1

iii. In every political system the evil most to be
apprehended is the excess or abuse of the principle
by which it is characterised. As in arbitrary gov-
ernments the great danger is of the abuse of power
—-—-so in free governments, the great danger is of
the fllmse of Liberty. Vifhen there is little or no
restraint on the activity of the citizen, individuals
and parties follow the direction of their interests
or passions with a violence unltnown under other
circumstances, and, when their respective courses
cross each other, rush into conflict with a fury pro-
portioned to the rapidity of their motion. If the
principle be pushed to a certain extent the state
becomes a scene of irretrievable confusion,. and
perishes in convulsions, as it sinks under the abuse
of the opposite principle into a fatal palsy.

The history ofthe free states of other times and
countries is not less frtlitful in examples of the
abuse than it is of the blessings of Liberty.
Greece and Rome-—--~—t.he Italian Repuyblics—---1’-I01-
land and the Cornttr1or1wea,ltl1 of England perished in
the manner I have just described. But without re-e
verting to the history of other times, we may find in
that of’ the contemporary nations, who have copied
our institutions, the most lamentable proofs of
the danger of abusing them. The French Re-—

volution will remain forever a standing beacon A

to warn succeeding generations of the horrors
of anarchy. Almost every remarkable scene in
Parisiand its neighbourhood is now the memo»
rial of some atrocious crime. At the once mag-
nificent palace of Versailles, the seat of the ‘glo-
ries of the brilliant period of the French mon-

def?

archy, now an untenanted ruin, I saw the apart-
ment into which a rnaddened populace were rush-
ing to slaughter in her bed a young and beauti-—
ful Queen, and where they would have effected
their purpose, had not her body guards, by laying
down their lives in her defence at the door, given
her time to escape half'—nalted through an opposite
entrance. Only five months before, the deputies
of France assembled in the Tennis Court, with the
virtuous Bailly at their head, and with as pure and
holy a purpose as that, which inspired our fathers
on the Fourth of July 1776, took an oath that
they would not separate until they had secured the
freedom of their country. ‘Within two years, the
rank, the wealth, the virtue, and the beauty of
France had perished on the scaffold, or were lin-~
gering in exile. As I walked through the long
and dreary galleries, in the subterranean quarries,
or catacombs, which are now the repositories of the
dead, and stretch along under the whole extent of
Paris, as if in mockery of the gay crowds that are
swarming through the streets of that brilliant lV.le-
tropolis of Fashion a few feet above, I remarked
a place separated from the rest, and dedicated by
a suitable inscription to the memory of the victims
of the second of September. On that accursed day,
a band of rufiians, employed by the Municipal Au-—
thorities of Paris, Went round, in succession, to the
several prisons, which had previously been crowd-
ed, for this purpose, with the flower and pride of
the first circles of society, and, after a mock trial,

delivered them over to the infuriate populace, who i

were ready at the door to destroy them; Among

-213

these victims was a heautifiil, pious and accomw A

plished Princess of the Royal family. The pope-

lace of a city, which is commonly rega1'ded as the

capital of civilization, tore her body limb from
limb, devoured her heart npon the spot, and, hav--
ing placed her head npoi.i the point of a pike, pa-
raded it in ll.l'll.ll1'lp3illl'.ll'0l,lgll the streets, and held
it up before the window of the apartment in which
the King and Queen were confined at the Tern-
ple. “ Oh Liberty l”--~--tvas the too just excla-
mation of the l)GEl‘tItllllL1l and accomplished Ma»-
dame Roland, herself one of the most interest-
irlg victims of this i'eig11 of" terror, as she passed,
on her way to the Guillotine, the statue which had
taken the plane oi'that of lgouis XV., on the pub-
lic Square, that washel"ore called by his name----
“Oh Liberty l—-——~vvli.at crimes are not committed
in thy name I” iWl‘lat was the sequel of all these

hiwh as irations~—--these a onizimr effortswtliese
‘ti’: «*3

horrid sacrifices? Ayn iron (l0Sp0tlStn.—--—VVl”tt31'l ll
first visited Frttnce, in l.8'lf3, the ltingcloni wore the
appearance of a vast militnry encampment. 'l‘lie
whole frontier was ‘<_;gua1'tletll, like the outnos s of a
fort.ified town. I was ohligecl to remain afort.1iiglit
at the port wliere I landed, before I could obtain a
passport, with which to travel to the czttpital. in
passing lTltI‘0tlgl] the country, K fottnd it studded with
ha1*rac.lts and bristling with hayonets. The flower

or thepopulation had already been enlistecl in the t

armies; and new decrees were continually issued

r8qttil“lt1g the sacrifice of fresh victims to the ll/lo-
loch of political ambition. tin reaching the capital,
1 was strtielt with the f'eart't1l stillness that reigned

that

A through its vast and populous streets. A settled

gloom hung on every countenance. Every man
looked with suspicion on his neighbor. No one ven-
tured to speals: above a Whisper on important sub»
jects 3’ or to trust his secret thoughts to the fi'ien«:l
of his bosom. I saw the TYRANT himself as he
made his appearance one night at the theatre. A
few hired plaudits aeoonnpanied his enttanoe 3 but
he knew in his heart, that there was not an individ-
ual present, except his own myrznidons, who did
not long for his death. At the height of power
and grandeur, he was more w1'etehetl~ than the
meanest peasant in his clominions. A sort of mad»-
ness already possessed his brain, and within a few
days he went fortli at the lieatl of an army of a
million of men, collected from all parts of Europe,
to encounter his win. Elle had been an ihstrument,
in the hands of Psovideiiee, to pmgiisli his csountry-—
men fin't.l1e abuse of liht:.~.1'tj;, lfmt; his n‘nissfion tvas
accomplished. 'l‘l"le breath of lilezwen sczattetetl
his forces, and sent their leatler to «lie in linge1*i1'1g
torments on a humming; t‘0C’;l{ upon the coast of'Ah'i-
ca. -Vvll-Ell". fearI'ul lessons, if then coultl et'et'g1'oxv
wise by the experience of’ others I

Our“ own Continent exliihits, at the present mo-
ment, instances almost as striking as those of" the
horrors that result from the abuse of Liherty.————-
The sack of Mexico, is December, 18238., nfiay

4 well be compared with the worst excesses of the

French Revolution; and, at this day, there is not
aspot from Cape Horn to California, on which
the eye of the friend of humanity can rest with
cotnposu1*e. But let me not disturb the feelings,

4+5

that suit t.he present anniversary, by Welling too
long upon these sinister events. ‘Let us rather
congratulate ourselves that our own country is still
unpolluted by similar excesses“-that we have yet
to learn from our own experience the dangers of the
abuse of Liberty. I mean not to say that every
passage in our political history is precisely such

as might have been wished. There are doubtless‘

a few pages in our annals over which the patriot
would gladly draw a veil. But let us be just to
ourselves--—-our greatest ahernations have been very
venial when compared with the excesses of other
countries. The most critical epochs in the course
of our affairs have passed off with no worse re-
sults than a little intentperate language, and a
change in the administration of the Government. A
less alloy of evil than this, in a system which allows
so much latitude to individual action, is probably
inconsistent with the imperfection of our nature.
We ought not, however, to clisgttise from ourselves
that, if on the one hand, the progress of’ years con-
solidates our institutions, by giving them the force
that results from habit and prescription, the same
cause also tends in other ways to augment our dan-
gers.-——-As population thicltens,-————-as the importance
of the individual States attgrnents, the shock of
COI1lllC:il1'lg interests will become more violent, and
it will require the most diligent and faithful dis-
charge of all our duties to preserve the purity of
our system, and transmit itvto posterity, in the
same flourishing condition in which We received
it. . r ‘ y i. it i

4.4. .tWl1at then, finally, are“-the duties more par-

+il+t)

ticularly incumbent upon us, as living at a period
and in a country where the leading characteristic
of the Government is the principle ofLiherty ‘l I
answer, to encourage the D’t:fi'1'tL8'Ii0?% of Knowledge
and to esttend the practical influence of Religion.
‘Where every citizen exercises in person a portion
of the political power of the state, it is essential
that every citizen should-—-—-as far as may he prac-—
tic.able—~—~--possess the infortnation, which will qualify
him to exercise it with discernment and discretion,
‘Where the positive checlts on individual error re-
sulting frozn the direct action ot‘goverm'1'1ent, are
cotnparatively week, it is essential that the indirect
restraint, which is inxposcd hy the influence of‘ Re-
ligion, should be proportionally powerful. Reli-
gion, which is the only hasis of morals, is in free
states the only possible checlt on the ahuse of Iih-
erty. The profound and siilcere respect for l’3teli—~

gion which was entertained by the first settlers oi’

this country, and tra1'isrnitt.ed by tliern to their de—-
scendants, has been the principle of our suc-
cess : while the absence of Religion in France, and
its corrupt state in Spanish America, have been the
main causes of the excesses which in both those
countries have disgraced the name of Liberty. The
time fails me to eiilange on this topic, nor is this
necessary before an audience so deeply impressed
with its importance. Should the influence of this
divine principle ever be materially enfeeblecl arnong
us, the liberty we boast of will become a curse, and
we shall be given over to anarcliy--civilWa1*m-
military despotism, and ultimate national ruin.---—

4:7

Wliile we preserve our respect for Religion) we
shall pursue our course with safety and honor, and
shall recover with facility from the temporary aber-
rations that are incident to the happiest condition of
human affairs. ISRAEL SHALL DWELL ALONE--—-HE

SHALL NOT BE NUMBERED AMONG THE NATIONSi

---TI-IE ETERNAL Gon SHALL BE HIS REFUGE----
HE SHALL PUT UNDERNEATH HIM TI-IE EVER-
LASTING ARMS.