K ‘ ‘ (aim .4 ».,m.~§w “ Phonogrnphically Reported by S. W. BURNHAM, ' BARTLETT. and A. L. CITY CELEBRATION 'l‘HE ANNIVE]E{f$ARY OF TI.-1133 NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, A1‘ L.A.FA7i’ETTE SQU¢lRE, “ 'I~{Fe~3\7=v C:>:r;-lc::.:~:L:1;:1_:;:s, L:£z.., .]l..?LY -uh, 1.m‘;;—;. 4-»:-.—u.....‘.‘._........4..»...«._._g Q, .....»—...--—..q.o-..~o......._......... NEW ORLEANS: PRI>I’l‘.ED M 'ri~uc 3211:.-x ;<_='r1a:.-mt 1ao<:»Ic. ANI) JOB getln1e1‘ to day. While our brethren all over the North, in aerorclanee with the honored customs of their fathers, are eelaebrating this clay, so mexnorable in our annals, we, the citizens of New Ol‘l88.llt5, at this extreme end of our extenclecl country, are e11g;a.gecl in the same noble work. We who have felt and still feel the effects of tliis war, who have suffered and made sacrifices in the cause of our helovepla11sc] have covered his brow with imclying lau- rcls. [applatisel I have the honor of introducing to you Major General Daniel E. riiclcles. [Long and G11llll.1:’-3,laSl.l(."i applause and Waving of flags, hats, ctc.j /” , 15 ADDRESS BY MAJ. G-EN. SICKLES- Govnsuoa, 0I'l‘IZENS,.SOLD1ERS AND FRIENDS: g This celebration of the anniversary of our independence has a significance to me which every other occasion of the kind has lacked. Until this rebellion, the issue of the great struggle of the revolution had in all truth and soberness been an experiment. VVe had hoped and trusted our success was sure; but we had not before under- gone the supreme test of national vitality and endurance. g The Be- public had already proved itself capable of repelling foreign inva- sion and Vindicating the national honor from assaults Without ; but ithad yet to establish for itself in the judgment of mankind the proof thatit was capable of protecting itself from assault Within. from a revolt more formidable than any nation, or people or system of government, had ever yet encountered. This scene which I Wit.- ness to-day ; this presence in which I stand, is itself the vindication that the friends of freedom and humanity looked for, and it tells me ofa restored Union, of a regenerated State, of a vindicated flag. In what presence do I stand? The Governor of Louisiana is here. [Applause] The rightful Governor, the elect of the people, and himself a man of the people The Commanding General of the Union army in this Department is here. [Great applause.] The soldier, the orator and the statesman. He whose rule typifies the vigor, the justice, the magnanimity and the beneficence of his Gov- ernment. The laboring 1nen,—--they for whoin this great battle is fought are here. The soldiers of the nation, the hope of the ‘Re- public are here. [Applause] Why are all these soldiers on this soil ? Are they here as im>*aders? No. For one I would not come here for such a purpose, and I know my connrades would not. We are here to restore order and re-establish tranquillity ; to assist the loyal men of Louisiana to put down insurrection, to restore to you and yours the proud heritage of Republican liberty that de- scended to you from yourfifathers. [Cheers] I Is this subjugation ‘? N o, no. Has any coercion brought around us today these thou~ I7 sands of loyal hearts‘? N o 3 you are here as Ioyaimen, . Youare hereto attest and reaffirin your’ afiection for our dear old flag, [ohee1~s.] Where do Ipsee the proofs olfFedera1authorilty DoI see them in acts ofviolence against, unarrnped men? . Do I see them in the torture of the stake and the halter for those who cliffer in sentiment and conviction from loyal men? p N o. I see the author- ity of 1n_v Grovernrnent in the efibrt made to restore prosperity, and thrift, and order, and hapipiness throughout your borders. [Ap- plause] I see the authority of my country blended with magna- nimity in the forgiveness which it extends p even to those guilty of the foul crime of rebellion aygainst our libelrty. I see it in the schools re-establislied and inan,g'u1'atecl th1'oug11o11t this metropolis of the South. I see it in freedom extended to those who have shown their Willingxiess to take up arms and give their lives to the ' cause which We light for. [Applause.] I see with pleasure and pride that wevare honored today also with the presence of many of the xnernbers of yourConventionvvhich sits in yonder hall. That Convention has met to revise and modify the fundamental law of your Oominontvealtli. Its labors have attracted no little attention not only here, butelsewhere. How will that Constitution, so far as We can now judge of its features, differ’ fronil the old one ? It will differ in just thatessential feature which distinguishes a republican g'oive1*nment, pure and simple, from a g;overnn1ent that in soifar as it decrees the servitude of man, is not republican. [Appla.use.] My friends, it has no doubt seerned to you, as to myself, so1:ne-- , what st1'ang;e—~at all events asdese1~ving' of a passing thought, that we should be here today ccleb1*atipn,g? the triumph of one rebellion, while we are Wading througli seas of blood to put down another rebellion. It is true that those in arms against nsclaiin that the rebellion of 1776 is both a p1'ecled'e11t and a justification ; Inany, living Within the Unionlines advocate peace and thelrecognition of I the Confederacy under the saline delusion ;and thousands in Eu» rope arraign us for inconsistency because we filg'l1tiratl1er than yield I to the demands of those who say they have followed only in the 3 18 footsteps of the fathers of the revolution. If this assertion be true, then indeed We have been Wrong in this War; then indeed Wemust submit to the rebuke which at home and abroad comes to us so often and which on a very recent occasion received the eminent sanction of Lord John Russell, British minister for foreigii affairs. In a speech recently delivered in the House of Lords, which will a.t- tract a great deal of attention in this country as well as his own, his lordship laments “ that thousands are being slaughtered for the purpose of preventing the Southern statesmen acting on those very principles of independence which in 1776 were asserted by the Whole of America against this country.” I feel that it behooves me, as a citizen and a soldier, to enter my protest against thisdoc- trine, let it come from whatever Cpsxarter it may. [Applause] It is indeed startling to hear a man like Lord Russelhhimself, in his writings, in his political labors, in his historical disquisitions and in his illustrious family, a representative of free principles and a most accomplished philosphical historian and statesman---—-it is startling to read declarations of so eminent an authority in affirma- tion of so lamentable and absolute an error. You were told a few minutes ago with great aptness and feli- city by the gentleman who read to you the Declaration of Indepen- dence, that the Southern Confederacy, when it announced itself to the world, was silent upon the causes which impelled them to a separation; theywere dumb as to the grievances which they had endured from the Grovernment they had repudiated. N o, my friends, the Government established by Wasliiiigtoii, Hamilton and J eflerson, was a government which had freedom, en- franchisement and liberty for its foundations, [applause] and in which oppression, servitude and slavery were unavoidable and un- fortunate incidents and accidents. The government established by J etferson Davis and Slidell, is a governinent-——if it shall ever at- tain actual existence and recognition——-in which liberty will be an accident and incident, and slavery the foundation and the sub- stance. [Great applause.] , ' , Never shalllit be said by any man that there is the least anal- 19 , ogybetween the cause in which Washington drew his consecrated sword, and the conspiracy in which the traitor Floyd drew his in- famous weapon. No! When a flaw in the diamond shall give value to the jewel—-when poison, instead of being a subtle destroyer, shall become a conservator and promoter oflife and health~———when the spots on the sun and not the sun itself shall give light and heat and culture to the earth---then it may be said with truth, and not until then, that the cause enshrined forever on the Fourth of July, 1776, is identical with that for which the rebellion is new in arms. [Applause .] A A It is said by the enemies of free government that this rebellion , has impeached the capacity of men for self-government ; that it has impeached our Constitution, in showing its lack of vigor for the preservation of order and national unity ; that in our career as in the history of Greece, Rome, and the Republics of the Middle ages, the Republican theory of government has signally failed ; and that it is only what is called the strong arm of monarchy or despotism that can give perpetuity to a nation. Ladies and gentlemen, this is an occasion when it is proper to protest also against that delusion. I would afiirrn, with the hearti- est confidence, that revolution and rebellion are not peculiar to re- publics. We have only to look at China today, the oldest of the nations of the earth, to hehold there a rebellion of years in dura« tion, to see that convulsions are not peculiar to young nations. We have only to recur to the struggle of Poland and Hungary to under- stand that rehellions are not easily put down by the most despotic and austere of governments ; and we find in the history of England, our peculiar monitor and instructor in these days, as to our duties with regard to our rebellion----we have, I say, only to look at Eng- lish history to see that there is scarcely any portion of her vast do- main, that has not, at one period or another, set at naught and defied her authority and drawn the sword for independence. Scotland, Ireland, and India, to say nothing of our own thirteen colonies, should recall to '.Britislc1 recollection her own "vulnerability. It might with much more truth be afi"1r1ned that this ‘rebellion is*no- 20 , thing more or less than a continuation of that old struggle, World- ‘ power, between the oppressor and the oppressed, between the desire of man for free gjoirernnient and ynntrairnmeled rights, and the e wideand as ancient asjlthe race” and history, between privilegze and of the aristocratic few for peculiar priVil.eges and powers. There is but one aristocratic feature left in our Constitution and system of governinent framed by the fatliers whose WOi‘l{ we are celebrat- ing; today. That aristocratic feature I may state in a few words. In the several States where slavery existed, men were represented in in Congress Who did n"otlvlote-A-—\lvl1ose votes were cast by others—— by those Who owned them. The labor which was relied upon for the cultivation of the soil, was! not admitted to the elective franchise, was not entitled to education, was denied the free offiees of religion. That was the aristocratic element in the framework of our Govermnent. It is that aristocratic element which is now , st1‘i1gglin,e; for domination and supremacy. [Applan‘se.] If it is snecessfnl,t then it will extend itself t.hroug'hont the length and breadth of this continent, and stamp every where the acts, the policy, the administration and the C-lrovernnient of this country. Labor no longer will be its own master. Labor will be no long'e1' enti- tled to choose its ownrepresenta.tires. Limited suffrage, restricted education and all the ideas l,tlirect.ly a11t8g0Dl,Sl3lC€1l/[O American ideas, will become the ordinary and accepted principles, dominating in our society and controlling;. this continent. It is here then, my friends, that you see and appreciate what involved in this war. One of these two forces must establish its superiority, It is for you, for the men of your day and generation to decide and settle this question, so full of import and hope on the one hand, so dark and drear for these who believe in the‘righteons- ness of free institutions on the other. My friends : United, We are like the mountains, im~'nlne1-able, iinmortal. [applause,] but divided, We are like the sands of the sea, leaxriiig no” trace or track behind them. A man, or masses of men, havebnt little significance in tlieigreat march of civilization. As they are merged in lnationality, itiis as nations that they fulfill the 21 great decrees of Providence in the attainment of human progress. it isas a nation then that we must survive with honor in history, or go’ do,,Wn to the future in contempt; As Americans, our pride, our hopeis in our nationality; we l1g){(_3.I1O future unless we unite and perpetuate our C0l1,l7li.Ii‘y,h and with that united, we have a des— tiny, brighter, grreater, than ever beckoned on a pe le in the st1'ug_qle for ininnortality. We are fighting‘ today for i * s noble, as pure, asinspired, as heaver.—blessed as any ever submitted to the arbitrarnent of battle. In this sacred, hour—,—~—sacred to the recollec- tions, the ist1'ug