of t^e (Snitiet^itp of Botth Carolina ant 938 M947gxT V . 2 mils This BOOK may be kept out TWO WEEKS ONLY, and is subject to a fine of FIVE CENTS a day thereafter. It is DUE on the DAY indicated below: NOV 10 1961 SEfi4^:1353_ 1394 $IP i 5 20« ' s=- :oGrj0 3 2ooi 'APR 01 2(102 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/historyantiquiti02mull THK HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES DORIC RACE, C. O. MULLER, PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GÖTTIN GEN. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY HENRY TUFNELL, ESQ. AND GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS, ESQ., A. M. STUDENT OF CHRIST CHURCH. SECOND EDITION, REVISED. VOL. II. LONDON: ^ JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. MDCCCXXXIX. LONDON: Printed by W. Clowes and Sons, Stamford-Street. LIBRARY Uiiiv. ^i- ISORTH CAROLINA .„ CONTENTS OF VOL. IL BOOK III. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE DORIANS. CHAP. I. § 1. End of the state according to the Doric notions. § 2. Dif- ference between the political institutions of the Dorians and lonians. § 3. Successive changes in the constitutions of the Greek states; 1st, royal aristocracy of the heroic ages. §4. 2nd, Timocracy, or aristocracy of wealth. § 5. 3rd, Tyranny. § 6. 4th, Democracy. § *7. Form of government characteristic of the Doric race. § 8. Supposed Legislation of Lycurgus. § 9. Derivation of Spartan laws from the Delphic oracle. § 10. Characteristics of the Doric form of government. .Page 1 CHAP. II. § 1. Origin and distribution of the Perioeci of Laconia. § 2. Their political condition and civil rights. § 3. Their service in war, and their occupation in manufactures, trade, and art. § 4. Noble families in Sparta not of Doric origin. Trades and crafts hereditary in Sparta p. 17 CHAP. III. § 1. Helots of Sparta. Their political condition. § 2. Their service in war. § 3. Treatment of the helots. § 4. The cryp- teia. § 5. Various degrees of helotism. § 6. Number of the helots. § 7. The phylse of Pitana, Limnse, Mesoa, and Cy- nosura p. 29 CHAP. IV. § 1. Subject classes in Crete. § 2. In Argos and Epidaurus. § 3. In Corinth and Sicyon. § 4. In Syracuse. § 5. In By- zantium, Heraclea on the Pontus, and Cyrene. § 6. The bond- slaves of Thessaly. § 7. Cities and villages of Arcadia. §8. The political opposition of city tind country" p. 50 v.i ^ iv CONTENTS. CHAP. V. § 1. Three tribes of citizens in the Doric states. § 2. Additional tribes, of inferior rank, in some Doric states. § 3. Each tribe in Sparta was divided into ten obse. § 4. Political importance of the Spartan obse. § 5. Ilarpat, in other Doric states, cor- responding to the Spartan obse. § 9. Number of Spartan yivrj. § 7. Distinction between Equals and Inferiors in Sparta. § 8. Powers of the assembly of citizens at Sparta. § 9. Names of the assembly of the citizens in the Doric states. § 10. Pro- ceedings of the Spartan assembly. § 11. Public assembly of Crete , p. 75 CHAP. VI. § 1. The Gerusia of Sparta, a council of elders. § 2. The Spartan Gerontes were irresponsible. § 3. Functions of the Spartan Gerusia. § 4. Gerusia of Crete and of Elis. § 5. Cha- racter of the Spartan royalty. § 6. Honours paid to the Spartan kings, and the mode of their succession. § 7. Powers of the Spartan kings in domestic ; § 8. and in foreign Affairs. § 9. Revenues of the Spartan kings. § 10. Heraclide princes in Doric states other than Sparta p. 93 CHAP. VII. § 1. Origin of the office of Ephor in the Spartan state. § 2. Period of its creation. § 3. Civil Jurisdiction of the Ephors. § 4. Increase in the powers of the Ephors. § 5. Their trans- action of business with the assembly of citizens, and with foreign powers. § 6. The power of the Ephors, owing to their ascendancy over the assembly of citizens. § 7. Miscel- laneous facts concerning the office of Ephor. § 8. Titles and duties of other magistrates at Sparta p . 114 CHAP. VIII. § 1. The Cosmi of Crete. § 2. Changes in their powers. § 3. The Prytanes of Corinth and Rhodes. § 4. The Prytanes of ancient Athens. § 5. The Artynae of Argos ; the Demiurgi in several states of Peloponnesus p. 133 CHAP. IX. § 1. Constitutions of Argos. § 2. Epidaurus, .^Egina, Cos. CONTENTS. V § 3. Rhodes. § 4. Corinth. § 5. Corey ra. § 6. Ambracia, Leucadia, Epidamnus, Apollonia. § 7. Syracuse. § 8. Gela, Agrigentum. § 9. Sicyon, Philus. § 10. Megara. § 11. Byzantium, Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica. § 12. Cnidos, Melos, Thera. § 13. Cyrene. § 14. Tarentum. § 15. He- raclea Sciritis. § 16. Croton ; § 17. and Delphi. § 18. Aristocratic character of the constitution of Sparta . . p. 145 CHAP. X. § 1. Tenure of land in Laconia. § 2. Partition of the land into lots, and their inalienability. § 3. Law of inalienability of land repealed by Epitadeus. § 4. Lacedaemonian law respecting marriage portions and heiresses. § 5. Similar regulations re- specting landed property in other states. § 6. The syssitia of Crete and the phiditia of Sparta. § 7. Contributions to the public tables in Crete and Sparta. § 8. Domestic economy of Sparta. § 9. Money of Sparta. § 10. Regulations respecting the use of money in Sparta. § 11, Changes in these regula- tions. Taxation of the Spartans. § 12. Trade of Pelopon- nesus. Monetary system of the Dorians of Italy and Sicily p. 195 CHAP. XL § 1. Simplicity of the Law of Sparta. § 2. Spartan System of Judicature. § 3. Penal system of Sparta: fine, infamy. § 4. Exile and death. § 5. Origin of the laws respecting the penalty of death in the Doric states. § 6. Connexion of Locri with the Doric race. § 7. Laws of Zaleucus ..... p. 227 CHAP. XIL § 1 . Study of the military profession at Sparta. Period of service. § 2. Arrangement of the army. Numbers of the military divisions. § 3. Arrangement of the enomoty and military evolutions. § 4. Arrangement of the Mora. § 5. Organization of the Spartan army. Its officers. § 6. Cavalry in the other Doric states. The Sciritse in the Lacedaemonian army. Light- armed soldiers. § 7. Arms of the heavy infantry of Sparta. § 8. Spartan tactics. § 9. Steady courage of the Spartans. § 10. War considered as an art by the Spartans. Life of the Spartans in camp p. 242 VI CONTENTS. BOOK IV. DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS, ARTS, AND LITERATURE OF THE DORIANS. CHAP. I. § 1. Subjects of the present 'book. §2. Simplicity of the dwell- ings of the Dorians. § .3. Achaean style of buildings. § 4. Character of the Doric architecture p. 265 CHAP. n. § 1. General character of the Doric dress. § 2. Different dresses of married and unmarried women among the Dorians. § 3. Dress of the Spartan women. § 4. Dress of the Spartan men. § 5. Simplicity of the Doric dress. § 6. Doric and Ionic fashions of wearing the hair. Change of costume in many Doric states. Baths . • • p. 271 CHAP. III. § 1. Syssitia of the Dorians and other Greek races. § 2. Simple fare of Sparta. § 3. Public tables of Sparta and Crete. § 4. Abandonment of the simple fare in some Doric colonies p. 283 CHAP. IV. § 1 . Freedom of intercourse between unmarried persons at Sparta. § 2. Marriage ceremonies. § 3. Age of marriage. § 4. Re- lations of husband and wife. § 5. Different treatment of women among the lonians. § 6. naihpaaria of Sparta. § 7. And of Crete. § 8. Origin of this custom p. 289 CHAP. V. § 1. Education of the youth at Sparta. Its early stages. § 2. Its continuation after the twelfth year. § 3. Education of the youth in Crete. § 4. Nature of the education : gymnastic and music. § 5. Influence of the Dorians upon the national games. § 6. The Spartan youth trained to hardships. § 7. Military games at Crete and Sparta. § 8. Athletic exercises of the women p. 307 CHAP. VI. § 1. Origin of the Doric musical mode. § 2. Character of the CONTENTS. vii Doric mode. § 3. Progress of music in Sparta. § 4. Public musical performances. § 5. Progress of music in other Doric states. § 6. Connexion of dancing and music. Military music of Sparta. § 7. Military dances. § 8. Connexion of gymnastic exercises and dancing. § 9. Imitative dances. § 10. Dances of the Heiots. Origin of bucolic poetry among the subject classes.! § 11. Comedy connected with the country fes- tivals of Bacchus p. 323 CHAP. VII. § 1. Origin of comedy at Megara. § 2. Life and drama of Epi- charmus. § 3. Traces of theatrical representations on painted vases. § 4. Political and philosophical tendency of the drama of Epicharmus. § 5. Mimes of Sophron. § 6. Plays of Rhin- thon. § 7- Origin of tragedy at the city festivals of Bacchus. § 8. Early history of the Doric tragedy. § 9, Character of the Doric lyric poetry. §10. Doric lyric poets. § 11. Origin of the Doric lyric poetry. § 12. Character of the Doric style of sculpture p. 353 CHAP. VIII. § 1. History and rhetoric little cultivated by the Dorians. § 2. Apophthegmatic style of expression used by the Dorians. § 3. Apophthegms of the Seven Sages. § 4. Griphus invented by the Dorians. § 5. Symbolical language of the Pythagorean philosophy p. 384 CHAP. IX. § 1. Difference between the life of the Dorians and lonians. Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians. § 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6. Cha- racter of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians, Corcy- rseans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians, Byzan- tians, iEginetans, Cyrenaeans, Crotoniats, Tarentines, Messe- nians, and Delphians p. 395 Vlll CONTENTS. APPENDIX V. On the Doric dialect p. 4 1 7 APPENDIX VI. Chronological tables p. 441 Index ; . , . p. 46*7 480 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTION^ that reason aix(pL(piöv or afKpKpMQ, was offered to the g less on the 16th of Munychion, because the moon was full on tht day. See Callim. fr. 417. ed. Bentl. Eratosth. ap. Steph. Byz. . i AtöoTrta, Hesych. in AtfltoTrai^a, ApoUod. fr. p. 402. Heyne. P. 390. note' add — I cannot approve of Lobeck's^emendation o' 'EpfxrjQ for 'HpaKXfjg in Etymol. Mag. et Gud. in KrjpvKeioy (Aglaoph. vol. II. p: H66) ; since the mythical system there alluded tc is very different from that of the ordinary Greek mythology. P. 475. note ^. In the passage of Constantinus,[read Kal tyiv 'Opiareiap U. 'Opiareta is used by Appian, quoted in the following note. VOL. II. P. 5. notes col. 1.18. after the parenthesis add : with Cimon (Plut. Cim. 14.) P. 8. note P/or Zeeob read Zenob. P. 131. 1. 15. It does not appear that the Spartan nomophylaces were guardians of written laws. The Athenian and Olympi-7. nomophylaces were not obviously connected with the written leps^ lation. By nomophylaces in Greece were generally uncieistocd guardians of manners. See p. 240. note^ P. 132. 1. 7. /or nomophylaces read nomothetsB. Directions to the Binder. The map of Northern Greece to face the title-page of vol. I. The map of Macedonia to face vol. I. p. 488. The map of the Peloponnese to face the title-page of vol. II. 'T London:— Printed by W. CrowEs and Sons, Stamford Street. ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. VOL. L P. 79. 1. 18. In the explanation of Meli a, the ash has been con- founded with the alder. It seems that the ash, which probably reached a greater height than any other tree in Greece, is used in this genealogy, as in Hesiod Theog. 187, for the force of vegeta- tion generally. P. 80. 1. 11. It may be objected that the countries in which commerce and manufactures have flourished most, have not pos- sessed mines of the precious metals. This remark is true of modern Europe ; but in Greece the copper of Chalcis appears to be connected with the Chalcidean trade and colonies, and the gold of Thasos with the maritime pursuits of the Thasians and their large navy before the time of Cimon. The silver of Laurion likewise ^jontributed to the industry and foreign commerce of Attica. The osperity of the maritime cities of A sia Minor was at least assisted b'y the gold mines in Lydia ; as may be seen in the very ancient ^• •ilden staters (partly made of electron, which according to Soph, it. 1025 came from Sardis) of Phocaea, Lampsacus, Clazo- nse, &c. P. 82. 1. 2. It now appears to me that Leake, Morea, vol. III. h. 30. is right in considering the Contoporia as a footpath over ; hills, which required the use of long sticks or poles. The ad in the valley between the rocks bore the name of Tretos. P. 127. 1. 25. /or all its colonies read all its early colonies. P. 209. notes, col. 2. 1. 10. for Plataeon read Plataean. P. 212. notes, col. 2 1. 10. /or elpiyrjg, read eipr)vr}Q. P. 252. note*^ add — The emendation of Dobree, Adv. vol. I. p. 599. of epaaral for kpeig is not needed, since it is proved that the ;ap from the Leucadian rock was originally a religious rite. P. 384. note add — The identification of Artemis with the moon is earlier than that of Apollo with the sun (B. II. ch. 5. § 5.) The former occurs not only in jEschyl. Xant. fr. 158. ed. Din- dorf, but is also manifest in the worship of the Munychian and Brauronian Artemis. The name AlQoitLa designates her shining countenance or orb ; and a cake surrounded with lights, called for BOOK III. POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE DORIANS. CHAP. I. § 1. End of a state according to the Doric notions. § 2. Dif- ference between the political institutions of the Dorians and lonians. § 3. Successive changes in the constitutions of the Greek states; 1st, royal aristocracy of the heroic ages. §4. 2nd, Timocracy, or aristocracy of wealth. § 5. 3rd, Tyranny, § 6. 4th, Democracy. § 7. Form of government characteristic of the Doric race. § 8. Supposed legislation of Lycurgus. § 9. Derivation of Spartan laws from the Delphic oracle. § 10. Characteristics of the Doric form of government. 1. Before we speak of the form of government which prevailed in the Doric states, it will be neces- sary to set aside all modern ideas respecting the origin, essence, and object of a state ; namely, that it is an institution for protecting the persons and property of the individuals contained in it. We shall approach nearer to the ancient notion, if we consider the essence of a state to be, that by a recognition of the same opi- nions and principles, and the direction of actions to the same ends, the whole body become, as it were, one moral agent. Such an unity of opinions and actions can only be produced by the ties of some natural affinity, such as of a nation, a tribe, or a part of one : although in process of time the meaning of the terms state and nation became more distinct. The more complete the unity of feelings and principles is, the VOL. n. B 2 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. more vigorous will be the common exertions, and the more comprehensive the notion of the state. As this was in general carried to a wider extent among the Greeks than by modern nations, so it was perhaps no- where so strongly marked as in the Dorian states, whose national views with regard to political institu- tions were most strongly manifested in the government of Sparta. Here the plurality of the persons com- posing the state was most completely reduced to unity ; and hence the life of a Spartan citizen was chiefly con- cerned in public affairs. The greatest freedom of the Spartan, as well as of the Greeks in general, was only to be a living member of the body of the state; whereas that which in modern times commonly re- ceives the name of liberty, consists in having the fewest possible claims from the community ; or in other words, in dissolving the social union to the greatest degree possible, as far as the individual is concerned. What the Dorians endeavoured to obtain in a state was good order, or Tcoa-fxog, the regular combination of different elements. The expression of king Archidamus in Thucydides,^ that " it is most " honourable, and at the same time most secure, for " many persons to show themselves obedient to the " same order (xocrixog)/* was a fundamental principle of this race. And hence the Spartans honoured Lycurgus so greatly, as having instituted the existing order of things (;€oVjao^) :^ and called his son by the laudatory title of Eucosmus.'^ For the same reason the supreme magistrate among the Cretans was called ^11. 11. Sparta, see also Clearchus ap. b Herod. I. 65. Concerning Athen. XV. p. 681 C. the expression Koa^ioc^ with re- ^ Pausan. III. 16. 5. See gard to the constitution of above, vol. I. p. 69, note CH. 1, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 3 Cosmus ; among the Epizephyrian Locrians, Cosmo- polis. Thus this significant word expresses the spirit of the Dorian government, as well as of the Dorian music and philosophy."^ With this desire to obtain a com- plete uniformity, an attempt after stability is neces- sarily connected. For an unity of this kind having been once established, the next object is to remove whatever has a tendency to destroy it, and to repress all causes which may lead to a change : yet an attempt to exclude all alteration is never completely success- ful : partly on account of the internal changes which take place in the national character, and partly because causes operating from without necessarily produce some modifications. These states, however, endea- vour to retain unchanged a state of things once esta- blished and approved; while others, in which from the beginning the opinions of individuals have out- weighed the authority of the whole, admit, in the progress of time, of greater variety, and more innova- tions, readily take up whatever is offered to them by accident of time and place, or even eagerly seek for opportunities of change. States of this description must soon lose all firmness and character, and fall to pieces from their own weakness ; while those which never admit of innovation will at last, after having long stood as ruins in a foreign neighbourhood, yield to the general tide of human affairs, and their destruc- tion is commonly preceded by the most complete anarchy. 2. This description expresses, though perhaps too forcibly, the difference between the Doric and Ionic races. The former had, of all the Grecians, the ^ That is, of the Pythagorean philosophy. See below, ch. 9. § 16, B 2 4 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iit. greatest veneration for antiquity : and not to dege- nerate from Iiis ancestors was the strongest exhorta- tion which a Spartan could hear : ^ the latter, on the other hand, were in everything fond of novelty, and delighted in foreign communication ; whence their cities were always built on the sea, whereas the Dorians generally preferred an inland situation. The anxiety of the Dorians, and the Spartans in particular, to keep up the pure Doric character and the customs of their ancestors, is strongly shown by the prohibi- tion to travel/ and the exclusion of foreigners, an in- stitution common both to the Spartans and Cretans, and which has been much misrepresented by ancient authors.^ It is very possible, as Plutarch thinks. «Thucvd. IL 11. cf. 1. 10. II. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &c. ^Plat. Protag. p. 342 C. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plu- tarch. Inst. Lac. p. 252. and particularly Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. The Spartans were hdrj- fjLOTaroi, according to Thucyd. I. 10. See below, ch. 11. § 7. s From Thucyd. 1. 144. com- pared with Plutarch's Life of Agis, it may be seen that the ^Ev-qXama was only practised against tribes of different usages, particularly iVthenians and lonians. See Yaler. Max. n. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gym- nopaedia (Plut. Ages. 29. cf. Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. 1. 2. 61.) and other festivals, Sparta was full of fo- reigners, Cragius de Rep. Lac. III. p. 213. Poets, such as Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphae- us of Cydonia, Theognis (who celebrates his hospitable re- ception in the ayXaov aarv, v. •JSS.); philosophers, such as Pherecydes and Anaximander and Anacharsis the Scythian, were willingly admitted ; other classes of persons were exclud- ed. Thus there were regula- tions concerning persons, and the time of admitting foreign- ers : and hence the earlier writers, such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle, al- ways speak of ^evrjXacrtai in the plural number. (Compare Plut. Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut. Lyc. 27. who refers to Thuc. II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013. and the Scholiast (from Theo- pompus), and Schol. Pac. 622. Suid. in dieipioyo^eroi and ^eur)- XciTEiy, who, as usual, has co- pied from the Scholiast to Ari- stophanes, that the Xenelasia was introduced ttote SIIOAIAS yEvoiJLev7]c, for which we should clearly write SITOAEIAS. Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp, de la Nauze Mem. de lAcad. des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159. It may be added that the nu- CH. 1, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 5 that the severity of these measures was increased by the decline of all morals and discipline, which had arisen among the lonians from the contrary practice ; that race having in the earliest times fallen into a state of the greatest effeminacy and inactivity, from their connexion with their Asiatic neighbours. For how early was the period when the ancient constitution of the Grecian family degenerated among the lonians into the slavery of the wife ! how weak, effeminate, , and luxurious do their ancient poets Callinus^ and Asius' represent them ! and if the legend describes even the daughters of Neleus, the founder of the colony, as completely destitute of morality,^ what must have been the condition of this people, when the wives of the lonians had mixed with Lydian women ! The warning voice of such examples might well stimulate the ancient lawgivers to draw in with greater close- ness the iron bond of custom. 3. But with all this difference in the races of merous ^Evlm and Trpo^eviai, the hospitable connexions of states and individuals, served to alle- viate the harshness of tlie insti- tution. Thus the Lacedaemo- nians were connected with the Pisistratidse (vol. I. p. 188, note and with the family of Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39); Endius with Clinias, the father of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6) ; king Archidamus with Pericles (ib. n. 13) ; Xenias the Elean with king Agis, the son of Archidamus, and the state of Sparta. (Paus. III. 8. 2.) See B. III. ch. 6. § 7, and vol. I. p. 209, n. ^ The exchange of names, occasioned by npo- ^£^tat, might be made the sub- ject of a distinct investigation. See the note last cited, and Paus. III. 6. 41. Moreover the Spartans sometimes gave free- dom from custom duties, and the privilege of occupying a seat of honour at the games at Sparta, to strangers, even of Athenian race ; for example, to the Deceleans, according to Herod. IX. 73. ^ p. 100. ed. Frank. ^ See Naeke's Choerilus, p. 74. k Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel. Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes, Etym. in aaekyaiveiv and 'EXe- yri'iQ. Concerning the effemi- nacy of the Codridse, see He- raclid. Pont. I. 6 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. which the Grecian nation consisted, there was, in the development of the constitutions of the Greek states,, a common progress, which extended a certain in- fluence even to such as retained their earlier impres- sions with a firm adherence to antiquity. As it is our present object to give a general view of this ad- vance, we will begin with the constitution of the heroic age, so clearly described in Homer. This can scarcely be called by any other name than that of aristocracy, as its most important feature is the ac- curate division between the nobles^ and the people. The former composed the deliberative councils, and the courts of justice and although both were com- monly combined with a public assembly (ayopa), the nobles were the only persons who proposed measures, deliberated and voted ; the people was only present in order to hear the debate, and to express its feelings as a body ; which expressions might then be noticed by princes of a mild disposition." The chief ruler himself was properly of equal rank with the other nobles, and was only raised above them by the autho- rity intrusted to him as president in the council, and commander in the field. This form of government ^ aptffTOi, aptaTEig, ävaKreg, ßaaikelg, ETriKpaTEOvreg, KOipavi- OVTEQ. ™ On the Gerontes, see be- low, c'h. 6. § 1 — 4. " We should particularly ob- serve the assembly in the se- cond book of the Odyssey, in which, however, Mentor (v. 239.) wishes to bring about a declaration of the people not strictly constitutional. But that the Homeric 'Kyopa indepen- • dently exercised the rights of government, I cannot allow to Platner, De Notione Juris apud Homerum,-p. 108. andTittmann Griechischen Staatsverfassun- gen, p. 63. It was a species of Wittenagemote, in which none but the thanes had the right of voting, as among the Saxons in England. The people composed a concio, but no comitia. My opinion more nearly coincides with" that of Wachsmuth, Jus Gentium apud Grcecos, p. 18, sq. CH. 1, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 1 continued to exist for a considerable time in the Ionian, Achaean, and iEolian states ; but the power of the chief ruler gradually declined, and was at last wholly abolished. With the Dorians, however, the case was very different ; they were peculiar in pos- sessing a very limited nobility, for the Heraclidse had nearly an exclusive right to that appellation : while, on the other hand, a whole nation occupied by means of conquest a station analogous to that of an aristo- cracy, uniting military pursuits with independence obtained by the possession of the land. 4. About the 30th Olympiad (660 B.C.), how- ever, on account of the increased trade and intercourse with foreign nations, and consequently of the greater demand for luxuries, the value of wealth rose in com- parison with the honour of noble descent. The land, indeed, still remained for the most part in the hands of the aristocracy ; but as it had at this time become more easy to dissipate an inherited estate, and to obtain con- sideration by the profits of trade, property was more exposed to sudden changes. It is probable that the Geomori of the Ionic Samos, as well as the Hippo- botse of Chalcis (which, as well as Samos, had once belonged to lonians), whose distinction was derived from the possession of land, also carried on the exten- sive commerce of these two states ; otherwise the wealth of the merchant would soon have exceeded that of the landowner. In the Doric states also, which were much engaged in trade, such as Corinth, ^gina, &c., it was attempted to unite the government of here- ditary aristocracy and of wealth.^ The new import- ance attached to wealth, even at the time of the Seven SageSj gave rise to the saying of Aristodemus the Ar- ° Mginetica, p. 133. 8 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. give, " Money makes the man ;"p and at a later period Tlieognis the Megarean complains that the pursuit of riches confounds all distinction of rank, and that esti- mation was derived from it.^^ The ancient legislators of Greece considered the power of money, or moveable property (which is as changeable as property in land is durable), most prejudicial to the safety of states ; and they endeavoured by oppressing the commercial classes, as well as by rendering the land inalienable, to palliate a danger which they were unable wholly to remove. Sparta alone, from the unchangeableness of her institutions, remained free from these revolutions. Solon, on the other hand, endeavoured to arrest and perpetuate a state of things which was merely fleeting and transitory. He left some remnants of the aristo- cracy, particularly the political union of the yevsa, or houses, untouched ; while he made his government in principle a timocracy, the amount of property deter- mining the share in the governing power ; and at the same time showed a democratic tendency in the low rate at which he fixed the valuation. In his poetry also Solon considers the middle ranks as most valuable to the state ; and therefore he endeavoured to give them political importance. But the temperature which he chose was too artificial to be lasting ; and the constitu- tion of Solon, in its chief points, only remained in force for a few years. In other Ionic states also similar re- conciliations were attempted, but without obtaining any stability.^ The spirit of the age was manifestly turned towards democracy; and though at Athens ^pri^araxprilJ^CLT avYip^Ym- ^ Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. '7, dar. Isth. II. 11. See Dissen 10. Explic. p. 493. Alcseus ap. ^ See Hüllmann, Staatsrecht^ Schol. et Zeeob. Prov. p. 103. *i V. 190. CH. 1, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 9 Solon, as being the friend of the people, succeeded perhaps in effecting a more gradual transition ; in other places the parties were more directly opposed, as is clearly shown by the contest between the parties TlTiodrig and Hsi^oixa)(^oL at Miletus.* 5. At Athens however, and generally throughout Greece, the first result of these democratic movements was the establishment of tyranny or despotism ; which may be considered as a violent revulsion, destined to precede a complete subversion of all the existing in- stitutions. It has been already shown that the tyrants of Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, were originally leaders of the popular party against the Doric nobility, or demagogues, according to the ex- pression of Aristotle ; and for this reason Sparta, as being the protector of aristocracy, overthrew them, wherever her power extended."" In Ionia and Sicily the tyrants found an oligarchical timocracy, which was commonly opposed by a democratical party and in some instances, as in that of Gelon, the tyrant acted against the popular faction. At the time of the Persian war democracy had struck deep root among the lonians; and Mardonius the Persian, after the expulsion of the tyrants, restored it in their cities as the desired form of government.^ In Athens Cleis- thenes had deprived the union of the houses (the last support of the aristocracy) of its political importance ; * Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The constitution was similar to that emendation UXovtiq is confirmed of the Hippobotse. See Polyge- by the comparison of Athenaeus nus V. 47. XII. p. 524 A.B. y Herod. VI. 43. — Pindar See book I. ch. 8. (Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three ^ See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4. constitutions, Tyranny, Domin- Pansetius of Leontini was a ion of the unrestrained Multi- demagogue in a previously oli- tude, and Government of the garchical state, oi" which the Wise, 10 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. and Aristides was at length compelled by circum- stances to chance the timocracy into a democracy. For in the Persian invasion the lower orders had dis- covered, while serving as rowers and sailors in the fleet, how much the safety of the state depended upon their exertions, and would no longer submit to be ex- cluded from a share in the highest offices.^ The de- mocracy flourished so long as great men understood how to guide it by the imposing superiority of their individual characters, and educated persons (oi ßsT^- rlovsg) dared to take a share in public affairs ; it fell when the greedy and indolent people, allured by the prospect of rewards pernicious to the state, filled the public assemblies and courts of justice. We will not carry on any further our picture of the ochlocracy, in which all social union was entirely dissolved, and the state was surrendered to the arbitrary will of a turbu- lent populace. 6. The last of these changes, produced by what is called the spirit of the times, we have illustrated by the history of Athens, although the same course may be shown to have taken place in other, even originally Doric states. Thus in Ambracia, about the same time as at Athens, the timocracy gradually passed into a democracy,^ and at Argos also the democracy rose at the same period. At the time of Polybius, the people had in the Doric states of Crete so unlimited an au- thority, that this writer himself wonders that his de- scription of them should be so entirely opposed to all former accounts.^ But since, in general, these altera- tions threw down the Doric families from their high station, and put an end to the Doric customs, they ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 6. with Schneider's notes. * Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3. VI. 46. CH. 1, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. li have not so strong a claim upon our attention, as the peculiar system of the Doric form of government, which was most strongly expressed in the ancient Cretan and Lacedeemonian constitutions : the latter of which, although in many points it yielded and adapted itself to the progress of civilization, existed in its essential parts for five centuries f and by its durability preserved Sparta alone among all the states of Greece from revolutions and revolutionary excesses.'^ 7. But, it may be asked, what right have we to speak of a Doric constitution in general; and why should we select Sparta in preference to any other state of the Doric race, as a model of that system ? May not Lycurgus have formed his legislation from reflection upon the condition and wants of his own nation, or have conceived it from arbitrary principles of his own, and have thus impressed upon Sparta the character which it ever after retained, as an essential element of its system?^ Against this opinion, not unfrequently advanced, instead of bringing forward any general arguments, we prefer adducing the words of Pindar,^ who, beyond a doubt, was far better ac- quainted with the basis and origin of ancient constitu- tions, than either Ephorus or Plutarch. Pindar men- tions that Hieron, the Syracusan, wished to establish the new city of ^tna (which was inhabited by 5000 ^ Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4. peared to his own narrow and According to Livy XXXVIII. prejudiced mind to be the best. 34. 700 years up to 190 B. C. ^ Gco^/xara; (xvp EkevdepU'rx- Cicero pro Flacco 26. also \i^0Q oraOjuac 'lepwv ev rofioig reckons 700 years, but to a eKTiorcr- edeXovn de UajjKpvXov different period. mi fiäv 'RpaKXeL^ar ekjovol ^ Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C. oxQaiQ viro TavyeVov vaiovTEg ® Thus Schiller severely cen- alel ^heiv redfiolffip ev Alytfxiov sures this lawgiver, for having Awpioig. Pyth. I. 6K see so selfishly for ever destined his Boeckh's Explic. people to that course, which ap- POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. Syraciisans, and the same number of Peloponnesians) upon the genuine Doric principles ; as in later times Dion wished to establish in Syracuse itself a Lacedae- monian or Cretan constitution.^ He founded it " with " heaven-built freedom, according to the laws of the " Flylean model ;" i. e., after the example of the Spartan constitution. " For the descendants of " Pamphylus, and of the Heraclidee, who dwell under the brow of Taygetus, wish always to retain the " Doric institutions of ^^Egimius." Now in the first place, this passage proves that the laws of Sparta were considered the true Doric institutions ; and, secondly, that their origin was held to be identical with that of the people. It proves that the Spartan laws (vojaot) were the true Doric institutions (yoixi^oL), and indeed, in no other nation was the distinction between usage and positive law less marked ; from which circum- stance alone it is evident how little opportunity the legislator had for fresh enactments, since custom can never be the work of one person. From this view of the subject we can also explain why Hellanicus, the most ancient writer on the constitution of Sparta,^ made no mention of Lycurgus (for which he is igno- rantly censured by Ephorus),' and attributed what are called the institutions of Lycurgus to the first kings, Procles and Eurysthenes. It also follows, that when Herodotus describes the Spartans before the time of Lycurgus, as being in a state of the greatest s Plutarch. Comp. Timol. 2. the first writer on the subject, Dion. 53. AaicioviKoy trxnfJ^o- — Herod. VI. 55, Koafielv. He was himself a citi- ^ Strabo VIII. p. 366. On zen of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17. the other hand,Ephorus is pro- 49. bably alluded to by Heraclides Yet Herodotus cannot have Ponticus 2. when he says rjjv been acquainted with his work, AaKc^ai/xor/wv TroXtVfiav TINES since he considered himself as AvKoupyw irpoaa-KTovai iraaav. CH. 1, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 13 anarchy,^ he can only mean that the original constitu- tion (the Tsfl]u.oi Alyi^iou) had been overthrown and perverted by external circumstances, until it was re- stored and renewed by Lycurgus. Lycurgus, of whose real or imaginary existence we have already spoken/ must at the time of Herodotus have been con- sidered a mythical personage, as he had a temple, annual sacrifices, and, in fact, a regular worship."" Now it is the tendency of mythological narration to represent accordant actions of many minds at different times under the name of one person : consequently, the mere name of an institution of Lycurgus says very little respecting its real origin and author. 8. The legislation of Lycurgus was, however, ac- cording to ancient traditions, aided by the support of Crete and Delphi, and the connexion between the religious usages of these states thus influenced their political condition. The form of government which was prevalent throughout the whole of Crete, origi- nated, according to the concurrent testimony of the ancients, in the time of Minos ; and it has been already shown that the Dorians at that time extended their dominion to this island, which thus received their ^ I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10. proved by the word Kal in the 3. also calls the kings of Sparta clause Kal Kar äpxag jJ-ey kau)- before Lycurgus tyrants. On (ppovovr. Isocrates de Pace, p. the other hand, Strabo VIII. 178 C. also contradicts indi- p. 365. states, that " the con- rectly the supposed anarchy of querors of Laconia were from the Spartans. But in Panath. the beginning a nation subject p. 270 A. he follows Thucy- to legal and moral restraints; dides I. 18. (xracnacrai ^aaij^ av- biit when they had intrusted rovg ol ra eKeiPwv aKpißovvreg the regulation of their govern- thg ovderac aWovg riÖv 'EXX??- ment to Lycurgus, they so far vuyv. excelled all others, that alone ^ B. I. ch. 7. § 3, 5. among the Greeks they ruled by ™ Herod. I. 65 Ephorus ap. land and sea." That this is Strab. VI IL p. 366. Plut. Ly- the meaning of the passage, is curg. 31. Nicol. Damasc.p.449. 14 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. language and customs.'' In Crete therefore, the con- stitution founded on the principles of the Doric race, was first moulded into a firm and consistent shape, but even in a more simple and antiquated manner than in Sparta at a subsequent period."" Thus Lycurgus was enabled, without forcing any foreign usages upon Sparta, to take for a model the Cretan institutions which had been more fully developed at an earlier period ; so that the constitutions of Crete and Sparta had from that time, as it were, a family resemblance.^ When therefore we are told that a pgean singer and expiatory priest of Crete, by name Thaletas of Elyrus,*^ sent by the command of the Pythian oracle, composed the troubles and dissensions of Sparta by the power of his music, and that he was the instructor of Lycurgus f it is easy to perceive that the latter part of this account is an addition, made without any attention to chro- nology ; but the operation of Cretan music upon the regulation of political affairs, is strictly in the spirit of an age, and of a race, in which religion, arts, and laws conduced far more than among any other people to attain the same end, and had their basis in the same notions. 9. On the other hand, it was the pride of the B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp, correct than of Gortyna or Cno- b. IT. ch. 2. § 2. sus. Comp. Meursius, Creta, ° According to Aristot. Pol. IV. 12. II. 7. 1. The meaning of this ^ See Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 5. writer appears to be, that the ^Elian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog. Dorians had received these laws Laert. I. 38. Plut. Lyc. 3. from the early inhabitants, as Philos, cum princ. 4. p. 88. the Perioeci had retained them Pansan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de most truly ; but from the account Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de given in the text, we must reject Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir. that idea. adv. Math, p. 68 B. Suid. vol. P Plat. Leg. III. p. 685. II, p. 163. Compare b. II. 1 This statement appears more ch. 8. § 11. CH. 1, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 15 Spartans, that their laws had proceeded from the oracle of the Pythian god:^ and Tyrtseus says, in some verses of his Eunomia, that the fundamental principles of the Spartan constitution had been laid down by Apollo.* It is probable that these laws were really composed in the form of injunctions to Lycurgus, or to the people. The oracle, however, continued to possess a superintending power over the constitution, chiefly through the intervention of the Pythians,'' four persons appointed by the kings as messengers to the temple of Pytho, who delivered the oracles truly and honestly to the kings,^ and were equally acquainted with their purport. On account of the importance of these oracles, the Pythians were the assessors of the kings and the gerusia,'' and were always the messmates, both at home and in the field, of the kings. It is probable that the three " Pythian interpreters " at Athens^ who, besides explaining the oracles, performed public and domestic expiatory sacrifices,'' once pos- sessed a similar dignity, although they lost these powers at a very early period. The theori of ^Egina, Mantinea, Messenia, Troezen, and Thasos, who com- posed separate colleges, eat together, and who were regular magistrates, not being like the theori of Athens, ^ Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5. Polygen. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3. According to whom Lycurgus ^ Called in the Lacedaemonian asked the god, si \(öov koX äfiEi- dialect Hotdiot, Photius in v. vov sir} Ty 'SiTrapTt) — doubtless a ^ That this could not always regular formula. This coin- be said of the deoTrpoTroi, may be cides with the dictum of the seen from Theognis, v. 783. Pythian priestes-3 in Plut.Qusest. ^ This, I infer, nearly agree- Rom. 28. p. 329. ing with Cragius, from Cicero t See below, ch. 5. § 8. de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI. ^ B. II. ch. 1. § 4. Later his- 57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. torians, from a mistaken ex- ^ See particularly Timaeus planation, suppose that the Lex. Plat, in v. e^riyr]Tal Uvdo- whole correspondence was a de- 'xprjaroi. lusion, or a fraud of Lycurgus, 16 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. chosen for a single theoria, may be compared with the Pythians.^ 10. This comparison again leads us back to our former position, that in the genuine Doric form of government there were certain predominant ideas, which were peculiar to that race, and were also ex- pressed in the worship of Apollo, viz., those of har- mony and order (to eijxo(r[xoi^); of self-control and moderation ((ra)ta TO yeyv^vafyQaL Trpog rovg lav^vvovg ttoWmv t'jp-^or.y^ But the intended effect of these in- stitutions cannot be safely in- ferred from their actual conse- quences. CH. 2, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 17 nant and conquering state ; whereas the fact is, that Sparta was hardly ever known to seek occasion for a war, or to follow up a victory ; and during the whole of her flourishing period (that is, from about the 50th Olympiad to the battle of Leuctra) did not make a single conquest by which her territory was enlarged. In conclusion we may say, that the Doric state was a body of men, acknowledging one strict principle of order, and one unalterable rule of manners ; and so subjecting themselves to this system, that scarcely any- thing was unfettered by it, but every action was influ- enced and regulated by the recognised principles. Before however we come to the consideration of this system, it will be necessary to explain the condition of an order of persons, upon which it was in a certain measure founded, namely, the subject classes in the several Doric states. CHAP. II. § 1. Origin and distribution of the Perioeci of Laconia. § 2. Their political condition and civil rights. § 3. Their service in war, and their occupation in manufactures, trade, and art. § 4. Noble families in Sparta not of Doric origin. Trades and crafts hereditary in Sparta. 1. The clearest notion of the subjection enforced by the dominant race of Dorians may be collected from the speech of Brasidas to the Peloponnesians, in Thucydides.^ " You are not come," he says, " from states in which the many rule over the few, "but the few over the many, having obtained their ^ IV. 126. VOL. II. c 18 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. " sovereignty in no other manner than by victory in "the field." The only right indeed which they possessed was the right of conquerors ; the Dorians had by the sword driven out the Achseans, and these again could not rest their claim to Peloponnesus on any better title. It seemed also like a continuation of the heroic age, the existence of which was founded on the rule exercised by the militaiy over the agricul- tural classes. The relative rights of the Dorians and Achseans appear, however, to have been deter- mined by mutual compact, since the Dorians, ob- taining the superiority only by slow degrees, were doubtless glad to purchase the accession of each town on moderate conditions ; and this was perhaps espe- cially the case in Messenia.^ The native inhabitants of the towns, thus reduced to a state of dependence, were called YlBpioiKoi." The difference of races was strictly preserved ; and was not (as elsewhere) obli- terated by an union in the same city and political community. The Perioeci were always considered as Achseans, that people having in early times composed the larger mass of the people thus subdued. So, for example, the inhabitants of the maritime town of Asopus were called by the title of 'A^olio) ol Trapaxu- Trapla-a-ioi.^ At a later date, when the power of Sparta had been long broken, and her freedom anni- hilated by the tyrant Nabis, Titus Quinctius de- tached the hamlets (once called vroT^sig, then xw[xai, vici) from all connexion with Sparta, and placed ^ Pausan. IV. 3. 3. trvyxw- historical ground. povmu 'ANAAASAS0AI Ttpog Why I take no further no- Tovg Acopuag ti]v yrjy. Pausa- tice of the account of Ephorus nias, however, very frequently is explained in hook I. ch. 5. makes use of this expression, § 13. and often perhaps without any Pausan. III. 22 7. CH,2, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 19 them under the protection of the Achaean league.'' Augustus confirmed the independence of twenty- four Laconian towns under the name of Eleuthero- lacones; these, like the former, being entirely re- leased from the power of Sparta, were governed by their own laws/ and formed a small distinct confede- ration. Hence it is evident that these Perioeci had previously maintained a certain degree of independ- ence, and composed separate communities. Of these twenty-four towns eighteen are mentioned — viz., Ge- renia, Alagonia, Thalamse, Leuctra, (Etylus, Ceene- polis, Pyrrhichus, Las, Teuthrone, Gythium, Asopus, Acriee, Boese, Zarax, Epidaurus, Limera, Prasise, Geronthree, and Marius;^' a small part only of the coast near Cardamyle remained at that time under the power of Sparta.^' The towns, however, belonging to the Perioeci did not lie merely on the coast, but « Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with Schweighseuser's note, Liv. XXXiy. 29. XXXVIII. 30. ^avroj^o/iot,Pausan. III. 21.6. g III. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The other six were at the time of Pausanias either again com- prised in Messenia, as Pharae, which Augustus had annexed to Laconia, Paus. IV. 30. 2. after it had at an earlier period been separated with Thuria and Abea from Messenia, Polyb. XXV, 1. 1, or they had fallen to decay, and were then unin- habited, as Pephnos, Helos, Cyphanta, and Leucae. Whe- ther Abea was included by Augustus in Laconia is doubt- ful, but it is probable from the situation of the place. This, with the other five mentioned above, would therefore make the number twenty-four com- plete. As proofs of the late independence of these towns we may mention decrees of Abea, Geronthrse, Gytheium, (Etylus, and Taenarus (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307, 1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392, 1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394). There are also inscriptions of the Eleutherolacones jointly, TO KOivov T(jjy IßXevdepoXaKWPOjv (ib. 1389). Likewise, accord- ing to Eckhel, there are genuine coins, belonging to this and the Roman period, of Asine, Aso- pus, Boese, Gytheium, and Las ; those of Taletum and Cythera are doubtful. ^Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta must, however, have retained some outlet to the sea. The Lacedaemonian coast is also called the territory of the Pe- rioeci in Thucyd. III. 16. c 2 20 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. also more inland ; for example, Thuria and jEthsea, which were in what had formerly been Messenia.' This ^thfea is reckoned among the hundred cities of Laconia,^ which Androtion had enumerated at full length in his Atthis, and perhaps also Stephanus of Byzantium, on the authority of Androtion ;^ the epitome of whose work which we now possess only mentions jEthsea, Amyclee, Crocese, Epidaurus, Li- mera, Dyrrachium, Tenos, Aulon, and Anthana. Now since two of these towns are known from other authorities to have belonged to Perioeci, we may per- haps infer the same of the whole hundred. The round number of a hundred cannot however have been fixed before the time when the whole of Messenia, as far as the river Neda (on which Aulon was situated), as well as Cynuria (to which Anthana, or Athene, belonged), came finally under the dominion of Sparta, that is to say, after Olymp. 58. 548 B.C."" It must therefore have been subsequent to this epoch that Sparta fixed the exact number of the towns inha- bited by her Perioeci, and somewhat arbitrarily set them at a hundred ; as Cleisthenes at Athens, though by Vt hat means is indeed unknown, contrived likewise to raise the number of demi in Attica to a hundred. We have already " taken notice of another division ^Thucyd. 1. 101. . The Qov 418). They had not however piarai of Thuria, near Calamse. any connexion with the Heca- Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment, tombaea ; for Argos had the p. 81.) proposes At9a/w for Arj- same festival. 0mw in Theognis v. 1216. Bek- ™ See book I. ch. 7. § 16. ker. Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls ^ Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. Anthana a Lacedaemonian city, in V. See Mginetica, p. 46, note % ^ See also in AirwXm. They p. 185. note ^. SiebeHs ad are also mentioned by Strabo, Pausan. II. 38. 6. VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad II. " Book I. ch. 5. § 10. B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg. CH. 2, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 21 of Laconia besides that into towns, and sliown that the Perioeci of this country had formerly dwelt in five districts, of which the chief towns were Amyclse, Las, Epidaurus Limera (or else Gytheium), ^Egys, and Pharis ; as also Messenia, in addition to the territory round the city inhabited by Dorians, contained four provinces — viz., Pylos, Rhium, Mesola, and Hyamia. For what length of time these districts were retained, and what relation they bore to the division into a hundred towns or hamlets, cannot now be determined. 2. It will next be necessary to ascertain what were the political rights and condition of the Perioeci. The main circumstances are without doubt correctly given by Ephorus. ''They were," he says, "tributary to ''Sparta, and had not equal rights of citizenship." If these words are taken in their literal sense, it is plain that the Perioeci had not a share in the great legislative assembly of the citizens. And in truth the passages adduced by modern writers to show that they had a vote in this assembly are not by any means satisfactory.*" Perhaps the following considerations are sufficient to convince us of the impossibility of such general assemblies. Had the Spartan constitu- tion permitted the whole people to hold large assem- blies with the right of deciding on all public questions, it would have been in principle completely democratic, and would have had a perpetual tendency to become ° See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. ^i^eaQai rovg Uepioiicovg, The p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89. name AaKE^aLfiövioi, which sig- That even the Lacedsemonian nifies all, Periceci and Spartans, TrXrjdoQ did not comprise the and frequently the former, as Perioeci, is shown, e. g., by Po- the early inhabitants, in opposi- lybius IV. 34. 7, where it re- tion to the latter, is no more a jects the alliance of the ^Eto- proof of political equality than lians, chiefly on account of the the appellation OeaaaXol of the fear that they would e^ardpa-rro- freedom of the Penestae. 22 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. more so, in the necessary course of events. But, in addition to this objection, let us only picture to our- selves the absurdity of the Perioeci, in the neighbour- hood of Sparta, all flocking together between the brook Babyca and the bridge Cnacion ! Where again were those, who took several days to arrive at Sparta from Cyphanta, Pylos, or Tsenarus, to find houseroom and food? How could any of them be ready to leave their homes and trades at such a sum- mons ? It was esteemed a difficult matter even to collect an armed force of Perioeci at a short notice. A city 'Community was doubtless everywhere requi- site for a popular assembly ; and hence in the Athe- nian, and every similar democracy, each citizen was in some way settled in the town, and had the right of there possessing an house (%yKTri(ng olxiag), which a Perioecus most assuredly had not.^ 3. Now, if it is acknowledged that the distant situation and state of the Perioeci presented almost insuperable objections to their possessing a share in the general government, their political inferiority to the Spartans will not appear very oppressive. They were admitted equally with the Spartans to the ho- nourable occupation of war, and indeed sometimes served as heavy- armed soldiers, or as troops of the line."^ There were at Plataea 5000 Dorian hopHtse, I* Xojphrjg, as the Lacedsemo- cation of the Perioeci was there- nians are often called, is pro- fore entirely different from that bably identical with TreploiKog, of the Spartans. vElian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare ^ Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A. yuipiTiheQ BaK^ai, in Hesychius. speaking of the Lacedeemonians Ol otTTo X^pacin Athen.XV. having compelled the Perioeci p. 674 A. from Sosibius are op- /car' a^^^pa (Tv/jLTrapaTarreadai posed TOtg EK rfjg aywyrjQ Traiaiy (T<^i(nv avrolg, confounds the (those educated in Sparta), and Perioeci with the Helots, as also see Casaubon's note. The edu- in what follows. CIL. 2, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 23 and the same number of Perioeci ; at Sphacteria 292 prisoners were taken, of whom only 120 were Spar- tans/ How, if the Perioeci had been an oppressed people, could Sparta have ventured to collect so large a number into her armies ; and for what reason should the Perioeci have taken part in the heroic devotion of that small band, if they had not the victory and honour of Sparta as much at heart as their own ? " Sparta," said the Spartan king Dema- ratus, to Xerxes,^ "contains 8000 Spartans, all of " equal bravery ; the other Lacedaemonians, in many " surrounding cities, are indeed inferior to them, but yet not deficient in courage." Nor do we hear of any insurrection of Perioeci (if we except the revolt of two Messenian towns in Olymp. 78. 468 b.c.) until the downfall of the constitution.* Again, would it be possible, on the assumption of an oppressive subjection, to explain how the Asinaeans and Naup- lians, when deprived of their independence by Argos, fled to Laconia, that they might occupy the maritime towns of M othone and Asine, manifestly as Perioeci ? Nor is it consistent with a general contempt of the Perioeci that na'koi xaya^oi — " gentlemen" — are men- tioned in their number " All trade and commerce, of indispensable need to Laconia, were in the hands of the maritime towns. Merchants from Libya and Egypt brought their cargoes to the Perioeci of Cy- ' In later times very different rioeci can be inferred from proportions occur, e.g., a very Thucyd. IV. 8. Some Perioeci small number of Spartans in deserted to Epaminondas, Xe- the army, when the city stood noph. Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23. in need of its own citizens, and Xenophon expresses himself could not send them to a dis- more strongly. Hellen. VII. 2. tance, or from other causes. 2. ^ Herod. VII. 234. " Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9. * No disobedience of the Pe- 24 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. thera,'' who, among other branches of trade, followed the lucrative employment of the purple fishery.^ All manual labour in Sparta, not performed by slaves, was in the hands of this class, since no Spartan, before the introduction of the Achsean constitution, was allowed to follow any trade/ The low estimation in which trade was held was founded on the ancient Grecian customs and opinions, in departing from which the Corinthians were nearly singular among the Doric states, the productiveness of trade having taught them to set a higlier value upon it.* And yet in their colony of Epidamnus public slaves were the only manual labourers ;^ Diophantus wished to introduce the converse of this system at Athens, and to make all the manual labourers slaves. The Spar- tans, moreover, appear to have admitted those alone of the Perioeci who were engaged in agriculture to serve among the heavy-armed, while artisans were admitted only to the light-armed infantry.'' This had been once the case at Athens, where the Thetes (to which class the artificers belonged) served only in that inferior rank. According to this, then, the 5000 Perioeci, who at the battle of Platsea were allotted as light- armed to the same number of heavy- armed soldiers, were in part perhaps artificers. The ^ Thuc. IV. 53. cf. VII. 57. palio civium^ quod mercandi y See Plin. H. N. IX. 36, cupiditate et navigandi, et 60.21,8.36,5. Comp. Meurs. agrorum et armorum cultum Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscher- reliquerant. Compare Hüll- lisch ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7. mann Staatsrecht^ p. 128. ^ Plutarch, Lyc. 4. ^lian, V. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13. H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damasce- This follows from Xenoph. nus, and others. Rep. Lac. 11.2. ytaX linrevaL kul ^ Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de uirXlraig, e-Treira U Kai rolg x^*-' Rep. II. 4. Corinthumperverlit porc^mte. aliquando~hic error ac dissi- CH. % § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 25 industrious pursuit of trade did not, however, suffer so much as might be supposed, from the low estimation in which it was held ; for not only were many raw commodities obtained in a high degree of perfection in Laconia, but many Lacedaemonian manufactures were also used and sought after in the rest of Greece, The Laconian cothon, a drinking vessel used in camps and marches,^ the bowl,^ the goblet,^ tables, seats, elbow chairs,^ doors,^ and cars,' the Laconian steel,^ keys,^ swords, helmets, axes, and other iron fabrics," the shoes of Amyclse," the Laconian mantles,"* and woollen garments dyed with native purple, which adorned alike the warriors setting out to battle and the bloody corpses of the slain ; all these bespeak an active pursuit of trade, and at the same time a peculiar sense of propriety and comfort, which brought several ^ Critias AaK-e^. ttoXlt. ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plu- tarch, Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI. 46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph. Cyrop. I. 2. 8. Athen. V. 198 D. 199 E. ^ Kvki^ AoLKaiva, Hesych. in Xiov. ^ Plut. Lyc. ubi sup. Meurs.II. 17. iXheoph. Hist. Plant. III. 17. 3. ^ Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz. in Aafce^. and from him Eustath. II. p. 294, 5. Rom. ^ Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653 B. Moser in Creuzer's Init. Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Com- pare also Liban. Or. p. 87. e cod. August, ed. Reiske. ™ Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7. Plin. H.N. VII. 56. W^j? Aa- jcwvuc)) Pollux, I. 10,137. con- cerning which see Phot, and Suid. in v., who refer to Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. kyxeLpL^ioVy I. 10, 149. ferrei annuli, Plin. XXXIII. 4. fi^anyEQ, Steph. Eust. ubi sup. " Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215 C. Steph, ubi sup. Hesych. in afivKkaiZsc, XaKioviKO. vwo^rj fla- va, cf. in kyvrivcrKXoL. Compare the shoes of the Amyclaean priestesses upon the monument of Amyclse in Walpole's Me- moirs, p. 454. Lacedaemonian men's shoes (JnrXat) are often mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph. Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 22, 80. cf.Meurs. I. 18. ^ AcLKiovEQ ivTTSTrXoi Epig. ap. Suid. in AaKojvLKai. Athen. V. 198. XI. 483 C. Compare book IV. ch. 2. § 3. 26 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. of these goods and implements into general use. Many men were probably employed in the iron mines and forges ;^ stone quarries of Teenarus had also been worked from early times and that their industry was not confined to the mere drudgery of manufac- tures is shown by the schools of Lacedaemonian em- bossers and brass-founders (probably a branch of that in Crete), to which Chartas, Syadras, Dontas, Dory- cleidas and Medon, Theocles, Gitiadas, and Cratinus belonged,'" all of whom were probably Perioeci, al- though Pausanias, neglecting the distinction, calls them Spartans. Upon the whole we may venture to affirm that the Doric dominion did not discourage or stifle the intellectual growth of her dependent sub- jects, but allowed it full room for a vigorous deve- lopment. My son, by many reckoned one of the seven sages, Avas, according to some, and perhaps the most credible accounts, a husbandman of the Laconian town of Etia, and resided at a place called Chen in the same country.^ Even the highest honour among the P These mines are not indeed ^ My opinion is, that in the anywhere expressly mentioned, oracle (Diog. Laert. I. 106. but we must infer their exist- Comp. Casaubon and Menage) ence from the number of iron 'Hrelog was the correct reading, fabrics, and the cheapness of for which Olralog was long ago iron. See below, ch. 10. § 9. substituted from ignorance. — and book 1. ch. 4. § 3. The point was doubted at an 1 The stone quarries upon early period in antiquity ; even mount Taygetus were, however, Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears according to Strabo VIII. p. not to consider Myson as a La- 367, first opened by the Ro- cedsemonian. See also Diod. de mans. Compare Xenoph. ubi Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Paus. X. sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100. 24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. Interp. Juven. XI. 173. Meurs. 299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in Xijv II. 18. Pliny also mentions and 'Hna. There is a story in Lacedaemonian cotes and sma- Plutarch, Qusest. Rom. 84, of ragcli. Myson making in winter a fork ^ Compare Thiersch, Ueber for tossing the corn, and, when die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung Chilon wondered at it, of his II p. 51. justifying himself by an appo- CH. % § 4. OF THE DORIANS 27 Greeks, the victory at the Olympic games, Avas not denied to the Lacedeemonians ; an inhabitant of Acrise was found in the list of the conquerors at Olympia : * from which circumstance it is evident that the Perioeci of Sparta were in all other parts of Greece considered as free citizens. They must also without doubt have possessed civil rights, but only in those communities to which they immediately belonged, and which would never have been called cities (jroT^eig) unless they had to a certain point been independent bodies. Isocrates,'' indeed, states that they possessed less freedom and power than the demi of Attica ; but no general comparison can be drawn between the hrj[xQi of Attica and woXsig of Laconia. Perhaps they had the power of electing their own municipal magistrates, though we find that a Spartan was sent as governor to the island of Cythera.'' The same was the case in war. We find the command at sea intrusted to one of the class of Perioeci,^ doubt- less because the Spartans did not hold the naval service in much estimation, and because the inhabitants of the maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs than the Dorians of the interior. Concerning the tribute of the towns belonging to the Perioeci no accu- rate Recount has been preserved. 4. Though for the most part the early inhabitants were driven into the country by the Doric conquerors, there still remained some families which inhabited the site answer; where Myson is ^ Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso, opposed, as a Perioecian farmer, Sparta, vol. II. p. 576. It does to the noble Spartan. not indeed follow that this Pe- * Paus. III. 22. 4. rioecus had authority over La- In a very rhetorical passage, cedsemonians ; but Sparta must Panathen. p. 270 D. have sent him out as a com- ^ Thuc. IV. 53. 54. Hesych. mander to the Chians. in KvdrjpodiKrjg, 28 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. city conjointly with the Spartans, and were held in equal consideration with them ; as at Athens, for ex- ample, many families of the original inhabitants appear to have had the rank of Eupatridse. Of this the Tal- thybiadse are an instance. The office of herald was at Sparta (as in the fabulous times) hereditary, and not, as in other parts of Greece, obtained by competi- tion.'' The privilege of performing all foreign em- bassies,^ and a share in the sacred missions,^ were assigned to the pretended descendants of the Mycenean herald Talthybius, who also enjoyed especial honours amongst the Achseans at iEgium ;^ and there is doubt- less reason to suppose that this family belonged to the Achaean race, without entering into the question of the correctness of their pedigree. The dignity attached to their office was very great, especially if, as was the case in the heroic ages, it was the custom for the heralds to address the princes as " beloved sons." As to property and effects, they ranked with the first Spartans,^ if, as it appears, Sperthias and Bulis, who offered themselves to the Persian king as an atonement for the murder of his ambassadors,^ were of the family of the Talthybiadse. Indeed almost all the other trades and occupations, besides that of herald, were hereditary at Sparta, as, ^ Herod. VI. 60. ov Kara TaXdvßiov Trapa EAEYGEPI- XajjLTrpocfxjjvtrjv (in the äyöjveg OIS. Hesych. Perhaps 'EXcu- KTjpvKiov, comp. Faber Agonist. depoXaKwcn. Hemsterhuis sup- II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaus- poses that Eleutherna in Crete haltung, vol. II. p. 359.) ettitl- is alluded to. The common defieyoL aWoi a^iag TrapaKXrjiov- name of the herald in Sparta aiv äXXä Kara to. Trdrpia eTrtre- was Movaa^. See Valck. ad Xiovai. Adoniaz. p. 379. * Herod. VII. 134. rolmv at «^Pausan. III. 12. 6, 7. III. KrjpvKTjiat at Ik TiTräprrjg Träaai 23. 7. yepag di^ourai. ^ Herod. ubi sup. ^ QeoKrjpvtfSQ yivog to citto ^ Herod. VII. 137- CH. 33 § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 29 for example, those of cooking, baking, mixing wine, flute-playing, &c/ The trade of cooks had its parti- cular heroes, viz., Dseton, Matton, and Ceraon, whose statue stood in the Hyacinthian street.^ It is easy to see how this hereditary transmission of employments favoured the maintenance of ancient customs. In fact, Sparta would not have so long remained contented with her black broth, either if her cooks had not learnt the art of dressing it from their youth upwards, and continued to exercise their craft after the manner of their fathers, or if this office could have been assigned at will to those who were able by their art to gratify the palate. It is not probable that any of these fa- milies of artisans were of Doric origin, and they doubt- less belonged to the class of Perioeci ; nor is it to be supposed that, like the Talthybiadse, they possessed the Spartan rights of citizenship.^' CHAP. III. § 1. Helots of Sparta. Their political condition. § 2. Their service in war. § 3. Treatment of the helots. § 4. The cryp- teia. § 5. Various degrees of helotism, § 6. Number of the helots. § 7. The phylse of Pitana, Limnae, Mesoa, and Cy- nosura. 1. The condition of the Perioeci and that of the Helots must be carefully distinguished from each other ; ^ VI. 60. Concerning the ^ The Perioeci also took part oxpoTToioL see Agatharch. ap. in the colonies of Sparta, e. g., Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizo- of Heraclea Trachinia, where nius ad ^Elian. V. H. XIV. 7. they probably beloiiged to the g Compare Athen. II. 39 C. ttoXW ; Thuc. III. 92, 93. with IV. 173 F. 30 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book tii. the latter state may be termed " villeriage/' or " bond- age," to which that of the Perioeci had not the slight- est resemblance." The common account of the origin of this class is, that the inhabitants of the maritime town Helos were reduced by Sparta to this state of degradation, after an insurrection against the Dorians abeady established in power.^ This explanation, however, rests merely on an etymology, and that by no means a probable one ; since such a Gentile name as WT^cog (Avhich seems to be the more ancient form) cannot by any method of formation have been derived from "'Exo^. The Avord Efxri)^ is probably a derivative from'^Exw in a passive sense, and consequently means the prisoners.'' Perhaps it signifies those who were taken after having resisted to the uttermost, whereas the Perioeci had surrendered upon conditions ; at least ^ Concerning the condition of the Helots, see, besides the more well-known books, Ca- peronnier, Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscript. torn. XXIII. p. 271. Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst. 1730. ^ Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365, according to Valcke- user's emendation, Theopom- pus ap. Athen. VI. p. 272. Even Hellanicus in Harpocra- tion uses the word elXiotivuv p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.; it is, however, uncertain whe- ther the etymology there given is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph. This derivation was known in ancient times, e. g., Schol. Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apo- stol. VIL 62. El'X ai^juaXwrwv ZovXol. So also A/iwc comes from ^ajimo (AE- Mti). For the ^/iwec, of whom there were large numbers (juaXa fivpiot, Od. XVII. 422. XIX. 78.) in the house of every prince (I. 397. VIL 225. II. XIX. 333.), and who chiefly cultivated the land, cannot have been bought slaves (for the single examples to the con- trary are rather exceptions), as this would suppose a very ex- tensive traffic in slaves ; nor could they have been persons taken accidentally in expedi- tions of plunder and war, as in that case there could not have been so large a number in every house ; but they are probably persons who were taken at the original conquest of the soil. The passage, Od. I. 298. ovg fioL X-qiaaaro may be variously applied. — Concerning the ety- mology of E'/\ojc, compare Len- nep, Etymol p. 257. CH. 3, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 31 Tlieopompus*^ calls them Acheeans as well as the others. It appears, however, more probable that they were an aboriginal race, which was subdued at a very early period, and which immediately passed over as slaves to the Doric conquerors.^ In speaking of the condition of the Helots, we will consider their political rights and their personal treat- ment under separate heads, though in fact the two subjects are very nearly connected. The first were doubtless exactly defined by law and custom, though the expressions made use of by ancient authors are frequently vague and ambiguous. "They were," says Ephorus,^ "in a certain point of view public slaves. " Their possessor could neither liberate them, nor sell " them beyond the borders." From this it is evident that they were considered as belonging properly to the state, which to a certain degree permitted them to be possessed, and apportioned them out to individuals, re- serving to itself the power of enfranchising them. But to sell them out of the country was not in the power even of the state ; and, to the best of our knowledge, such an event never occurred. It is, upon the whole, most probable that individuals had no power to sell them at all ; since they were, for the most part, attached to the land, which was inalienable. On these lands they had certain fixed dwellings of their own, and particular services and payments were prescribed to them.^ They paid as rent a fixed measure of corn ; not, however, like the Perioeci, to the state, but to their ^ Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265. where the QepairovreQ are He- « See book I. ch. 4. § 1 lots. ^ Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365. § Ephoriis ubi sup. Ilotce So also Pausanias III. 20. 6. sunt jam inde antiquitus cas- calls all the Helots dovXot rov tellani, agreste genus. Liv. Koivov. Comp. Herod. VI. 70. XXXIV. 27. 32 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. masters. As this quantity had been definitively settled at a very early period (to raise the amount being for- bidden under heavy imprecations),^ the Helots were the persons who profited by a good, and lost by a bad harvest ; which must have been to them an encourage- ment to industry and good husbandry ; a motive which would have been wanting, if the profit and loss had merely affected the landlords. And thus (as is proved by the accounts respecting the Spartan agriculture),' a careful management of the cultivation of the soil was kept up. By means of the rich produce of the land, and in part by plunder obtained in war,^ they collected a considerable property,^ to the attainment of which almost every access was closed to the Spartans. Now the annual rent paid for each lot was eighty-two me- dimni of barley, and a proportionate quantity of oil and wine.™ It may therefore be asked how much remained to the Helots themselves, after paying this amount of corn from each lot. Tyrtseus appears to give some information, where he describes the Messen- ian bondmen" " as groaning like asses under heavy " burdens, and compelled by force to pay to their mas- " ters a half of the entire produce of the land.°" Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255. where fxiardoiaai is an inaccu- rate expression. ^ See book I. ch. 4. § 3. comp, particularly Polyb. V. 19. — Hesiod the poet of the Helots, according to the saying of the Spartan. ^ Herod. IX. 80. ^ Plutarch, Cleomen. 23. Manso, vol. I. p. 134. ™ Plut. Lyc. 8. seventy for the master, twelve for the mis- tress of the house : compare ib. 24, voi, ^i(r<7fotTvvai(n CTetc(Steph. 448 B. Compare Manso I. 2. AAMßAElS) drjjjLorai f/ oi kvre- p.. 153. and I. 1. p. 234. Xeig Trapa AaKelai^ovLovg^ He- ^ Hesych. in v. sychius. ^ Boeckh's Economy of « Cf. Plut. Ages. 6. Athens, vol. I. p. 349. transl. 44 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. without the rights of citizenship. For (xoSmu means a domestic slave, verna ; and Perioeci could never have been called by this name, not being dependent upon individual Spartans.^ The descendants of the Mo- thaces must also have sometimes received the rights of citizenship, since Callicratidas, Lysander, and Gylippus were of Mothacic origin.^ Those citizens who, in obedience to the ancient law of inheritance, married a widow of a deceased person, were (if we may judge from the etymology of the word) called Epeunacti : that slaves were once employed for this purpose is testified by Theopompus.^ 6. The number of the Helots may be determined with sufficient accuracy from the account of the army at Platsea. We find that there were present in this battle 5000 Spartans, 35,000 Helots, and 10,000 P Athen. VI. 271 E. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Harpo- cration, Hesychius. The deri- vation from the town Mothone is like that of the name of the Helots from Helos. The Tpo- (pilxoL became Spartans from aliens by education, Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9. To these the confused account in Plut. La- con. Inst. p. 252. probably re- fers. *i In Athenaeus they are called free, in reference to future^ not their fast condition. See Hemsterhuis ap. Lennep. Ety- mol. vol. I. p. 575. ^ Athen, ubi sup. iElian, V. H. XII. 43. Two (TvvTpo(poi or fxoQaKEQ of Cleomenes III. in Plut. Cleom. 8. These were, like Lysander, Heraclide Mo- thaces. ^ Ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. where the comparison with the KaTwyaKO(p6poL does not appear to have sufficient ground. See Casaub. ad Athen. VI. 20. In- terp. Hesych. in v. evevvaicrai. Diodorus, Exc. Vat. VII.— X. n. 12., calls the Parthenians who had been sent under Pha- lanthus to Tarentum, sometimes Epeunacti, sometimes Pa?'- tlienians. Since they are con- sidered as young men (for Pha- lanthus has an epaarrjg named Agathiadas),they appear to have been, not Helots who had be- gotten children with Spartan women, but the male offspring of such unions. As the term is used by Theopompus, these would be called the sons of Epeunacti. Hesychius like- wise makes the ETtEvvaKToi equi- valent to the Ttapdeviai. CH. 3, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 45 Perioeci.* The whole number of Spartans that bore arms, amounted on another occasion to 8000, which, according to the same proportion, would give 56,000 for the number of Helots capable of bearing arms, and for the whole population about 224,000. If then the state of Sparta possessed 9000 lots there were twenty male Helots to each (although, as we saw above, a single lot could probably maintain a larger number), and there remained 44,000 for the service of the state and of individuals. The account of Thucy- dides, that the Chians had the greatest number of slaves of any one state after the Lacedsemonians,'' does not compel us to set the amount higher, because the great number of slaves in ^Egina disappeared when that island lost its freedom, and Athens during the Peloponnesian war certainly did not possess 200,000 slaves. The number of Perioeci able to bear arms would, according to the above proportion, only amount to 16,000 ; but we must suppose that a larger portion of them remained behind in Peloponnesus : for since the Perioeci were possessed of 30,000 lots (though of less extent), there must have been about the same number of families, and we thus get at least 120,000 men ; and upon the whole, for the 3800 square miles of Laconia, a suitable population of 380,000 souls. From this calculation it also results, that, according to the population to be maintained, the estates of the Spartans (ttoT^itixti -^wpaY must have amounted to two-thirds of all the tillage-land in the country. This arrangement could not have been attended with any * According to the epitaph in of whom 2100 were perhaps Herod. VII. 228. 4000 men Helots. See below, ch. 12. § 6. were buried at Thermopylae, ^ VIII. 40. i. e., 300 Spartans, lOO Thes- ^ Polyb. VI. 45. pian Hoplitse, and 3000 ^iXoi, 46 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. difficulty after the conquest of the fertile territory of Messenia, when the number of lots was doubled/ and the area of each was perhaps increased in a still greater proportion. For when the Spartans had (as it ap- pears) dislodged the Doric Messenians, and conquered their country, a few maritime and inland towns (Asine, Mothone, Thuria, and jEthsea) were indeed suffered to remain in the possession of Periceci ; but the best part of a country so rich in tillage-land, plant- ations, and pastures,"" passed into the hands of Spar- tan proprietors, and the husbandmen who remained behind became Helots. It w^as these last in par- ticular who, duj'ing the great earthquake in 465 B.C., took possession of the towns of Thuria and .^theea, fortified the strong hold of Ithome, and afterwards partially emigrated.^ If however this insurrection had been common to all the Helots, as Diodorus re- lates, how could the Spartans have afterw^ards allowed the insurgents to withdraw from the country, without entirely depriving the land of its cultivators ? After the battle of Leuctra also, it was not the Laconian, but the Messenian Helots who revolted,*" and Avere without y According to the most pro- bable statement in Plut. Lyc. 8, viz., tbat Lycurgus made 4500 lots, and Polydorus the same number. ^ Plat. Alcib. I. p. 122 D. Tyrtseus ap. Schol. p. 78. Ruhnk. and ad Leg. I. p. 220. See book I. ch. 4. § 3. The valley of the Pamisus in many places gives a return of thirty times the seed, and is sown twice in the year, Sibthorp in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 60. ^ Pausan. IV. 24. 2. ryp yisv aWrjv ttX^v Tfjg 'Aaircuojy avrol iLzXayxavov. Cf. III. 20. 6. Ze- nob. III. 39. Apostol. VII. 33. hovXoTspoQ Mecrarjpllov : cf. Ety- mol. in E'tXojzeg. Etym. Gudian. p. 167,32. ^Thuc. I. 100. 7rXe7aTOL tÖ)v EiXwTO)y kyivovTO ol rwv TraXaiiov lAeaarjviwv tote ^ovXoj- 6evT(i)v cnroyovoi. Plutarch, Ci- mon, 16. Lyc. 28, and Diodorus XL 53, sqq. incorrectly distin- guish the Helots from the Messenians. Compare book I. ch. 9. § 10. ^ Compare Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 2. with VI. 5. 27 CH. 3, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 47 doubt the chief promoters of the re-establishmeüt of Messenia, where they exercised the rights of citizen- ship in the newly-founded democracy.^ 7. In Laconia itself, according to the Rhetra of Agis (which in all probability merely confirmed ex- isting institutions), the territory belonging to Sparta consisted of the inland tract, which was bounded by part of mount Taygetus to the west, by the river Pellene, and by Sellasia to the north, and extended eastward towards Malea,^ and this was therefore at that time cultivated by Helots. Here it may be asked, who were the inhabitants of the towns situated in this district, for example Amyclse, Therapne, and Pharis ? Certainly not Helots alone, for there were a considerable number of Hoplitse from Amyclse in the Lacedaemonian army,^ who must therefore have been either Spartans or Perioeci. But whether the Perioeci inhabited small districts in the midst of the territory immediately occupied by the Spartans, or whether some Spartans lived out of the city in country-towns, cannot be completely determined. The former is, however, the more probable, since some Perioeci lived in the vicinity of the city,^ and Amyclse is reckoned among the towns of Laconia ;^ the Spartans also are mentioned to have had dwellings in the country,' but never to have possessed houses in any other town ex- cept Sparta, and a few villages in the neighbourhood. This induces us to attempt the solution of the difficult problem, of what is the proper signification d Polyb. VII. 10. 1. cf. IV. f Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 11. 32. 1, and Manso's Excursus ^ Thuc IV. 8. ol iyyvrara on the restoration of Messenia, rwv irepwLKwv. vol. III. part 2. p. 80. ^ See above ch. 2. § 1. ® Plut. Agis. 8. The word ^ e-k aypw, Iv toIq x^P^oic. MaXiav is perhaps corrupt. Compare above, p. 34. note ®. 48 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. of the Phylee (as the grammarians sometimes call them),^ of Pitana, Limnse or Limnaeum, Mesoa and Cynosura, which Pausanias also mentions together as divisions of the people.^ Now Pausanias calls them divisions of the Spartans, and it appears that we must follow his statement. For in an Amyclsean inscrip- tion,"" Damatrius, an overseer of the foreigners at Amy else, is called a Mesoatan ; and in another in- scription, a Gymnasiarch of the Roman time is desig- nated as belonging to the Phyle of the Cynosurans and we cannot suppose these persons to have been Perioeci.° And if Alcman, according to a credible account, was a Mesoatan,^ we may understand l}y this term a citizen of Sparta (although of an inferior grade), without contradicting the authority of Hero- dotus, who only denies that any stranger besides Tisamenus and Hegias was ever made a Spartan. Further, it is clear from ancient writers that Pitana, Limnse, Mesoa, and Cynosura, were names of places. We are best informed with respect to Pitana, an ancient town, and without doubt anterior to the Dorians,'^ which was of sufficient importance to have ^ Steph. Byz. Meo-oa tottoq ktjt^q \iiJ,vaTÖiy) occurs. See AaKMtnKfjg. ^vX^ AaKcovinj. Boeckh, ib. p. 61 1 . Hesychiiis, Kvvoaovpa ^vXj) Aa- ° Thrasybulus also (Epigr. KOJVLki]. Herodian Trepl fxov ki- Plut. Apophth. Lac. p. 242. ^eojg p. 13. 23. Dindorf. to Anthol. Palat. VII. 229.) was Kvvoaovpa erri ry AaKioyiKrj evidently a Spartan, brought (j)v\y. Cf. Schol. Callim. Dian. back to Pitana, and so also is 94. Hesych. r/ Uiravr} (pvXr]. Archias, the Pitanatan, in He- 1 III. 16. 6. rod. III. 55. See Strabo. V. p. ™ Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. N°. 250. 1338. P Suid. Fragm. 2. Welcker. " Boeckh, ibid. N°. 1347, IX. 35. At the same time, wliere it is written AIIO $Y- Heraclides Ponticus says of Alc- AHS KYNOOYPEilN. Con- man merely, ijXevOepwdr]. cerning which see Boeckh, p. ^ Pindar. Olymp. VI. 28. 609. In Inscript. 1241. a om- Eurip. Troad. 11 16. MeviXaoQ ßerriQ Aifivaio)}^ (perhaps ciol- UiTavaTr]Q in Hesychius. CH. 3, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 49 its own gymnastic contests/ and to furnish a battalion of its own, called Pitanates.* Herodotus, who was there himself, calls it a demus and we know that it was near the temple and stronghold of Issorium,'' which, according to Pausanias' topography of Sparta, must have been situated at the western extremity of the town J This author also mentions, in the same dis- trict of the city, the porch of the Crotanes, who were a division of the Pitanatse. We therefore know that Pitana lay to the west of Sparta, outside the town ac- cording to Herodotus,^ inside (as it appears) according to Pausanias. So Limnee likewise, as we learn from Strabo, was a suburb of Sparta,^ and at the same time a part of the town, as also was Mesoa,^ whither how- ever Pausanias relates that Preugenes the Acheean brought the statue of Artemis, rescued from the Dorians at Sparta."" It follows from these apparently contradictory accounts, some including these places in Sparta, and some not, that they were nothing else than the hamlets (xwixai), of which, according to Thucy- ^ Hesych. in Uiravarr^g. Ages. 32. * Herod. IX. 53. Thuc. I. y Pausan. III. 14. 2.— (Enus 20. does not admit its existence, was situated in the vicinity ac- But Caracalla, in imitation of cording to Athen. I. p. 31 C. antiquity, composed a Xd^oc and this also was near the city, UiravarrjQ of Spartans, Hero- Plut. Lyc. 6. See the map of dian. IV. 8. The Tarentines Peloponnesus, (who retained the memory of ^ Also according to Plut. de the mother-city more in their Exil. 6. names of places than in their ^ VIII. p. 363 A. Doubtless customs) had a division of their the marshy grounds upon the army which was called Pitan- Eurotas, which in this part fre- ates ; the TreptVoXoi nLravdrai quently overflowed its banks, are mentioned upon a coin of Compare book I. ch. 4. § 6. Tarentum : Millin gen's Ancient ^ P. 364 A. comp. Tzschucke, Coins, pi. 1. n. 19. p. 184. III. 55. « VII. 20. 4. Polygen. II. 1. 14. cf. Plut. VOL. n. E 50 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book lii. dides,*^ the town of Sparta consisted, and which lay on all sides around the city (iro'hig) properly so called, but were divided from one another by intervals, until at a late period (probably when Sparta, during the time of the Macedonian power, was enclosed with walls) they were united and incorporated together. CHAP. IV. § 1. Subject classes in Crete. § 2. In Argos and Epidaurns. § 3. In Corinth and Sicyon. § 4. In Syracuse. § 5. In By- zantium, Heraclea on the Pontus, and Cyrene. § 6. The bond- slaves of Thessaly. § 7. Cities and villages of Arcadia. § 8. The political opposition of city and country. 1. After having thus separately considered the two dependent classes in Sparta, the pattern state of the Dorians, we will now point out the traces of the analogous ranks in several other states of Doric origin. The Doric customs were first established in Crete, whose fortunate circumstances had given to that race a fertile country, and an undisturbed dominion. Accord- ingly, the relative rights of the Dorians and natives must at an early period have been fixed on a settled basis in this island; and we may suppose that this settlement was made on equitable terms, since Aristotle was not aware of any insurrection of the slaves in Crete against their masters."" The Doric customs re- quired here, as elsewhere, exemption from all agricul- I. 10. Pitana is called a -"^ II. 6. 3. Concerning the slaves Kw^ri in Schol. Thucyd. 1. 20. of Crete, see Manso, Sparta, vol. and Limnse is called the Ai^- I. part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur vaiov x'^P^op in Pausan. III. la Legislation de Crete, p. 373. 16. 6. has confused the whole subject. CH. 4. § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 51 tural or commercial industry ; which is expressed in a lively manner in the song of Hybrias the Cretan, that " with lance and s\vord and shield he reaped and " dressed his vines, and hence was called lord of the " Mnoia."^ In this island, however, different classes of dependents must have existed. Sosicrates and Dosiadas, both credible authors on the affairs of Crete, speak of three classes^ the public bondsmen (xoivrj SouXe/a), called by the Cretans [xvota, the slaves of in- dividual citizens, a^aixicoroLi, and the Perioeci, uttt^kooi. Now we know that the Aphamiotae received their name from the cultivation of the lands of private indi- viduals (in Cretan ac^a^/a*), and accordingly they were agricultural bondsmen.'' These latter are iden- tical with the Clarotse, who, for this reason, were not separately mentioned by the writers just quoted : for although they are generally supposed to have taken their name from the lot cast for prisoners of war, the more natural derivation doubtless is from the lots or lands of the citizens, which were called xT^rj^oi. But whichever explanation we adopt, they were bondsmen belonging to the individual citizens. Both the Clarotee and Aphamiotae have therefore been correctly com- pared with the Helots and as the latter were en- tirely distinct from the Laconian Perioeci, so were the former from the Cretan, although Aristotle neglects the distinction accurately observed by the Cretan writ- ^ Similarly the Lacedaemo- p. 283. Concerning cKpajjila or nians, according to Cicero de äcprffxia, see Schneider's Lexi- Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac. con in a(/)a/xiwrai. Hoeck's Kre- Apophth. p. 1 19, 201.) said pro- ta, vol. III. p. 36. verbially, suos omnes agros, quos ^ Strabo XV. p. 101 . Etym. spiculo possent attingere. Magn. in TTEviarai, Photiiis in ^ Athen. VI. p. 263 E. He- *c\apwmt and Trevf errat. Lex.se- sychius, Eustath. ad II. XV. p. giier. I. p. 292. emended by 1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim. Meineke Euphor. p. 142. E 2 52 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. ers.® In the second place, the (xuoloc (or ^utoa) was by more precise historians distinguished as well from the condition of Perioeci as from that of private bond- age, and it was explained to mean a state of public viUenage ; whence we may infer that every state in Crete was possessed of public lands, which the Mnotse cultivated in the same relative situation to the com- munity in which the Aphamiotse, who cultivated the allotted estates, stood to the several proprietors. This name, however, is sometimes extended to all forced labourers, as in the song of Hybrias noticed above.^ Finally, the Perioeci formed in Crete, as in Laconia, dependent and tributary communities : their tribute was, like the produce of the national lands, partly applied to the public banquets ; ^ to which also, accord- ing to Dosiadas,^' every slave in Lyctus contributed in addition one -^ginetan stater. Now in this passage we cannot suppose that the Periceci are meant, be- cause the exact author would not have called them « Polit.II. 7. 3. cf. IL 2. 13. ^ So also in Strab. XI 1. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves of the Heracleotes served upon the same conditions as tj Mvwa avvoZoQ edrjrevev. Comp. Her- mon ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B. where Eustathius ad II. XV. p. 1024. Rom. fivurai oi eyyeveig oiKETaL (those born in the coun- try as opposed to purchased slaves) appears to have pre- served the right reading, cf. ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. vol. II. p. 611. Pollux III. 8. 23. K\cipo)Tai Kal fjivio'iTai. Steph. Byz. (from the same source as Pollux) ovroi TrptjroL ^XP^~ aavTO depoLTtovaLV AaKedai- fiovLOL toIq e'lkiOGL icaX ^ApyeioL TOiQ yvfivrjcrioiQ Koi ^lkvu)Vioi rdig Kopvpr](p6poiQ Kal 'iroXtwrat roiQ IleXarryolg, Kal Kp-^reg d/jLOJiraig. W rite ^vunraig^ in the more ex- tensive signification of the word. In the same manner Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has been already corrected by Mei- neke ubi sup. g Aristot, Polit. IL 7. 3. TravT(i)v Tüjp yiyvofxivtov Kaprroiy T£ Kal ßo(TKr]fJ,aTb)V EK Tujp ^r/^O" m(i)v Kal (j)6p(i)v ovg (pipovaiv oi TrepioiKOi, riTaKrat fiipog^ i. e. " Of all the products of the soil " and all the cattle which come ''''from the public lands^ a part " is appointed y The arrange- ment of the words is not more careless than in other passages, h Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. CH. 4, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 53 slaves : nor yet the slaves purchased in foreign parts (called apyupdovrjToi in Crete), since it would have been impossible to reckon with any certainty that per- sons in this situation possessed anything of their own ; nor, lastly, can the Mnotse be meant, since these were public slaves, having no connexion with individuals, nor consequently with their eating clubs.' It remains, therefore, that it was the Clarotse (or Aphamiotae), who, in addition to the tax in kind, Avere also liable to this payment in money, with which utensils for the use of the public table were probably purchased. It may be, moreover, observed that we have no reason to suppose that the bondsmen were admitted to the daily banquets.^ Perhaps, however, there was no Grecian state in which the dependent classes were so little oppressed as in Crete. In general, every employment and pro- fession, with the exception of the gymnasia and mi- litary service, was permitted to them.^ Hence also the Perioeci held so firmly to the ancient legislation of Minos, that they even then observed it, when it had been neglected by the Dorians of the town of Lyctus ; ™ and thus, as was frequently the case elsewhere, in the decline of public manners the ancient customs were retained among the lower classes of society longer than amongst the higher. Upon the whole, Crete was the most fortunate of all the Doric states in this circum- stance, that it could follow up its own institutions with ^ See below, ch. 10. § 7. p. 263 F. In Sparta, during ^ At the Hermsea, however, the Hyacinthia, the masters in- the slaves feasted in public, and vited the slaves to be their they were waited on by their guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. masters, as at Troezen 'in the IV. p. 139 B. month Geraestion ; Carystius ap. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1. Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. of. VL ^ Polit. II. 8. 5. 54 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. energy and in quiet, without any powerful obstacle ; although its very tranquillity and far-extended com- merce at length occasioned a gradual decline of ancient customs. The reverse took place at Argos, whose Doric inhabitants, pressed on all sides, were at length compelled to renounce the institutions of their race, and adopt those of the natives. In the early history of this state, therefore, the two classes of dependents and bondsmen should be distinguished : this division was, however, very early laid aside, and an entirely diflPerent arrangement introduced. 2. There was at Argos a class of bond-slaves, who are compared with the Helots, and were called GymnesiiJ^ The name alone sufficiently proves the correctness of the comparison ; these slaves having evidently been the light-armed attendants on their masters (yu^vrjrsg). Hence also the same class of slaves were in Sicyon called xopuurj^vqoi ; because they only carried a club or staff, and not, like the heavy- armed Dorians, a sword and lance. It is to these Gym- nesii that the account of Herodotus refers,*" that 6000 of the citizens of Argos having been slain in battle by Cleomenes king of Sparta,^ the slaves got the govern- " Hesychius, Pollux and Ste- been slain to arrive at manhood, phanus as before. From this, then, it follows that ^ VL 83. the Gymnesii, expelled from P VII. 148. In this passage Argos, did not obtain possession the battle, contrary to the cal- of Tiryns till after the Persian culation before given (book I. war (for that they were not there eh. 8. § 6.) upon the authority during this war maybe inferred of Pausanias, is brought down to from Herod. IX. 28.), and the the time immediately preceding final victory over them would the Persian war, as is evident then coincide with the conquest not only from the word vsioariy of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7). but also from the circumstance If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. that the Argives desired a thirty had been accurately (ml TOTE) years' peace, to enable the chil- fulfilled, the battle must fall in dren of the persons who had Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but CH. 4, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 55 ment into their own hands, and retained possession of it until the sons of those who had fallen were grown to manhood. From this narrative it is plain that the number of Dorians at Argos was nearly exhausted by the death of 6000 of their body ; and that none but bondsmen dwelt in the immediate neighbourhood of the city, since otherwise the sovereign power would not have fallen into their hands. It would be absurd to suppose that slaves bought in foreign countries can be here intended, since these could have had no more no- tion of governing a Grecian state than the bear in the fable of managing the ship.** Afterwards, when the young citizens had grown up, the slaves were com- pelled by them to withdraw to Tiryns ; and then, after a long war, as it appears, were either driven from the territory, or again subdued.'' The Argives, however, also had Perioeci/ who were known by the name of Orneatce. This appellation was properly applied to the inhabitants of Ornese, a town on the frontiers towards Mantinea, which, having been long independent, was at last, about the year 580 B. C.,* reduced by the Argives ; and afterwards the whole class of Perioeci was so called from that place. These Orneatse, or Perioeci, therefore, like those of Laconia, formed separate communities of their own, which indeed was the case so late as the Persian war. no calculation can be founded of Hesychius in kXevdepov v^ojp : on this datum. "Apyei cltto rfjg ^vpaysiag *i The same argument applies (perhaps ^^YDAAEIAS, cf. Cal- here as in the case of the slaves lim. Lav. Pall. 4*1. Euphorion who made themselves masters Fragm. 19. Meineke) ttlvovul ofVolsinii. See Niebuhr's Ro- Kprjvrjg eXevdepovfXEvoL rojy ohe- man History, vol. I. p. 101. sq. tcju. ed. 2. Enghsh Transl. " Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8. ^ The liberation of Argive * Book I. ch. 7. § 16. slaves is alluded to in a passage 56 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. For (as we have shown above) the Argives about this time incorporated the surrounding towns belonging to the Perioeci,'' for the purpose of replenishing and in- creasing their own numbers, and gave them the rights of citizens. With this period an entirely new era in the history of the constitution of Argos commences, although this state of things has from its greater no- toriety often been improperly applied also to earlier times. Thus Isocrates^ says that the Dorians of Argos, like those of Messene, admitted the native in- habitants into the city (as (rvvoixoi), and gave them equal rights of citizenship, with the exception of offices of honour ; contrasting with it the conduct of the Spartans, in a manner which every one now per- ceives to have been entirely groundless. The change in the constitution of Argos then introduced was no less than if the whole body of Perioeci in Laconia had declared themselves the sovereign community. For the newly-adopted citizens appear to have soon de- manded and obtained the full rights of the old ; and hence, ever after the above epoch, democracy seems to have had the upper hand in Argos. And this could never be the case without the disappearance of the Doric character, which showed itself in the diminution of their military skill. For this reason the Argives in after-times were reduced to form a standing army of a thousand citizens, of noble extraction, under the command of generals who possessed great civil power. ^ ^ Not the Gymnesii. See distinguished for their love of vol. 1. p. 191, note p. equality and freedom. ^ Pauathen. p. 270 A. B. of. y See Thuc. V.67, 72. Diod. 286 A. I am also of opinion that XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15. Pausaniaswas in error when (II. Pausan. II. 20. 1. where the 19 ) he states that the Argives leader of the 1000 J^oyaceg is had from an early period been called Bryas, and particularly CH. 4, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 57 This body of men, however, hnmediately endeavoured to set up an oppressive oligarchy, until they at length yielded to the preponderating power of the democracy. But of this more hereafter.^ It is not known for what length of time the Epi- DAURiANS preserved the distinction between towns- men and countrymen. The name xouiTro^sg, i. e., dusty- feet, which was applied to the lower classes, is a preof of their agricultural habits, and is probably not merely a term of reproach. That this class, however, as at Argos, furnished citizens who were not originally Dorians, is shown by the occurrence of a fourth tribe, besides the three Doric.^ 3. Neither in Corinth nor in Sicyon does there appear to have been any complete distinction between the Doric and other races. The inhabitants, especially those of the former state, must have lived on an equal- ity with the aboriginal possessors, and were probably only admitted by a fresh division (Itt' ai/aSao-jao)) to a joint possession of the lands. Hence it was that in Corinth there were not only the three Doric tribes (of Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp, Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the remarks of Tittmann, p. 602. ^ The Elean TlepioLKlg may serve for a comparison. This was the name of all the terri- tory which the Eleans had con- quered in addition to their ori- ginal land, the Ko/Xry ^HXic. (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23.) It was, however, di- vided into tribes, which in- creased or diminished with the loss or accession of territory. The number of the Hellanodicse was arranged according to that of the tribes. The ancient ter- ritory of the Eleans,KotX77 ' HXic, included four tribes ; Pisatis was divided into an equal number ; and if the whole of Triphylia obeyed the Eleans, four more were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.) Compare Aristodemus of Elis in Harpocration in v. 'EXXavo^t/cj^f, Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For further details see a paper by the author in Welcker's and Naeke's Rheinisches Museum, vol. II. p. 161. ^ Plutarch, Qusest. Grsec. I. Hesychius. ^ Below, ch. 5. § 2. 58 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. which we shall speak hereafter), but eight, all of which dwelt in the city."" Nor were even the Cypselidee Dorians ; though, before they obtained the tyranny, they had long been distinguished citizens. We may discover a class of Corinthian Helots in the Cynophali,*^ whose name was, as in a former instance, derived from the dog-skin cap of the native Peloponnesians. But regular slavery, as was natural in a commercial state, soon prevailed at Corinth, and probably under very nearly the same form as at Athens.^ In Sicyon there were bondsmen, of whom the names Corynephori^ and Catonacophori have been preserved.^ The first marks them as light-armed attendants in war, the second as a class always inhabiting the country. The citizens of this state were divided into four tribes, of which three were purely Doric, viz., the Hylleans, Dymanes, and Pamphylians ; while the fourth tribe, the ^gialeans, derived their name from the country which they had inhabited before the Doric invasion.^ It is also cer- tain that this fourth tribe possessed not merely some civil privileges, but the complete rights of citizenship ; ^ Uavra d/crw, Photius in v. Suidas (in Schott's Pro v. XI. 64.) Apostol. XV. 67. ^ Hesychius. According to Isaac Vossius 'Kvpo(pv\oi. The Corinthian Kvyvj, Herod. IV. 180. was perhaps at an early period the peculiar dress of this class. See above, ch. 3. § 3. ® Thus the harbour Lechaeum was a place of refuge for mal- treated slaves as well as Mu- nychia, Hesych. in AixctLov. ^Steph, Byz. in X/oc, Pol- lux ubi sup. Etym. Gud.p. 165. .53. where dfjTeg, yvyivyjTEQ (for (erroneously for K\apu>rai), Kopvpr](p6poij and KaXKiKvpwi are classed together. ^ See above, p. 38, note °. ^ Herod. V. 68. where, how- ever, it is difficult to believe that this fourth tribe was not established until after the time of Cleisthenes. The tribe which in Sicyon was called AlyiaXEtg was perhaps in Phlius known by the title of Xdovo(j)v\ri, the mythical name of the daughter of Sicyon, and the mother or wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63. 12. 6. Schoi: Apoll. Rhod. 1. 45. CH. 4, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 59 since the family of Cleisthenes raised itself from it to the royal dignity, which could scarcely have taken place had their tribe stood in the same relation to the citizens as the Perioeci or Helots did to the Spartans. This Cleisthenes, with the arrogance of a tyrant, gave to his own tribe the name of Archelai, or rulers ; while he called the three Doric tribes after the sow, the swine, and the ass (uoltoli, ovsdtra/, ^oipsoLrai.) We can hardly, however, credit the assertion of Herodotus (who too often seeks for the causes of events in the passions and wishes of individuals, to the disregard of political cu'cumstances) that these were merely terms of abuse it is more probable that Cleisthenes wished to compel the Dorians to retire into the country, and employ themselves in the care of cattle and in agriculture, thus bidding an entire defiance to all their principles. But so arbitrary a subversion of all ancient customs and habits could not endure for any length of time ; and, after the downfall of that tyrannical dynasty, the for- mer constitution was restored in its most essential parts. 4. In the colonies of the Dorians the condition of the conquered peasants and bondsmen was often more oppressed and degraded than in the parent states ; since the ruling class were there placed in ^ The able historian Thirlwall tions, and could hardly have thinks it more probable that been confounded by Herodotus Cleisthenes united the three with a mere change of names. Doric tribes in a single tribe. It may be here mentioned that and that the Hyatae, Oneatse, the temple of Zeus the Enume- and Choereatae, were the three rator, in Sicyon, was referred to country tribes, trihus rustic(E, the establishment of the tribes, which Cleisthenes had admitted Bekker's Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. into the dominant community. *790. ^iKvaypioi Kara 0v\ae lav- But a measure of this kind ap- rovg ra^avreg Kai apidfiriaavTeg pears to be unexampled in the ^loc ^rctx^iog iepop llpixyavro. history of the Greek constitu- 60 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. contact, not with Greeks, but with barbarians. In their settlements the following ranks were generally formed at successive periods of time. A Doric state founded the colony; and its citizens constituted the sole nobility in the new city; these parted amongst themselves the conquered land into lots,^ and formed the body of citizens, the Tro'KlrsufjLa strictly so called.^ These colonists, however, soon endeavoured to strengthen themselves by fresh numbers, and opened their harbours to all exiled or discontented persons. The motley population"^ thus formed, called by the name of Demus, was generally excluded from the body politic (or the 7roX/T£t>ju.a), until it obtained admittance by force ; and at the same time constantly pressed for a new division of the territory (ava^ac- jxoV).° Besides these, a third rank was formed by the native inhabitants, who were compelled by the new-comers to serve either as bondsmen or public slaves. Thus, for example, the distinction at Syra- cuse was — first, the Gamori, viz., the old Corinthian colonists, who had taken possession of the large lots, and divided the land ;"" secondly, a Demus ; and, ^ See, e. g., concerning the cities of Sicily, oyXoiq re yap K\r)po^o(Tla of Cnidos, Diodor. ^v/mfiiKTOig TroXvavdpovcriv, &c. V. 53. That the lots were even ^ The clearest instance, al- apportioned in the mother- though not of a Doric city, is country may be seen from what in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leon- occurred at the founding of Sy- tini had created a large number racuse, book I. ch. 6. § 7. Com- of new citizens, who, partly pare the account of the colo- forming the popular party, nization of Epidamnus, Thucyd. pressed for a redivision of the I. 27. lands (dvaBao-jUog). Upon this, ^ This, e. g., was the case the nobles entirely expelled the in the Corinthian Apollonia, commons. See below, ch. 9. Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol. § 15. IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, « Herod. VII. 155. Aristot. Orchomenos, p. 337. Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot, in v. ™ Thucyd. VI. 17. of the Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388. CH. 4, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 61 thirdly, slaves on the estates of the nobles, whose number became proverbial. These were, without doubt, native Siculians, as is shown by the various forms of their name (KoXXu^/o/, KiT^'Kixöqioi, KaXX/xu- qioi,) which cannot be explained from the Greek.^ The political condition of Syracuse was formed in a manner essentially different from that of the Pelo- ponnesian states, chiefly from the circumstance that the Demus (an unpleasant fellow-lodger, according to the expression of Gelon) was immediately received into the city. Hence also the prodigious size of the Sicilian and Italian towns in comparison with those of Peloponnesus. The Gamori, togeth^- with their Cyllyrians, stood in nearly the same relation to the Demus as the patricians with their clients did to the plebeians at Rome. The changes in the constitution also had nearly the same course as at Rome ; for the two classes first sought to compromise their preten- sions in a moderate timocracy (the wokirela of Aris- totle), Avhich subsequently passed (as we shall see hereafter) into a complete democracy. 5. In the Megarian colony of Byzantium the native inhabitants, the Bithynians, were in precisely 35. Marmor. Par. 1. 52. He- sychius yajJLopoi — f) ol ano Tojy kyyeiiov Tiixr]fxaTiov ( ä censu agrorurn) ra kolvcl ^liirovTeQ, 'Eyye/wv KTrjixarioy^ the Correc- tion of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. in V. yEMfjLopot, is not needed. The expression airb TifjLrjfiarojy apx^Lv, dioLKeiv, &c., occurs. See Wesseling adDiod. XVITI. 18. P Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. II. p. 260.), Photius, Saidas, and Phavorinus in KaXXiKvpioi, Etyra. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. IV. 54. KaWiiiipioL k'v ^vpaKov- craiQ kK\riQr]ffav ol vTrEiaeXdovreg TEßMOPOIS, as it should be written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.), Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588. Eustathius ad II. p. 295. Rom. KiXXiKvpioi £v Kpr]Tr]j Mapiav- hvvol kv ^YipaxXeiq. ry TlovriKy KOL ^Aporrai kv livpaKovaaiQ should be written KiXXiKvpioi kv I,vpaKovaaig — KAAPOTAI AE kv Kprfrr]. Dionysius ubi sup. calls them TreXärai. KaX- XiKvpioL seems to be a mere cor- ruption of foreigners, who tried to make a Greek word of it. 62 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. the same condition as the Helots The same was likewise the fate of the nation of Mariandynians in Heraclea on the Pontus, which city also was founded by the Megarians conjointly with the Boeo- tians. They submitted under the stipulation that no Mariandynian should be sold beyond the borders/ which was a fundamental rule of the ancient system of bondage ; and that they should pay a tribute to be settled once for all, this being called by the mild name of presents (8a)§a'). The great number of these native slaves, who never suffered the country to want for sailors, was very favourable to the commerce and naval power of Heraclea.* At Cyrene also the several classes were formed in a similar manner. In Thera, the mother-country of Cyrene, the families of the original colony from Laconia had once alone possessed the full rights of citizenship, and held the offices of state.'' Thus also at Cyrene the families from Thera at first were sole possessors of the governing power, and did not admit the after-comers to a full participation of it. It was the natural course of events, that they who first caused the Grecian name to be respected amongst the savages of Libya should be supposed to have a greater claim 1 Phylarch. ap. Athen. VI. * Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. p. 271 C. The jjnardooTol were where the Perioeci of Hera- called TTpovvLKOL ill Byzantium, clea, who served in the fleet, according to Pollux VII. 29. are probably the Mariandyni. 132. In this passage Heraclea Pon- ^ Strab. XII. p. 542 C. tica is meant, whereas in V. 4. ^ Euphorion ( Fragm, 73. 2. (juera tov aTroLKLaixov evdvg) Mein.) and Callistratus 6 'Apt- Heraclea Trachinia is evidently crTO(paveiog ap. Athen. VI. p. intended — compare Schlosser; 263 D. E. Hesychius in dojpo- and the same town is probably (j)6poi. The masters are called signified in the other passages, by Euphorion avaKveg, accord- ^ See above, p. 60, note\ ing to the Homeric idiom. CH. 4, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 63 to honour and property than those who had flocked together to a town already established and securely defended. But the Cyrenseans having in the reign of Battus the Second proclaimed throughout Greece a new division of their lands'" (which, however, they had first to gain from the Libyans), and many fresh citizens having collected together, a new constitution became in time necessary : and this, Demonax of Mantinea established for them on democratic princi- ples. He abolished the old tribes, and created in their place three new ones, in which the entire Grecian population of Cyrene was comprehended. The divi- sion of the people was into three parts, viz., one con- sisting of the Therseans and Perioeci, the second of Peloponnesians and Cretans, and the third of all the islanders.^ From this it is evident that the original colonists still continued to keep Perioeci under their power, while the other citizens did not enjoy this right ; and that the former were a kind of privileged class, who probably were in a great measure relieved from any personal attendance to agriculture : in this manner the wise Demonax respected the institutions of antiquity. Of the origin and condition of these ^ The oracle in Herod. IV. 159. o; xtv is Atßvav Tokuriparov vffTtpov lyeis uvoihctiefjtimst f^tfä, ol 'ptoKo. ^ocfjn f£sk^y. opposed to another. The pas- CH. 4, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 73 towns, so late as the second century after Christ.^ The Spartan community, however, deviating from this usage of the word, calls itself ^ai^og in ancient laws ; * because it never thought of opposing itself as a body to the Perioeci. Democracies then were frequently formed by col- lecting the inhabitants of the country into the city (when the S%o^ and ttoA«^ coincided), by the union of single villages, and by the admission of the Perioeci to the rights of citizenship. At Athens, in order to give the democracy the highest possible antiquity, this change was dated as far back as the mythical age of Theseus. In Peloponnesus, the first movements tend- ing to it had perhaps begun before the time of the tyrants ; these very persons, however, though they had in most cases risen from demagogues, still, for the purpose of securing a more tranquil dominion, sought again to remove the common people from the city, and to bind them down to the countiy. Instead of the town-costume, they forced them to resume their former dress of sheep's skins, as has been remarked above of the tyrants of Sicyon for this purpose likewise they ^ See particularly such pas- avroig kul tcroTroXtreiav Kat sages as that in ChishuU's Ant. yag kul oitciag eyKTrjaiv /cat ar£- Asiat. p. 113. ^vßpiTKov ä TToXig XsLav, &c. Kai ol KoafioL Trjiojp rq. ßovXq * See the Rhetra cited below, Kai EafjLip x^ipeiv, p. 137. ch. 5. § 8. The citizens of Sparta AXXapL(OTay ol Koafxoi tcai d iroXig were called dafj-wdeic (above, Tlapiioy rq tvoXel Kat to) 3ajuw. p. 43, note ; vfO^ayitw^Eie, i. e.. Sometimes, however, especially " new Spartans" answers to in inscriptions of late date, the Syracusan veoTroX^Tai, Diod. drifjiog also occurs, as in Pococke XIV. 7. ^ajuoo-m, the train of IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should the king in war; below, ch. 12. be restored nearly as follows : § 5. A measure ratified by the ayadq rvyjq. edo^e rq ßovXq Kai community was called dafidjcnK- dafxo) KXetaderea ^tpoj- rog ; below, ch. 5. § 11. irea. Avrio^ov Kai AyadoKXrjy Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, i:.(t)aLyeveog'lepo7roXirag7rpo^evog see Diog. Laert. I. 98, from rjfuiep avTog Kat tyyova, virapytv Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus 74 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. very prudently encouraged agriculture in all its branches.^ Trade and commerce, by collecting men together in large towns, promoted the principles of de- mocracy. It was in the wealthy and populous cities of the Greeks in the Ionian territory that a popular government was first established. Where, on the other hand, the courts of justice were at a distance, and there was no other inducement to mechanical in- dustry and internal commerce, the ancient habits of life continued much longer in existence ; as for ex- ample, among the shepherds of Meenalia and Par- rhasia : these, as late as the founding of Megalopolis, lived in villages, amongst which particular boroughs (as Basilis) were distinguished as the abodes of sove- reign families ; such a state was altogether suited to the interests of the aristocracy or oligarchy. In oli- garchical states, as in Elis, the people in later times remained almost constantly in the countiy ; and it frequently happened that grandfathers and grandchil- dren had never seen the town : there were also country courts of justice, and other regulations, intended to make up for the advantages of a city life.^ But even in the democratic states, as at Athens, there was among the people a constant struggle of feeling be- tween the turbulent working of the democracy, and the peaceful inclination to their ancient country life. Damascenus, Heracl. Potit. 5. excellent note of Meier de bonis on the Pisistratidse, above p. 38, damnat. p. 185. note!?. Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. ^See also Diod. XIV. 10. Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav. ^ Polyb. IV. 73. 6. oi ttoXi- Concerning Gelo, Plutarch. revofXEvoi — oi ettI Trjg x'^P^^ Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, olkovvteq. Oxylus also, accord- Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Ce- ing to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incor- phallenian tyrant, Heraclid. porated a number of hamlets Pont. 31. See in general with the city. Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the CH. 5, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 75 CHAP. V. § 1. Three tribes of citizens in the Doric states. § 2. Additional tribes, of inferior rank, in some Doric states. § 3. Each tribe in Sparta was divided into ten obse. § 4. Political importance of the Spartan obse. § 5. Uarpai, in other Doric states, cor- responding to the Spartan obse. § 6. Number of Spartan yiyj]. § 7. Distinction between Equals and Inferiors in Sparta. § 8. Powers of the assembly of citizens at Sparta. § 9. Names of the assembly of the citizens in the Doric states. § 10. Pro- ceedings of the Spartan assembly. § 11. Public assembly of Crete. 1. Having considered the subject classes in the several Doric states, we come to the free citizens pro- perly so called, who, according to an old Grecian principle,* which was actually put in practice in Sparta, were entirely exempted from all care for pro- viding themselves with the necessaries of life. The exact distinction between these ranks, and the advan- tageous position of the latter class, increased the value of the rights of citizenship ; hence Sparta showed pecu- liar reluctance to admitting foreigners to share in them.^ Before, then, we consider the body politic of free citizens in its active dealings, it will be proper first to direct our attention to its component members, to its division into smaller societies, such as tribes, phratriee, houses, &c. * Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where lectedby Tittmann,p.641.prove the TToXiTov nperr) is restricted to nothing against Herodotus, IX. those oaoi riop epycjv eiaiv acpei- 35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. fxivoiTb)v avayKaitjjv. p. 364. speaks of the reception The instances of admission of aliens as Perioeci. Concern- of foreigners to the rights of ing the strictness of the Mega- Spartan citizens (of which rians as to this point, see PIu- some are very uncertain), col- tarch. de Monarchia 2. p. 204. 76 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. In every Doric state there were three tribes, Hyl- leis, Dymanes (or Dymanatse), and Pamphyli. This threefold division belonged so peculiarly to the nation that even Homer called it " the thrice -divided" (rpi^oLixsg), which ancient epithet is correctly ex- plained in a verse of Hesiod, as implying the division of the territoiy among the people. Hence in the ancient fable which this poet has expressed in an epic poem, three sons of the ancient Doric king iEgimius were mentioned, namely, Dyman, Pamphylus, and the adopted Hyllus ; and the same is confirmed by the direct testimony of Herodotus, who states that the Doric nation was divided into these three tribes.*^ Hence also Pindar comprehends the whole Doric nation under the name of the sons of iEgimius and Hyllus.^ Thus we should be warranted in putting forth the proposition stated above in these general terms, even if in the several Doric states there had been no particular mention of all these tribes. The fact, however, is, that there are sufficient accounts of them. Pindar* bears testimony to their existence in Sparta ; and from an expression of a grammarian, it may be conjectured that they were also divisions of the city.^ Herodotus states that these tribes existed at Sicyon and Argos.^ In Argos, the city was doubtless ^ Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron 1.121. (ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains s Hesychius Avfirj ev 'StirapTri it from the Tripolis near mount ^vX?) koX tottoq, which is not in- Parnassus. deed a decisive testimony. •i V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in ^ y gg. All the three tribes 'YXXetf, AvfjLäv. Hemsterh. ad occur in Argive inscriptions of Aristoph. Plut. 385. late date; see Boeckh ad In- « Pyth. I. 61. V. *71. and in script, 1123. the Uajui^i^Xoi how- the fragment of the 'lorOjuioj^i/cai, ever are introduced on conjec- "YXXov re Koi Aiyijiiov Acopievg ture. "YXXig cltto 'Apyelag jjLiäg arparog. rwv vvfx(pb)}/f Callimachus ap. ^ Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. Steph. in 'YXXcI^, unless it CH. b, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 77 divided according to them ; and '\JoLiJ.<^rj'KioLKov is men- tioned as a district of the town.' The Doric tribes were transmitted from Argos to Epidaurus and ^gina.*" Hylleis occur also in the iEginetan colony of Cydonia.^ The same name is found in an inscrip- tion of Corcyra : ^ consequently they also existed in the mother-country, Corinth. It occurs likewise in another inscription of Agrigentum they must therefore have also been in existence at Rhodes, as indeed is declared by Homer .° The Pamphylians occur at Megara as late as at the time of Hadrian.^" These tribes existed also at Troezen ; but the Troe- zenian colony Halicarnassus seems to have been almost exclusively founded by Dymanes/ On the whole it appears that wherever there were Dorians there were also Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes. 2. Wherever the Dorians alone had the full rights of citizenship, no other tribes of the highest ranks could exist ; but if other persons were admitted in any con- siderable number to a share in the government, there were necessarily either one or more tribes in addition to these three. Thus a fourth, named Hyrnathia,^ is should be written Atya/ag, or some such word. See Intro- duction, § 9. i Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. ^ Pindar, ubi sup. ^ Hesych. in 'YXXieg. Com- pare yEginetica, p. 140. ^ Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 404. " Gruter p. 401. Castelli In- script. Sic. p. T9. ° II. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. §3. P Boeckh Corp. Inscript. N°. 1013. and see his Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234. *iCharaxap. Steph. in 'YXXet?. Book I. ch. 6. § 1. ^ iEginetica, pp. 40. and 140. note ^. Steph. Byz. Avfiav, ^u- Xop Awpiewv, -s^ffar rpEig, 'YA.- Xelc KOL UaiJidvXoL kol Avfiäyeg, 'HpaKXiovg, kol Trpofferedr] rj 'Ypvtjdia, wg " E(popog a : which passage should be understood thus : " There were origi- " nally three tribes, Hylleans, " Pamphylians, and Dymanes, " which go back to the time " of Hercules ; and to these " the Hyrnathian tribe was 78 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. known to us in the states of Argos and Epidaurus ; in ^gina also an additional tribe of this kind must have existed, for in this island there were distinguished families not of Doric origin.* In Sicyon the fourth tribe was called the iEgialean. In Corinth also it appears that there were altogether eight tribes.'' But in Sparta, the city of pure Doric customs, we cannot suppose the existence of any other than the three genuine Doric tribes. At first sight, indeed, it might appear that the great and distinguished house of the ^gidee, of Cadmean descent, was without the pale of these tribes ; but it must have been adopted into one of the three at its admission to the rights of citizenship.'' For the number of the Spartan obse, the gerontes, the knights, the landed estates, viz., 30, 300, 9000, &c., manifestly allow of division by the number 3, while they have no reference to the number 4. 3. The tribes of Sparta were again divided into obse, which are also called phratriee.^ The term phratria (v (by Kal T'öjp elXüjTiov (see above, p. 32, note Kal aWwy Ii7rapTtrjTi(t)v, &c. Compare the oracle in VII. 220. TvevdriaEi ßaaiXrj ^Qiixevov AaKElcujxovog ovpog, *'the furthest boundaries '* of Lacedsemon." The fiiaiv- ecrdaL was the more imposing, as it was strictly interdicted in private mourning, Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252. The generality of this mourning for princes of the Heraclidse in early times is rendered probable by the fact noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note ^ The Eido^Xa were probably preserved ; for they could not have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was almost always brought home even from a great distance, as in the case of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was to the eidojXov that the prohibi- tion of Agesilaus referred, prjre TrXaardv jjLijre fxipriXav riva TTOirfcraadaL avrov elKova. Plu- tarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191. ™ Concerning the public sa- crifices of the king, see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 4. CH. 6, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 103 this circumstance, added to the fact that in war they had a right to the back of every victim, and had liberty to sacrifice as much as they wished,"" it follows that they presided over the entire worship of the army^ being both priests and princes, like the Agamemnon of Homer.'' Their power, however, most directly required that they should maintain a constant inter- course between the state and the Delphian oracle ; hence they nominated the Pythians, and, together with these officers, read and preserved the oracles. ^ As then it appears from these facts that the dignity of the kings was founded on a religious notion, so it was also limited by religion ; although the account we have is rather of an ancient custom, which was retained when its meaning had been lost, than an institution of real influence. Once in every eight years (Si' erwu Ivvsa) the ephors chose a calm and moonless night, and placed themselves in the most profound silence to observe the heavens : if there was any appearance of a shooting star, it w^as believed that the kings had in some manner offended the Deity, and they were sus- pended until an oracle from Delphi, or the priests at Olympia, absolved t4iem from the guilt.^i If this custom (doubtless of great antiquity) is compared with the frequent occurrence of this period of nine years in early times, and especially with the tradition preserved in a verse of Homer, " of Minos, who reigned " for periods of nine years, holding intercourse with Herod. VI. 46. diaßarrjpLa on other occasions, ° A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor Plutarch, Ages. 6, where the at the first departure (Xenoph. parallel with Agamemnon is re- Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, ch. markably striking. 12. § 5.) ; then on the boundary p See above, ch. 1. § 9. dLußarripLa to Zeus and Athene ^ Plut. Agis 11. (ibid. cf. Polyaen. I. 10.); also 104 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. " Zeus,"'' it is easy to perceive that the dominion of the ancient Doric princes determined, as it were, at the period of every eight years, and required a fresh re- ligious ratification. So intimate in early times was the connexion between civil government and religion . It is clear, from what has been said, that the Do- rians considered the kingly office as proceeding from the Deity, and not as originating from the people ; which would, I believe, have seemed to them in no- wise more natural, than that the liberty of the people should be dependent on the king. But they were well aware that the elements of the constitution had not been formed by a people consisting, like the Ame- rican colonists after their defection from the mother- country, of individuals possessed of equal rights : but they had existed at the beginning, and grown with the growth of the nation. For this reason the people Avere not empowered to nominate the king (from which disputes concerning the rightful succession to the throne should be carefully distinguished;)^ but the royal dignity passed in a regular succession to the eldest son, with this exception, that the sons born during the reign of the father had the precedence of their elder brothers : if the eldest son died, the throne passed to his next male descendant ; and on failure of 1' Which point is more fully 5. § 9. Cleonymus also was discussed by Hoeck, Kreta, not declared to have a worse vol. I. p. 245. claim than Areus, by a free se- ^ It is a ^iKrj Plut. Agis 1 1 . lection, founded on comparative %'eiicog Herod. VI. 66. with the merit (as it appears from Plu- preceding /carw/ioo-ta of the ac- tarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the geru- cuser VI. 65. which is followed sia merely declared at the a/x<^tff' by a decree in the name of the ßrjrrjatc, that he, as the younger whole community (ttoXuj Xen. son, came after the heir of the Hell. III. 3. 3. ol AcucehafjLovwt elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2. Herod. V. 42 ) See above, ch. CH. 6, §7. OF THE DORIANS. 105 his line, to the younger brothers in succession ; if there was no male issue of the king, the office went to his brother* (who also, during the minority of the son of the late king, was his natural guardian),'' and his heirs ; or, lastly, if the whole line was extinct, to the next of kin/ The anxiety of the Spartans for the legitimacy of their kings, also serves to prove the high importance which was attached to the ge- nuineness of their birth. Notwithstanding these large privileges, the people believed its liberty to be secured by the oath which was taken every month by the kings, that they would reign according to the laws ; a custom also in force among the Molossi ; ^ in return for which, the state engaged through the ephors to preserve the dominion of the kings unshaken (dto-ru- (piy^iKTog), if they adhered to their oath. ^ 7. The constitutional powers of the kings of Sparta were inconsiderable, as compared with their dignity and honours. In the first place, the two kings were members of the gerusia, and their presence was requi- site to make a full council ; but as such they only had single votes,"" which in their absence were held by the * See, e. g., Herod. V. 42. VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3. " As Lycurgus of Charilaus, Nicomedes of Pleistoanax. ^ As Demaratus was suc- ceeded by Leutychides, whose right to the throne went hack to the eighth ancestor of Theo- pompus, if with Palmerius we correct Herod. VIII. 131. ac- cording to Pausanias' genealogy of the Kings. y Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5. ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. *7. from whom Nicolaus Damascenus AaKed, See an allusion to the oath of the Ephors in Julian. Or. I. p. 14 D. ^ Thucyd. I. 20. who contra- dicts the statement of other his- torians ; but probably refers to Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. §7.) rather than Herodotus, whose work he could scarcely have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.) however appears to me to have followed the opinion generally received in Greece, of the two votes of each king, although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the Scholiast to 106 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. councillor who was most nearly related to them, and therefore a Heraclide.^ If they were present, they presided at the council, and accordingly, in the ancient rhetra above mentioned, they are styled princes {aoja.ykra.i) in reference to the council ; it was also their especial office to speak and to propose measures in the public assembly. When the council sat as a court of justice, the kings of course presided in it ; besides which, they had a distinct tribunal of their own,"" for in Sparta all magistrates had a jurisdiction in cases which belonged to the branch of the adminis- tration with which they were intrusted : the only remnant of which custom,'spared by the democracy at Athens, was, that the public officers always intro- duced such suits into the courts. This coincidence of administrative and judicial authority also existed at Sparta in the person of their kings. They held a court in cases concerning the repair and security of the public roads, probably in their capacity of generals, and as superintendents of the intercourse with foreign nations. It is remarkable that they gave judgment in all cases of heiresses, and that all adoptions w^ere made in their presence.*^ Both these duties re- garded the maintenance of families, the basis of the ancient Greek states, the care for which was therefore intrusted to the kings. Thus in Athens also, the same duty had been transferred from the ancient kings to the archon eponymus_, who accordingly had the super- Thucydides, adopted by Larch er, is followed by Lucian Harm. 3. that each king had only one ^ See above, ch. 5. § 3. vote, though it had the force of ^ Herod, ubi sup. IikIiI,(.iv ce two, is ridiculous. The yepovaia fxovvovQ tovq ßaai\i]ag roaahe was lcr6\Lr)(l)og to. fuiyiara with jiovva. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. the kings, according to Plat. Agesil. p. 187. Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus Herod. \T. 57. cn. 6, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 107 intendence, and a species of guardianship over all heiresses and orphans.^ 8. The greater part of the king's prerogative was his power in foreign affairs. The kings of Sparta were the commanders of the Peloponnesian confe- deracy. They also went out as ambassadors ; although at times of mistrust companions were assigned, who were known to be disinclined and hostile to them/ By the same power the kings also nominated citizens as proxeni, who entertained ambassadors and citizens of foreign states in their houses/ and otherwise pro- vided for them ; it appears that the kings themselves were in fact the proxeni for foreign countries, and that those persons whom they nominated are only to be considered as their deputies. As soon as the king had assumed the command of the army, and had crossed the boundaries, he became, according to ancient custom, general with unlimited power (g-t parriyog auToxpaTa)qy\ He had authority to despatch and assemble armies, to collect money in foreign countries, and to lead and encamp the army according to his own judgment. Any person who dared to impede him, or to resist his authority, was outlawed.' He had power of life and death, and could ^ Lysias in Evand. p. 176. Thebes: but in Sparta, as the 22, Pollux. VIII. 89. connexion with foreign nations ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20. — An was more restricted, a state, example in X en. Hell. VI. 5. which wished to have a proxenus 4. Agesil. 2. 25. there, was forced to apply to the s Herod. VI. 57. Kal -rrpo^ei- king to nominate one. This vovQ cnrohLKvvraL rovroLcrt Trpocr- appears to be the meaning of KsicrdaL TOVQ ay ediXojffi riov the above passage of Herodotus. cKTTÖJv. In other places the Aristot. Pol. HI, 9. 2. cf. proxeni were appointed by the III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. states whose proxeni they were : 31 D. for example, a Theban was ^ Herod. VI. 56. who must proxenus of the Athenians at not be understood to refer to the 108 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. execute without trial {sv ;^£f§o^ ^o[j.ip); although, from the well-known subordination of the Spartans, such cases were probably of rare occurrence. But it is manifest that the king, upon his return, was always responsible and liable to punishment, as Avell for an imprudent, as for a tyrannical use of his powers. His political was separated with sufficient accuracy from his military authority, and the king was not permitted to conclude treaties, or to decide the fate of cities, without communication with and permission from the state. ^ His military power was, however, thought dangerous and excessive, and was from time to time curtailed. This limitation was not indeed effected by the arrangement which originated from the dissen- sion between Demaratus and Cleomenes, viz., that only one king should be with the army at the same time^ (for this regulation rather increased the power of the one king who was sent out); but chiefly by the law, that the king should not go into the field ^vithout ten councillors (a rule which owed its origin to the over-hasty armistice of Agis)™, and by the compulsory attendance of the ephors." declaration of war, Xen. Rep. marks the opposition to the Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs preceding purely military duties in Thucyd. VIII. 5. o yap of the king. "AyiQ...ex(^y Tijv fxe& eavTov ^v- ^ Herod. V. 75. Both kings vafxiv, KvpioQ fjy Kai aTroariWeiy were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. e'i TTOi TLva ißovXeTO arpariay. Hell. V. 3. 10. Kal ^vrayelpeiv, Kai ^pjy^ara ™ Thuc. V. 63. where the TTpaaaeiv. cf. V. 60. tici rov words iv irapovTL do not prove vofxov. that they passed the law for ^ Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. only one campaign. SeeManso, 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 231. however permitted to the king vol. II. p. 378. note ^. Con- to send ambassadors, e. g., to cerning the Thirty about the mediate, according to Xen. king's person, see below, ch. 12. Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do § 5. not perceive the necessity of " See below, ch. 7. § 5. changing av into oh ; fxevroi CH. 6, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 109 9. The investigation concerning the revenue of the kings is not in itself so important as it is rendered interesting by the parallel with the same office in the Homeric age. In Homer the kings are represented as having three sorts of revenues ; first, the produce of their lands (rsjotsj^Tj)," which often contained tillage ground, pastures, and plantations ; secondly, the fees for judicial decisions (ßw^a); and, thirdly, the public banquets, which were provided at the expense of the community.^ To these were added extraordinary gifts, shares of the booty, and other honorary presents. The case was nearly the same at Sparta, except that they received no fees for judicial decisions. But in the first place, the king in this country had his landed property, which was situated in the territory of several cities belonging to the Perioeci,*i and the royal tribute (ßoLo-i'Kixog ^opog) was probably derived from the same source. This was the foundation of the private wealth of the kings, which frequently amounted to a con- siderable sum ; otherwise, how could it have been pro- posed to fine king Agis a hundred thousand drachmas,^ that is, doubtless, ^ginetan drachmas, and therefore about 5800/. of our money ? Also the younger Agis, « Od. XI. 184. II. XII. 312, " dicial dignihj should eat, for cf. IX. 578. Pind. Olymp. " all invite him.'*'' Concerning XIII. 60. ßaQvQ icXäpog. the last words, see p. 110. P This is called d{]jjia irivELv ^ Xen. Rep. Laced. 15. 2. in II. XVII.250.(cf. (rtr£o^£j'oi Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 7-a ^YifioGTLa Herod. VI. 57.) In A. AaK:£^at^oVtot is equivalent Crete foreigners were fed Zr]- to irepwiKOL. /ioöfv, Od. XIX. 197.cf. ^s- « Thucydid. V. 63. [An chyl. Suppl. 964. and Platner, ^ginetan drachma contains on ubi sup. p. 100. The passage an average ninety-five English in Od. XI. 184. should be thus grains of pure silver (see Knight rendered. " Telemachus enjoys Proleg. Hom. § 56.), according " in quiet the royal lands, and to which its value would be " feasts on the banquets, which about fourteen pence in our " it is proper that a man of j'u- money.] 110 , POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iii. the son of Eudamidas, was possessed of six hundred talents in coin ;* and in a dialogue attributed to Plato, the king of Sparta is declared to be richer than any private individual at Athens. But besides these re- venues, the king received a large sum from the public property ; a double portion at the public banquets/ an animal without blemish for sacrifice, a medimnus of wheat, and a Lacedsemonian quart of wine on the first and seventh days of each month f the share in the sacrifices above mentioned, &c. It was, moreover, customary for private individuals who gave entertain- ments, to invite the kings, as was the practice in the Homeric times ;^ on these occasions a double por- tion was set before them, and when a public sacrifice took place, the kings had the same rights and prefer- ences.^ In war, also, the king received a large portion of the plunder ; thus the share of Pausanias, after the battle of Platsea, was ten women, horses, camels, and talents :^ in later times it appears that a third of the booty fell to the lot of the king.'' Lastly, it is proper to mention the official residence of the two kingfs of Sparta, built, according to tradition, by Aristodemus the ancestor of the two royal families.*^ In addition * Plutarch, Ag. 9. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he Ale. I. 38. p. 122 E. also had a little pig out of every ^Compare Herod. VI. 57. brood for sacrificing, (where the word Ieittvov also ^ See p. 109. note refers to the avaaL-ia) with ^ Herod. VI. 57. r\v dvffirjv Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted tlq (not a private individual, by Schol. Od. IV. 65. In Crete but a person appointed by the the cosmus on duty (o ap-)(^u)y) public) ^r^/zorfX?; Troiirjrai, had four portions, Heracl. Pont. ^ Herod. IX. 81. 3. ^ According to Phylarchus in y Herod, ubi sup. According Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and the neyia-rai XrjxLeig in Plat. Al- Plut. Ages. 17. the king sent cib. I. 39. p. 123 A. to whom he pleased a share of ^ Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch his sacrifices. According to Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100. CH. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. Ill to this dwelling, they had frequently private houses of their own/ and a tent was always built for them with- out the city, at the public expense/ In taking a review of all these statements, it appears to me that the political sagacity was almost past belief, with which the ancient constitution of Sparta protected the power, the dignity, and welfare of the office of king, yet without suffering it to grow into a despotism, or without placing the king in any one point either above or without the law. Without endangering the liberty of the state, a royal race was maintained, which, blending the pride of their own family with the na- tional feelings, produced, for a long succession of years, princes of a noble and patriotic disposition. Thus it was in fact with the two Heraclide families, to which Theopompus, Leonidas, Archidamus II., Agesilaus, Cleomenes III., and Agis III. belonged ; and the greater number of the later kings retained, up to the last period, a genuine Spartan disposition, which we find expressed in many nervous and pithy apoph- thegms. 10. It may be inferred that it was the case in all, as we know it to have been in many Dorian states, with the exception of later colonies, that they were governed by princes of the Heraclide family. In Argos, the descendants of Temenus reigned until after note °.) Hell. V. 3. 20. comp, king, who are considered by Nepos Ages. 7. The ßodjprjra Raoul-Rochette, Deux Lettres in Pausanias III. 12. 3. are of sur f authenticite des Inscrip- a different nature. Hons de Fourmont, 1819. p. 136. ^ As Manso shows, vol. III. as a part of the six efnraaavTEg 2. p. 330. in a (spurious) inscription of * De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. Ac- Fourmont's (einracTivTtQ in He- cording to the same writer (15. sychius), Boeckh Corp.Inscript. 2.) three 0^10101 provided in war 68. The point is by no for all the necessities of the means clear. 112 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book m. the time of Phidon, and the kingly office did not expire till after the Persian war f in Corinth, the successors of Aletes, and afterwards of Bacchis, reigned until about the 8th Olympiad. How long the Ctesippidse g Herod. VII. 149. Aristot. Pol. V. 8, 4. See ^ginetica, p. 52. Plutarch Lycurg. 7. (comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.) states generally that the power of the kings at Argos and Mes- sene had been at first too ex- tensive, and that by the violence of the governors, and disobe- dience of the governed, it was at last destroyed, without men- tioning any time. The words of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.) 2/ ßaaiXeia ijroL ro7rap)(ta Trjg ^Apyeiag err] (Pfxd. (comp. Eu- sebius, Malelas and Cedrenus), cannot be referred to this : he reckons this number of years from Inachus to Pelops (160 — 705 Euseb.). — I may be per- mitted in this note to subjoin the best arrangement of the Argive kings which the scanty accounts of antiquity seem to furnish. I. Heraclidse. Te- menus, the father of Ceisus, the father of Medon (What Pau- sanias II. 19. 2. says of the limitations imposed upon this king, must be judged of from what has been seen above, p. 56. note according to the Pseudo-Platonic Epistle VIII. p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos and Messene were about the time of Lycurgus tyrants). Then about four kings are wanting after the Mkutoq ano Ttjjjevov of Ephorus, ^ginet. p. 60. After the beginning of the Olympiads Eratus (Paus. 11.36. 5. IV. 8. 1.) who was probably succeeded immediately by Phi- don, the son of Aristodamidas (according to Satyrus and Dio- dorus, ^ginetica, p. 61 .), before and about the 8th Olympiad. At a later period Damocratidas, about the 30th Olympiad (Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf. 24. 2. This date is too low, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190; but not according to my date for the Messenian wars, nor according to that of Pausanias.) Phido II. confounded by Herod. VI. 127. with the earlier king of the same name (-^ginetica, p. 60.) father of AaKr]^r]Q (in Ionic AeojKrj^rjc, as in Hero- dotus,) who wooed the daughter of Cleisthenes (about Olymp. 45. 600 B. C), and when king made himself despised by his effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap. ex hoste util. p. 278. where AaKvdrjQ should be corrected.) His son Meltas (MiXrav tov Aa;c?7^£w, as should be written) was deposed by the people, ac- cording to Pausan. II. 19.2.; but according to Plutarch. Alex. M. virt. 8. p. 269. the family of the Heraclidse expired. He was succeeded, according to Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth. Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by ^gon, of another family, about Olymp, 55. 560 B. C. and it was proba- bly the descendants of this king, who still reigned in Argos at the time of the Persian war. According to Schol.Pind. Olymp. VI. 152. Archinus was a king of Argos ; but he was a tyrant. Polygen. III. 8. 1. CH.6, §iO. OF THE DORIANS. 113 reigned in Epidaurus and Cleonae/' we are not in- formed. In Megara we find the name, but the name only, of a king at a very late period.' In Messenia the iEpytidse ruled as kings until the subjugation of the country ; and when Aristomenes was compelled to quit it, he took refuge with Damagetus, the king of lalysus, in the island of Rhodes, of the Heraclide family of the Eratid^.^ Also the Hippotadee at Cnidos and Lipara,^ the Bacchiadse at Syracuse and Corcyra,"^ the Phalantidse at Tarentum," probably had in early times ruled as sovereign princes, as well as the Hera- clidse at Cos, who derived th^ir origin fi*om Phidippus and Antiphus." In Crete we find but little mention of the Heraclidee, the only exceptions being Althee- menes of Argos, and Pheestus of Sicyon.^ In this island the family of Teutamas had reigned from a re- mote period : with regard to the time during which kings existed in this country, it can only be conjec- tured from the circumstance that a king named Etearchus reigned at Oaxus not long before the build- ing of "Cyrene."^ Cyrene, as has been already shown, ^ See vol. I. p. 90. note is probably vno UoXXidog rov ^ 'Etti ßaffiXiog ITa^ya^a, or 2YPAK02I0Y rvpavyov : com- Ilao-ta^a, according to Boeckh, pare Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. Corp. Inscript. N«. 1052. of p. 202. about the time of Alexander. ° B. I. ch. 7. § 11. A king ^ See b. I. ch. 6. §1. and named Aristophilidas in Herod. ch. § 11. III. 136. 1 B. I. ch. 6. § 10. « lb. c. 7. § 3. and the pa«- ™ lb. § 7, 8. According to sage of Aristides quoted there several writers, PolHs was one in § 1. In Halicarnassus an of the kings of Syracuse, who Antheus is mentioned as of a by others is called an Argive, royal family (Parthen. 14.), from whom the UoXiog olpog is probably one of the Antheadae ; derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pol- see ib. § 3. lux VI. 2. 16. from Aristotle, p B. I. ch. 5. § 2. ^lian, V.H. XII. 31. In the ^ Herod. IV. 154. Etymologist, the correct reading VOL. II. I 114 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. was under the dominion of a Minyean, its mother-city Thera, under that of an ^gide family/ Delphi was also at an early period under the rule of kings/ Of the aristocratic offices, which were substituted in the place of the royal authority, we shall presently speak, when treating of the power of the cosmi. CHAP. VII. § 1. Origin of the office of Epbor in the Spartan state. § 2. Period of its creation. § 3. Civil jurisdiction of the Ephors. § 4. Increase in the powers of the Ephors. § 5. Their trans- action of business with the assembly of citizens, and with foreign powers. § 6. The power of the Ephors, owing to their ascendency over the assembly of citizens. § 7. Miscel- laneous facts concerning the office of Ephor. § 8. Titles and duties of other magistrates at Sparta. L Before we treat of the powers of the cosmi, it will be necessary to inquire into an office, which is of the greatest importance in the history of the Lacedsemonian constitution; for while the king, the council, and the people, preserved upon the whole the same political power and the same executive authority, the office of the ephors was the moving principle by which, in process of time, this most per- fect constitution was assailed, and gradually over- thrown. From this remark three questions arise : first, what was the original nature of the office of ephor ? secondly, what changes did it experience in the lapse of time ? and, thirdly, from what causes did these changes originate ? See b. I. ch. 6. § 11. ' Plutarch. Quaest. Graec. 12. p. 383. CIL 7, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 115 There is an account frequently repeated by ancient writers, that Theopom pus, the grandson of Charilaus the Proclid, founded this office in order to limit the authority of the Kings. " He handed down the royal " power to his descendants more durable, because he had diminished it.""^ If, however, the ephoralty was an institution of Theopompus, it is difficult to account for the existence of the same office in other Doric states. In Cyrene the ephors punished liti- gious people and impostors with infamy :^ the same office existed in the mother-city Thera,'' which island had been colonised from Laconia long before the time of Theopompus. The Messenians also would hardly, upon the re-establishment of their state, have re- ceived the ephoralty into their government,'^ if they had thought it only an institution of some Spartan king. The ephors of the Tarentine colony Heraclea may be more easily derived' from Sparta and the time of Theopompus.*" It is however plain that Herodotus^ and Xenophon^ placed the ephoralty * Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic. ttoXiq tiöv BetruXewv i.e., CEty- de Leg. II [. 1. de Rep. II. 33. lus, the B/rvXa of Ptolemy, now Plutarch. Lye. 1, 29. ad princ. Vitulo, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus I. p. SO. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV. (ap. Reines, p. 335.) is proba- 4. Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare bly incorrect in stating that the Manso, vol. I. p. 243. inscription was found in Pylo ^ Heraclid. Pont. 4. Messeniaca. ^ They are ettiovv/jlol in the ^ In which city an ephor is as Thersean Testamentum Epic- e-ku)vv^oq of the ttöXlq in the tetcB ; eiri e(p6p(i)p rwv (tvv (poi- Heraclean Tables. ßoreXEi. Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. ^ I. 65. Gr. No. 2448. ? De Rep. Lac. 8. 3. So also •iPolyb. IV. 4. 2. 31. In the Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo- cities of the Eleutherolacones, Plat. Epist. 8. p. 354 B. Sui- there were also ephors, as at das in AvKovpyoQ, also Satyrus Geronthrse in the decree in ap. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 1. Ac- Boeckh. Inscript. 1334. and at cording to others, it was intro- Tsenarum, ib. N''. 1321, 1322; duced by Cheilon, who, accord- and in the time of Gordian, r) ing to Pamphila and Sosicrates, I 2 116 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. among the institutions of Lycurgus, with as much reason as other writers attributed it to Theopompus ; and it will probably be sufficient to state that the ephors were ancient Doric magistrates. The ephoralty, however, considered as an office opposed to the kings and to the council, is not for this reason an institution less peculiar to the Spar- tans ; and in no Doric, nor even in any Grecian state, is there any thing which exactly corresponds with it. It is evident, therefore, that it must have gra- dually obtained this peculiar character by causes which operated upon the Lacedeemonian state alone. Hence it appears, that the supposed expression of Theo- pompus referred rather to the powers of the ephors in later times, than to their original condition. At least Cleomenes the Third was ignorant of this ac- count of them ; since, after the abolition of these magistrates, he proposed, in a speech to the people, that the ephors should again be what they were originally (when they were elected in the first Mes- senian war), viz., the deputies and assistants of the king. In this proposal indeed a very partial view is displayed ; for every magistrate must necessarily was ephorus k-KijwixoQ in Olyrap, .56. 1. 556 B.c. (according to Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 557 B. c.) Compare Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 332. The passage of Diog. Laett. I. 3. 1. (68) creates no difficulty according to the reading of Casaubon; yiyove de ecpopoQ Kara r^v TrevTrjuoarij^' Tri^TTTrjv 'OAvjUTTiaBa' TLafjKplXr) (pr)(TL Kara ttiv EKTrjr. Koi Trpw- Tov ecpopov yeviadai etti ^vdvdfj- fiov (Olymp. 56. 1.), üg (pr]fn lEidocriKpaTtjc. kcu TrpMrog Elarjyr]- aaro ECpopovg rdlg ßaaikEvffi 7ra~ pa^evyvvvaC Hdrvpog Av- Kovpyop. The first npiöroy refers to the office of the ephor epo- nymus; and hence appears to have originated the mistake which is contained in the words Kal TrpwTog Eiarjyrjaaro, &C., viz., that Chilon first introduced the practice of associating ephors with the kings. Manso, ubi sup., has taken the same view of the passage. cH. 7, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 117 choose his own deputy ; whereas the democratic elec- tion of the ephors was, as we shall presently see, an essential part of their office. From the accounts just adduced, we do not however wish to infer any thing further, than how variable were the opinions, and how little historical the statements, concerning the original object of the ephoralty. 2. In the constitution of Lycurgus, as it has been hitherto developed, the ephoralty of later times would not only have been a superfluous, but a destructive addition. For in this the king, the council, and the people constituted the chief authorities ; and to sup- pose that any part would require either check or assistance, would have been inconsistent with the plans of the legislator. A counter-authority, such as the ephoralty, in which the mistrust of the people was expressed in a tyrannical manner, was far re- moved from the innocence and simplicity of the original constitution, and could not have been intro- duced, until the connexion and firmness arising from the first laws had been loosened and enfeebled. The Roman office of tribune had, doubtless, a certain similarity in its first origin with the ephoralty ;^ yet the former was more imperatively required, as by it an entire people, the 'plebs Romana, obtained a neces- sary and fair representation ; whereas in Sparta the gerusia, although chosen from the most distinguished citizens, belonged nevertheless to the whole Spartan people, and the democratic influence of the popular assembly served as the basis of the whole constitution.' ^ Cic. de Leg. and de Rep. nions on the ephors, as well as ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1. on the government of Sparta in ^ Compare Niebuhr's Roman general, the views taken in this History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1. work generally disagree. Engl. Transl. with whose opi- 118 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. If then the extended political power of the ephors did not belong to the constitution of Lycurgiis, neither can we suppose that it originated in the time of Theo- pompus. For the statement is worthy of credit, that Theopompus and Polydorus added the followmg words to the rhetra above quoted : " If however the " people should follow a crooked opinion, the coun- cillors and princes shall dissent ^ Now in the first place, the ephors are here wholly omitted, although in the Peloponnesian war they put the vote to the people, and frequently made proposals in the assembly ; and, secondly, the tendency of this clause is manifestly to diminish the power of the people ; whereas it will be more clearly shown below, that the authority of the ephors rested upon democratical principles. It is evident that these supposed historical tradi- tions, instead of affording any clear explanation, lead to contradictions ; and in order to obtain any distinct knowledge of the history of the ephoralty, we must proceed rather upon the evidence furnished by the nature of the office itself, and the analogy of similar offices in other states. 3. For this reason we will first consider the judi- cial authority of the ephors, a power which we know to have belonged also to the ephors of Cyrene. Now Aristotle^ describes their judicial powers by saying, that they decided causes relating to contracts, while the council decided causes of homicide.^ The latter ^ Polit. III. 1. 7. according Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandri- to which passage the ephors das. epw-wrroc li twoq avrovy allotted themselves to different cm tl rag -ept -ov dai'arov ctKag branches of the a'kcu -wi' tru/x- TrXeloaiv {{/.lipaLg ol yipoyreg Kpi- ßoXcuioy. rovat, and p. 207- Eurycra- ^ Compare Plutarch Lac= tidas — Trvdofieyov rtpog, hä r( CH. 7, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 119 was therefore a supreme criminal court, with power of life and death; the former a civil court, which gave judgment concerning contracts and property. Its influence upon the Spartans would appear to have been inconsiderable, from the opinions entertained by them on the division of property and exchange of money, perhaps less than it really was ; but however this may be, the Perioeci and Helots, when they Avere in Sparta, were under its jurisdiction. Now Ave have already shown, that it was a principle of the Lacedaemonian government so to divide the juris- diction amongst the different magistrates, that the administration and jurisdiction belonged to the same officers.™ Hence a superintendence over sales and over the market must have been the original duty of the ephors, forming the basis of their judicial authority." The market, as being the central point of exchange, was no unimportant object of care:° every Spartan here brought a part of the corn pro- duced by his estate, in order to exchange it for other commodities : it was in a certain manner disgraceful not to have the power of buying and selling ;p a privi- lege which was also interdicted to youths : moreover, in the days of mourning for the king, the market was shut up and scattered with chaff.*i The day upon irepl ra t(Öv arvfißoXaiüjv BiKaia officers indeed alone acted as kKaarrjQ rjfiepag Kpivovaiv ol e(f)o- judges, but decided only those pot. Here, however, ^ikul airo cases which belonged to their (TVfxßoXojv appear to be meant, respective departments. Cf. Jus- as the answer shows; which is tin. III. 3. doubtless a mistake. " According to the Etymol. ™ Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 4. III. Gudian. e(popoL are ol ra rwv 1. *7. says, as it appears to me, TroXecjp üvia eTntrKeTrroiievoi. most clearly, that while in Car- ° Cf. Herod. I. 153. thage a certain board or court p Thucyd. V. 34. of public officers decided all See above, p. 101 . note \ law-suits, in Sparta the public 120 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book nr. which Cinadon, according to the description of Xenophon/ secretly endeavoured to inflame the minds of the lower classes, was evidently a market-day, and also, in my opinion, a great day of justice. A king, the ephors, the councillors, and about forty Spartans (o[xoioi), were in the market-place, all pro- bably in a judicial capacity: besides whom, there were about four thousand men, chiefly occupied in buying and selling, as is seen from the fact that in one part of the market a large quantity of iron fabrics was heaped up. The ephors were therefore scf^opoi (inspectors) over the market, and for this reason they met regularly in this place,^ where was also situated their office. The number of the college of ephors (five),* which it had in common with some other magistrates of Sparta,"" appears, as I conjectured above,'' to imply a democratic election — a fact which is also stated by the ancients. We know from Aristotle, that persons from the people, without property or distinction, could fill this office 'J in what manner, indeed, is not quite manifest. Properly indeed, no magistrate in Sparta was chosen by lot ;^ but it appears that election by choice and by lot were combined.'' In this case we ^ Hell. III. 3. 5. cide the lawsuits of the Calym- ^ ^lian. V. H. II. 15. nians, Chandl. Inscript. p. 21. t See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4. LVIII. where some contradictory state- ^ Ch. 5. § 4. ments are also noticed. y Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14, " Sparta also frequently ap- 15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4. pointed five judges for extraor- ^ fxriZEixiav KXrjpiorrjv, Aristot. dinary cases, as for example, Pol. IV. 7. 5. concerning the possession of ^ Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls Salamis, the fate of the Pia- the power of the ephors syyvg tseans, Thucyd. III. 52. The rrjc KXrjpojrrjg. Without an same number were also ap- election, however, Chilon could pointed by the lasians to de- not have attained the ephoralty. CH. 1, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 121 see displayed a principle of the ancient Greek states, which administered the criminal jurisdiction on aris- tocratic principles, while civil causes were decided by the whole community, or its representatives. At Athens, Solon gave the popular courts a jurisdiction only in civil suits ; all criminal cases were decided by the timocratic Areopagus, and the aristocratic Ephetee. In Heraclea on the Pontus, the chief officers were chosen from a small number of the citizens, the courts of justice from the rest of the people.^ And in Sparta also the civil judges were the deputies of the assembly — the oLkiaia.^ which in Athens itself acted as a court of justice under the name of i^xlaia. 4. From the view of this office now taken, the continued extension of the powers of the ephors may be more easily accounted for. It was the regular course of events in the Grecian states, that the civil courts enlarged their influence, while the power of the criminal courts was continually on the decline. As in Athens, the Helisea rose, as compared with the Areopagus, so in Sparta the power of the ephors increased in comparison with that of the gerusia. In the first place, the jurisdiction of the ephors was extended*^ chiefly by their privilege of instituting scrutinies (suSuuoli) into the official conduct of all magistrates, with the exception of the councillors.® By this indeed we are not to understand, that all magistrates, after the cessation of their office, ren- nor his brother have been able ^ Aristot. Pol, V. 5. 6. to complain that he was post- ^ See above, eh. 5. § 9. poned. Diog. Laert. ubi sup. ^ Kpiffecjv /leyaXwy Kvpiot, The nomination by the kings Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16. (Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. « lb. II. 6. 17. 197.) is an error. 122 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. dered an account of their proceedings, but only that the ephors could compel them to undergo a trial, if there had been any thing suspicious in their admi- nistration ; a right, however, as it extended over the ephors of the preceding year,^ which restrained the power that it bestowed. But the ephors were not compelled to wait for the natural expiration of an office, they could suspend or deprive the officer by their judicial powers.^ Now in this respect the king was in the very same situation with the remaining magistrates, and could, as well as the others, be brought before the tribunal of the ephors. Even before the Persian war, Cleomenes was tried before them for bribery.^ The king was always bound to obey their summons but the fact of his not being compelled to yield till the third time, was used by Cleomenes III. as an argument to prove that the power of the ephors was originally an usurpation.^ At the same time, their power extended in practice so far, that they could accuse the king, as well as the other magistrates, in extreme cases, without con- sulting the assembly, and could bring him to trial for life and death. ^ This larger court consisted of ^ Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare Aristot. Ret. III. 18. 6. s Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. Herod. VI. 82. i Xen. Ages. I. 36. Plutarch. Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 27. Prsec. Reip. ger. 21. k Plutarch. Cleom. 10. ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cijo- ^ovra KvpLOL eip^ai re icai Tvepi ri]g ^'^X^^ ^'^^ aywm Kraraorrjffrai. cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in reference to the king, Thucyd. I. 131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) pro- bably adds the words " cuivis " ephoro " ex suo. Libanius Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is incor- rect in stating that the ephors had power to imprison the king, and put him to death (ßrjaai kui KTavEtv). Thus the ephors only seized and detained Pausanias; the sentence was passed by the Spartans (ol STraprtärat), i. e., the court of justice, concerning which see the next note. CH. 7, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 123 all the councillors, of the ephors, who thus came before it as accusers, besides having the right of sitting as judges, of the other king, and probably of several magistrates, who had all equal votes."" From this court there was no appeal ; it had power to condemn the king to death;" although, until later times, it was prevented by a religious scruple from executing this sentence." That its proceedings were commonly carried on with great propriety and com- posure, is stated upon the occasion of an instance to the contrary.^ This great court of magistrates we frequently find deciding concerning public crimes with supreme authority,'! and the ephors acting in it as accusers:'' but that the ephors had power of them- selves to punish with death, I deny most decidedly : ^ whether they had authority to banish, I even doubt.* The inaccuracy of later writers has confounded the steps preparatory to the sentence, with the sentence itself ; a power of life and death in the hands of the ephors would have been worse than tyranny. The ^ AiKatTTrjpioy avvayayovTeq^ lysean. If. 14. 1. Herod. VI. 85. See partieu- ^ This is apparently affirmed larly Pausan. Ill, 5. 3. and (in addition to Libanius quoted Plutarch Agis 19. Less accu- in p. 122. n. \) by Plutarch, rately, Apophth. p. 195. Periol. 22. Lysand. 19. and Lac. " Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25. Apophth. p. 209 ; but it can be ° Plutarch. Ag. 19. only inaccuracy of expression, P Thucyd. V. 63. * Plutarch. Erot. 5. p. '77. ^ Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. edara- where a very fabulous story is T ÜßvQ. Hell. VL4. n. y That is, authorized by the state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. shows. -Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. III. 2. 6. ^ Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. TrifixPag irpog TOVQ e3 TToprjld), TrapiyovTMv OL KOff- ^ Treaty of the Hierapyt- jioL. nians, p. 130. A different re- ^ Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121. gulation in that of the Latians TOQ cE Kocrfiog ^o/^iev ai'riypacpop and Olontians, p. 134. rw^Ä Tb) \pav ßaaiXeior. — They also ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 1.6. sat together in the royal porch, ^ Book II. ch. 8. § 6. probably also as a court of jus- CH. 8, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 143 by Cleisthenes, before which change their number was forty-eight, according to the four tribes, either with or without the phylobasileis. If this view of the subject is correct, there is a remarkable correspondence, both in their respective numbers and constitutions, between the criminal court and the first administrative office in the ancient state of Athens. These latter were the naucrari. The naucrari, who were also anciently forty-eight in num- ber, and fifty after the new division of the tribes, in early times managed the public revenue, and therefore fitted out armies and fleets.* Now Herodotus also mentions prytanes of the naucrari, who in early times directed the government of Athens.'' Unless we sup- pose the existence of two kinds of prytanes (which does not appear suitable to the simplicity of ancient institutions), the same persons must have presided over both colleges, and have had an equal share in the jurisdiction and government. The regularity of these institutions would appear surprising, if we were not certain that the same order existed in all the ancient political establishments ; at the same time we must leave the relative powers of many officers, such, for example, as those of the archons and prytanes, with- out any attempt at elucidation. 5. More obscure even than the condition of the cosmi and prytanes are the origin and powers of the ARTYNJE at Argos.'' They cannot have arisen at a late period, for example, after the abolition of the royalty, since the same office existed in their ancient * Boeckh in several places, ^ Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B.C. Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364. mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf. V. 11. Compare Schoe- iEginetica, p. 134. mann de Comitiis, p. 12, 144 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. colony, Epidaurus, whose constitution resembled that of Argos only in the more ancient period. Since it did not originate from the downfall of the royalty, its origin may, perhaps, have been owing to a division of the regal authority, perhaps of the civil and military functions. In Epidaurus the artynse were presidents of a large council of one hundred and eighty mem- bers 'J in Argos they are mentioned in connexion with a body of eighty persons, and a (democratic) senate, of whose respective powers we are entirely ignorant.^ The present is a convenient occasion for mentioning the DEMIURGI, as several grammarians state that they were in particular a Doric magistracy,"" perhaps, how- ever, only judging from the form ^a[MioDpyog. These magistrates were, it is true, not uncommon in Pelo- ponnesus,^ but they do not occur often in the Doric states. They existed among the Eleans and Manti- neans,"" the Hermioneans,*^ in the Achsean league,*" at Argos also,^ as well as in Thessaly ;^ officers named epidemiurgi were sent by the Corinthians to manage the government of their colony Potideea.^' The state- ments and interpretations of the grammarians afford little instruction : among the Achseans at least, their y Plut. Quaest. Greec. I. « Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv. ^ A very numerous synedrion XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30. in the Prytaneum at the time of and Drakenborch's note, Plut. Cassander, Diod. XIX. 63. Arat. 43. AAMIOPPOI in a ^^1. Dionys, ap. Eustath. Dymaean inscription, ib. 1543. ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom. Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45. Hesych. in v. Zonaras in v. b Hence Philip (ap. Demosth. s Ibid. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. de Corona, p. 280.) writes to ^ Thuc. I. 56. with the Scho- the demiurgi and synedri of the lia. Compare Suidas in ^rjfxiovp- Pelopormesians. yoc. 'ETVLhrifiiovpyoL are upper ^ Thuc. ubi sup. demiurgic as the E-KLarparriyol in ^ Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. Egypt, in the time of the Pto- 1193. and see Boeckh, pp. 11. lemies, were upper or superior and 594. (rrparrjyol. CH. 9, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 145 chief duty was to transact business with the people ; which renders it probable, that at Argos they were identical with the leaders of the people of whom, as well as of some other public officers, whose functions admit of further explanation, we will speak in the following chapter. CHAP. IX. § 1. Constitutions of Argos. § 2. Epidaurns, ^gina, Cos. § 3. Rhodes. § 4. Corinth. § 5. Corcyra. § 6. Ambracia, Leucadia, Epidamnus, Apollonia. § 7. Syracuse. § 8. Gela, Agrigentum. §9. Sicyon, Phlius. §10. Megara. § 11. By- zantium, Chalcedon, Heraclea Pontica. § 12. Cnidos, Melos, Thera. § 13. Cyrene. § 14. Tarentum. § 15. Heraclea Sciritis. § 16. Croton. § 17. And Delphi. § 18. Aristocra- tic character of the constitution of Sparta. 1, It is my intention in the present chapter to col- lect and arrange the various accounts respecting the alterations in the constitution of those Doric states, which deviated more from their original condition than Crete and Sparta : having been more affected by the general revolutions of the Greek governments, and drawn with greater violence into the strong current of political change. And first, with regard to Argos, I will extract the following particulars from former parts of this work. There were in this state three classes of persons ; the inhabitants of the city, who were for the most part Dorians, distributed into four tribes ; a class of ^ As in Mantinea, Xen. Hell, y/ai were of considerable dura- V. 2. 3. 6. They were different tion, Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Com- from the regular rtXr/, Thuc. V. pare ^Eginetica, p. 134. 47. In early times the ^aixiovp- VOL. II. L 146 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. Perioeci, and also a class of bondslaves, named gym- nesii,^ The kings, who were at first of the Heraclide family, and afterwards of another dynasty, reigned until the time of the Persian war ;^ there were also officers named artynse, and a senate possessing extensive powers. All these are traces which seem to prove a considerable resemblance between the constitutions of Argos and Sparta, at least they show that there was no essential diffi^rence. But this similarity was put an end to by the destruction of a large portion of the citizens, in the battle with Cleomenes, and the conse- quent admission of many Perioeci to the rights of citizenship.'' Soon after this period, we find Argos flourishing in population, industry, and wealth f and in the enjoyment of a democratic constitution.*" The latter, however, was ill adapted to acquire the ascend- ency in Peloponnesus, which Argos endeavoured to obtain after the peace of Nicias. Hence the people appointed a board of twelve men, Avith full powers to conclude treaties with any Greek state that was willing to join their party ; but in case of Sparta or Athens proposing any such alliance, the question was to be first referred to the whole people.^ The state also, in order to form the nucleus of an army, levied a body of well-armed men,^ who were selected from the higher ranks.^' It was natural that these should endanger the democracy ; and after the battle of Mantinea (B.C. 418.) they overthrew it, in concert with the ^ See above ch. 4. § 2. 29. 4L 44.— ro TrXfjBog i-^ri- Seech. 6. § 10. The no- c^taaro (404 B.C ). Demosth. tions of the ancients, on the de Rhod. Libert, p. 197. subject of the Argive kings, ^ Thuc V. 27, 28. seem very vague and doubtful. s See the passages quoted ^ Book I. ch. 8. § 7. above, p. 56. note y. d Diod. Xn. 75. h Aristotle Pol. IL 3. 5. calls See particularly Thucyd. V. them tovq yruypLixovc;. CH. 9, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 147 Laced eemonians, after having put the demagogues to death.' Their dominion, however, only lasted for eight months, as an insurrection and battle within the city deprived them of their power, and reinstated the democracy.^ Alcibiades the Athenian completed this change by the expulsion of many oligarchs, who were still remaining in the city ;^ afterwards he wished to overthrow the democracy by means of his friends,™ in consequence of which they were all killed. Two parties, however, must have still continued to exist in this state, ^neas the Tactician relates, that the rich purposing to attack the people for the second time, and on a certain night having introduced many soldiers into the city, the leaders of the people hastily sum- moned an assembly, and ordered that every armed man should that night pass muster in his tribe," by which means the rich were prevented from uniting themselves in a body. The leaders of the people (ßrjixou Trpoa-rd- rat'') are here manifestly democratic magistrates, who rose to power during the contests between the opposite factions, and differed chiefly from the demagogues of Athens, in that their authority was official, without which they would not have been able to convene an ^ Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII. haps there were at that time ten 80. Thuc. V. 81. Tov lv"Apy£L tribes at Argos, as in Athens, dfjfjLov KariXvffaPy koi oXiyap'^ia and the ^/Xiot Xoya^sg are here KaTEfTTY). cf. 76. meant : but even then it would k In July of 417 B.C. Thuc. be difficult to fix the time of V. 82. Diod. XII. 80. this event. 1 Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XII. ° Compare Plut. Alcib. 14. 81. Nicostratus, who according to ™ Thuc. VI. 61. Diod. XIII. Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 5. 252 A. was Ttpoarar-qQ rrjg tto- ^ C. 11. — Travrag, ovrag Ifca- Xeoyg at the time of Artaxerxes TOV, the emendation of Casau- Ochus, was probably an officer bon, who wishes to introduce of this description. Compare the word kKaroarvg^ does not what was said on the demiurgi, agree with what follows. Per- ch. 8. § 5. L 2 148 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. assembly of the people. For although the appellation of ^rj[jLou TrpoG-TOLrrjg in the Doric states, as well as at Athens, sometimes denotes merely a person who by his character and eloquence had placed himself at the head of the people ; we shall produce hereafter certain proofs, when we speak of Gela and Calymna, that it was also the title of a public officer.^? When, during the peace of Artaxerxes, the Lace- deemonians had ceased to possess any extensive share in the direction of public affairs in Peloponnesus, a spirit of ungovernable licentiousness and ochlocracy arose in those cities which had hitherto been under an oligarchical rule ; everywhere there were vexatious accusations, banishments, and confiscations of property, especially of the property of such persons as had filled public offices under the guidance of Sparta, though, even during that period, (B.C. 374.) Argos had been a place of refuge for banished democrats/* But after the battle of Leuctra, when the power of Lacedsemon was completely broken, and Peloponnesus had for a certain time lost its leader, the greatest anarchy began to prevail in Argos. Demagogues stirred up the people so violently against all privileged or distin- guished persons, that the latter thought themselves driven to plot the overthrow of the democracy.'' The scheme was discovered, and the people raged with the greatest ferocity against the real or supposed con- spirators. On this occasion, more than 1200 of the chief persons (many upon mere suspicion) were put to death :^ and at length the demagogues, fearing to carry P Below, § 8. q Diod, XV. 40. ^ Diod. XV. 57, 58. " Plutarch (Prfrc. Reip. ger. 17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all. He is followed by Helladius Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov. Thesaur. Gr. vol . X. CH. 9, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 149 through the measures which themselves had originated, suffered the same fate. This state of things was called by the name of (TKuraXKriJLog, or club-law ; it appears to have been a time when the strono:est man was the most powerful. When the Athenians heard of these transactions, they purified their market-place, thinking that the whole of Greece was polluted by such atro- cities it was probably at the same time that the Argives themselves offered an expiatory sacrifice to the mild Zeus (Zsvg M£/x/;^io^), for the free blood which had been shed."" Notwithstanding these proceedings, the rich and distinguished continued to be persecuted at Argos with the greatest violence for which the os- tracism, a custom introduced from Athens,^ together with other democratic institutions,^ was the chief in- strument. In times such as these, the chief and most noble features of the Doric character necessarily dis- appeared ; the unfortunate termination of nearly all military undertakings proves the decline of bravery. In so unsettled a state of public affairs, sycophancy and violence became prevalent ■} notwithstanding which, their eagerness and attention to public speaking pro- duced no orator, whose fame was sufficient to descend to posterity ."^ 2. In Epidaurus, on the other hand, the ari- stocracy continued in force, and accordingly this city * Plut. ubi sup. compare also in oarpaKtyda. Compare Para- Dionys. Hal. Archaeol. Rom. dys de Ostracismo in the Clas- VII. 66. sical Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348. ^ Pausan. II. 20. 1. See Aristid. II. p. 388. ^ Isocrat. ad Philipp, p. 92 Isocrat. ubi sup. C. D. Even however after this ^ 'Apyeia (j)opa ap. Diogenian. time principes occur, Liv. II. 79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eus- XXXII. 38. tath. ad II. ß. p. 286 Rom. y Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol. ^ Cicero Brut 13. Aiistoph. Eq. 8.51. Phavorinus 150 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. was as much attached to the Spartans, as Argos was disinclined to them. Of the artynee in this state, and of the senate of 1 80, as well as of the class of culti- vators, and of the tribes, we have spoken in former parts of this work.*^ As long as ^Egina remained an independent state, the government was held by the hereditary aristocracy, whose titular dignity was probably increased by the power derived from the possession of great wealth. The insurrection of a democratic party remained fruit- less, ^gina and Corinth are decisive proofs, that under an aristocratical government an active and enter- prising spirit of commerce may arise and flourish. The Epidaurian colony, Cos, without doubt, ori- ginally adopted the constitution of its mother-state. Before the 75th (probably about the 73rd or 74th) Olympiad, we find a tyrant appointed by the king of Persia reigning in this island, Cadmus, the son of Scythes of Zancle f after some time, however, he quitted Cos, having established a senate, and given back the state its freedom ; yet the island appears to have immediately afterwards fallen under the dominion of Artemisia.^ At a later period, the influence of Athens opened the way to democracy, but it was over- thrown by violent demagogues, who compelled the chief persons in self-defence to combine against it.^ The senate (ßooXvj or yspoua-la) of the Coans, as well as their prytanes, have been mentioned above ;^ the nominal magistrates under the Roman dominion need not be here treated of. 3. In the Argive colony of Rhodes, it may be sup- d Ch. 5. § L ch. 8. § 5. § Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 2. ^ See vol. I. p. 187. note ^. P. 94. note ^. and p. 140. Herod, VII. 99. note ™. CH. 9, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 151 posed that an ancient Doric constitution existed ; for there were kings of the Heraclide family, and probably also a council with the same powers as the Spartan gerusia. The royalty expired after the 30th Olympiad (660 B.C.); but the ancient family of the Eratidse at lalysus, retained a considerable share in the govern- ment; probably exercising nearly the powers of a prytanis. Pindar shows that the frame of justice belonged to this once royal family/ when he says, GivSy 0 father Zern, to Diagoras favour both with " citizens and with strangers, since he walks con- " stantly in the way opposed to violence, knowing well what the just minds of noble ancestors have " inspired in him. Destroy not the common progeny " of Callianaoc. At the solemnities for the victory " of the Eratidce, the whole city rejoices in banquets. Yet in a moment of time many winds meet from many quarters.'' Pindar thus early (464 B.C.) predicts the dangers that then awaited the ancient family, to Avhich Rhodes owed so much, from the growing influence of Athens ;^ throughout the whole ode he cautions the citizens against precipitate inno- vation, and prays for the continuance of the ancient firmly-seated constitution ^ Both prophecies were fulfilled. The sons of Diagoras were condemned to death, and banished by the Athenians, as heads of the aristocracy ; but the hero Dorieus returned to his country from Thurii, with Thurian ships, and fought with them against the enemies of his family, as a faith- ^ Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax the proceedings of Themisto- was one of the ancestors of Di- cles in this and in other islands, agoras of the yivog 'Epari^wj/. Pint. Them. 21, ^ Compare what Timocreon ^ See Boeckh's masterly ex- the Rhodian said in Olymp, planation of this ode at the end. 75. 4. 477 B. C. concerning 152, POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. ful partisan of the Spartans. He was taken by tlie Athenians in the year 405 B.C., who, when about to condemn him, were moved by the appearance of the noble son of Diagoras (whose boldness of spirit cor- responded with the size and beauty peculiar to his family), to release him from imprisonment and death."" The ancient fortune of the Rhodians, which was owing to their strict adherence to the Doric customs, and to their great commercial activity, was interrupted by the troubles of the Peloponnesian war, in which the alternation of the Athenian and Lacedeemonian in- fluence by turns introduced democracy and aristocracy. At the time of the Sicilian expedition, Rhodes was under the power of Athens but the Spartans having in 412 B.C. obtained the superiority in this island,'' and Dorieus having been recalled by them (413 B.C.) in order to suppress internal dissensions, the govern- ing power again reverted to the nobles : these latter having been compelled to unite against the people by the demagogues, who, Avhile they distributed the public money among the people in the shape of salaries, had not repaid the sums due to the trierarchs, and at the same time vexed them by continual lawsuits. Soon See Thucyd. VIII. 35, 84. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19. Diod. XIII. 38, 43. Pausan. VI. 7. 2. The correctness of what Androtion relates in this passage is very doubtful. ^ Thuc. VII. 57. ° Thuc. VIII. 44. P Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V. 5. 4. These three passages ap- parently refer to the same event ; which (if this is the case) must have taken place at the time to which 1 have in the text re- ferred it ; for in the middle one the popular party is said to have been defeated by the nobles, 7rp6 rijg iTraraarracreojg, which cannot signify " before the re- " volution," a meaning which neither the words nor the con- text will admit ; but "before the " congregation of the inhabitants " of the three small towns to the " city of Rhodes," the avaaTa- (Tic Itti fiLav '¥6hov. Goettling indeed (ad. 1.) is of opinion, that the two first passages can- CH. 9, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 153 after this period (408 B.C.)/* the large city of Rhodes was founded, by collecting to one spot the inhabitants of the three small cities of the island, Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. But in 396 B.C. Rhodes was again recovered by Conon to Athens, and became demo- cratical yet in five years (391 B.C.) the Spartan party ^vas again victorious f and the Social War finally put an end to the influence of the Athenians. From this time the interference of the Carian rulers, Mausolus and Artemisia, commenced, by which the oligarchy was greatly raised, and the democratical party driven out ; to restore which, and to regard rather the cause of popular freedom in Greece, than the in- juries received from the Rhodians, was the advice of Demosthenes to the Athenians.* At that time a Carian garrison was in the Acropolis of Rhodes. Out of these troubles and dissensions a constitution arose, in which, as far as we are able to ascertain, democracy prevailed, although the small number and extensive powers of the prytanes prove that it was not unmixed with aristocratical elements. According to the description which Cicero puts in the mouth of the younger Scipio, at this time all the members of the not refer to the same event, since in the first the constitution of Rhodes is stated to have perished through (poßog, in the latter through KaTa(f)p6vi](ng. But the same example might have been strictly applicable to both ; the yvu)pifxoL dreaded the disturbances of the dema- gogues, and at the same time despised the irregular proceed- ings of the people, and therefore overthrew the democracy. q Diod. XIII. 75. See also Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 155. ' Diod. XIV. 79. ^ Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20—22. Diod. XIV. 97. ^ In the speech concerning the freedom of the Rhodians, cf. Ttepl Svvra^twCj p. 194. The oligarchy of Hegesilochus (The- opompus ap. Athen. X. p. 444.) perhaps belongs to this period. 154 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. senate belonged (in the same year) to the public assembly, and sat in alternate months (probably periods of six months, like the prytanes) in the senate and among the people ; in both capacities they received .pay (conventicium): the same persons also sometimes sat as judges among the people in the theatre, sometimes in the senate in criminal and other cases/' These statements cannot be easily reconciled with Strabo's view of the constitution, and yet there can be no doubt that he, as well as Cicero, speaks of the time preceding Cassius' conquest of Rhodes. " The Rhodians," he says, " though not under a democratic government, " took great care of the people ; in order to support the number of poor in the state, they provided them " with corn, and the rich maintained the poor accord- ing to an ancient custom ; there were also liturgies, " by which the people were furnished with meat, &c."'' Notwithstanding the democratic institution of the se- nate, many offices, those perhaps in particular which were connected with the administration, such for ex- ample as the superintendence of the marine, were managed on oligarchical principles ; the internal quiet of Rhodes at this period is also a proof against the existence of an unmixed democracy. Accordingly, the true Doric characteristics were here retained for a longer time than in most other Doric states ; viz., courage, constancy, patriotism, with a haughty stern- ^ If I correctly understand de states, that in Rhodes rich and Repnb. III. 35. cf. 1. 31. and poor sat together in judgment the traces of the later constitu- on both important and unim- tion in Aristid. Rhod. Cone II. portant affairs. Tacitus also in p. 385. and Dio Chrysost. Orat. Dial, de CI. Orat. 40. represents 31. passim. — ^With the passage the Rhodian constitution as de- in Cicero compare particularly mocratic. Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who Strab. XIV. p. 653 A. CH. 9, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 155 ness of manners, and a certain temperance, which was indeed in some manner contrasted with their magnifi- cence in meals, buildings, and all arts.'' 4. Corinth, delivered by Sparta from its tyrants, had again reverted to its former constitution, which however was not so oligarchical as the hereditary ari- stocracy of the BacchiadBe. Some noble families, as the Oligsethidse,^ had a priority, probably the gerusia was composed of them ; and the public assembly was restricted in a manner similar to that of Sparta. But at the same time Pindar celebrates Corinth as " the " city in which Eunomia (or good government) dwells, " and her sisters, the firm supports of cities. Justice and Peace, the bestow er s of riches, v^ho know how " to keep off Violence, the hold mother of Arrogance'' From these words it may also be conjectured, that the aristocratical party was compelled to resist the en- deavours made by the people to extend their power : it remained, however, unshaken up to the date of the Peloponnesian war, and Corinth, with the exception of a short time, continued the faithful ally of Sparta, and foe of Athens.* At a later period, a democratic party, which relied upon Argos, rose in Corinth, by the as- sistance of Persian money : this at first obtained the supreme power, and afterwards attacked the Lacedae- monian party, consisting of the noble families, at the festival of the Euclea ; and at last proceeded so far, as to wish to abolish the independence of Corinth, and to y Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.— The ^ Find. Olymp. XIII. 2. oi- svipposed letter of Cleobulus to koq djjLepog ckttoTq. Solon, in which he says that ^ In early times a close Lindas ^ajxoKpaTEi (Diog. Laert. friendship existed between Co- I. 93. Saidas in KXeößovXoQ) rinth and Athens, Herod. V. evidently cannot be used for the 75. 95. Thac. I. 40, 4L constitutional history of Rhodes, 156 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. incorporate it completely Avith Argos (B.C. 395 and 394.)^ The banished aristocrats, supported by some Lacedaemonians who were quartered at Sicyon, con- tinued nevertheless to keep up a contest, and main- tained themselves at Lechgeum after this they must have returned and restored the ancient constitution : for we find Corinth again true to the Lacedsemonian alliance.'^ In the time of Dion (356 B.C.) Corinth was under a government nearly oligarchical, little business being transacted in the popular assembly f and although this body sent Timoleon as general of the state to Sicily (B.C. 345.), there was then in existence a gerusia (a name completely aristocratic), which not only treated with foreign ambassadors, but also, which is very remarkable, exercised a criminal jurisdiction.^ The tyranny of Timophanes, Avho v/as slain by Timoleon, was, according to Aristotle, a short interruption of the oligarchy.^ 5. From the moderate and well-balanced constitu- tion, which Corinth had upon the whole the good for- tune to possess, its colony Corcyra had at an early period departed. Founded under the guidance of Chersicrates, a Bacchiad, it was for a time governed by the Corinthian families, which had first taken posses- sion of the colony. At the same time, however, a popular party was formed, which obtained a greater power by the violent disruption of Corcyra from its ^ See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3. Plut. Dion, 53. No conclu- sqq. sion can be drawn from the ^ IV. 4. 6. sqq. word ^r]y.oKpaTia in Plutarch. ^ See particularly VII. 4. 6. Timol. 50. for it is there used The refugees from Corinth to only to signify the contrary of Argos in Olymp. 101. 2. 375 rvpawic. B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus ^' Diod. XVI. 65, 66. XV. 40.) were therefore demo- ^' Polit. V. 5. 9. crats. GTT. 9, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 157 mother-country, and the hostile relation in which the two states were thus placed. In addition to these differences, the connexion between Corcyra and the Peloponnesian league had been relaxed, and was re- placed by a closer intimacy with Athens ; so that while the aristocratic party had lost its hold, the democratic influence had taken a deep root. The people also strengthened themselves by the union of a numerous class of slaves.^ By means of this combined force, the aristocratical party was overthrown, whose expulsion was attended with such scenes of blood and atrocity, as were hardly known in any other state of Greece.' But even before these occurrences the constitution had been democratical.^ The popular assembly had the supreme power ; and although the senate had perhaps a greater authority than at Athens,^ it was manifestly only a part of the demus :^ leaders of the people appear to have been in this, as well as in other states, a regular office." From this time the most unbounded freedom prevailed at Corcyra, of which the Greek proverb says coarsely indeed, but expressively, 'Et^sv^s^ol Kopxupa, p^l^* ottou QsT^sig.'' The Corcyreans were active, industrious^ and enterprising, good sailors, and active merchants ; but they had entirely lost the stability and noble features of the Doric character. In absence of all modesty they even exceeded the Athenians, among whom the very dogs, as a certain philosopher said, were more Thuc. III. 73. ^ Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46. ^ See Dionys. Halic. Archseol. ^Eneas Poliorc. 11. Diodorus Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII.48. XII. 57. however says only, Thuc. III. 81- rovQ drjfxaytoye^p eiojdorag Kai ^ For a ßovXevrrjg could hope, fxaXiara rov ttXi^Qovq 'Kpoiaraa- by virtue of his office, to per- Bau suade the people to an alliance ° Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2. with Athens, Thuc. III. 70. Proverb. Metric, p. 569. Schott. Thuc. III. 70. 158 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. impudent than in any other place : fabulous reports were circulated in Greece, respecting the excessive luxury of the successors of the Phaeacians.^ Yet even in this state an antidemocratic party, inclined to the Lacedaemonians, was never entirely expelled ; and it frequently rose against the people without success,*^ but in the time of Chares with a fortunate result/ The four or five ^ prytanes, who were at a later period the chief magistrates of Corcyra, seem not to have been entirely democratic magistrates, although the go- vernment was democratical ; besides these officers, there occur in an important monument,* Trpo^ixoi ßorjT^oig, who appear as accusers in a laAvsuit which has refer- ence to the administration ; also wpo^o^'koi with a TrpoG-rarrig, who brings a lawsuit of the same descrip- tion before the courts ; besides which we learn, that from time to time revisions (ßiopöcüG-sig) of the laws took place, for which certain persons named ^lopSwTij-- psg were appointed ; and that a ra^iag and a ^loiTcrjTrig were among the financial authorities. 6. Another colony of Corinth, Ambracia, had been ruled by a tyrant of the family of the Cypse- lidse, named Gorgus (Gorgias), who was succeeded by Periander, evidently a member of the same P Concerning the £X£(/>avnVai torn. II. p. 87. [Aa/x]o4£?/oc Mo- KU)7rai of the Corcyraean whips, Xojra Trpvrapeva-ag Kai oi avvap- see Aristoph. ap. Hesych. in x'^'- [^a/^]«^»^ MoXwra iKeraL^ag KepKvpala fxaari^, Schol. Ari- . . . ,K[Xea]pxoc Aeovrog stoph. Av. 1463. Zenob. IV. p.^povdeoig. 49. * The inscription quoted q In Olymp. 92. 3. 410 B.C. above, p. 138. note y. Diod. XIII. 48. and in Olymp. " UpodiKoi and irpoßovXoL also 101. 3. 374 B.C. Diod. XV. 46. occur in another inscription, not ^ iEneas Poliorc. 11. written in the Doric dialect, in « See p. 138. note y. Perhaps Mustoxidi, torn. II. p. 92. n. 43., five prytanes in the inscription in which an afKpiiroXog (as in in Mustoxidi, lUustr. Corciresi, Syracuse) is also mentioned. cTi. 9. § G. OF THE DORIANS 159 house:'' this latter tyrant, having insulted one of the subjects of his illicit pleasures, was put to death by the relations of the latter J The people had taken a share in the insurrection, and obtained the supreme power: ^ the first change having, however, been into a government founded on property, which insensibly passed into a democracy, on account of the low rate of property which qualified a person for public offices.^ In. the Corinthian colony of Leucadia, the large estates were originally inalienable, and in the pos- session of the nobles : when the inalienability was abolished, a certain amount of property was no longer required for the holding of public offices, by which the government became democratic.^ Epidamnus was founded by Corinthians and Cor- cyreeans, and a Heraclide, Phalias, from the mother- country, was leader of the colony. It cannot be doubted that the founders took possession of the best lands, and assumed the powers of government, only ^ If Periander was the son of Erot. 23. p. 60. Gorgus, and the latter (accord- ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. The ing to Anton. Lib.) the brother Spartans also assisted in over- of Cypselus, Neanthes of Cyzi- throwing the tyranny, b. I. ch. cus (ap. Diog. Laert. I. 98.) 9. § 5. was correct in stating that the ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. Ac- two Perianders were ave-djLoi. cording to Anton. Liber. 4. a Yet the hypothesis adopted in tyrant Phalsecus also reigned at b. I. ch. 6. § 8. has its reasons. Ambracia, against whom an in- According to that, the genea- surrection was caused by an logy would be oracle of Apollo, whom the .Cypselus, Gorgus (Gorgias) Ambraciots considered as the 1 1 author of their evvofiia. This Periander Periander. Phalsecus (as is evident from and then also Psammetichus the passage quoted) is called might be considered as son of Phayilus by ^lian. de Nat. the same Gorgias (Gordia^^), Animal XII. 40. Compare the without supposing the oracle MSS. of Ovid's Ibis, 502. in Herodotus V. 92 to be false. ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4. y Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 9. Plut. 160 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. admitting persons of the same race to a share. A single magistrate, similar to the eosmopolis at Opus, was at the head of the administration ; the phy- larchs composed a species of council. But in the second period of the constitution, the phylarchs were replaced by a senate (ßo^Xy)), chosen on democratic principles : a remnant, however, of the early consti- tution was preserved, in the regulation that all ma- gistrates, who were chosen from the ancient citizens (the proper Trox/rsüjoia), were compelled to be present in the public assembly, if a magistrate required it ; ^ the highest archon also alone remained. The Pelo- ponnesian war was occasioned by a contest between the popular party at Epidamnus, and the nobles, in which the Corinthians, from jealousy against Cor- cyra, unmindful of their true interests, supported the former : of the issue of this contest we are not informed. The number of resident and industrious foreigners was very great : ^ besides this class of persons, none but public slaves were employed in mechanical labour, and never any citizen.^ Of all the Corinthian settlements, Apollonia kept the nearest to the original colonial constitu- tion,^' upon which its fame for justice is probably founded.' The government remained almost ex- clusively in the hands of the noble families and ^ Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6. that the word eartv, in III. 11. This I conceive to be the 1 . and the context, require the meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1. omission of ^r. [This conjec- 6. according to the reading of ture has since been confirmed Victorius, 'HXm/a is only a by the best manuscript of the different form of aXiaia. See Politics. See Goettling's edi- above, p. 88. note The oc- tion, p. 391.] casion of the revolution is per- ^lian. V. H. XIII. 5. haps related in V. 3. 4. _ § Aristot Pol. II. 4. 13. ^ In the clause ap)(w)' 6 äg 7]y See above, ch. 4. § 4. er (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me, ' Strabo VII. p. 316 C. CH. % § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 161 descendants of the first colonists, to whom the large estates doubtless belonged.^ Perhaps Apollonia was indebted for the stability of its government to the Xenelasia ; ^ an institution which was of the first importance for the preservation of ancient Greek customs, to a state closely bordering on barbarous nations.. 7. That we may not disturb the order of the Co- rinthian colonies, we will immediately proceed to consider the state of Syracuse. In the Syracusan constitution the following were the chief epochs. In the ßrst, the government was in the hands of the gamori, ™ originally together with a king, ° whose office was afterwards abolished. These we have already stated ° to have been the original colonists, who took possession of the large estates cultivated by native bondslaves, and exercised the chief go- verning power. It is probable that the magistrates, and the members of the council,^ who were leaders of the people in the assembly (ax/a)^ were chosen from this body ; in the same manner as the geomori of Samos formed a council, which after the subver- sion of the royalty governed the state.'i Against these authorities, the people, having gradually be- come more pressing in their demands, at length re- belled, and expelled them, by combining with their slaves the Cyllyrii (before B.C. 492.0 ; but the de- »'Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. cf. Reip. 32. p. 201. Irx the ac- Herod. IX. 93. count of the confiscation of ^ ^lian. ubi sup. Agathocles ' property ( Diod. ™'Ev Svpa/couo-aic Ffwytio- Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.) the geo- po)v KaTEyovTbiv TYiv äp-)(riv are mori appear as the supreme the words of the Parian Marble, court of justice. Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41. ^ Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57. " See above, p. 113. note ™ Herod. VII. 155. Dion. ^ Ch. 4. § 4. Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zeno- See also Plutarch. Prsec. bins, quoted above, p. 61. note p. VOL. II. M 162 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book iif. mocracy which succeeded was so irregular and law- less, that it was of very short duration f the people therefore voluntarily opened the gates to Gelon, when he came to restore the gamori, and gave them- selves entirely into his power/ in 485 B.C. The rule of Gelon, and of his successor, was, although monarchical, yet not oppressive, and upon the whole beneficial to the state : as the former allowed an ex- traordinary assembly of the people to decide concern- ing his public administration,"" it may be perhaps sup- posed that he wished to be considered an ^symnetes, to whom the city, overcome by difficulties, intrusted the unlimited disposal of its welfare. With the overthrow of this dynasty, the second period begins, during which there was upon the whole a moderate constitution, called by most writers democracy,'' and by Aristotle distinguished from democracy as a po- liteia, in his peculiar sense of the word.^ Imme- diately after the downfall of Thrasybulus an assembly was convened, in which it was debated concerning the constitution. The public offices were only to be filled by the ancient citizens ; whde those who had been admitted by Gelon from other cities, together with the naturalized mercenaries,^ were not ^ This is stated by Aristot. however, V. 10. 3. Pol. V. 2. 6. The storv in ^ Herod. VH. 156. Diod. Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 1. Plut. XI. 25. The reason why there Prsec. Reip. ubi sup. refers to was so great a number of fo- the dissolution of the ancient reign mercenaries in Sicily, is, hereditary aristocracy, which that the native Sicilians would Plutarch calls äpia-rrjv ttoXi- not serve as hired troops (He- reiav. sychius and Apostolius in 2i- * Herod, ubi sup. KeXog (rrpar. Toup in Suid, vol. " Diod. XI. 26. ^han. V. H. II. p. 614 ) ; the tyrants were XIII. 36. therefore compelled to hire Con- Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth. c/oi^z'm", as for instance Phormis Leptin. p. 506, &c. the Msenalian. y Pol. V. 3. 6. Compare, GH. 9, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 163 to enjoy the complete rights of citizenship:* mea- sures which occasioned a war within the walls of Syracuse. Lastly, in this, as well as in the other states of Sicily, peace was re -established by the resto- ration of the ancient citizens, a separation of the fo- reigners, who found a settlement at Messana, and a new allotment of the lands,^ in which the estates of the nobles were probably divided anew. At the same time, by the violence of these proceedings, the states of Sicily were reduced to a feeble condition, which occasioned numerous attempts to set up a tyranny. As a security against this danger, the people (in 454 B. C.) established the institution called petalism, in imitation of the ostracism of Athens ; but they had sufficient discernment soon to abolish this new form of tyranny, as all distinguished and well educated men*" were deterred ])y it from taking a part in public affairs. Syracuse suffered at that time, as well as Athens, by the intrigues of demagogues and cabals of syco- phants.*^ In this city, at an early period, a talent for the subtleties of oratory had begun to develope itself; which owed its origin to Corax, a man employed by Hieron as a secret spy and confidant, and celebrated among the people as a powerful orator and sagacious ^ Diod. XI. 72, 73. ^ Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the tto- XLTO'ypa(f>ta and the ava^arrjioQ^ Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, 3. p. 9. ^ Oi -xfipLeararoL Diod. XI. 87. Compare the -yapievTEQ in Plutarch Phocion. 29. Dion. 28. Aristot. Eth. Nie. I. 4. 2. I. 5. 4. IV. 8. 10. Concerning the Petalismus, see, besides Diodo- rus, Hesychius in v. Rivinus in Schlaeger's Dissert. 1774. vol. I. p. 107. ^ What sycophants were in a democracy, were the uyrciKov- crrai and TroTayojyidec in the ty- ranny of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 3. comp, the vetus inter- pres ap. Schneider.), and of the Dionysii (Plut. Dion, de Curios. 16. p. 147. who supposed that the latter were men). Compare vol. I. p. 183. note ^ M 2 164 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book nr. councillor.^ The naturally refined, acute, and lively temperament of the Sicilian Greeks^ had already turned towards cunning and deceit ; and in particular the young, eager after all novelty, ran counter to the temperance and severity of the ancient customs and mode of life.^ As to the constitution at the time of the Sicilian war, we know that all public affairs of importance were decided in the popular assembly,^' and the management of them was in great part confided to the leaders of the people (ßri^xoit Tr^oa-Tarai), who seem to have been regular public officers.' In what manner the people was led, is shoAvn by the instance of Athenagoras, who represents the expedition of the Athenians, when already approaching the shores of Sicily, as a story invented by the oligarchs to terrify the people. To what extent a complete freedom of speaking before the people existed, is not altogether clear.^ That persons of an aristocratic disposition still continued to possess political power, is evident from the speech of Athenagoras ;^ and it is probable from Aristotle, that they had an exclusive right to « See the mutilated Scholia to Hermogenes in Reiske's Ora- tors, vol. VIII. p. 196. together with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut. XII. 46. Siculiacuti, Cic. Verrin. III. 8. acuta gens et controvei sa na- tura. Brut. XII. 46. dicaces, Verr. IV. 43. faceti, Orat. IL 54. g Diod. XI. 82. probably from Philistus. 1' Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. ^2 sq. Diod. XV. 19. 95. i Thuc. VI. 35. i^Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod. XIII. 19. ^ Hermocratesj of an aristo- cratic disposition, filled a pub- lic office. The vetjrepoL in Thucyd. VL 38. cannot, from the context, be generally the young men of the city; they must be a party of youthful aristocrats, who were peculiarly hostile to the people, and, ac- cording to the statement of Athenagoras, wished to take ad- vantage of the fear of a war and the blockade of Syracuse, for the purpose of regaining their lost privileges. In this sense o'l T£ ^vvafxevoL koX oi vioi are combined in VI. 39. [See Ar- nold's History of Rome, vol. I. p. 332, note 29.] CH. 9, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 165 certain offices. The third period begins with the victory over the Athenian armament. As this was decided by the fleet of the Syracusans, the men of inferior rank, who served as sailors, obtained a large increase of importance in their own sight, and were loud in their demands for admission to the highest offices ; in the very same manner as at Athens, after the battle of Salamis. In 412 B.C., upon the pro- posal of Diodes the demagogue,™ a commission was appointed for the arrangement of a new constitution, in which the original contriver of the plan had himself the first place. The government was thus converted into a complete democracy, of which the first prin- ciple was, that the public offices should be filled not by election, but by lot." There was formed at the same time a collection of written laws, Avhich were very precise and explicit in the determination of punishments, and were doubtless intended, by their severity, to keep off those troubles, which the new constitution could not fail to produce. This code, which was also adopted by other Sicilian states, was written in an ancient native dialect, which seventy years afterwards (in the time of Timoleon) required an interpreter." Notwithstanding these precautions, we find the democracy an Olympiad and a half later fallen into such contempt ,p that the people, utterly incapable of protecting the city in the dangers of the time, appointed a general with unlimited power : ™ Diodorus XIII. 19, 55. Apophth. p. 89, 90. The gene- calls him a demagogue rals were still chosen from Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod. among the ^vvaTU)TaToi, Diod. XIII. 35. The drjfxrjyopovvreg XIII. 91. cast lots merely for the succes- ° Diod. XIII. 33, 35. sion in which they were to ad- p Plut. ubi sup. p. 92. dress the people, Plut. Reg. 166 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. which measure, though always attended with bad success, they repeatedly had recourse to. Dionysius, a man powerful as well from his talents, as from the means which his situation as demagogue afforded him of keeping the people in continual dread of the nobles,^ soon became tyrant but he still allowed an appearance of freedom to remain in public assemblies, which he summoned, conducted, and dismissed.^ Dion restored the democracy for a short time, and only partially for it was his real intention to intro- duce a Doric aristocracy upon the model of those in Sparta and Crete.'' Timoleon with more decision abolished the democracy, and restored the former constitution,^ as may be supposed, not without syco- phants and demagogues, who were not slow to turn their arms against the founder of the new liberty.^ A mixture of aristocracy is discernible in the office of amphipolus of the Olympian Zeus, which lasted three centuries from 343 B. C. and probably combined po- litical influence with the highest dignity ; the person who filled it gave his name to the year. Three can- didates were chosen for this office from three families by vote, and one of the three was selected by lot.'' q Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5, V. 8. 4. Diod.XIII. 96. ' Diod. XIII. 94. cf. Polysen. V. 2. 2. Diod. XIV. 45, 64, 10. See several passages in Pseud-Ari- stot. GEcon. II. 2. 20. The as- semblies summoned by Dion, for example, against Dionysius the Second (Diod. XVI. 10, 17, 20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.), must not be considered as in any way connected with the tyranny. Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies that Syracuse in the reign of Dionysius was a Respublica at all. t Plutarch. Dion. 28. ^ Ibid. 53. a")(r}fxa — ctptaTOKpa- Tiav e%ov TYiv kivLaraTovcrav Koi ßpaßevovaav ra jueytora. See above, ch, I. § 7. ^ Diod. XVI. 70. y Plutarch. Timol. 37. ^ Diod. XVI. 81. with Wes- seling's note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 51. CH. 9, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 167 It may be observed, that Timoleon caused a revision of the laws to be made by Cephalus, a Corinthian, who, however, was only called an interpreter of the code of Diodes, although, as it appears, he entirely remodelled the civil law/' We must pass hastily over the • later times, remarking in general, that a feeble democracy continued to exist, frequently contending with clubs of oligarchs,^ and afterwards falling into the hand of tyrants who had risen from demagogues ; such, for instance, as Agathocles, who undertook to bring about a redivision of the lands, and an abolition of all claims of debt.'' Hiero II. did not suppress the council of the city, which Hieronymus never con- sulted ; but as it again returned into existence imme- diately after the death of the latter prince, it appears that it could not have been a body chosen annually, but a board appointed for a considerable period.'^ The generals had at all times very large powers, especially in the popular assembly, in which, however, persons of the lowest condition had liberty to speak.*" Another military office also, that of the hipparchs, exercised a superintendence over the internal affairs of the state, in order to guard against disturbances.^ Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70. newly appointed by election or ^ Diod. XIX. 3 — 5. Aftei' lot at the death of Hieronymus, a democracy of this kind, and of which Livy XXIV. 22 says before the time of Agathocles, not a word. The seniores (c. the state was legally governed 24.) are probably members of by a synedrion of 600 of the this senate; a yepovaia also most distinguished persons (x,a- probably existed at that time, piiarcLToi), XIX. 6. which occurs in a late inscrip- ^ Diod. XIX. 4. 6—9. He tion in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. also sometimes convened public 5. p. 44. assemblies, when it pleased him ^ Liv. XXIV. 27. to play the ^r]fxoTiic6g. Diod. * See Hesychius, Suidas, and XX. 63, 79. Zenobius in iTnrapxov Trtm^; ^ Otherwise it must have been on this tablet were entered -a 168 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. 8. After this account of the constitution of Syra- cuse, we may proceed to notice those of Gel a, and its colony Agrigentum ; as these cities, though de- riving their origin from Rhodes, perhaps took Syra- cuse for their model in the formation of their govern- ment. In both states the noble and wealthy first held the ruling power ; which was afterwards for a long time possessed by tyrants.^ Agrigentum, after the overthrow of Thrasydaeus in 473 B. C, received a democratic constitution •} we know, however, that at that time an assembly of a thousand, appointed for three years, governed the state. This assembly was suppressed by Empedocles the philosopher who ob- tained so large a share of popular favour that he was even offered the office of king.^ The assembly of a thousand also occurs in Rhegium and Croton, in speaking of which city we will again mention this subject. Further than this all information fails us. Scipio established anew the senate of Agrigentum, and ordered that the number of the new colonists of Manlius should never exceed that of the ancient citi- Tujy araKTOvvTiov ovofxara. In Diod. XIV. 64. tTTTrttf appears to be the name of the class of knights. s At Gela Oleander was ty- rant, after a period of oligarchy (Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 505 to 498 B. C. (Herod. VII. 157. Dion. Hal. VII. 1. Pau- san. VI . 9.) ; then his brother Hippocrates 498 — 491 B. C. Gelon in 491 B. C. At Agri- gentum there was a timocracy (Arist. Pol. V. 8. 4.), then Pha- laris 555 — 548 B. C. according to Eusebius and Bentley, then Alcmanes and Alcander (He- racl. Pont. 36.), Theron 488— 473 B. C. according to Boeckh, and Thrasydaeus, who was ex- pelled in the same year. ^ Diod. XI. 53. KOfjLiffa/xeyoL ^ See Diogen. Laert. VIII. 66. Timseus Fragm. 2. ed. Go- eller. Sturz Empedocles, p. 108. ^ Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63. The words, ware oh fxovov TU)y TrXovcriiov äXXä Kai rwy rd drjUOTLKCL (l)pOVOVVT(OVj do nOt present any difficulty. CH. 9, § 9. OF THE DORIANS. 169 zens} The same senate, in an inscription of the Roman time,™ is called (r6yx7\.r}Tog, crvvs^pioi/y and ßoyXv), and appears to have consisted of 110 mem- bers ; the day of meeting is stated : it appears that the senate then alternated every two months;" the decree of the senate is referred to the popular assem- bly (olkIol) ; over which a Trpoayopog presided" (which was also the name of the supreme magistrate at Ca- tana in the time of Cicero) f the Hyllean tribe has the precedency on the day of this assembly. A hiero- thytes gives his name to the year, corresponding to the amphipolus at Syracuse ; in whose place a hierapolus** is mentioned in a similar decree of Gela,"" together with whom a xarBVia()(Tiog, an annual magistrate (per- haps archon), is mentioned. In this state the senate (ßoüXrj) appears to have been changed every half y^r,^ their decrees being also confirmed by the as- sembly (olkIo) ;* the assembly is led by a TTpocrrarrig, the same magistrate whom we have already met with in nearly all the democratic states of the Dorians, in Argos, Corcyra, and Syracuse.'^ 9. We now return to Peloponnesus. In Sicyon the tyrants had, as in other states, been the leaders of a democratic party f but their dominion put an end 1 Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50. Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. ™ Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, p. 19, &c. p. 84. cf. ibid. p. 25. " 'AXiafffia eKTag difirjvov Kap- ^ BovXag aXiacr^a (vulg. aXt- VEiov E^riKOVTOQ XIEMIITAI. See acrfiara) devrepag k^af.ir]rov Kap- above concerning Rhodes, § 3. velou rptaKa^i. ° TheHierotbytes wastheTTa- * E^o^g Tg. aXig. Kada icat rq. paTrpoffrarag of tbe ßovX^ (TIA- ßovXa, as the sense requires us PAnPOSTATA TAS should be to read with Castello. written). See also the Calymnian de- Verr. I. 4. 23, 39. cree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) ^ Concerning the lepairoXoL eZo^e rq. ßovKq. Kai ^ajuw see Boissonade in the Classical yvio^a Tvpoararav. Journal, vol. XVII. p. 396. ^ B. I. ch. 8. § 2. 170 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. to the times of disturbance and irregularity, which had occasioned the Pythian priestess to say, that " Sicyon " needed a disciplinarian."^ After their overthrow an early constitution was restored, which remained unshaken during the Peloponnesian war. We are only informed that in 418 B. C. the Lacedsemonians made the constitution more oligarchical ;^ that it had not previously been entirely democratical, is shown by the fidelity with which Sicyon adhered to the head of the Peloponnesian league. After the battle of Leuctra we find that Sicyon possessed an Achsean constitution, i. e., one founded on property, in which the rich were supreme \^ Euphron, in 369 B. C, undertook to change this into a democracy, and thus obtained the tyranny, until the party of the nobles, whom he per- secuted, overthrew him.^ Plutarch states most clearly the changes in this constitution ; after the unmixed " and Doric aristocracy"" had been destroyed, Sicyon " fell from one sedition, from one tyranny into an- " other;" until, at the time of Aratus, it adopted the almost purely democratical institutions of the Achseans. As Phlius during the whole Peloponnesian war remained faithful to the interest of Sparta and hostile to Argos, it is evident that the state was under an aristocratic government."^ In a revolution which took place before 383 B. C. the Lacedaemonian party had been expelled, but were in the same year again re- ceived by the people ; the government, however, did not become democratical, until Agesilaus, introduced by the former party, conquered the city, and remo- y Plutarch, de sera Num. ^"AKparog koL AwpLKrj apiaro- Vind. 7. p. 231. /cparm, Plutarch. Ar at. 2. ^ Thucyd. V. 81. Some members of the oli- * Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44. garchical party of Argos also ^ VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4. fled to Phlius, Thucyd. V. 83. CH. 9, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 171 delled the constitution® (379 B.C.). Before this period the democratic assembly consisted of more than 5000 members, those who were inclined to the Lacedaemonians furnished above 1000 heavy-armed soldiers. A very regular system of government is proved to have existed, by the patience and heroism with which the Phliasians, in 372—376 B. C, de- fended their city and country against the attacks of the Argives, Arcadians, Eleans, and Thebans, until, without breaking their fidelity to Sparta, they con- cluded a peace with Thebes and Argos (366 B. C). 10. In Megara the tyranny of Theagenes, to which he rose from a demagogue, was overthrown by Sparta, and the early constitution restored, which for a time was administered with moderation,^ but even during the Persian war it had already been rendered more democratical by the admission of Perioeci.^ The elegiac poet Theognis shows himself about this time the zealous friend of aristocracy ; he dreads in particular men who stir up the populace to evil, and, as leaders of parties, cause disorder and dissension in the peaceful city ; he laments the dis- appearance of the pride of nobility^ the general eager- ness for riches, and the increase of a crafty and de- ceitful disposition.' These struggles after popular « Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq. s See above, ch. 3. § 3. It V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. appears to me nearly certain Fifty persons of each party that the passage refers to Me- made a plan for a new consti- gara near Corinth, tution, Hell. V. 3. 25. The ^ See above, ch. 1. § 4. ch. 4. refugees residing at Argos, in § 8. 375 B. C. were manifestly de- ' V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker. mocrats, the same as in Xen. [See generally on the aristocra- Hell. Vn. 2. 5. in 369 B. C. tical tendency of the poetry of Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. Me- Theognis, and the constitution yapete Qeayivt} — eKßaXovreg, of Megara, Welcker, Prolego- oKiyov yjpovov kcTMcbpuprjaay mena ad Theognin^ 'pip. X — xli.] Kara Trjy TroXirtiay. 172 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book nr. liberty, promoted by demagogues, soon produced the greatest disturbance ; the people no longer paid the interest of their debts, and even required a cession of that which had been already paid (jroLT^ivTOKloi) ; the houses of the rich, and the very temples, were plun- dered ; many persons were banished for the purpose of confiscating their propei-ty.*" It was perhaps at this time that the Megarians adopted the democratic in- stitution of ostracism.^ The nobles, however, soon returned, conquered the people in a battle, and re- stored an oligarchy, which was the more oppressive, as the public offices were for a time exclusively filled by persons who had fought against the people.™ It is probable that the consequence of this return was the revolt of Megara from Athens, in 446 B.C.;" m the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Lace- deemonian party was predominant. But in the eighth year of the war the aristocratic party of Megara was in banishment at Pegse ; and when they were about to be recalled, and restored to their city, the leaders of the people preferred to have the Athenians in the toAvn rather than the citizens whom they had driven from their walls. By the influence of Brasidas, how- ever, they returned, upon a promise of amnesty, which they did not long observe. For having first obtained the supreme offices (to which they must therefore have had a particular claim) , they brought a hundred of their chief enemies before the people, and forced ^ Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. to the Peloponnesian theori, 3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59. Theognis (v. 617.) speaks of ^ Schol, Aristoph. Eq. 851. this period, ^p^juara ^' apna- Phavorinus in darpadp^a. ^ovaL ßla, KocTfjLOQ ^ ttTToXwXev, ™ Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. fV. and in the whole political alle- 12. 10. gory of the passage. This was " Thuc. I. 114. of. 103. the time of the violence done CH. 9, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 173 them to pass sentence upon the accused with open votes. The people, terrified by this measure, con- demned them to death. At the same time the domi- nant party established a close and strict oligarchy,'' which remained in existence for a very long period.^ In 375 B.C., we again find that democracy was the established constitution, and that the attempts of the oligarchs to change it were defeated.'^ Demosthenes^ mentions a court of three hundred in this state, sit- ting in judgment on public offences ; and at this time nobility and wealth were frequently united in the same persons. Of the Megarian magistrates we have already mentioned a king,^ to which may now be added the hieromnamon, an office always held by the priest of Poseidon,* and probably having the same duties and privileges as the amphipolus, hierapolus, and hierothytes in the Sicilian states. The antiquity of this office is evident from its occurrence in the colonies of Megara, Byzantium and Chalcedon. In the former a hieromnamon is mentioned in a decree quoted by Demosthenes,"" who gives his name to the year ; in the latter, a decree now extant'' mentions first a king, then a hieromnamon, then a prophet, together with three nomophylaces, all administering the public ° Thuc. IV. 66, 74. P Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. In this aristocratic period the TTpoßovXoL were magistrates of high authority in Megara, Ari- stoph. Acharn. 755. 1 Diod. XV. 40. ^ Trepi TrapaTrpEarßeiag, pp. 435, 436. ^ Above, p. 113, note \ * Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8. 4. p. 379, where indeed the ex- pression is very indefinite. De Corona, p. 255. and in another decree in Polyb. IV. 52. 4. They also occur in coins. ^ In Caylus, Recueil, II. pi. 55. in the king's library at Paris. It is the same which Corsini F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered as Delphian. It decrees a crown to a 'Ayefiwr ßovXag, and the eight persons whose names are subscribed are probably se- nators. 174 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book in. affairs (alfroixvaivTsg) for the appointed term of a month. The two first we have already seen united in the very same manner at Megara ; the third refers to the worship of Apollo, of the transfer of which from the mother-state to Chalcedon we have already spoken, and pointed out an oracle of Apollo which was de- livered there ; ^ the nomophylaces also occur at Sparta. The hieromnamon was probably priest also of Posei- don in the colonies, the worship of which god, deriving its origin from the Isthmus of Corinth, was at least more prevalent than any other.^ 11. The constitution of Byzantium was at first royal, afterwards aristocratical,^ and the oligarchy, which soon succeeded, was, in 390 B.C., changed by Thrasybulus the Athenian into democracy.*" Equal privileges were at the same time probably granted to the new citizens, who, on account of their demands, had been driven from the city by the ancient colonists. After this, the democracy appears to have continued for a long time ; but on account of the duration of this form of government, and the habit of passing their y Vol. I. p. 250, note^. ^ See, besides other writers, Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 304. — Of the hieromnemons Letronne has treated at full length, Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscriptions, torn. VI. p. 221, but without remarking that, besides Delphi, they are pecu- liar to Megara and its colonies. ^ At least if Dineus { Dinseus) was king, see book I. ch. 6. § 9 ; this Dineus is, however, called by Hesychius Milesius, § 20, only general of the Byzan- tians, and roirap^riQ of Chalce- don. He appears, nevertheless, to be an historical personage. Concerning the bondslaves, see above, ch. 4, § 5. ^ According to Hesychius Milesius, Ai(t)v tlq tüv Bvi^av- riwv apiaroKpariay eli^aro. " Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. What the Thirty in Diodorus XIV. 12. are, whom Glearchus put to death after the magi- strates, we are entirely igno- rant, since the right explanation or emendation of the word Boi(i)TovQ is still a desideratum. •1 Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10. ^ Theopompus ap. Athen. XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon. 23. ap. Phot. Bibhoth. p. 724. CH. 9, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 175 time in the market-place and the harbour, which the people had contracted from the situation of the town, a great dissoluteness of manners existed ; and this was also transferred to the neighbouring city of Chal- cedon, which had adopted the Byzantine democracy, and, together with its ancient constitution, had lost the temperance and regularity for which it had been dis- tinguished. In these times the Byzantians were fre- quently in great financial difficulties, from \i^hich they often endeavoured to extricate themselves by violent measures/ In the document quoted by Demosthenes, the senate (ßwXa) transfers a decree in its first stage, called prjTqoL,^ to an individual, in order to bring it before the people in the assembly (a'kla), nearly in the same manner as was customary at Athens ; the existing constitution is called in this document a ttol- rpiog wo'KiTsla. The office of archon was perhaps introduced together with the democracy ; ^ the civil authority of the generals existed in many states in later times. The hundreds (Ixaroo-ry^) occur ap- parently as a subdivision of the tribes,' and therefore as a species of phratriee ;^ they were probably com- mon to all the colonies of Megara, since we find them in Heraclea on the Pontus. In this city we know to a certainty that the hundreds were divisions of the tribes, of which there were three ;^ the rich (i. e., the ^ Pseud- Aristot. GEcon. II. Heyne Comment, rec. Gotting. 2. 3. The transit duties levied vol.' I. p. 8. at the Bosporus are well known, ^ Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup. Boeckh's Economy of Athens, ^ Chandler. Inscript. App. vol. II. p. 40. 12. p. 94. ^ A decree of the senate be- ^ ^Eneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad fore it had received the sane- calc. Polyb.) ovcriHv avrdlQ rpiwv tion of the people was also call- ^v\mv koX reTrapojy eKaTorrTvwv. ed p/rpa in Sparta ; see above, There must evidently have been ch. 5. § 8. more than four hundreds to It occurs on coins. See three tribes, as Casaubon re- 176 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. possessors of the original lots) were all in the same hundred ; but the demagogues, intending to destroy the aristocracy, divided the people into sixty new hun- dreds, independent of the tribes, in wliich rich and poor were entered without distinction : nearly the same measure as that by which Cleisthenes had so greatly raised the democracy at Athens. This Heraclea Pontic a, a settlement in part of Boeotians, but chiefly from Älegara,™ had doubtless originally possessed the same constitution as other Doric colonies ; and the diflPerent classes were, first, the possessors of the original lots ; secondly, a demus, or popular party, who had settled either at the same time or subsequently ; and, thirdly, the bondslaves, the Mariandynians.° Although we are not able to give any detailed account of the changes in the go- vernment of this state, it may be observed, that for a time the citizens alone had political power (the 7ro?u- reujuia) ; but that the people had the privilege of judg- ing (that is, probably in civil cases), which occasioned a change in the constitution." Before 364 B.C. the popular party demanded with \dolence an abohtion of debts, and a new division of the territory ; the senate, which at that time was not a body selected from the people, but from the aristocracy,^ at length, being unable to act for itself, knew no other means than to call in the assistance of Clearchus, an exile, who im- marks. Perhaps we should mainder. The event probably read rerrapiov mi eUocn tKaro- took place before the 10-4th aTvu)v, or with Goettling (Her- Olympiad, 364 B.C. mes, vol. XXV. p. 155.) re-- ™ See book I. ch. 6. § 10. rdpojy kv EKaffTf] sKaroarvojy. ^ See above, ch. 4. § 5. Casaubon's emendation of re-- ° Aristot. Pol. Y. 5. 6. TcipaKovra for rerrapwy is not P This is evident from the admissible, as forty is not divi- context of the passage in Jus- sible by three without a re- tin. XYI. 4. CH. 9, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 177 mediately marched with a body of soldiers into the city. But, instead of protecting the dignity of those who had called him in, he became a leader of the people, and, what in fact he is already, who sets the blind fury and physical force of the multitude in action against justice and good order — a tyrant. Clearchus put to death sixty of the members of the senate, whom he had seized,'' liberated their slaves, i. e., the Mariandynians ; and compelled their wives and daughters to marry these bondsmen, unquestionably the best means of extirpating an hereditary aristocracy ; but the pride of noble descent was so strong in the breasts of these women, that the greater number freed themselves from the disgrace by suicide. It must be supposed, that a tyranny administered in so violent a spirit, and continued through several generations, destroyed every vestige of the ancient constitution.^ 12. In the Spartan colony of Cnidos the govern- ment was a close aristocracy. At the head of the state was a council of sixty members, who were chosen from among the nobles. Its powers were precisely the same as those of the Spartan gerusia, from which its number is also copied. It debated concerning all 1 Compare with Justin ^neas gins e^o^e t<} ßov\(f /cat r Pseud- Aristot. (Econ. II. 2. Suidas in Kvsi. avadr^^a. See also vol. I. p. 184. note p. and Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen. Anab. p. 473. The tithe paid by the Syracusans for the build- ing of temples was something extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV. 20. from Demon. ^ ^ginetica, p. 89. Accord- ing to Lucian tt^A -ivdovQ 10. the yEginetan obolus was in his time still in circulation, as also CH. 10, § 12. OF TFIE DORIANS. 223 in the north of Greece, since the early Boeotian, Thessalian, and Macedonian coins were before the time of Philip adapted to it.^ In Italy the monetary system was arranged in a peculiar manner, for the convenience of intercourse with the natives ; and as this subject is of much importance in a historical point of view, we will now examine it briefly, without at- tempting a complete investigation. If we consider the names of the coins in use among the Dorians of Italy and Sicily, for example, at Syracuse and Ta- rentum (as they had been collected by Aristotle in his Constitution of the Himerseans from Doric Poets viz., "kirpa for an obolus, r^ixlT^irpou for six, Trsvroyxlou for five, rsrpag for four, r^iag for three,"" s^ag for two. among the Achaeans, according to Hesychius in Tra^eta (i^^gi- netica, p. 90.); nevertheless, ever after the foundation of Megalopolis and Messene in Peloponnesus, the Athenian standard seems to have pre- vailed. ^ I am unwilling to make use of Rome de I'lsle's valuations of Greek coins, as in his Me- trologie he shows such a com- plete want of historical talent and knowledge. It is at once evident that his 14 different kinds of drachmas are a mere absurdity ; the very first of 60 grains, which he calls drachme df^JEgium ou du Peloponnese, is nothing more than a half JEgi- netan drachma, which should properly, according to the ratio to the Attic drachma (of 82 grains), contain 137 grains, but they are generally much rubbed on account of their great an- tiquity. To these belong the ancient x^^wrat, the coins with the Boeotian shield in the early style, the Corinthian coins with the Coppa and Pegasus, also the early Thessalian coins, more es- pecially those found in Thrace, and generally marked Lete ; together with those of the Mace- donian kings prior to Philip. To the drachme d'Egine he only assigns three coins. b Followed by Pollux IV. 24. 173. IX. 6. 80. The names frequently occurred in Sophron and Epicharmus as coins and weights, as may be seen from Pollux; cf. Phot, in XiVpa et oyKta. ^ I am of opinion, in opposi- tion to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419, that the testimony of Pollux must be followed. In Hesychius also in v. rpLavrog Troprt], a rpiäg is reckoned equal to 20 Xeirra ; now the oyda is generally made equal to the 'xaXtccvg 'At-t-ijcoc (Aristot. ap. Poll.), and a rpiäg is in that case equal to 21 XeTrra, which Hesychius gives in round 224 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. oyKioc for a twelfth ; it is at once evident that these Greeks had adopted the Italian and Roman duodenary system, in which the libra, the pound of brass, was the unit ; ^ a system which was originally unknown to the Greeks, and accordingly the word x/rpot has no root in their language. Now, together with these coins in the Greek states, the voixog," among the Latins numus, occurs ; manifestly, as Varro says, a word belonging to the former people, and signifying a coin current by law ; whence it is evident that the Italians, in the re- gulations of their monetary system, did not merely give to the Greeks of Italy, but that they also received something in return, and that one standard was com- pounded, partaking in some measure of both methods of computation. If we, then, consider the form and value of these coins, it is plain that the Greek colo- nies retained the system of money which they brought with them from Peloponnesus ; and that they did not till subsequently adapt their coinage to the native standard. They then made the litra equal to the obolus, i. e., to the ^ginetan, which was also the Corinthian •/ so that a Corinthian stater of ten oboli was called in Syracuse a SsxaXtr^ov, or piece of ten litras. At the time, therefore, when this system was numbers. Diodorus' estimate Pollux IX. 6. 92. of the TrevTi-jKOVTaXiTpoy at 10 ^ That vojxoq^ not vovfifiog^ is drachmas, which is otherwise the proper Greek form, is shown very inexact, is explained by by Blomfield ad Sophronis Boeckh, Economy of Athens, Fragra. Classical Journal vol. vol. I. p. 37. from the different V. p. 384. (See also Knight, prices of gold in Attica and Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.) Sicily. ^ Aristot. in Acragant. Polit. ^ Since copper was the basis ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. ^Eginetica, of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus p. 91. Bentley, from not tak- (but not an Athenian or Pelo- ing this statement as his foun- ponnesian) could say ^^aX/cov dation, has given a false direc- 6(p£i\eiy, CBS alienum habere, tion to his inquiries. CH. 10, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 225 formed, the lb. of copper must have really been equal in value to a silver obolus. Now since the former weighed 6048/ the latter nearly 23 French grains,^ the ratio of silver to copper must at the time of this arrangement have been as 1 to 263 ; the commerce of these regions having in early times determined this proportion. But as more silver was gradually intro- duced by the trade with the west of Europe, and pro- bably at the same time some native copper-mines were exhausted, copper, which was the circulating medium of Italy, rose in comparison with silver, the circulating medium of Greece ; and this was the principal cause of the constant diminution in the weight of the as in Etruria and Rome. But a detailed examination of this subject, so important in the history of the com- merce of Greece and Italy, does not fall within the plan of the present work.' What was the value of the uoi^og of the Sicilian Greeks we are not informed by any decisive testi- mony : the name, however, proves that it was a cur- rent coin, and not of very inconsiderable value. For this reason I cannot assume that it was equal to a litra ;^ Aristotle ^ also states that the impression of the Tarentine coins was Taras sitting upon the dol- phin ; now, in the first place, this device does not oc- cur on any litras or oboii of Tarentum ; and, secondly, the coin would not be of sufficient size to contain it : for which reason the Greeks, whenever they stamped so small a coin of silver, always made use of the simplest devices. If, however, the Tarentine numus s According to Rome de I'lsle, vol. 1. p. 309—329. p- 40. ^ Which is Boeckh's opinion, ^ According to Rome de I'lsle, Public Economy of Athens, vol. 23 j ; but see p. 223. note a. I. p. 27. Engl. tr. ^ See the author's Etrusker, ^ Ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. VOL. II. Q 226 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. had the same ratio to the litra as the Roman numus sestertius to the as,"" the former would have been a large coin ; and we are also on the same supposition enabled to explain how it came that in Sicily an amount of 24, and afterwards of 12 numi, was called a talent ; " for in that case 24 numi would be equal to 60 lbs. of copper, which was the same number of minas that the ^^ginetan talent of silver contained. It is also confirmed by the fact mentioned by Festus, that this talent in Neapolis amounted to six, and in Syracuse to three denarii, by which he means deca- litra.° And therefore, although other circumstances tend to shake the certainty of this supposition,^ it wiU be better to acquiesce in these arguments, on account of the harmony of the different statements. ^ As Bentley supposes, ibid, p. 410. "SeeAristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 87. ApoUodorus sy roiq Tirepl ^uxpporoQ ap. Schol. Min. et Venet. ad II. V. 576. and Schol. Gregor. Nazianz. in Montfauc. Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to the correction of NOMON for MN12N, also Suidas in raXav-ov accordins; to Scaliger, likewise Bentley p. 409. The Venetian Scholia on II. XXIII. 269. mention several other talents, but without specifyhig the places where they were current. ° Aristotle, as well as Apol- lodorus, states in the passages just quoted, that the jw/uloc was equal to rpia //^iw/joXta, which, according to the probable sup- position of Salmasius and Gro- novius, is a mistake for rpirov r]fint)ß6\iov. P These reasons are, 1st, that the coins with the figure of Taras generally weigh 72 and 140 — 155 grains, and therefore they are manifestly not sesterces, but rather quinarii and denarii, as determined by the depreciated litra; which would therefore have been about equal to an Attic obolus. 2dly, that the great Inscription of Taurome- nium in D'Orville and Castello without exception contains ta- lents of 120 litras (according to which the vofioc would have been again equal to 5 or 10 litras), as may be seen at once from an item in the account : *' 'icrocoQ 56,404 talents, 88 li- " fra.f, eioloQ 30,452 talents^ " 42 litras, Xolttov 4935 talents, "112 litras, and ^yjfxara da- " veL'Cö}Jieva 20,016 talents, 54 " litras (x^'Xta should be suppli- " ed)," therefore 56,404 talents 88 litras, are equal to 56,403 talents 208 litras, i. e., 1 talent, 88 litras. The well-known Epigram of Simonides, on the tripod of Gelon, also contains talents of more than 100 litras (fragm. 42. Gaisford.). CH. 11, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 227 CHAP. XI. § 1. Simplicity of the Law of Sparta. § 2. Spartan System of Judicature. § 3. Penal system of Sparta : fine, infamy, § 4. exile, and death. § 5. Origin of the laws respecting the penalty of death in the Doric states. § 6. Connexion of Locri with the Doric race. § 7. Laws of Zaleucus. 1. The law, as well as the economy, of the Dorians, seems to bear a character of very great antiquity, as far as our scanty means of information permit us to judge. It exhibits strong marks of the early time at which it originated, and it is impossible not to recognise in it a certain loftiness and severity of character. For this reason it was ill suited to the circumstances of the more unrestrained and active manners of later times, and only owed its continuance to the isolated situa- tion in which Sparta succeeded in keeping herself. Thus the civil law was less definite and settled here than in any other part of Greece in early times, as property was, according to the Spartan notions, to be looked upon as a matter of indifference ; in the de- crees and institutions attributed to Lycurgus, no men- tion was made of this point, and the ephors were permitted to judge according to their own notions of equity. The ancient legislators had an evident re- pugnance to any strict regulations on this subject ; thus Zaleucus, who, however, first made particular enactments concerning the right of property,^ ex- pressly interdicted certificates of debt.^ The laws of that early period had a much more personal tendency, and rather regulated the actions of every individual by means of the national customs. It was nearly in- ^ Strab. VI. p. 398. ^ Zenob. Prov. V. 4. q2 228 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. different whether those actions immediately concerned other persons or not ; the Avhole state was considered as injured and attacked when any individual did not comply with the oreneral principles. Hence the ancient courts of justice exercised a superintendence over the manners of the citizens, as, for instance, the Areopagus at Athens, and the Gerusia at Sparta : hence the extensive interference of the law with the most private relations, such, for example, as marriage. But the history of nations is a history of the progress of individual liberty ; among the Greeks of later times the laws necessarily lost this binding force, and ob- tained a negative character, by which they only so far restrained the actions of each individual, as was neces- sary for the co-existence of other members of the state. In Sparta, however, law and custom retained nearly equal power ; it will therefore be impossible to treat of them separately, and we must be satisfied with some observations upon the judicial system in Sparta and other Doric states. 2. The courts of justice in Sparta have already been spoken of in several places.^ The Gerusia de- cided all criminal causes, together with most others which affected the conduct of the citizens ; the other jurisdiction was divided among the magistrates ac- cording to the branches of their administration.*^ The ephors decided all disputes concerning money and property, as well as in accusations against respon- sible officers, provided they were not of a criminal nature ; the kings decided in causes of heiresses and adoptions, and the bidiaei in disputes arising at the gymnasia. Public offences, particularly of the kings Above, ch. 6. § 3, 7. ch. 7. As is also proposed by Plato § 3, 4. Le?. VI. p. 767. CH. 11, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 229 and other authorities, were decided by a supreme court of judicature/ The popular assembly had probably no judicial functions ; disputes concerning the succes- sion to the throne were referred to it only after inef- fectual attempts to settle them, and it then passed a decree.* The assembly took the case of those who fled from their ranks at the battle of Leuctra out of the hands of the regular court, by nominating an extra- ordinary nomothetes for the occasion, and afterwards confirming his proposal/ It does not appear that the practice of ostracism was known in the Doric states before the destruction of the early constitution.^ Arbitrators were also employed at Sparta for the de- cision of private cases, as in the Homeric time but whether they were publicly appointed, as in Athens, is not known. At Sparta, as well as at Athens, the parties inter- ested were, of course, entitled to accuse in private causes ; and in criminal cases the next of kin ; it cannot however be supposed that in Sparta, as in Athens, every citizen of the state was empowered to institute a public action ; as a regulation of this kind ® According to Plutarch de 200. — Of the courts of justice Socrat. Dsem. 33. p. 365. the at Argos, we only know of that gerontes fined Lysanoridas (see upon the Pron(Diniasap. Schol. above, ch. 10. § 11.), but it was Eurip. Orest. 869, from which probably the supreme court of Scholia it is also seen, that the public magistrates. place of the public assembly, ^ See above, ch. 5. § 8. p. aXiMag, whence i]Xiata, was in 104. note ^ the neighbourhood ; see above, Ö Plut, Ages. 30. ch. 5. § 9.), which was perhaps See above, ch. 9. § 1. 7. 10. similar to the Aeropagus of But in Crete, and perhaps in Athens, together with the court ^gina (.-Eginetica, p. 133.), h Xapa^pco without the city, there were similar oligarchical before which generals after their institutions. return were arraigned (Thuc. ' Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. V. 60.). 230 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. appears too inseparably connected with democracy. Private individuals vrere therefore only permitted to lay an information before a magistrate, which was also allowed to the Helots ;^ the action being conducted, as we find to have been so frequently the case with the ephors, by some public officer. In the judicial procedure of Sparta, it is probable that much of the ancient Grecian simplicity remained, which Aristotle for example remarks in the criminal proceedings of the ^olic Cume, where in trials for murder witnesses from the family of the murdered person were sufficient to prove the offence.^ In the ancient laws of Rhada- manthus, disputes were generally decided in a very summary manner by oath,"" and the legislation of Charondas for the Chalcidean colonies was the first that instituted inquiries concerning false testimony." The laws by which the decisions were regulated were supposed to live in the breasts of the magistrates themselves ; nor was there any written law during the flourishing times of Sparta. The interpreters of the laws of Lycurgus, who occur at a late period,"" appear to imply the existence of a written code, if they are compared with the Syracusan interpreters of the code of Diodes ;p yet it is possible that they may have merely given answers from an innate knowledge of ^ Thuc. I. 132. praises the yofiojv evra^la of his ^ Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This countrymen, may be compared with the Cu- Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948. maean law, that the neighbours ^' Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. of a person who had been robbed ° 'E^Tyyr/rj)^ rwv AvKovpyelojv, should replace the stolen pro- in a late inscription, Boeckh perty (Heraclid. Pont. II. comp. N°. 1364. Hesiod. Op. et Di. 348. and see p See above, ch. 9. § 1. and strabo. XIIT. p. 622.). Yet Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 1 11. Ephorus (ap. Steph. in ßoiwria) CIL 11, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 231 tlie traditional law, like the i^r}yr}Toä rwu Trarplcov at Athens.*! Thus also it was allowed to the judges to impose punishments according to their own pleasure ; the laws of Sparta contained no special enactments on this point, which were first added by Zaleucus to his code/ 3. Among the various punishments which occur, fines levied on property would appear ridiculous in any other state than Sparta on account of their ex- treme lowness. Perseus in his treatise on the La- cedeemonian government, says, that "the judge im- " mediately condemns the rich man to the loss of a " dessert (sTraixTiov); the poor he orders to bring a " reed, or a rush, or laurel-leaves for the public ban- " quet." Nicoclesthe Lacedeemonian says, upon the same subject, " when the ephor has heard all the " witnesses, he either acquits the defendant or con- " demns him : and the successful plaintiff slightly " fines him in a cake, or some laurel-leaves," which were used to give a relish to the cakes/ From this it is evident that actions were heard before the ephors, and probably in private cases, in which the plaintiff assessed the fine (^aycovsg ri^jL-firoi^. Large fines of money in early times only occur as being paid by the kings, but afterwards by generals, harmosts, &c/ The defendant was frequently condemned to leave the country/ It is hardly possible that a complete confis- cation of property, extending to land^ could have been *i Meier de bonis damnatis, * Above, ch. 10. §11. See preef. p. 7. Meier p. 198. ^" Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp. For example Thimbron, as Heyne Opuscula II. p. 31. appears from Xen. Hell. III. ' Ap. Atben. IV. p. 140 E. 1. 8. 141 A. 232 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. permitted in Sparta/ although it is mentioned in Argos and Phlius. Imprisonment was never em- ployed in Sparta as a penalty for a free citizen, but only as a means of preventing the escape of an accused person. Corporal punishment preceded, as in the case of Cinadon, the infliction of death ; but vras not a separate penalty.^ On the other hand, infamy (arijoi/a) was the more frequently used as a punishment, from the deep impression which it made on the mind of a Spartan.^ The highest degree of this infamy, as it appears, fell upon the coward, who either left the ranks and fled from battle, or returned without the rest of the army, as Aristodemus from Thermo- pylse.* A person thus excommunicated could fill no public office ; had the lowest place in the choruses ; in the game of ball neither party would have him on their side ; he could find no competitor in the gym- nasia, no companion of his tent in the field. The flame of his hearth was extinguished, as he was unable to obtain fire from any person. He was compelled to maintain his daughters at home, or, if unmarried, to live in an empty house, since no one would contract any alliance with him. In the street ^ Concerning the account in Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above, p. 123. note*, comp. Meier p. 199. y According to Polysenus II. 21. defendants were heard in chains at Sparta, a statement which is not true in a general sense. ^ Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134 B sqq. ^ Concerning the arifxia of this person, see Herod. VII. 231. Plut. Ages. ,30. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by the KaKOQ chiefly means the rpecrag. According to Tzetzes Chil. XII. 386. piipaaTTideg were put to death. The assertion of Ly- curgus in Leocrat. p. 166. 13. that in Sparta all persons firj QiXovTEQ virep rrjg TrarpiöOQ klvIv- veveiv might be executed, is ambiguous, since the law to which he refers is lost. CH. 11, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 233 lie yielded to every one the way, and gave up his seat to an inferior in age; his lost honour was at first sight evident to every one from his ragged cloak, and his half slavery, from his half- shorn head. Hence many persons have asked, what merit it was in a Spartan if he preferred death to flight, since a punish- ment far worse than death awaited the coward ? It is indeed true, that the merit of each individual Spartan was less if he preferred dying at his post to saving himself by flight, than if public opinion had not affixed so severe a penalty to the offence of the cowardly soldier. But this argument would be equally good against all public laws and ordinances, and even against the expression of national feelings and opinion. For the looser the bond of social union, and the more anarchical the condition of any state, the greater is the individual merit of any citizen who nevertheless observes the rules of morality and justice, and the praise of virtue is more considered as his particular due. Whereas, when each citizen listens to the voice of public opinion, and feels himself, as it were, bound to support the national power, a large part of the merit of individual excellence is taken away from the individual, and bestowed on the public institutions. A less severe description of infamy was the lot of prisoners taken in war, who were not subject to the imputation of cowardice, as, for instance, the captives at Sphacteria. They were not allowed to fill any public office, and were deprived of the privilege of buying and selling. The other degrading restric- tions were not, however, enforced, and the time of the punishment was limited.^ ^ Thuc. V. 34. 234 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. Among this class of punishments may he included the penalty of the unmarried, who were deprived of the customary honours of old age. Young men were also punished for various offences, by being compelled to sing defamatory songs against themselves, a custom corresponding with the inclination of the Doric race to mirth and merriment, under which a very serious character was frequently concealed. In the code of Charondas, public ridicule was also assigned as the penalty of the adulterer and busybody (TroXuTr^ay- f^cov),'' and that for sycophants and cowards was of a similar character.*^ 4. Banishment was probably never a regular pu- nishment in Sparta, for the law could hardly have compelled a person to do that which, if he had don it voluntarily, would have been punished with death.^ Murderers, particularly if their crime Avas unpre- meditated, were sometimes forced to fly the country ;^ but this cannot be considered as a case in point, for the flight only took place for the purpose of avoiding the revenge of relations. On the other hand, banish- ment exempted a person from the most severe punish- ments,^ and, according to the principles of the Greeks, ^ Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 139; ment ; yet in this passage also Heyne, Opuscula, vol. XL p. 94. banishment may be considered •^Diod. XII. 12. as a means of escaping from ^ Plut. Ag. 1 1 . The meaning the penalty of death before the of yElian V. H. III. 12. probably final passing of the sentence; is, that a person convicted of the for Aristotle's only purpose is offence in question would be to show that the decision of a punished with death, if he did few persons could deprive a not voluntarily quit the country, citizen of life, or force him to (See B. IV. ch. 4. § 8.) Aris- quit the country. • Concerning totle, Pol. IV. 8., indeed says, the power of the ephors to ba- that the Spartan constitution nish, see above, ch. 1. § 4. was oligarchical, because a few For example, the boy in persons had, as judges, the power Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. of inflicting death or banish- ^ The polemarchs, who, ac- CH. 11. §4. OF THE DORIANS. 235 preserved him from every persecution ; so that even a person w^ho was declared an outlaw by the Amphic- tyons was thought secure when out of the country.^* There is no instance in the history of Sparta of any individual being banished for political reasons, so long as the ancient constitution continued. The punishment of death was inflicted either by strangulation in a room of the public prison called Asxag^^ or by throwing the criminal into the Cj3eadas, a ceremony which was always performed by night It was also in ancient times the law of Athens, that no execution should take place in the day-time,^ So also the senate of the ^olic Cume (whose antiquated institutions have been already mentioned) decided criminal cases during the night, and voted with co- vered balls,"" nearly in the same manner as the kings of the people of Atlantis, in the Critias of Plato." These must not be considered as oligarchical con- trivances !for the undisturbed execution of severe sentences, but are to be attributed to the dread of pronouncing and putting into execution the sentence of death, and to an unwillingness to bring the terrors of that penalty before the eye of day. A similar cording to Thucyd. V. 72, fled ^ Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth on account of disobedience in the name of the public prison battle, and cowardice (lo^avreQ was Kwc, Steph. Byz. fxaXaKiadrivai), probably saved ^ Herod. IV. 146. Valer. themselves from death: comp. Max. VI. 6. Plut. Pericl. 22. Moreover, ^ Plat. Phged. 1 16. Olympio- Clearchus, the leader of the dorus ad loc. mercenaries under Cyrus the ™ Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The pro- Younger, was only an exile in hibition at Rhodes, that the ^rj- this manner. He had been dis- fioaiog should not enter the city, obedient to the ephors at a mili- rests on a similar principle, Dio tary post, and on that account Chrysost. Or. 31. p. 632 Reisk, condemned to death. See Xe- See Wessel, ad. Diod. I. p. 624. noph. Anab. I. 1. 9. II. 6. 4. Aristid. II. 44. 5. Herod. VII. 213. » P. 120 (171 Bekker.). 236 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. repugnance is expressed in the practice of the Spartan Gerusia, which never passed sentence of death without several days' deliberation, nor ever without the most conclusive testimony ; the person who was acquitted could however be always subjected to a fresh examina- tion.° Notwithstanding this horror of shedding blood, the punishments in the early Greek states were more severe than under the Athenian republic. The orator Lycurgus ^ ascribes to the ancient legislators in ge- neral the principle of the law^s of Draco, to punish all actions with the same severity, whether the evil which they caused was great or small. This severity partly owed its origin to a supposition that the public rights were injured, and not the property or the peace of an individual. Thus the ancient law of Tenedos (which, together w^ith the worship of Apollo there established, appears to have been derived from Crete) punished adulterers by decapitation with an axe the same offence was punished, according to the code of Zaleucus, by the loss of an eye,'" and in Sparta it was guarded against by laws of extreme severity.^ ° Plut. Lac. Apophth.p. 197. decapitation. The very strict See Thuc. 1. 132. sumptuary and disciplinarian P In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65. laws of Ceosw ere, in my opi- ed. Bekker.) nion, of Cretan origin, and cer- ^ Heracl. Pont. 7. Miscell. tainly not of Ionic. See Mgi- Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392. netica, p. 132., and Jacobs ad de Tenedia securi. Compare Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p. Meineke ad Menand. p. 70. 449. Meineke ad Menand. See also the story in Nicolaus Fragm. 135. p. 237- The ex- Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales, istence of Cretan institutions in (Comp, book II. ch. 2. § 3.) the islands of the ^Egsean is and the account of the punish- made probable by the report ment of the iioi^oq at Gortyna that Rhadamanthus was legis- in MYmii. V. H. XII. 12. Also lator of the islanders, Apollod. the strange account of a Cretan III. 1, 2. festival in Plutarch de Defect. ^ yElian. V. H. XIII. 24. Orac. 13. proves that rape was Valer. Max. V. 5. 3. in that island once punished by ^ See Book IV. ch. 4. § 3. CH. 11, §5. OF THE DORIANS. 237 5. The laws respecting the penalty of death, which prevailed in the Grecian, and especially in the Doric states, were derived from Delphi. They were entirely founded upon the ancient rite of expiation, by which a limit was first set to the fury of revenge, and a fixed mode of procedure in such cases established/ Any person killing another without premeditation in the gymnastic contests and public battles was, according to the law which (as Plato states)" came from Delphi, immediately released from all guilt, when he had been purified : it is however probable, that much of what the philosopher recommends in other cases was derived from the institutions of Draco, as well as from the Delphian laws, which were actually administered in the latter state by the Pythian court of justice/ To what extent reconciliation with kinsmen by the pay- ment of a fine was permitted, and in what cases the punishment of death was made compulsory, cannot be ascertained. The Delphian court having unjustly condemned ^sop to death, sentenced itself to the pay- ment of a fine, and discovered some descendants or kinsmen of their victim, to whom the money was paid.^ The Delphian institutions were doubtless connected with those of Crete, where Rhadamanthus was reported and compare the degrading pu- of Tenedos (B. II. ch. 8. § 17) nishments for adultery at Curae, appears likewise to be not so Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. p. 378. and at much a weapon as an instru- Lepreum, Heracl. Pont. 14. ment of punishment. The account of the punishment * See book II. ch. 8. § 5. for adultery at Tenedos may in- ^Leg. IX. p. 865. The Scho- deed be a mere fiction, in order liast also quotes an oracle (p. to explain the symbol on the 235 Ruhnk. p. 454 Bekk.), Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall which however Plato cannot in the Philological Museum, allude to in particular, vol. I. p. 118j ; yet the parallel ^Book II. ch. 1. § 8. cases in the text give it a cer- ^ Herod. II. 134. Plut. de tain degree of credibility. The sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244. axe in the hands of the Apollo 238 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. by ancient tradition to have first established courts of justice, and a system of law/ the larger and more important part of which, in early times, is always the criminal law. Now as Rhadamanthus is said to have made exact retaliation the fundamental principle of his code,^ it cannot be doubted, after what has been said in the second book on the connexion of the worship of Apollo and its expiatory rites with Crete, that in this island the harshness of that principle was early softened by religious ceremonies, in which victims and libations took the place of the punishment which should have fallen on the head of the offender himself. 6. In the present chapter we have frequently had occasion to mention the laws of Zaleucus (the earliest written code which existed in Greece),^ actuated by a belief that they were of Doric origin. The Epize- phyrian Locrians, amongst whom these laws were in force, Avere indeed for the most part descendants of the Ozolian and Opuntian Locrians."" Aristotle describes them as a collected rabble, in the true spirit of a mytho- logist, carrying to the extreme the opposition between recent regularity and early anarchy. These Locrians, however, at the very first establishment of their city, received the Doric customs, Syracusans from Corinth having contributed largely to its foundation,*^ besides ^ ra TTspl rar cUag, Plato de Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos, p. Leg. 1. p. 625. 167. ^ See Aristot. Eth. Nic.V. 5.3. ^ From these was derived the ^ Strabo VI. p. 397 D. Seym- Minerva, together with Pega- nus V. 313. Both follow Epho- sus (this goddess is also said to rus. have given the laws to Zaleucus, Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. see particularly Clem. Alex, p. 46. The descent from the Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the latter is also confirmed by the Proserpine upon their coins ; tradition concerning the expi- see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Cor- atory virgins for the crime of cyraean colony is very doubtful ; Ajax the son of Oileus. See see Heyne, p. 52. CH. 11, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 239 which the Spartans are said to have colonized Locri during the first Messenian war. Although the time may be doubtful, it is an additional confirmation of the fact, that in an ancient wslv with the inhabitants of Croton, the Locrians applied for assistance to the Spartans, who promised them the assistance of their gods of war, the Tyndaridee. Locri was therefore considered a Doric state, a character which was like- ^^ise preserved in its dialect. The constitution was also an oligarchy,^ in the hands apparently of a number of Doric and Locrian families. \^^e find in this state, as well as in its mother-city Opus, the hundred families who, by virtue of their nobility, enjoyed a large share in the government/ But that the aristocracy was united with a timocracy appears to me to be proved by the senate of a thousand ; which, under the presidency of the cosmopolis, constituted a supreme court of jus- tice,° and appears to have been formed in the manner stated, if we may judge from the analogy of the senates of Rhegium and Agrigentum : which argument seems to have the greater weight, as such numerous councils of an aristocratic character do not appear to have existed in Greece, and they were evidently not demo- cratic. 7. Now with regard to the laws themselves which Zaleucus gave to this state about the 29th Olympiad,^ the testimony of Ephorus deserves particular attention, that they were founded upon the institutions of Crete, « Aristot. Pol. V. 6, 7. § Polyb. XII. 16. Concern- ^ See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et ing the courts of justice, see sup. Heyne p. 53. Boeckh. ad Diod. XII. 20. Stobeeus Serm. Pind. Olymp. IX. 15. That 42. p. 240. the family of Ajax was one of ^ According to Eusebius. them maybe seen by comparing Comp. Bentley's Phalaris, p. Seryius ad ^n. I. 41. with Po- 340. lybius. 240 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book hi. Sparta, and the Areopagus, and upon those of the latter in criminal law.' For this reason Zaleucus is brought into connexion with Thaletas, the expiatory priest of Crete, and the spirit of his laws suited the Pythagoreans (who proceeded upon the same Doric usages and maxims), and in later days Pindar^ and Plato/ The prohibition to all citizens to leave their country, and to dwell in foreign states,™ is of genuine Doric, and therefore Spartan character an institution which forms the other side of the Xenelasia. Of the same nature also is the firmness with which the legis- lation was maintained, and every change guarded against f they laboured to resist in every manner the Ionic spirit of innovation ; and if understood with a slight allowance, it may be true that every person arriving at Locri was punished, who inquired after novelties.^ In the same spirit are the measures adopted for securing as far as possible the inalienability of landed property The same character is shown in the strict sumptuary laws,'' and the superintendence of public morals exercised by the nomophylaces, who were, for example, empowered to admonish and to punish slanderers.^ A certain progress is, however, i Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260. " Heyne p. 30. Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed p Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138. Marx. Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII.— X. ^ Olymp. X. 17. 14. 2. 1 Timseus, p. 20. i Above, cb. 10. § 5. "^Ap. Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280. ^ For example, the prohibi- ^ See above, §. 4. The same tion to drink pure wine, ^lian. law (pcenaque mors posiia est V. H. II. 37. See book II. ch. patriam mutare volenti) is men- 12. § 5. tioned by Ovid Metam. XV. 29. Stobseus uhi sup. See in the story of the founding of above, ch. 7. § 8. 11. Cic. de Croton ; the place appears from Leg. III. 20. Greed hoc dili- V. 19. to be Argos, but perhaps gentius (quam Romani), apud only by a misunderstanding ; quos Nomophylaces creantur., originally I believe it was Sparta, neque hi solum litteras — sed CH. 11, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 241 shown in the rude attempts at a law of property, and a more accurate assignment of punishments.* It is remarkable that both Zaleucus and Charondas annexed a sort of recommendation to particular laws whereas nothing can be a greater proof of the total failure of a system of laws, than when an endeavour is made to demonstrate the expediency of arrangements, the truth and necessity of which should be self-evident. This statement must not, however, be thus understood : the meaning is, that all the laws were by a short intro- duction referred to some general principle ; such, for example, as "In order not to offend the gods of " the families." " In order that the state may " be well administered, and according to the laws of " our fathers." "Trusting that it will be salutary to the people," (T^aiiov xa) ä[M£ivov, as the Delphic oracle says on some occasion''), &c. ; which seem to me to be rather ancient formulas, suited to the simpli- city of the time, and inserted from a vague religious feeling, than intended logically to establish, to the satisfaction of the people, the wisdom and expediency of the new laws. etiam facta hominum observa- ^ This is the only way in bant ad legesque revocabant. which Cic. de Leg. II. 6, can The same is stated by Colu- be understood, mella de Re Rust. XII. 3. See above, p. 15. note ^. * See above, §1,3. VOL. II. R 242 POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS book tit. CHAP. XII. § 1 . Study of the military profession at Sparta. Period of service. § 2. Arrangement of the army. Numbers of the military divisions. § 3. Arrangement of the enomoty and military evolutions. § 4. Arrangement of the Mora. § 5. Organiza- tion of the Spartan army. Its officers. § 6. Cavalry in the other Doric states. The Sciritse in the Lacedaemonian army. Light-armed soldiers. § 7. Arms of the heavy infantry of Sparta. § 8. Spartan tactics. § 9. Steady courage of the Spartans. § 10. War considered as an art by the Spartans. Life of the Spartans in camp. 1. The military system of tlie Dorians, which we are now about to consider, was evidently brought to the greatest perfection in Sparta. In this state the military profession, as was hardly the case in any other .part of Greece, was followed as an art, as the study of a life ;^ so that when Agesilaus (as is related) sepa- rated the shoemakers, carpenters, potters, &c., from the assembled allied army, the Spartans alone re- mained, as being the warriors by profession (as Tz-zyiTCLi Tcov TToT^eixiKiDV^) . But the principles of tlieir military tactics were evidently common to the whole race ; and, according to a conjecture advanced in a former part of this work,"" it was chiefly the method of attack, in closed lines, with extended lances, by which the Dorians conquered the Achseans of Peloponnesus, and which was adopted from them by many other states of Greece. Every Spartan was, if he had sufficient strength, ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut. lysen. IT. 1 . 7. Pelop. 23. ' B. I. ch. 4. § 9. ^ See, besides, Plutarch, Po- CH. 12, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 243 bound to defend his country in expeditions without the boundaries during the years that were designated by the name rikixloL.^ This period lasted to the fortieth year from manhood (otcf)' ri^rig), that is to say, to the sixtieth year from birth f until that time a man was called s^ippoopog (from (ppovpa), and could not go out of the country without permission from the authorities/ Of these, the younger men were sometimes sent abroad ; but those of fifty-five and upwards, not till the state was in difficulty.^ The ephors stated in the name of the public assembly the years, until which the obligation to service in an individual case extended J' Upon the whole, the armies of Sparta must have con- tained many aged triarii : while in Athens the liability to foreign service generally terminated with the twenty- third year of manhood ; which was computed from the eighteenth year.' But Sparta reckoned upon a healthy and strong old age ; the time for deliberative sagacity does not begin till the age for fighting has ended. The allied army of the Argives, Arcadians, and Athenians was, in 418 B. C, met by an army composed of all the Spartans^ (that is, all the s^/ cip^air] t(Öp ywatKiLv >/ avTYi "j)^ A(i)pida KaXeo- fxev, Herod. V. 88. Compare Eustath. ad II. V. 567. ^gine- tica, p. 72. ^ Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der Cassandra, p. 60. ^ Thus Herodotus V. 87. mentions the l^ana of Doric CH. 2, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 275 rectly, as appears from works of art ; and the latter word was used metaphorically, from the resemblance of the himation to the linen chiton of the lonians. This garment of woollen stuff was without sleeves, and fastened over both shoulders by clasps (wopTrai, TTspomt), which were often of considerable size;"" while the Ionic women wore sleeves of greater or less length.'' This chiton was only joined together on one side, while on the other it was left partly open or slit up ((T^ia-Tog ^Irayu"^) ; probably it could be fastened with clasps, or opened wider, so as to admit a freer motion of the limbs, so that the two skirts (Trri^oysg) flew open ; whence Ibycus called the Spartan women (poLivo^ripl^sg.'^ This garment was also worn without a girdle ; when it hung down to the calves of the legs.' women as corresponding to the Ionic xtT^wJ^ec: and the different Scholiasts to Eurip. Hec. 933. call the Doric virgins some- times iJLopoxtT(i)veg, sometimes cfyiToyvEQ (the Fragment of Ana- creon, p. 404. ed. Fischer. EKhvaa yjLTiöva ^wpia^eiv is too mutilated to prove any thing). See also Horus ap. Etymol. Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides ^lius Dionysius (who likewise states that the use of the •yinov was peculiar to the Dorians), follows Eustathius ad II. XIV. 975. Compare also Hesychius in .^wpm^fetv, and the Sophista Anonymus in Orelli's Op. Mor. II. p. 214. Euripides (An- drem. 599. and Hec. ubi sup.) calls the Doric dress inaccu- rately 7r£7rXoc , compare Hedy- lus in the Palatine Anthology VI. 292. Plutarch Oleomen. 38. " Herod, and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. where ennropTrlQ appears to be the tongue of the clasp. ° Uepopai, or clasps, were also used in the Ionic female dress, in order to close the slit-up sleeve, .^lian V. H. I. 18. P Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros, pp. 241, 242. ^ Pollux, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there quoted : Kal tclv vioprov, dc et acTToXog yiTOJv Qvpaiov a/LKpl ßtj- pov TTTvaaeraty 'Ep/j-iopar. Eu- rip. Androm. 599. yv^volat fir]polQ Koi TtiirXoLQ avei^EvoiQ. Compare Duris in Schol. Eu- rip. Hec. at yvvaiKeg ißpv a(6v ralg Aojpiaig (xroXaig. This writer also entertains the erro- neous notion that the Athenian women wore short hair and the Doric dress, at the same time that the men wore long hair and the Ionic dress. ^ See Schol. Eurip. ubi sup, Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed. Bentl.) says of a Lacedaemo- T 2 276 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. This is generally the dress with which the goddesses Victory and Iris are represented in works of art, the latter particularly among the statues from the pedi- ment of the Parthenon, in which rapid motion is indi- cated by the chiton being thrown from the feet and ancles on the left side ; and in the same chiton, though with more ample folds, is the dress of Athene in many statues of the more finished and perfect style of the art : and Artenis, the huntress, in the Doric chiton, girt up for the purpose of rapid mo- tion. In one of these different fashions, according to her object and business, the virgin of Sparta, generally without the himation,^ wore a single garment, and appeared even in the company of men without any fur- ther covering. Thus Periander the Corinthian* was seized with love for the beautiful iNIelissa at Epidaurus, when he saw her dressed, after the Peloponnesian manner, in her chiton, without any upper garment, as she was giving out wine to the labourers."" In this nian virgin, eaKev or a^ojarog * That the Corinthian cos- XaTepcTTopTTog en. "A^ojcttol kuI tume was at that time different axlrajvEQ, according to Schol. from the original Doric dress, Eurip. and Eustathius p. 975. I have already remarked (^Egi- 38 ; without girdles also ac- netica, p. 64, note from this cording to Pausanias ibid. p. fact, and from Herod. V. 87. 975. 40. and Suidas in Miopia- The Syracusan e/n/repdvayua had ^eiy. perhaps originated from the ^ MovoTTtTrXoc, Awplg ojg /copa, clasped X'"^^ Dorians, Eurip. Hec. 928. Doris nullo Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. com- culia palliolo^ Juvenal III. 94. pare Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I. It is to this that the charge of p. 36, but it was drawn over the nakedness, mentioned p. 273, in There was also a Co- note^, and p. 277, in note ^, re- rinthian female dress called fers. Also in Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17. TrapaTrrjxv, Athen. XIII. p. 582. the Spartan virgins are distin- ^ Pythaenetus ap. Athen, guished, as being novoxtrojveg, XIII. p. 589. Compare The- from the married women in ognis v. 1002, where the Ad- IfxcLTLa. Kaiva koot) brings crowns for CH. 2, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 277 costume the Doric virgins might be seen dancing at their places of exercise and in the chorus.'' The mar- ried women, however, never appeared without an upper garment ; which probably w^as not essentially different from the himation of the men : thus, for example, the wife of Phocion, who lived in the Doric manner, according to the account of Plutarch, often went out in the himation of her husband. 4. This leads us to consider the costume of the men, the chief parts of which we will describe gene- rally, before we speak of them in detail. These then are, first, the chiton, a woollen shirt without sleeves, worn by all the Greeks and Italians, the only dress of boys since it was not till after the increase of luxury in Athens that they began to dress young boys in the himation.^ Secondly, the himation, called in Homer p^XaTva,^ a square piece of cloth, sometimes rounded off at the corners, which was commonly thrown over the left, and behind under the right arm, and the end was again brought back over the left shoulder.^ Thirdly, the chlamys (0£TTaX/;ca Trrspa), of Mace- donian and Thessalian origin,'' an oblong piece of the guests. So also the Doric Greeks of Sicily substituted a TrapQevoQ (j)LaXr](p6pog in the place of the ttolq, Polyb. XII. 5. 7. ^ Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. rag KopuQ yvf.irag re Trofiireveiy kui Trpog iepo~Lg tktip op^^eladat kciI ^deip. Compare Lac. Apoph- thegm, p. 223. and Hesychius in CMpia^sLr. y Plutarch. Lycurg. 16 ; and concerning the custom of Phi- galeia, see Athen. IV. p. 248. sq. ^ Aristoph. Nub. 986. The same is in Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 2. 1. ^ Aristoph. Av. 493. 49. where j(Xa7va and t^artov are used as synonymous. But that the ^(XaTj'a and rplßojy were dif- ferent kinds of the IjiarLOv is shown by the same poet, Vesp. 1132 ; yXalva ifxarLov rerpa- yojvov, according to Didymus. ^ In Riad X. 133. the x^a*»^« is however laid double, and fast- ened with a clasp (over the shoulder). ^ Pollux VII. 13. 46. X. 27. 124 ; and compare Hemster- 278 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. cloth, of which the two lower ends came forward, and were fastened with a clasp upon the right shoulder ; so that it left that arm free. This latter dress is never mentioned in the poems of Homer. Sappho was the first among the Greek poets who spoke of it.*^ It was not therefore till after her time that its use was ex- tended over Greece Proper, first as the dress of horse- men, and young men in general, and then as a military cloak ; under which character it was introduced into Sparta. The earliest painted vases, however, always represent the warriors in the himation, which is com- monly without folds, and drawn close to the body.^ Thucydides^ says of the Laced semonians, that " they " were the first to adopt a simpler mode of dress : ' a statement which is founded on a peculiar notion of this historian, that the loose linen garments, which were still worn by old-fashioned people at Athens in the time of Aristophanes, w^ere the original Greek dress ; whereas we know with tolerable certainty' that this dress was brought over to Athens by the lonians of Asia.^ The Athenians again laid this aside at the time of the Peloponnesian war, and returned to the thin clothing of the ancient Greeks ; with the excep- tion of the women, Avho had formerly at Athens worn the Doric costume, but now retained the Ionic dress with long sleeves, wide folds, and trailing hem, which was generally of linen. Thucydides, however, is so huis's note, Diogenianus Prov. note of the third book ; and Ju- V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14. venal Sat. YIII. 101. Lexicograph. ^ See Tischbein I. 29. and ^ According to Pollux and Vases de Coghill I. planche 36. Ammonius. Fragm. 68, 69. ^ I. 6. Compare Dionys. Ha- pp. 82, 83. ed. AVolf. lie. in Thucvd. 9. ^ See Aristoph. Lysist. 988. ^ MinervcB Poliadis Mdes, where it is the dress of the en- p. 41. voys, as the (powiKt^ in the last CH. 2, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 279 far right, that the Lacedsemonians were distinguished among all the Greeks for their scanty and simple clothing: thus the Lacedaemonian habit/ the r^/ßcov,'' was of thick cloth and small size/ which the youths™ of Sparta Avere bound by custom to wear the whole year through without any other clothes and to which older men (for example, those Athenians who aped the Lacedaemonian manners) sometimes voluntarily submitted. 5. As at Athens the style of dress indicated the rank and station of the wearer, so also the Doric manners were clearly expressed in the arrangement of the clothes. Thus, for example, it was gene- rally recognised in Greece that holding the arms within the cloak was a sign of modesty ;° and hence the Spartan youths, like the Roman in the first year of their manhood, appeared always in the street with both hands under their cloak and their eyes cast down, " resembling statues," says Xenophon,^ " in " their silence, and in the immoveability of their eyes, ^ Also called hano(l>avY\Q by the Lacedsemonians, because it was worn in public. ^ See Meursius Miscall. La- con. I. 15. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 197. The rpißüjy could (as well as the XA-atj^a, p. 277, note be worn double, and be fastened with a clasp, Polyaen. IV. 4. This more becoming variety of the IficLTiov, the x;Xa7m, was also worn at Sparta ; see Theopom- pus the comic poet in Pollux X. 27. 124. 'Mojfiihg (jiavXat of the Lacedaemonians in .^Elian V.H.IX. 34. 1 Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot. Eth. Nie. IV. 7. 15. with Aspa- sius and the Paris Scholiast, p. 156. ed. Zell. Compare the KprjTiKoy ifiarihiov in Hesy- chius. From the 12th year up- wards, Plutarch Lycurg. 16. ^ Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 4. Justin III. 3. Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. Pont. 3, Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483. ° Hence the Attic orators, in early times at least, never showed their left hand, Taylor ad ^Eschin. in Timarch. p. 59. ^' De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted by Longinus Trfpi v-Jjovq IV. i. p. 114. 280 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv " and more modest than virgins in the bridal chamber." In the same manner the youths of lower Italy, in which there were many Doric cities, are frequently represented on vases, with the arms folded under the cloak, which is indicated by the large fold across the breast.*^ In other respects equality' and simplicity were the prevailing rule. Manufacturers of ointment were excluded from Sparta, as being corrupters of oil : dyers, because they deprived the wool of its beautiful white colour.^ " Deceitful are ointments, and deceit- " ful are dyes," is the Spartan expression for this idea.* Even in the cities which had early departed from the Doric customs, there were frequent and strict prohibitions against expensiveness of female attire, prostitutes alone being wisely excepted."" As in Sparta the beard was considered as the ornament of a man,'' and as a sign of freedom (to which the symbo- See Boettiger's opinions on pos. III. i, 2. p. 109. de Herod, this subject, Raub der Cassan- Malign. 28. p. 312. ; but the ex- dra, pp. 74 sqq. Archäologie pression has a genuine Spartan der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasen- character, gem'alde I. 2. p. 37. and Uh- ^ A law of Diodes, according den's Letter, II. p. 65. to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. ^ 'IfTodiaiTOL, Thucyd. I. 6 p. 521 B. for Zaleucus see Justin. III. 3- Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. ® Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. p. 33. for Sparta, Heraclid. Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. Seneca Quaest. Nat. IV. 13. 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf. ^lian. This ancient notion may also V. H. XIV. 7. be traced in the use of the ^ Plato Comicus ap. A spas words (jjOetpeiy, fxiaiveLv, to cor- ad Aristot. Eth. Nie. IV. 7. rapt, for to dye or to colour. 15. (see Person's Tracts, p. * AoXtpd fJLEv ra eijjLara, 232). yaipoiQ, olfiai, jitraTTET- Xepa ^£ ra XP^'/^ct7-a, Clem. Alex, revaag avrov ^LatALfiadaaQ re, Strom. I. p. 294 Sylburg. He- roV vTrrjvoßtov, a-KapTioyairrjv^ rodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes pvTronoy^vXoy^ eXi<£rpißu)va. eX- the same saying of an Ethio- kovteq hir-rjvag, Aristoph. Lys. pian king, comp. Plutarch. 1072. Compare the statue of Qusest. Rom. 26, p. 327. Sym- Lysander in Plut, Lys. i. cii. 2, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 281 lical edict of the ephors to shave the beard refers)/ so also at Byzantium and Rhodes shaving was prohibited by ancient, but constantly neglected, laws/' The cus- tom of carrying sticks (in Doric (rxuraT^ai) was common to the Spartans,*" with the Dorians of lower Italy.^ 6. The Doric customs w^ere not, however, hostile to the beauty of personal appearance ; but the beauty at which they aimed was of a severe kind, and remote from all feminine tenderness. The Spartan from his youth upwards"" preserved, in order to distinguish him from slaves and mechanics,"^ according to ancient usage,^ the hair of his head uncut,^ which indeed, if not properly arranged, might frequently give him a squalid appearance. It seems that both men and women tied the hair in a knot over the crown of the head ;^ y See above, p. 129, note ^ Wyttenbach ad Plutarch, de Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks that the Lacedaemonians also shaved their upper lip; but his, as well as Ruhnken's emenda- tion of Antiphanes ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. is very violent. Athen. XII. p. 565 C. *Aristoph. Av. 1283. Ec- cles. 14. Their use was only prohibited in the public assem- bly, Plutarch Lvcurg. ii. Herod. III. 137. Aristot. in 'I0afc. TToXiT. ap. Phot, in (TKVToKr]. See the paintings on vases. ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. ii.3. Plu- tarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously they were accustomed kv Ksipeoadai, cap. 16. which is sometimes also described as the general Spartan usage. Plu- tarch. Alcib. 23. de Discrim. Adul. et Am. 10. p. HO. * Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26. ^ The manner in which He- rodotus (1. 82.) accounts for this, is rendered doubtful by Plutarch. Lysand. i. cf. Ly- curg. 22. reg. Apophth. p. 124, 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 230. ^ginetica, p. 32, note °. In Crete the cosmi at least wore long hair, according to ancient custom. Seneca Controv. IV. 27. On the short hair of the Argives, see Herodotus and Plato Phaedon. p. 89. J. Tzet- zes Jamb. 161. * See '^xapTLoxaiTTjc in the verses cited above, p. 280, note ^. s Compare Aristoph. Lys. 1113. xapaTrvd^^ELP with Ho- race Od. II. II. incomptam Laccence More comam religata nodo, i. e., as Diana is gene- rally represented in works of 282 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. while, according to the Ionic custom, which in this respect resembled that of the barbarians, it was di- vided into locks, and connected over the forehead with golden clasps in the shape of grasshoppers.^ On their heads the Lacedaemonians wore hats with broad brims, which were sometimes also used in war, though probably only by the light-armed soldiers.' The man- ner in which they arranged and adorned their hair for battle was remarked above. ^ That most of the Doric states, and particularly the colonies, degenerated from this noble and beautiful simplicity, does not require to be proved. The splen- dour of Rhodes was proverbial, nor was any dress more effeminate than the transparent and loose robe of Tarentum ;^ and the Sicilian garments, which Ly - sander or Archidamus received as a present from Dionysius, he rejected as unfit for his daughters.™ art. That the women were not allowed to wear long hair {KOfxäv^ Heraclid. Pont. 2,), is a statement which must not be construed strictly. A lock of hair dedicated to the gods was called tepw/ia, according to the correction . of Hemsterhuis in Hesychius : but Toup is proba- bly correct in defending the common reading iepoßaror^ E- mend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 607. Spartans were' distinguished not merely by their mode of wear- ing the hair, but also by the shoes, Paus. VII. 14.2. Shoes for state occasion were the äjjLvKXaihg, and for common wear the cnrXcti AatcajyiKoi, above, p. 25, note Argive, Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) and Sicyonian sfißahc likewise occur (Lucian. Ret, Prase. 15. Lucretius IV. 1121 Eustath. ad Horn. p. 1302. 22. ed. Rom.). ^ See the passages collected by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. III. p. 273 sqq. Also Phocy- lides epfiara Xo^a Kopvfxßcjv and Nicol. Dam. p. 51 Orelli, of a Smyrnsean Ko/Jirjp Tpicfxiyv XP^'^^ (TrporpM Kei<:opviJißii)fiiprfv. i Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pol- lux. I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hip- pocrat. Meursius Miscell. Lac. 1.17. ^ B. Ill.ch. 12. § 10. 1 Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 36. 12. ™ Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apoph- th. p. 200, where Archida- mus the son of Agesilaus is meant, and afterwards too he CH. 2, §6. OF THE DORIANS. 283 Among the accompaniments of the toilette may be mentioned the baths ; with respect to which it may be remarked, that the Lacedsemonian custom only ad- mitted of two kinds ; viz., the cold daily baths in the Eurotas (which also formed a part of the regimen of king Agesilaus"), and from time to time a dry sudo- rific bath." But the weakening of the body by warm or tepid baths was strictly prohibited.^ CHAP. III. § 1. Syssitia of the Dorians and other Greek races. § 2. Simple fare of Sparta. § 3. Public tables of Sparta and Crete. § 4. Abandonment of the simple fare in some Doric colonies. 1 . With respect to the food and meals of the Do- rians, we will only mention those points which are connected with some historical or moral fact, since we have already considered this subject in connexion with the economy of the state. In the first place, the adherence of the Dorians to ancient Greek usages is visible in their custom of eating together, or of the syssitia. For these public is often confounded with the son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. X. 48. In later times, however, diacpavrj AaicojpiKa are mentioned as a luxurious dress, Dio Chry- sost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. ad Matth. Hom. vol. VII. p. 196. B. ed. Montfaucon. On the Argive dresses riißervog and KkecßivLKOQ see Pollux VII. 13. 61. and his commentators. The cKpaßpioixa was an old- fashioned gown of the Megarian women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. p. 383. " Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plu- tarch Alcib. 23. ° See particularly Martial Epigr. VI. 42. Casauboa ad Strab. III. p. 231. p. 663. ed. Friedemann. P This explains away the con- tradiction which Manso finds, vol. L2. p. 199. / 284 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. tables were not only in use among the Dorians (with whom, besides in Crete and Sparta, they also existed at Megara in the time of Theognis% and at Corinth in the time of Periander) ^, but they had also once been a national custom among the CEnotrians'' and their kinsmen the Arcadians, particularly at Phi- galia*^ ; and among the Greeks of Homer the princes at least eat together, and at the cost of the community ; a custom which was retained by the Prytanes at Athens, Rhodes, and elsewhere. In particular, the public tables of Sparta have in many points a great resemblance to the Homeric banquets (^aTrs^)^ ; only that all the Spartans were in a certain manner con- sidered as princes. The Spartans, however, so far departed from the ancient custom, that at the time of Alcman they lay^ at table ; while the Dorians of Crete always sat,^ like the heroes of Homer and the ^ V. 305. which passage 2. Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, would also apply to the syssitia vol. I. p. 287, has rightly re- of Sparta. marked that the description of ^ Who abolished them as an Harmodius refers only to the institution favourable to aristo- maintenance of two choruses in cracy, Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Phigalia. They were still in existence in ^ Book III. ch.6. § 9. the time of Archias, see vol. I. ^ But upon hard benches with- p. 129 note^. The avao-LTog of out cushions, in rohore. Cicero ^thiops, in the passage of pro Muraena 35. Athen. XII. p. Athen3sus, is evidently his re- 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plu- gular messmate. We may also tarch Lycurg. 18. Suidas in mention the drj/jLoaiai dotrai of (ptXiTLa et AvKovpyoc, Isidorus the Argives, at which the an- Orig. XX. 11. It was not till cient clay vessels (Herod. V. the reign of Areus and Acrota- 88.) were still used. Polemon tus, that soft and expensive ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 C. cf. p. cushions were used at the pub- 479 C. IV. p. 148 F. lie tables. Phylarchus ap. ^ Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3. Athen. IV. p. 142 A. ^ Harmodius on the laws of s Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro 148 F. comp, in general Plu- ap. Serv. ad^n. VII. 176. tarch Qusest. Sympos, II. 10. CH. 3, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 285 early Romans, according to the ancient European usage, which was entirely supplanted among the early Greeks by the oriental custom introduced hy the lonians. 2. With regard to the food, it is probable that in Sparta much had been retained from ancient usage, and that the rest had been from its first origin peculiar to the nation. The profession of cook at Sparta was, as we have already remarked, hereditary,^ and conse- quently they had no inducement to vie with one ano- ther in the delicacy and luxury of their dishes : they cooked the black broth, as their ancestors had done before them. It was likewise more difficult to make dishes of various ingredients, on account of the division of the different departments of cookery ; for instance, some cooks were only allowed to dress flesh, others to make broth,' &c. The bakers, whose trade also was hereditary, generally baked nothing but barley- bread (aXcpixa) ;^ wheaten bread was only eaten at the dessert of the public tables, when presented by liberal individuals.^ The latter kind of bread was originally scarce in Greece, whither it was introduced chiefly from Sicily ;™ in which country they had also a par- h B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign cooks were not tolerated at Sparta, as is particularly stated of Mithaecus byMaximus Tyrius VII.22. ed. Davies. i JElian. V. H. XIV. 7. There was a separate broth- maker (^(ojjLOTToioQ) for the king, Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214. ^ Heraclid. Pont. 2. who per- haps says too generally, -nirTEL airov ovldq (jrerTeLv is said of aproQ made of aXevpa as ixarreiv o{ fiäi^a made of aX^ira). Comp. Dicaearchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 A. Plutarch Alcib. 23. ^ Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Va- rieties of apTOQ were also eaten at the KOTTi^, Molpis ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. Hesychius in kottIc, ßitTKepot äp- TOL, and TrrjreiraL TrirvpiaL aprov. There was a Lacedaemonian kind of barley, Theophrast. Hist. Plant. VIII. 4. Siligo Lacedctm. Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4. B. II. ch. 10. § 4. 286 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. ticular kind of Doric wheaten bread, of coarser meal than was common elsewhere.'' The chief dish of meat at the public tables was the black broth {jj.s\ag ^(0^05);° also pork,^ the meat being subjected to stricter regulations than any other kind of food^ Poultry and game were generally eaten after dinner : beef, pork, and kid, vrere chiefly supplied by the sacrifices, which upon the whole were an exception to the Phi- ditia/ Their mode of drinking was also that of the ancient Greeks ; which, as far as I am aware, is only mentioned in Homer, Before each person was placed a cup, which was filled by the cup-bearer with mixed wine, when it had been emptied ; the wine was how- ever never passed round, and no person drank to another ; which were Lydian customs introduced by the lonians.^ Both in Sparta and Crete it was forbidden by law to drink to intoxication ;* and no persons were lighted home except old men of sixty." 3. But a still more beautiful feature in the Doric character is the friendly community of their public tables, founded upon the close union of the company ^ Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. SchoL Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077. ° Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8. P ^lian V. H. III. 31. ^ Dicsearchus ubi sup. A lit- tle pig was called by the Lace- daemonians opdayopia-KOQ, Athen, p. 140 B. see Hesychius in ßopdayopla-KOQ et ijfiiTvyia above p. 110. notey. ^ 'AcpidiToi rjfiipat, according to Hesychius. cf. in '^La^oiyifxöp. ^ See Critias the Athenian in Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. XI. p. 463 C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 172. In Crete however the whole table drank from one large goblet, Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 1860. 45. * Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from which passage it also follows that all the inhabitants of Laco- nia were prohibited from attend- ing drinking entertainments (crvjuTrocrta). The Dionysia at Sparta were also more serious than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. Athen. IV. p. 155 D. ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plu- tarch Lycurg. 12. CH. 3, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 287 of the tables (kraipla in Crete) f into which fresh members were admitted by unanimous election (by ballot) J Whether a preference was shown to kins- men is uncertain ; the syssitia indeed, as divisions of the state, were founded upon a supposed relationship, that is, the connexion of houses \^ but here we are speaking of smaller societies, consisting of about fifteen men. A company of this kind was a small state in itself, arranged upon aristocratical principles,^ although the equality was not interrupted by the pri- vileges of any individuals. The ties of this friendly union were however drawn still closer by the constant intercourse of giving and taking, which enriched the scanty meal with the more palatable after-meal (sTraiKXou) or dessert, which no one was permitted to purchase f from which the xo7r]g should be dis- tinguished, a sacrificial feast, which individuals fur- ^B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In Sparta the guests, as in the time of Homer, were called dca-v- /jLovec, Alcman ap. Strap. X. p. 482.fragm.37. ecl.Welcker. He- rod .YI. 57. and a Kpeohairrjg pre- sided at the raeal (above, p. 251, note ^- comp. Plutarch Qusest. Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux VI. 7. 34.), as a dmrpog m an- cient times ; each guest in Sparta having a certain portion or mess allotted to him. y See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. Ruhnken. p. 449. ed. Bekker. ^ B.IIL ch. 12. § 4. It is to this that Dionysius Hal. refers, when he says that the Phiditia made men ashamed to leave their comrades in the field of battle, with ivhom they had sacrificed and. made libations, Ant. Rom. IL 23. p. 283. ed. Reisk. Persseus ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 F. and see below, p. 288,' note^. ^ Plutarch Qusest. Sympos. VIL 9. p. 332. calls them in a certain sense ßovXEvrijpLa airop- pr)Ta Kal crvvedpia apLaroKparLKa^ and compares them with the Prytaneum and Thesmothesium of Athens. ^ B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The only ETcaLKXov eaten by boys was some dough of barley-meal baked in laurel leaves {Kajx- fiari^eg), and kneaded in oil (Hesychius in afXipLfxavTOpa, aiKpLTopoi) ; a cake of this kind was called /ca/z^a, and from its use TraXXi^tap, Meursius Misc. Lac. I. 12. 288 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. nishecl on stated occasions, and invited to it any friends whom they wished, and particularly the kings The phiditia were not, however, considered a scanty and disagreeable meal, until thrown in the shade by the refinements of modern luxury ; for they had originally been intended to increase the comforts of the partakers. The conversation, indeed, turned chiefly upon public affairs f but laughter and jocu- larity were not prohibited/ Every person was en- couraged to speak by the general confidence, and there were frequent songs, as Alcman says that " at " the banquets and drinking entertainments of the "men, it was fit for the guests to sing the psean."^ Nor was the appellation (psi^lna, that is, the spare, or scanty meals, of any antiquity, and the Spartans received it from abroad '} by whom, as well as in Crete, they were once called au^psia, or the meals of men/ For the men alone were admitted to them : the youths and boys ate in their own divisions, whilst the small children were allowed to eat at the public tables, and both in Crete and Sparta they sat on low stools near their fathers' chairs, and received a half share without any vegetables (aßoL^ßoLxsuG-ra).^ The ^ Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. Herod. "VI. 57. Perhaps Alc- man describes a kottIq in the following verses, KXlvcu fiev ETTTci KOL TocruL TpcLTreadaL Ma/cw- vidcov aprojv eTrifrrf^oTcat Aivio TE (xaaafxu) re kyiv iteki'yvaiQ Haide (TO- L ')(^pvaoK6\Xa, fragm. 17. ed. Welcker, ^ Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and above, p. 287, note^. Concern- ing Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup. ^ Critias ubi sup. Plutarch Lycurg. 12. S ^oivULQ t)E KoX EV OlCLffOl- GLV avdpeiojv irapa datrvfioPEaaL TrpETTEL Trataj/a Karap^eiv, fragm. 31. ed. Welcker. ^ It is very probable that this (pELdirta was a ludicrous distor- tion of an ancient Spartan name (piXtTia, i. e., " love-feasts." ^ Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 3. The word al/cXa is also used by Epicharmus for dEiTTrci' ^ Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143 CH. 3, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 289 women were never admitted to the syssitia of the men : both at Sparta and in Crete the rule was, that they ate at home ;^ in the latter state, however, a woman had the care of the tables of the men."" The Cretans were distinguished by their great hospitality : for every two tables of the citizens there was always one for foreigners ; and when two cities were in close alliance with one another, their citizens mutually enjoyed the right of frequenting the public tables of the other state." 4. This temperance and simplicity, which was longest preserved in Crete and Sparta, were considered by the ancients as characterizing generally the whole Doric race, and a simple mode of cookery was called Doric ;° although many cities of that race, such as E. and Cpcsaubon's note. Epho- rus ap. Strab. X. p. 483 A. For Sparta, see Alcnian quoted in p. 288note'^- Plutarch Ly- ciirg. 12. Quaest. Graec. 33. p. 332. Concerning the Phigalean custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 F. From the passage quoted in p. 287 note'^. it also follows that guests of inferior rank sat £7rt TOV atcifiTTodiov, as was also the custom among the Mace- donians, according to Athen. I. p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. Doctr. V. 3. ad Plat. Phjed. Ad- dit. p. 234. ^ This follows from Plat. Leg. VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Lac. A- pophth. p. 221. Trapa rrj ywaiKt (i. e., at home) cenrvtiv. See also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius Trepi 'AXKfxavoQ ap. Ath:n. XIV. p. 646 A. speaks of banquets of the women at Sparta, at which VOL. II. certain cakes {Kpißavai) were carried, when they were about to sing the praise of the virgin, probably at marriages. Ari- stotle Pol it. II. 7. 4. says that in Creta the women also were fed at the public cost, not that they ate in public. ™ Dosiadas ap. Athen, p. 143 B. with the assistance of some men rwy drjfioTLi^iäy. Does he mean Periceci or Mnotse ? Young women were used as cup-bearers among the Dorians, above, p. 276 note^. " Düsiadas and Pyrgion ubi sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see the decree of the Olontians in Chishull's Antiq. .Asiat, p. 137. cf.p.l31, 134. ° Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1037. Suidas in aOpvTrrog et AwpioQ. Awptoe oiKovcpia inDiog. Laert. IV. 3. 19. for a plaiu rough mode of living. 290 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv Tarentum, Syracuse,^ and Agrigentum,*! entirely abandoned the severe and sober habits of their race ; and having once broken through the bonds of ancient custom, gave themselves up with the less restraint to every kind of luxury and indulgence/ CHAP. IV. § 1 . Freedom of intercourse between unmarried persons at Sparta. § 2. Marriage ceremonies. § 3. Age of marriage. § 4. Re- lations of husband and wife. § 5. Different treatment of women among tbe lonians. § 6. Elai^epacrr/a of Sparta. § 7. And of Crete. § 8. Origin of this custom. 1. We now proceed to describe the different rela- tions in the domestic life of the Dorians ; and first, that between man and wife. Here it will be neces- sary to contradict the idea, that the duties of private life were but little esteemed by the Doric race, par- ticularly at Sparta, and were sacrificed to the duty owed to the community. The Laced semonian maxim was in direct opposition to this doctrine ; viz., that the door of his court"" was the boundary of every P livpaKOfTiiov et Si/ctXwv rpa- Tve'Ca, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 527 C. Zenob. Prov. V. 94. Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. St- keXlkoq KOTTaßoQ Anacreon ap. Athen. X. p. 427- fragm. p. 374. ed. Fischer. The Si/ceXt/coc ßioQ is opposed to the AMpiarl i^rjv in the 7th (spurious) Plato- nic Epistle, p. 336. ^ See, among others, Timseus fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. The Argives and Tirynthians were reproached for their de- bauchery, ^lian. V.H. III. 15. Athen. X. p- 442. D. ^ See iEginetica p. 188. * See above, p. 266 note*^. In Crete it was called ßoiorla, Hesych. in v. CH. 4, ^ 1. OF THE DORIANS. 291 man's freedom '} without, all owned the authority of the state ; within, the master of the house ruled as lord on his own ground f and the rights of domestic life, notwithstanding their frequent collision with the public institutions, were more respected than at Athens. At the same time, however, a peculiar national custom, which pervaded the whole system of legislation, pre- vailed throughout these relations with a force and energy, which we, taking the accounts of the ancients as our guide, will endeavour now to examine. It has been above remarked how, in accordance with the manners of the east, but in direct opposition to the later habits of the Greeks,*^ a free intercourse in pub- lic was permitted by the Dorians to the youth of both sexes, who were brought into contact particularly at festivals and choruses.^ Hence Homer represents the Cretan chorus as composed of young men and women, who dance hand in hand/ At Sparta in particular the young men lived in the presence of the unmarried Avomen, and as their derision was an object of dread, so to be the theme of their praise was the highest reward for noble actions.^ Hence it was very possible Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. Mai. ^ According to the supposed saying of Lycurgus, first " w,ake a democracy in thine " own JiouseV Plutarch Ly- curg. 19. reg. Apophth. p. 124. Lac. Apophth. p. 225. ^ See particularly Eurip. An- drom. 596. ^ Kopote Koi Kopaig kolvcl ra lepa. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. above ch. 2. § 2. ^Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. So also the Arcadians had, ac- cording to Polybius IV. 2L 3. (though not for the reason which he assigns) crvyodovg koi- vag Kal dvcriag TrXeicrrag ofioiojg ay^paoTL Kal yvvai^l^ tri de ^opovg irapQivojv Ofiov Kal Traidniyv. The unrestrained manners, and the public games and dances of the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 277. Antonin. Liber, met. 1. ), probably were derived from a Cretan custom (see above, p. 236. note^.), and certainly one prior to the Ionic migration. s Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10. u 2 292 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book m at Sparta, that affection and love, although not of a romantic nature, should take possession of the heart : but at Athens, as far as my recollection goes, we have not a single instance of a man having loved a free-born woman, and marrying her from any strong affection, whilst a single narrative of Herodotus^ contains two love stories at Sparta. How many opportunities may have been given by the festivals, as for instance the Hyacinthia, at which the Spartan damsels were seen going about in xamSpa (ornamented cars peculiar to the country, which were also used in the procession to the temple of Helen at Therapne), and racing in chariots in the midst of assembled multitudes.' Ac- cordingly, the beauty of her women, the most beautiful in all Greece,^ was at Sparta more than any other town, an object of general admiration, in a nation where beauty of form was particularly felt and es- teemed.^ 2. Two things were, however, requisite as an in- troduction and preparation to marriage at Sparta, first, betrothing on the part of the fother ;™ secondly, the seizure of the bride. The latter was clearly an ancient VI. 61,65. ^Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. with Casaubon's restoration from Plutarch. Ages. 19. He- sychius in mvraöpa, Eustathius ad II. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 413. The temple of Helen, mentioned by Hesychius in Karvadpa, is that at Therapne, above the Phoebseum, of which Herodotus speaks, VII. 6L ^ AaiyiedaifjLOi'irjv te ywrat/ca in the oracle ; and how, in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes, the Athenian women admire the lusty and vigorous beauty of Lampito. comp. Athen, XII. p. 609 ß. ^ Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A. ™ If the father and grandfa- ther died, the right, even in Doric states, e. g., in Cyrene. passed to the brothers, Plu- tarch Mul. Virt. p. 303. Po- lygen. VIII. 41. CH. 4, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 293 national custom, founded on the idea that the young- woman could not surrender her freedom and virgin purity unless compelled by the violence of the stronger sex. They married, says Plutarch, by ravishing. The bridegroom brought the young virgin, having carried her off from the chorus of maidens or else- where, to the bride's maid, who cut short her hair, and left her lying in a man's dress and shoes, without a light, on a bed of rushes, until the bridegroom re- turned from the public banquet, carried the bride to the nuptial couch, and loosened her girdle." And this intercourse was for some time carried on clandestinely, till the man brought his wife, and frequently her mother, into his house. That this usage was retained to the last days of Sparta may be inferred from the fact, that the young wife of Panteus Avas still in the house of her parents, and remained there, when he went with Cleomenes to Egypt."" A similar custom must have prevailed in Crete, where we find, that the young persons who were dismissed at the same time from the agele, were immediately married, but did not till some time after introduce their wives into their own house. P The children born before this took place ^ Plutarch Ly cur g. 15. Lac. by force ^ ^Qarraq a^iraaaQ. In Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. ^later times, whoever ravished Lac. 1.5. The account of Her- a virgin at Sparta (as also at mippus in Athenasus XIII. p. Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) 555 C. is absurdly disfigured, was punished with death, Xe- The same is true of Hagnon, noph. Ephes. V. 1 ; and com- ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This ex- pare Marcellinus on Hermo- plains the statement of Hero- genes, although this account dotus VI., 65. that Demaratus does not belong to the age of obtained possession of Percalus which we treat, the daughter of Chilon, who Plutarch. Cleom. 38. w^as betrothed to Leotychides, p Strabo X. p. 482 D. from by 'previously carrying her away Ephorus. 294 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. were probably called Trap^eviai they were in general considered in all respects equal to those born at home ; but in the first Messenian war particular circum- stances seem to have made it impossible to provide them with lots of land ;^ and hence they became the founders of Tarentum.' 3. The age of marriage was fixed by the ancient Greeks and western nations much later than at a sub- sequent period by those of the east. Following the former, the laws of Sparta did not allow women of too tender an age to be disposed of in marriage. The women were generally those at the highest pitch of youthful vigour* (called in Rhodes au^sa-rfipia^sg),'' and for the men, about the age of thirty was esteemed the most proper, as we find in Hesiod,"" Plato,^ and even Aristotle. Public actions might however be brought against those who married too late (ypacp^ o-i/iya^loij), to which those also were liable who had entered into unsuitable marriages {ypa^r\ xaxo'yoLiJLlou) , According to Hesychius. name UapOeviai, which Antio- Homer. II. XVI. 180. calls Eu- chus declines to explain, doxus a irapdivLOQ, top etlkte * Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plu- Xopw KoXi} YLoXvjirjXr], which I tarch Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4. explain thus: she produced him Lac. Apophth. p. 224. " in the chorus" i. e., while she Hesychius in v. yet belonged to the ayeXij of ^ Op. et Di. 695. the virgins. The passage is ^Leg. YIII. p. 785. Ari- quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or. stotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) VII. p. 273., who also speaks of gives 37 years as the most the Lacedaemonian TrapdEviao fitting time for marriage in a ^ Justin. III. 4. Nuili pater man ; which number Larcher existehat cujus in patrimonium {Chronologie d^Herodote) has successio speraretur. no reason to suppose borrowed ^Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The from the laws of Laconia. The common narrative of Ephorus Troezenians were forbidden by is repeated by Dionysius of the oracle from making early Halicarnassus, and is evidently marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. invented to account for the 14. 4. K CH. 4, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 295 and those who remained unmarried (ypa(^r] aya^lov) It is well known that these laws have been blamed as a violation of the rights of individuals, and even a pro- fanation of the rite of marriage : but these censors should have remembered that they were judging those institutions by principles which the founders of them would not have recognised. For the Spartans con- sidered marriage, not as a private relation, about which the state had little or no interest, but as a public institution, in order to rear up a strong and healthy progeny to the nation. In Solon's legislation, marriage was also placed under the inspection of the state, and an action for not marrying (ypaOri ayafxlou"'), though merely as a relic of antiquity, existed at Athens. It is nevertheless true that marriage, espe- cially in Sparta, was, to a certain degree, viewed with a primitive simplicity, which shocks the feelings of more refined ages, as the peculiar object of matrimony was never kept out of sight. Leonidas, when de- spatched to Thermopylae, is said to have left as a legacy to his wife Gorgo the maxim. Marry nobly, and produce a noble offspring ;^ and when Acrotatus had fought bravely in the war against Pyrrhus, the women followed him through the town, and some of the older ones shouted after him, " Go, Acrotatus, enjoy " yourself with Chelidonis, and beget valiant sons for ^ See Plutarch Lyc. 15. Ly- lar that the cowards (rpearavTeg) sand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. to whom every man denied his Apophth. p. 223. Clearchus ap. daughter, were punished for Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pol- not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. lux III. 48. VIII. 40. Stobffius 9. 5. Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom. ^ Pollux VIII. 40. II. p. 182. compare Schlager's ^ Plutarch de Herod. Ma- Prsefat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. lign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. 1744. p. 10. It is most singu- p. 216. fragm. p. 355. 296 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. " Sparta."'' Hence we may perceive the reason why in various cases'^ (such as are known to us have been mentioned above®) Lycurgus not only allowed, but enjoined the marriage duties to be transferred to ano- ther ; always, however, providing that the sanctity of the marriage union should be for a certain time sacri- ficed to that which the Doric race considered as of higher importance, viz., the maintenance of the family. That these cases were so defined by custom, as to leave but little room for the effects of caprice or passion, is evident from the infrequency of adultery at Sparta but the above aim justified even king Anaxandridas, when, contrary to all national customs, he cohabited with two wives,^ who lived without doubt in separate houses. To marry foreign women was certainly for- bidden to all Spartans, and to the Heraclidae by a separate rhetra contrary to the custom in other Grecian towns, especially Athens, whose princes in early times, as Megacles, Miltiades, &c., frequently contracted marriages Avith foreigners. 4. The domestic relation of the wife to her husband ^ Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. bly were composed of a mix- Ill. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the ture of different ranks, and ius trium liberorum in Sparta, certainly were not the offspring ^KaiTToXXa /zti' roiavra aw- of a regular ^^wprwm. At Rhodes, txw(3£t, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. according to Schol. Eurip. Al- Later writers often give fabu- cest. 992, the vöQol were called lous accounts of this point, fxaarpo^evoL^ i. e. those who at a particularly Theodoretus Graec. public scrutiny (called at A- Affinit. 9. thens ^LaxbrjcjjKxtg) were rejected ^ B. III. ch. 10. § 4. from the hsts of citizens. The ^See the saying of Geradates investigation was perhaps con- in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. A- ducted by the fxaarpoi, Hesych. pophth. p. 225. comp. Justin, in v. comp. Harpocrat. />ta(r- III. 3. The vödoL in Xen. Hell, rfjpeg. V. 3. 9., who were a separate s Herod. V. 39, 40. class, but shared in the edu- ^ Plutarch Agid. 11. cation of the Spartans, proba- CH. 4, § 4. OF THE DORIANS. 297 among the Dorians was in general the same as that of the ancient western nations, described by Homer as universal among the Greeks, and which existed at Rome till a late period ; the only difference being, that the peculiarities of the custom were preserved by the Dorians more strictly than elsewhere. It formed a strikino; contrast with the habits of the Ionic Athe- nians, with whom the ancient custom of Greece was almost entirely supplanted by that of the east.' Amongst the lonians of Asia, the wife (as we are informed by Herodotus^) shared indeed the bed» but not the table of her husband ; she dared not call him by his name, but addressed him with the title of lord, and lived secluded in the interior of the house : on this model the most important relations between man and wife were regulated at Athens. But amongst the Dorians of Sparta, the wife^ was honoured by her hus- band with the title of mistress (^sg-ttoivol) ,^ (a gallantry belonging to the north of Greece, and also practised by the Thessalians"), which was used neither ironically nor unmeaningly. Nay, so strange did the import- ^ The history of women in the heroic age has been bet- ter treated by Lenz, than by Meiners in his Geschichte des Weiblichen Geschlechts ; al- though even he has many pre- judices, e. g., that women are always improved by education, the reverse of which was the case in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) cor- rectly remarks, that in Homer the manners of unmarried are represented as less restrained than those of married women ; although their intercourse with men was more free than among the Dorians. Comp. p. 143. ^ L 146. ^ Though she lived in the in- terior of the house, as is proved by the Doric term for a wife, fieaodofxa : see Hesych. in oherigy Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and compare the sayings of Aregeus in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and of the Lacedaemonian woman^ p. 262. who being asked what she understood, answered, ev oiKely oiKov. ™ Plutarch. Lyc. 14. ^Vol. I. p. 298 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. ance which the Lacedeemonian women enjoyed, and the influence which they exercised as the managers of their household, and mothers of families, appear to the Greeks, at a time when the prevalence of Athenian manners prevented a due consideration for national customs, that Aristotle" supposed Lycurgus to have attempted, but without success, to regulate the life of women as he had that of the men ; and the Spartans were frequently censured for submitting to the yoke of their wives.^ Nevertheless Alcman, generally a great admirer of the beauty of Lacedaemonian women, could say, " It becomes a man to say much, and a woman " to rejoice at all she hears. In accusing the women of Sparta, however, for not essentially assist- ing their country in times of necessity, Aristotle has in the first place required of them a duty which even in Sparta lay out of their sphere, and in the second place, his assertion has been sufficiently contradicted by the events of a subsequent period, in the last days of Sparta, which acquu*ed a surprising lustre from female valour/ On the whole, however, little as the Athenians esteemed then* own women, they involun- ° Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plu- property fell into the hands of tarch Lyc. 14. At that time women. The singular assertion moreover the manners of the of ^lian V. H. XII. 34. that Spartan women had really de- Pausanias loved his ivife, has generated, and a considerable been correctly interpreted by licence {aveaig) prevailed, Ari- Kühn to mean a too great, or stot. Polit. II. 6. 5. Plat. Leg. uxorious affection ; and so like- I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist, wise Menelaus appears to have Rom. II. 24. been represented, see, e. g., P Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp. Aristoph. Lysist. 155. Num.3. Aristotle also (Polit. ^UoXXaXiyeLV orvji^ ävdpijyv- II. 6, 7.) speaks of their influ- vaiKideTräai ^ap^mi, fragm. 13. ence on the government in the ed. Welcker. comp. Franck's time of the ascendency of Tyrtseus p. 173 and 203. Sparta ; it increased still more, ^ See, e. g., Plutarch Cleom. when a large part of the landed 38. CH. 4, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 299 tarily revered the heroines of Sparta, such as Gorgo the wife of Leonidas, Lampito the daughter of Leoty- chidas, the wife of Archidamus and mother of Agis ;^ and this feeling is sometimes apparent even in the coarse jests of Aristophanes. 5. How this indulgent treatment of the women among the Dorians produced a state of opinion en- tirely different from that prevalent at Athens, has been intimated above, and will be further explained hereafter. In general it may be remarked, that while among the lonians women were merely considered in an inferior and sensual light, and though the JEolians allowed their feelings a more exalted tone, as is proved by the amatory poetesses of Lesbos ;* the Dorians, as well at Sparta as in the south of Italy, were almost the only nation who esteemed the higher attributes of the female mind as capable of cultivation. It is hardly necessary to remark, that in consider- ing the rights and duties of the wife, as represented in the above pages, to apply to the whole Doric race, allowance must be made for the alterations introduced into different towns, particularly by foreign intercourse and luxury. At Corinth, for instance, the institution of the sacred slaves (Isqo^ovXoi) in the temple of Aphro- dite, probably introduced from Asia Minor, produced a most prejudicial effect on the morals of that city, ^ Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. vol. I. p. 275.), were on the H. N. VII. 41. Compare the rank of Doric women; al- saymg of Gorgo in Plutarch though in Bceotia tiie female Lac. Apophth. p. 258. sex was very much restricted, * The Boeotian poetesses, how- and placed under the superin- ever, Corinna and Myrto, and tendence of ywaiKovofxoL (as Diotima the Arcadian (con- under the apfioawoi at Sparta, cerning whom see Frederick ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21. Schlegel, Griechen und Roemer, 300 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. and made it the ancient and great resort of courte- sans.'' 6. Having now considered the personal relations between the sexes, we next come to those depending on difference of age ; which from the Doric prin- ciple of the elders instructing the younger, are inti- mately connected with education.^ But before we enter on that subject, it will be necessary to speak of a connexion (termed by the Greeks Traihs^aa-rloL), which, so long as it was regulated by the ancient Doric principles, to be recognised both in the Cretan laws and those of Lycurgus, had great influence on the instruction of youth. We will first state the exact circumstances of this relation, and then make some general remarks on it ; but without examining it in a moral point of view, which does not fall within the scope of this work. At Sparta the party loving was called eio-TrvvjXa^,^ ^ Seeb. II. ch. 10. § 7. Aris- toph. Lys. 90. Plut, 149. et Schol. Suidas in k-alpaL Ko- ptv0. and xolpoQ. Pollux IX. 6. 75. Kopiv0ia4f£C70ai to jiaarpo- TTEveiv 7/ eralpeLV (see b, I. cb. 8. § 3.) Eustath. ad II. p. 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon XXXII. 10. whose poems are of the Achaean or Roman time. Compare also the Kopipdia Koprj in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. Koprvdia Träte, Eurip. Sciron. ap. Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the proverb in Suidas (XIV. 81. Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. ciKpoKopirdi eoiKuc '^oipo-oXyjaeiy. Compare Jacobs in the Attisches Museum, vol. II. part III. p. 137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der Alten Welt, vol. I. p. 177-— The women of Sicyon were, ac- cording to the ßioc "EXXa^of of Dicsearchus, exceedingly grace- ful in their carriage. ^Plutarch Lvcurg. 17. Dio- nys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old men could punish persons con- ducting themselves improperly (uKOfTfiovvTsc) by striking them with their sticks. ^' E(o-7rv7;\ac is probably the genuine form ; see Callim. Fragm. 169. ed. Bentl. Ety- mol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion, p. 617. 49. B'iaTTi'-qXoQ is used by Theocritus Id. XII. 13. CH. 4, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 301 and his affection was termed a breathing in, or in- spiring {sKTTTveh'^) ; which expresses the pure and mental connexion between the two persons, and cor- responds with the name of the other, viz., aiTag,'' i. e., listener or hearer. Now it appears to have been the practice for every youth of good character to have his lover ;^ and, on the other hand, every well-educated man was bound by custom to be the lover of some youth."" Instances of this connexion are furnished by several of the royal family of Sparta ; thus Agesilaus, while he still belonged to the herd of youths, was the hearer of Lysander/ and himself had in his turn also a hearer f his son Archidamus was the lover of the son of Sphodrias, the noble Cleonymus ;^ Cleomenes the Third was, when a young man, the hearer of Xenares,^ and later in life the lover of the brave Panteus.^ The connexion usually originated from the proposal of the lover ; yet it was necessary that the listener should accept him from real affection, as a regard to the riches of the proposer was considered very disgraceful -} ^ TElian V. H. III. 12. 'E/x- adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris irvEiadaL is the word used by de re publica (p. 280. Mai.) Plutarch Cleom. 3. opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus ^ Vol. I. p. 5. Compare si amatores non haberent. Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gu- ^ yElian III. 10. dian. ubi sup. 'Aeirrjg was used ^ Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. by Aristophanes ; see Bekker's 22. Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes ad Ly- ^ Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. cophr. 459> and amag by Al- Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apo- caeus ap. Athen, p. 430 D. phth. p. 177. Alcman also called lovely young ^ Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25. women airaq Kopag ; see ^ Plutarch Cleom. 3. Schneider's Lexicon in v. and ^ lb. c. 37. — The youth of Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3 ; also Argilus, loved by Pausanias, the Lexicon vocum peregrina- cannot be mentioned among rum in Vaipy's edition of Ste- these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos phens's Thesaurus, part XII. Pausan. 4. p. 492. i ^lian V. H. III. 10. ^ Servius ad Mxi. X. 325. 302 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. sometimes however it happened that the proposal origi- nated from the other party The connexion appears to have been very ultimate and faithful, and vras recog- nised by the state. If his kinsmen were absent, the youth might be represented in the public assembly by his lover ■} in battle too they stood near one another, where their fidelity and affection were often shown till death while at home the youth was constantly under the eyes of his lover, who was to him as it were a model and pattern of life f which explains why, for many faults, particularly for Avant of ambition, the lover could be punished instead of the listener.'' 7. This ancient national custom prevailed with still greater force in Crete; which island was hence by many persons considered as the original seat of the connexion in question.^ Here too it was disgraceful for a well-educated youth to be without a lover ;i and hence the party loved was termed xT^siuog,''' tliepraised ; the lover being simply called (^I'krjTwp. It appears that the youth was always carried away by force,^ the intention of the ravisher being previously communi- cated to the relations, who however took no measures of precaution, and only made a feigned resistance ; except when the ravisher appeared, either in family or talent, unworthy of the youth. The lover then led ^ Id. III. 12. p. 602 F. from Timseus, Hera- ^ Plutarch Lyc. 25, did. Pont. 3. Heyne ad Apol- Xen. Hell. IV. 8.39. Plu- lod. III. 1. 2. Kpi]reg epwri- tarch Reg. Apophth. quoted in /ca>7-a-ot, together with the La- note'^, p. 301. cedaemonians and Boeotians, " See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37. p. 209. In Boeotia also avijp ^ Athen. XV. p. 782 E. KOL Träte (Tv^vyevTSQ ofiiXovaLV, ^ Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12. 483. Hesychius in (piXyjrbJo. ° Plutarch Lvcurg, 18. JE- ^ Ephorus ubi sup. Compare lian V. H. III. io. Plutarch de Educ. 14. V Athen. XIII. p. 601 E. CH. 4, § 7. OF THE DORIANS. 303 him away to his apartment (ai/^psTov), and afterwards, with any chance companions, either to the mountains or to his estate. Here they remained two months (the period prescribed by custom), which were passed chiefly in hunting together. After this time had expired, the lover dismissed the youth, and at his departure gave him, according to custom, an ox, a military dress, and brazen cup, with other things ; and frequently these gifts were increased by the friends of the ravisher.* The youth then sacrificed the ox to JZeus, with which he gave a feast to his companions : at this he stated how he had been pleased with his lover ; and he had complete liberty by law to punish any insult or disgraceful treatment. It depended now on the choice of the youth whether the connexion should be broken off or not. If it was kept up, the companion in arms (Tra^aa-rirrig) , as the youth was^ then called, wore the military dress which had been given him ; and fought in battle next his lover, in- spired with double valour by the gods of war and love, according to the notion of the Cretans and even in man's age he was distinguished by the first place and rank in the course, and certain insignia worn about the body. Institutions, so "systematic and regular as these, did not indeed exist in any Doric state except Crete and Sparta ; but the feelings on which they Avere founded seem to have been common to all the Dorians. The love of Philolaus, a Corinthian of the family of the * Ephorus and Heraclides Concerning the cup, see Her- Ponticus. Arms were in Crete, monax ap. Athen. XI. p. 502 according to Nicolaus Damas- B. cenus, the most honourable ^lian V. H. III. 9. comp, present that could be made. N. A. IV. i. 304 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. Bacchiadöe, and the lawgiver of Thebes, and of Diodes the Olympic conqueror, lasted until death ; and even their graves were turned towards one another, in token of their affection and another person of the same name was honoured in Megara, as a noble instance of self-devotion for the object of his love J 8. It is indeed clear that a custom of such general prevalence cannot have originated from any accidental impression or train of reasoning ; but must have been founded on feelings natural to the whole Doric race. Now that the affection of the lover was not entirely mental, and that a pleasure in beholding the beauty and vigour, the manly activity and exercises^ of the youth was also present, is certain. But it is a very different question, whether this custom, universally prevalent both in Crete and Sparta, followed by the noblest men, by the legislators encouraged with all care, and having so powerful an influence on educa- tion, was identical with the vice to which in its name and outward form it is so nearly allied. The subject should be carefully considered, before, with Aristotle, we answer this question in the affirma- tive, who not only takes the fact as certain, but even accounts for it by supposing that the custom was insti- tuted by the legislator of Crete as a check to popula- tion.'' Is it, I ask, likely that so disgraceful a vice, not practised in secret, but publicly acknowledged and ^ Aristot. Polit. II.9. 6, 7. gymnastic exercises ; a suppo- y Aristo ph. Acharn, 774. sition probably not true in this Theocrit. Id. XII. 28. and general sense. Schol. ^ Polit. II. 7. 5.— It is how- ^ According to Plato and ever true of Athens only, and Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B. not of the Dorians, that the Tusc. Queest. IV. 34. comp, love of the male supplied the Boeckhad Leg. p. 106.) This place ofthat of the female sex. practice originated from the CH. 4, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 305 countenanced by the state, not confined to a few indi- viduals, but common lor centuries to the whole people, should really have existed, and this in the race of all the Greeks, the most distinguished for its healthy, tem- perate, and even ascetic habits ? These difficulties must be solved before the testimony of Aristotle can be received, I will now offer what appears to me the most pro- bable view of this question. The Dorians seem in early times to have considered an intimate friendship and connexion between males as necessary for their proper education. But the objection which would have presented itself in a later age, viz. the liability to abuse of such a habit, had then no existence, as has been already remarked by a learned writer.^ And hence they saw no disadvantage to counterbalance the advantages which they promised themselves in the unrestrained intercourse which would be the natural consequence of the new institution. It is also true that the manners of simple and primitive nations gene- rally have and need less restraint than those whom a more general intercourse and the greater facility of concealment have forced to enact prohibitory laws. This view is in fact confirmed by the declaration of Cicero, that the Lacedaemonians brought the lover into the closest relation with the object of his love, and that every sign of affection was jjermitied prcet er stuprum ^ Welcker, Sappho von ei- nem herrschenden vorurtheill befreit, p. 41. Confederates in arms are called 'Ax*'^" \ilioL (piXoL in the beautiful Fragment of ^ohan lyric poe- try, attributed to Theocritus, XXVIII. 34. Comp. Arrian. VOL. II. Peripl. Pont. p. 23. Cicero de Rep. IV. 4. La- - cedcemonii ipsi cum omnia con- cedunt in amove juvenum jprce- ter stuprum^ ienui sane muro disscBpiunt id quod excipiunt : complexus enim concubitusque permittunt. , X 306 DOMESTIC INSTITUTIONS book iv. for although in the times of the corruption of manners this proximity would have been attended with the most dangerous consequences, in early times it never would have been permitted, if any pollution had been appre- hended from it. And we know from another source that this stuprum was punished by the Lacedsemonians most severely, viz. with banishment or death.^ It may be moreover added, that this pure connexion was encouraged by the Doric principle of taking the educa- tion from the hands of parents, and introducing boys in early youth to a wider society than their home could afford.^ ^ ^lian V.H. III. 12. On account of this provision the Lacedaemonian law is called tto'l- KiXoQ by Plato Sympos. p. 182. The purity of the Lacedaemo- nian custom is also attested by Xenophon, the best authority on Doric manners. Et tlq TraihoQ au)jiaTOQ opeyofxevoQ ?oTat from Ibycus and Ste- sichorus; next ßpv^aXixa (but the order of the letters requires BPYAAAIXA), in the sense of frightful female masks, from Rhinthon ; and ßpvhaXixag BPYAAAIXAS) rag ^a^a- dag, AaKMveg ; and, lastly, ßpvWoxi^frrai, persons who sang hymns in hideous female masks. The original forms appear to have been ßpvaXXixcL for the dance, /^pvaXX/^^a for the mask, and ßpvaWiKTTjg (like ^eikyiXik- rrjg) for the dancer. ^ Vol. I. p. 377, note ^ ^ Pollux IV. 14. 104. U TLva KoX AaKOJVLKct opyriiiara- dstfiaXia' ^EiXrjvol 3' ijaav kol ETT avToig ^drvpoi vnorpo-^^a Op-XOV/jLEVOL- fCat WvußoL ETTL ä^iovvaui- /cat Kapvari^Eg etti ^ApVEIXldl' kttt ßpvdXXlXCl TO fJLEV Evprjixa BpvaXXtxpv' Trpoaojp- ypvvTO M yvvaiKEg ^AttoXXmvl KOL 'ApTEflldl' oi ^E VTTOyVTTiOPEg yEpovTtov VTTO ßaicTYipioLg rriv fjiifxtjariv u^pv- ol ^e yvTriovEg ^vXivdJV KwXiOV ETTlßaiVOVTEg Mpxpvyro, dia(j)ayrj rapavTivi^ia cLfjurEXPfJiEVoi' Kai fxfjvEg Xa- ptViOV fXSV OpXJiP'^-i ETTMVV^OV ^' r]v Tov EvpovTog avXr}Tov- rvp- ßaaia ds e/caXeTro ro opx^jia to ZidypafißLKOv. fxiiJirjXiKrjy Be EKOXOVV Bl J7C EfXLfXOVVTO TOVQ ETTl Ty kXoTT^ TÖJV EwX(i)V flEpiOV dXlGKOfXEVOVg. XajJLTTpOTEpa Ee iiv fiv wpxpvvTO yvfxvoi avv alcTxpoXoyia.' In this passage there is nothing altered except ßpvaXXixo- and BpvaXXtxov for ßapvXXixü. and ßapvXXixov, XafXTzpoTEpa t)E iiv fjv for Xa/x- irpoTEpav Be ; and ixLfirjXucrjv for jiifxriTiKriv, as a friend of the author's has proposed (G. A. Schoell, de origine Grseci dra- matis, p. 97.), which gives the 348 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. account we will insert at full, adding only some remarks of our own. " The Dehnalea was danced " hy Silent and Satyrs waltzing in a circlej' its name being perhaps derived from the cowardice (SsTjaa) of these " useless and worthless fellows," as Hesiod calls them.'' The I thy mhi was danced to Bacchus, " the dance of the Caryatides to Artemis ; the Bry- ^ " allicha ivas so called after its inventor Bryalli- " chus ; it IV as danced hy women to Apollo and " Artemis y The following dances also, as appears from the conclusion, were Laconian. " The Hypo- gypf^^^^^' imitated old men ivith sticks. The Gy- " pones danced on wooden stilts, and wearing " transparent Tarentine dresses. The Menes was danced by Charini,^ and took its name from the ''flute-player who invented it. There was a Bac- chanalian dance called TyrhasiaJ' probably resem- bling the Argive Tyrbe, and deriving its name from its intricate mazes. " A dance i7i which they mi- micked thuse vjho were caught stealing the remains " of meals was called Mimelic. But the Gymno- '' poedia, danced with jests and merriment, was more " splendid.'' The merry spirit, and the love for comic exhibition, which produced all these mimic dances, is shown in these imperfect notices, the deficiencies of which w^e can only supply in one instance, viz. in the account of the Deicelictse (or Älimeli) . There was at same sense as leLKrfKLarLKrjv, deifjiaXia is not however at all which I had formerly proposed, certain ; and still less the word as /iijUTjXot and Ofik-r/Xtorai were firjveg, a little lower, synonyms, according to Saidas ^ On the Charinus or Gra- in Huxrlßiog- cioso, see below, ch. 7. § 3 ; yevoQ ovTihavüp ^arvpiov and on the Argolian Tvpßrj, b. Ka\ afx-q^avoepyiav, Hesiod. ap. II, ch. 10. § 6. Strab. X.p.471. The reading CH. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 349 Sparta an ancient play, but it was probably acted only by the common people, and quite extempore, nor ever by regular players.^ From the account of Nepos it may be also conjectured that it was performed by unmarried women. The name Deicelictse (or Mi- meli) merely means imitators but it came to signify only comic imitators.^ In this play there was not (according to Sosibius)^' any great art ; for Sparta in all things loved simplicity. It represented in plain and common language either a foreign physician or stealers of fruit (probably boys), who were caught with their stolen goods :/ tbat is, it was an imitation of common life, probably alternating with comic dances. 10. In Laconia it was chiefly the lower orders who had any decided love for comedy and buffoonery ; for with the Dorians we only now and then discover a ray of levity or mirth piercing the gravity of their nature. I have already mentioned,^ that from the Helots, who dwelt in the houses of the Spartans, and were called Mothones, or Mothaces, a kind of riotous dance took ^ Although the Spartans also Apoll. Rh. I. 746. The Laco- called regular actors ^£iicT7\//cra I, nie form is öetfc/^X/zcrae. Plutarch Agesil. 21. Lac. A- ^ Ap. Athen, Eustath. ubi pophth.p. 185. Apostolius XV. sup. Suidas and Phavorinus in 39. Schol. II. 391. cLKTjXKTTÜjv, and Suidäs in ^ diKTjXov according to Hesy- aißcoQ. On the Lacedaemonian chius arhpiag, '(wZlov irapa Aa- mimicry see also Boettiger K(i)(TLi' perhaps refers to the fact Quat. setat. reiscenicae, p. 8. mentioned in vol. L p. 66, ^ See Plutarch Lycurg. i. note 1. Kal (j)epov(n KXiTTToyreg, ol jxev § deiicr}Xt(TTai cncevoTroiol /cat ettI rovg Krjirovc ßahi^ovreg (rob- /iijuryrai, Sosibius ap. Athen, hers of gardens), oi 3' ete ra rwj/ XIV. p. 621 D. Hesychius in ävdpüiv avaaLria TrapsLapiovreg deLKr}XLaTai. cf. interprett. They (che thieves of the eojXofxeprj of \vere fxifioXoyoL according to Pollux cited in p. 347, note ^. Hesychius in ^kriXoy, kio^ikoI ^ B. III. ch. 3. § 3 ; and see according to Eustathius p. 884. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Eq. 23, aKioTTTLKoi accordiug to Schol. 632. 350 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. its name, in which drunken persons were probably represented; whence perhaps was derived the stoiy that the Spartans intoxicated their slaves as a warning to their children. Other dances may perhaps have been common among the peasants, and particularly among the shepherds of remote regions. It is an interesting question, and one alhed to the present inquiry, to ascertain the origin of the hucoUc poetry of the ancients. No one can doubt that its mingled character of simplicity, nature, and buffoonery, was copied from real life. Now the manners which it represented could neither have been those of slaves, for the condition of slavery does not admit of any re- gular society ; nor yet of free citizens, for the rustic scenes of this poetry wholly disagree with a city life. It remains therefore that it imitated the life of sub- jects, of bondmen, such as existed as a separate class in the Doric states, and accordingly bucolic poems are commonly in the Doric dialect. It is related, that when Xerxes had overrun Greece, and the Spartan women could not perform the customary rites of Arte- mis Caryatis, the shepherds came from the mountains, and sang pastoral hymns to the goddess.^ From this confused account we may collect that in the north of Laconia there had been some rude essays of pastoral poetry. In this respect, however, the shepherds of Italy and Sicily have become far more celebrated ; Epicharmus mentions their bucolics {ßouxoT^iaa-iJLoi), as a kind of dance and song and even before his time ^ Diomed. 3. p. 483. ed of " Ap-e/jLig Avri- Putsch. Servius ad Virg. Eel. ™ 'E»^ 'AXkvovl kuI kv 'O^vaad I. Donatus Vit. Virg. p. 84. vavay^, Athen. XIV. p. 619 sq. Diomedes also connects the A. Comp. Hesych. et Etym. Sicilian bucoliasms with rites M. in v. CH. 6, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 351 Stesicliorus had formed them into a species of lyric poetry." Nevertheless their origin appears not to have been independent of one another, for both in Laconia and Sicily the name of Tityrus was used for the leading goat or ram of the flock.° That the same name should equally distinguish the human and animal leader of the flock, is a trait of the simplicity of those men, who passed their days among valleys and pastures, harmlessly tending their flocks, and taking no more notice of other modes of life than sending from time to time the produce of their industry to the city. Now in Sicily these shepherds were not of Greek extraction, but were undoubtedly of the aboriginal Siculian population, the ancient worshippers of the goddess Pales ; ^ and it is not improbable that the bucolic poetry owed its origin to native talent. Even the ancient legend of Daphnis, who lost his eyes through his love for a nymph,"* appears to me rather of a Siculian than Grecian cast ; although how far the character of the Greeks and of the native inhabitants were opposed, is a very obscure subject of inquiry.^ ° iElian.V. H. X. 18. ° Tityrus, according to Ser- vius ad Eel. I. i. was aries ma- jor, qui gregem anteire consue- verity lingua Laconia ; a goat, according to Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. Photius in v. Tirvpog is the Doric form of aiavpog, which also originally meant a goat; whence mavpva (i. e. at- avpLva), or aiavpa, a goat-skin : but TtTvpoc is not allied to aarvpog (as the Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. VII. 12. Eustath. ad II. r. p. 1157. 39. ed. Rom. suppose; comp. Creuzer, Sym- bolik, vol. III. p. 197). The flute called Tirvpivog by the Italian Dorians (Artemidorus ap. Athen. IV. p. 182 D. Eu- stath. p. 1157. 38), was so named from a shepherd. P Of the deoL UaKiKoi, near mount ^tna, which evidently were originally identical with the goddess Pales of the Ro- mans ; and consequently her worship belongs to the Sicu- lian branch of the Roman reli- gion. •1 Schol. Theoc. et Virg. iElian ubi sup. ^ The poems of Theocritus unluckily give little informa- 352 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 11. To conclude ; as in Attica, so among the Do- rians, comedy connected itself with the country festi- vals of Bacchus ; and, as Aristotle says,^ originated from the extemporaneous songs of those who led the Phallic processions, which were still customary in many Greek cities at the time of that philosopher. Of this, Sicyon furnishes an example. There was there a dance called 'AXTjrrjp,* which was probably of a Phallic nature ; and also a comic entertainment, called the Phallophori,'' in which the actors, with their heads and faces adorned with flowers, but unmasked, came into the theatre, in stately garments, some at the common entrance, some at the scene-doors; the Phal- lophorus^ his face smeared with soot, walked first from among them, and, after giving notice that they came with a new song in honour of Bacchus, they began to ridicule any person they chose to select. Thus too the Phlyaces of Tarentum were probably connected with the worship of Bacchus, whose festivals were accom- panied with similar rejoicings in Sicily.'' Yet the rites of Demeter sometimes gave rise among the Dorians to lascivious entertainments of this kind, as we learn from the description in Herodotus of the ^2:inetan choruses of women at the festival of Arte- mis and Auxesia, which provoked others of their sex tion on these points, as the bu- proverb jicopdrepog Mopv)(ov ori- colics are those which show the ginally referred to the rude most artifice and novelty. mirth at the vintage-festivals, at ^ Poet. IV. 14. which it was common in Sicily * Athen. XIV. p. 631 D. At (and probably elsewhere also) Athens too the country Phallic to smear the face with the juice festival was called koprri äXrjrLQ' of the grape. In Italy there ^ Semus Delius ap. Athen, were also at the festival of Ar- p. 62lF.p. 622 C. and Sui- temis Corythallia clowns, with das in '^fjfxog. Compare b. IL wooden masks (KvpiOpa), called ch. 10. §6. KvpLTToi, Hesych. in v. ^ It seems probable that the cn. 7, % 1. OF THE DORIANS. 353 by riotous and insulting language/ These mockeries were, however, only the humour of the moment, and were merely accessaries to certain dances and songs ; but among the Megarians, comedy, we know not by what means, obtained a more artificial character, and a more independent form. CHAP. VII. § 1. Origin of comedy at Megara. § 2. Life and drama of Epi- charmus. § 3. Traces of theatrical representations on painted vases. § 4. Political and philosophical tendency of the drama of Epicharmus. § 5. Mimes of Sophron. § 6. Plays of Rhinthon. § *7. Origin of tragedy at the city festivals of Bac- chus. § 8. Early history of the Doric tragedy. § 9. Character of the Doric lyric poetry. § 10. Doric lyric poets. § 11. Origin of the Doric lyric poetry. § 1 2. Character of the Doric style of sculpture. I. At Athens, a coarse and ill-mannered jest was termed a Megarian joke f which may be considered as a certain proof of the decided propensity of that people to humour. This is confirmed by the claims of the Megarians, who disputed the invention of comedy with the Athenians,^ and perhaps not with- out justice, if indeed the term invention be at all ap- ^ iEginetica, p .170. sq. ^Aristoph. Vesp. 57. yiXwra M-eyapodev KEKKefifiivov. Eupo- lis ap. Schol. Vesp. 57. et As- pas. ad Aristot. Eth. Nie. IV. 2. 20. fol. 53 B. TO (TKWfXf/ cKTeXyeg kcu MeyapLKor Kai (T^odpa J^vj^pov ye\(i) (j>iXoa6(j>^ corrected 'PiV0wva /cat ^Kipav may be corrected either ^\vao*co- Koi B\a to-ov : as also (pXvaico- ypa^w or TrfKicpw. ypa(p(ov for TTKÖayojOwv, and ^ Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. hBXigeicwfjLtKÖiivfoT ov fxiKpwv. In p. 426. Harl. Reuvens Coll. Hesychius in acreKTor, for Trapot Litt. p. *79. CH. 1, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 371 and peasants ; whereas the latter was formed upon the particular ideas and feelings suggested by the wor- ship of Bacchus, and by the part which he bore in mythology. It principally turned on the sufferings of Bacchus (A/ovy(rou Traövj), a point alluded to in some verses in the Iliad, though there is no doubt that it had been attempted at a much earlier period.^ 8. We shall now show how this applies to the tra- gedy of the Dorians. According to the account of Herodotus^ there were at Sicyon, an ancient seat of the worship of Bacchus, tragic choruses which sung of Bacchus, and undoubtedly of his sufferings. These choruses however had even before the age of Cleis- thenes (Olymp. 45.) been transferred to Adrastus, the hero of that city, but they were by that tyrant restored to their former subject. The date of their restoration is therefore known ; the time of their ex- tension to Adrastus, and consequently of their found- ation, must have been much more remote ; this shows the comparatively late date of the Attic tragedy, which began with Thespis. Now we are also informed that Epigenes, a very ancient tragedian of Sicyon, was the sixteenth before Thespis thus it appears that the ancients were in possession of a stock of information, which has been lost to us, that enabled them to draw y II. VI. 132. ^ Suidas in eeVvrtc. Photiug, ^ V. 67 ; for an explanation Apostolius, and Suidas in ovlkv of which passage see vol. 1. Trpog roV Aiowaov, the former p. 404. note Perhaps fxeyapi- of whom says, 'ETrtyfVovc tov Cetv for " to lament" (Aristoph. ^iKvioviov rpay^diav elg avrov Ach. 822. Suidas and the (in Suidas eiQ Aiovvaov. but Parcemiographers in Meyapewv perhaps it is an old error for daKpva, comp. Tyrrwhit ad elg "Adpaarov) Troi-ncravTog eire- Aristot. Poet, p 174.) refers to (pojvrjaav nvec rovro' odev rj rra - tragedy, as ^eyapiKog yeXojg to poifiia, comedy. 2 B 2 372 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. up a regular succession of all the intermediate tragic poets. To this if we add that some of the Pelopon- nesians, as we are told by Aristotle,^ disputed with the Athenians the invention of tragedy,"" we shall not be inclined to deny the claims of the former, on the mere ground that their song, being drowned by the louder notes of the Athenians, was thus early silenced. But it remains to be decided, whether this Sicyo- nian tragedy belonged to the regular drama, or whe- ther it was merely a species of dithyrambic lyric poetry, the existence of which was first proved some few years ago by a learned writer of this country.*^ Of these hypotheses the latter seems most probable, as the accounts of the Athenians respecting the origin and progress of their own tragedy can only then be justified, and because it is distinctly stated that the early tragedy consisted exclusively of choruses/ But I should conceive that these Bacchanalian songs were always accompanied by some mimicry ; which indeed the nature of that worship would seem to require ; the liveliness of the feelings which it inspired calling for a personified representation of them; and thus Arion, who is styled the inventor of the tragic style (rpoLyiKog ir^oTrog), is said to have introduced satyrs into his choruses.^ Arion, although by birth a Me- thymnsean, and probably a disciple of Terpander, chiefly lived and wrote (like his predecessors, men- tioned above) in Peloponnesus and among Dorian ^ Poet. 3. and Hermann ad 1. p. 104. « Themistius Or. XIX. p. 487. says directly that the Si- cyonians were the inventors of tragedy. ^ Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362. ® Particularly by Aristocles ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 C. ^ Suidas in 'Ap/wv. CH. 7, § 8. OF THE DORIANS. 373 nations. It was at Corinth, in the reign of Periander/ that he first practised a cyclic chorus ^ in the perform- ance of a dithyramb,' where he probably took ad- vantage of some local accidents and rude beginnings, which alone could justify Pindar in considering Corinth as the native city of the dithyramb.^ Thus the district of Corinth and Sicyon is of con- siderable importance in the early history of the drama. Phlius also, where the satirical drama probably first became a separate variety of the ancient tragedy, was situate in that part: whence being introduced into Athens, it was brought into a regular dramatical shape. For Pratinas the Phliasian is truly called the inventor of this species of the drama ;^ and although he contended for the prize with ^schylus at Athens, he nevertheless must have remained a native of Phlius, as his son and successor Aristeas was a citizen of that city, and was buried there."" I have nothing to remark respecting the satyric drama, except that it must have abounded in mimicry and pantomimic dances, such as were used under the name of hyporchemes in the temples of Apollo. s Arion's age is stated in ^ Saidas in U-paTivag. Acron Saidas after the beginning of ad Horat. A. P. 216. and com- Periander's reign, Olymp. 38, pare the ^Xiaaioi Iiarvpoi in or, according to Eusebius, Dioscorides. Anthol. voL L p. Olymp. 40. (628 or 620 B. C.) 252. Jacob. See Casaubon de ^ Hence also his father is Sat. Poesi 1. 5. p. 120. Toup called Cycleus, according to the Emend, in Said. vol. II. p. 479. analogy remarked above, p. 357. ^ Paus. II. 13. note^. ° As may be inferred from ^ Herod. I. 23. cf. Hellanic. the fact that Pratinas also com- ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1403. posed Doric hyporchemes, Fa- p. 87. ed. Sturz. Aristot. ap. brie. Bibl. Gr. vol. IL p. 135, Procl. Chrestom. p. 382. Gais- and from the title of one of his ford. p^^i^ys, AvfxaivaL ^ KapvaTidegj ^ Olymp. XIII. 18. cf. Schol. above, p 346, note \ adl. 374 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 9. Having now examined the two species of the drama, comedy and tragedy, mider different heads, we will next consider them under the general name of orchestic poetry, or poetry accompanied with dancing. For while all poetry which was necessarily attended with music was called lyric, that which was sung to accompany dances, frequently of large choruses, has been called the Doric lyric poetry ; to which appel« lation it appears to be justly entitled, as in its various forms it always partakes more or less of the Doric dialect. Hence the terms Doric and Choral poetry may be used as synonymous, as songs for choral dances were usually composed in the Doric dialect ; and w^henever the Doric dialect occurred in regular lyric odes, these were generally for choral dances.^ Thus, for instance, Pindar, the master of the Dorian lyric poetry, composed scolia ; which, unlike the poems sung at feasts, were accompanied with dances, and contained more of the Doric dialect.'^ Thus the di- thyramb, so long as it belonged to the Dorian lyric poetry, was always antistrophic, that is, in a choral form, or one adapted to dancing ; but after being new-modelled by Crexus, Phrynis, and others, it ceased to be acted by cyclic choruses, and its dialect at the same time underwent a total change. Choruses were sung in the Doric dialect in the midst of the Attic drama ; so peculiarly did the choral dances seem to belong to the Dorians. ^ F. Schlegel, Geschichte der rmna in the Boeotian dialect is Poesie der Griechen und Römer, however an exception. 1.1. p. 226. sqq. Schneider, ^ Boeckh ad Find. Fragm. Geschichte der Elegie, Studien, p. 607. vol. I. p. 2. ^ In the Prytaneum at Elis y The choral poetry of Co- also Doric songs were sung in CH. 1, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 375 These facts afford two criterions for ascertaining: the character of the lyric poetry of the Dorians. In the first place^, it always bore the stamp of publicity ; as in the formation of choruses the public was in some manner taken into consideration : secondly, it had some rehgious reference ; as choruses ever formed part of religious worship. The feeling therefore expressed by this kind of lyric poetry, though it might more powerfully affect individuals, should never- theless be of such a nature as to interest a whole people ; and the subject, even if suggested by other circumstances, should have a reference to religious notions, and admit of a mythological treatment. 10. Thus much concerning the character of lyric poetry among the Dorians. But if we proceed to inquire what gave to this species of poetry the cha- racteristic mark of the people, the circumstances which first strike the attention will rather surprise than enlighten us. For, in the first place, it is plain that no Greek city was wholly without choral poetry ; and that prosodia, pseans, and dithyrambs, as soon as they obtained a separate existence, spread in a short time over the whole of Greece. Secondly, among the chief founders and masters of the Dorian lyric poetry, the smaller number only were Dorians, the others being either of jEolian or Ionian descent. Thus Terpander, the ancient psean-singer, Arion, the inventor of the dithyramb, and Pindar, were ^olians ; Ibycus of Rhegium, Bacchylides, and Simonides of Ceos, were Ionian s ; and of the more celebrated poets the only Dorians were Stesichorus of Himera, and Alcman, the time of Pausanias (V. 15. Lernaea were in the same dialect 8.) and the eV?? used at the (ib. II. 31 3.). 376 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. by birth a Laconian, though descended from a Lydian family. This last fact however may be reconciled with the view taken above, by the supposition that a certain national style had from an early period been established in the native country of this choral poetry, to which the poets of the several cities generally con- formed ; while in other places, being more thrown on their own resources, they were led to cultivate their talent with greater freedom. Thus the choral poetry flourished in no part of Greece so much as at Sparta,^ as is proved by the best authorities, viz. Terpander * and Pindar.'' But besides the foreign, though almost naturahzed poets, such as Terpander, Thaletas, Nymphseus of Cydonia,"" and Simonides,^ there were also more native lyric poets at Sparta than in any other place ; ^ of whom we know by name, Spendon,"" Dionysodotus,^' Xenodamus,"" and Gitiadas, who sung the praises of the same deity to w^hom he built the brazen house.'^ Notwithstanding which, there has not been preserved a single fragment of Spartan lyric poetry, with the exception of Alcman's ; because, as ' See above, ch. 6. §4. and ^ Pausan III. 17.3. Chilon the rerpayojvoL x^poi of the La- likewise, according to Diog. conists, Ath. IV. pag. 181 C. Laert. I. 3. 68, wrote eXeyeHa from Timaeus. to the number of about 200 * Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 21 . verses. Likewise Areus the lb. Fragm. incert. 110, Laconian (Anton. Liber. 12.) Boeckh; above, p. 94, note ®. was a lyric poet, and different ^ jElian Y. H. XII. 50. from the epic poet "ApeioQ in y ^lian V. H. IX. 41. Paus. III. 13. 5. if such a per- ^ According to Athenseus son ever existed. Also the fxe- XIV. p. 632 F. XoTToioc Eurytus, who, according " Plutarch Lycurg. 28. to J. Lydus'de Ostent. p. 283. ^ Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. Hase, wrote an ode, beginning p. 687 B. " 'Aya\/y.o£ic£g"E|Oü)f," and Za- ^ Above, ch. 6- § 3- I will rex, according to the conjecture not add Philoxenus of Cythera of Paus. I. .38. 4, both Lace- in the time of Dionysius to the daemonians. names in the text. CH. 7, § 10. OF THE DORIANS. 377 we showed above, there was a certain uniformity and monotony in their productions, such as is perceivable in the early works of art, which prevented any single part from being prominent or distinguished. Some- thing must also be attributed to the effects of a cen- sorship, either of manners or of literary works ; as the Spartans are said to have banished Archilochus from their city either on account of his cowardice, or of the licentiousness of his poems f while, on the other hand, Tyrtseus was held in the greatest honour, as animating and encouraging their youth.^ The gene- rality of the use of the lyre at Sparta is proved by the fondness of the female sex for it.^ And besides several instances of lyric poetesses at Sparta,^ we know the names of some at Argos ' and Phlius.^ At the Isthmus of Corinth women were even allowed to strive in the musical contests.^ Of the number of lyric poets known only to their own age and country, we may form some notion from the circumstance that Pindar, celebrating a native of ^gina, incidentally mentions two minstrels of the same family, Timocritus and Euphanes the Theandridee." Besides those al- ready named, the following Doric poets are known to « Valer. Max. V. 3, Archi- loch. Fragm. p. 147. Liebel. Plutarch Cleom. 2. de So- lert. Anim. I. Apophth. Lac. p. 244. s Alcman ap. ApoUon. Dys. de Pron. p. 381. Bekker. Fragm. 73. Welcker. ^ Alcman ap. Athen. XIII. p. 600 F. Fragm. 27. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 1239. Suidas in IsXeirayopa- Olearus ap. Wolf. Fragm. Mul. 2. p. 62, 145. Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. II. p. 11, 157. vol.1, p. 883. ^ In denying the truth of the report that Telesilla routed Cleomenes (vol. I. pag. 191, note '^.) I did not mean to dis- parage the beautiful and genuine Doric character of that poetess and heroine. ^ Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. IL p. 135. ^ Plutarch Sympos, V. 2. p 206. ^ginetica, p. 143. cf. Dis- sen. Expl. p. 381. 378 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. us : Lasus of Hermione, a poet and musician, who had improved the dithyramb after Arion, and the ^olian style of music before Pindar; Ariphron of Sicyon, a composer of peeans ; Cleobulus of Rhodes, who was both a philosopher and a lyric poet ; and the peculiar genius of Timocreon, who tuned the Doric lyre against Simonides and Themistocles, having been roused against the latter by the unjust conduct of Athens towards the islands." Later poets we shall pass over. 11. The above statements merely go to establish the fact, that the choral lyric poetry, chiefly and ori- ginally belonged to the Dorians. In what manner this fact is to be accounted for, what were the causes of this phenomenon, can only be explained in a general history of the lyric poetry of the Greeks, a subject at once the most attractive and most difficult which remains for the industry of the present age. In the absence of such an investigation, I may be permitted to offer on that question a few remarks, which the occasion prevents me from supporting with a detailed body of evidence. In the first place then it will, I believe, be safe to give up the notion that the lyric was regularly and gradually developed from epic poetry. The epic poetry, beginning at a period when the Achseans were yet in possession of Peloponnesus," retaining till the latest times a peculiar dialect, and continued under ^ See above, p. 151. note^, lonisms of his dialect appear to and Fabricius. me to have been introduced by ° The assertion in the text the prevailing schools of rhap- makes it necessary for me to sodists. To offer any proofs of remark, that I do not consider these positions would be im- either Homer or his language proper in this place, as originally Ionic ; and the CH. 7, § 11. OF THE DORIANS. 379 its ancient form by Greeks of all races,^ does not show any tendency to produce an offspring so unlike itself ; and what could be more different than the re- citation of a single bard and the religious songs of a chorus ? From the time that there were Greeks and a Greek language there were doubtless songs at pro- cessions, both at festivals and to the temples, as well as during the sacrifice ; and these varying according to the mode of worship and attributes of the god. And in none were they so early reduced to rule as in the worship of Apollo ; to which, as has been already shown,'^ the ancient nomes, the paeans, and hy- porchemes, and other varieties of lyric poetry, either in part or wholly, OAved their origin. Now since this worship was originally Doric, and its chief temples were always in Doric countries, we can see a reason why in the ceremonial, that is the choral, poetry, the Doric dialect should have preponderated. Its form was^ on the whole, originally a Doric variety of the epic hexameter ; which was the rhythm of the ancient nomes composed by the minstrels Philammon, Glen, and Chrysothemis/ Their ancient strains, which were sung and danced to, must have been very different from the delivery of the Homeric rhapsodists, a sort of chaunting recitation ; for Terpander is said to have first set them, as well as the laws of Lycurgus,^ to a 1? The following epic poets Ibid, were Dorians : Eumelus of Co- ^ B. 1. eh. 7. §. 4. The laws rinth, Cinsethon of Lacedse- of Lycurgus were doubtless re- mon, Augeas of Troezen, Pi- duced into epic or elegiac verse, sander of Rhodes, Panyasis of possibly by Terpander himself, Halicarnassus ; and Enipedo- who was likewise an epic poet, cles of i^.grigentum was the au- and compo;,ed Trpooijuia as in- thor of a philosophical didactic troductions to the Homeric poem. poems. He also wrote scolia, 1 See b. IL ch. 8. §. 13. probably of the Doric kind, 380 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. regular tune ; wliereas these ancient religious hymns had such tunes from the beginning ; while the mode to which they were set can hardly have been any other than the Doric. The attempt to vary the rhythm pro- bably began by breaking the dactylic hexameters into shorter portions, in order to produce new combinations of less uniform verses, and thus gave rise to the anti- strophic form of metre.* A different origin must, how- ever, as is natural, be assigned to the anapsestic military songs ; nor can we suppose that pseans and hyporchemes ever followed the laws of hexameters ; the pseonian variety must have been earlier than Alcman, who made use of Cretic hexameters. Gene- rally indeed Alcman, however early his age, made use of a great variety of metres ; the reason of which pro- bably is, that before his time Terpander had mixed the Greek and Asiatic music ; besides which, Alcman had doubtless, from his Lydian origin, an inclination to the eastern style of music ; for in this a large portion of his songs, in which the logaoedic metre prevailed, were evidently composed he was also acquainted with Phrygian melodies. But the di- versity of his metres was only to express the variety of his muse, which sometimes adored the gods in Plutarch. Mus. 8. and spondaics in the Doric measure, as the splendid one in Clemens Alex. VI. p. 658. Zei) TravTwv cipj^a, iravTiiJv ijyfjrop Zev, 2ot ttc^ttw ravTOJV vfxvtiyv ap'^^av. His epic poems too, in part at least, were written in the Doric dialect, in which the earlier Orphic hymns were composed, according to Jamblichus, and many Delphic oracles, concerning which see Appendix VIIL ad fin. * Although several broken dactylics of this kind were named after Alcman, he was doubtless not the first person who introduced them. It is to this that the expression " numeros minuit in carmine'^ (Welcker, p. 11.) refers. ^ See the beautiful fragment, No. 10, in Welcker. ^ Fragm. 63. CH. 7, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 381 solemn choruses (in which, when he danced himself, he implored the sweetly-singing virgins to be the supports of his age^), now wrote bridal-hymns and drinking-songs ; a sufficient refutation of the notion that life at Sparta was one unvaried scene of gloom- iness and melancholy ; in which town these songs continued nevertheless to be popular until the time of Epaminondas.^ 12. If the essence of art consists in investing an idea of the mind with a sensible and bodily form, and this in a corresponding and satisfactory manner, we must certainly ascribe great skill in art to the Do- rians, for (as we have before remarked) they delighted more in imitation than in creation or action. This remark applies to the Greeks in general, and par- ticularly to the Dorians, as distinguished from later times ; hence the attention of that race to the beauty of form ; " Give us what is good and what is beauti- ful" was the Spartan prayer.^ Whoever had enjoyed y See the beautiful lines of " man, and Simonides : but Alcman, fragm. 12. " every one listened to Gnesip- ^» . V , ' ' " pus, who had taught lovers „0,^ ^ <" / 5 5 r ^^^^ serenade their mis- yv7oc, (p'i^iiv ^uvKTCii. ßaXi V/i^ ßoiu, m- " trcsses with harps and gui- ^vXosiUv, "tars." This fragment, which oVt' l^i K6i^ccroi il,6o? «y a.xx,vin>rtn written in logacedic metre, ^oTc^rui, ^ has little of the Doric dialect 1 he KiXwreg was a satyric dra- ^ An ancient erotic poet was ma, and its complete title was ot Ametor of Eleutherna in Crete, E'/Xwrt c ol ettI Taivapo)^ Eustath. Athen. XIV. p. 638 B. from ad II. p. 297. ek rdiy tov 'Hpw- whom a family or clan of Citha- diavov. Perhaps in allusion to ristse was there called 'A^r]Topi~ t\\e, ayogTaLvapiov. See vol. I. ^at, Hesych. in v. whence cor- p. 208. note^. Concerning the rect Athenseus and Etymol. M. origin of this singular drama, p. 83, 15. The author of the see some remarks in Niebuhr's E'/\wr£f laments in Athenaeus Rhein. Museum, vol. III. p. XIV. p. 638. E. that " it had 488. *' become oldfashioned to sing B. II. ch. 10. §. 9. '* the songs of Stesichorus, Ale- 382 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. the benefits of the public education, participated in all that was beautiful in the city,^ their whole existence was influenced by a sense of beauty, which was ex- pressed in the most ancient production of the people — in their religion. We may here be permitted to annex a few remarks on the art of sculpture ; and we will curtail them the more, as it does not bear so much upon national man- ners as music, which formed a part of the education of the people, while the former art was consigned to the care of a few. Although from what we have observed elsewhere, it would be difficult to describe all in the ancient sculpture that was peculiar to the Doric na- tion, and that originated from them, we may still draw some conclusions from what has been already stated. There was in the Doric character a certain healthy sensibility, and a delight in the unadorned and un- veiled forms of nature. That this very much favoured and assisted the progress of the above art is obvious ; and that the human form was accurately studied and understood in the Doric schools of art is shown in those specimens of their works which have been pre- served. The physical beauty of this race, ennobled and exposed to view by gymnastic and warlike ex- ercises, gave a right direction to the study of sculpture; and the prevailing religion, the worship of Apollo, by the energy of the figure and variety of the attributes of that god, shows not only the original talent of this people for sculpture, but it was fitted to lead them by a succession of compositions to the highest excellence. On the other hand, we may infer from some of the ^ Above, p. 308 notes ^ and'. Above, ch. 4. § 1. ch. 5. § 1- CH. 1, § 12. OF THE DORIANS. 383 above remarks, that the Dorians considered the beauty of art to consist more in proportion, harmony, and regularity, than in a superabundance of glitter and ornament ; and this is exemplified by the character of Doric architecture. Lastly, hence arises the com- posure and evenness of mind which so greatly distin- guished the Dorians, who anxiously preserved the usages of their fathers as much in the art of sculpture as in music. Although historical tradition does not extend so far as to prove and verify this view of the subject, still it agrees with all that is characteristic of the Dorians. In the first place then, we know that sculpture was diligently cultivated at an early time in several Doric cities ; first perhaps in Crete, the most ancient abode of Doric civilisation f then in -^gina,^ Sicyon, Corinth, Argos,^ and Sparta ; for that the latter city, particularly at the time of the Persian war, was dis- tinguished by its active pursuit of the arts, has been sufficiently proved in a former part of this work.^ Sicyon produced the Apollo of Canachus, of which we have elsewhere endeavoured to give an idea ;^ and about the same time the iEginetan artists appear to have produced those groups of heroes, the fragments of which are the only sure records which we possess of the peculiarities of that school. For the inform- ation which we receive from Pausanias and others goes no further than that in ^gina many statues of the most ancient kind were sculptured, and that a certain hardness of style was preserved there longer than in ^ B. II. ch. 8. § 18. g B. III. ch. 2. § 3. « ^ginetica, p. 96. sq. ^ B. II. ch. 8. § 18. ^ Thiersch, Epochen der Kunst, vol. II. p. 27. 384 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. Attica. The fragments, however, which remain, at- test a liveliness of conception, and a truth of imitation, which in many points may be called perfect, and which excite our admiration, and even astonishment. On the other hand, we may remark in the coun- tenances of the heroes, who evidently bear a Greek national physiognomy, though rudely and unpleasingly conceived, that respect for ancient customs which was a fundamental principle of the early times. That this happened at a time when Athens had already cast off every shackle, is a strong characteristic trait of the Dorians. These works, however, possess many other singularities, which cannot be referred to any peculiar disposition of that race. CHAP. VIII. § 1. History and rhetoric little cultivated by the Dorians. § 2. Apophthegmatic style of expression used by the Dorians. § 3. Apophthegms of the Seven Sages. § 4. Griphus invented by the Dorians. § 5. Symbolical language of the Pythagorean philosophy. 1. It has been shown in the preceding chapter that the national and original poetry of the Doric race was not the epic, but the lyric ; which is occupied rather in expressing inward feelings, than in describing out- ward objects. If this predilection may be considered as natural to the whole race, it will enable us to ex- plain why history neither originated among, nor was cultivated by the Dorians. For both its progress and invention we are indebted to the lonians, who were CH. 8, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 385 also the first to introduce prose-composition in general.'^ The Dorians, however, did not always retain this in- capacity ; for we are told that the Spartans gladly listened to the sophist Hippias of Elis, speaking of the families of heroes and men, the settlements by which the cities had in ancient times been founded, and of ancient events in general.^ This naturally suggests the remark, that the Dorians paid more attention to the events of the past than of the present time ; in which they are greatly opposed to the lonians, who from their governments and geographical position were more thrown into society, and interested them- selves more in the passing affairs of the day. Hence some of the early writers on mythical history were Dorians, as Acusilaus for example ; but the contem- porary historians were almost exclusively lonians and Athenians ; for Herodotus, who in his early years * It is only by this general proposition that we can explain why the physicians of Cos wrote in the Tonic dialect. ^ Plato Hipp. Maj. p.285C. Philostr.Vit.Soph.I. II. p. 495. Olear. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 23. So also the HoXireta ^irap- Tiarüjv of Dicsearchus was an- nually read in the ephors' office at Sparta (Suidas in ^ifcaiap^og) and in early times Hecataeus of Miletus found there a favour- able reception, Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 199. ^ This is only true of the more early times; for later we find many historians among the Do- rians. Of the Lacedsemonians, Nicocles and Hippasus are mentioned by Athenseus (see Schweighssuser ad Athen. Ind. p. 129.), Aristocrates by Plu- VOL. II. tarch and others, Pausanias by Suidas, Diophantus by Fulgen- tius, and Sosibiiis is frequently quoted. See Heeren de Font. Plutarchi p. 24. and Meursius Miscell. Lacon. IV. 17. Aac- Kparrjc^ 6 Hi7rapTiaTr]g, in Plu- tarch de Malign. Herod. 35, is doubtful. I also mention Der- cyllus the Argive, because he wrote in the dialect of his na- tive city ; see Valckenser ad Adoniaz. p. 274. et ad Eurip. Phoen. Schol. p. 7. and see Schol. Vrat. Pind. Olymp. VII. 49. This Dercylns or Dercyl- lus is connected in a singular manner with another historian, the very same quotations being sometimes made from both. See Athen. III. p. 86 F. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. p. 39. Sylb. Schol. Vat. in Eurip. Tro. 14. 2c 386 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. had lived for some time at Samos, and after his various travels wrote his History at Thurii, can hardly be con- sidered as a genuine Dorian.*^ Nor would it be difficult to account for the entire ignorance of the arts of rhe- toric and logic in the Doric states (for the schools of rhetoricians and sophists in Sicily are evidently to be traced to the peculiar character of those islanders) ^, or to see why the perfection of these, both in theory and practice, as well as that of the regular drama, was left to the Athenians. 2. But instead of the pointed and logical reasoning, and the fervid declamation of the Athenians, the Doric race had a peculiar manner of expressing itself, viz. by apophthegms, and sententious and concise sayings. Since in all these passages Agias and Dercylus are connected, we ought, in Schol. Vrat. Pind. 01." VI. 4g. p. 161. Boeckh., where the manuscript lias oi TTspl AEPA (with a mark of ab- breviation) Koi AipKvXov, to write : oi Trepl 'Aymj^ (not Aei- viav). Probably a single work had been composed upon Ar- golic antiquities, with a mixture of various Argolic expressions, by Agias and Dercylus. ^ Unless his religious turn, and a certain infantine simpli- city, which seems the more sin- gular, when it is remembered that he wrote nearly at the same time as Thucydides, are con- sidered as traces of a Doric character. He does not how- ever appear to have the idea of government, which belonged to that race. « Seeb. III. ch. 9. § 7. be- sides which we may mention Gorgias of Leontini, and the great sums gained by Hippias even in small towns of Sicily, as, e. g., Inycus. — Sparta, on the other hand, together with Argos (b. III. ch. 9. § 1. extr.), and Crete, had no orators (Ci- cero Brut. 13. Tacitus de Orat. 40.), and rhetoric, as being an art favouring untruth (ri^vt} avEv aXrjOetag, Plutarch et A- postol. XIII. 72.), was prohi- bited, Athen. XIII. p. 611 A. Cephisophon the good speaker (6 ayadog fxvdrjTao) was ba- nished (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. Apostol. XIX. 89.), and the ephors punished any person who introduced a foreign method of speaking ; in the same manner as at Crete, those who made speeches of false dis- play were driven from the island (ot Ev Xoyoig aXa^ovevofxevoiy Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathe- mat. p. 68B.). Nor is there any better criticism of sophisti- cal panegyrics, than the Lace- daemonian remark, Hg avrov xpeyei ; CH. 8, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 387 The object appears to have been, to convey as much meaning in as few words as possible, and to allude to, rather than express, the thoughts of the speaker. A habit of mind which might fit its possessor for such a mode of speaking, would best be generated by long and unbroken silence; which was enjoined to his scholars by Pythagoras, and by Sparta enforced on all youths during their education : ^ it being intended that their thoughts should gain force and intensity by com- pression.^ Hence the great brevity of speech,^ which was the characteristic of all the genuine Dorians, especially of the Spartans,' Cretans,^ and Argives,^ forming a remarkable contrast with the copious and headlong torrent of eloquence which distinguished the Athenians. The antiquity of this characteristic of the Spartans is proved by the fact of Homer's attri- buting it to Menelaus, When Atreus' son harangued the list'ning train, Just was his sense, and his expression plain, His words succinct, yet full, without a fault ; He spoke no more than just the thing he ought.'" In which lines the poet evidently transfers the pecu- liarity of the Doric Laconians to the earlier inhabitants of that country.'' In adopting this mode of expression. *" Above, ch. 2. § 5. g Plutarch de Garrul. 17. ^ 'H ßpa-^vKoyia eyyvg r« <7iyäj/, a saying of Lycurgus, ac- cording to Apostolius IX. 69. ^ See particularly Demetrius de Elocut. Vni. p. 241 sqq. ^ Crete, according to Plat. Leg. I. p. 641. aimed more at TToXvvoLa than TroXvXoyla. rofioQ r]v 6 ^tivor is said of a Cretan, Anthol. Palat. VII. 447. 1 yEsch. Suppl. 198. 270. Pindar Isthni. V. 55. Sophocl. ap. Schol. Isthm. VI. 87. See also Sophocles in Stobaeus FIo- rileg. 74. p. 325. ^ Pope's translation of Iliad III. 213. This passage is re- ferred by the Venetian Scho- liast, Eustathius p. 406. ed. Rom. and Tzetzes Chil. V. 31 7. to the ßpaxvXoyla of the Lace- daemonians. ^ Above, p. 298 note p. 2c 2 388 ARTS AND LITERATURE book it. the Dorians may be conceived, in the first place, to have wished to avoid all ornament of speech, and to have contented themselves with the simplest manner of conveying their thoughts ; as Stesimbrotus the Thasian opposes to the adroit and eloquent Athenian the openness and simplicity of the Peloponnesian, who was plain and unadorned, but of an honest and guile- less disposition. ° Or, secondly, it was intended to have double force by the contrast of the richness of the thought, with the slight expense of words. Pro- bably, however, both these motives had their weight ; though the latter perhaps predominated. In a dia- logue of Plato,^ Socrates says, half in joke and half in earnest, that " of all the philosophical systems in " Greece, that established in Crete and Lacedcemon was the most ancient and copious, and there the sophists were most numerous ; but they concealed their skill, and pretended to be ignorant. And hence, on conversing with the meanest Lacedce- *^ monian, at first indeed he would appear awkward in his layiguage, but when he perceived the drift " of the conversation, he would throw in, like a " dexterous lancer, some short and nervous remark, so as to make the other look no better than a child. " Nor in these cities is such a manner of speaking " confijied to the men, but it extends also to women'' That in this concise manner of speaking there was a kind of wit and epigrammatic point, may be easily seen from various examples ; but it cannot be traced ° Ap. Plutarch. Cimon. 4. nian, unable to speak (aZvvaroQ P Protag. p. 342. Plutarch Xiyeiv), he probably does not Lycurg. 20 extr. refers to this mean literally that the Lacedae- passage. When Thucydides monians were unable to speak, IV. 84. says of Brasidas, that but only points to their peculiar he was not, for a Lacedsemo- mode of speaking. CH. 8, § 2. . OF THE DORIANS. 389 to the principles which we have just laid down. Sometimes it arises from the simplicity of the Doric manners, as contrasted with the more polished customs of other nations ; of which kind is the answer of the Spartan, who, taking a fish to be cooked, and being asked where the cheese, oil, and vinegar were, replied, " If I had all these things, I should not have bought a fish."*^ Or it is a moral elevation, viewed from which, things appear in a different light; thus the saying of Dieneces, that " if the Persians darkened " the air with their arrows, they should fight in " the shade." Sometimes it is an ironical expression of bitterness and censure, which gains force by being concealed under a semblance of praise ; as in the judg- ment of the Laconian on Athens, where every kind of trade and industry was tolerated, " Everything is "beautiful there.'"' Or it is the combination of various ridiculous ideas into one expression, as in the witty saying of a husband who found his wife, whom he detested, in the arms of an adulterer ; " Unhappy man, who forced you to do this ? " ^ At Sparta, however, an energetic, striking, and figurative mode of speaking must have been generally in use ; which may be perceived in the style of all the Spartans who are mentioned by Herodotus.* And •1 Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 242. Similarly the saying avrac aKovaa rrjvag in Plutarch Ly- curg-. 20. cf. Reg. Apophth. p. 129. ^ Herod. VII. 226. Lac. A- pophth. p. 245. ' P. 244. Compare the apoph- thegm in Plutarch de Frat. Amor. 8. p. 44. * This figurative turn may be particularly remarked in Cleo- menes' address to Crius, in the speech of Bulls and Sperthis to Hydarnes, in which they say, " Would you then advise us to " fight for freedom, not with " lances, but with axes ? " and the action of Amompharetus, who laid a block of stone at the feet of Pausanias, as if it were a pebble for voting. 390 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. this, I have no doubt, was one of the most ancient customs of the Doric race. In Crete it had been retained, according to the testimony of Sosicrates, a Cretan author, in the town of Phsestus, in which place the boys were early practised in joking ; and the apophthegms of Phsestus were celebrated over the whole island.'' In Sparta too this peculiar mode of expression was implanted in boys ; the youths {s^rißoi) proposing them questions, to which they were to give ready and pointed answers ; and they were taught to impart a peculiar sharpness and also brilliancy to their sayings J Later in life this tendency was fostered and confirmed by the many occasions on which the public manners prescribed ridicule as a means of improve- ment : ^ at the festival of the Gymnopeedia in par- ticular, full vent seems to have been allowed to wit and merriment.* In common life, laughter and ridicule were not unfrequent at the public tables ; ^ to be able to endure ridicule was considered the mark of a Lace- daemonian spirit ; yet any person who took it ill might ask his antagonist to desist, who was then forced to comply.'' In early times, similar customs existed in other places besides Sparta ; thus the suitors of Aga- riste, in the house of Cleisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon, contended after the meal in musical skill and con- versation,*^ with which we might perhaps compare the passage in the Hymn to Mercury, where it is said that « Athen. VI. p. 261 C. ^ Plutarch et Heracl. Pont. 2. y Plutarch Lycurg. 17. 19- ^ B. III. ch. 11. §3. ^ This I infer from the pas- sage of Pollux quoted above, p. 347. note ^, compared with the joke {yXfvnajjict) of Leoty- chides at the gvmnopsedia in Herod. VI. 67. ^ Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 3. 5. and above, p. 288. note K ^ Plutarch Lvcvirg. 12. comp. Macrob. Sat. VI I. 3. Herod! VI. 129. CH. 8, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 391 youths at table attach one another in mutual jests, and the practice among the ancient Germans, of jest- ing with freedom at table, alluded to in a verse of the Niebelungen Lied/ But this primitive custom having been retained longer in Sparta than elsewhere, it struck all foreigners as a peculiarity, of which the antique polish was sometimes rather offensive. Still, if we justly estimate the manners of that city, they do not deserve the name of needless austerity and strictness ; it was the only Greek state in which a statue was erected to Laughter : ^ in late times even Agesilaus^ and Cleomenes IIL ' amidst all the changes of their life, cheered their companions with wit and playfulness. 3. This national mode of expression had likewise a considerable effect on the progress of literature in Greece. Plato properly calls the Seven Sages, imi- tators and scholars of the Lacedsemonian system, and points out the resemblance between their sayings and the Laconian method of expression.^ Of these, three, or, if we reckon both Myson and Periander, four, were of Doric descent, and Cheilon was a Spartan ; ^ there were also perhaps at the same time others of the same character, as Aristodemus the Ar give."" The sayings at- 'E4 avToa-)(,£^iVQ TreipwijLeyoQ, rjvre KovpoL 'Hßrjral OaXljiai Trapat- ßoXa KeprofieovcTLV, v. 54. * Gämelicher Sprüche wart do niht verdeit, i. e. non absti- nebatur a sermonibus ludicris. Niebelungen Lied. v. 6707. p. 345. ed. 1820. s Sosibius ap. Plutarch. Ly- curg. 25. It is worthy of re- mark, that the worship of ab- stract ideas, as of Death, of Fear (b.III. ch. 7. §7.), of Fortune (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 253.), existed among the Spartans, as among the Romans ; see Plu- tarch Cleom. 9. Plutarch Ages. 2. i Plutarch Cleom. 13. ^ Protag. p. 342. see also Plutarch de Garrul. 17. ^ Hence this mode of expres- sion was called the Chilonian, Diog. Laert. I. 72. Or Spartan, see the pas 392 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. tributed to these sages were not so much the discoveries of particular individuals, as the indications of the general opinion of their contemporaries. And hence the Py- thian Apollo, directed by the national ideas of the Do- rians, particularly countenanced their philosophers, to whose sententious mode of expression his own oracles bore a certain resemblance." It appears also that the Amphictyons caused some of their apophthegms to be inscribed on the temple of Delphi ; and the story of the enumeration of the Seven Sages by the oracle, although fabulously embellished, is founded on a real fact.P 4. Since in this apophthegmatic and concise style of speaking the object was not to express the meaning in a clear and intelligible manner, it was only one step further altogether to conceal it. Hence the gri- phus or riddle was invented by the Dorians, and, as well as the epigram, was much improved by Cleobulus the Rhodian,'^ and his daughter Cleobulina.^ It was also a favourite amusement with the Spartans,^ and sages quoted above, p. 8. note^*. comp. Diog. Laert. I. 41. Others are mentioned by Her- mippus, ibid. 42. " Thus, for example, Apollo is said to have given the same answer to Gyges, as Solon to Croesus, Valer. Maxim. VII. 1, 2. ° Plutarch ubi sup. P The chief passage on this point is Demetr. Phaler. ap. Diog. Laert. I. 22. who places the event in the archonship of Damasias (Olymp. 49. 3.), the same year in which, according to the Parian Marble, which probably follows the same au- thority, the second Pythian ayijjv yvfiviKOQ^ the first ayiov areipavlrriQ, fell. Also Branchus, the ancient prophet of Miletus, is mentioned as ßpa-^vXoyog, Diog. Laert. I. 72. ^ Diog. Laert. I. 89. comp. Jacobs Comment. Anthol. torn. I. p. 194. ' Athen. X. p. 448 B. Ari- stot. Rhet. III. 2. Plutarch Sept. Sap. Conviv. III. 10. Menage Hist. Mulier. Philos. 4. Hence the KXto/SovXtvai of Cratinus, concerning which see Schwei ghseuser ad Ind. Ath. p. 82. ^ Athen. X. p. 452 A. CH. 8, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 393 in the ancient times of Greece was generally a com- mon pastime.* 5. This leads us to speak of the symbolical maxims of the Pythagoreans, which might be called riddles, if they had been proposed as such, and not put in that form merely to make them more striking and impres- sive. So attached indeed do these philosophers ap- pear to have been to the symbolical method of expres- sion, that not only their language, but even their actions acquired a symbolical character.*" The system of Py- thagoras has by modern riters been correctly con- sidered as the Doric philosophy : yet it is singular that it should have originated with a native of the Ionic Samos. It should, however, be remembered, that the family of Pythagoras, which seems to have lived with other Samians in the island of Samothrace, among the Tyrrhenians/ originally came from Phlius in Pelo- ponnesus,^ and always kept up a certain degree of communication with that city ; ^ and again, that al- though Pythagoras doubtless brought with him to Croton the form of his philosophy, its subsequent ex- pansion and growth were in great part owing to the * Epicharmus called it \6yov kv Xoyw, Eustathius ad Od. IX. p. 1634. 15. ed. Rom. Many ancient griphi are in the Doric dialect ; though this is not al- ways the case. " Thus for example, if they said, " Admit no swallows " into your house," they not only avoided the company of talkative persons (Porphyrins, Vit. Pythag. 42.), but actually prevented swallows from build- ing under their roofs. On this subject see the ancient writers quoted by Fabricius Bibl. Grsec. vol. I. p. 788 sq. comp. Creu- zer's Symbolik^ vol. I. p. 104. ^ Orchomenos, p. 438. note 2. y B. I. ch. 5. §3. ^ There is an account of a dialogue between Pythagoras and Leon the tyrant of Phlius, Cicero Tusc. Queest. V. 3. Diog. Laert. VIII. 8. According to Diogenes Laert. VII. 1. Pytha- goras was the fourth from Cleo- nymus, who had fled from Phlius ; and therefore he would be a Dorian. 394 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. character of the Dorians and Doric Achseans, among whom he lived. Its connexion with the chief branch of the Doric religion, the worship of Apollo,"" and his temple at Delphi, ^ has been already pointed out ; and it has been shown that the political institution of his league was founded on Doric principles.'' Other points of resemblance are the universal education of the female followers of Pythagoras, such as Theano, Phintys, and Arignote,*^ the employment of music to appease passion, the public tables, the use of silence as a means of education, &c. It appears also, that the philosophers of this school always found a welcome reception at Sparta, as well as those whose character was somewhat similar, as the enthusiastic and religious sages, Abaris,^ Epimenides,^ and Pherecydes ; ^ Anax- imander^ likewise and Anaximenes' lived for some time in that city, and lastly, in the lists of the Pytha- gorean philosophers (which are not entirely devoid of credit), there are, besides Italian Greeks, generally Lacedsemonians, Argives, Sicyonians, Phliasians, and sometimes women of Sparta, Argos, and Phlius.^ ^ B. II. ch. 8. §20. See vol.1, p. 370. note"^. « B. TIL ch. 9. § 16. ^ Their silence is also worthy of remark, Timaeus ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 17. Gale Opusc. MythoL vol. 1. p. 739. On the use of music see h. IL ch. 8. § 20. A work of Philochorus is cited : Trtpi iipMtdujv riroi Tlv- dayopeiiov yvvaucwv. See Sie- bel. Fragm. p. 9. « Pausan. III. 13. 2. See vol. I. p. 76. note ^ Sosibius ap. Diog. Laert. I. 10, 12. Pausan. IL 21. 4. III. II. 8. III. 12. 9. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 399. ed. Potter. Heinrich's Epimenides, p. 128. Epimenides is said to have in- formed the Spartans of a defeat at Orchomenos, Diog. Laert. 1. 117., of which nothing else is known. s Plutarch Agid. 10. Diog. Laert, I. 117. from Theopom- pus, Creuzer Init. Philos. Pla- ton. vol. IL p. 164. ^ Vol. 1. p. 208. note P. ^ He erected the first sun-dial at Sparta, Plin. H. N. II. 66. ^ See, e. g., Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 36. CH. 9, § 1. OF THE DORIANS. 395 And this is a fresh confirmation of the position, which we have frequently maintained, that up to the time of the Persian war all mental excellence, so far from being banished from Sparta, flourished there in the utmost perfection. CHAP. IX. § 1. Difference between the life of the Dorians and lonians. Domestic habits of the Spartans. § 2. Opinions of the Dorians respecting a future life. § 3. General character of the Dorians. § 4. Its varieties. § 5. Character of the Spartans. § 6. Character of the Cretans, Argives, Rhodians, Corinthians, Corcyrseans, Syracusans, Sicyonians, Phliasians, Megarians, Byzantians, vEginetans, Cyrenseans, Crotoniats, Tarentines, Messen ians, and Delphians. 1 . After Anacharsis the Scythian had visited the different states of Greece, and lived among them all, he is reported to have said, that all wanted leisure " and tranquillity for wisdom, except the Lacedsemo- " nians, for that these were the only persons with " whom it was possible to hold a rational conversa- " tion." ^ The life of all the other Greeks had doubt- less appeared to him as a restless and unquiet existence, as a constant struggle and effort without any object. In addition to the love of ease, which belonged to the original constitution of the Dorians, there was a further cause for this mode of life, viz. the entire exemption from necessary labour which the Spartans enjoyed, their wants being supplied by the dependent and in- ^ Herod. IV. 77. 396 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. dustrious classes.^ Several writers have dAvelt on the tedmm and listlessness of such an existence ; but the Spartans considered an immunity from labour an im- munity from pain, and as constituting entire liberty.'' But, it may be asked, what was there to occupy the Spartan men from morning to night ? ^ In the first place, the gymnastic, military, and musical exercises ; then the chase, which with men advanced in life was a substitute for other exercises ; ® besides which, there was the management of public affairs, in which they might take an active part, together with the religious ceremonies, sacrifices, and choruses ; and much time was also consumed in the places of public resort, or "Kia-zai. Every small community had its lesche ;^ and here the old men sat together in winter round the blazing fire, while the respect for old age gave an agreeable turn to the conversation. At Athens, too, these small societies or clubs were once in great vogue ; but a democracy likes a large mass, and hates all di- visions ; and accordingly in later times the public porticoes and open market were generally attended, where every Athenian appeared once in the day. At Sparta, the youths were forbidden to enter the market- place ; ^ as well as the pylsea,^ which was in other ^ 'A(f)dovla o-^oX^c, Plutarch Lycurg. 24. Inst. Lac. p. 255- *^ Id. Lycurg. 24. Lac. A- poplith. p. 207. ^ Manso, vol. I. 2, p. 201. ß Xen. Rep. Lac. 4.7. Hence the excellence of the Lacedae- monian hounds, Pind. Hyporch. fragm. 3. p. 599. Boeckh. Si- monides ap. Plutarch Symp. IX. 15. 2. Meursius Misc. Lac. III. 1. The love of the Cretans for the chase is well known, see above, ch. 4. § 7. ^ B.III, ch. 10. §2. cf. Plu- tarch Lycurg. 25. Also in Oleomen. 30. I prefer toIq Xi~ create to the other reading, ralg G")(o\alc. s Plutarch Lycurg. 25. ^ Id. Inst. Lacon. p. 254. Tov EK Tov yvjxvaaiov veavLcrKov ETrerifKov on rrjv sig irvXaiav o^ov r)TTiaTaTO. CH. 9, § 2. OF THE DORIANS. 397 Doric towns besides Delphi' a place for buying and selling.^ 2. Having now so fully investigated the manners and daily occupations of the Dorians, it would be in- teresting to know what were their opinions on death, or on the existence of a future state ; but on these points there is no information to be gleaned from ancient writers. Nor can much more be said on their funeral ceremonies, if indeed they had any rites pe- culiar and universally belonging to the whole race. At Tarentum, the dead were, according to an ancient oracle, called the majority (o\ w'Kslovsg) '} they were buried within the walls, each family having in their house tombstones, with the names of the deceased, where funeral sacrifices were performed at Sparta, it was doubtless the ancient custom to bury the dead in the city, and in the neighbourhood of the temples." Monuments, with the names of the dead, were only erected to those who had fallen in battle," and many * At Delphi it was a regular fair(Dio Chrys. Orat.77. p. 414. Reisk.), and also a slave-market, as I infer from Plutarch Prov. Alex. p. 105. By means of it a considerable suburb, or new- town, called Pylsea, was formed at Delphi, Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 29. p. 296. Perhaps this was the locality of the HvXata of Cratinus. ^ At Rhodes liars were called TTvXaiaaToi^ Hesycliius and Schol. ad Plutarch. Artaxerx. I. p. 387. ed. Hutten, compare Suidas in v. In Plutarch de Fac. Lunse 8. jugglers of the Pylsea, in the Life of Pyrrhus, 29. TtvKaiKi) o)(A.aywyi'a, are mentioned. But these expres- sions do not refer to the Pylaea of Delphi. 1 Polyb. VIII. 30. ^ See Athen. XII. p. 522 F. " Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Inst. Lac. p. 251. The Laconian word for " to bury" was TiQi]- fiEvai^ Schol. Cantabr. II. kf/'. 83. On the burial of the king, see b.III. ch.6. §6. ° Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Thus Pausanias III. 14, 1. saw at Sparta the names of the 300 who died at Thermopylae, and the same monument is, as it appears, referred to by Hero- dotus VII. 224. 398 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. other honours were also paid them.^ The sacrifice to Demeter, on the twelfth day after death, evidently denotes the reception of the soul in the infernal regions ; the Argives likewise sacrificed on the 30th day to Hermes, as conductor of the souls of the dead in the same manner that the Athenians called the dead Ar)[^7}Tpiaxo), i. e. returned to their mother earth. There was however a considerable difference between the Athenian and Doric modes of burying ; for the former laid the body with the head to the west, the latter, at least the Megarians, to the east/ 3. It now remains for us to collect into one point of view all that has been said in different parts of this work on the character of the Doric race, so as to furnish a complete and accurate idea of their nature and peculiarities. That this cannot be done in a few words is evident ; but that it can be done at all, I consider equally clear ; and by no means agree with those who deny that a whole nation, like an individual, can have one character ; an error which is perhaps best refuted by consideration of the different tribes of Greece. And thus the word Dorian conveyed to the ancient Greeks a clear and definite, though indeed a complex idea.^ P What ^lian. V. H. VI. 6. is by itself a laudatory term (as says only of persons who had in several passages of Pindar, fallen in battle, Plutarch states Boeckh ad Pyth. VIII. 21. of all who died. Dissen ad Nem. III. 3. and 1 B. II. ch. 6. § 2. At Argos frequently in Plutarch. See the mourning was white, Plut. likewise the epigram in Athen. Qusest. Rom. 26. V. p. 209 E. and Damagetus ^ Plutarch Solon. 9, 10. comp. * in the Palatine Anthology, VII. ^Elian. V. H. V. 14. and Mi- 231.), and expresses a national nervee Poliadis Sacra, p. 27. pride respected by the other ^ It is remarkable, that among Greeks, Thuc. VI. 77. Valc- all the names for the races of kenser ad Adoniaz. p. 385 C. the Greek nation, Awpievc alone CH. 9, § 3. OF THE DORIANS. 399 The first feature in the character of the Dorians which we shall notice is one that has been pointed out in several places,* viz. their endeavour to produce uniformity and unity in a numerous body. Every individual was to remain within those limits which were prescribed by the regulation of the whole body."" Thus in the Doric form of government no individual was allowed to strive after personal independence, nor any class or order to move from its appointed place. The privileges of the aristocracy, and the subjection of the inferior orders, were maintained with greater strictness than in other tribes,'' and greater importance was attached to obedience, in whatever form, than to the assertion of individual freedom. The government, the army, and the public education, were managed on a most complicated, but most regular succession and alternation of commanding and obeying.^ Every one was to obey in his own place. All the smaller asso- ciations were also regulated on the same principle : always we find gradation of power, and never inde- pendent equality.^ But it was not sufficient that this system should be complete and perfect within ; it was to be fortified without. The Dorians had little incli- nation to admit the customs of others, and a strong desire to disconnect themselves with foreigners.'' Hence in later times the blunt and harsh deportment of those Dorians who most scrupulously adhered to their national habits.^ This independence and seclu- sion would however sometimes be turned into hostility ; t B. II. ch. 8. § 20. B. III. y lb. ch. 9. § 18. ch. 12. § 5. ch. 1. §1. 10. Above, ch. 5. §2. ^ B. III. ch. 9. § 18. ^ See, e. g., above, ch. 3. § 3. ^ lb. ch. 4. § 6. ^ See above, p. 4. note ^ B.III, ch. 9. ad fin. 400 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv- and hence the military turn of the Dorians, Avhich may also be traced in the development of the worship of Apollo/ A calm and steady courage was the natural quality of the Dorian.*^ As they were not ready to receive, neither were they to communicate outward impressions ; and this, neither as individuals, nor as a body. Hence both in their poetry and prose, the narrative is often concealed by expressions of the feeling, and tinged with the colour of the mind.^ They endeavoured always to condense and concentrate their thoughts, which was the cause of the great bre- vity and obscurity of their language/ Their desire of disconnecting themselves with the things and per- sons around them, naturally produced a love for past times ; and hence their great attachment to the usages and manners of their ancestors, and to ancient institu- tions.^ The attention of the Doric race was turned to the past rather than to the future.^' And thus it came to pass that the Dorians preserved most rigidly, and represented most truly, the customs of the ancient Greeks.' Their advances were constant, not sudden ; and all their changes imperceptible. With the desire to attain uniformity, their love for measure and 'pro- portion was also combined. Their works of art are distinguished by this attention to singleness of effect, and everything discordant or useless was pruned off with an unsparing hand.^ Their moral system also prescribed the observance of the proper mean ; and it was in this that the temperance {a-w^pou-ivTi) ^ B. II. ch. 6. § 2. the Spartans was connected. d B. III. oh. 12. § 9. ^ B. III. ch. 1. § 1. ^ Above, ch.8. §1. ^ Above, ch. 2. § 1. ch. 3. Mb. §2. §l.ch.6. §1. 8 With which the aroXfxoy of ^ Above, ch. 7. § 12. CH. 9, ^ 3. OF THE DORIANS. 401 which so distinguished them consisted.^ One great object of the worship of Apollo was to maintain the even balance of the mind, and to remove everything that might disquiet the thoughts, rouse the mind to passion, or dim its purity and brightness."" The Doric nature required an equal and regular harmony, and preserving that character in all its parts." Dis- sonances, even if they combined into harmony, were not suited to the taste of that nation. The national tunes were doubtless not of a soft or pleasing melody ; the general accent of the language had the character of command or dictation, not of question or en- treaty. The Dorians were contented with themselves, with the powers to whom they owed their existence and happiness ; and therefore they never complained. They looked not to future, but to present existence. To preserve this, and to preserve it in enjoyment, was their highest object. Everything beyond this boundary was mist and darkness, and everything dark they supposed the Deity to hate. They lived in themselves, and for themselves. ^ Hence man was the chief and almost only object which attracted their attention. The same feelings may also be perceived in their religion, which was always unconnected with the worship of any natural object, and originated from their own reflection and conceptions. And to the same source may perhaps be traced their aversion to mechanical and agricultural labour."" In short, the whole race bears generally the stamp and character of the male sex ; the desire of assistance and connexion, 1 B.III. ch.l.§ 10. p Above, ch. 8. §17. ™ B. II. ch. 8. §2. 11. 20. IB. II. ch. 5. §7. ch 8. " lb. § 10. Above, ch. 6. §2. § 12. ch. 10. §9. ° B. II. ch. 6. § 7. ch. 8. § 7. ' B. III. ch. 4. § 1. VOL. II. 2 D 402 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. of novelty and of curiosity, the characteristics of the female sex, being directly opposed to the nature of the Dorians, which bears the mark of independence and subdued strength. 4. This description of the Doric character, to which many other features might be added, is sufficient for our present purpose ; and will serve to prove that the worship of Apollo, the ancient constitution of Crete and that of Lycurgus, the manners, arts, and literature of the Dorians, were the productions of one and the same national individual. To what extent this cha- racter was influenced by external circumstances cannot be ascertained ; but though its features were impressed by nature, they might not in all places have been de- veloped, and would have been lost without the foster- ing assistance of an inland and mountainous region. The country is to a nation what the body is to the soul : it may influence it partially, and assist its growth and increase ; but it cannot give strength and impulse, or imprint that original mark of the Deity which is set upon our minds. But outward circumstances, such as locality, form of government, geographical position, and foreign intercourse, had in the several states a different effect on the Doric character, unequally developing its various features, by confirming some, repressing others, and some wholly obliterating. We shall thus be en- abled to separate the particular character of each state from the ideal character of the whole race, and also to explain their deviations, particularly in a political and practical point of view. 5. The Dorians of Sparta were influenced by their geographical position, which, with the exception of that of the Arcadians, was more inland than that of CH. 9, § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 403 any people in Peloponnesus ; as well as by their supremacy, which they at first asserted with ease and dignity, and afterwards maintained by the devotion of all their forces to that one object. The independence and seclusion so desired by the Dorians were at Sparta most conspicuous, and thus the original spirit of the Doric race, and its ancient customs, were most rigidly, and sometimes even in trifles,^ there preserved ; though it was the mummy rather than the living body of the ancient institutions. This deterioration, however, did not manifest itself till later times ; for (as we have more than once remarked) at an early period the mode of life at Sparta was diversified, cheerful, and by no means unattractive. At that time Sparta was the centre and metropolis of Greece. This love of se- clusion took a singular turn in the reserve, and in the short and sententious mode of expression, practised by the Laconians. Indeed their silence was carried to a pitch which exceeded the bounds of intentional concealment. Even the artfulness of the Spartans is after the Persian war often mentioned with blame ; and it is- said to have been impossible to guess their intention.* Sometimes indeed the deception was ^ According to Demetrius de Elocut. § 122. the ephors caused a person to be scourged who had made some innova- tion in the game of ball ; a subject on which Timocrates, a Spartan, had written a trea- tise. * Herod. IX. 54. Aanedaifio- VLiov aXXa (i>pove6vrtov koX aWa XeyovTiov. So also Eurip. An- drom. 452. In this poet's at- tacks upon Sparta the date should always be attended to (Markland ad Suppl. 187. Wüstemann Prsef. ad Ale est. p. XV.) He calls the Spartans ^oXia ßovXevTi]pLa, ipevdwr ixvaic- TaQ in the Andromache, when the Athenians accused them of a breach of treaty, Olymp. 90. 2, according to Petit and Boeckh Trag. Princip. p. 190. In the Orestes (Olymp. 92. 4.) in re- ference to the proposals of the Spartans for peace after the disasters of Mindarus, which the Athenians had declined, 2 D 2 404 ARTS AND LITERATURE book n. founded on patriotic principles, as in tlie answer of the ambassador, who being asked in whose name he came, replied, " In the name of the state, if we suc- " ceed ; if we fail, in our own." Demostratus the son of Phseax said with great truth that the Spartans were better as members of a state, the Athenians as members of private society the latter indeed were more left to their individual care and exertions, whilst the former were guided by national custom. Hence when they once deserted this guide, they deviated not partially, but wholly and widely from the right path. Yet the history of the Peloponnesian war and of the period immediately following, being that part of the history of Greece which is clearest to our view, presents several distinguished and genuine Lacedee- monians, who may be divided into two distinct classes. Of these the fir^t is marked by a cunning and artful disposition, combined v»dth great vigour of mind, and a patriotism sometimes attended with contempt of other Greeks. Such was Lysander,'' a powerful re- volutionist ; who, concentrating in his own person the Philochorus ap. Schol. Aristoph. ovte TziariQ ovff opKog fievei, in Vesp. 371. (cf. ad 772, 903), Olymp. 88. 3. ^vho states that these were made " In Plutarch. Ages. 15, 37. in Olyrap. 92, 2. Diodorus XIII. it is said that the benefit of his 52, however, in Olymp. 92. 3. country was the aim of a Spar- Aristophanes Lys. 1269. calls tan's actions. The Athenians them alfivXag dXcj-n-eKag (comp, say in Thuc. V. 105, that the the false Bacis Pac. 1068. Ly- Lacedaemonians, as far as re- cophr. 1124), in Olymp. 92. 1. spects themselves and their na- at the time when the proverb tive institutions, are virtuous arose, o'koi Xioyreg, tv 'E^eVw 3' and well-principled ; but that dXioTVEKEQ, Meursius Misc. Lac. in their dealings with foreign III. 2. However, similar charges states their own interest was of perfidy and treachery are their only standard, made against them in the Achar- ^ B. HI. ch.ll.§ll. neans v. 308, oiaiv ovte ßiofxoQ CK. 9^ § 5. OF THE DORIANS. 405 efforts of numerous oligarchical clubs and factions, by the strict consistency of his principles, and by his art in carrying them into effect, for some time swayed the destinies of Greece ; until Agesilaus, whom he had himself improvidently raised to the throne, restored in place of his usurped power the legitimate authority of the Heraclide dynasty ; this doubtless suggested to Ly Sander the idea of overthrowing the royal authority, and helped to bring on that deep melancholy which preyed upon his strong mind during his latter years J Similar in character to Lysander was Dercylidas, a man of extraordinary practical talent ; who by his artfulness (which, however, was accompanied by up- rightness of mind) obtained the nickname of Si- syphus.^ But Sparta had at the same time men of a contrary disposition, in whom, as Plutarch says of Callicratidas, the simple and genuine Doric manners of ancient times were alive and in vigour.^ This Cal- licratidas had at the very beginning of his career to contend with his partisans of Lysander, and resolutely resisted his club or association,^ being also directly opposed to them in disposition. He deplored the necessity which compelled him to beg for subsidies from the Persians ; dealt uprightly and honestly with the allies ; disdained all power and authority which did not emanate from the state ; refused to do any- thing by private connexions or influence, and showed himself everywhere humane, magnanimous, and heroic ; in short, he was a faultless hero, unless perhaps we y Plutarch. Lysand. 1. ^ Lysand. 5. ^ Xen. Hell. III. 1.8. Epho- ^ Besides Xenophon, see rus ap. Athen. XI. p. 500 C. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 210. says of Dercylidas, yhp ovöey Diod. XIII. 76,97. andManso, h T<^ T-poTT^ AaKiüviKuy ovri' vol. II. 327. sqq. ctTrXoü vty^oju. 406 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. should blame him for his too hasty self-immolation at the battle of Arginusse.'' We can easily understand how the Greeks of Asia should have admired the virtues and greatness of the youthful hero, like the beauty of an heroic statue,*^ but were at the same time more pleased with the proceedings of Lysander, as being better suited to the times. In Brasidas we admire chiefly the manner in which the same elevation of mind was combined with a particular skill in con- trolling and availing itself of the circumstances of the times ; but we must huriy on to Pedaritus the son of Teleutia, who is an instance that all the harmosts of Sparta did not yield to the many temptations of their situation. But a more singular character was Lichas, the son of Arcesilaus, of whom we will give a slight sketch. He was chiefly distinguished by his libe- rality : whence by means of great banquets at the Gymnopeedia/ and by his victories in the chariot race at Olympia/ he increased the fame of his city ; by his boldness, which was even shown in his conduct at Olympia, at a time when the Spartans were excluded from the contests ; ^ but which was still more conspi- cuous in his truly Spartan declaration to the satrap Tissaphernes and, lastly, by his policy in endeavour- ing to prevent the premature aggression of the lonians against the Persians.^ 6. The flourishing age of Crete, in manners as well as in power, is anterior to the historical period ; ^ Plutarch Pelopid. 2. ^ See Xenophon cited above, Plutarch Lysand. 5. p. 4. note^. *^ Pedaritus has been suffi- s Above, p. 218, note ^ ciently defended by Valck- ^ Thuc. V. 50. Paus. VI. 2. 1. enaer ad Adoniaz. pag. 261. ^ Thuc. VIII. 43. against the charge of the exiles ^ Thuc. VIII. 84. at Chios. CH. 9, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 407 and the early corruption of her ancient institutions was accompanied with universal barbarism and dege- neracy. Of her maritime sovereignity of the mythical age nothing but piracy remained ; the different states were not combined under the supremacy of a single city ; and, even in the reign of Alcamenes, Sparta attempted to settle the mutual dissensions of those very cities^ which it had a century before taken for the models of its own constitution. The Cretans did not, however, confine their quarrelsome disposition to domestic feuds ; but they began in early times to hire themselves as mercenaries to foreign states, which was certainly one cause of the internal corruption that made this once illustrious island act so ignoble a part in the history of Greece. If the verse of Epimenides (cited by St. Paul is genuine, that prophet so early as about 600 B. C. accused his countrymen of being habitual liars, evil beasts, and indolent gluttons. Yet some particular cities (among which we may especially mention the Spartan town of Lyctus) retained with their ancient institutions the noble and pure customs of better times. ° We have already more than once had occasion to explain how about the time of the Persian war Argos, by the changes in its constitution, and the direction of its policy, succeeded in obliterating almost every trace of the Doric character f but one revolution only led to another, and none produced a stable and healthy ^ Paus. III. 2. 8. city, Suidas, vol.1, p. 815. who ™ Tit. I. 12. mentions a vofxog ry ETrix^jpig- ^ B. III. ch. 8. §2. Hence 0w»/jf, probably a forgery, like Polybius IV. 54. 6. calls the the 'decree against Timotheus, Lyctians the best men in Crete, above, ch. 6. § 3. They are also said to have ° B.I. ch. 8. §7. b. Ill.ch. driven the Epicureans from their 9. § 1 . 408 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. state of affairs. Argos indeed only adopted the worst part of the republican institutions of Athens ; for their better parts could not be naturalized in a people of a race and nature totally diflferent. ^ But that Rhodes preserved to the latest period of Grecian independence many features of the Doric character we have already remarked.'^ Still this island had, particularly in the time of Artemisia the Second, adopted many Asiatic customs ; which, when mixed with those of a Greek origin, formed a peculiar compound ; of which the Rhodian oratory, painting ,^ and sculpture, should be considered as the products. The latter art had flourished there from ancient times ; but later it took a particular turn towards the colossal, the imposing, and the grand style. The Laocoon and the Toro Farnese are in the number of its finest pro- ductions.^ Its manners are described by the saying that Rhodes was the town of wooers. There was also another proverb, that the Rhodians were " white Cy- " renseans ; " their luxury forming the point of re- semblance, and their colour the difference.* The character of Corinth likewise, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, was made up of rather discor- dant elements ; for wiiile there were still considerable remains of the Doric disposition, and its political con- duct ^vas some time guided by the principles of that race, there was also, the consequence of its situation and trade ,^ a great bias to splendour and magnificence, P See 'also on the 'Apyeioi 3. of the Alexandrine or Ro- ^wp£C Suidas in v. Prov. Vat. man age. II. 49. ^ Meyer's Geschichte der ^1 B. III. ch. 9. § 3. Kunst, vol. I. p. 208, 218. ^ The school of the ancient * Meurs. Rhod. I. 20. cf. Coreggio, Protogenes. See also Anacreont. Od. XXXII. 16. the Anacreontic Ode XXVIII. " The hospitality of Corinth CH. 9, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 409 which showed itself in the Corinthian order; but which, when abandoned by the graces and refinements of luxury, soon degenerated into debauchery and vice.'' The character of Corcyra we have attempted to delineate above.^ Syracuse, though highly distinguished for its loyalty and affection to its mother-state, necessarily deviated widely from the character of Corinth. For while in the narrow and rocky territory of Corinth the crops were with difficulty extorted from the soil % in the colony, a large and fertile district, which was either held by the Syracusans, or was tributary to them, furnished to an over-peopled city a plentiful supply of provisions without foreign importation.* In addition to this abundance, the early preponderance of democracy, and still more the levity, cunning, and address which were natural to the people of Sicily, tended to modify, or partly to destroy, the original Doric character. The Syracusans were, according to Thucydides, among all the adversaries of the Athe- nians in the Peloponnesian war, most like them in their customs and disposition.^ It is ever to be la- mented that such remarkable talents, as showed them- selves among the Syracusans between the 70th and is confirmed by the proverb aei full of luxuries, but the inha- TLQ kv KvdoJvoQ, Zenob. II. 42. bitants were äx^piffroi and äi/- Prov. Vat. IV. 19. Diogenian. eiraippohroL. VIII. 42. Suidas I. 86. ed. y B. III. ch. 9. § 5. Schott. Plutarch Prov. Al. 129. ^ In Corinth the husband- Apostolius VIII. 66. man was obliged eKXidoßoXsly, ^ Corinthian aaojTot occur so but not in Syracuse, Theo- early as the 5th Olympiad (vol. phrast. de Cans. pluv. III. 20. I. p. 134 ), and were restrained But a/iav KopivQiKov (Suidas in by ancient laws, ib. p. 189. and KojOiv0.) probably refers to 7-a Lydus de Magistr. Rom. I. 42. fxsra^v Kopivdov /cat 'Eikvüjvoq. According to Alciphron Ep. 60. ^ Thuc. VI. 20. Corinth itself was beautiful and ^ VIII. 96. 410 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv. 90th Olympiads, should have been without a regulat- ing and guiding judgment : their most frequent error both in the state and army being a want of order ; and their knowledge of this defect was the reason why they so frequently threw themselves blindly into the arms of single individuals.^ The vicinity of Corinth had undoubtedly a great influence on Sicyon ; yet that city, though it had a navy, was nevertheless without any considerable foreign trade or colonies. The restraints and monotony of life were undoubtedly less than at Sparta ,^ but there was greater severity of manners than at Corinth, Si- cyon was one of the earliest cradles of the arts and literature of the Dorians / and enjoyed a high dis- tinction among the cities of Peloponnesus.^ Phlius, having no communication with the sea, was destitute of all resources except its fertile valley ; but this sufficed to give it considerable importance and power The loyalty and bravery of its inhabitants ' deserved the partiality with which Xenophon has written the most distinguished period of its history.^ Me GAR A was unfortunately hemmed in between powerful neighbours ; and on account of the scanty produce of its stony and mountainous, though well cultivated ^ land, and the consequent deficiency of pro- visions, it was wholly dependent on the Athenian market, whither the Megarians were accustomed to « VI. 73. ^ lb. above, B. III. ch. 9. §^ « See B. I. ch. 8. § 2. ^ Above, page 300, note ^. b. IV. ch. 7. § 8, 12. g Thuc. I. 28. ^ B. III. ch. 9. § 9. ^ lb. and vol. I. pag, 197, note ^. k Hell. VI. 5. 45. ^ Theophrast. ubi sup. Strabo IX. p. 393. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 183. A. in whose tnne how- ever Megara had rich families. CH. 9, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 411 carry their manufactures and some few raw materials. The weakness of this state had early an influence on the manners and morals of the people ; the tears and mirth of the Megarians were turned into ridicule by their Athenian neighbours,"" who (according to the saying) would " rather be the ram than the son of a " Megarian." And at last the oracle itself declared them an insignificant and worthless people. Nor could the mother- city have derived much as- sistance from Byzantium, had there even been a closer connexion between them than was actually the case ; as this important colony was, for the most part, in distressed circumstances, and after the introduction of democracy involved in domestic confusion. We have reasons to consider the account of the mode of life at Byzantium above quoted from Theopompus as correct ; though that historian is accused of too great a fondness for censure. Damon likewise relates, that the Byzantians were so addicted to the pleasures of the table, that the citizens took up their regular abode in the numerous public houses of the city, and let their houses with their wives to strangers. The sound of the flute put them immediately into a merry move- ment ; but they fled from that of a trumpet : and a general had no other means of keeping them on the ramparts during a close siege, than by causing the public houses and cook-shops to be removed thither.^ Byzantium was full of foreign and native merchants, seamen, and fishermen,^ whom the excellent wine of that city, supplied by Maronea and other regions, ^ Above, p. 222, note ^. X. p. 442 C. ^lian. V. H. " Above, p. 311, note ^ III. 14. ° Above, p. 174, note ^ See Aristot. Pol. III. 4. 1. P Hepl Bvi^avTLOJv ap. Athen. 412 ARTS AND LITERATURE book iv- seldom permitted to return sober to their ships/ The state of the government may be judged from the reply of a Byzantine demagogue, who being asked what the law enjoined, replied, " Whatever I please."' ^GINA, on the other hand, lost its fame only with its political existence. Its situation near the great commercial road, which had taken this course chiefly in consequence of the danger of doubling the pro- montory of Malea, the renown of its mythical history, and the peculiar vigour of the inhabitants, had carried their activity to such a height, as to give their island an importance in the history of Greece which will ever be remarkable. Though at Rhodes the amalgamation of the dif- ferent nations produced an uniform and consistent whole, this does not seem to have been the case at Cyrene, which was corrupted by Egyptian and Libyan influence. We have only to notice the cha- racter of Pheretime, who from a Doric lady became an eastern sultana. It is remarkable that another Doric female, viz. Artemisia (whose father was of Halicarnassus, her mother of Crete*), obtained a si- milar situation. In the mother-country, however, there is after the fabulous times hardly any instance of women being at the head either of Doric or other cities. We have already spoken as much as our object ^ Menander ap. ^lian. ubi of the Argolica of Dinias (ap. sup. Athen. X. p. 442. Nice- Herodian. Trepi /xov. Xt^ewc, p.8. tas Acominatus Hist. p. 251. 14. emended by Dindorf) esta- ed. Fabric. Wishes, viz. that " Perimeda, s Sextus Empiricus adv. " queen of Tegea, generally Rhetor. § 37- " called Xotpa, compelled the * Herod. VII. 99. " captured Lacedaemonians to ^ I say hardly, on account of " cut a channel for the river an exception which a fragment " Lachas across the plain." CH. 9, § 6. OF THE DORIANS. 413 required of the Doric town of Croton'' in Italy; and several times touched on the decay of the Doric discipline and manners at Tarentum. Their cli- mate, which was very different from that of Greece / and the manners of the native tribes, must have had a very considerable share in changing the characters of these two cities ; as the Tarentines did not sub- jugate only and slaughter the inhabitants (like the Carbinates), but received them within the limits of their large city, and gave them the rights of citizen- ship, by which means those words which we call Roman, but which were probably common to all the Siculians,^ were introduced into the Tarentine dialect. In the Messenian state, as restored by Epami- nondas, the ancient national manners were (according to Pausanias ^) still retained ; and the dialect re- mained up to the time of that author the purest Doric that was spoken in Peloponnesus. The reason of this either was, that the Helots who remained in the country, and doubtless formed the larger part of the new nation, had obtained the Doric character, or that the exiles had during their long banishment really preserved their ancient language, as we know to have been the case with the Naupactians in more ancient times. ^ This the Messenians, who dwelt among the Euesperitse of Libya, might have done, as they re- sided among Dorians ; but it was less easy for the ^ B. III. ch. 9. §15. above, coins, Tram, parzem, among the eh. 5. § ,5. Messapians and Tarentines, y Of this we have probably Athen. III. p. Ill C. aawopog^ a trace in Hesychius, ^aipifjv, sannioy in Tarentum, Hesy- /ca/cwc '^x^iy, in Tarentine; chius. which probably refers to the ^ IV. 27. 5. Sirocco in the dog-days. ^ Vol. I. p. 210, note^ ^ E. g. besides the names of 414 ARTS AND LITERATURE, &c. book iv. Messenians of Sicily/ and wholly impossible for those of Rhegium. In the people of Rhegium in general there appears to have been little of the Doric character f nor probably in real truth among the later Messenians, however they might have endea- voured to bring back the ancient times. Since we have frequently considered Delphi as belonging to the number of the Doric cities, on a supposition that it was the seat of an ancient Doric nobility (although the people was chiefly formed of naturalized slaves of the temple), we have finally to observe on the character of the Delphians, that their early degeneracy (which even ^sop is said to have strongly reproved) is a phenomenon which has fre- quently taken place among the people residing in the immediate neighbourhood of national sanctuaries. The number and variety of strangers flocking to- gether ; the continual fumes of the altars, from which the natives were fed without labour or expense ;^ the crowds of the market, in which jugglers and impostors of all kinds earned their subsistence,^ and the large donatives which Croesus, with other mo- narchs and wealthy men, had distributed among the Delphians, necessarily produced a lazy, ignorant, su- perstitious, and sensual people ; and cast a shade over the few traces of a nobler character, which can be discovered in the events of earlier times. The coins which Eckhel population preponderated in ascribes to the time of Anaxi- common life, laus have both MESSANION ^ Both Xenarchus (ap. Phot, and MESSENION; but it is in 'Pr/y. Apostol. XVII. 15. cf. not improbable that the first XI. 72.) and Nymphodorus (ap. was merely affectation, as the Athen. I. p. 19 F.) reproach city appeared more illustrious them with effeminacy, if its origin was Doric : it can- ® See Athen. IV. p. 173. not be doubted that the Ian- ^ Above, § 1. guage of the Samian-Chalcidian APPENDIX. APPENDIX V. On the Doric Dialect. 1, The ancient grammarians divided the Greek language into four distinct branches — the Doric, Ionic, Attic, and -ZEolic ; the latter including all dialects not comprised under the other three heads, because only one branch of it, the Lesbian, was the written language of one species of poetry : and yet this latter division must unquestionably have contained different species less connected with each other than with some branches of the other three dialects. It is, however, pretty well agreed that the several ^olic dialects together contained more remains of the primitive Grecian or (if we will so call it) Pelasgic language, than either the Doric, Ionic, or Attic ; and that at the same time many forms of the latter were preserved with great fidelity in the Latin tongue ; partly because the life of the Italian husbandmen bore a nearer resemblance to that of the ancient Greeks than that of the later Greeks themselves, and be- cause neither their literature, nor any fastidious sense of euphony and rh3rthm, induced them to soften and refine their language. But of the more polished dialects, that of Homer, though differing in many points, yet in others doubtless closely resembled the original language, which must once have been spoken from Thessaly to Pelopon- nesus, and was variously metamorphosed in the Doric, Ionic, and Attic dialects. Thus, for example, the genitive case of the second declension, in the ancient form, was OIO, which was preserved in the Thessalian dialect,^ perhaps also in the Boeotian,^ and in Latin I or EI is also perceivable ; * Eustath. ad 11. a. p. 96. Rom. ^ Utvha^oio occurs in the fragments Etymol. M. and Gud. in many places, of Corinna the BcEotian poetess, p. 51. Phavorin. Eel. p, 296, 305. Dindorf. Wolf. VOL. II. 2 E 418 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. app. v. whilst in the Doric H and the Attic OT this vowel was en- tirely lost. The nominative of masculines of the first de- clension in A belongs to the Latin, Homeric, Dryopian, Thessalian, Boeotian, Macedonian, and Elean dialects. In the Doric it was probably of rare occurrence, and more ac- cidental.*^ The JEolic dialect, which was spoken in Boeotia, likewise contains remarkable traces of an ancient Pelasgic language, and has striking coincidences with the Latin : thus in the ancient Boeotian inscriptions the dative of the first declension ends in AE. Gradually, however, it de- parted from this language, as the diphthongs AI and OI, which anciently were written AE and OE, were changed into H and T : and thus almost all the vowels and diphthongs received a new form. On the other hand, we must be cautious of supposing the Latin to be the ancient form, in cases where a transmutation of letters has already taken place. The following is a remarkable example to this effect. Onil., from whence " the eye," otttioc in the iEolic dialect,*^ o(p9os- in the Elean,^ o'nn'Kos in the Spartan. In other dia- lect, onKos, hence oytrocXKos in the Boeotian, in the Latin ocu- his, where H and K bear the same relation to each other as in the words n&rvpss (^olic) quatuor, T^iixitros, quintus, tioi, quo, 'no^i, alicubi. Moreover the Latin has a very large number of words derived from the Campanian and Doric Greeks, which must be distinguished from the primitive Greek dialect. 2. These remarks are merely premised in order to point out the authorities upon which all investigations into the form of the most ancient language of the Greeks should be founded. We have already intimated our dissent from those who, in opposition to Pausanias,^ suppose the Doric to have been the native dialect of Peloponnesus, not only disallowing the claim of the Dorians to its introduction, but even denying that they were the first to adopt it. This supposition would leave us without any means of explaining how the dialect of the Dorians of Peloponnesus agreed ^ Maittaire p. 173, ed. Sturz. * Hesyclüus in Tif^^^oi ^ Gregor. Corintb. p. 580. Schaefi r. ^ II. 37. 3. §2. ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 419 in so many peculiar idioms with that of their fellow-coun- trymen in Crete, the close and general connexion between the two being of an earlier date than the Doric invasion of Peloponnesus. The ancient Peloponnesian dialect was certainly that language which may be recognized in the Latin and in Homer, many of the peculiarities of which occur indeed, but many of the most essential are not found, in the Doric dialect. This latter dialect was, however, very widely diffused over that peninsula by the preponderance of the Dorians, being not merely adopted by the Helots (who even at Naupactus spoke Doric), the Orneatae,^' the Laconian Perioeci, and the Attic inhabitants of Colonides ;^ but even by the independent Arcadians, who, according to Strabo, used indeed the ^olic dialect, but were generally supposed to adopt the Doric (^copi^siv), as also did Philopoe- men.i Unfortunately we have little information respecting the dialect of the Arcadians, our chief guide being the names of their towns, in which several Dorisms occur ; as, for instance, K.ac(pvx\ (from K.Yicä (which however is long) for ks or av, a form common to all the Dorians, and in the same manner ya. for ys,^ y.oc for the correlative ts in roxa, ^oxa, oko. in Sophron, Theocritus, and others, to which corresponds in tt^o^tÖ«, s^vTriaQa. (Alc- man), s/xTr^oa^a,, avcuOa..'^ The same change is also observ- able in anpos for srspos, rpd<^co for t^bttcaj,^ Apronj^is ^ ior'' Ap- Tc/juif, raws", TrocpxLTBpcu, in the Cretan dialect,^ toc.uvco in the Heraclean Tables and elsewhere, GKiocpos, (pptxalv, in Pindar; and innumerable examples of a similar kind. H, either as a contraction of EE, or a lengthening of E, occurs in many instances in the place of EI in the other dialects (the reverse took place among the Boeotians), as in ■770/75, ttXtJ^wv, fxyiojv}^ op'nos, AvKfiOs (Alcman), y.o(jyLriv, KxroDirjv (Theocritus, and the Byzantine Decree in Demosthenes'), ^inqoc^ for ^Elpac^ in ^ That is, the A, which is pro- nounced broad by the Germans (as in father), has in English generally the sound of their E. = See Welcker ad Alcman, fragm. 65. If^t'ivytx, Sophron. iy&ivya the Me- garian in Aristoph. Acharn. 736. 764, 775. d Tab. Heracl. Comp. Apollon. de Adverb, p. 563. ^ Aristoph. Ach. 787. f Vol. I. p. 375. note f. s Hesychius in v. Inscript. and see Koen ad Greg. C. p. 305. h Aristoph. Lysist. 1174, 1320. and Phavorinus Eel. p. 156, Dindorf. ' De Corona p, 255. §4. ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 423 the treaty of the Latians in Crete,'^ y^ip^s in Cretan, and also used by Alcman, ktjvos- or rnvQs in Alcman and others ; Tre^ovöajy, d.no'kojX'n Theocritus and the Heraclean tables : and thus in contractions from AEI, H has frequently pre- ponderated over A, as in the pure Doric form o^^v/ ytocp^ix TTx^vi Sophron ;™ although it must also be allowed that the diphthong AE was contracted into as in op'>n, Sec. ripoii for a^poci,'^ and hUn for evlxocs in a Laconian inscription in Leake's Morea, vol. III. Inscript. n. 7L :° to which instances we should probably add the following cases of crasis, kw, kyittI, ytriK. The reverse of this, which we find in the words tisi in Sophron,P and o^et in a Corcyrean inscription,*! for lirt and on^, is a remarkable variety. The Dorians, consistently with their love for the pure and long A, were equally partial to the This letter frequently forms the original sound, as in the ac- cusative case ^Apyziws, Argivos ; and hence the abbreviated form 3-eos- for ^zais in Cretan and Coan ^ inscriptions, and in Theocritus, was probably formed by an elision of the cha- racteristic vowel, as ^scrTroraf in the first declension. We frequently also find use made of the vowel as a prolonga- tion of O, instead of the common form OT, produced by the elision of consonants : thus in the form of the participle ChishuU Ant. Asiat, p. 134. 1 Koen ad Greg. C. p. 229. ^ Ap. Apollon. (le Pronom. p. 343. C. Mus. Grit. vol. II. p. 563. Com- pare Maittaire p. 227. " Etymol. M. p. 4-34, 51. Koen ubi sup. p. 185. ° 'Ev'ixvi for hixdi also occurs in a poetical inscription, which was con- tained in Boeckh's Corp. Inscript. N". 1 7, but can now be safely amended from a better copy in Ross Inscript. Grec. Ined. fascic. 1. n. 55. It runs as follows, with a few supplements. . . OONANE0HKE -r£]NTEAl2XTAA0[j 0IonO2TOI2AAM O2IOI2ENAE0AO 12: TETPAKITE[ö' HAAIONNIREKAI AI2TONOnAITA[v It should be read as follows : .... ^nwv aviönxi rylvri«. "iff^vXkos (dloTTo; ro7s 'hotfjcoo-'im; Iv " So and so (prtibably Ischylus him- self) has offered up the arms. Ischy- lus, the son of'Theops, was conqueror in the public games (of Argos), four times in the Stadion, and twice in the hoplite race." @to\p is Doric for 0£ö%/' ; and (rcra^/av for (rrdhov is cited as Doric, as well as ^olic. P Ap. Ammon. p. 1 22. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 566. q Dodwell's Travels vol. II. p. 503. Mustoxidi pp.188. 193—7. ' An inscription of the island of Cos in the Mem. de I'Acad. des In- scriptions torn. XLVII. p. 325. has tos 6i0S' TOS av^^üy^rwj, ra? aXXcog^ Epichar- mus as corrected by Hermann, ap. Diog. Laert. III. 11, 17. 424 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. apf. v. feminine in coax, used in Crete and Peloponnesus, and also in the Heraclean Tables, whilst the softer form in oinci^ where oi was also derived from ovt (as in the third person plural voüoiGiv, and in the masculine participle ryv^aif), was perhaps peculiar to Sicily. O also, when followed by E, overpowers the latter letter, and is changed into £1, as for instance in Ys^oiXaiaacz (a mountain near Phlius), Xwr§ov, virvwv for vTTvozv, Laconian forms in Aristophanes, 'jixiJLW'/jys, and similar words in the Heraclean Tables ; though whether this is the case when the E precedes the O is doubtful, for in svoqKoiai and similar forms in Cretan inscriptions, it is EH, not EG, which is contracted into £1. In this case EG is generally contracted into ET, or it is changed into IG, as Eot- cufxsöoc ib., avio'x^icov for mtoxicov in the Laconian inscription in Leake, No. 71. with which compare lix^j^zvico in the oath of the Latians, TTpx^iofMsv in the decree of the Istionians, and maixwyrjiSj in the Heraclean Tables.^ In the above cases there is no reason for assuming any other changes, than from EG into IG and Ef2 into IH, as the Dorians appear to have been very unwilling to tolerate E with G ; the short I, how- ever, before the lengthened G must have been particularly suited to their ears. The long A in 'AX)(//,a.v, 'Ar§si5ta§ for utt* dpy^xs (according to Koen's conjecture ad Gregor, p. 283.) is an instance, as also the Cretan t6o§ for aov (Hesych.), where the pronoun is de- clined^ as e/xoüf, l^j^sos, s(j.svs- in Epicharmus.^ We may ob- serve that generally the Latin is in this respect very different from the pure Doric ; though it resembles it in some words. Thus the Laconian dytTvip is the Latin actor, and in guber- nator we see the Doric form Kußs^varYi^, and so in other instances.* 7. Notwithstanding this fuga sibili — this aversion to the S — to which almost all the changes mentioned in the last two sections may be traced — yet the Doric dialects alway«s retained in the first person plural the final 2 from the an- cient language (as is proved by the Latin -mus) ; and La- conians, Megarians, and Doric Sicilians said woposs-, aTro- ^e'opcEs-, &c. It does not appear that in the Doric dialect any original consonant passed into except 0 ; and this change probably arose from a desire to soften the harsh sound of the aspirate. Instances of this Laconism in Alcman ('Ac7a- vai, scrajHs, aa'XXev, ffaXaa-jopcs^otdav), in the Lysistrata (rivas. Book IV. ch. 6. § 3. place of the S; and the German ar- * ApoUon. de Pronorn. pag. 355. tide c?er clearly corresponds with that A. Buttmann Gr. Gr. vol. I. p. 294. which must have been the original * In High German Rhotacism is Doric article, viz. ro^. very prevalent, although, according " The ancient High German like- to Grimm, Deutsche Grammatik, vol. wise always has — mes in the same I. pp. 802, 825, it succeeded in the person. 430 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. APP. V. sX<7yi, Giyiiv, poofff/^^siv, Sic), and the grammarians (e. g. atv- ytaazv^ii, xaaocl^Yiov, for Kaöa/^-yjffov, according to Koen^ ytaaoL- ^zvziv, according to Valckenaer) are well known, and par- ticularly (TsTor dvriq \ comp. Valckenaer^ p. 277, sqq. w^ho has treated this point with great ability. Also in Hesychius, Gvixßova,lsi, vTtzpix.(/.yß (for GuiJ.ßo%^{i) we should probably write (7uixßovix'js7 (otherwise Hemsterhuis), and xocasKocritJoci, ytoc^iaoci, ibid, is from sXXa, eXcc, ycccQs'^p», sella; whence sKac- ri^siv, jtaösXart^etv, seder e facio. In this respect the colonists of Sparta at Tarentum did not follow the idiom of their mother city ; as they said QvXocycl(^Eiv, not GuXac>tl<^EiVj, to beg : ^ the Rhodians also retained the original 0 in s^v^lßrt (Strabo XIII. p. 613. Eustath. ad II. a. 34.) : in Cretan this change only occurs in c(pa§- /xEvy), ^iKsXXec, Hesych. utrinque aptata, makes an exception. So also the Thessalians called the river ' Ai^Cpl^^uaos, 'Apc- ßlppucTos- (Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 51) ; and the same, accord- ing to the general rule (vol. I. p. 3, notes.)^ must be Mace- donian and Latin. Some instances of K for X in the Cretan, Laconian, and Sicilian dialect, see in Koen p. 340, sqq. ; Pindar's ^exsorSat is probably also Doric, as well as in the Heraclean Tables. According to Hesychius in buttKovtov, the Dorians called the baskets in which the Qv\Q%vrai were carried oXßdyLriicc, where o'kßa. is ovXri, and the termination -x^ta is probably formed from y^iu, unless (as is probable) ^ (auXaxll^uv. Blomfield, Classical Journal, vol. IV. p. 387. §8. ON THE DORIC DIALECT. 431 we should correct -%riij, FsXa. The original form was, sidered as the a conjunctionis, as in without doubt, 2AFEAI02, whence äS£Xcovras'ry), ^oit-:^, itoKzi (but TroXiWi and avroTCoKizs), also l^/^oi and ^ixa^saöa», together with cos- in the accusative of the substantives^ but ofs- of the ad- jectives, can hardly be considered as pure Doric ; nor is there any instance of the change of E into the aspirate, and 2 for 0 only in the word a\,S}. With regard to the indiscri- minate use of Cl and OT our copies of Thucydides are not much authority : for these two sounds were not distin- guished in the writing of the time, being both expressed by O ; and it is probable that some forms have been modified either by Thucydides or his copyists, or both. On the whole, however, it is probable that the popular dialect of Peloponnesus, which is preserved in all its harshness in the famous treaty of the Eleans, was about the time of the Peloponnesian war softened down in public documents and treaties. Thus in a Lacedaemonian inscription of later date, we still find the ancient forms (srocnpoLS, aiytvocio^, acp- yupio, Ftxart, ^acpDios öytra.Ka,rios, from a restoration, but also y^iKious ^a§[t)toL'$-], Corp. Inscript. No. 1511. In the Spartan decree preserved by Plutarch in his Life of Lysander c. 1 4,, we should probably write, ravrcx, KA IpaivTEs roiv slqacvocv s'X^oirs, oi •/jP'h AONTE2 ytczi rchs (pvyd^as dvsvrss. ttsqI roiv vocuiv roü TrXrnQsos okoTov ri KATHNEI ^ojts'oi, roairoc ■zroissrs, as has been partly emended by Haitinger Act. Monac. vol. III. p. 31 1. In the time of Pyrrhus much of the ancient peculi- arity of the dialect was still in existence, although in the following saying all the forms are not those of the ancient Laconian language, at (xsv saai rv ys ösos-, ov^sv TrdQco/jisv, oh ya^y d^ix.suf/^sT ca ^' av^pooTtos, sasroci ksu rsD Kocppojv ocXKos, Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26. The remains of it in the decrees of the Eleutherolacones and Spartans in the time of the em- perors are less considerable. That the Messenians retained the ancient idiom, from ancient recollections, or perhaps from affectation, was remarked above, p. 414, note^. The Argive 2 F 2 436 ON THE DORIC DIALECT. app. v. dialect has been more than once observed to agree with the Cretan, a correspondence which may be even traced in un- important particulars ; thus the name of the Argive ßaXKx- XP<^^oci (above, p. 355. note was derived from a%^«5", which Hermonax ap. Schol. Nicand. Ther. 512. calls a Cre- tan, and Hesychius a Laconian word. The grammarians likewise particularly remark that in the Argive dialect I was frequently changed into N, as in /xevrov for pos'vrot (Argive and Cretan, Maittaire p. 255), alsv, hvaro^ (Etymol. M. p. 402, 2.) (paevvos (see Boeckh Not. crit. ad Pind. Olymp. I. 6.) ; the Sicilians in many cases made the contrary change — the Rhegini, however, the same as the Argives (Etymol. M. p. 135, 45. Gud. 73, 44.) ; which peculiarity they had evi- dently borrowed from the Messenians. Dercyllus wrote in the ancient Argive dialect; see Etymol. M. p. 391, 20. above, p. 385, note ^. The Cretan has a singularity which does not appear to have been observed in any other dialect of Greece, viz. of changing X before a consonant and after e or a into v (analogous to the French forms aumone, hau- bergeon, &c. from the German Almosen, Halsberge, &c.) ; thus ocv(7o^ for aXaof, aofxac for aX^xoc, likewise ccvy.vo))Xy auKocv ; QsvyeaOcci and evQeTv for öeXysjöai and sXQsTv, according to He- sychius, Koen. p. 354. The ^tolian word ^bvkos- also shows the same formation, as it comes from the ancient root ^sXavf^ dulcis. There is an analogous change in the Cretan forms Y\^Qti No. 58.), Asfy- palcsa, and AnaphrE (in Villoison's papers) are written in a Doric style, common in such monuments. The same was also adopted by the jEginetans after their re-establishment ; see the inscription in ^ginetica, p. 136, and the remarks on it in p. 160. Among the inscriptions of Corcyra, col- lected by Mustoxidi, a series might be arranged according to the greater and less traces of the Doric dialect ; the large one in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 400. contains several peculiarities, as, e. g. the imperative 'Bovroo. In a ThercBan inscription, containing the will of a certain Epicteta (Boeckh, No. 2448.), several pure Dorisms occur, as, e. g., the accusative plural in or, the infinitives ayaysv, hvsv, (Eustathius ad Od. p. 706. 49. quotes "kiy^s for Xiy&is as Theraean) ; at the same time several peculiar forms, such as fijTaKEia, auvay On this epoch see vol. I. p. 145. note q. Eratosthenes, who fixed the first Olympiad 407 years after the fall of Troy, placed Lycurgus 219 years after the return of the Heraclidae ; so also Porphyrins ap. Euseb. Armen, p. 139 Scalig. p. 27. Apollodorus and Erastosthenes both reckoned twenty-seven Olympiads from Iphitus to Coroebus, which number is testified by Aristodemus of Elis and Polybius, ap. Euseb. Armen, p. 141. Scalig. p. 39. Calli- machus, however, only reckons thir- teen Olympiads between these two eras. Perhaps this is to be explained by supposing that the Olympiad of Coroebus was the first of four years, whereas the former Olympiads had contained eight years (book II. ch. 3. § 2.) ; in which case we have 13 x S + 4 = 108. On this Cleosthenes, see Phlegou Trallianus apud Meurs. Op. vol. VII. p. 128. et Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246. 7. 446 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. yi. B.c. 836. 268. Aristomedes at Corinth.^ 826. 278. Teleclus the Agid. He conquers Amyclae, Pha- ris, and Geronthrae, b. L ch. 5. § 13, and de- stroys Nedon, ib. ch. 7. § 10. 824. 280. [Nicander the Eurypontid, according to Euse- bius.] 810. 294. Nicander the Eurypontid (according to Sosi- bius^). He ravages the territory of Argos, in alliance with Asine, ib. § 14. 801. 303. Agemon the Bacchiad. 786. 318. Alcamenes the Agid. He conquers Helos™ and defeats the Argives. Charmides, the son of Euthys, is sent to quiet the troubles of Crete. [Theopompus the Eurysthenid, according to Eu- sebius,] 785. 319. Alexander at Corinth. 776. 328. Coroebus obtains the prize at the Olympic games at the full moon (according to the original in- stitution), on the 13th or 14th day of the first Olympic month (ApoUonius), if the Ennaeteris began with this Olympiad ; of the second month (Parthenius), if the Olympiad fell in the middle of the period. The month began with the new moon after the summer solstice, on the 8th of July (according to Delalande, see VArt de veri- fier les Dates, tom. HL p. 170.) 776. B. C. the distribution of the prizes therefore took place the 21st or 22nd of July. 3. Reckoning according to Olympiads. B.c. Ol. 776. 1 . Coroebus of Elis. ^ Aristoinedes reigned thirty-five fourth year of Nicander; and this years, according to the Armenian appears also to be the computation Eusebius, and Syncellus, in the list of Pausanias, who therefore carries in p. 165 ; and not thirty years, as is the reign of Theopompus six Olym- stated in Syncellus, ib. p. 164. piads lower than Eusebius. In ^ Sosibius ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. Pausanias likewise the successor of 1. p. 327. gives sixty-four years for Polymestor, the contemporary of the reign of Charilaus and thirty- Charilaus, is the contemporary of nine for that of Nicander. and places the first Messenian war. the first Olympiad in the thirty- ™ Vol. I. p. 104. note CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 447 B.c. 774. 3. Metapontum founded by Achaean s and Cris- saeans according to Eusebius, book IL ch. 3. § 7. * Eratus, king of Argos, expels the Asinaeans from their town, b. 1. ch. 7, § 14. above, p. 112. note^. 772. 2. Antimachus of Elis. 1. Theopompus the Eurypontid according to Sosi- bius. 768. 3. Androcles of Messenia. Cinaethon the epic poet of Laconia flourishes, ac- cording to Eusebius. *^ Pheidon, prince of Argos, attempts to conquer Corinth. 764. 4. Polychares of Messenia. 4. Telestas at Corinth. 760. 5. Mschines of Elis. 2. The Chalcidians erect an altar to Apollo Arche- getas in Sicily (b. Il.ch. 3. §7.) and, together with some Naxians, found Naxos. 3. Archias at Corinth founds Syracuse," Chersi- crates Corcyra (b. 1. ch. 6. § 8.). Eumelus, also a Bacchiad, who composed an ode (^§o(yö^tov) for " Those who with Eusebius place the foundation of Syracuse in Olymp. 11. 4. and that of Leontini in Olymp. 13. 1. must assume that Lamis the Megarian founded Tro- tilus and Thapsus in the same year, and went from Thapsus to Megara. Why then, it must be asked, does not Thucydides (VI. 4.) say that Lamis went to the Chalcideans at Leontini oXiyu vcrn^ov that he had founded Trotilus, as he states that he remained oXiyov ^^ovov at Leontini, if Thucydides meant that all these events should be understood to fol- low in so very rapid a succession ? At the same time the author ac- knowledges that though the argu- ments of Clinton, Fast. Hell. vol. II. p. 265. ed. 2, for the founding of Syracuse in Olymp. 11. 4. have not convinced him, they have shaken his former conviction: and he adds the following remark in favour of that opposite opinion. If Syracuse was founded in Olymp. 5. 3., the founding of Camarina must be placed in Olymp. 39. 2. (Thuc. VI. 5.) Cama- rina, according to Scymnus v. 293, was destroyed forty-six years after- wards, i. e. in Olymp. 50. 4. Now it appears from the authentic cata- logues of the conquerors at the Olympic games, that Parmenides of Camarina was victorious in the sta- dium in Olymp. 63. Camarina had not at that time been rebuilt ; he could therefore only have been so called from his native place ; which would (according to the assumed dates) have been then destroyed forty-nine years. It must, however, have been uncommon for men of fifty to be victorious in running. If, however, we place the foundation of Camarina in Olymp. 45. 1. and the destruction in Olymp. 56 (with the Schol. Find. 01. V. 16.), the whole receives a greater degree of pro- bability. This argument, however, is not conclusive. 448 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. m B.c. the Messenians, to be sung at the procession to Delos, and had contended at the Ithomaea^ hves with Archias at Syracuse. Phintas the ^pytid reigns in Messenia. 4. Ephors in Sparta (Euseb.). Croton founded by Myscellus (the HeracHd) and some Achaeans, and Locri shortly after (according to Strabo^ with whom Pausanias nearly agrees with respect to time). 756. 6. CEbotas of Dyme. 4. The Chalcidians found Leontini. Lamis the Megarian lands and founds Trotilus. 752. 7. Daicles the Messenian, the first conqueror in the dyu^ arzt^oLvlrris, b. IV. ch. 5. § 5. 3. Death of Alcamenes,° succeeded by Polydorus the Agid. Polydorus and Theopompus limit the power of the popular assembly, b. III. ch. 5. § 8. 4. Automenes at Corinth. 748. 8. Anticles the Messenian. Pheidon the Argive pre- sident of the games with the Pisatans. Metal wares and silver coins at iEgina. 1 . Yearly Prytanes at Corinth. 744. 9. Xenocles the Messenian. 1. The Androclidae, banished from Messenia, fly to Sparta. Euphaes, son of Antiochus, the ^pytid, king of Messenia. 2. Beginning of the first Messenian war, according to Pausanias and Eusebius. 740. 10. Dotadas the Messenian. 1. [Death of Theopompus the Eurypontid/ accord- ing to Eusebius.] ^ This is the date of Eusebius, prince the conqueror of Messenia, Pausanias, however, makes Alca- b. I. ch. 7. § 10. Yet it is not ab- menes live till the 10th Olympiad, solutely impossible that Tyrteeus but without much authority, as the might have used this expression as date is given in the romantic narra- meaning that Theopompus contri- tive of Myron. buted largely to the final result, with- P Euseb. Armen, p. 167. Pausa- out having actually completed the nias represents Theopompus as still subjugation. The chronologists fol- alive in the 15th Olympiad ; as he lowed by Eusebius appear to have follows Tyrtaeus, who calls this adopted the Messenian tradition, that CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 449 B.c. Ol. 736. IL Leochares the Messenian. 732. 12. Oxythemis of Cor one a. 728. 13. Diodes of Corinth, the favourite of Philolaus the Bacchiad, legislator of Thebes. 1. Hyblean Megara founded, vol. 1. p. 135. note^ 724. 14. Dasmon of Corinth. Hypenus of Pisa the first conqueror in the ^locvXos. 1. The Spartans reduce Ithome, and finish the first Messenian war. The Dryopes build a new Asine, the Androclidae receive Hyamia from Sparta, Messenians at Rhegium, b. I. ch. 7. ^11. 720. 15. Orsippus of Megara is the first who runs naked in the stadium, and Acanthus the LacedcBmonian in the '^ia.vXos, see above, p. 272. note ^. War of Megara against Corinth, b. I. ch, 5. § 10. The war between the Spartans and Argives re- specting the possession of Cynuria breaks out afresh, b. L ch. 7. § 16. 716. 16. Pythagoras the Laconian. 4. Gela founded by Rhodians and Cretans.'i * Theopompus dies (Euseb.), succeeded by Zeuxi- damus the Eurypontid. 712. 17. Polus of Epidaurus. 1. Megara founded by Astacus (according to Mem- non; Olymp. 17. 3. according to Hieron. Seal. • Olymp. 18. 2. Cod. Arm.), b. I. ch. 6. § 9. 3. Croton founded according to Dion. Halicar, and Eusebius, Cod. Arm. (Olymp. 18. 1. accord- ing to Euseb. Cod. Arm. Olymp. 19. 2. according to Scaliger.) * Polydorus killed by Polemarchus ; ^ succeeded by Eury crates the Agid. Theopompus was killed during the testimony of Sosibius the Lacedae- war (according to ]Myron in the last monian mentioned above, in p. 446, year but one), vol. I. p. 159. note ^, note \ I infer that the authorities of at the sacrifice of a ixaro/Lctpoviov, ac- Eusebius in this part of the history cording to Clemens of Alexandria no longer followed the public register (Protr. p. 36. Sylburg. Euseb. Prsep. of Sparta. Evang. IV. p. 126 C), who, however, i According to Thucydides, with has a very confused notion of this reference to the date Olymp. 5. 3. sacrifice ; from which, and from the " Polydorus was honoured as a VOL. II. 2 G 450 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi. B.c. Ol. 708. 18. Tellis of Sicyon. Eurybatus, the Laconian, first conqueror in the wrestling match: Lampis the Laconian in the Pentathlon. 1. The Partheniae at Tarentum, Eusebius. 4. * Ameinocles, the Corinthian, builds the Samian triremes (Thucyd.). 704. 19. Menon of Megara. 700. 20. Atheradas of Laconia. 696. 21. Pantacles of Athens. 692. 22. Pantacles a second time. 688. 23. Icaruis of Hyperesia. Onomastus of Smyrna the first conqueror in the pugilistic contest. 1. Acrae and Enna founded from Syracuse.^ 4. [Commencement of the second Messenian war, according to Pausanias ; but, according to Corsini, Fast. Att. IL 1. p. 37. this date should be altered to Olymp. 24. 4.] Anaxander the Agid, Anaxidamus the Eurypontid, kings of Sparta. 684. 24. Cleoptoleimis the Laconian. 2. Locri founded, according to Eusebius (OL 26. 4. Cod. Arm.) above, b. I. ch. 6. § 12. 680. 25. Thalpis the Laconian. Pagondas of Thebes the first conqueror in the chariot race. 676. 26. Callisthenes the Laconian. The Pisatans render themselves independent of Elis (Strabo). 2. Megara founds Chalcedon, b. I. ch. 6. § 9. The musical contests at the Carnea are first intro- duced ( Africanus and Sosibius, above, p. 324. note ®), and T erpander is victorious as a harp- player. The same musician is four times -victo- rious in the musical contests at Pytho, at that time still celebrated every nine years ; from about Olymp. 27. to Olymp. 33. Doric, Phrygian, and Lydian styles of music. hero by posterity, as his Ttfixi (Pau- house being bought by the state (ib. san. III. 3. 2.), the use of his portrait 12. 2.) sufficiently prove, as the state seal ib. (11. 8.), and his ' B. I. ch. 6. 6 7. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 451 B.c. Ol. Orthagoras, tyrant of Sicyon.* 672. 27. Eurybates of Athens. 4. Victory of the Argives over the Spartans at Hy- siae, b. L ch. 7. § 16. * Megalostrata, b. IV. ch. 7. § 10. 668. 28. Cliionis the Laconian (Corsini Fast. Hell. II. 1. pag. 44.). The Pisatans preside at the games, whilst Elis is at war with Dyme (Euseb.). 1. Syracuse founds Casmenae. End of the second Messenian war, according to Pausanias. Aristomenes goes to Dainagetus the Eratid, prince of lalysus; the Lacedaemonians give Mothone to the expelled Nauplians. Damo- cratidas king of Argos (above, p. 112. notes). 4. Gymnopaedia at Sparta (Euseb.). * Sea-fight between the Corinthians and Corcy- raeans." 664. 29. Chionis for the second time. 660. 30. Chionis for the third time. [The Pisatans, accord- ing to Eusebius, celebrate this and the twenty- two following Olympiads.] 1. Zaleucus legislator of Locri (Euseb.). 2. Phigalia captured by Sparta, b. I. ch. 7. § 12. 3. Byzantium founded from Megara, b. I. ch. 6. §9. Cypselus expels the Bacchiadae from Corinth,'' and becomes king. * Second Messenian war (b. 1. ch. 7. § 10.). Pan- taleon, tyrant of Pisa, Aristocrates of Trapezus, king of Orchomenus (vol. I. p. 185 note*). Tyr- tseus of Aphidna at Sparta. » B. I. ch. 8. § 2. Plutarch, de seva Num. vind. 7. p. 231, errs greatly in placing the victory of Teletias the Cleonaean h Tu.tffiv at the Pythia (after Olymp. 47.) before the reign of Orthagoras. B. I. ch. 6. §.8- ^ Who also took refuge in Sparta, the protectress of aristocracy,Plutarch Lysand. 1. Some Heraclidae, how- ever, still remained in Corinth, b. I. ch. 6. § 8. With regard to the epoch, the dates from Diodorus of the kings and ninety prytanes of Corintli, agree completely with the best tes- timony as to the tiine of the Cypse- lidas. Strabo's 200 prytanes have arisen from a confusion with the number of males in the clan of the Bacchiadse. See vol. L p. note 2 o 2 452 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi- B.c. Ol. 656. 3L Chionis for the fourth time. 652. 32. Cratinus the Megarian, (above, p. 272. note'"^). 4. Himera founded by Chalcidians and Syracusans (Diod. XIIL 62.). * Eurycratidas (Eurycrates IL) the Agid, Archida- mus the Eurypontid. 648. 33. Gyges the Laconian. Lygdamis of Syracuse is the first conqueror in the Pancratium^ Crauxidas the Crannonian victorious y.iXnri. Myron^ son of Andreas, tyrant of Sicyon, in the quadriga, b. 1. ch. 8. § 2. 4. Terpander's musical legislation at Sparta. 644. 34. Stomas of Athens. Pantaleon, son of Omphalion, tyrant of Pisa, president of the games, b. I. ch. 7. §11. 640. 35. Sphcerus the Laconian. Cylon of Athens victo- rious in the ^/a^Xor. 3. Beginning of the second Messenian war accord- ing to Diodorus and Eusebius. Compare Justin, cited vol. I. p. 161. note°. The Therseans found the first settlement in Libya on the island of Platea. Orchomenos, p. 344. Chionis, the conqueror at Olympia, among, the adventurers. * Procles tyrant of Epidaurus, Aristodemus king of Orchomenus, vol. I. p. 185. note ^ 636. 36. Phrynon of Athens. 632. 37. Eurycleidas the Laconiayi. Hipposthenes the La- conian first conqueror in the boys' wrestling match, Polyneites of Elis in the stadium as a boy. Founding of Cyrene. Reign of Battus I. Peisander, the epic poet of Rhodes. 628. 38. Olynthus the Laconian. Eutelidas the Laconian victorious in the boys' pentathlon. 1. Pammilus of Megara on the Isthmus, with some Sicilian Megarians, founds Selinus, b. I. ch. 6. § 10. (Olymp. 32. 2. according to Diodorus.) Periander, tyrant of Corinth, vol. I. p. 185. note*. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 453 B.c. Ol. 2. Corinthians and Corcyraeans found Epidamnus, b. L ch. 6. §. 8. * Gorgus^ son of Cypselus, tyrant of Ambracia, ibid, b. in. ch.9. §6. * Thaletas, the Elyrian musician, in Sparta, b. IV. ch. 6. §. 3. 624. 79. Rhipsolcus the Lacmiian. 2. Camarina founded by the Syracusans.y 620. 40. Olyntheus the Laconian, for the second time. * Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, b. I. ch. 8. § 4. Arion of Methymna, in Peloponnesus. 616. 41. Cleondas of Thebes. Philotas of Sybaris, first con- queror in the boxing match of the boys. 612. 42. Lycotas the haconian. 1. Cylon, son-in-law of Theagenes, aims at the ty- ranny of Athens, Corsini Fast. Att. II. I. p. 64. Alcman, lyric poet at Sparta, above, p. 328. note ^. 608. 43. Cleon of Epidaurus. 2. Phrynon of Athens, the conqueror at Olympia, and Pittacus of Mytilene, contend for the posses- sion of Sigeum. (Euseb.) * Periander decides the subject of dispute, vol. I. p. 191. note ^ 4. The inhabitants of Gela found Agrigentum.'- 604. 44. Gelon the Laconian. * Agasicles, the Eurypontid, at Sparta. Solon conquers Salamis from the Megarians. 600. 45. Antic7'ates of Epidaurus. * Cleisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, at war with Argos, vol. I. p. 179. note^. Pheidon II. king of Argos, above, p. 1 12. note?. 596. 46. Chrysamaxus the Laconian. The Megarians reconquer Salamis and Nissea, b. I. ch. 8. § 8. y Time. VI. 5. Compare the date and Eusebius, reckon from Olymp, of Syracuse, Olymp. 5. 3. The Scho- 11.4. liast to Pindar. Olymp. V. 16, who ^ According to Thucydides, with places the foundation in Olymp. 45, the date Olymp. 16. 4. 454 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi. B.C. ol. Epimenides in Athens, according to Diogenes Laertius. * Leon the Agid at Sparta unsuccessful in a war against Tegea. 592. 47. Eurycles the Laconian. 3. The Amphictyons under Eurylochus the Aleuad, and Cleisthenes of Sicyon, conquer Cirrha^ and institute prizes for the gymnastic contest at Pytho. Gylidas Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi, b. L ch. 8. §2. Nebrus and Chrysus the Asclepiadae of Cos. Sacadas, the Argive flute-player, victorious in this and the two follomng Pythian games. Hierax, also an Argive flute-player, probably his contem- porary, b. IV. ch. 6. § 8. Second epoch of music at Sparta, b. IV. ch. 6. § 3. Arcesilaus I. king of Cyrene. 588. 48. Glaucias of Croton. 4. Death of Periander, b. I. ch. 8. § 3. Damophon, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, makes war upon Elis. 584. 49. Lycinus of Croton. Cleisthenes of Sicyon victo- rious in the chariot race ; he invites the suitors of his daughter Agariste.^ 2. Megacles, son of Alcmaeon, marries Agariste. 3. Second Pythian games, first dywv arBf^ocvlrrts. Diodorus Archon (Prytanis) at Delphi. Cleis- thenes victorious with the quadriga.^ * This victory cannot well be placed earlier, because Megacles, who was a party leader at Athens, from about the 54th to the 60th Olympiad, could have hardly come forward as a suitor before this time, (the other Athenian suitor, Hippo- elides, was archon in Olymp. 53. 3.) ; nor later, because the Cypselidae were not then in power, as is evident from Herod. VI. 128. ^ On the computation of the Py- thiads, see Boeckh. Expl. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206, It does not however seem probable, as Boeckh supposes, that the ayuv ^ovifjt.a.r'i'r'/is took place in Olymp. 48. 3. : but I suspect that Pausanias, knowing practically that the Pythiads were to be counted from 01. 48. 3, placed the first Pythiad in this year ; not perceiving that the first Pythiad was an hva,'z.Tyi^)s, or octennial period, as is evident from the Parian marble; whence in the argument to the Py- thians, for ^«r« ;^^9vöy I|«£t>!, I would correct iwaiTTi ; although the fault, if it be a fault, is uf old standing. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 455 B.c. Ol. The Cypselidae expelled from Corinth, b. I. ch. 8. §3- Restoration of the Isthmian games, accordmg to Solinus. * Lacedes king of Argos, b. III. ch. 6. § 10. 580. 50. Epitelidas the Laconian. Lipara peopled from Cnidos, b. L ch. 6. * Periander, tyrant of Ambracia, banished, b. III. ch.9. § 6. Conquest of Orneae by Argos, b. I. ch. 7. ad fin. Pjrrhus, son of Pantaleon, tyrant of Pisa, at war with Elis. The victorious Eleans destroy Pisa, Scillus, Macistus, Dyspontium, and extend their dominion towards Triphylia.*^ Dipoenus and Scyllis the Cretan descendants of Dsedalus, in Peloponnesus. Cleobulus, son of Evagoras, a Heraclide, governor of Lindus, a lyric poet and seer.*^ Riddles of Cleobulina, b. IV. ch. 8. § 4. 576. 51. Eratosthenes of Cr oton. 3. Pythocritus of Sicyon victorious in flute-playing at this and the five following Pythiads, b. IV. ch. 6. § 5. Orchomenos, p. 374, where for 60 write 50. As some misapprehen- sions have arisen on the passages relating to this event, I may be per- mitted to make the following re- marks. I. The three passages of Pausanias, V. 63. V. 10. 2. VI. 22. 2. on the at.väar'xiTii of the Pisans, evidently refer to the same event ; and consequently the second of them should be interpreted thus: the statue of Jupiter is made from the plunder gained at the time when the " Eleans overcame Pisa.'^ This is the explanation of Dodw^ell. Annal. Thuc. p. 137. otherwise Voelckel, Ueber den Tempel des Olymjuschen Jupiters, p. 6. Krue^jer de Xenoph. Vita. II. In Strabo VIII. p. 355, C. the iffp(^uTfi xxrcckvffts ruv Miffffmii^v cannot be the war of Olymp. 81; since the Pisans could neither have had the management of the games at that time, nor any Nestoridae been in ex- istence at Pylos. But he must mean the subjugation of Messenia after the 30th Olympiad, after which time the Lacedaemonians perhaps assisted the Eleans in gradually weakening Pisa, until in the 50th Olympiad it became completely subject. A more precise date for the distinction of Pisa may be gathered from the strange state- ment of the catalogue of the Olym- piad in Eusebius according to Afri- canus, that the Pisans celebrated the 30th and the 22 following Olympiads (vid. ad 01. 30) ; if we understand it to mean that the Pisans had a share in the celebration of the Olympiads until their destruction. According to this, Pisa was destroyed in Oh mp. 52. d Diog. Laert. I. 98. 456 ■ CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi. B.c. ol. The family of the tyrants banished from Sicyon, b. 1. ch.8. §2. Battus II. king of Cyrene. Enlargement of the Cyrenaean territory. * Susarion of Tripodiscus, a comic poet in the Attic Icaria. (Marm. Par.) 572. .52. Agis of Elis. 568. 53. Agnon of Peparethus. 2. Argos conquers Nemea, and celebrates the first winter festival of the Nemean games noticed by chronologists. 3. Eugammon, the epic poet, in Cyrene. (Euseb.) 4. Phalaris of Astypalaea, tyrant of Agrigentum, (Euseb. Hieron ; Olymp. 52. 3. Cod. Arm.) b. III. ch. 9. § 8. 4. Stesichorus, the lyric poet of Himera flourishes. 564. 54. Hippostratus of Croton. JEsop of Cotyae, pursuant to the sentence of the court of the temple at Delphi, is precipitated from the Phaedriadian rocks of Hyampeia. (Suidas.) * Anaxandridas the Agid. 560. 55. Hipjmstratus for the second time. 2. Death of Stesichorus, Euseb. according to Sui- das, Olymp. 56. * Meltas, son of Lacedes, king of Argos, deposed. The family of the Heraclides expires,*" and j^lgon, of another family, obtains the royal dignity, b. III. ch. 6. § 7. 556. 56. Phcedrus of Pharsalus. 1. Cheilon Ephor at Lacedaemon, (above, p. 115. note ^.) 3. Camarina destroyed by the Syracusans. 552. 57. Ladi 07nu.s the Laconian. In later times, however, a certain Ramsenetus, hereditary priest of Her- T. Statilius Lamprias, the son of cules and the Dioscuri at Sparta, Timocrates Meitimianus derives his declares that he is descended from origin from Perseus (through Her- Hercules in the 48th, and from the cules) tnd the Dioscuri. Boeckh. Dioscuri in the 44th generation, ibid. Corp. Inscript. No. 1124 ; as also a No. 1353, and see Boeckh on Nu. M. Aurtlius Aiistocratfs, the son of 1340, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 457 B.c. Ol. 3. Phalaris overthrown by Telemachus the Emme- nide. Orchomenos, p. 338. Alcmanes becomes king of Agrigentum. * Ar is ton the Eurypontid. 548. 58. Diognetus of Croton. L The temple at Pytho burnt, (Pausan. Euseb.) The Amphictyons appoint the Alcmaeonidae to rebuild it : Spintharus the Corinthian is the architect. The Spartans find the bones of Orestes, (Solinus L 90.) and defeat the Tegeates, b. L ch. 7. § 12. * Battle of the 300 at Thyrea.^ 544. 59 . Archilochus of Corcyra. Praxidamas of ^Egina conquers in the boxing match, and dedicates the first statue of a wrestler at Olympia. The -^gi- netan school of brass-founders begins to flourish (Call on) ; contemporary we find the Spartan artists Dorycleidas, Dontas, Chartas, Syadras, Gitiadas, &c. 540. 60. ApellcBus of Ells. * Victory of the Megarians and Argives over Corinth.8 vol. L p. 98, note^\ Pythagoras at Croton. Aristocleia, Pythian priest- ess. Leo tyrant of Phlius. 536.61. Agatharchus of Corcyra. 532. 62. Eryxias of Chalcis. Milo of Croton victorious in wrestling, perhaps the first of his six victories. 528. 63. Parmenides of Camarina. (This town was how- ever at this time in ruins.) f That Pausanias (III. 7. 5.) errs greatly in assigning this battle to the reign of Theopompus (about Olymp. 2 — 16.) is proved by his own statement that Perilans, the son of the Argive warrior Alee nor, was a conqueror at the Nemean games (b.I.ch. 7. §16) ; for no conquerors at those games are mentioned be- fore Olymp. 53. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 233, states that the battle took place in the reign of Polydorus (about Olymp. 7— 17.), Solinus VII. 9. in Olymp. 10. 4. 737 B C. s To this war, which must be placed about Olymp. 60, should pro- bably be referred the inscription on the helmet found at Olympia, which formed part of a trophy, Corp. In- script. 20. 29. cf. Addend, p. 885. TAPr[£/]0I ANEeEN TGI Alfl TON KOPIN©O0EN. 458 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi. B.c. Ol. * Naval expedition of the Peloponnesians against Po- ly crates of SamoS;, b. I. ch. 8. § 5. 524. 64. Evander the Thessalian. Cleomenes the Agid. Dorieus goes to Libya. The great victory of Cleomenes over Argos, (according to Pausanias, see b. I. ch. 8. § 6 ; but comp. b. III. ch. 4. § 2.) 520.65. Acochas (read Anochus) of Tarentum. Demaretus of Her8ea the first conqueror as a heavy-armed runner (Hoplitodromeus) ; Eutehdas and Chryso- themis the Argives make statues of him and his son Theopompus. 1. Cleomenes refers the Platseans to Athens, (vol. I. p. 190, note^ B. 1. ch. 9. §5..) 2. The ^ginetans colonize Cydonia. Dorieus goes to Sicily, and founds Heraclea, but falls in a battle against the Carthaginians and Egestseans. Euryleon of Sparta succeeds Peitha- goras on the throne of Selinus.^ * The ancient constitution of Sicyon restored, b. I. ch. 8. § 5. 516. 66. Ischyriis of Himera. Cleosthenes of Epidamnus conquers in the chariot race. Ageladas of Argos makes a statue of the latter and Anochus, victo- rious in Olymp. 65. Aristophylidas tyrant of Tarentum, b. I. ch. 8. § 15. 512.67. Phanas of Pellene. 1. Pretended maritime sovereignty of the Lacedae- monians. Eusebius. 3. Cleomenes expels the Peisistratidae from Athens. (Thuc. VI. 59.) Lygdamis of Naxos is deposed at the same time, b. I. ch. 8. § 5.' ^ Herod. V, 46. cf. Plutarch. Ly- ^ Lacedaemonian envoys to this curg. 20. That Dorieus did not fight tyrant are mentioned by Plutarch, against Sybaris may also be proved Lac. Apophth. p. 245. chronologically. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 459 B.c.oL The Crotoniats under Milo defeat the Sybarites^ and destroy Sybaris. Dissension at Croton respecting the division of the territory. * Demaratus the Eurypontid. 508. 68. Ischomachus of Croton. 1. Cleomenes expels Cleisthenes and supports the aristocracy of Athens ; Isagoras archon. Insur- rection at Athens, and recall of Cleisthenes. 3. Third expedition of Cleomenes against Athens ; dispute with Demaratus. 4. Cleandrus tyrant at Gela, b. III. ch. 9. § 8. League of lEginsi and Thebes against Athens. 504. 69. Ischomachus for the second time. 1. Ionia revolts. Overthrow of the Pythagorean league, b. III. ch, 9. § 15- Cleinias tyrant of Croton. Dion. Hal. Exc. p. 2358, ed. Reiske. 500. 70. Nicias of Opus. Thersias the Thessalian the first conqueror with the dTtmn. 1. Pratinas of Phlius, a satyric poet at Athens. 2. Death of Pythagoras, according to Eusebius. Cod. Arm. 3. Conquest of Miletus (according to Petavius, Olymp. 71. 2. ; according to Corsini), compare Thucyd. IV. 102. with Herod. V. 126. Hippocrates tyrant of Gela, b. III. ch. 9. § 8. 4. The Samians, at the invitation of Anaxilaus, ty- rant of Rhegium, conquer Zancle. Sythes of Zancle goes to Persia, and receives the sovereignty of Cos from the king, vol. I. p. 187. note\ b. HI. ch. 9. § 2. The Byzantians found Mesambria.^' Lasus of Hermione flourishes as a lyric poet. 496.71. Tisicrates of Croton. Pataecus of Dyme first con- ^ According to Herod. VI. 33. See b. I. ch. 6. §9. 460 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. vi. B.c. Ol quers in the xaXTryj ; the elder Empedocles, son of Exaenetus of Agrigentum^ KsXviri. 4. The ^ginetans give earth and water to Darius. * The Geomori expelled from Syracuse^, b. I IL ch. 9. Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, subdues Zancle, and changes its name to Messana.^ 492. 72. Tisicrates of Croton for the second time. 1. * Hippocrates of Gela defeats the Syracusans on the river Helorus, and restores Camarina. Cleomenes, king of Sparta^ at ^gina. Leotychidas king in the room of Demaratus ; Cleo- menes with him in ^gina a second time. 2. Gelon, tyrant of Gela. Cleomenes banished from Sparta; returns^ and dies raving mad ; succeeded by Leonidas. Demaratus goes, after the Gymnopaedia, in the be- ginning of summer, to Persia. War between ^gina and Athens. 3. Battle of Marathon. The Spartans arrive at Athens on the 1 9th of Metageitnion (Carneius), immediately after the battle. 4. Panyasis of Rhodes, the epic poet. (Euseb.) " 488. 73. A stylus of Croton. Gelon victorious in the chariot race : Hieron nsXrin. 1. Theron tyrant of Agrigentum. 4. Gelon takes Syracuse, b. III. ch. 9. § 7" I Perhaps in Olymp. 71. 3. in which case Diodorus XI. 48. has con- founded Anaxilas' government of Messana with his government of Rhegium. II The oration of the supposed Thessalus, in Epist. Hippocrat. p. 1294. ed. Foes, states, that " the king " of Persia demanded earth and " water (493 B. C), which theCoans " refused (contrary to Herod. VI. 49.) ; ' that upon this he gave the island of Cos to Artemisia to be wasted. " Artemisia was shipwrecked, but " afterwards conquered the island. " During the first war (490 B. C), " Cadmus and Hippolochus governed " the city ; which the former quitted " when Artemisia took the island." ™ The fall of this town was pre- ceded by a great plague, according to Diomedes, p. 484. ed. Putsch, who mentions Hiero instead of Gelo. It is to this time that Corsini, Fast. Att. II. 1. p. 110, refers the elegy of The- ognis to those who had escaped the CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 461 B.c. Ol. * Cadmus, son of SytheSj tyrant of Cos, returns to Messana, accompanied by Epicharmus. Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, takes Cos, and reigns at Halicarnassus, Nisyrus, and Calydna."^ Canachus, brass-founder of Sicyon, flourishes. 484. 74. Astylus as a Syracusan. 1. Herodotus born, according to Pamphila. Gelon destroys Camarina, Herod. VH. 156. SchoL Find. Ol. V. 19. 2. Gelon conquers Megara, (vol. I. p. 135 rioted) and strengthens Syracuse with the population of the ruined cities. On this occasion Epicharmus, who had formerly lived at Megara, appears to have come to Syracuse. Theognis, the elegiac poet, still composes at an ad- vanced age. 4. From the beginning of the year to summer, Xerxes' march from Sardis to Thermopylae. For- mation of a Grecian confederacy. Embassy of the Greeks to Gelon. (See Appendix IV.) 480. 75. Astylus as a Syracusan for the second time. 1. Battle of Thermopylae at the same time with the Olympic festival. Pleistarchus the Agid, Cleombrotus his Trpö^iKos. After the Carnean festival, the Spartans, with the rest of the Peloponnesians, encamp at the Isthmus. Battle of Salamis on the 20th of Boedromion. Gelon and Theron defeat the Carthaginians on the Himeras. Cleombrotus leads the army back from the Isthmus after the eclipse of the sun (2d Octob.), and dies not long after, Herod. IX. 10. Pausanias succeeds as regent, and with Euryanax° siege of the Syracusans, mentioned in Suidas in Bioyvti. It appears pro- bable that in the words iig ro»s o-u- Hvrai Tuv 'Su^xxouffiuv iv rn ^roXio^xiK, a slight transposition should be made, (viz. Iv rri" Tuv 'SiV^ax.ovo'iMV -roXio^Kta:,^ as at this time Syracuse was only the besieging and never the besieged party. " B. IV. ch. 7. § 2. o Euryanax was the son of Do- rieus, according to Herod. IX. 10. 462 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. app. yi. B.c. Ol. the Agld advances to meet Mardonius in the month Thargelion or Scirophorion. 2. Battles of Platsea and Mycale (m Metageit- nioni^). Pausanias's Greek confederacy. Sur- render of Thebes. Chrysis priestess of Juno at Argos. 3. Hieron at Syracuse. * Pausanias in the north of Greece. 4. Hieron defends Locri against Anaxilaus, b. IV- ch. 7. § 4. Pausanias^ on his return^, brings the bones of Leo- nidas to Sparta. ^ Timocreon of Rhodes a lyric and comic poet. 476, 76. Scamander of Myfilene. Theron victorious in the chariot race. 1. Death of Anaxilaus. Pausanias commander of the Greeks in Cyprus. 3. Great victory of the lapygians over Tarentum, b. III. ch. 9. § 15. Victory of Hieron over the Etruscans at Cuma, and at the Pythian games in the chariot race. * Pausanias takes Byzantium. 4. Death of Theron. Thrasydaeus expelled from Syracuse^ b. III. ch. 9. § 8. 472. 77. Dates of Argos. Hieron victorious xiXnn. 2. The population of Elis collected into one town. Diodor.XI. 54. Strabo VIII. 336. B. HI. ch.4. §8. _ _ The allies in Asia refuse to follow Pausanias^, ac- cording to Dodwell's Ann. Thucyd. 3. Expedition of Leotychidas against the Aleuadae. Dorcis commander of the Spartans in Asia. As- sessment of Aristides. But why -was he not king before Leo- the Theban cavalry (Herod. IX. 69.), nidas, if Dorieus was the eldest son see the splendid eulogium contained of Anaxandridas ? Perhaps because in the Megarian epigram. Boeckh. a Heraclide who left his native coun- Corp. Inscript. N°. 1050. Mus. Grit, try lost his right to the throne. Flut. Cant. vol. II. p. 616. Agesil. II. q In Pausan. III. 14. 1, I correct P On the unfortunate skirmish of T£ Aleuadae, 121 a\m, ii. 88 Almopia, 458. 469 Alpenus, 42 Alpheus, 74. 379 Althamenes, 98. Altis, 271 Amazons, 390 Ambracia, constitution of,ii. 158 Ambracian bay, 7 Ametor, ii. 381 Aranisus, 227 Amphanaea, 42 Amphicaea, 38 Amphictyonic league, 279 Amphilochus, 125 Amphipolus, 394. ii. 166 äfXTrtrrapegy ii. 35 Amyclae, 101 Anactorium, 130 Anaphe, 116 Anaxilas, 164 Andania, religious ceremonies of, restored by Epaminondas, 111 Angites, 453 Antaeus, 442 Anthes, 118 Antiphemus, 122 Antiphus, 419 Apaturia, festival of, 91 air EviavTLafiOQ, 341 Aphamiotae, ii. 51 Aphidnae, 167. 431 'AttcXXwv, 312 Aphrodite, 322. 405 2 H 2 468 INDEX. Apollo, etvmology of the name, 311 äyvuvQ, 310. 363 — CLK^](TLOC, 307 äXe^iicatcoQ, 307 cLTroTpOTraiogj 308 of Belvidere, 368 of Calamis, 366 of Canachus, ibid. ii. 383 Citharcedus, 368 yereriop^ 302 deKarrjcpopoQi 247 Delphinius, 227. 245 eXeXevQ, 309 ETTlKOVpLOQ^ 307 epiaioQ, 248 Erythibius, 238. 299 Gryneus, 247 larpog, 308 KapveloQf 360 Kl<7(TeV£, 361 Karaißacnoc, 307 XetT^rifopiog-, 263 XeTTiTvixviog^ 248 Xoifj-LOQ, 308 of the Lvcsenm, 368 ■ Lycius, 240. 313^ Malloeis, 248 panalog^ ibid. veofXTjviog 299 Nomius, 295 of Onatas, 366 TraaTvapiOQ, 240 irarpwoQi 257- 263 — — Philesius, 245 TTpoardrrjg, 308 Trpo(7Tari]piog, ibid. Pythaeus, 93. 267 l^ivdeiog, 240. 298 Thyrxeus, 238 Apollonia, 131. in Crete, 227. 283. Constitution of. ii. 160 Apophthegms, ii. 386 Arcadia, 75 Arcadians, 197 Architecture, Doric, style of, ii. 269 Areopagus, 340 Ares, 406 Arethusa, 380 Argos, colonies, 112. constitu- tion, ii. 145. courts of justice, ii. 229. history, 169. 172. 175. 190. 197. kings, ii. 111. slaves, ii. 54. tribes, ii. 76. character, ii. 407. dialect, ii. 435, 436 'Apyeloi, a name of the Helots, ii. 43 Argolis described, 78 Argura, 26 Arion, ii. 372. ii. 375 Ariphron, ii. 378 Aristeeus, 295 Aristeas, 290 Aristocrates, 165 Aristodemus, 99. ii. 443 Aristomachus, 65 Aristomenes, 157. 165. 168 Artemis, 374. ^Etolian, 374. Arcadian, 376. Attic, 383. Doric, 372. Ephesian, 389. Leucophryne, 392. Orthia, 38?. TTorafiia, 380. Pergsean, 393. of Sipylus, 392. Asine, 46 Asopus, 89 Aspendus, 124 Astaeus, 133 Asteria, 321 Astypalaea, 116. ii. 177- Athamanes, 7 Athene oTrrtXeVte, 397. d^vdep- KTig, ibid, a/cp/a, ibid. Atintanes, 457 Atrax, 23. 29 Attica, 256 Axius, 451 Azorum, 23. 25. 30 Bab\ ca, ii. 90 Bacchiadse, ii. 138. ii. 451 BaXXi]p, 10 Barnus, 453 Baths of Lacedaemon, ii. 283 Bermius, 453. Bessi, 10 Bibasis, ii. 345 Bidisei, ii. 131. ii. 228 INDEX. 469 Bisaltia, 454 Black broth of Sparta, ii. 285 Blfesus, ii. 369 Boeotia, 262 Boeum, 39. 44 Bottiais, 455 Bovat, ii. 310 Branchidse, 246 Brasidas, 218. ii. 406 Brass, pound of, unit of the Italian money system, ii. 224 Bryallicha, ii. 346 Brygians, 8. 481 Buagi, ii. 131 Bucolic poetry, ii. 350 Busiris, 442 Bulis, 49 Byzantium, 133. 250. slaves, ii. 62, constitution, ii. 174. character, ii. 411. dialect, ii. 437 Cadmus, 255 of Cos, 187 Csenidse, 97 CaUicratidas, ii. 405 Callisto, 377 Calydna, 114. 116 Camarina, 129 Kcivadpa, ii. 292 Carmanor, 228 234. 350 Carnean games, list of con- querors at, 144 Camus, 66 Carpathus, 116. 120 Carphaea, 44 Caryatides, ii. 348 Carystus, 47 Casmene, 129 KacTTopiopy ii. 341 Casus, 120 Ceadas, 157 Celts, 2 Centaurs, 417 Cephalus, 251 Cephisus, 38 Cercopes, 422. 447 Ceronia, 139 Ceyx, 59.416 Chalcedon, 133. 250 Chalcidians, 278 Chalcis in ^Etolia, 130 Cliaonians, 6 Charadra, 39 Charinus, ii. 36 1 Charites, 407 Charondas, laws of, ii. 230. 234 241 XiTiby, ii. 274. ii. 277 XXdlva, ii. 277 Chlamys, 478 Chones, 6 Choral poetry, ii. 374 XwpirrjQ, ii. 22 Chorus, ii. 262. 334 Chronology and history, early materials for, 142 Chryse, 386 Chrysothemis, 228. 350. 355. ii. 379 Cimon, treaty of, 205 Cinadon, ii. 232 Cinsethon, 156 Cirrha, 272. 276 Claros, 246 kXeivoq, ii. 302 Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 178 Cleobulus, ii 378 Cleodseus, 65 Cleonje, 79. 90 Cleosthenes, 153. ii. 445 KXrjpog, ii. 32 . Clytiadge, 272 Cnacion, ii. 90 Cnidos, 137. constitution of, ii. 177 Cnosus, 493. ii. 137 Comedy, ii. 354. introduction of at Athens, ii 355 Sicilian, ii. 356 - Community of property in Sparta, ii. 197 of husbands, ii, 201 Congress of the Greeks, 203 Conquest of the Peloponnese, 85 Contoporia, 79 Corcyra, 130 410 INDEX. Corcyra, Black, 138 Corybas, 229 Corinth, history, 94, 95. 181. colonies, 127. slaves, ii. 58. kings, ii. 112. courtesans, ii. 300. character, ii. 408. pry- tanes, ii 138. constitution, ii. 150. ii. 155 Cos, 114. 120 Cosmus, ii. 2 Craugallidse, 47. 276 Cresphontes, 70 Crestonica, 454 Crete, character, ii. 406. Cos- mi, ii. 134. Doric migration to, 34. later migrations, 36. education, ii. 311. gerusia, ii. 98. laws, ii. 237. music, ii. 333. princes, ii. 113. pub- lic assembly, ii. 92. slaves, ii. 50. dialect, ii. 436 Crissa, or Cirrha, 230. 281 Crissaeans, 47 Croesus, 347 Crotona, 140. 281. 286 439. constitution, ii. 184. cha- racter, ii. 413 Cryassa^ 116 Cultivation, proofs of in the Peloponnese, 81. carried on by the conquered races, 83 Curetes, 229 Curium, 124 Cyclopian hall, 87 Cycnus, 225.414 Cynosura, ii. 48 Cynuria, 171. 174. 190 Cyphus, 28. 31 Cypselus, 97. 181 Cyrene, 136. 283. constitution, ii. 178. ephors, ii. 114. tribes, 62. character, 412. dialect, 438 Cytinium, 40. 44 Damastes, 291 AajjLoaia, ii. 251 Daphne, 302 Daphnephorus, 223 Decelea, 431 Deianira, 68. 416 AeiKr]\iKTai, ii. 348 Deimalea, ii. 348 Deipnias, 224 Deiphontes, 90. 119 Delians. 207 Delos, 229. 287. 320. 343 Delphi, temple of, 225. 231 constitution, ii. 274. 372 188. kings, ii. 114. ii. 138 laws, ii. 237. character, ii. 414. dialect, ii. 439 Delphine, 324 Delphinia, 262 Demeter, 398. Cabirian worship of at Andania, 111. Syra cusan, 401. Triopian, 115. Xdovia, 402. worship of, ii. 339 Demiurgi, ii. 144 Democracy, ii. 9 Afjfxog, ii. 8 Dercylidas, ii. 405 Deucalion, 20 Deuriopus, 459 Dexamenus, 417 Diagoridse, 119 Dionysus, 403 Dioscuri, tombs of, 103. 408 Dipaea, battle of, 207 Dipodia, ii. 345 Dirges, 354 Dithyramb, 405 Dium, 24 Doberus, 460 Dodona, 6. 28 ^ofcam, 408 Doliche, 23. 25 Dorians, migration of to dif- ferent parts of the north of Greece, 36. to the Pelopon- nese, 58. to Crete, 34. 493. probable number at the in- vasion, 84. jocularity of, ii. 370 Doric constitution, ii. 11. epic poets, ii. 378. dialect, 417 Doridas, 96 Dorieus, 141. ii. 151 INDEX. 471 Düris, or Doric Tetrapolis, 38. 43 Dorium, 43 Dorus, 43. 490 Dowry of Spartan women, ii. 204 Drymea, 38 Dryope, 44 Dryopians, 45. 93 Dymanes, ii. 76 'Eßhfial, 338 Echemus, 63 Edessa, 479 Edonians, 465 Et\w(;, derivation of, ii. 30 Eilythyia, 262 Eion, 46 ei(T7ryr)\ag, ii. 300 eKK\T]TOl, 201 Eleusinia, 402 Eleutherolacones, ii. 19 Elis. hollow, 80. 202. perioeci of, ii. 57. ii. 74. gerusia of, ii. 99 'EXwoc, 319 Elymea, 457 Elyrus, 228 Emathia, 473. 479 ^EjjißaTrjpiov, ii. 342 Empelori, ii. 131 EfKppovpoc, ii. 243 Encheleans, 7. 37 kvLavTOQ, 329. 341. 429 EvvaETr]p\Q, 261. 337. 429. ii. 103 Enomoty, ii. 245 'Hotai of Hesiod, 58. 491 Eordians, 459. 468. 482 eTrevpaKTaij ii. 44 Ephetse, 340 Ephors, ii. 1 14 Ephyra, when changed to Co- rinth, 96. in Thesprotia, 96. 121. 417. 419 Epicharmus, ii. 356. ii. 358. 360—363 Epidamnus, 131. ii. 217. con- stitution of, ii. 159 Epidauriis, 79. 91. constitution of, ii. 149. kings of, ii. 113. slaves of, ii. 57 Epidemiurgi of Corinth, ii. 144 Epigenes of Sicyon, ii. 371 Epimenides, 355. ii. 394 Epirus, 6. 477. Epitadeus, law of, ii. 202 Equals, o/ioiot, ii. 84 Eratidse, 113 Erigon, 451 Erineus, 40. 43 Eros, 407 EpvKTfip, ii. 35. 43 Ery sichthon, 400 Erytheia, 420 loTtOTrajUwv, ii. 199 Eusechme, 58 Eumelus, 129. 156 Eurotas, 76. 81. plain of, 76 Euryanax, ii. 461 Eurysthenes and Procles, 100. 107. 144 Eurystheus, 59. tomb of, 61 Eurytus, 411. Expiations, 332. 342 Families, preservation of, in Sparta, ii. 198 Fate, 330. 345 Flute, 351 Gagge, 122 Gargettus, 60 Gela, 122. ii. 168 Geography of the Peloponnese, 73 Geomori of Samos, ii. 7 ripayoQ, 358 Gergis, 242 Gerusia in Doric states, ii. 93. ii. 156. ii. 228 Geryoneus, 420 Glaucus, 111 Goat, a symbol of Apollo, 325 Gomphi, 27 Gonnocondylum, 22 Gonnus, 22, 23 Gortyna, 136. 227 Government, ancient notion of, ii. 1 472 INDEX. Gryneum, 280 Gylippus, 218 Gymnastic exercises, ii. 313 Gymnesii, 191. ii. 54 Hair, Spartan mode of wearing the, ii. 281 Haliacmon, 452 Halicarnassus, 115. by whom colonized, 115. 118 Harma, 259 Harmosyni, ii. 131 Hecatseus of Abdera, 293 Hecatus, 268 Heiresses, Athenian and Spar- tan laws respecting, ii. 205 Helice, 71 Hellen, 20. 490 Hellenes, 11.20.471 Helos, 100 Helots, ii. 29. dress of, ii. 37. indecent dances of, ii. 39. military service of, ii. 34. number of, ii. 44. rent of, ii. 31. treatment of, ii. 43 Hephaestus, 406 Heraclea on the Pontus, 49. 140. constitution, ii. 176. public offices, ii. 120. slaves, ii. 62 Sciritis, constitution, ii. 183. ephors, ii. 115. dialect, Ü. 438 Heraclidse, whether Dorians or not, 54. defeated at Tegea, 63. their final expedition, 65. ii. 443 Hercules, account of in Homer, 51. aXe^iKaKoc, 445. cos- tume, 434. ITTOKTOVOQ, 445. KopvoTiiov, ibid. labours, 433. fabulous right to the Pcloponnese, 51. 275. 410. purification of, 436. Sandon, 440. servitude of, 414. 429. subdues the Drvopians, 46 Here, 395 Hermes, 307. 311 Hermione, 46. 193. dialect, ii. 437 Herodotus, ii. 385 Heroic age, constitution of, ii. 6 Hexapolis, Doric, 115 Hieromnamon, ii. 173 Hierapytna, 398 iXapoTpay(jdia, ii. 368 t/iarioy, ii. 274 Himera, 129 Hippodamus of Miletus, ii. 266 Hippotes, 66. 94 Historians, Doric, ii. 385 Homer, dialect of, ii. 378 ofioKaivoL^ ii. 199 dfiocriTTvoL, ibid. Horseo-castro, 22 Horus, 300 Hyacinthus, worship of, 139. 360 Hyamia, 163 Hybla, 135 Hydra of Lerna, 434 Hylas, 361. 441 Hylleans, 13. 53. ii. 76 Hyllus, 53. 59. at Thebes, 62. slain by Echemus, 63. 413 Hyperboreans, 230. 262. 271. 284. 298. 323. 329. 337. 373 Hyporchema, 357. ii. 337 lambists, choruses of, ii. 339 lamidse, 128. 272 380 lasians, 118 Ichnse, 455 "IXr/, ii. 310 lUyrian Athamanes, 48 Illyrians, 471 Inachus, 79 Inalienability of land, ii. 208 Inferiors, virofxiiovtg^ ii. 84 lolaus, 57 Ion, 258. 264. of Euripides, 265 lone, 124 lonians, 256. degeneracy of, ii. 5 Iphigenia, 383 Iphitus, 153. 155. 270. 413. quoit of, 143 "lpr]v, ii. 309 INDEX. 473 Ismenium, 254 Isthmius, III Ithome, siege of, 209 mvc/a, 4. 479 KarejvaKt}, ii. 38 KTjXrf^ovegy 350. 365 Kidapa, 349 KoiXrj Aa/c£^a/juwv, explained, 76. 104 KoyiTTo^eg, ii. 57 KopvdaXeia, 343 Kopvvr]^6poL, ii. 54 KpefxßaXLaarvQ^ 358 KpvTTTELa, ii. 240 KvdrjpodiKriQ, ii. 27 KvXXvpLoi, ii. 61. 161 Kvrer], 478 Lacius, 125 Lacmon, 452 Laconia, 75. divided into six provinces, 106. domestic economy, ii. 213. money, ii. 214. dialect, ii. 434 Laomedon, 241 Lapathus, 24. 139 Lapithse, 29 Larissa, 22. 25. Phriconis, 42 Lasus, ii. 378 Latin language, 17 Laurel, 343 Af^cpva, 396 Leogoras, 275. Lepreum, 202 Lesche, ii. 396 Letters, considered as Phoeni- cian symbols, 143 Leucadia, constitution, ii. 159 Leucatas, 251 Lichas, ii. 406 Lilsea, 39. 44 Limnse, ii. 48 Linus, 353. 427 Lipara, 137 Lochus, ii. 246 Locri, 140. ii. 238 Logographi, 56 Aofxßai, 382 Long walls, 215 Leucee, 247 Lycia, 236 Lycorea, 49. 233 Lyctus, 227 Lycurgus, 146. 152. 270. ii. 12 Lydia, kings of, 441 Lydias or Ludias, 451 Lyncestis, 458 Lyre, ii. 377 Ly Sander, ii. 219. 404 Macaria, 60. valley of, 78 Macedon, 172 Macedonians, 2. their dialect, 3. 485. not Dorians, 37. but Illyrians, 479. their customs, 482. religion, 483 Macedonis, 455 Maceta, 474 Magnesians, 276 Malians, 47 Mallus, 124. 126 Mantinea, battle of, ii. 244 Manufactures of Laconia, ii. 25 Marsyas, 351 Medea, 396 Megara, 97. one of five ham- lets, 99, colonies, 132. co- medy, ii. 354. comic poets, ibid, constitution, ii. 171. history, 186. 194. 212. 249. kings, ii. 113. dialect, ii. 437 Melampodidse, 272 Melcart, 443 Melia, 79 Melos, 136. constitution of, ii. 178 Mesambria, 134 Mesoa, ii. 48 Messenia divided into six pro- vinces, 106. history, 108. kings, ii. 113. character, ii. 413. dialect, ii. 435 Messenian wars, 156. third war, 208 Messenians, 209 Metapontum, 281. 286 474 INDEX. Meteora, 26 Miletus, 244 Military games, ii. 313. at Crete, ii. 320 Minos, 35 Minyans, 12 Mvota, ii. 51 Molycreium, 127 Mora, ii. 248 Mopsium, 25 Mopsuestia, 124. 126 Mopsuerene, 124. 126 Mopsus, 125 fjLodafcec, ii. 43 Music, Doric, ii. 323 Musical contests, ii. 338 Mycenae, 79 Myceneans, 192 IMygdonia, 454 Mygdonians, 8 Mylasa, 116 M3'ndus, ibid. Myron, 154. 178 Myscellus, 140 Myson, ii. 26 Narcissus, 353 Naupactia, 156 Naupactus, 65 Nemea, 79. 433. lion, ibid. vEodafioj^eic, ii. 43 veoXata, ii. 307 Nisyrus, 120 Nome, ii. 337 Nomophylaces, ii. 131 Nomus, 355 No^oc, numus, ii. 224 Noricura, 117. 138 Oba, ii. 78. 249 (Echalia, 28. taking of, 411. situation, 412 CEnöe, 258 CEnophyta, battle of, 211 GEta, mount, 41 (Etseans, 48 Olen, ii. 379 Olympic games, list of victors at, 143. 270. 436. ii. 315 WTTtC, 3 /3 Orestse, 458 Orneatse, 92. 176. ii. 55 opoLy 150 Orsippus of Megara, ii. 272 Oxylus, 68. 71 Paean, the god, 308 the song, 309. 325. 370 Paeonia, 459 Paeonians, 471, 472 Pagasae, 224 TraLlepaaria, ii. 300. of Crete, ii. 302. of Sparta, ii. 300 iraLhovofioc, ii, 310 Palm tree of Delos, 303. 322 Pamphyli, ii. 76 Pantaleon, 165 Pan thus, 241 Parauaea, 457 UapOsPLai, ii. 294 Paroria, 457 Patara, 237 Patronomi, ii. 132 Pausanias, 204. 489 Pedaritus, ii. 406 Pelagonia, 460 Pelagonian Tripolis, 25 Pelasgi, 6. 7. 15. 36. 220 PeUnna, 26, 27 Pella, 452. 455 Peloponnese, division of, 70 Peloponnesian league, 196 Peloria, festival of, 27 Perinthus, 135 Penestae, ii. 65 Penthehdae, 72 Perdiccas, 463 Periander, 182. ii. 158. ii. 222. ii. 276 Perioeci of Laconia, ii. 18 Trepcpepesg, 288 Persian war, 497 Petalism, ii. 163 TTETaaoCy 478 Petra, 24 Phaethon, SOI Phaestus, 89. 227 Phaianna, 25 Phalanthus, l.:9 Phalces, 89 Phallophori, 404. ii, 352 INDEX. 475 Pharcedon, 26 Pharis, 104 Phaseiis, 122 (pEidiTta, ii, 288 Pheidon, 172. 464 Phidippus, 120. 419 Philammon, 356. ii. 377 Phlegyans, 234 Phlegyas, 234. 297 Phlius, 79. 89. constitution of, ii. 170. its satiric drama, ii. 373. character, ii. 410 Phocis, plain of, 38 Phcebus, 312 cpoißai^eiv, ibid. Phormis, ii. 357 (pova^ip, 384. ii. 326. 491 iPhriciura, 422 Phrygians, 8. 480. their lan- guage, 9 Phthiotis, 20. 490 XltVaj/a, ii. 48 Plautus, ii. 362 TToKig, ii. 71 Polyboea, 361 Polycaon son of Butes, 58 Poly crates, 189 Polydorus, ii. 449 TTOjOTTtt^, ii. 256 Poseidon, 258. 402 Potidaea, 132 Pratinas of Phlius, ii. 373 Praxilla, 405 Priestesses of Here at Argos, catalogue of, 144 TrpoßovXoi, 206 Procles, 186 Procris, 251 'TrpoararrjQ rov ^rjfxov, ii. 147 Prytanes of Lacedsemon, 145. of Athens, ii. 140 Psammetichus, 185 Purification, 264. 370 Pydna, 456 Pylsea, ii. 396 Pylos, Nelean, 104 Nestorian, 82. 435. Triphylian, 81 Pyrrhic dance, ii. 342 Pythagoras, league of, ii. 182. ii. 316. ii. 393. philosophy of, ii. 186. government of, ii. 184. 193 Pythiad, ii. 454 Pythian strain, 325 Pythians, ii. 15 Pythium, 24. 258 Registers, public, of Lacedse- mon, 144 Rents of the Helots, ii. 31 Rhacius, 247 Rhadamanthus, 427 Rhegium, 164. 278 Rhetoric of Sparta, ii. 386 Rhetra, 148. of Agis, ii. 47. of Lycurgus, ii. 86. of Theo- pompus and Polydorus, ii. 87. 118 Rhianus, 158 Rhinthon, ii. 868 Rhipsean mountains, 291 Rhodes, colonies, 122. consti- tution, ii. 151. Prytanes of, ii. 139. character, ii. 408. dialect, ii. 437 Rhodia, 126 Rhoduntia, 42 Riddles, ii. 392 Sacadas of Argos, ii. 328. 338 Sacred road of Apollo, 223 Sacred slaves, 274. 392. 405 Sagalassus, 139 Salamis, 194 Sarpedon, 237 Sciras, ii. 369 Sciritse, ii. 253 Sculpture, Doric, ii. 382 Scythians, 288 Selge, 138 Selinus, 136. 406 Selymbria, 134 Sibyls, ii. 346 Sicyon, constitution, ii. 169. history, 177. music, ii. 330. tribes, ii. 58. slaves, ii. 583 character, ii. 410 cridevvai, ii. 309 (TKVTaXiafxog^ ii. 149 Slavery, kinds of, ii. 36 476 INDEX. Socrates the poet, ii. 335 Soli, 122. 125 Solium, 130 Solygius, hill of, 95 Sopatrus, ii. 369 Sophron, mimes of, ii. 364-7 Soüs, 108. 147 Sovereignty, Doric, ii. 100 Sparta, once an inconsiderable town, 102. colonies, 136. courts of justice, ii. 228. education, ii. 307. ephors, ii. 114. gerusia, ii. 94 ii. 236. infantry, ii. 253. kings, ii. 100. succession, ii. 105. king's house, ii. 266. mili- tary system, ii. 242 mar- riage, ii. 292. public assem- bly, ii. 88. stealing, ii. 319. taxes, ii. 221 Spartans number of, ii. 203. character of, ii. 402 Spartan brevity of speech, ii. 387 (TcpatpÜQ, ii. 309 'Z-enfj.ciTLala, festival of, 66 StenyclaiTis, battle of, 208 Stesichorus, ii. 375 Str^TQon, 453 Stvmphaea, 457 St\Ta, 47 Subject classes, dress of, ii. 73 Syme, 137 Synedrion, during the Persian war, 498 Synnada, 117 Syracuse, 128. 380. character, ii. 409. constitution, ii. 161. slaves, ii. 61. date of found- ation, ii. 447 Syssitia of Sparta, ii. 210. ii. 283. of Crete, ii. 211. ü. 286 T^narum, 248 Taleclus, 101 Talthybiadse, ii. 28 Tarentura, 139. 164. 439. con- stitution, ii. 181. princes, ii. 113. character, ii, 413. dia- lect, ii. 438 Tarrha, 228 Tarsus, 124 Tauria, 386 Tavgetus, mount, 77 Tegea, 207. 269 TegvTa, 254 Teichius, 42 Telesilla, 381. ii. 377 Teiliadse, 272 Temenus, 88 Temenidae, 463 Tempe, 21. 30. 222. 290 Tenea, 239 Tenedos, ibid. Tenure of land in Laconia, ii. 196 Terpander, ii. 376 Tetrapolis, whv spared by the Spartans, 61. 430 Teucrians, 11 Teutamus, 35 Thaletas, 350. 359. ii. 14. ii. 328 Thapsus, 136 Theagenes, 92 QeapocoKia, 280 Thebes, 254 Themistocles, 206 Theoclus, 157 Theopom.pus, 162. ii. 448 Thera, 136. ephors, ii. 115 Therapne, 103 Qepd-ojv, ii. 35 Theseus, 229. 257. 262. 263 Thessalians, 4. ii. 64 Thirty tyrants of Athens, ii. 98 Thoricus, 250 Thrace, 244 Thracians, 10. 470. 484 Tilphossa, 253 Timocracy, ii. 8 Timotheus, Spartan decree con- cerning, ii. 330 Tiresias, 255. 343 Tiryns, 192 Tisamenus, 69 Titacidae, 431 Tityrus, ii. 351 Tityus, 254. 329 INDEX. 471 Tiepolemus, 119, 120 Tolmides, 212 Trachis, 42 Tragedy, 404. ii. 371 Treasury of Atreus, ii. 267 Triacon, 91 Tricca, 26 TpixcüiceQ^ 33, 34 TpiocpdaXfxoe, oracle respecting, 68 Triopian promontory, 115 Triopium, 279 Tripod, robbery of by Hercules, 426 Tripolis and Tetrapolis, Doric, 43 Trcezen, 91. 118. 248 Trogilus, 136 TVpßri, 404 Tyndaridse, 431 Typhaon, 320 Tyrtseus, 156. 160. 164. 166. ii. 15. 198 Vases, illustrating ancient co- medies, ii. 359 — 361 Vejovis, 307 Ver sacrum, 276 War, how carried on by the Dorians in the conquest of the Peloponnese, 85 Wise men of Greece, ii. 39 Wolf, symbol of Apollo, 264. 314 Writing, art of, when intro- duced into Greece, 143 Xanthus, 237. 313 Xenelasia, ii. 4 Xenodamus, 359 Xerxes, 300 Xuthus, 258 Zaleucus, laws of, ii. 227. ii. 231. ii. 236. ii. 239 Zeus, of the Dorians, 318. 394 1^