AN

ORATION

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE DEMOCRACY (_>F SPRINGFIAELI7)
AND NIL1c:41?@I13(),mNc: '1‘ «D WNEE4,

jw) ‘ ‘ - "I-
figgutgg 4., 183(:»,.

B v GE ORC}."l§) B ANC ROFT.

&;n:£1tgfirzIII :
GEORCRE AND C1&J.AR.‘I..T1‘.S MERRIAM, MAIN STREET.

 

.1836.

ORATION.

GRATITUDE to God becomes the citi.zens of a. free
republic. Thanls;s be to tlxat Providence which over-—
rule-s the destinies of states, and l'18.S crowned our lmppy
country witl1 its richest blf3SSl,l1gS.

Gratitude to our fathers becomes the p1*eSo11t gene1'a-
tiou. Honor to the mem.o.ry of the inch from Whom We
iullerit the rich bequest of civil liberty ; honor to the gal-~
lam soldiery of New Exxglulxud, to the few Wllo survive
ztucl. to tho Imu:1y who :2-uo ld<;:p:l11'to(l; to the lmeroos of tlua
rovolutiuou of every State, to VVz1sl1i;r1gtc>.1"1u, and L:;.rl':<i1_}‘I(~3t:t(-3,
zuld all 1?.l*1oir gaxllu;11'1t: c:o1“11p::111uioxl1s iu 2?l1‘1”l‘.18,. who in ‘liolcls of
blood mild 3.1.11 seasons gill?‘ I?)(‘31‘i\]-D Z’-l.Cl1l(3V(Z:d the vi,c:.to1'y for
i11<lopo11douoe, 21l..1;1Cl ulzxicl tlm l'o1ul1clz1tiox1 of 11z1tio1'121lg'lo1*y on
1;.ho 1'ools;. of tlme POWGZI’ of the people.

I9l‘1aIlI..ow»V Cmzxms,

As tlw oL'gzu1 of 1:110 fl.)o1'noc1'z1cy of Spxixlgfiolcl, I
bid you Wolczomo to this 11owz1r11’1ivo1‘sz11‘y of our .imlo—-
1)(31lT1Cl(?3iIl'1(.?.(:‘). You who believe in u1zu'1’s (32].ILi)E1(;‘:l.‘t_)'7 for sell?»
govoxrxxmout, you who maooivo those gm;-it ‘pI‘lI]Cflpl(‘3S
Wl1fic:l1 tltlo hmad of Joflh1'so11 imbocliocl in tlzo %<:l:zo1‘islhl1c3cl
fi11st1'umo111: 1:l1a11:l121sj*ust been reacl, you who fool the
blood of ge.11o1'ous uffooti,o11 throb x&2';:2.1o'u1l.y -l.>e;uoatli your
b1*o::1s.tS, youwho dosire to uphold the 1'igl1ts of free l£1l.’)0.1‘,
to z1dV21r1c:o tli1op1'ogx'oss ofl1um2miuty,to oonfi.1*m tho pow»
or of the people, 1 bid you Welcome, all Welcome, tl1rice
Welcome, to our festival.

The day We celeb1*ate  the birtzll-clay of DEMOCRACY;
wlxiclx is but u11otl1o1* nzuue for the ‘power of the pooplo.
The fourth of July was the clay o11wl1icl1 1:110 people
E:l$§SL11,I1€3€l poWo1', and p1'oolai1I1od tl"1oi1* power to the aid-~
1x1i1*i1‘)g World.   A

4

Before that time our English ancestors had known
but two theories of government. The first
of these, and the oldest, is the Tory theory
of the Divine Right. It puts the physical force of the
nation at the disposition of an individual sovereign,
and declares the authority of that sovereign to be sacred
and irresistible by the grace of God. It is the theory
of the lovers of absolute Will, carried into effect by the
instrumentality of brute force. Though known to our
fathers and to us chiefly from Englishhistory, the sys-
tem is older than the British monarchy. Indeed, it is
as old as tyranny, and tyranny is as old as the selfish»-

ness of human nature.
The root of this theory is a great contempt for the
human species. ltsadvocates are Willing to

TOP)’ Theory.

Srf,‘}§'3;.‘,ff;_°f trample the common man in the dust. They
combine to oppress the laborer; they have a
myriad of cunning devices to secure his services ; and they
offer for their abuses and their Wrongs the one single plea,
It is the will of God; it is the order of Providence. In
a fond idolatry of themselves, they fancy the Father of
the human race has sanctioned their usurpations; they
cite the commands of heaven to justify their tyrannies.
With us you would think. this system could find
i A _ no advocates‘. And yet We have them; for
The Tory flames . . .
my 1‘§§l1t01'in-t01‘y principles furnish the ready excuse for
Summon’ injustice; and there are men among us who

apply them, as, fa.r as possible, to our civil institu-

tions. As We have no hereditary legislators, arbitrary
power cannot here be asserted as the birth-right of a
privileged order; but they who deny the right of in»-
struction, deify the will of the representative, or tempo-
rary agent, and refusing to the people the rigl1t of a par-
amount judgment, surrender the government for the time
to the arbitrary caprice, the desperate ambition, the big—-

otry or the selfishness of an individual.
In like manner the principles of toryism are transfer»-
red from public life to the social relations.

T“°T°"Y°“‘”“‘Wl1en the Southern Nullifier, recklessly insult-

ges hu1nanity-

ing the free labor of the North, declares, that

5

“ the labor of frcemen cannot successfully contend with
the labor of slaves ;” that “ the northern States will
pass by a rapid transition through anarchy to despotism,”
that “ the institution of negro slavery is an indispensa-
ble element in an unmixed representative government,”
he does but express that. hatred and contempt for human-
ity, which has distinguished the race of tyrants from the
begiiining of the World. And when after further delibew
ration, the same chief magistrate, despising the opinions
of Jefferson and of Madison, in a public document to
which he demands the attention of the North, solemnly
declares, with a universality which embraces the World,
that “ no human institution is more manifestly consistent
with the will of God, than domestic slavery,’,’ that “ no
one of his ordinances is Written in more legible charac-
tors than that which coiisigris the African race to that
condit;io11,” he does but insult the conscience of man-
lillltl, shut his eyes Zlgt-1.‘lItlSt the c;x:pe1'ie1‘1ce of the past,
and o1t;n_ploy the tory plea which can be esteemed
valid only where the arm of violence is uplifted to
enforce it hy “death Without benefit of clergy.” Such
I)1.'l1’l.C3iI)l(3S are s1.1hversi,ve of liberty; they tend to excite
1‘xr:2,ti]Iig1‘1:11r,1t l1o.sti.lity between different sections of the
cou;ntry; and it  not S'l].l‘I)1‘iSllTlg that their fruit should
be treason and disuniori. ,
Bigit tlie evil influence of tory principles does not stop
here. It  the p17c31ro,gative of liumanityy to_ W Tm
ii,r'ia,hrf3 prcigressg to gatl‘1ei' up the e':rpe1';ience of ggzguxmg :'g;:3g§::;
the past, to l‘l.l7l,.‘3l)2i.1I‘ft(Il the truths which time 1'—;l1’1ClIfli=%<l}i=Il1}3ix{Ii>_1‘at
~ . . ,.~ 1 . common law.
<:ipp<;u't:1;ut1tity discover. .1 he tory, therefore,
l.)(:i11g opposed to progress, condemns the discussion
of p1'.i.nc,i,plcs, and 1'LlSlll'"l,g' above the Constitution and
Statutes, ancl defying the limitations of power vvhzich the
people lf'§lti.l’\/‘G established, he declares the honest profession
of ot1,o)in‘i,o1"‘1s, the fair angurnerit on subjects of deepest
inrtcrcst, to he “ A MIS'l")EIv1EANOR AT COMMON LAW.”
This is in accordance with the tory theory; which is bet»
ter suited to Tlijibet or Turlzey, than to New England.

t is a crime 23lgE1ll1"lSt humanity :, it is ‘F foul ribaldry.”

6

The activity of the tory principle may further be dis»
TherTm_Y W3 covered, Wherever there is an attempt to put
-':1Uth0fit3'0~b0Ve_ElU.tl1O1'1ty' above reason ; to employ CO61'C1011
imam" instead of argument; to propagate faith by
the pillory and the vvhipping—-post and disfranchise-
ment; to remove public functionaries as far as possible
from popular control; to bend society to the purposes or
individuals; to advance the purposes of reckless ambi-—
tion by combina.tions to delude, to cheat, and to confuse
the public mind. ln a Word the attempt to gain power
in any manner except as freely conceded from the delib-
erate and continued conviction and preference of the
people, is the result of a depravity, ltindred to the spirit
of toryism. Such is toryism :—--founded on a contempt
for the common man, exerting superior strength to en-
gross the benefits of society, invoking superior intelli-
gence to delude and corrupt the public mind, and impi-
ously pleading for its defence the will of God, the order
of Providence. This system has but one character,
whether in Russia or Japan, in Rome or Constantinople,
in Vienna or Boston.

The second theory 1*egards society  established by a

compact, vvhicli, when once formed, is held to

,”,§f?,%’%,‘,?‘,}},,§’f§f, be irrevocable, and incapable of amendment.
"*é"““"" This system regards liberty as the result of a
, bargain between the government and the gov-

erned; and as measured by the grant. The methods ot
government being once established, are therefore es»
teemed fixed forever. The immutabi.lity of oriental
despotism is claimed for the compact, and freedom is
but a privilege covenanted for; it seeks its title deedsin
the records of the past; it looks for its security to the
graves of the dead; it adduces no argtlmerits in its sup-—
port but from the musty archives of the past. Instead
of saying, It is right, it says, It is established. lt asserts

“an immortality for lavv, not for justice; it perpetuates
A established wrong on the plea of a vested right. Happy
V 1sr1t for a nation, on this theory, if itsauthors made

for it originally a good bargain; for be it evilor be it
good, the bargain must be kept by all posterity. , This

7

theory of compact is the theory of whiggism; it is the
citadel of aristocracy: it is, in a good measure, the creed
of our Whig doctors of to--day.

This theory, by its very, nature, can apply to nothing
but material Wealth; because mind is always 
in motion. - It is the indefeasible prerogative ncliohiiiftiiiliiiii
of humanity to make progress ; the soul cannot the M’
be bound down by a fixed contract; error cannot be
rendered immutable by an intellectual mortmain; nor
the progress of truth restrained by vested rights in
opinions. a

You Will further perceive, that this system of an ori-
ginal compact is hardly one step. of an advance
towards a truly liberal system. I t regards ,,,,"§’,°?,3{f‘=’,;‘3’§f,‘,‘§,,§§},
every injustice, once introduced into the com-
pact, as sacred; a vested riglit that cannot be recalled; a
contract that, however great may be the pressure, ca.n nev-
er be cancelled. The Whig professes to cherish liberty,
and he cherishes only his chartered franchises. The priv-—
ileges that he extorts from a careless or a corrupt legis-
lature, he asserts to be sacred and inviolable. He ap-
plies the doctrine of divine right to legislative grants,
and spreads the mantle of superstition round contracts.
He professes to adore freedom, and he pants for mono»
poly. Not that he is dishonest; he deceives himself;
he is the dupe of his own selfishness ; for covetousness

,_ is idolatry; and covetousness is the only passion which

13 never conscious to itself of its existence.
This Whig doctrine is not peculiar to late years, or
even to late centuries ; the passions in humanwr _ _
A . .. , ivggzsm as old
nature on which parties are founded, Were al— as; legalized op-
Ways the same ; and the vvhig doctrine, under mission"
much the same form as at present, has been reproduced,
Wherever privileged Wealth has struggled for dominion. It
has been, in all ages, the strong hold of those who desire
to erect barriers against the people, to resist the progress
of enfranchisement, and to subject the voice, and the
conscience, and the rights of the many, to the interests,
and privileges, and ambition of the few.

8

With us tl1e whig looks to the Constitution not merely
as an institution of government, but as a bridle

Reason why .

:_1xsw13:gs sup-111 the mouth of the people. He scans the in-
i::§§i1pe-.?i_%s?L?”y strument carefully, to discern those points, on

I 11 S’ my’ which he may plant resistance to the para-
mount power of the many; and seeks to interpret them
in such a manner as will enable him to engross power
for the wealthy and the few. Holding every thing,
which can be inferred from the letter of his compact, as
a vested right, his notions of political obligation are
measured by the same standard. Were an army bom-
barding the capitol, he would insist on his constitutional
privilege of refusing supplies. The very nature of a
popular government requires that the people shall elect
their own chief magistrate; but the Whigs deliberately
conspire to take this election from the people and trans-
fer it to the House of Representatives, pleading the letter
of the Constitution, and applying to ordinary elections
the remedy provided for a contingency, which ought
always, if possible, to be avoided. Again 2 the very
nature of society and government, require union. Con-
cert of feeling and action is essential to the continuance
of free institutions. Whell the people ceaseto have
morally a unity of character, when there is no longer a
common idea which the country represents, when the
election of public servants is no longer guided by princi-
ples and feelings pervading and uniting our widely ex-—
tended land, discordant factions will take the place of
federal union, and power will be wrested from the people
to be surrendered to a combination of those factions.
It was a common sympathy with our sister States which
achieved the revolution, and which formed the federal
union. But the letter of the Constitution permits an
infinitevariety of parties and an infinite number of can-
didates; and the whigclaims his vested right under the
Constitution of attempting to defeat all concert of action,
to break up all moral union, to destroy all sympathy
between the States, by assuming a position of insulated
surliness, and obtaining for his candidate a name, for
which not oneother State in the Union offers one soli-

9

tary vote.’ What scenes of confusion would ensue if the
tlernocratic party-—-but no, that is impossible. The
democratic party is the party of harmony. “Union,”
said the father of his country, “ is the point of our po---
litical fortress, against which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be most constantly and active-
ly, though often covertly and insidiously directed.” Lis-
tening to the counsels of Washington, the democracy
“ frowns on the first attempt to alienate one portion of
our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties
Which. new link together its various parts.” It is the
Whigs of the South who “calculate the value of the
union ;” it is the Whigs of the North who desire to con-
summate disunion, and see Massacliusetts “ blottedfrom
the map oft‘/1.6 States,” rather than reconciled to the
country. It i.s the vvliigs who, under the forms of the
Consrtitutiion, but in def1anc.e of its spirit, by the multipli-
cation of candidates, strive to wrest from the people the
choice of their own 1r1z1.gi.st1'ates, at one electiongetting
up 2:: spec:ial candidate for “ solitary” South Carolina,
and at another a special candidate for “solitary” lVIas~
sacliusetts.

Democracy is the insti.tution of government by the
many, for the common good. Its e:ner,r—2;y is

derived, from the Will of the people; its object ;’$;;3‘g:?;g;_"”

 the vvclfare of the people; its strength is in y
the affections of the people. It is the most powerful
element of rnodern civilization; it is the greatest dis-—
covery ever made in political science. A t

I call it a discovery; and designedly. It was a dis-
covery, and not a creation. Bad laws may be the mere
conceptions of the human mind; good lavvs never can
be ; for good laws depend upon existing relations, which
the Wise lawgiver observes, and imbodies in his code.
Our fathers proclaimed the principles of democracy ;. but
did not create them. They Were coéival with the first
conception of order in the divine mind; and are as per-—
vading and as extensive as moral existence. Like Chris-
tianity, and like all moral principles, they are ‘eternal In
their truth and in their obligation. »
' $2

l0

The principles of democracy, imbodied in the _Decla—-
ration of Independence, were but the manifesto of a sys-
tem which, in the divine mind, was as old as creation.
That manifesto spread through the World with the ra--
pidity of light ; in Europe, in South America, it was the
dawn of a new day ; the Mexican vvaked from his apa-
thy; the Spaniard emerged from the bigotry of the In-
quisition; France prepared to escape from the coils of
absolutism. The principles of democracy contained in
the Declaration of Independence possess vigor to revive
the decaying energies of ancient states; to enfranchise
the world ; to renew the youth of the nations.

Iknovv that the enemies of democracy attempt to

T _ shield themselves from reproach, by exciting
yranny in a y g .
Dem,o_cmcyim- terror against the apprehended tyranny of the
1i°Smme' people. But tyranny in a popular government
is an impossibility ; for to a popular government tyranny
would be self-destruction. Democracy governs by
means of truth, discovered by the activity of the public
mind, and applied by the deliberate exercise of the
public will; but tyranny “checlts ‘discussion; it holds
back the light; it intercepts truth. A government of
the people is a government conducted by the mind of
the country, freely enlightened and freely exerted.
Tyranny cannot reach tl1e public mind ; and tyranny in
a democracy is therefore an impossibility.
Such are the great systems which have divided the
political World. To the tory, law is an express-
,;f,?§g,§§§3.§§3j,&5_sio11 of absolute will; to the Whig, it is the

A protection of privilege; to democracy,+it is a
declaration of right. In the tory system, the executive
and sovereign are one; in the Whig system, the execu-
tive is the sovereign, except where expressly limited;
in the system of democracy, the executive is not the
sovereign, but the servrant, of the people. The tory
clings to past abuses; the Whig idolizes present posses-
sions; democracy is the party of progressand reform.
The tory, Fblaspherning God, pleads the will of heaven
as alsanction for a government of force ; the Whig, for-
getting that God is not the G'0d of the dead, appeals to

ll

prescription; democracy lives in the consciences of the
living. The toryr demands an exclusive established
church; the whig tolerates dissent on conditions; de-
mocracy enfranchises the human mind. The tor idol-
izes IZ)(1)VV8fI: ; the vsihig yvorsliipi his inte1res(t1s ;fdemiicracy
stru Hr es or e ua 1‘l‘1tS. r e tor lea s or absolute
J.’I1OIElTCll_y'; thii wliiggfor a wealthyyalristoci‘acy; demo-
cracy for the power of the people. The tory regards
(liibeity as a1boon;f tlig Whig as alfortunlate privilege;

emocracy c aims "rec cm as an inaienab e ri ht. The
tory loves to see a slave at the plough ; the wlgiig prefers
a tenant or a mortgaged farm; democracy puts the
plough in the hands of the owner. The tory tolerates
no elective franchise; the whig gives a vote to none but
men of property; democracy respects humanity, and
strtiggles for universal education and universal suflirage.
The tory bids the suli'e1*ing poor gather the crumbs that
 ’l7l'Ol"nl1l1S1 table; the Whig says, “ Be ye clothed, be ye
"e , but a ows no oblirratioii ; dernocracé holds it a du-
 to soothe the ii1oLii*i'idi', and to 1‘Gd0GItlYtll0 wretched.
lhe tory looks out for liiinself; the Whig for his clan;
democracy takes tliouglit for the many. The tory ad-
heres to the party of Moloch; the wliig still worsliips
at the slirine of Maminoii; democracy is practical Chris-
tiaiiity.

Thus I have endeavored to trace the principles of de-
II'1(:.)_(:1‘E;l(;3_Y, iiribodied  Jefferson in the l_)ecla-~ Dcmmmn‘
ration of Iiideperidciice, to their origin in l1u-~ 1.‘T¢%W{§1‘«I:s1urid

, 1 J y _ y . ~ .  _. , irilieritance.
inaii nature and society. It is not (l1l”l1CU_llZ to
establish, that they have from the first been the princi-
ples of New England; that they are interwoven with
her earliest existence; that they formed the vital ele-
ment of all her institutions; that they constituted the
germ of political life in every New England State.

The principles of democracy were brought to our
sliorcs by the breezes that wafted the May
Flower across the Atlantic. The pilgrims didc
not come for wealth, but for liberty ; they de- A
scribe thernselvcs as alike “removed from gentry and
ll.'0ID beggary.” “ In our native land,” say they, “we

3' in the Old
olony.

Early DclT)Oc]‘€L«
C

12

were accustomed to no more than a plain country life,
and the innocent trade of husbandry.” “ We hold our»
selves,” they continue, “ st1‘ongily tied to all care of each
other’s good, and of the whole.” And when, amidst
the storms of winter, the precious barl; anchored within
the waters of our bay, all the emigrants assembled in
convention to institute a government for themselves ; to
frame “just and equal laws for the general good.” Then
it was that the precedents of American democracy began.
In the cabin of the May Flower humanity raised its ban»
ner, inscribing on its folds, “ EQUAL LAWS FOR THE armr-
ERAL Goon.”
Such was the dawn of democracy in the old Colony.
Had tory principles been respected, Massachu-
,{{§,,_M“W‘°1‘“‘setts had never been settled; had whig rules
A been followed, our fathers had never establish-
ed a body of representatives. It is Well known, that in
the eyes of archbishop Laud and the tories of his day,
non-conforinity was a felony, and our fathers were es»
teemed obstinate in treason. At the aristocratic revo-
lution of 1688, when wliig principles were established,
our fathers were chided, by the great whig lawyers of
that age, for having dared to go beyond their vested
rights, and form a representative government. They
had established admirable methods for public instruction,
and these also the Whig lez11'nitig of that day denounced,
as an enormous usurpation, not to be justified by any
clause in their charter. Yes, fellow citizens, if the big‘-
otry of precedent had overcome the creative intolligeiice
of your fathers, they never would have instituted a col»
lege or a General Court. The tory convicted them of
felony; the wliig disfranchised them for the usurpation
of natural rights; democracy alone can give them a ver-
dict of acquittal. t r A r
In New I-Iampshire the first settlements were estab-—
_ lished according to the precedent of Plymouth;
S,,f,§‘§l°W H““‘1°'a11d the towns of Portsmouth and Dover and
Exeter were established, according to the prin-
ciples of natural right, as so manylittle republics in the
wilderness. | And here I cannot but observe, what l

E

13

sliall have occasion to repeat, how democracy derives
its st1'er1,gt.li1 firorn the influence of religion. Our fatllers,
you will rernember, always came attended by their re»-
ligions teachers; they were led into the wilderness by
Aaron as well. as by Moses; and in those days, when
England attempted to intimidate the infant settlements
of New England, she always directed her menaees

agairist the clerggry. And do you think the mi.nisters of

God gave way? Do you think they fled before the
panic that an English monarch could conjure up I’ No!
my friends. Of the clergy of the first century in New
Englarid there was not a tory ainong them all. They
were not reeds shaken with the wind. They were the
first to set their foot in the waters, and there to stand,
till danger was past. Wl1GI'l Rev. Mr. John lli.ggi.11sor1
was surnmoned before Andros to say by what 1*igfl1t our
people held their frairellises, the brave man made an-—»
swer, “ BY (ran enamn cr~1An'r15:r:. or Goo.” When the
Rev. .lohn Wise, the Itlarnpden of America, was talten
into custody that he iniglrt be tormented into payi.ng an
illegal taX,he went to jail, where he would have died,
sooner than have set the example of dereliction, for he
used to say, “ DEMOCRACY is Christ’s government in
state and c:l:n_1rreh.” This was, in an CI1’1IlI1(i‘I1t degree, the
spirit which pervaded New I~Ian1psl1i1'e. When King
Charles ll. :im_posed 'l-ii.‘Ill.)()‘-lil that colony A a royal governor,
he atternpted to levy illegal taxes ; but not a single oiti-—
zen would ]:j)ay them. At Ilainptori the sheriff‘, one hun-
dred and fifty years ago, was put on h.orsebael~;'. and
escorted out of town 2; in Etzszeter the farmers’ wives
heated brirrnnirig kettles of water to scald the reprobate
deputy who sl1on_l.d dare to attempt collection ; and
when the governor in despair ordered out the militia, the
militia. were the people, and refused obedience. In the
par;isl1el1u;rcl1 ofPo1'ts111ontl'1 there was but one royalist;
him the Rev. Mr. Moody subjected to censure from the
ehu1'el;1 ; and when the governor expostnlated, Mr. Moody
wrote a sermon a.gai.11st: the governor himself. *’-‘ The

jpeople of New I:l.an1psl1i1'e,”. said governor Cranfield, the

g,;ove1*11<)1' of that day, and a most e':teelle1'1t wliig lielaill

14.

tierwards proved himself to be, “ are factions and 111alig~
nant : unless these factions preachers are turned out of
the Province, it will be impossible to enforce his 1najes—~
ty’s commands.----I shall esteem it the greatest happi-
ness in the world to be allowed to remove from these
unreasonable people.” The governor returned to Eng-
land; the clergy continued to preach; the people remained
factiously fond of liberty ; and from that day to this, it has
been pretty well understood, that in the heart of a New
Hampshire man, whether at home or abroad, the love for
democratic liberty is planted as firmly as the everlasting
granite in the mountains of the GRANITE STATE.
From the hills of New Hainpshire turn now your eyes
In ,,,.m,m,c,, to the shores of the Narragansett, where the
““"l1“‘*3“"““' rival of Descartes invoked the blessings of
Pnovrnnncn on the spot where the lovers of “ SOUL-

LIBERTY” planted their abode. The government which

Roger Wlllla1I1S established, was a government of the
people ; his spirit harbored alofty CO1'1llClC11C(3 in his fellow
men. The will of the majority controlled tl.1e,1'ising
colony “ in civil things ;” of the conscience there was
no inquisitor but God. “ To exercise power over con-
scicnce,” said they, “ we do hold to be a point of abso-
lute cruelty.” Sointense was the spirit of democracy
among the little band, the rumor went abroad, that
“ they would have no magistrates.” But then say their
records, “ Our POPULARITIE shall not, as some conjec-~
ture it will, prove an anarchic, and so a common tyran.—
nie ; l for we are exceedingly desirous” such is ever the
rule among the friends of democracy, “‘ to preserve eve-
ry man safe in his person, name, and estate.”

Or will you turn to another scene in the early days of
New England P Behold. the handful of emigrants escap-
ing from Boston to Rhode Island? Miantonomoh, the
chief of the Narragansetts, welcomes them to his terri~—-
tory ; and affection for Roger Williarns induces the sav-
age hero to bestow on the exiles the beautiful island of
Rhode Island. And there the little band of herdsmen
and shepherds assemble to the sound of a drum, on the
sea side; the roar of the waves within their l1ea1'i1’1g,

15

and no canopy but the canopy of heaven over their
heads. And what government do you think these exiles
framed? What but a government of themselves? “ We
do unanimously agree,’,’ such are the words of their re-
cords, “ that the government which this body politic doth
attend unto is a DEMOCRACIE, or popular government;
that is to say, it is in the power of the body of freemen,
orderly assembled,.or major part. of them, to make or
constitute just laws, by which they will be regulated;
and to depute from among themselves such ministers as
shall see them faithfully executed between man and
man.” Such was the beautiful institution of government
in Rhode Island; the little community, as democrats
always ought to do, loved one another; and the signet
for the state was a sheaf of arrows with the inscription;
“‘ Love shall conquer all things.”

Our early settlements on Connecticut river were equal-
ly established in the forms and in the spirit of 0,, C,,,,,,,,,,,Cu,
democracy. The people of Connecticut,-——-«and 1‘l"°”+
the rule did not vary essentially in the upper tovvrls,---—in—~
stituted their own government; and every inhabitant
was invested with the elective franchise. The first day
on vvhich the “ pleasant banks” of our river were colo-
nized, was the first day of unmixed popular freedom for
the rising commonwealth; and Jefferson, observing in
its forms of government the principles he loved, used
always to say of Connecticut, that her original institu-—
tions were democratic. Every officer in the land was
elected directly or indirectly by the people. Legislation
was mild and humane. The whole annual expense of
the government did not exceed the salary of a royal
governor- The judges, like other laborers, were paid
for their services by the day. lThe busy hum of the
wheel told the tale of domestic industry; and the flax
from the fields, and the wool from the folds, were woven
at home. In the world of fashion no one had prece~—
dence of the farmer’s wife and the farmer’s daughters :,
the cost.l;iest equipage was a pillion; and the home-spun
gown, woven from flax, and colored with copperas and
otter, and the snovv—vvl1ite flaxen apron, were the richest

16

luxuries of dress, carefully reserved for the decorum of

the Sabbath. The husbandman who tilled his own soil,
and fatted his own beeves, was the great man of the
land. There were no vast inequalities of condition; the
lands were divided according to rules that seemed equita-
ble ; and a larger house or a fuller barn was the chiefdis-
tinction of rural wealth. Every man labored ; and indus-
try and frugality produced abundance. And What room
was there to fear Want? The trees of the forest dropped
juices, from vvhich sugar was refined ; the river was alive
with shad and salmon ; the roe—-buck and the fallow
deer yielded venison, equal to that which won the blessing
of the patriarch. It was the golden age of New Eng-
land; when the country Was, as it Were, enameled with
virtues, and pure affections bloomed through the villages
like flowers in the fields. It was the age of equality ;
humanity was the Genius of the land; and every fami-
ly, happy in its simple enjoyments, as the labor of the
day began and as it ended, looked upward to God as the
author of all good. For more than a century Connecti-

, cut W as in advance of the civilized World in its legislation,

and consequently in the condition of its people. The
whole earth could not exliibit a community comparable
to it for public happiness. .
Nor let it be deemed surprising, that the husbandmen
Why them_t)l1 the Coniiecticut made such rapid advances
mere c)n_ t3on- in political science. N o adverse interest d1s-
aii:(:liiilliiili‘1iv1iidliL- inclined them to the Welfare of the people.
mm ’m' They consulted the oracle Within their breasts;
and the invisible Egeria whose inspirations they followed,
was the still, small voice of conscience. They “FELT
the beauty and loveliness” of moral truth applied to
politics, of a legislation resting on general principles.
“ It is not a speculative thing,” says one who sprung
from the midst of them, and who possessed the richest
and the clearest mind that ever ripened in New Eng»

T land ; “ it depends on THE SENSE OFTHE HEART.” Con-

science is the light Within every man, to be reverencecl

.‘ _As God’s most intimate presence in the soul,
. And his most. perfect. image in the world.

17

lt sheds its guiding beams on every mind .3 it makes it-
self heard in terror to the guilty; it Whispers consolation
to the gentle and the benevolent. It is like tl1e Inagliet,
which is the same in every ship, under Whatever flag it
may sail ; and points truly to the North in the pirate not
less than the merchantman. Conscience is the cynosure
of truth, the oracle of duty ; never e1‘rir1g in the masses,
and er1'ing in individuals only as the loadstone in a sin-
gle ship may be attracted from its true direction. Away
with the false and heartless maxim, that truth dwells in
dark places ; that she lies hid in the bottom of a Well;
that she can be reached only by the vigor of the most
powerful intellect. Error delights in darkness and con-
fusion, and it requires all the eiiergry of giant minds to
sustain the delusions on which a selfish aristocracy rest
their pretensions; but truth is a social spirit; her home
is in the heart of the people, in the breast of the race ;
she rests her head serenely on the bosom of humanity.
l.Er1'o1* demands the efforts of genius to conceal her be»
ll.lill(l sophi.sms, to protect her by false terrors, to invoke
S[lV“'I_")(3‘1‘Sl".ll.l(.')I”l for her defence; but truth dwells in every
<::c)ttage, comnnmes vvith the nnlearned as well as the
learned, goes forth with the shepherd upon the mountain
side, and joins the family group that Welcomes the return
of the laborer. She gambols with childhood; she makes
her home with all that love candor and peace; she bles-
 every one vvho will hush the turbulence of selfish
passions and listen to her tranquil revelations. In the
same degree in which every man can love his child or his
Wife, in the same degree he can feel the i11spi1'i,11g influ-
ence of moral truth. l The germ lies in the commonest
mind. There is not one generous affection nor one
moral principle, which does not exist in every man’s
heart. All that the most cultivated understanding can
know of God, iinnd nature, and duty, li.es in the mind of
each individual. Yes, in the mind of the least educated
of our race. Only in the cultivated mind it is unfolded;
in the common mind it lies like the leaf of the f_-erntin
late Winter, perfectly formed, yet still concealed 111 the
folds, which. vva1'm suns are to develops. No one dares

mu
«.7

18

to doubt this, in the case of natural affection; it is not
education that teaches the mother to love her child. N 0
one doubts this in religious feeling. The sincere prayer
of the humblest worshipper wings its way upward as
directly, as if the incense rose from the Vatican itself.
The principle applies equally to political truth: there is
an instinct of liberty; a natural perception of the loveli-
ness and beauty of freedom ; and our fathers listened to
it, and took counsel of it. Its inspiration made the wil-
derness glad ; its revelations shed light that well might
startle the wisest statesmen and philosophers of the old
world. I speak no new doctrine. I do but repeat what
was known to our fathers; I do but echo the words that
were pronounced in Old Hampshire, one hundred and
two years ago.‘ The gift of feeling moral truth, of which
Appfimomf olitical science is a branch, was rightly de—~
3i;2:;~%;ip?£ii_or clared by our fathers, ‘f to be from God. No—-
waz-asai_nog11. thing the creature receives is so much a par-
8.InpllOI’l,1111134. . . . . . . .
ticipatioii of the Deity: it is a kind of em--
anation of God’s beauty, and is related to God as light
is to the sun. It is not a thing that belongs to rea--
son; it depends on the SENSE OF‘ THE HEAPt’[‘. The
evidence that is this way obtained, is vastly better and
more satisfying, than all that can be obtained by the ar-
guings of those that are most learned and greatest mas-
ters of reason; it is far more excellent than all the
knowledge of the greatest philosophers and statesmen.
And babes are as capable of knowing these things,
as the wise and prudent, and they are often hid from
these and revealed to those. For not many wise men
after the flesh, not many mighty, not inany noble, are
called. But God hath chosen the foolish things of the
world.” It was because our fathers freed themselves
from prejudice and selfish passion, and, making them«
selves like little children, listened calmly to the voice
within, that the book of political Wisdom was thrown
wide open to their gaze ; that they gave their affections
to democratic liberty as naturally and as firmly as they
adored; their Creator or loved their offspring.

I9

_ Were I to proceed and recount all the incidents, which
Illustrate the democratic spirit of early New Mom.” Wh,g_
Eriglaiid, the hours of day would pass away, $33‘; E“,,°g,f.f;,‘,‘§
and the shades of evening gather around us, “‘°°““““' e
before my task were done. New England was not
founded for the service of Mammon ; she was not cra-
dled in the devices of whiggism ; but, in the true spirit
of democracy,it was ever held, that he who values moral
truth but as twelve, and the world as thirteen, is no true
New England man. The same principle is observable
in all our New England institutions; our towns; our
churches; and our free schools.

New England was settled by way of towns; each sep-
arate village was a real and perfect democra-
cy within itself; each town-meeting was a con—g1zi3rxiiiiii§i§;igeii3
vention of its people; all the inhabitants, the WDm°°m°y'
aflilue.nt a:nd the needy, the wise and the ‘foolish, were
equal members of the little legislature. Truth won its
victories in a fair ;lie1d,vvl:i1ere pride, not less than benev-
olence, II1ilgl"1I _join in the debate ; where selfishness could
secure no special favors; Where justice and learning
clairnecl no privilege. Our town meetings were the
schools in which our lavvgivers were educated ; and
these bear in perfection the impress of democracy.

The same remark applies to the village church. True
religion can never become the ally of avarice. D . 1
Christianity burst the shaclzles of su1)e1'stition,p9:*iin§lf "’r°eiz‘.w'
broke the seals that rested on the destinies of ‘mus Wm"
man, and shed the pleasant light that shall enfratichise
the world. I know that foul calumny has loudly assert»-
ed, and still secretly whispers, that democracy favors in-
lidclity. The charge implies ignorance not less than
corrupt malevolence. The masses of mankind maven
iitvcred infidelity. Irreligion is not a trait of humanity.
A long and earnest study of the history of the race gives
me a right to assert it. Infidelity is the offspring of
aristocracy; it flourishes most where pride and
abundance curb the passions least. You cannot find,
throughout the globe, one siiigle nation, civilized or sav-
age, not a scattered tribe, not an insulated horde, where

20

there is not among the masses, faith in God, in the soul,
and in the duty of self~—denial. The United States, em-
inently the land of democracy, is the most 1'eligious
country on earth. The people of every nation adore a
superior intelligence, bury their dead, and possess the
institution of marriage. The people oi’ the United States,
where civil and 1‘eligious~libe1'ty are most fully developed,
is the most religious people on earth. The enfraricliising
principle is a purifying principle. The odious doctrines
of materialism were ger1e1'atetl in the abodes of despot—-
ism; democracy, f0llOWlI1,g the counsels of relioion,
exults in “ the reality of spiritual liglit.” is i
That spiritual light may dawn upon every mind. It
ffififigggifiygm), shines in upon the cottage as freel as on proud-
1,,,.,,,. of ,-,.,,, e1 mansions. Ihe universal diffusion of the
t°h°°‘S' powers of mind and heart proves the capacity
of the human race for advancement. And hence it
is, that democracy, by the instinct of self—prescrVation,
cherishes that other New lflngland institution, the sys-
tem of common schools ; the happiest institution of the

reformation; the glory of Calvin; the pride of Sc-ot—

land ; the vital element of New England politics. The
system of free schools, in every land that it can reach,
will break up religious bigotry, will eradicate supersti-
tion, will undermine aristocracy, and lead inevitably to
the freedom and power of the people. Nor let us sup-~
pose, that every thing has yet been done for common
schools in New England. Democracy is plerlged to
new efforts for the diffusion of truth and the increase of
the relative number of active and i11q1ii1‘i1i.g minds. Here,
as everywhere, the rule is, union and progress ; to count
as iiotliiiig what has been gained, but to press forward
towards further improvement in the intellectual and moral
condition of the people. Mind is universal ; and its uni-
versal culture is the best protection of the natural equal-
ity of the race, and the surest means of its constant ad-
vanceinent. The analysis of truth is a slow process ;
the perception of truth that has once been analyzed, is
immediate and easy. Whole generations of inquirers
‘:3r€)n‘1t3'l'.“i?1‘I1(?3S pass away, having‘ made but few advances in

‘Z1

science; while their successors safely and rapidly move
over the ground once explored. The Village lad who
reads the blessed truths of Christianity in the plain sim-
plicity of the gospel narrative, knows more of God, and
l’rovidence, and duty, than the wisest sage of the ancient
world; the farmer’s boy, by honest application of his
mind to study, may in two year's pass far beyond the
bounds which limited the genius of Newton ; the com-
mon sailor, with his quadrant, easily masters principles,
which acute and powerful minds in the course of 4 centu-—~
ries had slowly evolved ; and the little girl on tl1e lower
forms of the common school, in a few weeks learns more
of geography than all that was known to Columbus,

‘ when he started for the discovery of a world. The

anrrlysis of the principles of government is likewise a
result of e:srperience and observation; and as the experi-
ence ol" America on the ‘forms and effects of self-gove1'11-
mcnt exceeds tlrat of all the rest of the world, it is l).ElZ-
arding but little to say, that as our system of common
schools shall be improved, every American youth may
easily becorne imbued with sound principles of public
1'i,2_,*l,1t, a l<1‘1owleclge of the nature, the tendencies and the
tldties of democracy, far beyond all that has become but
faintly ltnown to the wisest of European statesmen.

I have thus pointed out to you the democratic charac——
tor of the early institutions of New England ; ,,.,,,.,,,,,,_,,,m,“_
I have shown that the principles of popular:j;“{3§;"g§;,§}§3,*3;.
liberty in the Declaration of Independence, are °“‘*”l’**"““’°"~ ““
written on their corner—~stone. Butl shall not leave the
El1‘gU.XIl€11t here. I shall pnrrsue it to see if further con-
zlirrirratiorr can be found in the chamc=te1' of our ea1'1y set-—
tlers, in the character of our fathers.  

Our fathers were exiles for conscience sake; they
came to the Wilderness for freedom of religion; they
were of the reformed 1'el:igio11 .; men who dissented from
the forms of dissent; men who were forced to push the
principles of natural liberty to their remote conclusions,
in order to defend their separation from European creeds.
They were all members of plebeian sects, adhererits to
creeds that sprung up among the people. It was 111 the
midst of penury and want, in siglit or the wretchedness


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10VV6C1Ab8amsoverA the rising settlements, whis;pe1*ix1g* itm

253

words of freedom and of peace. Thus the motives
which led our fathers to plant the rock--bound coasts of
New England were all in harmony with democracy.
Once more, to complete my argument, I repeat, New
England in its origin was democratic; it could The emigrants
not but have been democratic ; for what was §3§,?’§“;,,‘;;;’§,“°§§’,‘;
there in Europe that could emigrate P Eu—1°1e*’“““S'
rope, as the result of the middle ages, had seen feudal—-
ism, Christianity in the forms of the established church,
Christianity in its spirit and truth, royalty, and the enfran-
chised commons. Feudalism did not emigrate; it could
not emigrate ; it existed only as a legal form; the tenure of
estates. The Hierarchy did not emigrate ; European jeal-
ousy would not tolerate an independent establishment; and
hz.1lughty prelates despised the poverty of the wilderness.
Royalty was here only by its representative, a feeble
shadow, and in some governtnents, the deputy of a rep-
resentative, the shadow of a shadow. Nothing came in
power but the people. Christianity in its spirit came ;
but it came with the people. Europe gave nothing but
'.I‘I~I1.«l 131331‘ of her plebeian sons, tried in the school of
rnisforturie; disciplined by the struggles of penury and
persecution. And therefore the early period of our co«-
lonial life was for the new world the golden age of hu-
manity. Men of every sect into which awalteiiing rea-
son. had divided the people, came to our shores. The
sceptic did not come ; the infidel did not come ; the
seeptic and the infidel had no motive to come ; the insti-
tutions of Europe were well enough for them. Popular
liberty in its infancy in America, had religion to rock its
cradle; and therefore it is, that the childhood of the glori-
ous plebeian was so beautiful with the hues of health and

the loveliness of innocence; therefore it is, that the spi- l

rit of democratic power and freedom dwells among you
asimmutable as truth, as imperishable as mind.

And why should we not stand in the ancient paths?
What motive have we for not rallying to the D t nfacmw
standard of popular liberty ? Why should not wml’ uie Demos
we feed the sacred flame and transmit it in new my’ t
hrilliancy to the next generation?

5%
It is a Slg'1’1lfiCEl1'll; fact, that every State, wlxere the sys»
,,,h, ,,,m,. tem of common schools is established, except
?,‘}ililf.3.iL.1h‘Z'r?{§   perhaps Massachusetts, is at this time by im-
""'"”““"”‘ W00‘ mense majorities with the democracy of the

s-yste11.1 give
}§§{I*5i",f’,,2“§§;";f}ff,‘f,"f country. I trust that ch/Iassaehusetts Will he
,"‘°”' A found there‘ also. If the democracy of this
State has sometimes been overhorne by the Vast concen--
tration of monied interests, it never has surrendered.
Truth is immortal ,; the triumph of democracy may he
adjourned ; it cannot be avoided. 80 sure as the seasons
return, the cause of the people will gaintl1evictoryeVen
here, Where the struggle is hardest ; and the intensity of
the conflict may have this advantage, that it will. de-
Velope more fully who are the secret enemies to the
power and progress of ‘ tl1e people. ,
All the free States, without one exception, unless it
 e be lV.[assaehusetts, all others earn the St.
'I‘hefree States . _ - . .t .
:x,mp_y~i;1xwere-C1*o1X to the Wilderness, are with us. The
nmww yeomanry of the land never desert the states-
men, who honestly maintain their cause .3‘ and their1de—-
pendent mechanics, now becoming so numerous and so
powerful a class, are like the yeomanry, the natural
friends of democracy. V A A
Of our sister States at the South, none but South
T,,,S,,,,,,,,_ Carolina is prepared for a desperate st..1f1,1ggle
“"‘*3"~‘ °PP"”“a.gai11st us. The politicians who maligii the

-to the moniod ar-

3”‘°""“"*'* union, who cherish aristocracy, and Wlj10iI"D])i-
ously desire to reverse the decrees of God, 1:'ol,li;)ae.ls; the
hand on the dial-plate of time full. three thousand years,
and renew What they call the daysand the inst:i.tut.ions

of the patriarchs, these visionary polirtioians, lost in the '

Seibonian hogs of their own metaphysical. theories, go
to the death agairist “ the tyranny of the 1r1a]o1'rty,” the

usurpations of the people.

Especially ew York is with us. The State which
Nwmmndlilie our own has given liostaiges for its 17ega1'd
p§tvgra1§;v=§(§I§3§gfor* commerce, and _manufactures, and agr1cul—-
T  r ture, the State ’Wl11Cll IS pledged to internal
improvements, to free labor and to free schools, the State

wliichyis asaNew England State in its origin, industry

25'

and , manners, the State which is filled with our kindred,
and which has placed at the head of the government,
and i.11 its 'higl1est trusts, children of our own soil, sons
of Massachusetts, that State has nobly taken the lead.
I-Ier star is in the ascendant, and by her side shine the
stars of New England, a glorious constellation.

If we look to pleasant companionship, if we desire
to draw tighter the bonds that bind us to the The mm mm
union, we shall unite with the democracy of 95 tppés c«.»IZx§;§%i:
the country. And does not the prosperity l1eiu‘~.e”:i1 Demo-
of the land authorize our confidence? O11r'm°y'
country ex'ults like a strong man, crowned with view»-
ry from the race, and glorying in anticipation of new
successes ; it goes forth like the bridegroom from his
chamber; it presses forward on its career, like the sun
rejoicing in the, East. At one bound it crossed the
Allegl'ia11y, and planted its foot on the Ohio ; the next,
and it has passed the _Mississippi ; as it prepares to
take the third, the wilderness itself will set no bounds
to its career. .

Or do you demand atrnore accurate consideration
of speci.al interests ? .When was the shelter D, V
of the farmer more secure W? When did eVe1*b1es§3§°:iiie&°tai*-i
the bread of industry possess for him a sweet-— W’
er relish? In what favored region, in what happy
clime, did the hardy yeoman ever enjoy so fully the
prerogatives of man? When did ever the blessings of

I
a:

heaven pour more plenteously upon him 9 And as his

a hale offspring multiplies around him, how sweet the

thought that they are ripening for the comforts of free-
dom, and the enjoyment of equal rights ; that all the
new States of the union are Vieing with the old in
offering them an opportunity of successful action, and
an arena of honor. . ~ . ‘

And does it not go well with manufactures? Are
the gloomy forebodings of the screeching The Wcm__
owls and hideous niglit-birds~ of the panic fix-glygggfieggg-y
come to pass? Is the music of the hammer i
silent in your shops ? Have wages fallen fifty per cent?
De your streams flow tlirough solitudes? Are your

. 44 y

26

children without clothes, and your wives without food 
Are thestreetsr grass grown, and the factories shut up ?
Is corn worth no more than twenty-five cents a bushel,
and produce wasting for want of purchasers ? Is the

. river deserted? Has the town gone to waste? Never

was the hum of mechanic industry so active; never
were our streams so vexed with toil and compelled to
work their passage to the ocean 3 never did the work-
shops ring with a livelier din; never did the water
wheels run more merrily. Whe blooming children
swarm like clusters of roses round your houses ; the
sweet smiles of conjugal love wipe all weariness from
the brow of successful labor; and smiling Industry
walks through our villages, scattering plenty all around
her with both her hands.  - A
Least of all has the commercial interest reason for
Why ,3 ,1“, discontent. From the commencement of
{;:.3:g*,2g,“:,‘g,';.; our government the care for commerce has
”e“°"*°“'°S*"" never been so widely or so powerfully exerted.
Never was there so firm, so earnest, so sincere an ap-
peal for an increase of the navy, and the defence of
the sea board 5 never so well concerted plans for giv-
ing efficiency to the maritime force of the country;
plans which, if but partially successful, failed only be»
cause retarded by the zeal of the very men, who pride
themselves on the defence of commerce.
But the power of the government was not exhausted
Domocmyg in vain recommendations,‘ Democracy has
ggc:gor=g1a;x'rgg:WaSl1Gd out the spot that luuropean iiisolence
:g;.Eg_i;g:“:n;g: had cast on our flag ; she has caught_ the
gggfgigilge. 011-Clylllg echoes of the wrongs of our rnarmers
in years long gone by; she has knocked at the
palace gates of the oldest principalities of Europe, and
demanded redress for the Arnerican seaman ; she has
gone into the heart of the maritime State of lf)en1narl<:,
and claimed and obtained reparation ; she has crossed
the mountains of Spain, when their fastnesses rung
with the tumult of domestic feuds, and raising her
voice louder than the jarring discords of civil factions,
has hushed the scene of turbulence into i concession
and redress; she has sent her messengers into the

937

beautifhl bay of Naples, and herfleets, Wafted by the
bland zephyrs that raise but a ripple fora surge to
break upon the flowery beach, have Waked the younger
branch of the Bourbons from their oblivion, and com-»-
ma.nded requital to be made for every ancient wrong.
She has brushed away the dust from her slumbering
claims against France, and bearing the American pen-

nant intothe Halls of the Tuilleries, she calmly 

claimed the reparation of injury from an ancient ally
and a friend; and when the reparation, though ac-
knovvleclged to be due, Was yet withheld, she left the
union flag all spangled with stars in proud defiance on
the walls of the palace, where it hung in terror till the
world turned its finger of scorn on the l{iI1g(lO11',l that
delayed the fulfilment of an obligation which it did not
dare to question. And has democracy offered an
apology for the expression of truth and the perform-
ance of duty? The indemnity is to be paid; and
there have been no apologies, unless it be apologies
from men, Whose short sighted policy would protect
their gains by the sacrifice of honor.-----Thus it was,
that the governments of Europe have been com-
pelled to restore more than eight millions of a money,
of whicli our merchants had been defrauded. Nor is
this the noblest part of the result. It is a glorious tesa
timony to the advancement of humanity. The redress
of wrongs was entrusted to reason, and on the theatre
of European ambition and violence, the furies and li-
centiousness of War were made to yield to the language
ofrernonstrance and the progress of intelligence. Well
was it said on the floor of Congress, that the Presi--
dent, in this policy, “would carry the people‘ along
with him.” Well did a son of Massachusetts give a.
pledge for us and say, “I ENGAGE FOR NEW Enen
LAND.” New England speaks for herself; and joins
in the applause of the world; she has reconciled her«
self to democracy; its triumphs are her own.

The wealth of our merchants has been rescued from
the hands of the civilized governments that
had been its spoilers. It has equally been 1-migplfgrefigonh
protected against the lawless freebooter, the i

Has 1-epresseld

28

adventurous buccanieim The vessels of the pirate no
longer plough their way among the isles of the gulf of
Mexico; and the merchantman in its traflic, is ‘safe
against every thing but the elements. Nor has tran--
quillity been restored in our own vicinity alone. Be-
yond the Atlantic,beyond the southern capes of Afri-
ca, in the Indian ocean, among the straits of the other
hemisphere, the streamer floats securely from the masts
of the American; piracy has been suppressed; wrongs
avenged; ‘ and a mystic power of protection been
spread round our mariners. In the glory of the great
Roman republic, we. are told that a freeman perished
on the cross, Within sight of Italy, vainly exclaiming,
I ama Roman citizen ; on the coast of Sumatra, be-;«
neatli the burning suns of India, where the sails of
swarms of pirates are swelled by perfumed gales from
spicy groves, and passions rage with the fury; of the

- sultry clime, there the mariner from the hills of New

England, as he holdswithin his grasp the folds of our
flag, and declares himself an American citizen, passes
safe among the lawless, unharmed by the barbarians
of another color and another creed.
Nor has democracy rested satisfied with the ancient
Has {med channels ‘of commerce._ She has sought
nexvtreaties of “new openings for traffic in every part of the
C01Il.lII1B1'CB. 9 ..
a world; she has formed new treaties; she

has carried the principles of international law to the

gulf of Ornius, and the waters of Chin--India; she has
caused them to be respected by the children of Buddha.
and the followers of Mahomet. The American mer-~
chant may new traffic with the kingdom of Siam, or
with the Sheiks of Arabia. All the races of humanity
seem united by a common bond. And how beautiful
are the results of the advancing power of the youngest
daughteriof civilization! How do the ‘earliest tradi-
tions seem melting into the results of present enter»

prise"! Thousands of years “ expand their cloudy

wings ;” and along the dark line of ages, the patriarchs
of oldest time seem to stretch out the hand, and beck-
on oureoinmerce towa_rds the cradleof our race and

39.

the birth place of our religion; Ideas travel on the
provv of every ship; the American bark that, under

the auspices of our flag, ploughs the eastern seas, is

instinct with life, is pregnant with nioraltrutli ; wher-A-
ever she makes her way, she will‘ carry the principles
that enfranchise the mind, and break the seals of hu-

manity for the pagan world, i .

‘efit of commerce to connect itself with the

But American democracy is notconteiit for the hen»-
. . . . . Seeks new re-
ancient World; she is Just preparing to equip eons near me
Southern pole.

a new squadron to search for unknown re- -

gions; to penetrate the dark recesses of the Southern
ocean, vex the polar seas, and carry the flag of
the union where no provv ever yet cleaved the billow ;
to see if in the frozen realms of the remotest south,
there be islands and treasures of the deep to invite the

ndauntless enterprise and reward the fearless labor of

the Arnerican inercliant. :

"Of all kinds of irnaritirne business, that of wlialing
is the most beset with dangers and difficul-4 G,,,,.m,,,,,,,,
ties ; so much so, that for a long time, tliereffefifgfiigglggfiggcf
were hardly three ports in the World, from 3°“-
which voyages were made with success. Themen
engaged in this pursuit, do not sail fora given harbor;
their place of destination is the high sea itself; their
business must be pursued upon the inighty deep.

Three years are the usual period of an adventure; and i

in that time the hardyiiiariners circumnavigate the
globe ; are sometimes parching’ under the sultry at-»
niosphere and the vertical heat of tlietropics; and
are soinetimes throwninto the vicinity of the frozen
regions ; attimes they are exposed to be sweptbefore
the fiercest attacks of a hurricane near the line ; and
at others are heaved on the Wildest billows into which
the ocean is “lashed by polar winds; they pursue
their preyinto every sea; they double the reniotest
capes, and search for their game in every zone and
along every coast, till finally there is not a nook in
the ocean where a whale can gambol in security; and
thus for three years they are buffeted by every wind,

30

and rocked by every tempest, and exposed to every
climate, and tried by every hardship. Amidst pur-
suitsso appalling, disasters often ensue; th.e wrecks
of many a vessel novv float ainongi the surges of the
Southern sea. Hope Whispers the thought that the
unhappy mariners have yet found a refuge upon some

unknown isle; the people of the United States,

Whose enterprise deems no purpose too vast for its
gigantic energies, deems no act of benevolence too
minute for its regard; and at this moment is pre-
paring a ship to coast among the thousand isles of the

South Pacific, and search for the footsteps of our

shipwrecked men. .

And what excuse, then, have our merchants for their
T,m,,,,.c,,,,,,,n7ilful resistance to the democracy, which
§§,$‘§.f.,32,“"{;1",?;§‘;-; has defended their treasures, and heaped on
f,i;¥,§,,,,‘,‘;3,,f’,f°“"°them benefits? Are theyso seized by the
""‘““”" A passion for dominion, that they forget to have
the feelings of patriots? Let them recover from the
unworthy bigotry that darkens their understandings ;
let them. remember they are men; let them feelfor

A humanity; let them love their whole country.

Or will our adversaries assert that no principle is at

,,,,W,,,gg,,,,,issue? The assertion only shows an igno»

01' 1""“°""““‘5’ trance of human nature, and of the history of

which has no

‘*°m‘1""““l1°‘°5’ man. It is an induction, sustained by the
history of our race from the earliest period to the pro»-
sent, an induction confirmed by the COI'1Cl11‘1‘lIlg‘ tcstiw
mony of every nation, that the conflict of parties is
the struggle of opinions for the mastery. This is the
reason whythe political institutions of a ‘Free country
are so powerful an element of national education.
The eve of every election is the contest of opposing;
principles ; and however much there may be of error

e and passion and falsehood and calumny in the can-

Vass, thevictory is always achieved under the banner of
truth. No party can be held together and succeed exm
cept by an honest principle. Men rally to nothing
else; and if ever a party should fail to have a great
truth forits central point, that party could not long‘ be
held togetller ; it would have no vitality.

31

Or is i.t said that our principles are not distinctly
marked? that we are but the party of non; ‘ e
. 1 I - . 1. Democracy the
committal? '1he public m1nd st1'uggles i01‘1mr_t5' of mucus»
truth; it avoids the extremes of passion; itmum
walks securely between the burning ploughshares of
conflicting interests... It loves free trade, but does not
forget to counteract fo1'eign unequal legislation ; it ab-
hors the cruel bigotry of Mexico, and yet respects the
sanctity oftreaties ; it deposites the actual surplus re-e
venue with the states,yet “ scruples to levy an unneces-—
sary tax ALMOST as it vvouldiscruple a robbery ;” it
cherishes internal improvements with enthusiastic fond-
ness, yet refuses to violate the rights of the States; it re--l
sists Southern wliiggism, the party that pushes the doc-
trine of State 1'i.g11ts to the extreme of nullification, and
it opposes the N orthern Whigs, who despise the doctrine
of State 1'igl1ts, found their party on the inzfiuence of
money, and tend to consolidation." He that quits the
central path of duty, est1'anges himself from hurnani-
ty; and, in the same cleg1'ee, swerves from the party
of democracy. r ~

Or is it atiirmed, that democracy is opposed to the
whole Wealth and intelligence ofthe country? ,,., ,V,,,,g,,,,,,,
T he masses of Wealth, we concede, aret.3,§’,i,,,s,,“"§fj<fif, ,3?"
agttiiist us. Can the same be said of intel-J”“‘-‘-*»"”“°"-’ t
ligeiicei Deinecracy is the child of liglit; and adopts
every enfrai1cll:i.sing truth, that time and genius and the
public mind may develope. Or is the remark intended
to apply not to principles but to men? Have the
g'lft0dI11l.11(lS «of our nation been the adversaries of dc»
mocracy? Spirits of Madison and of Livingston l we
sunnnon. you from the tomb to repel the calumny.

Or will they say it is not the country. Will they
declare that thisivvondezrful ttnanirnity is but ‘VWcMum1_ly
the chnine of ofhce seekers and ofhce liold-Jzyzsgmc mepco-‘
crs’? Tlliat it is W011 bysi11t1‘igL1e ? That it ism“ A
held by corruption ? '

This is the language of those who have corrupted
themselves into a contempt for humanity; 1,,,,1,,,,,.,,,,
vvho deny to masses of men the possession ‘“1“°”‘1""“°”‘

32 "

of judgment and of conscience; who thus strike at the
root of all human excellence and religious faith; and

by denying the capacity of man under the favor of ~

heaven to govern himself, take away the possibility of
human advancement. As if it_ were possible for one

' man to vitiatc the conscience of the masses ! as if the

ocean could be polluted! as if all the springs of all
the rivers could at one moment be poisoned! The
doctrine is a dereliction "to liberty, to christian truth
and to humanity. It does at one and the same Ino-
ment strike the Providence of God from the heavens,
and divide thepearthbetween profligates and fools.
Yes, my friends‘! Infidelity is the moral pestilence of
the age; the plague that is generated amidst luxury
and pride, withering the soul into which it enters, and
corrupting the heart with insinuating subtlety. Some-

A times it comes with the soft tread of indulgence, and

lapping the soul in the earthly Elysium of gratified
desire, abandons it to the restlessness of despair.
Sometimes it comes in the pride of metaphysics; and
reason is so bewildered by its own dim lustre, that it

, "blots out the bright intelligence which is the light of

the world. Then comes the anatomist with his dis»
secting knife; and because the separate limbs of the
divided corpse will not speak, nor the dead bones visi-
bly cover themselves with the radiant glory of a celes-
tial body, he shuts his ears against the voice which is
uttered by the harmony of the world, and echoed by
the living responses of conscience. Next comes the
new school of biblical critics with their excgetical jar-—
gon, and because they‘, like the Chaldeans of old, can
not read the writing, nor mal«;;e_ known the interpreta-

, tion thereof; because they find life to be a dream,

and yet cannot explain the meaning of the vision,

they advise, in their pusillanimous l philosophy, to

acquiesce in a modest scepticism. Next comes the
merry company of sensualists; and they laugh to
scorn the wisdom of the magicians, who have attempt»
ed tointerpret the counsels of nature; in the midst
of their revelries they scoff at the wise philosophers

33

that had thought by elaborate research to solve the
mysterious question of the origin and end of human eX-
istonce; life, say they, is a riddle, but we have found
the answer; eat, drink, and be merry, for to-~morrow We
die. Last of all,,and in the train of the sensualist, comes
the raving troop of political sceptics; they who deny to
the masses not only souls capable of a hereafter but of
a HERE; men who say in their hearts, “ The people is
easily duped; wealth should ruleg” men “ wno IIAVING
nnenucnnn ’1‘IIEMSELVES nvro A PERSUASION TI-IAT MAN»

KIN D ARE IN CAPABLE OF GOVERNING TIIEIVISELVES, APPEAL '

LESS TO THE REASON on THE MANY TIIAN TO THEIR WEAK--
NESSES ;” and because the instinct of the masses does not
favor their selfishness, are false to the spirit of God which
breathes through the conscience of mankind. Infatua-
ted men! Who, in the midst of their political revelries,
where the country is insulted, and liuinanity blasphemed,
could .uot hear the awful doom that they were weighed
and found Wanting; could not see the finger of a man’s
hand write on the Walls of their banquet room the omi-
nous sentence of their divisions and their defeat.

But for us, let us hold fast to the integrity of our polit-
ical faith; for that is the only sure fountain of Democm W
patriotism; the only salient and purifying down oh hvriigi-I

gism not with an.-

spring of beneficent reforrn. The influence er b11fi00~ml3a3' a

$1011.

of moral power in controlling the destinies of it
our country, is to us the strongest evidence of a super»
intending Providence. Do we seek for displays of di-
vine power in the external World P How much more is
it visible in the progress of A humanity. Do you find
evidence of God’s goodness in the planets and the stars?
The planets and the stars are not instinct with life, and
cannot reveal the divine power so gloriously as the

.course of’ a living nation; the collected energy of our

people; the intelligence and progress of our country.
Or do you see in the material world the proofs of design .9
How much more may you perceive proofs of the highest
design in the study of the capacities of the multitude;
its power to discover, estimate, and apply; the povver
which the people possesses of a continuous and COIIUH-f
' 5

34+

ually improving existence. The eye of‘ democracy dis-

cerns in our national annals the evidence of a moral

power; and beholds the footsteps of Deity like a trail of
glory in the departing years.  stand on hlgher

ground than that chosen by the pol1t1cal mfidels. We

believe and they doubt; we trust in the people; they

scorn the people; we rejoice in the gathering signs of
advancing popular power in every part of the world;

they mourn over human progress as the downfall of soci-t»

ety; to us the present is full of joy and the future of
hope; to them the present is an hour of sullen disconw

tent; and the future is shrouded in the darkness of
gloom. s

But shall we be intimidated by their clamor? Shall

.1~,,,,.,,,,,,,,,,_we be disheartened by their gloomy forebod-

§,";",-,Ii,"i‘,.S,,,"‘§:,,_.‘i,",j,: ings? Is the opinion of the country to be

§§3,?f,f}_;§,i;‘;‘,“*§’,§j bowed by artificral pressure in the money

V“ B‘“‘‘’“" market? and frightened into a change of its

convictions by the scarecrows of corrupt politicians, by

the horrible hobgoblins of even the most experienced

panic-«makers? And did they indeed think, that the

people of the United States were to be dealt with as a

stubborn horse, and its spirit to be broken by stinting it

of its provender, by stopping discounts? And did they

think that the foggy exhalations from the fens of Whig

despondency, could dim the lustre of the sun of demo»

cratic liberty P

Fond impious men ! think. ye yon sanguine cloud
Raised by your breath hath quenched the orb of day?
To-marrow the repairs his golden flood
And gilds the nations with redoubled ray.

Yes, it «was at the memorable season of the Panic, that
the contest, took place in advance to defeat the candi-

dates of the democracy; it was then that the whole three

t of the financial power was exerted against the power of

the people. We acknowledge that the adversary was
powerful; that like the fabled beings of mythology, the
giant wielded a hundred arms. But vain was the effort
to blot out the intelligence of the common mind. It was
$0011. Ql0Vi0uSa. the contest, was between- physical force

35

and moral power; a monied interest and the people ;,
between the treasures of wealth and the treasures of
mind; between blind possessions and living intelligence;
between the force of material interests and the wisdom,
the purity, and the power of the multitude. Could the
issue long remain doubtful? Do you think God would
permit the darkness of wilful error, the delusions of false
prophets, the perversions of desperate ambition, to pass
unrebuked? Do you think that Providence would hold
back the light, would shut out the dawn of truth from the
skies of morning? a

Night, and all her sickly (Jews,

Her spectres wan and birds of boding cry,

H e gives to range the dreary sky, t

Till o’er the Eastern cliffs afa1', i
I-Iyperion’s march they spy, and glittering shafts of war.

Light dawned, and democracy achieved its victory; the

power of aristocracy patrolled the streets in pmud die-~
fiance, till the unerring judgment of the many exposed

« the fallacy of their prophecies -and the arrogance of their

pretensions. Their career was just long enough to ena--
ble them to display themselves? in their true character;
when the people came with its winnowing fan, and the
counsels of the ungodly were scattered like the chaff’
which the wind of heaven driveth away. At the autumn
election the people will but make a record of its verdict.
And wherever the day is our own, let us conduct our»
selves with such singleness of purpose, that D,,,,. ,f De.
none will be our enemies, but the open and the “‘°°”“°Y*
secret enemies of popular institutions. Let us ever bear
in mind, that the permanence and the value of our sue»-
‘cess can rest on no foundation but the intelligence and
morality of our people. .
Such is the voice which comes to us, fresh from the
land of spirits, from the‘ grave of _iMAD1soNl. ;,3,,,,,,,.,,,, a,
It IS but a few short weeks, since it was my l1ap~§?,‘;,‘;j‘”§,e;‘,§,§,‘.§,°§,‘§
pmess to sit f'or days together bythe side of the °‘*"““'
venerable man, and listen to his counsels, uttered on the
borders of the tomb. It had been my purpose to gather
from the treasures of his experience the history of that

36

period, in which he himself; the most serene of public
men, of the clearest intellect, of an angelic suavity often:1«-
per, was the beautiful writer, and the eloquent debater,
who bore the brunt of the contest a.gainst the monied
aristocracy in its first desperate struggle for dominion.
He pointed out to me every document which he had
written at that period; wevconsulted them all. Many of
them at his desire I read aloud to him; they are essays,
that apply to every form under which the ever continuing
struggle between the people and the monied interest can

return; and the patriot of four score and five years,

aware of standing on the threshold of another world,
without the least recoil in his heart, renewed his appro--

bation of those principles, on which democracy rests for ,

its support. I A was carried back to the very scenes
where the truths which are the vital element of popu-
lar liberty, first obtained the aid of an organized party;
I beheldthe energiesof freedom, as they then existed in
the breast of the people, reflected in all their lustre and
power from the mirror of a comprehensive and an 1111-»
sullied mind. i r

In his retirement, Madison was happy in the conscious-
ness of having served his country with fidelity; happy in
the grateful admiration of the people; happy in the se-
rene enjoyment of his fame, which was diflhsed through-
out the world ; happy in the affections of home. His
mind delighted in the philosophic enjoyment of rural
pleasures. “ Strange as you may think it,” said he with
a smile, “I never loved public life ; my tastes were al--
ways for rural occupations and for my study.” His ac-
tive and inquiring mind was enriched by the fruits of
extensive research, as well as by the most varied public
experience; and, to the latest period of his life, he

‘watched with intense interest the progress of liberal prin-

ciples in Europe, and the rising dangers to our govern-
ment at home. Keenly alive to the desire of winning
the esteem of mankind, he was i11di‘l‘l'e1'ent to flattery.
His, judgments respecting himself" were marked by the
salnevmoderation which illustrated his character; and
the evident consciousness of his merit was blended with

37

the most perfect" decorum, I-Iis conversation embraced

i the widest range of subjects in history, in speculative

philosophy, and in the condition and prospects of his
country. His opinions were expressed with equal mod»
esty and precision. He never indulged in acrimonious
censure of his opponents; no evil, passions clouded the
serenity of his judgment; and his candid soul, immova-
bly fixed in the support of democracy and of union, open-
ly opposed to Nullification on the one side, and the am-
bition of the monied interest on the other, rendered jus-
tice even to his enemies. It was observable that he even
painfully sought to account for the errors of his adver-
saries, without impeaching their integrity; and was
never satisfied till hehad traced a political phenomenon
philosophically to its cause. His residence at Montpe-
lier was themost beautiful specimen of old age; he went
down to the grave full of years and honor, as the sun,
on the eve of a long and placid A summer’s day, sinks
gently beneath the horizon; and “his memory will remain
more lovely than the loveliest hues of the skies of eve-
ning. But it is not as an aged man, that he will dwell
in the memory of succeedinggenerations. He will live
in imagination, as he was when in the bloom of manhood
he walaed the love of union on the south side of the

Potomac ; when he, thegentlest of our statesmen, the

candidate without envy and without guile, met the peo--«
ple of , Virginia face to face under the canopy of heaven;
when he, the purest of our early writers, the most culti-
vated of ourorators, on the floor of congress, gathered
together the rays of the intelligence of the nation, and
l<;indled on our high places the undying light of demo-

V cratic freedom. The heart that in those days tlirobbed

in his bosom, was there to the last; he was with us in
his late old age ; lam able to say it ; he was with us in
the late days of his life. Farewell, blessed spirit! And
if from the iabodes in which the soul of lV.[adison now
dwells, it could send to us a message, we know that his
voice would bid us offer our holiest prayers and our pur-

est efforts for THE UNION AND '1‘HE POWER or THE, r.t:o-
PLE.  A V

NOTE.

Itwas in the last days of March and the earliest of April, that I
was, for a few days, an inmate at Montpelier. Mr. Madison’s health
was at that time so firm, that he could spend_the whole day and even-
ing in conversation. In speaking of his political opponents, he ex-
pressed himself with a candor which could hardly be surpassed,
unless it was by the firmness with which he maintained his own con-
victions. ‘

His services to humanity will not cease with his death; he has
left a legacy which will be valued by the whole world to the end of
time. “ When elected a member of‘ the Convention,” said he, and I

I use nearly his own words, “I began to study the character of‘ the

Ampl1yctioniciCouncil and the leagues of antiquity; and I soon ob-
served how meagre accounts of them had been transmitted to posteri—-

' ty. I resolved! that the history of our own Federal Union should not

be left to the same obscurity.” For this purpose he took notes in

. the Convention, from which he was never absent; he dined mode1'- it

ately, drinking little or no wine, and wrote till about dark. Then
taking a short walk, he returned, drank tea, and wrote till bed time.
Rising early, he continued writing till breakfast, and again after
breakfast till the hour when the Convention came together. In this
way he was able to keep up with each day’s debate and to write out
the speeches and proceedings in full. He was not absent during one
important scene. The work which he has prepared for the press,

 and which Wlllflll three octavo volumes, contains the proceedings of

the Convention, with the debates in the Very words of each speaker.

“Every thing will be found there without partiality and without conceal-a

merit. .

Mr. Madison cleliglited "torbear testimony to the i11tegi~ity of his
colleagues. V Stating with the greatest firmness the points on which
he difl‘ered from Hamilton‘, he rendered ample justice to the latter.
Indeed, he was even anxious to be candid. “ The -Conventionfisaid
he, and everything confirms the judgment, “ was the purest legislative

body I ever knew. It is said there were parties; there were difl"er-
enees of opinion; but all the members were animated with a sincere .

desire to form the best federal government; and there were -few whose
previotrstiviews were not somewhat modified by the debates. It was

39

i the purest legislative body; personal considerations and party views

mingled as little as possible in the discussion.”

I mention these details, because the value of the History or Jour-
nal is rendered incalculable by the fact, that the events of each day
were carefully and immediately vvritten down. The volumes will
have. paramount historical authority. a. 1

A Mr. Madison attempted to gather memorialsbf the history of the
Declaration of Independence. In this he declared that he had met
with little success.

The Journal of the Convention is, not the only historic monument
which Mr. Madison has left. He has left journals of Congress from
1782 to 1784, and from his return to Congress in 1786 to the close
of the Congress of the Confederacy. His intimate correspondence
with Jefferson, and Edmund Randolph, and others, exists ; and I
verily believe, that if it were all to be printed, there would not be
found one single petulant remark, least of all, one single uncandid as-
persion of his opponents.

, I held it a great advantage to hear from Mr. Madison’s own lips
high encomiums on Jefi'erson.;. to listen to accounts of the gay good
humor in which he delighted ; of his immense industry and power of
research, and the remarkable purity, decorum, and correctness of‘ his
tastes and manners. In private lifehe must have been as amiable,
as in his public career he was humane. I

That Mr. Madison was in the last days of his life with the den
mocracy of the country, as much as he was from 1795 to the close of
the war, is no secret in Virginia. The day on which I arrived at
Orange Court-I-Iouse, it was publicly asserted ;, and on thenext day,
was repeated and not denied. What I learned then was confirmed

tome. There is no doubt about it. Mr. Madison believed what I i

have attempted to illustrate in this Address, that the contests of parties
are the contests of conflicting opinions. Mr. Madison was alike
opposed to the Whigs of the South and to the Whigs ofthe rNorth;
not to them personally, but to their doctrines; and his tpreferernce of‘
Mr. Van Buren, whom he personally esteemed most highly, was the
result, not of‘ that personal esteem, but of love to the Union. The
party that rallies round Mr. Van Buren was to Mr. Madison THE
PARTY or UNION. , d
An attempt has sometimes been made, to represent Mr. Madison
as having been estranged from clernocracy. It is a foul calumny. It
is true, that his candor was perfect; that he sought the motive to con-
duct in most public men in convictions and fixed interests of a gene-

«fltl B

rel character, and not in personal corruption. But on all the great

points now in discussion, his testimony was etnphatic. “ I uni op»-
posed to all monopolies and perpetuities .3” said he to me, and en»
coureged and st1*et1gtl1er1ed me in the views I lrscl formed. Of the
1:>at1*onn;_:{;e bill which Mr. .'Webster supported, Mr. Madison was most
open and decided in his condemnation. Of the panic and the wartime
of the Senate on the President, the opinion of‘ Mr. Madison was the
opinion of the people of the United States, and of the enliglrteiiotl
communities of’Europe. On the French question Mr. Madrisort was
eque.l1y'rwitl1the administration; and as we read together his early
writings on the difficulties of Wssl1ington’s administration with Eng-
land, many pa,ssages were applied to the recent controversy with
France. V The city of Boston remains consistent in its opposition to
democracy; and Mr. Madison remained consistent in his attachment
to it. He felt, that the unionwas safe in no other lramcls In deatli,
as in life, hewes the friend of his country. i B

The influence of the city of Boston has ‘kept Massachusetts in an
unrelenting opposition. to ‘every dernocmtic adrninistrati,on of the
country. It was said of the Englisli nobility with regard to a rnan_ of
genius,

it They helped to bury, whom they helped to starve.

It is it fact, which the yeoninm-y of'Mnssucl1usetts ot1,gl'1t duly to con-
sider, that the Whigs of that same city of Boston have been the loud-
est in their eulogies of‘ the democratic presidents, after‘ they were
dead. Jefferson and Madison and Monroe, they are willing to wor-
ship zunong-_ the stars; they were unwilling to respect them when in
power. VVho.t is the just inference ? I appeal to the country, if’ it be
not this; "When the selfish passions of the moment pass away, hu-
-manity zztsserts its rights and does honor to its benelhctors. This is
well. But there is one thiiig better; To respect the friencls ot"hu-
manity during the actiive years of their lives, as Well as after‘ they ere
removed from earth ;to co~operste with them, to cherish thern, to dc»-
fend and support then'1,y while they are yet capable of deriving corn»-

B fort from such support. y it is e. miserable policy to reserve affection

for the grave.

E1-ram-m.--Paige 8, line 21, for require read reg_m*7'ee.