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% ,V'W;t'rHV TI7IE'CHIEF RESOLUTIONS V on THE 6  I#"1‘S‘CONSTIf1.‘U-.
%IN_;A;N1}%;LIs‘1f%%o~F ?0FF.IcERs%,%A:Np,,1n*sVi2Ro'rEsT‘ AGAINSIA  jw   A
*    ‘%1*ma*sHtm‘TmGoFTHE1:~I<r1mNA'1+:oN;.»;L         

  
  

    
   

 
     

     

A ASS: 

HEDMTHENATIONALLxmmn

 

       

I or THE NATIONAL LIBERAL LEAGUE, ELECTED AT PHILAEELPHTA, L. A
I A ‘ I JULY 1, 1876. A I I I

 

  A A A  PRESIDEN'I'.. . A . A I A I A .  . g
FRANCIS E. ABBOT,A....A.A.....A ....  ..... ........ABo.s:oa,AMaas.~  AA
A A A A VICE-PRESIDENTS. A I A

Hon.  P. HURLBUT, Albany, N. "ya; HON. SAMUELE. SEWALL, 
Boston, Mass.; HON. NATHANIEL HOLMES, St. Louis, Mo.; HoN.,A
HENRY BOOTH, Chicago, 111.; HON. GEORGE W. JULIAN, Irvin,<3;- 

ton, Ina; HON. AELIZUR WRIGHT, Boston, Mass.; Mn.o. HAAPROTH,-» 

A IN‘c;HAM,AANow York; .MR.AW-M.A]. POTTER, NeWBed£ord-, IvIass.; Mn.

IR. P.AHALLoWELL, Boston, MaSs.; MR. JAMES PARTON, NeWbury— I 

1)0rt,_MaSS.;‘MR. F. SCI-IUENEMAIEW,-POTT, San Francisco, Cal. ;, I-ION.
ABRAHAM PAYNE, Providence, R. L; REV. M. «J. SAVAAGE, Boston,

MaSS.; -RABBI B. FELSENTHAL, Chicago, 111.; ,.REV.W. I-I. SPENCER, I AA  A?
A Sparta, WiS.; MR. SAMUEL L. HILL, Florence, IMa.SS..; MR. JAMES ‘

v LICK, San Francisco, CaI.;t MAR. E. W. IMEDDAUGH, Detroit, Mich.; A 

HON. ROBERT DALEAOWEN, New I-Iarmony, Ind.; MR. ‘KARI,

I I-IAEINZEN, Editor of Der Pz'o7Azz'er, Boston; Ma. HORACE SEAVER,

Editor of the frzvasiégator, Boston; RABBI ISAAC M. WISE, Editor of

 

the Anzerictzzz f.mzeZz'te, Cincinnati; IVIR. D." M. BENNETT; Editor of I.-the  I I

Trudi‘/'2 See/EeAr,tNeW York ;3 MR. AM ORITZ IELLIN GER, Editor of the 7672112’:/L A

I Tz'me.s', N€‘.WY01'I{; MR. B. F. UN DERVVOODM, Thorndike, 1VIa.SS.; AR¢'V. I

ROBERT COLLYER, Chicago, 111. A

    A.J. WILCOX, , . I

A SECRETARY. I I I I

R. H. RANNEY, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I Tremozzt Place, Bo.s'z‘0Iz, ./Wars.
A A ASSISTANT SECRETARY. A I

I  MISSIANE P. TITCOMBQ  I A A A . ? I42 C/7za7d'zczVe;rSt.,J3’o.<'.*a7z..

A TREASUREAR.

BOARDOP mnncmons. . I

E.~AABBOT,OI  IR.IH.RANNEY,‘. A I J. A. A]. WILcO:>I.. I

D. Y. KILIGORE, I A A RAH. S.VVILLIAI\/IS. WA A AA ,
‘ sEXECUTIVE...C,OMMITf1‘EE., "A  

. AD.  IKILGORE, C/raznaaa, Pennsylvania ; * S. I. MATHEWS, Arkan~

AI sa.S;  AL. HATCH, California; E. B.-IIAZZEN, ConnecAti.cut;f S.jS. WALL-A-I  

A  LIHANA,AAco1Aorac1o; I-IARWOOD G. DAv,A,Iowa-,4 HERMANN LIEHER,

 
 
  
 
  
  

Indiana; ROBERT JQAINGERSOLL, Illinois; , J. E. WALLACE, Louisin
~ Aa.;.MONROEI A. BLANCHARD, MIa.iI1e;A A. WARRENL3AI{EL5E,Y,A

.   , ~.iSsouriA; FRANK5 J- MEAD, ‘M'inneSOta.A; IVVILLIAIMI LITTLE, NeAwA A 

“  pshirej; LORENZAOV,VV.ABILLIINGSL'EY,INebraSka.; GEORGLEAWIAAL-AII‘IA I 
 THQRNE, NorthCarO1in3~3 AGEOARC-E LEWIS, Rhodelsland;  . ,
A RASOAN, Texas ;, ‘AISAMLUELI-WATSLON, Tennessee;  AABAR-jAClA

   
 
 
 
 

Wisc0Psin~I.     . .   ..  .
 A    I  EINANOAE COMMITTEE. A , I '

8 Pem&e7”z‘rm, S gzaare, .Ba.s'toI42z._.A A . A _.

S“; WILLIAMS, CIm'3ram,a4 Temoxo Place, Boston. 9 a .A    . 

 
 

,.
In

V     PATRIOTIC ADDRESS
p  A h I I  on THE to it :
      NATIONAL LIBERAL LEAGUE
I L, s _A  To THE ,  H l I
   I>EoI>LEroE THE ‘UNITED STATES.
T in T H Adopted on the Fourth of J uly, 1876. T

 

j I  I I PHILADELPHIA, July 4, 1876..

iFELLoW—CITIz,ENs :-—-—- T p T I , I I I ,
Assembled in convention inthis historic city and onthis historic day, we, I

 the members. of the National Liberal League, offer you our “sympathetic

T I congratulations on the completion of the first hundred years of the existence
of our common country as one of the great nationsof the earth. With you,

, we rememberin profound gratitude the toils, sacrifices, and achievements of

1 our forefathers; with you,‘ we pay a tribute of deep veneration to the patri»

A otism, vthe self-abnegati~on, the valor, the statesmanship, the ‘wisdom, the I

I resplendent virtues and thewonder£u1abiliti_es which were the trueIfountain-

T head of our national betingf with you, We exultingly commemorate the speak-
ing of that bold word which a century ago launched into human history the
first great political proclamation of the natural rights of man, and electrified
theworld withthat sublime”Declar__ation of Independence which, has made

I‘ the Fourth of July one of the deathless festivals of mankind- we share in p

T the universal outburst of joy," and pride which has hailed with the shouts j of 

' forty rejoicing'millions~the rising of this day’s sun.  p ' pi ,  I 1 5  h
, In full sympathy, therefore, with the spirit of this lgrandtoccasion and the T
spirit of those Whose noble passion for liberty made it grand, we respectfully _
address youon a theme closely connected with their” herpic, and immortal. ;
labors. The doininantpurpose of their hearts and_the proud .achiev‘ement ‘

, of their hands were the foundation of a free coinmonfwealth on the s~eZ_/‘1wz'a7.{37zz‘

it ~ Wegzm;lz'2j/lqfi all mm with respect in their 1za2fzzraZ“rz;.g'ln‘s. The Constitution, ,

A MEEWIN-0.7 2—.F;12 5

which withconsummate sagacity they framedfor the execution of this purpose
rests on no: other basis; it was ordainedand~ established in the name of "‘- the I 

T people ofthe United‘ States,” and inno other name; it speaks bythetcol--_ 
elective authorityofl all the individuals who compose “tlie people” ;”it rec=og-,- h T
nizes the will ofA“thej_ pelople,” carryin h

 

gt into effect the ‘dictates of their   
V p natural ‘reason and natural conscience, as the ultimate source and origin, of
 all political power. No one man, "no"one class of men, can show any Anaturall  
i right to rule the rest, except the right which is A 7¢zz:glz:,- and that 'right}7is[j  P
V Atyranny, usurpation, immorality, wrong. From this absoluteabsence  A 
 naturallright to rule mankind, whether as lodged in one or Ainfa A£ew,g1:estt1tsA 
T the »:eZf—e“z/z'a’zmt eqzmlzijr of all. men in the» right tof“‘life, ,1iberty,g.; 
pursuit of happiness.’’, That magnificent and Iinspiring~principle;is”   ” it 
AA Apo,tA_tl1”e IDe‘claration of IndependeAnce,Aand' the Clonstitution tojwlui T   T
. mately led: it was the soul of the Revolutionary,‘War,lhas been ‘ 1
«all our subsequent history, "and williihe‘5thfi ,~so5 1 of all our futuh‘ J
Strike o~u,t’of thecfunpdamental law of the llétndh this recognitio
, ~'uz';Zzaa,ZAArz:gZzts,iAtand, before another hundred, years. s,h‘a11,ha
A lprofudt Ifabric of the , republic wills have crumbled into , iimpalhpj

K

  

     
  
 
 
  
    

It

_.
1-A~ A,,
,_

Now a free Commonwealth thus conceived and established, a national I ,
[Constitution thus framed and ordained, presupposethe separation of Church
and State; -they can exist only by virtue of this principle; they must perish j
if ever this principle should be abandoned‘. As an abstraction,it has become
a stereotyped phrase of American politics,,a mere truism which nobodyidis- H i

putes, a mere tradition which it is the fashion to pass from month to mouth

and not examine too closely in its bearings on existing usages or institutions. , ~ l

Wliat does it mean? Thatthe naturallintelligence and moral sense of ‘man.

kind, no matter what may be their views on the subject of religion, are ade- l

quate to all the proper purposes, functions, and powers of civil government;

‘that it is never necessary to stepvoutside of the circle of natural human i

faculties “ in order. to form a more erfect union establish 'ustice insure i l
2 J a

domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of“ liberty to ourselves and our posterity,”

These are the objects, and the onlyones, which the Constitution was framed
and ‘ordained to secure; and the principle of the separation of Church and C
1 State means that they can be secured by the faculties which inhere in simple

l humanity, as such, --—nay, more, that they will be defeated by permitting the _ y a

Church to interfere. with the workings of a civil government based on faith

, in the szgfifciavzgz of these universal and natural liurnan faculties to protect all

the interests of society. Such a government as this is a purely secular one;

that is, it confines itself strictly to the secular objects above enumerated, and

rernands the whole subject of religion to thepeople in their individual
capacity. It can establish no national Church and have no national religion;
it favors none,’ it persecutes none, it recognizes none; it deals only

with the political interests of the people, and has nothing todowith their

a religious interests further than to mainytain their religious liberties and protect
‘_ their equal. religious rights. , That is what the principle of total separation

of? Church and State means; and that is the general theory taken for granted

it ineveryline of our national Constitution. Without it, there could be-no

i 7“ government of the people, by the people, for the people”; without it the l
, liberties of the individual, the natural rightsof man, would vanish altogethen

So long as the State exists by the solewill of the people, he petopleis liber‘-l
i I ties: are self-pro.tected_ and therefore safe; butlso soon as it becomes in any
 degree, directly or indirectly, dependent on the Church, the peop1e’s_l.iberties

l i in that same degree must depend -on the will of those who govern the ;Church. >

r  sWhat_ifate“ in that. case awaits , the »p;eople’s liberties, history with te«r1;il;f;lei‘
plainness tells. ] * l l i i S S i ~   

[It is leniinently fitting, therefore, on ,this,_ great day of the nation’s. Centen-C

‘nial year,to recur to the fundamentalprinciple of the Constitution, andto 

s address to you our plea for a_ higher fidelityto it; The. duties it imposes on
the people with respect to. the better protection of equal rights in religion

1 are too little heeded or understood ;. andthe public dangers which fiowlfrom ‘  l

 this neglect areso grave, yet so insidious and unperceived, that no excuse is

i gt needed for this appeal. , Not in the spirit of partisans, seeking some“seliish i .
_ advantage‘ over their fellow-citizens, but rather in the spirit of patriots,~con- _ 
'  'cern’ed for the common Wrelfareof their countrymen and the universal interests 

 of mankind, ‘i dowe now, weighing well our words,“ deliberately and solemnly
i affirm these propositions to. be vital and momentous truths :e-—- i it  p t
l 1; The Constitution of the United States is built on the principle that the

jstatevcan be, and ought tobe, totally independent of the Church: in other -

words,that the natural reason and conscience of inankindare a sufficient

or , uarantee of a happy, wel1_ordere‘cl, and virtuous civil community, and that

1, l i reeflpopulargovernmentmust prove a failure, if the Church is suffered to ,
scozptrollegislation-l   « l  *  l    ‘  

‘I

i totally.

5 ,

T   The religious rights and liberties of all citizens without exception, under
the Constitution, are absolutely equal. v T

3.,These equal religious rights and. liberties include the rightof every‘

citizento enjoy, on the one hand, the un1'estricted exercise of his own relig-

ious opinions, so long as they lead him to no infringement of the equal rights T
of others; and not to be compelled, on the other hand, by taxation -or other-
, wise, to support any religious opinions which are not his own. i

4, These equal reliorious rights and liberties do not depend in the slightest

clegi-ee upon conformity to the opinions of the 1najor_ity,,but are possessed to 
i tlieir fullest extent by those who differ from the majority fundamentally and

5. TChi-istians possess under the Constitution no religious rights or liberties

Wl1l,Cl‘1 are not equally shared by Jews, Buddliists, Confucians, Spiritualists,
materialists, rationalists, freethinkers, sceptics, infldels, atheists, pantheists,

’ and all other classes ofcitizens who clisbelieve in the Christian religion. ~T

6. Public or national morality requires all laws and acts of the government

t_oTbeinTstrict accordance with this absolute equality of all citizens with

respect to religious rights and liberties. i t T
7.. Any infringement by the government of this absolute equality of religious

l rights and liberties is an act of natio.n-al immorality, a national crime committed
against that natural “justice,” which,“as the Constitution declares, the gov-
T ernment was founded to “ establishfi’ To T T T

,8. Those who labor to make the lawsprotect more faithfully the equal re-

ligious rights and liberties of all the citizens are not the “enemies of moral- i

; ity,” but moral reformers in the true sense of the word, and act in the evident W ‘

interest of public righteousness and peace.

9. Those who labor to gain or to retain for one class of relig.iouTs believers
any legal privilege, advantage,T.or immunity, which 1S not equally enjoyed by

T the community at large, are really “enemies of morality,” unite Church and

t is magnified tenfold, W

State in proportion to their success, and, no matter how ignorantly or}inno-

centl ,are doijngtlieirqeutmorstt to destroy the Constitution and undermine

this ree , government. ‘ T

‘IO. impartial protection of all citizens in their equal‘ religious rights and

l libertTies,T by encouraging -the free movement of mind, promotes the establish-Q 

rnent*of the truth respecting religion; while violation of these erig.Tl1ts,by

checking the free movement (of mind, postpones the triumph of truth over]

error, and of right over wrong.

II. N 0 religion can be true whose continued existence depends on contin-if
 ued “State-aid. If the Church has the truth, it does "not need the unjust
T , favoritism of the State; if ithas not the truth, the iniquity of such favoritism

I2. oTreIligion can be favorable to morality Whoseicontinuiedtexistence T

if , depends on continued injustice. If the Church Tteachesgoocl nioifals, of  T
 which justice is a fundamental law, it will gainin public respect by practising i i
ferincr toTforego its unjust legal

themorals it teaches, and voluntarily o

l T advantages ;- if itdoes not teach gooclmorals; t ten the claim to theserunjust
advantages onthe score of its good moral influence becomes as wicked as it“

T  TTI3. _Whether true or false, whether a fountain of good moral influences or

V of bad, no particular relicrion and no particular church has the le%sTtT claim in”:

 ‘rjusticeupon the State? or any favor, any privilege, any immunity. f’I‘he it
e Constitutionisi no respecter of persons and not respecter of cliurches; its

sole ;o,fficeT is to establishcivil society Tontjthe“ principles of right reason and

Timpartial justice ; and any State aid riendered to the Church, beinga coimpuljel

sion. of the whole fpTeo.p,‘_le to supportthe Cl1urc_h,”wrongs every,citi—zen who V

protests against such ‘compulsion, violates qimpartial :ju__s1:Tice, sets . at naught Ti '_ T 

6  

,‘l , ,\ -

the first principles of morality, and subverts the T Constitution by undermining '_ i "

u

the fundamental idea on which it is built. . _
if these propositions are ‘true (and who can show that they are not true,
or not in strict confiorinity with thetenor and spirit of the Constitution?) we

respectfully submit to you that they merit the attentionof everyenlightened *

and patriotic statesman, and of every just and large—minded citizen. They

show that, as a nation, we are not to-day living in harmony with our own ; it

great national idea,-—thata new “irrepressible conflict,” unsuspected by the i , up
vast majority, is certain to involve us once more in civil convulsion, unless - l
its causes are removed. Either our Constitution must be changedto suit .

our practices, or our practices must be changed to suit our Constitution.
The principle of secular “government of the people, by the people, for the

people,” must be eventually abandoned, or eventually obeyed more faithfully.

The issue touches the ve existence of our political system, which cannot

S , longsurvive in open viola ion of the very ideas which gave it birth. By

exempting church property from taxation; by supporting chaplains out of the
public treasury; by appropriating public funds for sectarian institutions; by

'  permitting Bible-reading and other religious services in the public schools,

and thus perverting the public school system, for which all alike are taxed,
into an instrument of religious propagandisrii by only a part of the people ;
by appointing religious fasts and festivals in the name of the government;

P by using "the judicial oath_ins.tead of simple afiirination; by enforcingon the -

entire public the observance of Sunday as the Sabbath, and by various other

practices too pnunierous to mention, — we unite Church and State, and fail ‘
P to carry out the essential principle of the Constitution. ‘ The Church is thus

perinittedto seize the whole power of the State, and compel large classes of
citizens to contribute involuntarily to the support of religious opinions which

are not their own. That is the result of all State favoritism. to any particular T
religioii; and it cannot be reconciled with the fashionable professions of,
regard for religious liberty. l

P All these real but unacl:nowledged- connections of Church and State con-e
stitute at the same time private wrongs, public iinmoralities, P and. public
dangers. They are private wrongs, felt to be such. by rapidlydncreasing
multitudes of citizens, because they compel men to paypublic hoinageto . a
faith which is not their own, and thus wound tliern deeply in their conscience

l and ‘their self-respect. They a.re**p‘ublici i1fn1T101,‘2Lll‘tieS, because they violate

the great laws of justice, freedom, and equal rights, wliichiareithe veryjsoul

of ‘political ethics. . Theyare public dangers, because they sanction sectarian i

usurpationsi, inflaineplsectarian ambitions, and powerfiilly temp-t to new s”,e cta-.i A

riaii, encroachnients- ; because they create and accumulating mass of precedents

. for trampling! under foot. the broad principle of the total separation of Church
. andstate on which our whole government is founded; because they habitu-
ate the people to a semi-ecclesiastical administration of the State, breed
fanatical plots against religious liberty and equal religious rights, and cliafe 
tliousands of our best and noblest citizens with a consciousness of religious P

o ression; in fine, because the sow the seeds of ett brawls in” man '
PP Y P ‘ Y 3/

1 if it places over politico-religious questions wliichouglit never to arise, and be- S P
cause they have already brought the country face to face with an issue of . a

terrible gravity,.in our national politics, toucliiiig the future relation of the

T‘ a Church to the publicischoolsysterri. Thesefacts are the general justification
of theirnovegnent which has culminated in the formation of the National

A - “Liberal League, and for the appeal which we now inake to your reason and

conscience. 2 z

p  In his ‘f"Farewell Address,”'George Washington bequeathed to you these if
grave and» pregnant words of wisdom: “Towards the a preservation of your

e  -S f governmenttand“the-jperrnanency of your present happy state, it is'requisite A‘  T if

.V‘

"C7,

not only thatyou steadily discountenance irregularoppositions to its acl<novvl- r

edged authority, but "also that you resist with carelthe spirit of innovation

i upon its principles, phovvever specious the pretexts. One method of ‘assault
may be to effect, in the ‘forms of the Constitution, alterations which will

A, _ i V
directly overthrown.” ‘ _ _ . .
The warning here uttered was not unnecessary. For years lZl11S “spirit

of innovation upon the principles ” of the Constitution has been at Work.
A party, whose publicladvocates include scores of men high in political and

r inmair the energy of thesystem, and thus to undermine what cannot be ,'

‘ecclesiasticalposition, has been regularly organized to secure the adoption

ofraniamendment to the Constitution which shall formally recognize “A1-
mightyiGod asthe author of national existence and thehsource of all power
and authority in civil government,” “Jesus Christ as the ruler of nations,”
and “the Bible as the fountain of law and the supreme rule for the conduct

of nations,” ‘ This party publish a Weeklynewspaper, and have just held a “
‘ convention inthis city,’in furtherance of their object. ‘We thus see the fell
“, spirit or innovation upon the principles ” of the Constitution, against which .
the venerated Washington has so soilemiiltyyvarned us, seeking already to
“undermine what cannot be directly overthrown,” and aiming a fatal blow "

at the greatest of allthe’ great principles of." that instrument, -—»~ the principle

of the ‘totalseparation of Church and State. The effectof this amendment, ,

if adop'te'cl,wi,ll be to make evangelical Christianity the established religion

'of"the United State$,.and to that extent to make its churches the Established
Church. Such a change would bemore than a mere “ innosv'ation,” ——-—- it would ‘
' sea revolution, the destruction of this democratic republic and the substitu-

tion of an ecclesiastical theocracy. W l 1 i
We therefore deem it our solemn duty to follow the wise counsels of

,Washington,” and to “resist with care ”, the insidious workings of that “spirit
of innovation” which _now boldlyassails the very foundation of our free

a government by attempting to “u’ndern1i.ne what cannot be directly over.- '

i-thrown.” i We see‘ that the pretext of these ecclesiastical revolutionists is

the alleged duty of “preserving the existing Christian“features»of our gov-

‘  erninent”: that is, ‘the. exemption of church property from taxation,‘ the

reading of the,Bi,b1e,inl the public schools, the Sunday-Sabbath laws, and so
forth.  We see that, so long as these abuses continue, the aclvocates of the

, Cli1'istian,Amendment of the Constitution occupy a strong vantage-ground in p
‘ j theirassaults upon the great charter of our liberties ; that these abuses, hav-

ing no foothold in thetConstitution, possess no guarantee of continuance in]

the supreine law of the land; and that all who are determined to perpetuate

_ tlieni_ must sooner or later rally to the standard of the Christian Ainendrnent, .
We.l see, ,.thjerefore,that the existence of these abuses is to-clay a standing

V invitation and summons torevolutionize the government, a perpetual tempta-— _.

tionto disloyaltyfof aifanatical and therefore most dangerous kind. a In this i

attitude of affairs, true statcsmanship requires" the removal of evils whose

iconselquences can only be miseries, crimes, and politicalstrife embittered by ~ ' C
i religious hate. ‘ l r l “ W at i l i i i

 these facts and principles, before us, We have pvotedin convention to C
-petition Congress to recommend to the several States for adoption such a

“'iReligio,us, Freedorn Amendment ” to the Constitution as shall effectually

_ , <separ_ia,te_ Church and State in fact as well as in theory, and p1‘otect,allindi-
e i VlCl113.lC1iC1Z€1’1Sl1n their equal religious liberties and rights, ’We now appeal

pp  to you to give your support to this great measure by your signatures, your ,  
I vo1ces,aud~your votes; andwe present these brief reasons for our appeal

a  Thfe f“ Religious Freedom Arnend1nent” is- not in any sense a change of

, _]jtl_ie Copnstitutionp orjanpinnovation either with regard to its spirit or its special  _
V‘ ~ prrovisioins. ‘On the contrary,'1t isa measure in precisely thesa.me;spirit   

.% 

1 of the several states as well as in the national government.

8 .

"now prevades the _C~onstitution,,being based onuthe identical_ principle which,
as we have shown, everywhere underlies 1t,-—-- a measure which will onlypgive
b

 2. The proposed amendment, being designed _solely to preserve and per-
fect‘ the existing secular character of the Constitution, IS a thoroughly and- . . p .
iviselyriaozzsert/4zz‘z‘z/e measure, in the very best sense of the word. It aims, not i '

to undermine, but__to confirmand, strengthen and enlarge what _already.e:»tists.

3. ‘ It is justly and impartially protective to allrreligions, While p,'l.‘O'h1b1l'.1I1g‘
special State favors to any. It is not hostile to any religion which 13 mfavor
of ithese. equal r_eligio'u_s liberties and rights_ of all Anierican citizens. VVhoever
[is in;fa.vo1' of these equal rightsand liberties isestopped from accusing -it of

C i  p hostility to his own religion. Itis hostile tonothing but the claim to tyraiinize.
4.7 The proposed amendment is an eminently timely measure to bring for- 
a

a ward now. The public school amendment of the_H~on. James G.,B g
g -already,proposed_in Congress and evidentlysdestinecl to come up for action

ine,

crreater extension tothis principle, and make it supreme in the gQVernm;ents _ ,

before. long, is a compromise between the ecclesiasti<:aland- the secular the-y

_o1‘ies of government; if passed,‘ it will not have the effect of ‘secularizing _the

C public schools, but yvill leave undisturbed. the chief evil to be reformed. ‘ The a

welfare of the country demands that no studied ambiguity should be per-*

rnitted ina ‘Constitutional amendment on this ‘subject; and no iamendment ‘_

which, like Mr. Blaine’s,will keep the Bible in the schools, and thereby fail

to separate Church and State in the public school system‘, ought to be adopted. ‘ X
. g But. the great danger of the hasty adoption of this compromise amendment,

with all its vagueness and ambiguity, renders it timely and expedient that a

thoroughlysecular amendment should be_now pressed without clela upon C

thelpublic attention, that the case may not go against liberty by sheer efault.
, 5. -The “ Religious Freedom Amendment” is a necessarymeasure, Judged.

C ',by,a high and broad and enlightened statesmanship. For a liunclredpyears A

the general tendency of C our national development has b_e_en in the direction C 
of a gradually increasing liberation of the State from pre-existing‘ ecc1es.iast- l

ical trammels; but quick and Watchful eyes are ‘not Wanting to detect-the

~ signs of aturn inthetide. The long conflictl over the slaverytque.stilon-ab—_ _ '
1 sorbed the political energies, of the nation, and left dormant -the -oth-er ‘great

conflict newbeginning to ,rev,_e,al- itself"»1iespecting=ther relations of ‘Church

and State; ‘Butfn'ovv1_that the slavery qiucstion’ hash beenfinlally settled] by a.

S ._ Constitutional amendment, the Church questio—n is C t-he only one of pa suffi:c'iently.,

permanent and u'niversal’c'h'aracter to take its_'place‘_; and in.dic’.aLt'i»ons  _1:-  x

 C that‘ it is fojrcing,its.elf.l i.nt_o the arena of political activity; Thelcampaignltof '
-last summer in Ohio; the President’s speech at Des Moines in September

and his annual,mess_age to Congress in December ;, ‘Mr. Blaine’s public school

amendment proposed in.Congress and the countless others elsewhere; the
publicfschool planks in the platforms adopted by numerous State and" national,
Vparty conventions; and the certainty of :3. fresh »disc,ussion of the school
question in the Presidential campaign of this summer and autumn,—-- all these,

_ and _'other signs point to an impending agitation on issues int/o1ving..the.rela-’ »

tions, of Church and -State which can only end infla new Constitutional , "S

amendment. ‘True statesmanship suggests that the amendment be such as

shall really end the agitation. But, unless theentire [Constitution is to be p ‘- i
revolutionized, no amendment can do this which does not absolutely setparate C

. Church and State. Other solutions willbe partial, sectarian, transient;-that
solution alone can be final. Wpeitlierefore hold that the “Religious Freedom ‘ ,
Amendm,ent_”—_l_islp the only"rneasur_e which can permanently eliminate? the _ '
Cliurcli question from party politics, because a it is -the onlymeasure which.-

statvesmansthipl point: to its early adoption?

 up can settle that question in , harmonyglwith the VCon_stit_’utio_n.  Does nott'.t’r1ie  C

.9,

,i‘lFellow-ci'tize‘ns, we must go backward or forward: to stand still is as

impossible for nations as for men. Two Constitutional amendments are

'offe.red to you for your choice, embodying two opposing principles between ,

which human ingenuity will"search in ' vain to find _a mean. One fatally
entangles the'Statewitl1 the Church, and plunges this young republic into all
the ‘tbitterest ernbarrassments of the Old World. The other proclaims the
absolute emancipationzof the State from all these embarrassments,  sets

her forever free, with her face to the future. The one violates the whole 

spirit offthe Constitution, strikes a deadly blow at the very heart of Liberty,i
and foredooms the nation to a career from which 1t.maywell Sl'1l'l11l~; back .
aghast. The otliei-tcarriesttlier Constitution up to a higher and -nobler fu-lfil- ,

ment of ~its<own matclilessi ideal, makes Liberty and Love kiss each other,
and sets the crown of a resplendent destiny on thenat1on’s brow. One or
the other, by the irresistible logic of ideas‘ and events, must 111 some form

C be ultimately incorporated in our fundamental law: when, and. how soon, it

is rfortyou, the'"people of the United States, to“ say. But our dutyis ‘dis-
charged. Our cause is stillthat of our forefathers, whose great Declaration

of Independence echoes forever “through the corridors of time ”; and here, .

on the hundredth anniversary of that mighty word, we as solemnly declare the
STA'1‘E’Si 'ro'rAL1 INDEPENDENCE or urns CHURCH- Will you ratify this

i new wordof freedom? 

wu

   RESOLUTIONS    

a A Adopted July_i3ar1c1 4, 18763.

 

‘I;

i1€esal7/e?az',That the National Liberal League, convened at Philadelphia 
tfrofn July First to July. Fourth, 1:876, respectfully petitions the Senateiand

House of Representatives, in Congress assembled, to recommend to the

several States for adoption such 3. “Religious F reedompmnendment ” of
the United States Constitution as shall effect the total separation of Church _

and State in all branches and departments. of the government, National,

. State, and municipal, and protect all American citizens in the enjoyinent. of

their equal religious rights andpliberties ;, tha_tpetitions—be circulated through:
out the country in support of this petition, and, if possible, a million signatures

 tofthersame be7obtainec1,: and that the Board of Directors of the N ational

Liberal ‘League are hereby instructed to carrythis. resolution into effect.

_ I\?e'.s*oZ77ed_, That we recommend and urge the formation  a‘ local auxiliary i

Liberal7Leagiue inevery city, town, and village of the country where tenet

brave men and women can be found to take the lead _in the matter, for the
purpose of instituting earnest andcombined agitation in favor of equalrights
TCSP».
shall.-guarantee them,
i  r III. .

 _]?esoil'z/ea’, That all American citizens, whetherorthodox orheterodox, tChris« , .
, tian or non—Christian, possess: an equal natural right to hold, to utter, and by} r ’ t C C

 all orderly andjpeaceable means to propagate their private religious opinions;
that theyall’poss;essran equal right ‘not to be taxed, directly orindirectly,for  .

the supportof religious-’iopinions they do not_ hold,; of religious societies of -

ctingi religion, and in favor of such a Constitutional Amendment as

which they are not voluntary members, or of.religious,. services the_vgdoX-njot  it p  

H "personally approve; a that tlieyall ‘possess an equal right to employ their time,  

 

‘-41%;

10 ~

L and thewhole of it, as they judge fit, justso long as they commit no posi-A

tive trespasson the equal rights of others; that they all possess an equal

right to enjoy for seven days of the week all public; libraries, art-galleries, ,

‘museums, parks,gardens, thoroughfares, or other institutions or facilities, i L

for the support of which they are taxed, and not to be debarredifroin such] a
enjoyment on Sunday because a part of the people do not choose to avail L

themselves of these things on that day; in fine, that they all possess an equal
right to live under ‘a government which shall respect all men’s private relig—
ion, but favor no man’s. ‘ I l ‘ L t y o to

IV.

]{’a.s‘aZ7/ea’, That moralityis thesuprerne interest‘ of civil society; that its if

foundations lie in the natural relations of ‘man to man; that its great , lawsof

_ right andwrong shine. by their own light, and are only darkened when thrust

under the buslielsbasket of ecclesiastical patronage; that truthfulness, honor,

integrity, courage, self-respect, patriot-ism, arenatural and not theological,
virtues; and that such virtues as these, fostered by the establishment of, a A
p a thorough civilservice reform and the abolition of machine politics, are the sole

, fountain of that purified public morality foriwhicht every upriglimcitizen longs.

_]€as~oZ'z/eat, That, solong _as the Church iinsistslonretaining its present political , ~  L
pr1v1leges,1n violation of Justice, liberty, and equal rights, it is guilty of oppres- . v

sion, sets an example of public unrighteousness, renders its social iiifluerree

if  iinmorgztl to that extent, and thus helps to demoralizell the community at “largef 

L ]'?e.s‘ioZ*z/ea’, 'I‘hat the principle of State Secular-ization means that L the free

State has its own sufiicient basis in the laws and needs of human nature, totally.

independent of the Church, --—-~that this basis is thelsocial necessity of main-

”-taining equal rights in religion, genuine morality in ‘politics, and educated in-.

telligence in all the citizens, ---and that this 0b]€Ct is defeated by,13€l'111llLl.'l1].g'

L the Church or any other organization to usurp its own authority in any degree.

‘ 0

[Basalt/era’, That we afiirm the immense moral importance of the principle of ,
State Secularization, and the moral obligation of .all~good citizens, ir1'espeicti,\'zel
of their religious creeds, to ]0l1'1 heartily in the movement to carry it, nore

consistently into practice;  V y l ‘ p ,

, zemzmcz, That the State Secularization question cani never be got out of .
, politics, until it is settled for ever by being settled right. _ r g y *  * <  r

l V be zemzmz That the Liberal League movement has if nothing whatever to do
; with the Cliristian or any other religion as such, either to favor or to oppose

it; that it is directed simply against certain glaring political lu‘surpations, of

the Church, certain actual and grievous interferences jby it with the State; v  o
that the purpose of this movement is eminently positive, defensive, and A 
L _constructiv.,e,} not ,negative,laggress1ve, or destructive, since it only seeks to

 carryout more faithfully the principle of divorce between}Churchland State“ _
L ‘ on which the Constitu,ti‘onfiwas founded, and thus fulfil}VVashington’s iclealiiof 

a purely secular State; that the Christian or a11ti—C_l1ristiancharacter of this i

L it ~ , movement is solelyaquestion of private interpretation, to be i answered by t a

each '- member oflthe Liberal League according to his own definitioniofi

Christianity; that all citizens who favor the total ‘separation of Churcli and

State are in good faith cordially invited to work with us-; and that no ‘Cliris-A

l tian can accuse the Liberal League of being anti-Christian without thereby_ ‘

D V

iconfessincrtliat Christianity as hethimself uiicierstantls it COnCl€1nnSt,t11€tS£§paL?-~  . V

L L ‘oration-of Church and State;

  ~   —   11
t R'é.§oZ'z/ea’, That the“NationalLibe_ral League has nothing to do with exist--
ing political partiesas such. ,We will neither coquet with them norlbe” used

3 bythern; we propose a great political object in which all good citizens of i

every party should unite; we will seek to further this object by no secrecy,
-underhancledness, or political trickery of any kind, but frankly appeal to
public opinion and public support. ‘Other things being equal, we will vote

for such candidates as favor this object, ahd withhold our votes from such

as opposeit; but we shall do this in the independent exercise of our indi-

 vidual judgmbnts, andenter as a League into alliance with no political party.

I Result/en’, ,That{unive'rsal education the only safeguard of universal lib--

‘ erty; that no child inthe republic should be permitted to grow up without at l ‘

a least a goocltcfommon‘ school education; that the public school system cannot
r be sustained in equal justice to all except by confining it strictly to secular

instruction; that all religious exercises should be prohibited in the public

schools; that the permission of such exercises in them is arperyersion of

 public funds raised for educational purposes to the purposes of religioust V

l propaganldisni; and that. to allow in these schools the present practice of

, ,Bible~reacling, prayer, and singing of religious hymns, or the use oftext-_

books which are so written as toinculcate religious dogmas of it any kind, is

i  a great moral wrong tolarge classes of citizens.

Iresolvm’, That the non-committal ConstitutionalAmendment,» proposed

in Congress by the Hon. James G. Blaine and reserved for action until next

 trol over the public schools.

~~winter,""which simply provides that no public lands or public funds devoted to _
ischool-purposes shall “ever betundergthe control of any religious sect,’’.,Or ‘

‘.>‘be divided among religious sects or denominations,” will, ifadopted, still? q
leave the Protestant. sects undisturbedin their present collective mastery’
over the public school system, and therefore ‘ought not to be] adopted, unless i
* so arnencled as tolprevent anysect or rzuméer of am‘: from exercising con-

XIII. V  t

‘]t’eso[z/ea’,. That the Bible, being regarded as a» book of sacred character i
and of religio_us authority by only a part of the people, is to all intents and ‘
l purposes a sectarian book; and we protest against the permission of itsluse

in the public schools on the pretense of its being a non-sectarian book,as a

 manifest evasion of the truth, and a wilful disregard of the. equal religious 
l l rights of the people. 4» - l

-I?

XIV. V at

 lg lzemzm-;z,. That in no flippant or defiant spirit, but rather with a deep desire .,
that the national lgovernment should be ‘just to the whole people, we protest ,

againstthe recen.t iproclamatiotn of President Grant, invitingthe people_ to p
p I celebrate the Fourth of July by religious observances. i We deny emp.»hatic-+‘
‘ r -ally the right of the Presiclentlto issue £1/Civil~.p1'OC1a1'1'13.lZiOI1_ of any religious

‘ fast or festival,‘-,to assume as President a strictly ‘ecclesiastical function,to ,5

entangle the State with the Church by interfering with the people’s free con- ~

i ‘A trol of their own religious observanoes, and to cast the stigma of govern,-*

 , mental disapproval on those citizens who do not choose to comply with this
i unwarrantecl, officious, and irnpertinent invitation, We declare the manifestly

increasing disposition ofthe government to meddle in matters of religion,
and to yield to the instigation ofarnbitious sectaries whoatakexthis method of

 f.estab~lishing their own civil supremacy, to be a tendency of vast peril‘ to they
‘perptetuation offreiligious liberty. .We remind President;Grant of the nobler. 

 iexamplle of his great‘ predecessor in office, ‘Thomas Jefferson, w11o,accord-   i
~ ing to the,:h1s,torian,l“ refusedlto appoint days of fastingiand thanksgiving, T‘

12

onlthe ground thatto do so would be indirectly to assume an authority bverll

religious exercises which the Constitution has expressly forbidden. *A rec-

ommendation from the Chief Magistrate, he thought, would carry with it so ‘ n
much authority that any"-person or sect disregarding itwould suffer some

degree T‘ of odiurn.” And We pointedly remind‘ President Grant ofhis own

advice to the people last September at Des Moines, substantially reiterated in »

December in his_,Annual M essfage ‘to Congress, but now so glaringly disre-
garded by hirnself——— “ KEEP THE CHURCH AND THE STA'l"E, 1~*onI«:v‘1l::n.,s'i':r--
ARATE.” l  t it i r l

T XV

]€e:oZ'a/ea’, That We would most scrupiilously respect the right of church:

a goers to enjoy their , Sunclay-worship unrnolested and undisturbed; and ‘we
ask thlemfto respect the equal right of those who do not choose to ]\Oi1’1.l;l1€II'1
to enjoy their own Sundays in equal freedom. ‘ ‘ i T 1 ‘

Sunday.

A Rerolexagij That the closing: of the ‘Internationale Exhibition on Su1ida.ysis"
.a fresh usurpation of political power by the Church, ——-— a gross infringement

“ of the equal religious rights and libertieslof the people, who have all been i

taxed by public appropriation for the Exhibition,-——--a bitterancl grievous
wrong to the poor and laboring. classes, who are thus ingreat measure de-

barred from enjoying precious advantages which they of all classes have the ’

bestright and the most need to enjoy,-—=—andla monstrous denial of the re-

ligious equality of all citizens who disbelieve in the aiieg'ed sacred character of

"XVI. '

nesozem, rim» F. E. Abbot, B. F. Underwood,\George w. Julian, D. Y.

Kilgore, _IarnesfMcA_rtl1ur, VV. J. Potter, R. P. Hallowell, Mrs. Dr.'Pratt, and

Mrs. Kilgore, are hereby appointed a committee to attend l2l‘1€t~1‘l€XlZ meeting "
of the United States Centenni.al Commission on Wednesday, July 5, to pre-— : 
sent the protest of the National Liberal League against the closing of the
1 International Exhibition on Sundays; T 1 ‘ T r » T _ l  V

_ ‘ XVIII. T  ‘ t l
i rlfieraglwcz’, That the? conversion of the United States government‘ into a
Missionary.Society by the present administration, which has tmade it an

t avowedobject to“ Christianize the Indians,” and carries it out by employing‘ 

, sectarian lmissionaries aspaicl officials of the government, wisanother in the

u long and growing list of encroacl1rnents‘- on the principle of secular government.

S  it , llWHE:IiEAS,t The ‘i United‘ States statutes relafilngilto theTreasu1’y Depart;  ’

nnent, Section 3517, expressly provide that---"‘ Upon the coins there shall
be the following devices and legends: upon one side there shall be an im-

pression emblematic of liberty, with an inscription of the word ‘ Liberty,‘

l and the year of the coinage, and upon the reverse shall be the figure or

representation \ of an eagle, with the inscription ‘ United States of America’
and ‘ E Pluribus Unum,’ and a designation of the value of the coin ; ” and _
, MVVFIEREAS, ',l"heDirector of the Mint,‘without authority of lawancl on his

S it own motion - alone, has seen ‘fit to inscribe on several of the coins, particu— »

V larly on the new silver quarter-dollars and half~dollars, the legend “ InGod we
,trust;’~’:~therefore' is A i _ n V  i H g be ‘, T"
r tiferolz/ml That the Director of the"Mint deserves the severe censure of ;
the people and dismissal from his office for this great abuse of" the trust
t Areposed in him-.i T U 1 y i t t  T T t i‘ - T  “ l
y l Jreroizzed, Tliatiplacing such an inscription on the national coinage is ana-»
,,,log'ous to striking the stars from thevnationalj flag and inserting the crosssin

their stead,‘ or throwing, down thestatue of Liberty from thegclomge of the

‘national Capitol andlsetting up that of the}/irgin Mary in its place ;t and

it

and swift‘ rebuke of an outraged ,peop‘le.‘ i

   1s  
that such cunning,stealthy, and dangerous encroachrnents bf the sectarian

spirit on the secular character of the government should call forth the loud .4

 XX.

it  'tResaZw,e’, That we lierebytappieal to the country for funds to carry on the L

L . l vitally important workifor which We have organized; thatéwe»believe there is

abundant ‘Wealth and abundant enthusiasm‘ ready to aid us, just as soon as
our objects are thoroughly understood and ‘widely; known; and that we rely
confidentlylon the generosity of the patriotic public not to permit this‘ great

i L cause to languish for want of they all-essential means. ‘‘

XXI.

‘ y y y.R‘(i".f0l7/i9d,iThat we accept the offerrof the Boston INDEX to be our official

on torganl of comrnunication with the public, for the publication of announcements,

‘ acknowledgements", and otherrofficial papers of the Board of Directors; but

i. t that wecassume no responsibility for anything else published in its columns,
L and claim no control or influence in its general editorial management '

i XXII. ‘ i

tviZx."éso.;’z/evil That the Directors are instructed to ascertain, if possible,tbyt

' ‘direct inquiry, whether the Presidential candidates of .thetRepublican and
“ Democratict parties are in favor of strictly secular government and of the
special measures we advocate; and to communicate the result to the public.‘

XXIII. i   

L , Itfesotlma’, That the resolutions of sympathy with this movement presented
by*Professor Loos on behalf of the German “Union of Radicals ” arere-

i céivediwith pleasureand respect; and that, while the National Liberal League ‘

 «expresses no collective ‘opinion on the points inquired about, we hold "0111"-
  selvesy individfuallyt free to favor or to oppose any measures not includedin
 the specified objects which ‘we havetorganized toaccomplish; t 2» i

‘ XXIV. *

on  . Reroltzezi, That this League receives from the Michigan Stateiifissoiiciation

 of aSpi‘ritua1is'ts its able andtearneststatement of the objects of the National

 Liberal League, and tenders thanks for its assurance of cooperation in the
promotion of these objects.‘ it a  i t r L " . 

XXV.

"L T ‘gr jllh:-'50]?/é‘.’(l?, That, recognizint%g°t.ithe yobviousfact that the support. of the ob- it

Wjectsy of the N_at;ional‘ ‘Libyeral; ‘League must depend ._ch‘iefly_.uppon the strength
 of public sentimentfin their favor, we hereby tender our thanks to those brave
 y journals which now; Jinthe comparative infancyof our tmovemient,i,tta-regivingt
"it theiryencoiuragement and influence‘oniaccount_o£“its intrinsicy excellence.‘  ‘.

pxxvn     ‘

L  filesolr/cat’, That wehereby tender‘ our ‘tl1El.I1'l{S to‘tl1e5 publisher andeditor of

L“-‘§,the,iiBoston [727/estz:g'czt07' for their 9 brave and earnest advocacy of the setcur“
?la‘1T1Z‘ati§011‘O:f the government, in past years when the Liberal League was un- _ V

; *k_novvn and when their efforts were but poorly appreciated.

L XXVII;

  L . H-i1t’e.9a!'z/.m',ytiTyl1at we regard ‘the. bust of Thomas Paine now on our” platform,
 2 executed in marble by Sidney  Morse, forpresentation to the city of Phil~

i I ‘ii'ffa‘£‘telpliia, and clesignecl forperlmanent preservation in Independenceil-iCial1,‘as *‘- L

U [a noble and fit tesftimonialt to‘ ‘his heroic‘ and patriotic public career,»

PROTEST
‘ or run NATIONAL LIBERAL LEAGUE AGAINST CLOSING THE INTERNATIONAL
‘ EXHIBITION oN sUNDAYs, PRESENTED Ar ran MEETING or ran. '
UNITED sures CENTENNIAL COMMISSION ON THE
EXHIBITION GROUNDS Ar PHILADEL-

PHIA, JULY 6, 1876. * ,

; I PHILADELPHIA, JULY 4, I876. ,
To THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS on THE CENTENNIAL COMMISSION:
Gem!Zemen,—-At. one of the sessions of the National Liberal ‘League,Njust
organized at Concert Hall in this city,Nacom1n~ittee, consisting of F. "E-Abbot,
B. _F. Underwood, George W. Julian, D. Y. Kilgore, James Mc:Arthur, Wil—t
1iam]._Potter, R. P. Hallowell, Mrs. Dr. Pratt, and Mrs. Kilgore,Was appointed
and instructed to present to your honorable body the protest of the League
' gainst the closingof the International Exhibition on Sunday, together‘ with
I‘ a list of the officers and members. ' ' IN 7 j N 
p Inobedience to these instructions, the undersigned members‘ of this Com-

e mittee respectfully present the following, as the leading reasons of this

rotest :-‘-~ I , ‘ N H 
P I. The Exhibition is a National affair, sustained in large measure by the 
impartial taxation of the whole American people, without theleast regard to  l
their religious beliefs :N and the equal rights of the whole people ought to be 8
scrupulously protected by the officers to whom its management is intrusted. , ,
NButit is a denial and infraction, of theirequal religious rights to exclude the Y ,
whole peoplefrom the Exhibition on Sundays, merely because a part of the 0
people believe Sunday to be a holy day. Such a belief justifies thoserwho - I ,
hold it in staying away from the Exhibition oniSundays; but it does not just-N I I N I
ify them in keeping others away from it. The Church has no right under S-
I the Constitution thusto impose any part of its creed on Nthe<NState,N or to N -I
p pllaim for those who believe it any temporal advantage over those who disbe- I S I, j
I N 2. The closing of the Exhibition on Sundays is a grievous practical wrong

/V  ‘against the workinglclasses, who especially need and would prize th“eieiUueas;;, .l
he ftionallinfluencesj ‘offered in this magnificent displayofthe products of all

countries, but who are now debarred-from" visiting it on the day when it is  I
most convenient for‘then1 to do so, and who must in consequence either 
keep away altogether, or visit it on a day when they suffer an additional tax, N   v
I by the loss of their wages. The right of the working-man in this country to‘,  ,
visit the Exposition on Sundays is certainly as good as that of the Emperor N ”
- of» Brazil and hisattendants, forwhose convenience, it is reported, the Sun- ‘
pdayrestrictiron has been removed and the alleged sacredness, of thedayj
_violated.‘ S S i H .  ’ I I
l Respectfully yours,
S I F. E.ABDor.
S B. F. UNDERWOOD.
Gnoncn: W. _JUI.IAN.*«‘ I l
I DAMON Y. KILGORE.

JAMES MCARTHUR. 1'

WILLIAM J. POTTER. ,

RICHARD P. HALLorwnLNL.; 

‘MARY PRATT, M.‘D. , 
~  p y I N  ,CARIIIENNB.KILGoRE.iN _ p I  A

*Mr. Julian authorizes the addition of his name to thisjprotest,ialtholughphe was not.  

M I rpresentet the time to sign 11:. pt I

 

        CONSTITUTION‘     

NATIONAL LIBE RAL LEAGUE,  

Adopted JL11y_ 1, 1876 g
I H fi*"—f--~ i ‘ l
p P g g M A   PREAMBLE. d   .
 WHEREAS, The Constitution of the ‘United States, from beginning to A
 end, in spirit and in letter, is framed in accorclanice with the principle A_ of.
the total separation of Church and State '; andthe. Treaty with Tripoli,
 signsecl.tbyiAGeorge.AWashington as: a.’ partof the supreme law of the land, V
l A dAeel~ar;Aeste;rnphatiically that“ the govermnent of the United States is not in
igAa.Anyi'senSe’f_0ugndAegd onthe Christian ArelAigionM;A ” and ‘ A A ’
   -NVHEREAS, N otwithsitanding 'thes’e. facts, the"administration of the national
~ 5 j  gAoverrrment‘,'anAcli theiadministrations andgiconstitutions of the several State
 ; governments, maintain numerous practical connections ~ofAtherStateA with the
C  C:hAurAe~hA, thereby vio1atingA.the spirit of the United States Constitutién and
A ' A AAiAiAeA»tlt‘e.'-g1o1'io*ugs traclitions‘-whitch dedicate this country exclusively to the natural
A {"'*rihts’ ofxman; and ‘ A A A‘ A  A  A l_A _ :_   _  \
X  A VVI-IEREAS‘, The welfare and peace of the republic, A the equal religious _
A rights _ancl;libertie_s of its citizens, and the most precious interests of civili-
% A zation, alike require that all the political and educationAalAinstituti‘ons of the
' A ,nationA which are supported by taxation should be more faithfully conformed g _
to" the spirit of its fundamental law: _ . A - ‘ A A A
   i T1mAty‘0ra, We, the members of the Centennial Congress of Liberals, con-
 AA~AiAJ¥wened at Pliilaclelppliia from July First to ]u1y‘Fourth, 1876, hereby associate
ourselves ‘together asAapermanent».organiz.atioAn, "and adopt the followingc

      A    coNS'rITAUT1oNv 

; \..,,

 % _A"jAR:rI_CLE‘ IA.-AA-..Tl1e.:na1nAeAof ““thiS“‘a‘\‘SS‘o"‘Ci£tti0n shall be “ The National.
A  A’lp__L)iberalLeague.” l V , ~  A V: ‘ A A- A g A A  A _A A
  ., :A  A i 9 A.Ge2zeraZ Olzjecz‘. V A . A A.

  A ’ ARTAICM3: A  ———-"Tliergeneral object of the National Liberal League_ shall _ 2
C  be_ to accomplish the ToArA_L SEPARATION on CHURCH AND STATE: to the

C d ,en_c1,__tl1at equal rights in religion, genuine moralityin politics, and freedom,  i A

 _  ixpjrirtupe, andA‘broth‘erliood in all human life,g1nayAbe' established, protected,~ar1_}d_

" 7Sj5eczfic 0z5jec2‘s;_. “

i  <1 A:_;A’:RA'L't’cLE‘ III. -'-A-AA-.‘As.i means to the accomp11_shment' of th1s_Agenera1ob_]ect, %  

  
 

‘ii(thespeciiic.‘.o1jj‘ecAts otpithe ational Liberal Leagueh shall be%:—‘g--A _: A -

li

16 

I. To urge the adoption of such a“ Religious reedorn Amendment” of l

the United States Constitution as_ shall effect the complete secularization

of the government in all its departments and institutions, State and National,

and shall secure to every American citizen the full enjoyment of his opinions"

on the subject of religion, whatever they may be, without molestation, dis-
ability, or deprivation of any civil or political right.   ’ 1

C

2. To advocate the equitable taxation of church property; the total dis-in

continuance of religious instruction and worship in the public schools; the

“ repeal of all laws enforcing the observance of Sunday as the Sabbath‘; the l

L A ‘ cessation of all appropriations of public funds for religious institutions or

purposes of any kind; the abolition of State~paid chaplaincies; the substitu-4 if S

tion of simple aflirmation under the pains and penalties of perjury for. the.

judicialoath; the non—appointment of religious fasts, festivals, and holidays

A by public authority‘; the practical establishment of simple morality and intel-i

ligence as the basis of purely secular government," and the adequate guarantee ‘ L '
0

public order, prosperity,—and righteousness; and Whatever other measures
or principles may be necessary to the total separation of Church and State.
A it 3; To promote theformation and multiplication ‘of local auxiliary Liberal
Leagues, throughout the country in accordance Withthe provisions of this

’ Constitution, in order to institute combined and vigorous a itation. for the 7 

adoption of the “Religious Freedom Amendment,” an , pending cits" C

t adoption, to secure through State and municipal action the accomplishment‘ of j

the various special reforms above enumerated.

L C ,4. To defend through the courts, by the combined efforts andmeans of
the Liberalsof the country, any American citizen Whose equal religious ye .

rights are denied, or who is oppressed, on account of any opinions he may
have held or expressedon the subject of religion. t at -

5. To promote, b all peaceablej and orderly means, active plropagandism 

A of the great princip es of religious liberty and equal rights, devotion to truth i ' 1
, for its own sake, and universal brotherhood on the ground. of a common by L

humanity: more particularly, to establish a Liberal Lecture Bureau for the A

,1 A mutual benefit of hearers and lecturers, by which the formation of localliberal . “

societies may be facilitated and stimulated, and by whichtlliberal lecturers of A

 rsufficientabilityfaud unblemished.moral_character, without the least disicrimi-“W
nation. on account of their religious opinions, may be? encouraged, furnished .

* with employment, and helped to devote themselves to the liberal cause. , 
r 6. In allother; proper and practicable ways, to promote the final emanciw 

A A pationof the State from the control of the Church, and to foster the develop-

jment of thatnatural intelligence and morality, which constitute the necessary
» and all-suflicient basis of secular government. 9 .l . r

V pp p Meméerskzjzb. A ,
“ARTICLE IV.---Any person who shall pay. one dollar into the treasury

shall be entitled to a certificate, signed by the President and Secretary, as  C

an annual member of the National Liberal League. Any person who shall in A

day twenty-afiveldollars or more into the treasury shallbe entitled to a similar ‘ C
certificateas a life-member. All the persons present as members at the A
Centennial Conorress of Liberals, at which this Constitution was adopted, are

 .hereby.... declare permanent or p charter-members of the National Liberal it 1

League. , . j j j j j
of ‘ Annual Congress.

. it ARTICLE V. --- The Annual Congress of the ‘National Liberal Leagueshall

. be held at such time and place and with such sessions as the Board of Direct—  . ~ 7 
A ors mayannounce ;_ and public notice of the-,Congress shall be 'ven at least ?   
. 1877., Other conventionsof‘ the League may be heldllat sfuchl placesp:an,d:pt,1_  it

one month previously. t The first Annual Congress shall be hel

. , times as the Board of Directors shall appoint.

  17

 ‘All clzarter-rneinbersandlife-1ne"1nbers of the ,National Liberal League, and y 

Q -A 31,11‘-duly a_C.Criecllited'iclelegatesifrorn local auxiliaryLib~eral Leagues 'organjizecl ‘
insaccordance withthey--provisions of this Constitution, shall be enti'tlecl.'to
seats and votes 1n: the Annual. Congress: Annualrnembers of the ,N'ati'onal«'

LiberaliiL'eague shall be entitled. to seats, butnot to votes, in the Annual ‘ at

Congre_ss., ,  _
T B is T Ofiqers.‘

 It HARTICLEVIQ-i~—’ The tiofficersllof the'lNatio:nal Liberal League shall be laid

it  drawn by the Secretary.

President, six or ‘more V,_ice-Presidents, a‘Secretary._and Assistant Secretary,
pa tT,rea.‘surer,‘l,a' Board of Directors, an "Executive Committee, and a Finance
Comm,1tte_e'.= All these officers shall be elected at the Annual Congress, and T
S‘hZtll"'l101d 'the‘ir,officesxtor one year, or until others are chosen in their stead.
_ .Tlte,Bo.ard_ of Directors-xshall have power to fill any OfflC.€ of -the League
‘ T »tl1at rnaybe lieft or1rnaybe_co,n1:1e vacant before the rneeting of the Annual Con-
’ "crass; succee ing tieirown election.  l T i
   _i _, up  V L Pre.s'z'a7e7z2‘. _
 it 1 ,lATtf1‘ICLE VII,—--- The President’s duty shall be to preside at the Annual
, Congressand otherconventions of the League, and at the meetings of the ~
Board, of Directors; and to countersign all orders upon the treasuryduly
 p p p  A ear./zz‘cz7’z'a.s‘. ’ ’ T ‘ L
~AR~T.ICLI-:Vlll. e--——— The Secretary’fs duty shall be to keep the records, corn-
plete-ylistsflof rnernbersv and ‘tether papers of the League and also of the
_l3oarcl; offi‘ Directors; to’ report ‘promptly to the Board of Directors all facts ,
M communicated to him by the S._ecre,taries of local auxiliary Leagues, and to .

prep»are_acar_eful condensation of the same for the Annual Congress; and -i
to,conductsuchcorrespondence as usually pertains to his office. It shall
be] the duty, of the Assistant-Secretary to assist in this Work under the Sec-- p‘

‘M

retaryis direction. , r y ,
A  » 7 by y - '_7‘7’e;zmrer., ,  T  L d" y «
9 . fARTI_cI;1s lX’.--——The Treasurer, after giving security satisfactoryto they

_ ‘ Board of Directors, shall receive and hold all u
to "orders duly drawn by the Secretary and countersigned by the ‘ President.

nds of the League,--subject-g 

 He shall report the state of the finances of the League at every Annual . L

_ Congress, and oftener if required by the Board of Directors or. Finance

T Committee; and upon the election of a successor he shall deliver to him all
" the property of the League tl1atlhe,rnay hold.’ T ‘

ARTICLE" X.“—-'—- The iPres'ident, T Secretar , Treasurer, “Chairman of the

L , Executive Committee,‘ and Chairinan of the Finance C—ormnittee,‘ shall‘ con: i ‘

 stitute the Board of Directors, which shall be -instructedflwith, the.general
‘A finanagementsand control of the affairs ofjthel League: from year to year.
 They shall make a full reportof. their doings-"y onthe zfirst, day ofeach Annuali
i T Congress. , All 3.ppi1‘Op1‘iat_i,OnS“ from the,‘treasury_ shall be by vote of the
 qBoarc1,o’f iD'irect0rs. T . T r T v _ T A - L ;  f
 “  T y “ p F Ea:eczzz‘z't'e Commzflee. I T .
 ,AR'1‘ICLEiXI,.-—‘—The Ex:ecutive_ Cionnnittee shall be composed of one
 m:e'1nbert.frio1n each State and Territory of the Union, and‘ shall act under the

“instructions of the Board of ' Directors. 2 It shall be theduty of each member “
wgyof-T» the Ezxtecutivel-‘Committee to ‘select and associate withhnnself four other ‘

..
Vrll
, W

go¢ocli.citizens_ of -his own State or Territory, as the Executive Sub—Con1rn.ittee , -s 4 
or:that-State. or Territory, and he shall be himself the Chairman of the sarnet .;_ ..  ;_
 ~,&Hf@l;\l,,=pl‘Ompf1y report its organization to the Secretary of the National Liberal ‘

:,f‘l'i,Leagfue, I‘E,ach;.Sub—~Connnittee “shall appointa Local Agent in as- many of}  ' 

  

U . .
“T54. , ‘. ‘,

it B  ‘and townsfof its own State or Territory as p,oss_ible._p T  be H 

is   

T the duty of each Local Agent, with the help and co-operation of the State sub-
C0mmittee,T~to organize, if possible, a local auxiliary _Liberal League in his
own city or town, to report its organization promptly to the Chairman of the

State Sub-Committee, and to promote by its means the general objects of

the National Liberal League.

The Chairman of the Executive Committee shall be electedas suchby the

, Annual Congress, and shall be en: ofiz"cz'o.a member of the Board of Directors. , I I

I T Fz'7za7zce C o7zz7)zz'z‘z‘ee. I
IARTICLE XII.-—-—-The Finance Committee shall be composed of three

members, electedby the Annual Congress. It shall be their duty to devise »

ways and means for raising such funds as may be needed for the success-
ful prosecution of the work of the League, and to carry them into execution
with the help of the Board of Directors. " '

I The Chairman of the Finance Committeeshall be elected as such by the ;
~Annual Congress, and shall be ex ojizrio a member of the Board of Directors. I I ‘T

p , Local A 2¢.rz'Zz'zz:r_j/ Lizfieirzzl Letzgzws. ‘ ,
.AR'rIcLE XIII.--—-The Board of Directors shall have authority, as often
as they receive a Written application signed by ten or more persons and

I accompanied by ten dollars, to issue a charter for the formation ofa local

auxiliary Liberal League. . . ,
ARTICLE XIV. —-—- Charters so issued shall contain Constitutions substan~
tially similar to this Constitution, but adapted to localwants, providing for
regular and frequent meetings to promote the mental and moral ‘culture and
general social enjoyment of the members, for ,Children’s Fraternities to pro-
mote the Welfare and happiness of their children, for Relief Committees to

supply the needs of sick, poor, or distressed members, and in general for

whatever may conduce to the private benefit as Well as the public usefulness
I of the local Leagues._ ' I

ARTICLE XV. -—— Local auxiliary Liberal Leagues organized under charters T

issued by the Board of Directors shall be absolutely independent in the
‘administration of, their own local affairs. The effect of I their charters , shall

I be simply to unite them in cordial fellowship and efficient co-operation of the

I  in the intrinsic wisdom of the words themselves.

freest kind with the National -Liberal, League and with other local Leagues.
T All votes of the Annual Congress, and all communications of the Board of
Directors, shall possess no more authority or influence

overrtltern than lies A

,,iAR'rICLE_ XV I.--—I-Everyylocal auxiliamy ‘Liberal i.League organized in I

. accordance withthe provisions of this ‘Constitution shall be entitled to send I’

its President and Secretary and three other members as delegates to the
Annual Congress. T T I ‘ «T

ARTICLE XVII. —-—-- It shall be a special duty of the Secretaryof each local '

” : auxiliary Liberal League to furnish the secretary of the National Liberal

League with acornplete. list of all the members with their post~office addresses I

in full, anda list of the officers, and also to furnish him with Tinformation of
all important action, of his own local League. T  y 3“  - I B’

.»4i77ze¢zzz’me7zt.9.A

ARTICLE XVIII. —- Amendments to this Constitution may be made at any i
Annual‘ Congress ofthe N ational. Liberal League by a three~fourths vote‘

of the qualified members present. ' But no amendment shallbe made, unless
the proposed amendment shall have been published together witli the required
public notice of the Annual Congi-esjsrwl1ic__,l1 is to act upon it. _  _ T I

I     Extractsfrom Letters by DistinguishIec1 Citizens.
  I I I I From the E072. E. P, .HURLBUr, ofAzmy;zv. Y. I

r I regret that I cannot promise you any work of the pen in aid of the cause
you have so much at heart, and so ably advocate ; but if I can attend at Phil-

adelphia, I may reportmyself to the League, as one sympathizing in its p

objects. If my name—-—-long. withdrawn from the Ipublic, and unknown to
_ the present generation~————-can serve your association, you are at liberty to

I use it in the manner suggested; though I shall regret receiving of _your '9

honors Without being able to help in your work. Some thirty .years ago,

I when the Constitution of New York was aboutto be revised, III labored for»

theabolition of the religious test, and secured it, in favor of :witnesses in

I courts of justice... I am no longer young, and my hopesfor our institutions  I

are not so sanguine as they were then; still they are worth fighting for on

account of the theory alone. Perhaps a generation may arise worthy to: p
uphold them, the present exhibiting more of ignorance and less of innocence I

than consists with popular rule.

From 25/22 Hon.-ISA1IuUr:L E. SEWALL, c2f..5’osto2z..I II T I i I

I am so much infavor of the general objects of the National Libera
Leagueythat I cannot refuse to be nominatedas oneof its vicepresidents, if

itisthought that my name willhelp the cause in.any degree. I must adds

y that at this moment the ]third section of the proposed amendment, as it
I seems to me, requires some modification. . With the first,Isecond,rIand fourth,

I concur heartily and entirely. Every yearthatpasses renders. the adoption I

of new constitutional protection for religious freedom more andpmore urgent.

I I V * Fmm 2‘/he Hm. N ATII-IANIEL I-IoLMEs,Iof St. Lo.zzz'r, _/lfo. V I
lfconcur entirely in recommending the proposed amendment to the Consti-
tution of the United States, and in the general objects andpurposes of the
inovement; so far as I am at present informed of them; and if you and other

I friends of the cause think the use of my name as a vice-president can be of _ I

any service, I“ shall not withhold“ my consent. g It is probable I may be in

PhilaclelphiaI\abouIIt the time mentionedI;_ and if so,I  shall take pleasure in I

I I attending -the Congress. _ p _ ._ __ r y p p
. w Frozzz Zlze Hoar. HENRY BOOTH, of C’/zz'c'czg0,I 11!.

I am heartily in favor of the total sIepIaIration of Church and State by the
proposed _amendment_ of the Constitution; and you are at liberty to use my
name as one of the vice-presiclIe_nts of the League to be organized for that
purpose, ifyou think prope‘r.I I I I I I p I I
r I p From the H072. -GEORGE W. JULIAN, qf [M/z'7zgto¢z, fire’. a

I haveyours of the 4th, requesting the privilege of nominating me asone

of the vicIe—presidents of the National Liberal League. Of course: you are
at liberty to ‘do so. It will not Win for me popular applause; Ibut I would ‘ .
accept the positionas one of high honor, and it a£fordsm.e real pleasure to V y
. comply with your personal wishes, and to thank you for the compliment 
II p Whiclttliey express. _ As to your proposed “religious freedom arr1endment,I’’_g; \
T Q II decidedly approve of it. Some veryslight verbal changes might be made  y w 1
 butfit covers the whhle ground more fully, and accomplishes the .dIesired_.  I, 

; as o mzrrze.

I League movement, the secularization of the State and

 ‘- d be with you on the occasion, and
I  groom .'s'z°z‘ e.rz;gmz77z,l’7lw1l1
"common cause. I I «

20

purpose more completely and explicitly than any proposition ill have noticed.

It would totally and absolutely separate Church and State, and nothing less

than this should be accepted. ,
From 2‘/zeoHo7z. ELIZUR WRIGHT, of Boston, Mary... I

(

The importance of the work to which the Congress of Liberals is called *

cannot be over-estimated, as it seems‘ to me; and I should count it a great
honor, as well. as pleasure, to be allowed to participate in it. I But there seems
no probability that I shallbe able to attend it, or have any spare means or
strength to devote to the great cause in which it is enlisted. The proposed
amendment to the Constitution, it seems to me, must commend itself to every

fair-minded man as worthy of a place in that instrument, if it really” means

to be a guarantee of the rights of conscience. Only the enslavers of souls-

can possibly object to it- Since it is in fact that many people are laboring to .

turn the Constitution into a theological creed, the sooner we know that they

cannot succeed the better.
Amendment,” it seems to me, can settle this question as it should be; and all

. sincere religionists should be in favors“ of it for the sake of religion it-self.‘

. . . If it is only to “standup and be counted,” of course you mayrldepend
upon me; and I shall not back down from anyplace you see fit to put me in

V From  O. B. F ROTHINGHAM, of New Yor/la G'z'z‘y.

My name for the other purpose you entertain is wholly at your disposal.
I shall be proud to be associated with the men you mention, and proud to
hold such a position in such a cause. u 1 I V

From Mr. WILLIAM]. POT'I‘ER,. of New Bedforo’, rlfczss.

I Certainly, put my name on the vicepresidents’ list, if I can thus serve the
movement. . . .As to the desirableness of the general object of the Liberal
of the State schools,
and the importance of the proposed" Constitutional amendment-—-—s- as the
specific, practical aim of the National Liberal League, —-—+ there is no differ-
ence of opinion between you and me. If there be-any difference between us, it

is upon the proportion which this workibears to the whole free religious move-I

rnent; but I believe in the work itself, though not able to give toiit that
intense devotion which it hasffound in you. ‘ I

or From ,Mr., R. P. HALLOWELL, of

Boston, Moss.

be national in ‘fact as well as in name. Witli the understanding that Mr.

Nothing shortof the V“ Religious Freedom’

do I . "I am heartily in favor of the establishment of a Liberal League that shall I i

F rothingham and Mr. Potter are to be identified with the proposed national 3

organization, I" consent to serve as one of the vice-presidents. ,

I From Mr. JAMES PARTON, of ljVeeobzzr_}/yroort, Moss.
lam honored by your proposing me for vice—president of the League

;,Publici.ty in all its forms and for, all its reasons is painful to me, but in this
_ ycausel willdo everything  can.
I vice-«president if you think it best.

, I have lived but to promote it. , ‘Make me

From Mr. FRIEDRICH SCHUENEMANPOTT, of Sarz,Frozmz‘sco, C'o:Z._

I certainly most cordially consent to your kindproposition to add my name? I

Liberals.-
from being personally present in Philadelphia, my whole heart and soul will
b “ qzridguizi 2'7; me an‘ z'7¢g,mz’i, ozooa’ sonz‘z’o
always lie,

I to your list of vice-presidents of the forthcoming Centennial’ Congress of =
Althou,gh,rto my utter regret, I shall be unavoidably, prevented W

as it has beenbefore, devoted to our 



211 L

. p From £72: Hove. LABRAHAM PAYNE, of Prom"o’moe, ELI. ,
L f On my return from New York, I find yours of the 4th. You are at liberty

L .. tLo»~use my name for the purpose proposed. .

L ‘From flag Rev. MINOT J‘. SAVAGE, of Boston, Moss. ,

 

Believing as I doin the main principles that compose the platform -of the

Liberal League, and sympathizing with the object of the National Congress

of Liberals soon to meet in.Philadelphia, you have my hearty consent to use .
my name as one of your vice—preside;nts. The State will be what it ought to p

L be only * hen it is made. gfiurofjx seoulazr.

L I F7'o7¢z Jamar B. FELSENTLHAL, of C/zztago, ZZZ.

L Bypyourr proposal to nominate me as one of the vice-«presidents of the L

L National Liberal League, I feel much flattered. That I indorse heartilyall L

the aims and objects of the League I need hardly assure you. . I

o . Erom 2722 Rev. W.H. srascrm, cy’S,1§ar2frz, If/2'5.

We Spartans have talked about forming a Iiiberal Leagueandsending ,
you names, but it seems so superfluous and formal a thing to do, ; as our

society is of itself a big Liberal League practically, that we have not organ

izedfor that special purpose. Of course I approve of the work for which,
the Leagues are organized, though I confess I do notprobably regard it as .

of so much and pressing importance as I think you do. . . . If you think my
name respectable enough to sandwich between the famous preachers and
judges you mention, I can have no objection;-—-—~but would n’t they?
r p From Mr. SAMUEL L. HILL, of FZorefloe,LMasr. p _ .
I certainly have no right to z'magz'7/M it of any importance, favorable to the

p cause you wish. to promote, to have my name published as one of. the vice- .
presidents of the Centennial Congress of Liberals. However, I shall not ob--

yject to your proposing it, if you wish to. The enclosed check for one hun— AI

LL I dred dollars I_ can LooZz'e'z/o may be useful. p

From the Row. ]'.,L. HATLCI-I, Sam Fmmiroo, LC‘aZ.~

Yours of May IO would have been sooner answered, but for the fact that
Mr. Lick has for several weeks been quite ill, and no one was allowed to see .

him. He is somewhat better now, though, still quite feeble. I called upon

L him" yesterday at his hotel, theLLick House, and gave him your letter request-
ing the use of his name as one of the vice-presidents of the National Liberal I

League. He authorized me to give you his Lcheerfulassent.
LL 1 From E. .W. MVEDDAUGH, £359., of Dezroiz‘, ./liar/2. . I

‘L You are atliberty to elevate me to the vice-presidency,‘ or to use mein any _  
other way that in your judgement will help, in the slightest degree, the good-

icause. . . . Ihave repeatedly read your proposed amendment to the Con»

stitution, and do not see howit can be improved. p p

. p . From 2‘/zo Hon. ROBERT DALE OV_,VEN,L of News Hamzony, Ind.  I . ‘L

  If you think my name as one of the vice-pr‘esidents can be of any sejrvice,
pray use it. You know, I am sure, ‘how entirelyl agree with the spirit of

I the proposed‘ amendment; Coming down to particulars, I think the words

——‘-A‘: or in which religious practices shall ‘be observed ”-—-had better be
omitted, seeing that the entire ground isL covered without them. , I James’

definition of “true religion and undefiled” does not embrace anysectarianc
doctrine "whatever; and it is almost the onlydefinition of the word tobe I
foundiinthe New Testament. I regret that, having" already engaged rooms, .

L r on Lake George for the ‘summer, I shallnot be“-able to be pres'entTat_yIour? I 

July meeting.

1,.

”  .lIvice-presidency. A

22.

From Mr. KARL HEINZEN, .oa’z'to7*lof “ Der Pz'om'er,’-’-Bosz'o7o,*L_Zl{ass..
If you think that_ my acceptance of a nominationi as one of the vice4presi-
dents of your League in Philadelphia can do any good to your cause, which

I  ‘as far as it goes is also my own,I can have no objections to it. But I deem
it my duty.to tellvyou that I am a decided atheist and materialist, and must"

leave it to your consideration whether this may be obnoxious or not.

From ,]?ozooz' IASIAAC  WISE, oo’z‘z‘or of 2‘/ze “A'7;zorz'omz _/.s‘rczo../z'z‘o,” Cz'7zoz'7z7zzzz‘.2‘,. I

0/zz'0.

, If possible, It will bepresent at the Congress, to worklvvith you;  I can'-
not, I Write, you a letter. , If you form a Liberal League to unite this element,

I am willing to be one of them, oflicer or private, as it may be deemed most
advantageousto the cause. Anyhow I will work with you.

From /lfr. D. M. BENNETT, oo’z'z‘o2* of z‘Zao_“ Trzzzfi ..S'oofco7',” _z”\/Tow .YoM2LCz'z.‘y/.

I confess" I should feel honored by the distinction you named, in connec-_
tion with the Liberal League, and would readily accept the position. But I L

fear I Will be unable to be with you. . . . Any honor, however, you may see
fittoconfer uponme will be gratefullyappreciated. IL

L From Zlfr. HORACE SEAVER, oo’z'z.‘oI7’ cf’  “[rz"z.I:.*.s‘z‘z;gzzz‘oa',” Bo:z‘o7z,» Mass.,

* L I see by your ltind note" of the other day that you wish to make a vice: L L

president -of me! I thank you for the honor, fhoughl am not at all ambitions

in that line; butas I am friendly to every movement that is liberal, and of 
I course to the League, if you think that my name can be of any advantage,

youcanuse it in the manner you suggest.
From ./WV. MORITZ ELLINGER, oo’z'z‘or of Mo “f7ewz'.w7z 'Tz'7¢zo.s~,,”
 1Veee/ Yo?’/a C izjy. ' p
In replyl would state that I shall cheerfully contribute all that is in my
power to the success of the cause in which, I believe, We labor in "common.
Dispose of my name and my humble services a—s you deem proper. —
_ From Air. 13. F. UNDERWOOI), T/'zo7*7zo’z'éo, Moss. _
I appreciate and thanl<L you for the honor, and have only to. say that, if you
think my name will help promote the object ‘of. the League, you are at liberty

to add itto the list of .Vice—IPresidents to_be presente'd to the C.ongress.. . I f
need not assure youof my earnest, ; hearty syxnpatliy with the purposes of

the Liberal League. I know of nothing now presented for the consideration

‘ of the American people rnor.e important than the se,cularization_jo'f the tg’oLv,—'~]  ’ 
ernment, so that there shall not be even a rzmz7>zor.2*zz‘ of that union of , Church I

and_State which has,wherever it has prevailed, been a prolific“ source of
mischief to free institutions. It is absolutely necessary to secure to all citi—

zens, without regard to belief, equal -rights and impartial religious liberty. 
The proposition to secure guarantees against any connection between Church L
and State, as Well as to remove everything inconsistent witha purely secular 7, ,
_ government that how exists, by constitutional amendments such as you . I‘
-_ have proposed, rneetswith my entire concurrence, and will have my hearty
, support. .We need only persevere in the noble movement, and success will
yetcrown our labors. I I I I   I I

I I From: 2725 Rev. ROBERT.‘ COLLYER, C/zyzlcago, 17!.
II» am entirely willing to go on the list, with your explanation. I think we
mean the same thing. I L I I y I
r I I From Mr..WENDELL PHILLIPS, Bosioiz, ./Wars.

ii. “I entirely agree with the proposed amendment, and shall give itmy hearty 

support. But ‘many years since I decided not to join any more societies. , I

I  have done rrnyshare of such work andresponsibility, so excuse me from the "

‘V  institutions.

5  FRANCIS E.iABBO'I‘.

23.

/1 s From Mr; WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, Bostorz, Moss, r

[This lettertwasi received and publicly read at the Centennial Congress-I

bf Liberals, July 3.] p i .
y. r y ‘ Boston, June 30, I876.
DEAR Mn. ABBOT: —- i

I shall not be able to attend the meetings of the National Liberal League_
at Pliiladelpliia; but if, its object is solely to elirninatefrom our Constitutions *

and Statute-Books whatever shows the remotest leaning toward a union of

Church, and State, or that is designed or calculated to give preference to any i a

form of religious belief over another, or that subjects the religious opinions“
of any person to a prescriptive test, or that grants to religious bodies pecu-

liar rights and privileges whereby their property _is exeinpted from being i
equally taxed with other property, then I cordially give itiny approval. And i

I do not see why it should not strongly commend itself to all classes, as a

i matter‘ of justice and equality, whatever maybe the opinions tlieyentertain. -
, concerning religion. Nay, those opinions, being widely variant and utterly ‘
yirreconcilable, furnish ample reason why they should be left to stand or fall

upon theirown rnerits, and why there shoulcjl beyno supreinacyon t.he one
hand or subordination on the other. _They belong to the domain of con-

science, and, cost whatit inay, conscience must be left free. What can be
more reasonable than this? To I‘€]€Ct it is to strike at the foundation. of‘ '

popular government, and to inaugurate the reign of pr-iestcraft, usurpation,
and tyranny. , p i ‘ . i p .

The function of the State is purely secular. It is to see that equal rights
are enjoyed, and the general welfare proinotecl; but it has no right to decree,
for exainple, that any book or any day or any place is holy, or to except
~church—property frointaxation, or to appropriate any portion of'theI_puhlic
money for sectarian purposes, or to enforce the reading of the” Bible in the

public schools, or to proclaim when it behooves the people to fast fortheir.

sins rorfeast for tlieifabundance, or to require any religious _test for office,

suffrage, iiatiiralizatioii, or giving‘ testimony in the courts. Yet it has as- 7

suined this as a part of its prerogatives; thus establishing a dangerous pre»
cedent, in contravention of republican principles, and, in my ]U.Clg11‘lC:11lZ, in

VlOlE3.tlO1'1«Ofi the spirit of Christianity itself,-—--Christianity as taught by its l

a founder, and not as exemplified in our ‘day and generation.
 the League make it clear in its spirit and utterances that it has no ul-
terior obiect in viewyancl that it does not seek a conflict with any form of

religion or with any religion as such, but is in antagonism only with What _ i

vseelszs to fetter the conscience,to define what is heresy, to mingle sectarian

with secular affairs, and to keep in countenance .that union which is specially‘ if

'  to be abhorrecl narnely, the union of Church and State. ' In that case, occu-.

pying as it does common ground, itcannot fail to advance the cause of free

Ydurs forthe‘ freedom of body and inind,
‘ r i WM. LLOYD GARRISON.‘

    
    

 

 

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