EN OR MON DELIVERED ON THE% EVENING OF THE \ ---%THIRD OF JULY, 1891,;g~ FOLD JSPRING, j3UTNA,M pen BY HENRY ELSWORTH GREGORY, % (A, M.. LI... 13.) . YORK: A SAMUEL J . BROWN, PRINTER ANDBINDER. % 189x. ORATION. Few persons who have passed from nonage to adult years find satisfaction in celebrating Independence Day by making hideous noises. The effective desire to explode powder isflno test of patriotism. Boys are mimetic ani- mals ; and it is not at all singular that they should accept the conventional method of observing the 4th of July without question or dissent. In the years immediately fol- lowing the Revolutionary War, when the people had not recovered from the excitement and exultation of T having actually beaten the British ; when as a nation we were i still in skirts and pinafores, it was perhaps not unnatural that 4th of July celebrations should be vociferous and «explosive.» As a nation we are still young, in many respects amusingly immature. But we have, I think, advanced somewhat from puerility. The custom of giving expres- sion to our patriotic impulses by objectionable noises and senseless performances seems to be passing. This is an indication of departing adolescence. . The time has gone by, too, when sonorous egotism :Sl10l.1ld be considered essential to a true and vigorous Americanism. To boast of our fathers’ successful resist- . ance of the English more than a hundred years ago, is no very laudable thing. The small boy whogbypreason of superior agility and vigor, escapes from the clutches and blows of his irate mother, and having scaled the garden wall, turns and clerides the old lady with abusive epithets, presents no very engaging spectacle. , It is neither wise nor courteous to be continually 4: reminding our kin beyond the sea that we are superior to them. The fact, if fact it be, should be demonstrated by conduct,by evidence that cannot be gainsaid. The English may be slow; but they will at length come to discern and appreciate the excellencies of our system. Indeed their observation of our institutions and our development is already intelligent and careful. They read many of our books and papers. They travel extensively within our boundaries. Professor Bryce has written a notable book about us. It is important for us to take care that the English shall find little for adverse criticism, that the flaws, mistakes and maladjustments shall be reduced to the minimum. A It may be that they still have something to teach us. A p ‘ Even so loyal an American as Mr. Depew has admitted that in municipal government, for one thing, we are less successful than our European neighbors. And Professor Bryce has said that there is no denying that the govern- ment of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. In the progress of the century nothing, perhaps, is more remarkable and striking than the rise and growth of American cities. Statisticians have laboriously prepared-‘ tables showingthe percentage of the population residentin- cities at different periods of the national life. We need not now examine these tables. It is enough for us to know that the percentage of the population now resident in cities is very much greater than it was in the early days, that it has been steadily increasing from the beginning and that it is likely still further to increase. The irresistible attractiveness of urban life is drawing the vigorous blood and the ambitious youth of the rural districts to the cities. The fascinations of commerce and rapid accumulation, of propinquity and the consequent advantages, the oppor-~ tunities for intellectual growth, for the enjoyment of the arts, for social diversion and the attainment of social dis- tinction--—these and a hundred other forces and influences have operated to build up the big cities of the Republic. They are solid monuments of American energy and 5 capability ; they teem with an incessantly vigorous indus- trial life, millions striving, struggling, enduring, suffering, enjoying, filling out the measure of the individual and‘ the corporate life. , There is much to interest, to instruct, to astonish, to rnystify us in these aggregations of men. We are exposed to nameless and unrecognizable influences within the limits of a great city. We part, perhaps unconsciously, with somewhat of our individuality and egotism. We feel the intense and aggressive life of the city send its pulsations through our veins. We are conscious of an absorption into the larger corporate and municipal existence. The stately avenues, the crowded streets, the massive edifices, the ubiquitous evidences of an incessantly struggling life, the dominance of trade, the scramble for dollars, the multifarious acxtivities of the citizens————all these produce profound impressions. But our observation may be superficial. The careful and experienced auscultator catches the sound of ominous murmurs. He perceives that all is not well with the proud and puissant city. Who will attempt to describe the frightful degradation, the squalid poverty, and hopeless misery in A which thou» sands of the great city’s inhabitants exist? Here are beings whose lives are mainly occupied with the corruption of their fellows, lives given over wholly to everything that is sordid, base, foul and criminal. Here is selfishness in its most abhorrent forms, injustice daily manifesting itself and providing for its own perpetuity, the strong lording it over the weak, men injuring and oppressing women and children; great corporations and rnonopolists sternly ex- acting the uttermost farthing. It is hardly necessary to expatiate upon the inefficiency and corruption of our municipal governments. That thereis maladministration none but ignorant persons will deny. And the so-called respectable men are mainly responsible for it. ‘By their refusal to interest themselves in municipal affairs they make it possible for the unworthy T to secure the offices. 6 M The success and efficiency of popular government depend upon the individual. Where all are rulers, each has a distinct and recognizable duty to perform. Every one, therefore, who neglects his civic duty is personally responsible for the misgovernment which he condemns. As long as the educated, orderly and ‘prosperous citizens devote their time exclusively to personal and business. affairs, it is in the nature of things impossible that our municipal, State and National governments shall be in all respects what they should be. Theoretically the Government of the United States is a Government by the people. They are supposed to be the source of all authority. For convenience they delegate their authority to their representatives, executive, legislative and judicial. To the people, the theory is, these representatives are ultimately responsible. The persons chosen to represent the people should recognize this responsibility, and conduct themselves so as to serve the best interests of the people. They should be men who, by their character and capability, have demonstrated fitness for public duty. It is natural to think that the peo- ple would elect such men to fill important public offices. N 0 one, however, who is familiar with recent political history, believes that the men who occupy public positions are generally controlled by considerations that, for the want of a better term, we call, public-spirited. They seem, on the contrary, to be influenced, very often, by considera- tions directly opposed to the public interest. There is a constant and well—grounded apprehension that Congress or the legislature may enact injurious legislation, instead of a wholesome confidence in the wisdom and virtue of those bodies. Relief is felt when they adjourn. This is certainly a most unfortunate condition of things. What is the cause? i The people, through indifference or ignorance, or good nature, or absorption in their per- sonal affairs, have practically allowed the selection of candidates for public offices to fall into the hands of a , company of men who are known as professional politicians. These persons clearlyiperceive the advantages they can 7 tal<:e, and are not reluctant to seize and retain the power that has been given to them. Politics become to them a business or profession, and the same motives actuate them, as actuate tradesmen and merchants. It is in the nature of things impossible that they should not prefer personal advantage to the general welfare. Party supremacy be» comes far more important than the public good ; but party supremacy is less important than the retention of power in their own hands. I-lence the “ deals ” between politicians of opposing parties by which the people are it deceived and the treasury plundered. This is the state of things in this country to-day. The people have actually committed their interests to a company of men who care nothing for them. They have, to a certain extent at least, abdicated their sovereignty, and they will “find it difficult to regain it. Instead of government by the people and for the people, we have government by the politicians and for the politicians. Does not the corruption in New York, for example demonstrate the truth of these statements? Fortunately, the politicians are somewhat restrained by investigations and the press. But the people should not rely wholly on these agencies for protection. They should attend to their interests themselves. They should resume the authority which they originally had, expel the trading politicians from power and restore government to its original purity and efficiency. People who enjoy the advantages and privileges of living in a constitutional republic have weightier responsi- bilities than those who live under a monarchy or despotism. The average American is slow to recognize these responsi- bilities. The educated and so-called respectable citizens, as they become more and more absorbed in business or professional life, become less and less interested in their political duties. For this they deserve to be blamed. The constant infusion of alien elements into the population, the assumption of the privileges of citizenship by in»- creasing thousands of ignorant voters, make it more than ever incumbent upon native-born citizens to be active and 8 vigilant in the performance of public duties. As the scope of government widens, as offices multiply, and administration becomes more difficult and complex, the obligations of the intelligent and more favored citizens become greater. ” V The educated men in a Republic can always exercise a strong and beneficent influence if they only will. It is their duty to assume the leadership, and, as far as possible, to guide and teach the people, or, at any rate, to be shining . examples to them, zealous in season and out of season for the public welfare, not shirking but faithfully performing their public duties.. R How much freer from scandals and abuses would our municipal governments have been had the native—born citizens taken this view of their responsibilities. How much more reasonably could a thoughtfulAmerican exult in the greatness of his country, had his fellow—countrymen been thus faithful to their trusts. We do not, we should not expect an ideal condition of affairs in this country. The ideal republic exists only in the imagination of philosophers and sages. Imper- fection is inseparable from humanity. The standard of] ideal excellenceis of course unattainable, but that should not deter men from seeking to approach nearer and nearer to it. . So,.every citizen in his own sphere and neighborhood should endeavor to make the Republic nobler and greater. They are not fit for freedom who will not preserve the glorious heritage of the fathers and transmit it uninjured to posterity. Is it too much to hope, that out of the selfishness and Philistinism, the recklessness and mam- rnonism of to-day, there may be evolved a higher type of manhood, and that the greatest days of the Republic may be in the distant future? But the number of citizens wholly indifferent to political affairs must cease to be so great. Too many there are who, personally comfortable in mind, body and A estate, manifest no disposition to interest themselves in political affairs. Fraud and corruption may be flagrant 9 :and defiant; executive offices may be occupied by rogues and demagogues; legislative hallsmay be infested by reprobates and bribe-takers—-—and yet the average citizen rallovvs none of these things to disturb his serenity or interfere with his accumulation of cash. Through the selfishness and apathy of such men, the «cause of republican government suffers grievous injury. Intelligent Englishmen who become acquainted with the ;~.scandals and abuses connected with our municipal and State governments, are quite likely to prefer the consti- tutional monarchy under which they live, to the ruleofi politicians and adventurers. It has been said that the -‘influence of the Republic upon the English people is most znoticeable, and that the principle of popular government. ;is making its Way in England with rapidity. Should the English people generally become acquainted with the tiinfarnies of our politics, this movement towards popular government might receive a serious reverse. l While it is profitable to reflect upon these things and ‘to recognize our deficiencies and mistakes, we yet are justified, at this time, in indulging in self-gratulations. As a nation, we surely ought to be thankful. Wliat people under Heaven has been more highly favored; what country is more fortunately situated? Are we not :at peace with all mankind; are we not materially pros- gperous; are not our Working men more fairly treated, arnore adequately compensated than those of other coun- :tries; are they not, as a rule, better housed, better tclothed, better fed? David A. Wells, in his work on “Recent Economic fChanges,” informs us that, from 1850 1101880, wages in 2-this country increased, on an average, almost 40 per cent. During the same period’ too, according to Mr. Wells, the -purchasing power of money has increased, while the price «of necessary commodities has diminished. There has been a reduction in the number of hours of labor. For-i .merly twelve and fourteen hours were exacted, and even :more. Now it is the exception when theworkin-g man is .»compelled to labor more than ten hours a day. if 10 On the other hand, the capitalist finds it almost im-- possible to invest -his money at rates of interest that were, common fifteen and twenty years ago. Then he received 7, 8 and even 10 per cent. Now he considers himself fortunate if he can get 6 per cent. and has generally to be contented with 5 and perhaps 4 per cent. or even less. One of the frequent utterances of the day, one that flows glibly from the tongues of would-be reformers and discontented persons, is that the poor are growing poorer and the rich are growing richer. These persons read about the enormous wealth of a small number of milliona-H aires, and see evidences of extreme poverty, and hence conclude that this divergence from equality is something most deplorable. Now, although the number of millionaires to—day is undoubtedly greater than ever before in this country, it is. insignificantly small contrasted with the great number of thrifty and well-to-do citizens. The wealth of the country has increased at a greater rate than the wealth of the millionaires. There is a more equal distribution of wealth today than there was 40 years ago. In 1876, the number“ of savings banks in the country was 717, and their deposits aggregated $88I,o0o,0o0. In 1889, the number had in-« creased to 849 and the deposits to $I,444,39I,3.?.5-'-«an increase 4 of $563,000,000 in thirteen years. It may be assumed that the deposits aggregate, to—day, something‘ more than 351, 500,000,000, which mainly belongs to wage-— earners and small shop-keepers. When we consider how enormous has been the nufiiber of immigrants since the "time of the potato famine s in Ireland, it is perhaps remarkable that there is not more poverty in the country. VVe think it improbable“ that there are evidences of destitution and squalor as shocking to-day as there were forty or fifty years ago. It; is inevitable that, with the congestion of masses of people in cities and the continuous flood of immigrants.-. poverty should exist and that there should be thousands of I discontented poor. » I . .. l The excessive devotion to wealth which characterizes... 11 our people is not commendable. We wish there were much less of it, and that there were more culture, dignity and beauty in this American life of ours. At the same- time, the condition of affairs is not so deplorable as certain reformers and agitators would have us believe. We know that abuses exist that ought to be abolished ;: that there are wrongs which should be righted ; that the relations between laboring men and their employers are not as harmonious as they should be. But we believe: that the American working men are in many respects very‘ fortunate and that it is .not wise to despond. America, we may say without unworthy pride, should‘ produce the very highest type of man. The human race should be steadily progressing and improving. No one can deny that a great advance has been made during the- period of the national life. But are we not in danger of being carried away by the intense desire for material; prosperity and success? Are we not in danger of lowering’ our ideals, of honoring too highly the men who are re» markable for nothing except the ability to accumulate dollars? ' Wealthy men are necessary, it is true, but we need not go back to Plato to learn how difficult it is for a rich. man to serve the state disinterestedly. Our American life is mainly a series of , struggles to» get on in the world. We have no conception of life as an artistic whole. Joy seems not to be domesticated among us. Men might be happier if they dwelt upon some fair island such as that mentioned in the Odyssey and of which the poet writes: “ It is not so very thickly peopled ; but. the land is good, rich in herds, rich in flocks, with plenty of corn and wine. Dearth never enters the land, and no- hateful sickness falls on wretched mortals.” But though, , on such an island there might be a gain in happiness, there- would be a loss of energy. The average American could never be happy on any island, however beautifuland how- ever blessed, unless he had opportunities ,for competing in some way withlothei-s,.of winning some advantage, of". getting ahead. A life of simple, natural development and. 12 ‘reasonable enjoyment would not be agreeable to him. To repose on beds of flowers and “quaff immortality and joy,” would soon become wearisome, and he would gladly exchange that sort of placidity for the excitement of the street and the exchange. . Yet with all their love of worldly success, with all their consideration for wealthy men, the American people are not destitute of hero-worship. They have not ne- ::glected their greatest men. Pitiable is the man who never feels a thrill of emotion, a genuine throb of admiration when he hears the name or reads the biography of one of the national heroes. Indeed, one test of a man is this recognition of the noble and heroic qualities in others. The egotism of a dull, sordid soul prevents this recog- nition. Hero—worship is to be commended, and American boys should be taught to reverence the really great Americans, the statesmen, the soldiers, the philanthropists, the scholars, the educators, rather than the accumulators of dollars. In heroism, there is the essential quality of self-sacrifice. This is wanting in the vulgar success of the " Of Washington, the foremost figure in American history during the Eighteenth Century, nothing can be said that has not been said. Mr. Lodge, his latest bi- -ographer, says of him: “ He did as great work as has fallen to the lot of man, he wrote volumes of correspond- ence ; he talked with innumerable men and women; and «of himself, he said nothing.” * * ‘ii’ “ Carlyle «crying out through hundreds of pages and myriads of words for the ‘ Silent man,’ passed by with a sneer, the most absolutely silent man that history can show.” A The silence of Washington was not the silence of retro- spection. He did not waste time broodingover the irre- ~coverable past. His was not the silence of a disappointed, pessimistic and visionary man pondering the untoward "years. It was the silence. preceding and preparatory to ac—— tion. Like St. Paul burdened with the cares of the infant churches, Washington was burdened with the cares of the ‘Colonies and the infant republic. In silence he meditated 13 and planned for the welfare of his country. He had the prophetic vision and the wide horizon of a man appointed to act a great part in the drama of the world’s history. The English beyond the sea long since learned to-re»-~ gard Washington with respect and even with venera- tion. Thacl