E 3 ORATION. DELIVERED EEFOEE THE (3 I fl‘ I 23 IE I9 :3 C) E‘ E3 () £31? () IQ ON THE FIFTY-EIGI-ITI~I A NNIV E. RSARY OF‘ AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. .BY« RICIWIARD S. FAY. h ‘In,’ ( T-ff‘-‘J ~M PRINTED HY IUzlQ,UEB'.]' OF ‘I'”.lt) ("7I'.l'V AU'I'X“IOIU'rIII35- ‘ % BOSTON: 3.711. EAS’1‘BURN, any PRINTER. % L:l‘834"m ORATION: Fnrmow CITIZENS, ON this, the anniversary of our independent existence as a nation, it has been customary for the people, throughout our land to meet together: and laying aside the cares, ansrieties, and pursuits of common life, to mingle their congratulations, and to offer up their thanksgivings for that event, which has, for so many years, conferred upon them unbounded happiness and prosperity; We come together upon these occasions, to con- template our civil institutions, to dwell upon their origin, to review the past, to consider the present, and to anticipate the future probable condition of our beloved country. It is with deep yet sober admiration, that we call up and reflect on the wisdom and patriotism of our fathers, by whose, exertions, the inheritance of" constitutional liberty and equal laws was ac-- , quired and transmitted to us, and we delight, on this conse- crated clay, to dwell upon the precious gift, and to renew" our vows to preserve it in its purity and simplicity. We come to-~ gether, the rich and the poor, the exalted and the humble, the aged and the young, to acknowledge the goodness and value of our civil institutions, to congratulate ourselves upon their equal protection, and to revel in the light and warmth of that liberty, which sprang from the devotion, the sacrifices, and the blood of our forefathers. Whatever bitterness of party may exist however local or sectional interests may dividp, all parties and all sections unite in grateful thanks to that Providence, which i has made this day to us, the landmark of our liberty and laws. V‘-I yr 1 it Let us then, animated by this spirit, indulge ourselves with a few moments’ consideration of those subjects connected with our institutions, which seem most,appropri-ate for the occasion. The limits of a single discourse would not permit a history ofthe causes, that led to the revolution. The long succes- sion of events, which ended in a final separation of our coun- try from England, should be the careful and attentive study of every American citizen. The earlier settlers of New Eng--- land, and of the colonies generally, were men of more than ordinary intelligence and education ; they came to this coun- try not in search of gain, but to attain an object, which none, but thinking ‘and intelligent men would have considered Worth the sacrifices they made. They sought for some spot, where unshaclzelledand uncontrolled by arbitrary power, or by laws, which they considered oppressive and unjust, they might enjoy to its fullest extent the rights of self government, and the per- fect freedom to worship God, after the dictates of their reason and consciencefl“ The instant they embarked upon this enter- prize they became Freemen to the fullextent of their desires, and they considered the rights of" freedom to be the prize, they had gained by their voluntary exile from the land of their birth. These rights were the constant subject of their thoughts, and by means of wholesorne laws, by the practices of strict virtue, by widely,difl'using the benefits of good education, they pre- pared. all who came within their influence for the right appre- ‘hensioni of the privileges they enjoyed, and a just appreciation of’ the benefits to be derived from their political and religious freedom. ” ‘We find as the colonies increased, the spirit of free- idom and intelligence kept pace with their growth,the doc- trines of government inculcated and practised upon from their foundation, created a jealous watchful_nes‘s of their rightstwhich they had been taughtaccurately to value. This jealousy was not an idle one, England became aware of the growing impor—'- “tance of her colonies, and began at an earlysperiodt to encroach upon the rights, and to question the powers claimed by them. The desire of peace,the natural repugnance. to the idea of extreme opposition to the mother country, had operated to a considerable eixtefnt, in leading our ancestors to aconcessionof :S01'I18 of the originalrights conferred upon themiby charter, or w—wy-——--w.._ ‘ t" Note A4‘ :3 acquired by long use :, but when the attack wars nintle upon those powers, which involved the more important principles of liberty, belonging to tliern es Englisli subjects, the spirit of p resistance becunie manifest. They buckled on their armor, as a. matter of necessity, as a duty, which every man felt him» self called upon to perform, who valued his ri,gl1ts, end tliought them Worthy of preservation. They would have been unworthy of the land from which they came, of the blood which flowed in their veins, bed they not defendedlthernselves in the es.er«- cise of rights, long valued from their possession, and which they considered their choicest birthright. In truth, the colo- nies from the beginning, considered thernselves, not only the possessors of all the rights which the mother country awarded to its subjects at home, but also as entitled to additional privi- leges which could not be enjoyed under the constitution and lows of England. They left their native country, because they were not free onougli under the charter of Englisli liber- ties, and they took care, in most cases, to have an additional grant of freedom from the British crown. It was, when these grants were attempted to be encrouched upon, usurped and destroyed, that the resistance of the colonies against the moth- er country began. They sprung up, armed men, to the de- fence of their liberties, and the spirit which nnirrmnted their runlcs, was like “ the splendor of Diornede, lent by Wisdom and not by pnssinn, u favoring sign of the presence of that deliberate power lLl?1ttll gtxides the just end protects the free.” It is evident that the Britisli rninistry did not understand the character of the people, they endeavored to bend to their sclremes of nggi~nndizenier“it and power. Our st:*ez1gtli and means of resistunoofwere niiseulctilntecl, end overleolting all the nnturul and peculiar causes which increased our physical energies, it was imegiiied that n military police would be suffi- cient to check our licentious and rebellious spirit. i Actual or» ganized resistance to her overxvlielming power was notdreamed of, a. large military force was sent here,lv it is true, butit was not for the purpose of War, but simply to crush at a blow should a pretence be elibrdecl, the rebellious disturbances and mu- tinous conduct of the citizens of the town of Boston,--—-to,blot out upon the first ocoesion,“thte foul stein which had been put upon’ the loy,e1ty,rofAmericen subjects, in thevbloodl Of 80II1Beiihi1I1- dreds loftthe colonists of New England. It was 11013 r1iil1OW1?1c 8 . across the Atlantic, how deep and universal was the sympa- thy of the whole people here, it was only from subsequent events, it was discovered that one general spirit animated the South, as well as the North, --- a spirit that force could not conquer, but which gathered new strength in the attempt to destroy it. The sympathetic action ofthe colonies began at a moment’s warning, and a secret impulse Went through the land, like the still voice that spread over France, to expect her exil- ed Emperor’s approach at the coming of the violets ofspring. It was here, that the spirit of determined liberty first manifested itself. The language of Freeman is the only one that has ever been heard upon this spot. It was here that the alarum of war was first sounded in defence ofthe rights of liber- ty and it rang along the coast until it was echoed back from the farthest bounds. Upon the plains of Concord and Lexing- ton, the war commenced, and the patriots who had been fore- most in opposing the usurpations of England beéame the lea-- ders ofthe revolution. They saw when the first blow had been struck, when actual hostilities had embittered and exasperated both parties, that all reasonable hopes of conciliation were at an end, -——- that submission then to the measures of the En- glish government would be an admission of previous rebellion, and that punishment by greater usurpations would be inflict— ed. Theylfelt the necessity of awakening the country to a conviction of this fact, of informing it of the danger that hung over it. They saw that the force of events had carried them to the alternative of undeniable independence or abject sub- mission. At this juncture they felt and acted as freemen, who never had been slaves. There were many, they knew, who would be unprepared for this event, many who were desirous of obtaining a restoration of their rights, but who would not contend for them at the bayonet’s point, so long as any hope of compromise or reconciliation remained; they feared too, new that hostilities had commenced, some would be found to shrink from the dangers and sacrifices, which would be the necessary result of a protracted struggle with the mother country. It was then, that the colonies, in Con- gress assembled, represented by men, whose actions are stamped with thehighest moral sublimity and dignity of which human nature is capable, —-- by men, conscious of the full ex- tent and bearing of the act they were about to perform, after deep and careful deliberations, by a solemn and powerful de- 7 elaration of their rights, threw off their allegiance to Great Britain, and declared themselves free and independent states. The effect of this solemn act was not to confer freedom, but to sever the ties between the colonies and Great Britain ; the states remained as before, free, --- the declarations of their rights, ancl the severance of their relations with the mother country merely established their independence. Our revolution, in this important respect is unlike in its history, that of any other in the world. It was not a convulsive effort of‘ a people laboring under some abject servitude, nor the overthrow of one despot to make room for another. It was a simple act of casting off allegiance to a power, who had abused the author» ity entrusted to it. But as this act was not assented to, and as it was attempted by England, forcibly to maintain the exer-- cise of an abused authority over the colonies, the contest be- gan, the one to maintain and enforce powers which were never conceded, the other, for independence, upon the ground, that the other party to the contest, had forfeited by her arbi-- trary usurpations, all claims to respect or obedience. We do not go back therefore, to trace our rise as a nation, from an age ofbondage. We read in our history only of freedom, and of the struggles of freemen for its preservation. Our independence of all foreign powers, having been de- elared, maintained and finally acknowledged, the states were as to each other, free, independent and sovereign. Confederat- ed as allies, and not consolidated into one government. It was early perceivable that the confederacy of the states, form- ed at the revolution, was insutlicient as a government, and it was manifest that a new and greater concentration of’ power, must be created under some different form. There was but little diflbrence of opinion, as to the necessity of a general government over the states ; the great question which finally divided the people was, as to the extent of the powers neces- sary to be conferred upon it, to make it effectual, to promote the safety and prosperity of the several states. a A convention. of the states wascalled to deliberate uponthe formation of at new government, one was framed by it and submitted to the people for their approval, it was, after long and anxious deli- A beration, adopted by several states,and it is now in successful operation. It was thus, to the astonishment or the political philosophers of all Europe, without dissention or bloodshed, Fl‘ 1. I with ruins of the insurrectienary movements usually attendant upon the change ofp;eve1'nnierits, and without the aid of an armed force ofany kind, the old confederacy was abandoned, and a new gove-rnrnent established, fixing upon a p.,e1'm<'m3I1l3 basis, the riglits of the people and the powers of the rulers. It is difficult to imagine a more sublime or ennohling spec- tacle, than was here presented; a whole people deliberating upon the provisions ofa government they were about to estab- lish; every legislature of every state, before whom it was placed for assent, and ratification, an arena upon which an intelligent people stood to canvass with jealous fears and watchful eyes, the powers they were to confer, and every‘ prese at work to point out the strong and weak points of the Consti- tution," which the people were invited to adopt. The powers of a government are usually developed and established accor—~ (ling to the circumstances which connect themselves with the people over whom they are exercised. Abuses in this man- ner creep into governments, which never can be entirely eradicated without revolution. But in the Constitution prep-— i sented to the American people, there was nothing of this kind, it was not put on and fitted afterwards, but it was made of new and fresh materials, and adapted to the wants and ca- pacities of the people who were to be protected by it. The powers of the government were intended to be plain and simple, and the states conceded only so much as was ne-~ cessary to give to it, the means of protecting the dignity, wel- fare and interests of the people. Notwithstanding, however, this was the apparent aim of the new Constitution, the watch»- ful jealousy of the people was ‘roused, they were not con- tented to take it, merely because they had confidence in the integrlty of those whom they had appointed to prepare it, they wished to examine it, to see whether or not the work was well and faithfully done,-p--- to judge for themselves, whether their rights were fully pr.otected.i Past experience, as delineated upon the pages of history, has shown, that when a people have become exasperated by wrongs and injuries inflicted by despotic or absolute power, and have rebelled against it, they most usually throw themselves upon any support, and adopt any expedient by which they can successfully resist the rig»- gression, and running from one danger, they lose from their prccipitancy all benefit from the movement. But it was not 9 so with the colonies, they threw off‘ the grasp of arbitrary power, without losing for an instant, a cautious regard of dangers which might on any side beset them. They sparing-~ ly committed in the first instance to a confederacy of the states, powers sufficient to make an offensive and defensive alliances in time of war, and when the danger that had united them had passed away, they continued equally cautious as to the extent of their concessions to any government, of the rights possessed by the states independent of each other. This deliberate and solemn method of providing a mode of government for themselves, suited to their exalted sense of man’s rights and duties, and adapted to the wants and ener- gies ofthe people, entirely accorded with the character of the American colonists, which was eminently distinguished for sobriety, intelligence and patriotism. and which so long as it is cherished and iinit.ated by their descendants, will be the sure guaranty of the safety and durability of the govern-- znentfli‘ The same jealousy of the states, as to the powers conferred upon the general government, continues still to animate and excite discussion 5 a constant watchfulness has been ‘kept over “its operations, to see that it only works out the original inten- tion ofits tirarriers. The people are still looking after and considering the afl’airs of the state, as their own, and it is gratifying to the friends of good government that it is so. At times, however, the discussion of the powers of the gene- ral government has been carried on in too high a spirit of ex- citement, bordering upon hostility 3 reason has sometimes been clouded by passion, or blinded by self-—interest, the even course ofjustioe has been threatened with interruption, and the execution of the laws of‘ the union has been in danger of violent resistance. The question has been raised, whether Congress has the right to impose duties for any purpose, but that of raising a. sufficient revenue, or in other words, whether it can lay duties upon foreign imports, the object of which is, not merely that p of raising a revenue, but more especially for the protection of American industry and marinfactures, i T “t Note It. is lU It is impossible upon an occasion like this, to give a histo- ry of the long established policy of the government in this re- spect, ‘and it is needless, for the subject is familiar to all who hear me. It issuflicient now to state, that South Carolina, be-— lieving the tariff of duties laid by Congress to be unjust, une- qual and oppressive upon her citizens, and believing that Con- gress has no power, by the constitution to pass any law for the protection of any branch of American ll.ndu::~;try., has assumed the position, that any law of this nature, is unconstitutional, and that any state has a1'ight to resist its execution within her limits. The questions raised by this bold limitation, attemp- ted to be put upon the powers of the govo1'nrnent, are oflgreat magnitude,-——~of vital importance both to the prosperity of‘ the States and the preservation of the union, atfectirig the industry, capital and population of millions. If the law be unconsti- tutional, it destroys the wealth, paralises the industry and dead---‘ one the enterprise of a vast portion ofour country. But notwith- standing the ruin, the unconstitutionality ofthe tariflilaw would bring upon the country, I believe it would be borne by those. most injuriously affected by such a decision without a murmur, if the question were solemnly decided in the proper tribunal,‘ which the constitution has provided for this purpose, but not otherwise. It is wholly idle to debate whether the Legislative department of the government has a right to pass a law, unless there is some proper tribunal to settle the right, and unless all‘ partiesare willing to submit to its decisions. Our gciveiinment is not supported by physical force : its power depends upon the public opinion, and its duties can only be perfhrrned so long as a proper sense of obedience to the laws remains in the people, whenthat is gone, the action of the government is at an end., Without some tribunal therefore, to decide upon the many con»- flicting interests which arise to make laws unacceptable to por- tions of the people, to whose decision they are willing to bend, there can be no certain control or limitation over any depart-p ment of the government. The inquiry then, whether a state gov? ernment hasthe power to resist or annul the force of any law, of theUnited States within her territories is deeply important " to the stability of the Union, and it should be diligently ex- amined into by every citizen. h At the forniation of’ the federal government, each {iitate trans- fered to it certain rights, powers and privileges. It would it seem absurd in the case of states as well as individuals, to make a surrender of 1'igl1ts, without providing some mode of deter- mining its extent, beyond the party’s own construction of the language used to make it. It’ upon any doubt arising, each or either party were to be the umpire, the surrender might as well not have been made. The general ,r,g;overnn1net asserts a right to pass laws for the encotri'ap;einent of American Manufactures, and a state government denies that it has any power under its, constitution to pass such a law, they are the parties to the case, in which neither the Stateinor the Legislative department of the government, by the plainest rules of common sense can be thejudge. . ‘When however we set about seriously to consider those meas- ures, which shall have the strongest tendency towards the preservation of the Union, we must in some degree leave the question ofrnere abstract right and direct our thoughts to those means only, which can, lawt'ully and prudently, be made availa- ble for the purposes of good government. Individuals as well as states have many rights, which it would be foolish to enforce, for their own sakes as well as for the sake ofothers. Expediency is a better guide than more right, and the combination of both is necessary to make a perfect government. The former teach- es us how far we should go, in exerting our 1‘igl1ts, the latter is but a limitation and boundary of them beyond which we can not pass. Ifa State therefore, feeling aggrieved at any law of the Union shall determine to nullify or resist the execution of it within its limits, what do the lessons ofwisdom and expedi-— ence teach us P Not to resort to force, in the first instance ! for the very idea of force, to be used against a State, implies hostility, and a severance of it froxn the Union. The first drop of blood shed in a conflict between any one State, and the gen- eral government, must place that State in a position, which as was the case with the , Colonies, and the mother country, must forever prevent her coming again into the Union. . Such is the delicate nature ofthe tie that binds us, that ifits threads be once broken, no power, skill or ingenuity can again unite them. Bloodshed and violence be the question of 1*ig.l1t as it- may, are no cementers ofunion, nor, creators of harmony, and for distant, it is to be hoped, is the day when they shall come to deluge and devastate the land. We are to presume that no stateis desirous of destroying or departing from the social com»- lffi pact, until the union has gone very Far by acts of conciliation to preserve it, and by a compromise, at tl1e expense of" some of our interests,’ to restore the harmony so essential to the stability of the government. It is extremely questionable whether force a should be used in any event, to compel a state to obey the laws of the union, it would be better to exclude, if it could be done peaceably, the refractory state from all participation in the union, and to shut it out in all respects from the benefits, since it will not suffer the disadvantage of the connection. Harmony between the states cannot be enfbrced, one might as well endeavor to compel the existence oflove o1't'ricndsl1ip between enemies, by uniting them with chains and shackles. The consequences ofan open conflict between the general and a state government are almost too horrible to reflect upon. In calculating the value of the union, we cannot shut our eyes to the miseries of disunion,——-if'the calculation must be made, let it‘ be done“ with a full comprehension ofthe effects, which would attend its violent destruction. If’ it must fall, let the oceans of" blood that may flow from a single blow, let the distresses ol'war which would probably ensue, let the tics of kindred that must certainly be broken, be taken into the great account, before an arm is raised in such an unholy cause, and a pause at least will take place before any statewill determine, as the result of the computation, to sacrifice its place among the states, so long i and so happily united. Time will be given for a more friendly consideration of each other’s interests and wants, and it will be a delightful task to consolidate the union in a still greater degree, by a few sacrifices of claims and interests, which may be given up without vitally injuring any portion ofthe industry, energy or resources ofthe country. I consider that, within a short time, the government has stood upon the very edge of dissolution,-e~tl‘1at South Carolina, misguided and blinded to her true interests and to the respect due to the general government, fbrgetting that in all doubtful cases, great regard should be paid to the expressed opinions and sentiments of the other states, and acting against its former avowed opinions upon the powers of the national government, contemplated unless it could force a repeal, to resist the execu- tion ofits laws. There seemed" to be wanting on both sides, there and elsewhere, a spirit of conciliation and a desire to avoid" bringing the question to a peaceable determination, a 91 s disposition ofwhich, in the manner it was threatened, would have brolcen up and (lisrnornhered the, union forever. It", instead of eonciliatory measures, the laws of the Union had been enforced by a fleet and an army, it", instead ofendea- voring to settle the dispute on the way, the acts of Clongress lied been supported at the bayonet’s point, the result would have been dieunion, bloodshed and warxli In the bloody scenes which would have ensued, there x“ni,s,=;l1t have arisen leaders, whose march would not have stopped on the smoking ruins of’ a fallen state, a military despotism miglrt have grown up, whose powers would find no limit or constitutional re» strainttl’ An indignant senate would have been easily over- awecl and put clown, and their uselessness proclaimed to a de- ceived people at the head of’ an armed host. Such things have been recorded on the pagers ofliistory, God grant that they may never sully ours. It is in times of internal commotion, that a state is most e11clar1ge1*ed, because at such periods, the laws and the constitution are necessarily entrusted to military force. The civil becomes subservient to a military government, the steady, deliberate movements of the i former are «checked, and its animation being once suspended, it would be ootnparatively easy to prevent its restoration to vigor and aotionjf i i The political excitement, which is, at present, more particu- larly ooc11[)yi11_g the minds of the people, and the stirring times, which are new pressing; on, throw an air of‘ lightness over less recent events, and have, for a time, stillecl the ele- ments of discord at the South. And it is to be hoped, that new interests will spring up to prevent the unnatural division which is threatened. But we must not depend on the cure of one evil by the happening of’ another. The cloud that betok- ens the storm, is still lingering above the horizon, the angry murmurings of‘ its distant thunder is yet booming upon the ear, at intervals, the vivid lightning of discussion flashes out, re- vealing the blackness around and within, the waters are yet troubled, and the oil of conciliation falls but slowly, when it should gush out upon the angry waves and still them to reposefg i The states, having the power to make laws, and being in N 4: Nme 1;. , mate .1). 1: Note E. {s Note F‘. ILL many respects, sovereign within their limits, one of the great- est dangers to the stability of the union lies in the action of the people within a state, supported by its authority, against "-that of the general government. Insurrection and rebellion, unsanctioned by a state, is as much a rebellion against its -laws as against those ofthe general government, and there- fore readily resisted and put down, but in the case, We have been considering, it is otherwise, because the contest takes place between two legally constituted governments, it be- comes a family quarrel, the more bitter from the previous in-~ timate connection, the more unrelenting, because the most unnatural. The blood which falls in such a conflict, would make the union gape with Wounds beyond the power of art or time to heal. The subject, therefore, stands first in impor-— tance, to every one who values aright the“ blessings which ‘flow from our government and laws, to preserve which, should be the highest endeavor of patriotism, the strongest desire of the lovers of freedomflt A remarkable feature of the times, which, it seems proper to notice on this occasion, as intimately connected with our institutions, is the innumerable parties which are constant- ly springing up, and hearing more or less directly, upon the interests of the country. We have parties for every thing ;, whenever any object is to be attained, that calls in the aid or unites the interest of a few individuals, whether it relates to politics or any thing else, a party is organized, to take upon itself the work of accomplishment. Society is thus split into minute divisions, and the combinations of difierent interests are as various, as it is in the power of numbers to make. All these associations, though organized for some purpose, entirely foreign to mere politics, are made to bear upon all elections among the people, and men, marshalled under their respective standards, march to the ballot box, to give their votes for persons professing their peculiar opinions, without regard to any thing else. The candidates for office, ~ therefore, are frequently chosen, less on account of their fit-- . ness for the ofiice, or because of , their politicaltenets, than for their expressed opinions upon some matter, which has no reference whatever to their qualifications for the office itself ; * Note G. 15 the political or personal reputation of’ a candidate is of secon« dary importance, so long as he is pledged to obtrude, when- ever occasion offers, the peculiar dogmas of some associat ion, he more particularly represents. Such parties, are the growth of every day, and they usually die with success. They would be unnoticeable, but for their effect in destroying what should be the aim and end of all parties—---the ‘support of the great interests ofthe nation. In some shape they must exist in all free governments, for whenever men have a right to think, there are always di1‘.ibrenc:es ofopinion, and when those differences arise upon great political questions, they go to create parties. The legitimate purposes of parties are then performed, in presenting to the people in all their various bear- ings, the qixéistions, which they are called upon to decide. Parties in a free government are only da1'1ge.1'ous in their re- sults, when they are formed or continued to support more per- sonal ambition. The theory of our gover'11n‘1ent is to make all public oiliocs, not only unworthy of any but the most disinter—- ested and virtuous, but also to prevent them from being an ob»- jcct ofambition for the pecuniary or personal advantages, that may go with them. They are continually liable to a change o'fpossessoJ's, and the emoluments are so insignificant as barely to indemnify those who are chosen to fill them Personal sac-— rificcs are tobo rnado, and selfinterest to be forgotten, when a. man becomes the servant of’ the people, he is supposed to ac- cept an otlice only 'l.‘rorn a sense of duty, and gladly to retire, when he is no It;>ri,g;r;xes~wtl1e instruments of" a mean and oontemptible ambition. Wlrro, let me ask, have the pueatest interest in the permanence and the we'll"a1'e ofthe country? Tlrose who have the deepeststake 8 18 in its soil, the greatest interest to be protected by wl"10les0ITle laws and equal rights, or those who have nothing to be p1'0tect<-ltd but their persons and the mere right to acquire property ? Wllo are most likely to pervert our institutions---the rich, industrious and enterprising, who have nothing to gain by the change, or the poor or bankrupt in fortune who have nothing to lose E’ How, let me ask, is wealth attained 3’ Is it not the result ofin-- ~ dustry and self-denial 3’ Does it not flow from honesty and vigi-— lance in our respective callings? Are men possessing these qualifications found grinding and oppressing the poor ? Wiience arise before our eyes, the munificent endowments for every charitable purpose P Who are the builders of our granite tern»- ples, where knowledge, art and science find their homes 3” From what cause is itthat education is brought to every man’s door? The wealth flowing in broad and copious streams die- rectly from the hand of industry and wealth, does all this. When the means of the rich are thusliberally useful, shall We accuse them of being a monied aristocracy, and by terms of contumely and reproach, break down the just influence of their voice in the public administration of affairs? F or»- bid it, Justice ! for our own sakes, as intelligent men, let us unite in putting down such base and contemptible prej- judices, the offspring of envy, low cunning and intrigue. Wealth itself, is but the industry of the nation, without it, property has no value, for it can be put to no useful purpose, and the rich therefore are bound by the strongest motives of self-interest, to protect the rights and promote the welfare of the poor. . l The community too have strong claims upon the opulent, they ‘cannot expect on their part to lead lives of luxurious in- dulgence, or costly display ; they have no right to parade the gifts of fortune before the eyes of poverty, or to live, rather to display their acquisitions than to make them useful. This is contrary to the spirit and genius of our institutions. If men choose to set themselves apart from the rest of the world, they cannot depend upon their respect or support. It is not ne- cesary, that they should mingle in every crowd ,or flatter every mob that Wants a leader, but it is their duty, to make their walk of life, a way of unpretending usefulness, a scene of quiet and searching benevolence. The danger is, if any set of men stand apart from the community, from any cause indi- lil eating a want of sympathy with its movements, that they wili become an object of attack and reproach, and society will divide itself, so as to give to the demagogue, the means of raising himselfto power, by inculcating a disregard of those laws, which while they specially protect the rights of property, are really made for the good of all members of society. If property be in the hands of men who do not regard the wants and desires of the community, and who take no interest in the management ofpublic affairs, when the hour of danger comes, their counsels will have but little weight, and their interests will be but slightly regarded. In our government, where the laws are intended to bear equally upon all men, it is for the benefit of all that no line of distinction should be drawn be- tween the difl"erent classes of society, every man should lia- bor to prevent it, by taking a common interest, and doing his part in the government of the country. Every election is im- portant in this point of view, and every voice should be heard upon each opening of the ballot boxes. There isastrong feeling, which is frequently manifested against the most upright and best intentionedlin the commu- nity, because they are unwilling to mingle in the public delib- erations, or to take a part in the political movements of society. They are never seen at an election, they are never heard of in municipal affairs, they are observed intent only upon their pri-— vate business, or in the indulgence of private pleasures. Their absence from the places, where their duty calls them, has a two-- fold e1’i'ect, it excites the displeasure of’ those, who having ac- tually less at a stake, take a pride and interest in our institu- tions, at the same time, it gives an opportunity to men less Worthy, to fill their places, who by increasing the excitement against them, lead those, who do come out, and are active in their duties, as citizens, to act regardless of those interests, which from their not being properly represented, are f'requent-- ly sacrificed. The effect of this is, if not to destroy, at least to impair that high and lofty sense of justice, which an intel- ligent people should possess. Measures from this cause are sanctioned, without a full investigation, by legal enactments, which sweep away and destroy the rights of individuals and associations, for the gratification of the people, who feel no dis- position to protect privileges, which are selfishly enjoyed, or are unduly represented before the public. Those talisman 5220 Words, anonopoly and aristocracy are brought to bear with powerful force in all doubtful cases, and the property of indi- viduals is annihilated, which they supposed to rest securely on the public faith. When we last met together to celebrate this day, prosperi- ty and plenty showered happiness and contentment over the whole country. Every portion ofhuman industry met with a full return. The seas were covered with our profitable ven- tures, the land was abundant in the fruits of the field, the ar- tizan had no unprofitable rest. The increase of wealth, of the spirit of enterprize, of laudable endeavors to aIl'l(:”3llC)- rate the condition of mankind, were every where visible. The scene is now somewhat changed, and the sunsliine ot‘ prosperity, which set smiling so beautifully on the land, has become dimmed by doubts and fears, prostration and distress. At such times, the virtues of men are tried, an union of suffering brings them more closely together, and they should ‘ learn to meet the changes, with a kindly consideration ofeacli other’s wants and sufferings. It is idle to be clamorous, if the fault lie in the measures of our rulers, let it be pointed out, and made known to the people, and they will provide the means of correction.‘ An earnest, but calm consideration of the subject, will bestinsure a proper action from the people, and will prevent any movement on their part, which can give the slightest pretext for an act of violence against their riglits, or for any usurpation of their privileges. It is due to our-— selves, as members of a free government, to be controlled by reason, to examine for ourselves, and to act upon the results of reflection. , We have an almost boundless territory, on which to exer-- cise our industry and enterprize, and a population, which increases soirapidly as to break down all calculation, as to its present numbers or final extent. We are placed upon a new and untried field, and are unfettered by the prejudices or prac-- tices of more ignorant times. Education is as attainable as the air we breathe, and the light of knowledge goes onward withithe woodrnan’s axe, tothe remotest forests of the west. We have nothing to do, but to keep up, and to imitateithe vir-— tues of our fathers, to guard with jealous care, our social and political institutions, to promote the intelligence, and kindle 538! the spirit of‘ benevolence and mutual good»-will among all classes of people, in order to keep on with unchecked step, in our march of triumphant proofs to the despots of the old world, of" man’s capacity for self governrnent and self control. The powers, energies and capacities oi’ the country are rapidly increasing, and we cannot loolt forward with any cer- tainty to the demands, which our sudden and immense growth may make upon us. We cannot foresee all the dangers, which may beset our noble ship of state. ' We are upon a wide and untraclted ocean, and the currents that have driven us to and fro thus far, have borne us onward in safety; such however is the rapidity ofour progress, that we are carried fhrward, continu- ally to meet; new impulses, to stem new and opposite tides; there may be rocks hidden in the ocean pathway, we are rnalcing, and it is necessary to keep ever on the alert. A deep sense of the dangers around us, should quicken our activity to a keen and laborious xvatclpxfulncss of every sigtii in the heavens above and in the waters; below we cannot rest in safety, and the very calm that may be over us, should give warning of acoming storm. Our salvation is to be found only in our fears, a conviction of security begets apathy, and listless iridiflerence; ar'iclpvl1ile every thing wears a bland and smiling aspect, while selfsatisfied, we sit. down in the indulgence et'i"ant;iet'l security, the elements of ruisrule and discortl are gathering their secret forces : in a moment, the political horizon becomes overcast, black and heavy clouds roll up, mass upon mass, and threaten in their ot.it1:':<:>t,tt*ir1g;s to tleluge and wash away the fair creations, which were so lately shining in their beauty and brilliancy. ‘We must be ready at all points, and in all times, so that when an attack shall be made upon our institutions, however insidious or disgtiisctl, it may be perceived, met and defeated. It is idle to imagine that government can be perfect in its operations, we rnigltt as well believe in the perfectability of man, but unless we aim to reach this high point, we shall re-t cede frorn, rather than approach it. It is only by keeping up a lively sense of the importartce of good government to mankind, of good laws, of pure morality and sound religion,---- by constantly recurring to the inestimable value of our free institutions, and gua1'di11g against the dangers that may beset them, or grow out of them, that we shall be suflieiently stirnu- lated to labor earnestly for their preservation, so that as we give devout thanks to our forefathers, for their establishment ofthem, we may receive the same reward from our posterity, for our firmness in their maintenance. Assembled to celebrate this day in a place long consecrated to the holy purposes of divine worship, we should not suffer the occasion to go by, without paying a tribute ofthankfulness for the benefits’iof' the religious freedom we enjoy, nor forget ‘that we owe to themilcl doctrines of the christian religion, our greatest temporal, as well as eternal good. Its progress, has l-"been the advancement of all the social virtues, of‘ all intelli- .-gence, Wisdom and sound morality. It has implanted in man '-a higher sense of the moral dignity and excellence of which he is capable. But let usiremernberthat the universal toleration wupon the subject of religion, may be ‘abused. It may lend its aid to bigotry and intolerance, or it may run rapidly to athe- ism and infidelity. It is our duty to check its evils and =nouris'h its good tendencies, and under the guidance of strict scrutiny, it will go onward, changing for the better, the face ofsociety. It is to the publie what it is to individuals, the guide and regulator of the footsteps of man, and knowing its blessings :.-and advantages, we should endeavour at all times to give it -.-.its due weight. Let us remember, that though we accord ‘universal toleration of religious worship and opinions, we are not bound to submit quietly to the practices, nor give counte- nance to ‘the public professions, of atheism and infidelity. The vinflunence and example of every one who values the effects of ‘the religion of Jesus upon mankind, should Frown upon the -‘blasphemous endeavors of those, who set the revelations from God at defiance, remembering that they who are unwilling to -submit to the laws of divinity, can need but little inducement rt-to disobey and scoff‘ at the institutions of man. Upon this subject, Washington addressed the nation, in that memorable legacy of wisdom he gave to the country on retiring from the cares of 1 public life, “ of all dispositions and habits ” says this great and good man ” which lead to political proserity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. ‘In vain would that man claim the tribute of patri- otism, who. should labor to subvert these great pillars of human ‘happiness, the firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. ‘The mere poli-tican, equally with the pious man, ought to re»- aspect and cherish them,----- a volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of our religious obligations desert the oaths, which are the instruments ofinvestigation in courts of justice P And let us, with caution, indul,o;e the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. ‘Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar struct- ture, reason and experience both fb1'bid us to expect, that na- tional morality can prevail, in exclusion of‘ 7'eligious principle.” Every day that passes by, is diminishing the number ofthe ac- tors in the busy scenes of our revolution. Among those, who have finished their earthly career within the past year, no one stands higher on the list of fame, or is more wortliy ofa pass- ing tribute than Gleneral Lafayette, who, thougli aforeigner, was one of the earliest Friends to our Freedorn and Indepenw dence, who, though he had no interests of his own at stake, perilled life. and ibrtunc for us. Born of noble parents, inheriting a considerable fortune, los- ing at an early period of‘ his age, the counsels and protection of his father, lfiafhyette came into the active scenes of life at an age, when little could be expected from him, but to add to the splendor of‘ a court, or the chivalry of a camp’. He entered the army as was the usual course of the young French nobil- ity, and because it was the profession of his ancestors. At the commencement oi'the American Revolution he was stationed with the French army at Monte, and it was there, that acciden- tally he became acquainted with, and interested in, the contest then goirig on in America. When he found, that a brave peo- ple werc ccintendixig single handed in a struggle with Great Britian, in the maintenance of their rights, and attempting to» keep off the yoke ofbondage, which had been fashioned by the hands of arbitrary power, he determined to ofi"er his services, in aid of their cause. He returned to Paris to gain further in- formation and to consult with his friends upon the stop he was r about to take. He was advised against it, as an imprudent and quixotic measure. Bnt worldly considerations and per- sonal sacrifices did not deter him, and notwithstanding the ad» vice he had received, be resolved to espouse the cause of liberty in America. He offered hisservices to the American agent at Paris, but he could give him no encouragement; promises 24 of rank and pay, it was out of his power to make, and he was even informed, that congress could not give him a passage to its shores. He saw our ernbarrassments and difficulties, and instead of being chilled and disheartened by them, he felt for us a greater sympathy. The idea flashed into his mind, that he had now an opportunity of making the wealth, he fortunately possessed, performits noblest uses 5 he felt that he now knew ‘ the true value of money, in the means it gave him of doing , good by Cl@V0i;l1’lg it to the service of freedom. Upon being told, by the American Agent, that congress could not even give him a passage to America, he instantly replied, I have money--—-I will purchase a ship to convey me and my friends to America, my property as well as my person, I will devote to her cause; I-Ie safely reached American ground, he made himself known, and was kindly received and hospitably enter- tained. i r r i . ‘He had left home, country, wife, children, and friends, he had abandoned every thing, that usually twines around a man’s heart and determines his conduct. He had gone through the dangers of imprisonment at home, of capture up- on the seas, and he had now come to the scene, which should test, whether or not he had been acting thus far, from the mere impulse of boyish enthusiasm and love of glory, or whether his conduct had been the result of an ardent and (lo-~ termined sentiment of regard for the rights of rnanltintl. He had gone oniprosperously in his course thus far, through all the difiiculties which beset his path, before he completed his nineteenth year, a period of life, when men in the usual or- der of thin,gs,i reflect and act but little for themselves. Hastening from South Carolinato Philadelphia, Where con- gress was sitting, he applied to Mr Lovell, the chairman of the committee for foreign affairs, to he admitted into the ser- vice ofthc states,but he was informed by him that so many foreigners had made similar applications, to the interference of the claims of the American oflicers,in the line of promotion, it was, very doubtful, if his would be successful. Nothing; daunted however, he addressed a note to the President of con- gress,“in which he desired to be permitted to serve in the American army upon two conditions, first, that he should re»- ceive no pay, second, that he should act as a volunteer, without any rank whatever. i These terms, so unusual and so disinter- ‘25 ested, avoided all objections, and his offers of services were at once accepted. Suchwas his zeal and patriotic devotion , that with the approbation of the whole army, before he had reached the age of twenty, he was appointed by congress to the rank of Major General. A The gallantry of his exploits, the battles, in which his part was always conspicuous, his generous deeds his numerous acts of kindness and benevolence, are themes for the historian. They are as yet but half told, every coming year, will, now he is no more, add new testimonials of his good and generous spirit,-------- the leaf on which his actions are to be written, isinot yet filled,-—--a gr-ateifiil sense of justice, will add many lines, which every American will read with pride. His integrity no man ever doubted, his mind was never polluted with one sel- lislri ‘lt‘ll<;")1.l,‘,”_.§l”l'i".,--- his hand performed not a single action, that cannot be recorded to his honor. It but a few years since he revisited our land and viewed tlierosults, which he labored so duvotedly to accomplish, wher~— ever he went the plaudits of thousands greeted him, ----the wltole people cameout and his welcome to the land was one univet'sal. shout of joyful thanks and praise, affording a rare instance of national pgratitutle towards a living benefactor. 0t11'obli,g‘a.tior1s to ltrirn could not be repaid, his aid came to us, not merely in the shape ofa young enthusiast in the cause ot‘l.ihorty, we had many such, —--- but in gaiiiing for-us the sympa» thies of a whole na.t:ioili. He gave to our cause abroad a sanc-- tion and character, which spread rapidly and widely, until the worlt of independence was accomplished. As an hereditary noble in a land, where it has been of‘ the highest consideration to be born a ruler, it was an uncommon thing; to find one wil- ling to step down aml minp;le his sympathies with the people. But the riglits ot'u1an harl liieon stiulicrl and sought out by him long; heforo roa-ehin,f_g his nianhoocl, --—-— finding no countenance at honio, and seizeinp; a spot, where the contest was going on, hy which a people emltiizgivonml to place themselves upon the . '0 l'i::>ol:inp,;, he claimed her all rnanliind, lie yielded to us his hear- ty desires for success _; it led him to our sl1o1'es,-:-- it incited him to leave his hoine, the elcgzir'1co of a court, its liuxuries and its l'€3l’l!'l0lI’l0Ili;:’~3, to limiwe the rigors and hardships of a war, where even tho neco.ssari.es ollliilie and the materials or a camp were tVt1t'lll1"i§g. flll’l7y Fancy can picture him now, with eager /l. “U . ‘Qti step and eagle eye, the young, the enthusiastic champion. of the riglits ofmankind, bidding an impatient adieu to the lend of his birth, flinging aside the empty forms and oororrionizils, that are thrown around a court, ancl rushing to our cause, as the cause of‘ long injured and abused man. I can picture the thoughts that rapidly glanced through liis mind, the half‘ doubting, yet joyful emotion that thrilled his bosom, when he at last beheld the land, where the great ostperiment upon the powers oflnnnltimrl for self’ government, were first to he tried on an extensive scale. I eon rise with him to the l'1i,glt1o:st pitch of" exultetion, which animated him, when he saw the great work was accomplislied,---vvl1e.n he hoholtl its ilreo. He lived to a good old age, and amid his disappointments in the land of his birth, at the Want of success which his ardent temperament led him to expect, ever not far tlistnnt, he had the satisfaction to be "assured, that an example of social and political freedom had been set, that its influence was exo- tending, and though it may wade through seas of blood, that the bright day of‘ political regeneration is to come. Happy ! happy ! has been thy lot, for a nation of‘ l'roomeri «loved thee 1 Happy I happy ! hast thou lived and died, For it whole people honouredthee ! And they will honour thee when ages have swept by,---~ so long as virtue and patriotism’: finds it place in the land, they will linlc the food memory of thy norm and virtues, with that of him, whom when living thou honor- edst and lovedst most-—-—-with the name of Wesliiiigton. NOTES~ V lll.7l.*l-.ll.(§l”, <4-.m:_n.t.ml him dic.:t.m.ci)r fur lifn. .l.v§)"c2 uf (Jlw.m7~, by .Pl’I&l{L7‘67l. NOTES» .Note A., page 4. “ ’l'lu.ey luft tlmir mlnlvu luml in esenrcll ol"l'n;-mlmn and found it in :1 de.s:crt; : divided as l.ll!..‘y zm: into 1!. l}1l()l‘lhI-lIlll(.41 l‘urn'l.~a nf'p0li<.-,y mu‘! rcligicln, there is one point on which they all ‘l‘\I‘a!I'(-"(Eu tlmy equally t.”llghtiu,r.: 1"-§il.l(l Otlm “l'm' Italy will) llmmilml or 1;’l1yrrlm::z, mrtillc Cynllwriaxlm mu‘ llislpxzm la with I‘:v‘)-1!‘-lz]’I‘l‘~\‘, nml wvllzmaver pzmy p1'(;:VEl.iIl4, wlu.;etllm~ we coxlqtler or are con- ¢[lu'.lt'(;!Ll, mu“ cmuntry z'ru.1:e::t m1l'I”ur. Umlur 1.1m v'i<:t.r>1"zel_ic»y she blcmllsfi’ «Mall: 1)., page 1.3.. ’l.‘lm Il.mxmz“m, ll1mv’(,:vm', l'>mvlng,; to llils pmvma, mill E.-3lIll.)HliTL1lil’l(S.‘,' to tlmllricllce, ll')ccm1m3 they :l:n.w rm mmar rmspitn l'mm il‘l!“.(,!£~l1.lIl(l vvzms mul lllilllilriclfl, but the t'.uki11gr)fmw man for their .._, Note 14..., page 13. l % 'l‘lu.: _/2/N21,: bill, me: it wars czlllcd, which mvns p;w:.mcll 2:0 as to give ltlw Iwsidcnt ext1‘aur;ll&- .zmr_s«' gmwc:-.115, in mac l:}lm.u.ll Cill'(‘)ll!‘1:'1 allmulri twist the collection oftl1e1'cvc1'me withln her :1} U iiinitti, ou,5z,lit not to llil.W‘: at plzi.i:.n zi. iiioiinmt iUll;.§l‘,.‘l‘ «in Hill‘ .~;l.u,tiit.e: luiok. lit Wltrl (‘!l‘lil0l'.m'i in it IIl0ll”lE’»Ilt of e):oitoi'iioiil., when it ‘as tliouglit 1l(JI..'.(.‘:ia‘:-li.l.l“_V to .~:i.1ppoi't tho ¢;E.*((3(;lll.lV'('.‘. poxvor, against the state, to pi'o.~":cii'vt=: the l’l“lllj(_'?Sl.y ol'tlio l:.iw.~: uftho Union i'i'ivlol;it«:.-.. lflut it waiiz :1. dil.‘IlgGl'OL15l act, 1§tl'ld it gave powers which had been l.mtI.oi' l'(*.tt-l(,,‘l'V(~‘.‘2(,‘i. I'll ziiioioiit liiotoi'_y, tho poi-zillel cases are i:i1.1i“iii'-irouss tL1ld«I.1‘l(3 coiiioicl'o.i‘icc-as with th.i:; :-..'1;op on tho pm-t of tlio i'<>,pi<<.,e.. sontzitivos of the peo1;ilo,zii'o very strilcirig, mid it by no im:::.i.ii:a c.oi't:iin, .ll&.l.tl tho <;onipi'oiiiii:so not hecn iiiziélo, tlio pzi.r:.illol would not have t-32‘El3(Bl‘l(§1(.3(.1 to tlio :rllll)V(ll'i‘ll(i)l‘l oftlic.-. l'(‘)pl.1‘llli(_‘.. It may be Sllid that we are too ID.l.l(5l”l in zidvziiico of tho zimiioiu; l'(:[llli.)ii.(.'.tr3, iii VVi.*.l(,1(.)llll1.l’lli llltlizl-~ ligence, to gain any bexiotit 1110111 their oxp<.i1'.io11(:o, hut tlio ll.llS‘.»\'(?l' is, Illill'lll).ll i'i:it1.u'o will always be the sauna, z'ind it is only iiecossziiry to turn to tho i'¢.im:inl.~i oftlio past, to see how little, men hzivo :irlv:‘im.'.o<'l in thzit ]{ll(')\V10(.'lg('t, Vvllitzh is loo:-;t uxurc..i:~.io‘l(,i?:-‘iii! ii :-ilzivo popnlzitlion, mic! tlioir prospoi'ity ('lop<;=,iicl.~'; ll1")l')l‘l tho prorluotsi o1‘tlie:ii':»4c:iil. 1’(").'§l¥l(lH:i3li'lg slaves, they coiisiclor fJ.'(3etl.0l“l'1 zis .'iiiigliei- }Tl'l'lVli(lg(}ll',ll£l1'l (;l'V(_:,l'l we (lo, who ilftvtl no tlii*iilVe1'c2<1 for tluair conduct, nor have we the right to dic- ztto to them corxczrmaing $11‘!/"Vi‘1V' institutimxs, but we should endeavor tojoin with them in an :m1i¢::1‘lrI<: imt1ui1'y,z1.e;t(';t:he¢::u.:sest—hox ex- h=e1ui:<; hyt.l'wi1'uI;t.cend:1rzcu Ixpon tlmezrlcecxtioxm, very mur:1'1 lmyond their Votes. It makes a;r.l‘u::r:~' «2>m.i1x‘:z1t¢-2 1:nm'uIxig,gl1Iy 1:hc.2c.»Ic¢:tivc 1'1'z11wi1is¢;;e, mufl in ]”)1'(‘)})0X'f,i()11 to this emxnsatirm, tzlm Vi1npn1't.:1mt¢.r Hmr. will be :.1zt.:urJ:1m7l to c3:1r:.h V'c:t(:.r, zmd the 1'uf1e<:t:icm zmtl c:mt§ma x:~~.'1;,»:~2=: Z1! prm;-,«::,~«l<: im lmiu;;' ;,viv(::11. It is c-.v'icTI<;:nt mm‘.11‘c=vc1'y11i1:L11, 11:1vim.gt.1xe 1'%i,«,%;'1:t:, huci fisr <.*:1;:e !.wm1r.yyc.:i,r.~:, c;ex;r1'¢-+&:ma4Al by his v<;'>t;¢.', ]1i.~zr:)pi11i«.'z11.e; upon the c:.z1'1c1i(1:1t.¢'es fur eh':<.~t:i<:z:r1, Mu.-:.=.'<:.:~ would huxmwlimot:z.L1Vx:»s<;~.t1.ux'cmnplzmiut, I.)(:(::I,l1E:1(:e, \vh<.=mcw:1,' a cm'rem,i1'1g hzmcl 1‘u:.:.~: ¥:<;'e:-131 314i.v(:<::