AN

 

 mRAwKfiM,

I

PRONOUNCED BEFORE THE CITIZENS OF PROVIDENCE,

ON THE FOURTH OF JULY 1831.

 

% By Hon. Tristam Bulges.

‘ \ , «mm...

PRINTED BY REQUEST.

PROVIDENCE =

VVILLIAM MARSHALL 8: CO.

 

A very ‘few on"ly=el' ithis audience lived at the era ceie-
‘bralted by us this day. Most of those, who achieved Amer-
ican Independence, have ceased to enj-toytheiracqutisitioneg
left -it, as a rich bequest, to us their su’ccessors; and we-are
assembled, as if, to read their last willrand Ltestarnent; to
commemorate theirykindnes-s; to sorrow for their ‘loss; to
look at the glorious heritage left to us by them; and to re-4

yjoice together in the possession and in the hope of our press-

perity.

Let us so rejoice, as those do who stand amidst sepu1-
chres and monuments. The historyof our country is the
epitaph ofits illustrious ”l'eu'nders. Shall ‘I be ipernnitted,
to hold up to you the light of recollection, while We to+-
gather read the lofty inscriptions? Why may not I, at your
urgent request, perform this inconsiderable office for you;
for you who have so freely, so frequently, and with -such
zeal and efficiency labored forame P Be a'ssurct‘I that neithetr
the caution of friends, nor the malevolence of adversaries,
shall ever take from your S8'iI'VlC8,\the very best exertions
ofwhatever in me, you may have deemed worthy of your
approbation and patronage. ‘

It ‘ cannot be needful+tl~ct?tx1ar1~ate tnintutely the events of our
Revollutio:n...m~ Not ‘because theylshculd not bet'remeznbened~;

for they cain*uot be fo'rgoit"ten; nor iiblecause they should be r

remembered inisilenlce; but becalulse they are told by so ma»
rnymillions to so manylisteningtmillioilnsg land willlbesoitold
yearly, daily, and hourly, from one -generation to another,
from age to age, so longias ‘there maybe an ear to heart, or
a tongue to speak. Forthose evelnt~s,lanrdittitrhe sefilecte pro-
duced by thetn, are theivery foundatioin of our national lit-

i erature; the themes of our «popular and o=rdinary conv“ersa-

tion; the lessons of instrluctiion in our schoolls; and the=l1i,gh
argument of gratitude, and t'l1a‘nl{SglVing" to the Almighty
Ruler and preserver of rniations. Some of the ..principles
which producer] rcuraritevolution, and some of the let;vcete
which have followed it, may,‘fo,r a brief time, require,-your
attention, and thereby disclose to us how much :the.Amer1i-
can peorple have yet ito perform before tlhey,,;wi=1;1 shave Sfin»
ished that fabric of « N atifonal Indlelpehdenae fftirl Whitehall 

encelsltloxts laid the-g1nri'eu;s l‘fnundatina.i

4

Much of the inhabited earth has been peopled by color
nies. These have been planted for two purposes; the one
to establish new comtnonwealths, and the other to aggrand-
ize those already established. The first was the ancient,
the last hasbeen the modern purpose of colonization. The
ancientprinciple was derived from the Creator, when he
commanded man to replenish, subdue, and have dominion
over the earth. The modern principle has been drawn from
human cupidity, and that arrogance of dominion which
“ taught the enormous faith oi" many made for one.” Egypt,
Tyre, Athens, Sparta, and Corinth sent out colonies; but
these went out, and were established, like sons who had
attained to full age; and whatever support they derived
from the parent commonwealth, was bestowed, as fathers
bestow the like benefactions on their children, to settle and
advance them inlife.

In the 14th and 15th centuries, when the New Wold was
discotiered, the sparseness of itsppopulation, and its seem-
ingly__p§tlimited ex-tent, openeda region for colonization,
such as t1‘aa~mt been-disclosed to the eye of man, since the
evening bow in the cloud gave assurance that the last wave

of the deluge had retired from the face of the ground. The

potentates of Europe looked to these shores for the ex-
tension of their dominions, for multiplying their subjects,
and for the increase of their power. Other seas, coasts,
and countries, were by this discovery opened to the View
of mariners and merchants, for the toils and emoluments of
navigation and commerce; while the eye of the adventur-
er, in imagination, gazed with delight on the promised vis--
ion of exhaustless and dazzling regions ofsilver and gold.
,f0therrmen, and ofa far different description, the pure in
heart, the pious in purpose, whom the exactions of oppose-

. ion had exhausted, and the creeds of bigotry wearied of

the .old world, turned their thoughts to the new; and stand-
ing on the shores of Europe, they looked towards the set-
ting sun, andbeliev-ed, that beyond the last wave of the
ocean then washing their feet, the Father of all the fami-
lies of the earth, had provided for them a region ofipeace
and treedom. M-en, like these, were the founders of our
nation. a T ~ T ,
Spain” and Portugal had discovered the souther-n C01'1tl*:
:nent of America; and -both princes and people, alike, re»

__.garded the whole as .a region for conquest, plunder and C10?“

5

rninion- Neither the sovreign or people of England, held‘

any such opinion concerning North America; nor ever
claimed any title to this country, against the primitive in-»
habitants of it. For by discovery they obtained nothing
more than the right, to the exclusion of all other nations,
to purchase from those inhabitants, and settle the country

i themselves. This claim, derived from discovery, gave no

title to the soil, no jurisdiction over the aboriginese; and
when, under all the solemnity of charters, granted by the
luring to the colonists, nothing could thereby be received
other than the right to exclude all others from purchasing
and settling within the limits described by such charters.
Under such charters the founders of this nation migrated
from Great Britain to this country. They purchased lands
of the natives within the limits of their charters; and this
purchase gave them a title to the soil. They formed them-
selves into civil communities, settled on these lands, and
this gave them a jurisdiction over the territory. Had the
principle ofancient colonization prevailed, at that time,
here had been an end of all dependence on England; un-=
less it had been the dependence of parent and child, the

mutual excliange of kindness and bencfactions, alfection

and gratitude. -
These colonies were indeed independent during some of
the first years of their settlement on these shores. In tlteir

infancy, and at their utmost need, the parent country per-- i
rnitted themto ldepend on themselves alone. No tax, no ,

tithe, not even the fifth of gold reserved to the King by
their charters, was enacted from them. The hard neces-
sity, which compelled them to provide food, clothing and
shelter, compelled them also to provide government, laws
and protection for themselves. These primitive years of
hardy endurance, pious gratitude, and delightful freedom,
confirmed their belief, that they held, and enjoyed therin-

defeasahle "‘ right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
‘ ness.” It had been their darling theory, in the years of

oppression, on the other side of the ocean. The lovely

vision lived in their hope, when they left their other home,

and purveyed their journey over the waste of waters, light»-

ing the darkest hours of their stormy passage.  

This condition ofindependence was of short duration.
No sooner had these neglected colonies which, like oittcast

. cltildren, were thrust into the Wilderness, rendered them-

 \

s!elv‘eIs Worth being own-ed, than they were reclaimed as
the property of the affectionate Mother Country. The
King claimed the right to control the representation in the
Legislative Assemblies of the Colonies. The Parliament
-"claimed the right to tax them at pleasure for the benefit of
the Crown. The whole English nationclaimed the right
to direct their labors and monopolize their Whole commerce.

The Stuarts and the Brunswicks of the British throne
had been advised, that they were the sole fountain of all
power in the Colonies; and that they could, ‘therefore,
enlarge, or restrict, or abolish the right of representation,
at their pleasure. Against this claim of prerogative, the

colonists contended that the King had, by charter, relin-

quished to them the right of purchase and settlement, de-
rived to him by discovery of the country; and that their
purchase and settlement, not his charters, had given to
them jurisdiction over it; because, the «right to purchase
and settle carried with it theright of residenceland govern-
ment co—eXtensive with settlement and purchase. ' He was
their king, as they loyally acknowledged; but he was their
king because they were born his subjects. He was the
king of his English subjects in the colonies, in the same
manner as he was the king ofhis Englishiisubjectsjin Great
Britain, and if he could not control, or alter, or taketallway
representation in the British Parliament in England, much
less could he control, or alter, or take away representation
in the Colonial Assemblies in America» This was the first
great point of controversy; and in this the King and the
Colonies were at issue.

The Parliament claimed over the colonists the right of
taxation; and alledged that because they were, as they ad-
mitted, British subjects, the British Parliament could of
right legislate for them in all cases whatever. The Colon-
ists avoided the force of this reasoning by shewing that

the Parliament could legislate for English subjects in Great

Britain, because those subjects were present hy their rep-
resentatives in that Parliament ; and that, therefore, ‘be-
cause the English subjects in the Cdlonies, werejnot so

present by their representatives, that Pa1*liament,c.ould not

legislate for them. The Colonial Assemblies could, as it
was admitted, legislate for English subjects  the Colon-

i ies; but this was because “those subjects were represented
’ in those assemblies. If represent:ati.on give the -power to

*7

legislatre, then the ‘power of Parliament could not extend?‘
to the Colonies; unless the power of the Colonial Assam»
hlies might extend to G~reat- Britain. This was the second

great point of controverrsy; and in this the Parliament and-r

the Colonies were at issue.

Whatever may-have been the views or purposes of those

who colonized this country, it is not to be doubted that
the English nation regarded each Colony as a company

sent out by them for the sole purpose of plantation, fish»-

ery and commerce; and the colonists themselves were
citonsidered by that trading nation as their agents and ser-
vants; and sent out by them in the same manner as the
East India Company have, since that time, sent out their
agents and servants, not to colonize the country and es»
tablish new commonwealths, but to enrich their employ-4
ers. VVith regard to these Colonies the English nation,
as at great trading company, claimed, as matter of right,
the authority to regulate their labor, and monopolize their
whole commerce. They might plant, and fish, or trap for
furs; they might mine for o-re, and smelt and cast, or beat
the iron into‘ bars; and they might labor their forests for
lumber, their pine-—barrensa for navali stores; but to manua-
faoture, they were utterlyforbidden, and prohibited. All
their surplus production, whatever they might have for
any market, must be transported to England; and come
under the King’s staples; to the intent, that his Majesty
might not be defrauded of hiscustoms; and all, which
they might purchase to supply their necessities, must be
drawnfrom the mother country, and?‘ in like manner, come
under customary exactions. This monopoly was enforced
by many laws; and though most of them were evaded, by
the Colonies; yet the claim vvasnever relinquished by the
people of England. “

In 1696, a board? oftrade and plantations was establish-

‘ ed in that country; to enquire into the condition of the

Colonies, aswell withregard to the administration ofGov-
ernment, asin» relation to commerce; and how those Colo-
nies may be ma»clerm~ost berieficial to the kingdom. In W63
the Navigation Act had been made and brought to bear
on the Colonies, as was stated in the Preamble “ to in»
crease English shipping and seamen,  create a market

rifoirrlflnglish tvoollens and other nianufacrtures, and to keep

the Colonies in pa» firmer dependence on the mother coon-»

8.

try.” .To discourage manufactures in the Colonies Pare
liament enacted, in 1699, “ that no wool, or woollen m-an-
nfactures, of the American plantations should be shipped,
or transported thence to any place Whatever.” The
House of Commons declared in 1719 that erecting rnanuv»
factories in the Colonies tended to diminish their depend~
encet upon Great Britain.” - That House twelve years af-
ter, did on the complaint of English ma»nu'factu»rers, direct
the Board ofTrade and Plantations “ to inquire,and report.
with respect tolaws made, trade carried on, and manufac-
tures set up detrimental to the trade, navigation and man«
ufactures of Great Britain.” In pursuance of this order
the Board reported “ that certain manufactures in wool,
flax, iron, paper, and leather, were set up in the-Colonies,
detrimental to .the‘_ manufactures of the parent country.”

In 1732 the worshipful company of Hatters in London,
induced Parliament to enact that no hats should be ship-.
ped from any,o_fN,tl'ie Colonies; or loaded on horse carts to
be carried from o_ne'.Colony to another. The manufactu-»
rers of iron obtained at law, prohibiting any mill in the C0-
lonies for hammering, rolling, or slitting iron, or any fur-r
nace for manufacturing steel. By this law a penalty of
£200 sterling, was inflicted on whornsoever might set up
any such mill; and the Governor of the Colony, Where
such nuisance might have been set up, was directed to
cause the same to be abated, within '30 days after com-
plaint, and proof ofthe same was made to him; and in de-
fault of so doing a penalty was inflicted on him amounting
to £500 sterling. In a word, it was the established policy
of the English nation to secure thedependence of the Co-
lonies on that kingdom, by prohibiting Colonial manufac—
tures; and by confining their whole export andimport
trade to the markets ofthat country.  

To this policy and to the laws made in support ofit, the
Colonies opposed the steady principles ofthe English con»
stitution; and because the King’s subjects in Great Britain
were bound by no laws unless enacted by their representaw
tires in Parliament assembled; they as the King’s subjects
in America considered themselves bound by no laws un-
less enacted by their representatives, convened in these
Colonial assemblies. They claimed the right, as inclina-
tion, or convenience, or interest might induce them, to fish
the seas, hunt the,l'o1'ests, plow the fields, ply the loom or

9

spread thesail. If Englishmen in Great Britain could lam
her in any vocation, or trade with any nation, as they 2»
niight choose, conformably to the laws of that kingdom; .
thencould they, asflnglishmen in the‘ Colonies, labor in
any vocation, or trade with any nation, as they might
choose conformably tothe laws of’ tits Colonies. This was
the third and last great point of controversy; and in this
theipeople of the Colonies were at issue with the people
of England. C l l * i A
Indeed here was the great absorbing question. The
claim to control" representation in our colonial assemblies
was a question of regal prerogative, often made but never
directly enforced. That of the Parliament to tax the Co-=,~
lonies, was ‘a question of ministerial speculation, "of doubt-
fulvpolicy, and made rather toretain the Colonies in ajcon-.~
dition of dependence, than for the purpose of revenue. In
the third question every man in England held a deep inter-
est; and was zealous in compelling the Colonies to remain

in their manufacturing and commercial dependence on the

mother country. Not only great merchants who dealt in
millions; but the most inctonsiderable chandler, purchasing
mackerel and furnishing outfits; as well as extensive menu»
facturers supplying the valuable staples of colonial con-
sumption, as the merest rnaker of small wares, whoever
could spin a codline, ‘turn at fish-h_ook, or punch the holes
in thetop of a tin pep,per-boxgall, all alike claimed the
Colonies as their natural, their hereditary customers. To
-this system of sales and supply, passing under the Kings
staple, both coming in, and going out," and liable to cuss-
toms both ways, the people, the statesmeri; and the King
of England looked for emolument, and revenue from the
Colonies. Every effort was made to retain them in this
dependent condition. The claim to tax the Colonies in their
own piorts was subsidiary to this 3 and when Parliarnentte-r C
pet-aled the duty on stamps, on paper, glass-and paints, that
on tea was retained; not, as it hasoften been said, to fa»
vor the East-India Company, but to retain the right to tax’;
and to try the other great pquestionwith thepflolioniestppt
The British Minister ordered the cargoes of tea into the t
Colonies, not for revenue, but to provoke resistanczei, ifinti
bringon a war, in which the Colonies mighti...;be reduced,
byirunconditional submission, to perpetual r dependence 011
the commerce and manufactures oflG"rleati‘i,Britai!¥~ CLFOY
” C 0

IV

10

_ l l
though Walpole refused, (using his own words) “ to burn
his fingers with American taxation,” and Chatharn utterly
disclaimed the right; yet both these statesmen asserted the
monopoly in its most ample extent; and the great Earl
with all his American friendship, and American feelings,

would not allow the Colonists to manufacture for them-- ,

selves; “no not so much as a hob-nail.” The Ministry

, chose to try the controversy on the right to tax the Cole»

nies; because they might thereby conceal from the people
of America the extent of that dependence and ruin in which
the establishment of the British monopoly would involve
them.

The statesmen of the Colonies preferred a trial on the
_same point. For they well knew, that each man in Amen-

ica could, with the naked eye discover a British tax.-gath.-
erer when he met him, attempting to step over the thresh-»
old. of his own door; but that his vision might require some

assistance from his understanding to discern the same per-i

sonage at the distance of 3000 miles and in the Custom
House of Great Britain. It might not be diflicult to bring
a Yankee or a Buckskin to blows with such a gentleman,
when once fairly within his arms length; but how could he
hold that kind of controversy with him across the Atlantic.

Besides all this, the fashion of the times rendered trade
with the mother country, no matter under what exactions,
almost absolutely necessary. English manufactures were
so convenient, so beautiful, so much more genteel than
homespun, that thousands, who loved their country too
‘Well to drink tea, could not think of keeping house with-
out those fashionable things whichevery body, that was
any body, always» had. Many a colonial beau wouldtnot
have dared to show his head, Without the garniture of an
English cocked hat. The ladiesof the colonies, though.
not less patriotic than Spartan mothers, yet could not thinlr
of giving up Londonsticla: heeled shoes, till some time af-
ter the first Continental Congress. The timber of many
a whole farm was out down and sent home to get house-
hold furniture for a family, with perhaps a side saddle, and
a pair of high polished iron spurs. Sometimes an ambitious

younglonathan sold the codfish of a wholesurnmer to buy ‘

blue English broadcloth for a coat, and maltea figure at
the thanksgiving dance. Colonial maple might do for a
hedstead,and a nice cut of ahollow tree nialte, a very good,

I1

cradle ‘without the expense of artificial rockers; but still
the fair Jemimah often refused her hand to the beloved
Ichabod, until her father bought, and brouglit home to her,
a black walnut round table, and a high case of draws, made
cf the real oak of old England; though to 'furnish the means
of payment every beaver and mink in the Colony had, in
the dead of the winter, beenleft without so much asa skin
to his back.

How could the Colonies have fought with England on
such an argument? Do we not see that after so many
events, and the horrors oftwo wars, the Anltericanpeople
are not yet healed of this hereditary madness? Whole
families, and those too, whose fathers were among the
most devoted patriots of the Colonies; nay the people of
some ‘ivhole States, and of States too who suflelred the
most and toiled with the most desperate daring, do seem
incapahle ofliving in any comfort, or dying in any hope,
unless, both alive and dead, they may be dressed in Brit-
ish manufactures. .

Fortunately for our fathers, for us, and for the rights of’
the human race, the question was brought to trial on the
‘Parliamentary claim to tax. the Colonies; not at the Eng-—

lish Custom House in Great Britain; but at the English a

Custom here on our own shores, on our own wharves-. In
this all was seen; there could be no evasion, no mistake;
and we were invulnerable. It was a tremendous contro-
versy; a trial by battle; but the Great Arbiter of Nations
defended the right.

I see a few men here, who - must remember the first day
of War. It is the oldest event alive in my recollection.

Thonglt distant from the field nearly twice the length ofthis b

State; yet the alarm reached our little hamlet before the
sun went down. Every cheek was pale; but every eye was
on fire. Lexington was the gathering Word; and the
name flew from man to man", from colony to colony; as the
lightning shoots along the dark bosom ofthe summer cloud.
Almost at once,one spirit pervaded the whole country;
and While our enemies were taking counsel to rsuhdue, us

one by one, we had becomea nation. Bunker ‘Hill was

next the battle cry; and field after field gave each a new
world of war, until the roar of the last can‘non, the shoot
of the last victory was heard; a and the la,stsWo1'd of the en»
emy cleliveretl on at Yorlttow‘n.~ l i it t

:3.

is

"What are some oftlte effects produced by our reVr01LtI.'l
"'tion?i Surrounding nations looked anxiously on while the
great controversy was on trial; and at the moment of sue»-
cess, the light of our triumph, ‘rising high and ‘glorious, was
seen by the people, in regions the most distant. Under
this light the great principles of our revolution have spread,
and extended; and that improvement in the political con»-
dition ofnations, then commenced, has, from that hour up to
the present moment, been in progress. Letters have been,
and now continually are disseminating knowledge; men
have made many discoveries concerning their rights; and
are making mighty e'ff'orts to regain them. France, after
years of anarchy, blood, and iron despotism, seems at last
to have succeeded in establishing constitutional freedom.
In othcrparts of Europe liberty is awakening frttm the
slumber of ages. At every movement of the arousing spirit
some throne may be seen tottering; and you may hear the
shout ofsorne outraged, some hoping nation. Spainmay~
yet shake from her bosom the polluting power of the Boure
bon. Tvvice since Canova wrought the form of Wasliingm
ton in Italian marble, the bland and animating gale of free-
dom halsbrieatlted over that glorious land of Livy and Taci-
tus-t. ‘We have almost heard the divine voice ofTu1ly; we
have almost ‘seen the crimsom steel ofBrutus. The ‘birth
place ‘of”s’ong and eloquence, the region of arts and arms,
Greece, so many ages bent to the earth with chains, is
free; walks again on continent and island erect like her own

Pallas in native majesty; and she, who was the ancient i

teacher of all other nations, is now the lovely disciple of
our own.  ‘

i would you find a country consecrated by the imperisha-
ble names ofher patriots and defenders? Then . look for
the cradle of Sobieski and Kosciuscor Glorious Sarmatia!
thou art this day, as we were, vvlien this day, likethe pass-
over of God’s own people, was set apart from every day in
the Surfs whole course; and as a perpetual festival, hal-r
lowed and consecrated to freedom. i The principles of our
revolution, and the very name of the United States of
America, seem to beinscribed, in blazing gold,'on the wing
of every Eagle under which Poland marches to battle.
Coiildfwe believe that the “spirits of the just made per-

 fect,” might ever again in human form visit the sunshine of

tihisgglotver vvorld, how cou we doubt that our Washing-~



‘tun is now directing the “ storm of war” in another hernia
sphere; and leadinganother nation to victory and indepen-s
deuce? In the hero of Warsaw, who _has not seen a like
devotedness of patriotism and a kindredrskill in warfare;
the sudden and silent seizure of events; the cautionary de-=
lay; the patience of endurance, and all other, the illustrious

C excellencies of the great Fabius of our country? ‘God of

Armies; shelter, we beseech thee, cover that head in the
day of battle; and give, once more, give success to the
cause of Wasliington. C .

To ourselves the effects produced by bur revolution
Were mornentous. When the great controversy of arms
was finished, the patriots ofour country, exhausted by the
conflict, sat -down to look back on the past, and to provide
for the future. _They had achieved independence, by a
union of efforts; and wisdom counselled them to achieve

. the preservation of that independence, by a like union of
‘efforts. The pressure of the common enemy had produc-A

ed the first union. "When that pressure was removed,
when the enemy retired, that union which had but one ob-
ject, one foe, encountered with one mind, as if one heart
 warmed every bosom, and beat in every pulse, that union
was, for nearly every thing national, dissolved. "The Con—~
federation was a mere league effensive and defensive of
‘each State with all the others of the whole thirteen; and
had beensc little the eflicient cause of our independence,
that this leaguethetween these States was not signed until

nearly five years after the war commenced. The Conti- a

neural Congress, it is true, acted from the beginning on the
principles of that league; but it was a common cause, a

united interest, a union of opinion, ef feeling, of sentiment, .

as patriotism, shalll say, almost divine, which gave effect to
the resolves of that great meeting of illustrious" and vene-
rated men. When this union of feeling gave place to inter-«
ests, individual and peculiar to each one of the several
States, the Cohtinental Congress cduld by no means, plac-
ed in their power by the Confederation, either preserve,
or improve, orteven use the most important acquisitions
made by the revolution. . r r i
These men soon discovered that without “a more per»-
fect union” than the Confederation had given, they could
‘neither promote the general. welfare, nor secure to us or
to ourposterity the blessings of liberty. Neither could

14

‘tile several States themselves use, for these great purpcsw
es, the rights and powers acquired by independence.

In the first point of the controversy the Colonies had
succeeded; and repelled the King’s claim to control rep-
resentation in their assemblies. This was a right then pew
culiar to each State; and each might use and improve this
right, secured by independence to each without any union
more perfect than the Confederation.

The second point in the controversy was the Parliamen-

tary claim to the right of taxationin the Coloniesi Here
too Great Britain was defeatedgand by independence this
right claimed by the Colonies was secured to them. Wihat
was this -right, claimed by the British Parliament‘, and con-
tested by the Colonies? Not the right of levying taxes
on the heads and estates of the Colonists; but the right of
inipostg the power to lay and collect duties on commodi-
ties imported for consumption into’ the Colonies. Our in-
dependence secured exemption from thisclaim by Parlia-
ment; and this right became vestediin the United States,
or in each of the several States, or in both. To the
exercise of this right, as a source of revenue, Congress

and each of the several States looked for the funds to

discharge the immense ‘debt contracted by the United
States in the prosecution of the war. The Continental
Congress could not exercise this right of impost, because
the power to do so had not been given to them by the
articles of confederation. The several States refused to
grant thisvpower to that Congress, even to the amount
only of five per cent. on a few articles, and for a limited
time, and thatrtoo expressly for the‘ purpose of paying
the public debt.’ , This refusal was made by the individual
States, not because they were opposed to raising reve-
nue by impost, either to pay this debt, or to provide
forthe common defence, or promote the generalwelfare;
but because these States in their ithirteen distinct legisla-

tures, infiuenced bylocal and diverse interests, could nev-l

er agree on either the amount per centum to be raised, or
the particular articles on which when imported a duty
should be imposed. The power of direct taxation, as it
was not in controversy with England, had not been won
by the revolution, and could not be claimed by the United
States; nor had it been given to Congress by the Confed-

eration. ~'i‘hat body could make requisitions on each of
the several States, and they might or might not at their

I5

option discharge them. How then could the indiepend-
ence, won by the war, be, either secured or made useful
either by the several or by the United States, without “ a.
more perfect Union” empowering Congress to lay and col»
lect imposts, duties, excise and taxes; and thereby to pay’
the debts, and provide for the common defence of all the
States.” , p

In the third great point of the controversy we had suc-
ceeded in repelling the British claim to a monopoly of all
our production and all our consumption. We“ had by our
independence secured the right to manufacture fortour?
selves; to sell to the best customers, to buy at the best
markets, at our own option; and to enact those laws for
ourselves, which Parliament had claimed the right to enact
for us; to advance and establish a manufacturing and com»
mercial system of our own, and thereby perfect our incl»
pient independence. Our incipient independence I say;
for let me tell you, my fellow citizens, and would to God I
could give my voice such a note of monition as might
reach every ear on this side the Atlantic, let me tell you,
our independence in this great department of it was but
begun by‘ our revolution. We acquired the right to make
ourselves independent, not independence itself. For so

long as we continued to supply our consumption of manu-

factured Fabrics from England, and thereby cornpelled our-
selves to give her a monopoly ofour agricultural, and oth-
er productions, we not only continued to bear the colonial
hurthens, placed upon us by her impost laws, her naviga-i
tion, and commercial system; but our independence had
placed us in a worse conditionand rendered that system,
to a considerable amount, more onerous to us. i
Before our independence, we were a little more favored
than mere alien nations. England claimed us as her C0-
lonies, her agents and servants, her property; and she had
some ambition to keep us in a decent working condition;
and not by overdoing us to lose the credit of driving a good
team. The hardest masters, it is well l~Zt1OW1"l., \VO1'l<Z and
feed their own cattle, somewhat more carefully than they
do mere hired horses. Accordingly Englzntcl, before the
revolution, received our bar and pig iron free ofdut rd; and
most of our other produce at a loss rate than alien nations
paid on the same articles; and many of her manufactures
came to use under a less onerous impost duty than they

‘ 16

went to them. This advantage we lost by independence,

For the moment we became independent we became aliens, i

and ‘paid alien duties’ on all our products carried to Eng-»
land; and on all her products, brought thence by us. Eng»
land who would not relax her commercial and navigation
system while we were Colonies and went to war with us in
its Support, was not likely to yield it up to us now that we
were aliens.

The British statesmen knew, that nothing could relieve
bus from this English system, while we were under a neces-
sity to receive their manufactures, and therefore to sell to

,_them our raw materials; nor could we redeem ourselves

from this tribute to the crown, while we could neither de-

iiver to them such materials, nor receive from them such V

mantifactures, without paying a heavy impost on both. i If
"we paid a duty on our iron or Wool, when we passed it
through the British custom houses, did we receive it back
of the manufacturer when we sold liimithese articles? Yes
truly; but this duty, thus ‘addedby us to the price of our
iron and wool, compelled him to add the like amount to
the woollen cloth, and hard ware, sold by him to us. In
like manner the duty on our grain, flour, and rice enhanc-»
ed the “price” of such produce, and compelled the manufac-A-
turing laborers of England, who fed upon them, to charge
higher wages. Th‘is‘“““in‘C‘I'eased the cost of manufactures

’wrouu'ht b them and brou ht those manufactures to our“
:9 Y 9 g

consumption at a higher price. Had we continued this
trade, as our necessities compelled us to go on with it soon.
after the War; had We continued it with our consumption,
increasing as it has increased, and Without manufactures of
our own,  to this time, the people of these States,
Which, those, who are struggling to bring back to that con-
,_dition, proudlycall sovereign and independent, the Ameri-
can people, who have paid almost 400 millions of dollars
to achieve and to secure their independence on the Eng-
lish King, Parliament and Nationfthis haughty and high
minded people would have 0 paid into the British treasury,
for the benefit ofthe. English Crown, 750 millions of dollars.

H ..Nor would this have been more than the minority of that
burden, borne by us, under this course of trade, had it
beenso continued. Had our raw materials been trans port?
ed to England as they must have been by avoyage of 3000
miles to be_Wrought into fabrics for our consumption; and

1'7.

had we to pay for that work supplied their matiufacttttrers
with bread stuffs and provisions at the expense ofa like
ttoyztge; the freight and insurance on.tl1e first must have
increased the cost of those rnaterials;~ and those on the H
second most have P1'..lg:I]8l‘1l28t'l the cost of the labor em-
ployed in working them up; and both together, added to
those fabrics, rendered then, at least, twenty per cent.
more costly to us than if produced from the same mate-
rials, by the same labor, fed by the shame bread stuffs and
provisions on this side the Atlantic and in our own coun-
try. Add the freight and insurance of another voyage
from England to import tltesetrianufactures, and the whole-
will equal, at the least, one third of their total value.
Doubt, and controvert this, who may, it always has been,
and always will be a truth. Without duty of either import

or export, make the trade as free as the winds or the waves,

and while the Atlantic continues to separa..e us from Eng-
land, we can never exchange such produce for manufac-
tured fahriczs, at a cost less than one tliird more than they

may be lhrnished to us by the labor and capital of our

own country. Such a trade is governed by a great unal-
terable principle; and those who will be at the pains to
examine for tl.1GtI1S.€3lVGS will find, that in all eX(”.‘.ll21ttg8S of
rude produce for manufactured fabrics, made l'orniutual
consumption, between agricultural and rnanufactttring; na-
tions, the ultirnate consumer, the agricultural nation, does
and forever must, pay all the expoiisets of such exchanges.

Could it have been the intention of theCreator, that

.Europe should draw her bread from America, or that

America should be dependent on l~:‘.urope for clothing?
’Why this waste of labor, this prodigality of enterprise,
and peril? Must the agricultue of the world be so burden-
ed to enrichthe commerce of the world? Is it not
ei'io1igl1, that for hurnan delinquency, the eldest curse of
God is on the earth; and that those, who provide bread for
our race, must holdeternal warlar'e with “noisome weeds,”

‘Willi “ briars and thornsg” will you also compel them to

oovertltetnsolves with the leaves of trees, or travel bare-
footed 3000 miles; to find their shoes and their garments?
“Why not bring‘ the ploug;l.t and the loom into the same
neighborhood; and permit men, born for mutual assistance,
to live together, and excltatnge breacl for clotlling at their’ ‘j

own <:loo1's?, If human var"iity cannot be indulgetl without

185
the peril, and e‘X*pE31'1(llt‘Ll1'e of distant voyages and costly
investments in those things, which, because they are not
necessary, Gocl_has made rare, and of difficult acquisition,
then let human vanity be so indulg.ed;, but donor, for the
sake of human charity do not lay this overwhelming bur-
then upon the sons and daughters of toil, who are satisfied
with the needful oflife, which the hand of the-Creator has,
in every land, placed abundantly within reach of human la-~
bor and diligence, ii A

So thought the fathers of our revolution, when they be»
held this condition ofour country. A nation, which had
achieved, at the point ofthe sword, the right ofindepen-

"deuce, could that nation disregard their mighty acquisi«-

tion? VVas it possible for the same men to be, in war so
haughty and arrogating, after conquest, so humble» and
yielding? Was it the rnagnanimity, of valor, or the patience
of the patriarch, coaching down between a burden of
tribute on the one side, and on the other a, burden 0f,C*3X:'-
penditure, placed upon themselves, as if to purchasethe
privilege of being again tributarya ‘What can "relieve
them? VVhat would perfect their independence? Nothing
short of a countervailing commercial system, regulating
commerce in our ports as our commerce is. regulated in
their ports, and thereby encouraging, establishing and pro-
tecting manufactures, by our commercial system, in like
manner as British manufactures had been encouraged, 
tablished and protected by the commercial. system of Eng»

land. In a word, nothing short of an American system

could do for us what the English system had done, and
was doing for England. VVe had conquered,and indepen-
dence had secured to us the right so to.‘ regulate com-
merce, and establish such a system. Who should, who
could exercise the power P The Continental Congress
could ,not,.,b.ecause the ,.regulation of commerce had not,
by the articles of confederation, been committed to that
Congress, Could the several States, separately, exercise
this power? VVon by joint councils and united labors, was
not the acquisitionia common, or joint power? Be this as
it may, no one State of the whole could for the territory
ofthate State, regulate commerce by any law of impost,
unless all united in the same enactmont.t For of what avail
was a law of Massachusetts imposing duty on English goods
imported into that State, if’Rhode Island, or Connecticut,

19

or New" York, or any other State in the union hadno such
~~l:nw? Was it possible for all the States acting separately,
to unite in so many distinct enactments, as the full and
beneficial exercise of this power required? How could
thirteen communities, mutually independent, iwithtdiverse
-local interests, apparently requiring different external regu-
lations, and meeting in as many legislative assemblies.,.too
distantly separated for interchange of councils,’ how could
it ever have been possible for them, so far toagree in their
aenactmentsas to commerce, much more to improve and
perfect, by reiterated legislation such a sy'stem of com-
mercial regulation; as should not only countervail that of
England, but also sustain our foreign and domestic ‘C0111-
rnerce, establish and support the agriculture, arts and manu-
lactt.ires of the whole, and of each individual State? This
power to regulate commerce, and thereby perfect our in-
dependence, though won at a cost of so much treasure
and blood, and so necessary to our honor and prosperity,
could not be exercisetl either by the conliederacy, or by
the several States. For the evil was seen by all, and felt
by all, and each State attempted a remedy by various en-
t1C‘tl1’}(3l‘li;S; bpt so diverse was their legislation, that the
laws of one State, without efliecting those of England, ut-
terly c.:<:u1ntervailct.l the laws of another State. "l’..l1e Eng-
lish monopoly, the lilnglisli tribute, the Englisli system
prevailed. For we were without nianufacttiresg we had,-no
connmercebnt the importation of British goods; and no
agriculture~but a struggle to scrape frorn the soil our own
bread, and the lietv articles of produlcewhiclt the English
would receive in payment for them. Nothing could re-—
lietre the country without “a more perfect union.”

The people, wearied and provoked by the councilseof
S@lllSl],,.t1l”l'll)ltl0t1S, designing politicians ofthat day, who,
‘then under another name‘., like the champions of State
rights and State sovereignty, a kindred generation of
vipers of the present time; the people to controlsuch men,
contriving to keep the nation poor, and to make thetn-t
selves rich, and plotting to secure to their ovvniuse the
first places of honor and emolument in each single State,
no matter how small, nor at what cost of peril or expen-~
diture to the prosperity and glory of a whole great nation;
the people themselves once more arose in the majesty of
their own sovereign will, and united to establish and pen;

  o ’

2'20

feet that independence which in 75 they had arisen and
united to achieve. Yes, my fellow citizens, not the thir-
teen sovereign and independent States, but WE, the peo-—
ple ofthese States, in order to form A MORE PERFECT‘

' UNION. establish justice, provide for the common dc»

fence, and promote the genera} Welfare, ordained a con-
stitution for ourselves, as citizens of the whole United
States. VVe established a parental,’a paramount govern»
ment for ourselves; .as a great family of national citizens,
not only as we then were of each State, but as we willed

ourselves to lie citizens of the whole United States. We
gave to this government, and who but we would give this

power? We gave the power to regulate, commerce with
foreign nations, among the several States, and wtththe
Indian l tribees, to the intent’ that this government rnight
thereby establish a system to countervail the English sys-
tem of monopoly and tribute; and by encouraging and

protecting our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, fish-t

cries and navigation, perfect» and establish our inrlepen-
deuce. To this government we committed also the whole

system cfmoney, mails, excise and impost; therelations

wit. othetr nations, of war, peace, amity, alliance and natu—.

ralizationi, the entire‘ power of‘ defence, on land and on ‘

‘water, either by fortification, ships, errnies, or militia; and
to secure and render the whole efl'ectu_al, the power was
given to enact all such laws as shall be either necessary
or proper to the exercise of all the powers by us granted
to this government. To the intent that no controversy
might arise between the government, so established by the
people, as citizens of the United States, and either ofthose
governments which had been testablished by them, as citi-
zens of either of the several States, the people ofthose
States took from them“ and relinquished to the govern--
ment of the United States, the power to make money
by coinage, or otherwise; the power of raising revenue by
eitcise or impost on goods or tonnage; the power of war

or peace, of alliance or defence, of holding armed ships or

troops in time of peace. In return for these cessions and
relinquishments of power so made by the pecplelof each

of the several States to the government ofthe ‘United _

States, the people of the United ‘States vested that gov-
ernment with the power, and placed it under ohligation to

guarantee to the people of each State the fulleztzercise of

~ g A at

all their remaining powers under a republican form of gov‘-
erntnent; and should any.of'the champions of State rights
and independent sovereignity, plot and make movements
by arms or ot.herwise, in any of the several States, to
change either of those governments into a little or great
kingdom for some one of themselves, or should foreign
monart:hs,or other powers, in aid of them, or for other
purposes, invade any State, then the parental and para»
rnount goverrxment is bound to subdue by force ofarrns,
such ,or any other domestic violence, or repel such foreign
invasion. To the intent that neither this government nor
that of e;t:.wer of the several States might ever be extended
beyond its constitutional lirnits,the people of the United
States estahlshed a co—inordinate and independent de-

liipartrnent, vested with judical powers to try and ab_judi-

cate, among others, all controversies, touching the rights
of whomsoever may be interested in any question, wherein
the United States may be a party, or different States,
«or the citizens of such States, may come into litigation,
and which may arise under any law or constitution of any

State, coming in conflict with any lavv,or the constitution ,
of the United States. i This system of government was

finished by the people who ordained and established it,
byladding the third and last the executive department.
Charged with 4 the highestfunctions ofpower, on the fideli-
ty of the chief, magistrate, to this great trust depends the
execution of all judicial decisions, all legislative enact-.
rnents, and the preservation entire, and in a condition of
vigor and etficiency the constitution and government of
the United States. ,   i ’

This arrangement and disposition of power, this consti-
tution is one of the most glorious effects produced by our
revolution. In the exercise of these powers the first Con»
grass of the United States laid the foundation of a system,
long desired by all patriots, and which, by regulating
commerce with foreign nations, has in its progress not only
tTn'nished revenue, improving our country in peace, and
defending itin war, but which has given encouragetnent
and secured protection to all our industry by land, and by
593: Th€I‘el3y supplying, to a great extent, our consump-
tion from our own land, labor and capital; and to alike
extent relieving ourselves from the cost ofdistant foreign
transportation, and working out our national redemption

_ from the ignorny, ofour ancient tribute to Great Britain.

'92

hause, myfellow citizens, pause a moment, and refle.ct;t~
“what must have been our burthened and tributary, our
utterly dependent condition, if this constitution had nev-
er been formed, nor this system ever established in our
country P If, as Lord Sheffield predicted to the Eng-
lish nation in 1784, the American people could never have
been brought to act as a nation; ifthe patriots of 1786
had taken from the State rightchampions of that day,‘ such
council as that sort ofstatesmen are now giving to the pat-
riots of some ofthe States, what a mockery must have been
the celebration of this day? It may not be wonderful that
all men do not regard alike the various parts of this great
system. Nevertheless, what man would labor to place
gun powder under the walls ofa meetinghouse, and blow
up a whole christian congregation, because all the seats
in that house, though he might have his choice, were not
equally commodious. A deed like this, though of selected
honor, yet were but a mere ordinary deli'n'quency, cornm
pared with the persevering atrocity, which, mining day and
night for years, should, at 1;: st succeed in overthrowingthe
constitution, and that superstructure, raised upon its foun-
dation, our glorious system ofindependence and prosperity.
As the founders of these have acquired imperishable glory
by their labors; so he, who should succeed in destroying
them, will not speedily be.f'orgotten. Can this be the ne---
farious principle, the dark secret, moving some men to un--
tvearied exertions against What almost all men in our coun-«
try so highly value, and regard with so much veneration?
Even the assassin may look to be distinguished, if he select

the subject of his labor with some touch of ambition; for .

he will doubtless be remembered until his victim shall be
forgotten. Infamy, if well earned, is not less immortal
than honest fame and true glory. He who said “To reign
is worth ambition though in Hell;” may find, even in the
dayliglit of this upper world,now and then, a cornpeer
worthy ofhis competition in the race of eminence.

Do men, who would destroy the Constitution and that
system, for wl'1_ich,more than all other things the Constitu-
tion was formed, do they expect, that by railing,‘ and
senseless clamor, mere brute” noise, a thousand times re-
peated, ‘they can weary, eoritfierrify the American people to
repeal their laws and abolish their Constitution? Never?
no, never! What give up that glorious system, which was

233

T adopted to relieve us from foreign monopoly, and i'oreigt,t

tribute; and to secure and perfect our independence, and
which has almost achieved these glorious purposes? The
loyalists of 1775 opposed the Whigs andipatriots of that
time; the champions of State‘. Rights opposed the same pa-—
triots in 1787, and now the Nullificators of 1831, the youn-
ger brothers of the same family, with the same principles
and feelings, and for the same object are laboring to demo-
lish our great national fabric, thework of so many heroes,
and patriots, and statesmen; founded and erected at a cost
of so much treasure, during such a number of years,,spent
in toil and blood. Did the tories of the Revolution hold
up to the eye of avarice the golden chain of commerce be-
tween the mother country and her dependent, colonial fam-
]y? The same description ofmen are doing the same deed;
and the name of Laurens, the martyr of American inde-
pendence, is invoked and profaned, by libations poured out
ttmidst the polluted orgies of national servitude and degra--
Elation. t

These men would abolish this great national system; be»
cause though it be glorious for the great majority of the~
people, it is, as they say ruinous to them. They would
bring us back to colonial dependence, which we knowr
would be ruinous, alike to them, and to the whole nation.

‘What is the evilof which they complain? “ We,” say
they, “cultivate a stapleitvhich, by the force of the com».-
mercial system of the United States, pays a federal, tax.
equal to one third of» our income; and this tax is transfer-
red, as a bounty, to northern labor.” These men, with as
much assurance as if it were true, boldly tell the world
that they. pay into the Custom House an export duty, on
their cotton, sent abroad for market. If this be true, by
anyimplication, why do they not bring the question before
some legal tribunal, and obtain relief; for every school boy
-knows that by the Constitution no duty can be assessed on
any product exported from any §tate. They pay this tax,
they tell us, because a heavy duty is imposed on English,
goods for which their cotton is sold, and, therefore, their
“cotton pays this enormous duty.” Do these men expect
to be believed by others, when they themselves cannot be
so ignorant as not to know, that there is not one word of
fact in all this statement. Cotton is not sold in England for
cloth; but for money. Qn money imported, our commer-{

E34

r.-Lial system has laid no duty, and therefore, the Planing:
gets quite as much money for his cotton as  that system
did, not exist." Let him bring his money iliome, the At1l8I‘l-
cansystem will not touch it, in the Etf1’1OUI1;L ofone cent, at
the Custom lriouse. He must, as he tells us, have cloths,
and theretore being compelled to buy he mustpay the ..du-
ty on their importation. So too must he who sells corn,
or codfish, or whale-oil, or lumber for money, and wishes
to buy and bring home commodities paying a heavy duty.
Does he raisethe stupid clamor, that because he pays a
duty on his cargo brought home, he therefore paid a like
duty on his cargo carried abroad? , ,

Let these patriot Planters bring their money home free
of duty; and buy their cloths ofa. better quality, and at a
cheaper rate of those American Manufacturers, who pay
them annually twelve millions of dollars for cotton. No;
for this, they say, will be paying. to those .n1anul'ac.turers
the bounty, .gitz...en...,to...1l1en;Lb.y,.this, s;y,§,t,,e,;11,,,Q_f,__1;;_w,s of yy11jQl1
they complain. Be it so; and they are still the gainers;
because the English system gives a higheribounty to Eng»
lish manufactures; which they must have paid, had they
purchased of them; and ifcompeilled to buy of us, r they
will savethe whole difference. ,   '

If the American system give a bounty to the Manufactu-
rers of cloths, because it imposes a duty on cloths import-
ed,- then it gives a bounty to the growers of cotton, be»
cause it imposes a duty on cotton imported. If the manu-»
facturers of cotton pay a bounty to the growers ofit, then

, Why should not growers pay a bounty to the manufactu-

rers?‘ They deny that the manufacturers pay any such
bounty on cotton. Be it so; the manufacturers also de-
ny that the growers pay any bounty on cloth. Here they
are both correct. a For if the duty on imported cotton
wool were one dollar a pound, and on imported cotton
cloth, one dollar a yard, this could not raise the priceiof
the one, or the other; if the market be wholly supplied by
cotton and cloth from domestic production. _At this point,
there is an end to all encouragement to all bounty in all
branches of domestic produce; "because it can supply the
market; and because competition in the trade will then_re-
duce the price to the lowest point at which they ‘ can be
brought to market. i r i i t

t This notion of a bounty on Amelrican manufactures,

$35
which already supply the market, is aplant of South Car»
olina growth. It was brought to ‘Washington some Win»
ters ago, as a thing ofsound staple; or fit to be worked up
into Speeches against the American system; but being
passed through the picker, it turned out to be mere dust.
and fuzz, not quite equal to ordinary cotton waste; and of
no use any where else, but in South Carolina.

Wliat then is the nullifying principle, and by whom is it
urged, and reiterated? It is the claim of the few, against;
the -rights of the many; a clamor raised by a selection
from a South ylarolina aristocracy, against thetvhole peo-
ple. They complain, and rave most nnanfully, because the
nation will not believe, that this little knot ofworthies con»
tains a bundle of the most wise and patriotic of men; and

i that the people themselves are mere biocltheads, and no

better than they should be. It has been so with tyrants,
both little and great, in all ages, and countries. Those
who will not be controlled by them, they lazill, when they
can; and they scowl, and look ugly at them, when they
can do nothing more agreeable to thetnselves. Sotfllc
Russiian looks at the Poles; so the Turk scowls at the
G-reel-ts; and so the King of Eiiglziiicl once regarded the
people of the Colonies and the Utiitecl “States.

They uphraitl the laws, because nmrtihern cities and
towns, and villages, and farms, are flourishing and prospe-
rous; while those of the South are tlecaying and ruinous.
So far they agree, that the system is beneficial. t lhliow many
States are flourishing under it? All, we say; and they ad-»
mit all are so, and satisfied, north of the l’ctomac; all west
of Virginia, together with Missouri andliouisiana. Seven-
teen, out oftw.enty-flour States; a pretty good general sys-
tem; and quite equal to what the great system of clouds
and sunshine, dry and moist, establ.ished by the Creator,
can do to the average acres of any country. Are they
correct even so far? Is the argument no more than 17 to
7 against them? Is the decay of" their cities the effect of
our constitution and laws? I] Has not New-Orleans operat-t
ed on Charleston, as NOW’-Y0}-‘l{.l._1ttS on Boston? Has the
American System, or cotton and tobacco for exportation
scourged these lands of the South to barrenness; and corn-
pelled the owners to migrate, and leavie them in sterility
and desolation?  it that system, or the Malaria, worse
than that of the Pontine Marshes of Italy, which renders

4» l l

26

the lotvlanids of South Carolina uninhabitable? They tell
of their ruined villages? VVe had no villages until they
were created by manufactures, established by the Ameri-
can systein, on our own water-falls. They have water-
falls in abundance; and they tell us that with them labor
does not cost more than twelve and one halfcents a day;
while northern labor, as they allow, costs 50. Let them
do what we have done, establish rnanufactories. The cot-
ton is on the spot, with no cost for bagging, or water
transportation. Climate has given to them a monopoly of
tobacco, rice, cotton, sugar; they may grow every thing
which we can grow, and manufacture for themselves, when-
ever they please. If they pay a duty on exported cotton,
and this duty goes, as a bounty to manufacturers, then, in
the name ofwonder, why not build dams, set up steam en-

t gines, raise power, put spindles and looms in motion; work

up cotton into cloth; save the duty; earn the bounty.
Cease railing, and go to work. Do not swallow every
egg; and you may raise chickens. You will soon find,
that rich soil, long and abundant rivers, and cheap labor
will do for the South quite as much, as poor soil, short
streams, and dear labor has done for the North.

Embargoes, non-intercourse laws, a war for sailor’s
rights, a tariff" to protect South Carolina cotton against
New-England importation of East India cotton cloths, and
above all, a hatred of foreign tribute, and a love of inde-
pendence, have established the American System in 17 of
the twenty-four States. Let the other seven examine
the causes which produced the clriaiiii of events ending in
this system; and they will find, that a  and Cl’rverrul-«
ing Power has caused those things, which may not have
been inle-gtrled for good to some, to produce great heiietit to
many; and that the same things, if they do but use the
means placed in their power, willfinally be made to crown
the whole with prosperity and glory.

This system has gone too far, been too long establislied,
and has cherished and raised up too many interests, great

i and small, to be changeclpatrthe whim and caprice ofa few or

many men; and that too,» for a system which must utterly

destroy all those interests. Our factories will not do for ”

ships, though they might serve for garrisons; our mill-»
darns cannot be converted into farms, but they might serve
as fortifications; and our spindles, utterly unfit for plough»

‘fi«.'_7Jp’1\": .‘. , -

U27

shares, would make indif't"erently good swords; especially
in any warfare which the leader who intends to demolish
our works would be likely to bring against our spinning
Jennies. ‘ ,

This gentleman, though remarkable for valor of fore-
head, is known to have very much, at heart, a salutary
caution in matters of blood. Indeed he has lately told the
people of South Carolina, in a long convivial manifesto,
that if they will be advised by him, he can so resist the laws
of the Union, as to demolish the whole American System
in that State, and deliver the good people of it forever,
from the oppression of the tariff; not only with safety to
the Constitution of the United States, the republic of South
Carolina; but se lpso ducente serico togato, without any
more danger to any man of either life or limb than what a
woman might laugh at. Indeed, no one, better than he
himself, has succeeded in making wariarea matter of mirth.
When a man can call on the people of a whole State to en-
gage in civil war, and tell them that the idea of danger in
the undertaking is a more nursery tale, he must be either
very valiant, very thoughtless, or very profligate.

How does t'his greatstatesman propose to achieve, with-
out blood and without treason, this sublime act of Nullifi-
cation P “ The State,” says he, “is not yet shorn of her
sovreignty. , None is yet found hardy enough- to deny the
sovreigtity of South Carolina. Let the State talteasm:-
reign attitttde. She is not accountable to the United States;
that government can act only on the citizens of South Car-
olina; hut cannot, by any possibility, reach the sovreign
and independent State of South Carolina. The State can-
not be answerable to the United States for any act, l.1ulE3SS
she may be sovreign and subject at the same time.” Let
it be so, if you please. If the State be sovreign, and not
accountable; yet every citizen of the State of South Car-
-olina is also a citizen of the United States, and, as such,
accountable for every act which he may do. Let then the
State of South Carolina take any, or all the attitudes of
sovereignty; they may be graceful and becoming, or other-
wise; but they will be innocuous, until they hecome7belli-
gerent. Then she must call her citizens to arms. Here
the farce of sovereignty ends. She can “Queen it 110 311011
fartherg” for if her citizens take up arms for her and against
the United States, it is in violation of their allegiance, it is
war, it is treason. ’ U A

.28

Neither has South Carolina the power to keep troops,
and therefore certainly not to raise them in time of peace.

If therefore the whole militia of South Carolina be or-
dered out, in support of all these sublime attitudes of Nul-
lification, not a man is bound to move a foot or lift a fire-
lock, because the State has no power to raise troops for
that, or any other purpose. Nay more, whatever citizen
of the United States (and every citizen of every State is
such a citizen) shall be found in arms against the Uni-
ted States, no matter by whose command or under what
authority, is in a state of war with his country; and the he-
to of Nullitication may call that relation by what name he
may choose, but the unfortunate man who may be lured in-

to it, will find it no more comfortable than ordinary trea-

son. and rebellion. i

In What sense does this knight of Nullilication contend
that South Carolina is a sovereignty P" The people of thin-
teen states formed a community and government para--
rnount tothem all. Will it be contended that each of these
thirteen retained as much power as belonged to it-before
the formation of the new community and government?
Before this event no one of the thirteen was more than a
sovereignty; each one, therefore, since it h-ad contributed
something to the Government, must then be somewhat less
than a sovereignty. What then did each stateigive up?
The power of ‘War, Peace, Alliance, Naturalization, Com-
rnerce, Irnpost, Excise, Mails, Money, Military and Naval
Defence. These all belong exclusively to the United
States. Let nulliificators contend for state sovereignty;
and place the lovely idol of their political homage on the
very throne of independent and sovereign power,-what
may be the whole amount of constitutionalsovereignty ap-
pertaining to each state in this Union? The power of leg,-
islative enactment, judicial decision, and the ‘executive per-
formance of all laws and judgments touching life, liberty
and property within its territory, belongs to each state.
If this its constitutional sovereignty then each state is sove-
reign. No state can grant the riglit of citizenship, or
transport mails, or coin money, or regulate commerce by
iifnpost, excise, or raise and support ships of war or troops
of soldiers in time of peace or make war, or peace, ortrea—-
ties, or form alliances. If these powers are necessary to
sovereignty, then no state in the Union is sovereign. In

29

such a system can Nullification find the power to abolish
the great commercial system of our country for which our
Gonstitution was formed, and without which that Constitu-
tion would not be worth preserving? No matter what at»
titude either within or without the pale ofthe Constitution,
such a State may take, it must be plain treason, or nothing
at all. There is something like common sense in the straight
forward march of rebellion; but Nullification is a new mys-
tery of iniquity; and its disciples may be either sublirnely
atrocious, or which is most probable, from mere obliquity
ofundersta:ndin.g, he found unstained by any moral delin-
quency.

Because the collection of revenue is incidental to our
commercial system of encouragement and protection,'sorne
opposers of that system believe it will beset an end, when
the National Debt shall have been paid, and revenue for
that purpose may no longer he wanted. To raise revenue
to support the Government, and to pay the National Debt,
was one great object of the Constitution; but this might
have been done by excise and direct taxation, and proba-
bly it would have been so done, -had it not been another
great object, to countervail the course of trade, establish-
ed by the ‘English system.” For this purpose it was neces-
sary to regulate commerce as well among the several States
as with foreign nations; That we might take away the Eng-
lish monopoly of our consumption, charged with immense
cost, of transportation and heavy contribution to her reve-
nue, it became necessary to encourage, establish, and pro»
tect manufactures in our own country; and thereby to se-
cure that independence on foreign laws and exemption from»
foreign tribute, for which we had contended in the revolu-
tionary war. Commerce could be regulated in no other
way so well, as by impost. Levying duties on all imported
commodities, though incidental to laws regulating com-
merce; yet was not the ultimate object ofthose laws; and,
therefore, when revenue shall not be wantetl, if the coun-
tervailing commercial system, and protection to our do»-
rnestic industry, shall still be needed, it is not probable, as
it would not be wise, that the Arnorican People will abolish
the American system; merely that the Exiglisli system may
again take the place of it. "Whenever you would stop re~
venue, and preserve your system,"rernore imp-ost from com-

5-‘O

modities which you do not produce, and must import; and
raise it to its maximum, on those, with which you can, from
your own labor and capital, supply your market, and there-
fore need not import. i i

For another and a better reason the American system
will not be abolished, when the National Debt is paid.

Much remains yet to be effected, by this system, before i

the fabric of our independence will be completed. Some
tributary fragments still remain.‘ The South sends out
cotton to England, under a duty of six per cent, assessed
upon it in that country by the English system; and that
duty, wrought into the cloths made from this cotton, is
charged back, and paid by us, who receive and consume
them. Under the American system, if duly sustained for
twenty years to come, the whole cotton production ofthe
South may be manufactured in the United States; and
thereby not only relieve the American people from this
remnant of tributary dependence; but what would be much
more satisfactory to the Planters of South Carolina, relieve
them from the i~tiii2.ous duty now as they say paid by them on
the e:L'portcuio9z of their cotton. ,For if it be manufactured in
this country, and go abroad in the form of cloth, and come
back to them in the shape of dollars, on 7’LB?it;2.8'7‘ of which
any duty is imposed, it will be a lmru’. case if they cannot
escape from the z'niqu'itous- taxes of the tariff.

For another purpose too this system must, after payment
of the National Debt, be sustained in a condition produc-
tive of surplus revenue. Congress is charged, by the_Con-
stitution, with the great duty of regulating commerce
among the several States. This cannot be done, to any
valuable purpose, in any other way, than by regulating
the medium over which this domestic commerce must be
moved. As in regulating foreign commerce, we have ex-
pended much money in improving the medium over which
that passes; so should we expend money to improve the
medium over wliich domestic commerce must pass. . In
regulating foreign commerce we have to secure it from
peril, and to improve this medium, expended, and are con-
tinually expericling large monies, not only on harbors,
brealtwaters, and li,ght-houses; but we do, annually expend
more than five millions on our naval establishment to con-
duct this commerce over every ocean, and every sea
around the whole globe. The commerce among the States

3'1

comprehends not only the material of all this foreign com-« ~

merce, all our eraports and all our imports; but also.in-
volves all those innumerable products, which are moved
coastwise, and through the interior, from State to State,
city to city, from town to town, village to village, neigh-
borhood to neighborhood, from one farm and plantation to
another, between man and man, throughout our whole vast
country. Shall we, who expend so much money on the
expediting and safe conduct of our foreign, not to expedite
and render safe the transportation ofall this domestic com-
merce, expend some amount of money on high-vrays, riv-
ers, rail-roads, and canals? The capital employed in for-
eign commerce, and the consumption of the country, have
patiently discharged irnpost duties to pay the debts con-
tracted by two wars; and moreover to provide for the
common defence; and shall we not relieve that consump-
tion novr: so deeply interested in domestic commerce, and
that capital so extensively turned by national events, into
the cltannels of the home trade; shall we not relieve them,
by mtpenrtriing some portion of the revenue received from
such import, for the general vvellare, and thereby lessen-
ing the la be '5, and removing the perils ofdomestic trans-
pportation?

lily a sltilful management ofinupost, reducing it when not
wanted for encouragement of domestic labor and capital,
and raising it to the rnatrriruuno of protection, when that may
be needful, the surplus revenue maybe easily brought to
a yearly amount, on an average oftwenty years, of about
six millions of rlollars; and by expending that sum annually
during that time, in the regulation of commerce among the
States, as we donow expend, about a like sum in regulat-
ing commerce with foreign nations, we shall have estab-
lishetl and perfected such a system of internal improve-
ment, so relieving, and encouraging travel and transporta-
tion, that the most distant parts of our great and abundant
country, may, in a manner he brought into one neighbor-
hood; the products of its distant mountains, vallies and

' plains, its diverse soils, and climates, and labors, be cheap-

ly and expeditiously exchanged by the people of the East
and the West, the North and the South; who, though ar-
dent for the local habitation of home, and State, and do-
mestic institution, yet by mutual intercourse, in trade,con-—
rrfversation, literature, knowledge, moral relations,__aspira-

32

tions of devotion, and fetelings of patriotism, as they are in
one totigue so shall they truly be with one mind, the unit-
ed citizens of our one, our lovely and glorious country.

Such, my fellow-—citizens, were the principles‘ which pro-
duced; such are some of the effects which, in other na-
tions, and in this country, have followed our revolution;
and these things, among many others, are yet to be per-
formed by us, before the glorious fabric of our independ-
ence shall be perfected and finished.

Let us then celebratethis day as the unceasing memorial
of that Union, which declared, acliieved, and established
our independence; and while we unite with glad hearts in
giving thanks to the Omnipotent Estahlisl1er and Preserver
of Nations, who inspired our Fathers with that divine spin-

it “of”p~atriotism, let us also unite in supplicating; the same:

Altniglity Being that he maybe pleased to pour into our
hearts the same hallowed spirit; so that the independence

and prosperity, which have been obtained and secured by

their union, may, by our union, be preserved, enjoyed, im-
proved and transmitted, with Increasing glory to our suc-»
ceseors.