THE UBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL .^'^■ ENDOWED BY THE DIALECTIC AND PHILANTHROPIC SOCIETIES E185.6 .H69 I U^^'VERSITY OF N C AT CHAPEL HILL 10000799147 be renewed by b^ngTto .hetbran,- " "°' °" '°"'' '' ™V Publications American Economic Association Vol. XI. Nos. I, 2 and 3. Pages 1-329. Race Traits and Tendencies American Negro FREDERICK L. HOFFMAN, F.S.S. Statistician to the Prudential Insurance Company of America AUGUST, 1896. PUBLISHED FOR THE American Economic Association BY The Macmillan Company NEW YORK LONDON : SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO. Copyright 1896 by American Economic Association Andrus & Church, ithaca, n, y. THE RACE TRAITS AND TENDENCIES of the AMERICAN NEGRO PREFACE. About ten years ago I began, for my own information, the collection of vital and social statistics of the colored population of this country. The first results of these in- vestigations were published in the Arena in April, 1892 ; a second contribution was published in the Medi- cal News in September, 1894, and a third, dealing with the Negro in the West Indies, appeared in the Publica- tions of the American Statistical Association^ in 1895. The large body of facts accumulated has made a more elaborate treatment seem feasible and the final result is the present work. At the commencement of my investigation, especially in regard to longevity and physiological peculiarities among the colored population, I was confronted with the absence of any extensive collection of data free from the taint of prejudice or sentimentality. Being of foreign birth, a German, I was fortunately free from a personal bias which might have made an impartial treat- ment of the subject difficult. By making exclusive use of the statistical method and giving in every instance a concise tabular statement of the facts, I believe that I have made it entirely possible for my readers to arrive at their own conclusions, irrespective of the deductions that I have made. During the course of my inquiry it became more and more apparent that there lie at the root of all social diffi- culties or problems, racial traits and tendencies which make for good or ill in the fate of nations as well as of individuals. It became more apparent as the work pro- gressed, that, in the great attempts at world bettering, at the amelioration of the condition of the lower races by those of a hiofher degfree of culture and economic well vi Preface. being, racial traits and tendencies have been almost en- tirely ignored. Hence a vast sum of evil consequences is met as the natural result of misapplied energy and misdirected human effort. The need therefore, of a presentation of the facts as they pertain to racial differences between the white and colored populations of this country, and the consequent differences in the tendencies of the two races, seemed sufficiently clear to demand that publicity should be given to such facts as I had been able to collect ; and while I have ventured at times to add my own deduc- tions, or interpretation of their meaning, such deduc- tions or interpretations are subject to the reader's own verification in view of the facts themselves. The close relation of social and moral phenomena to" economics, is, I believe, fully demonstrated by the results of this work. The absolute need of a more searching investigation of the underlying principles of human pro- gress or retrogression, becomes more than ever apparent. In the words of Mr. Bryce : '/'But for one difficulty the South might well be thought to be the most promising part of the Union, that part whose advance is likely to be swiftest, and whose prosperity will not be least secure. This difficulty, however, is a serious one. It lies in the presence of seven million negroes." If this be true, it behooves the general government as well as the governments of the several states, to institute annually such inquiries in regard to the material and social condition of the colored race as will demonstrate beyond a doubt the existence of vital factors affecting its progress or retrogression. Such inquiries would be free from the sectional prejudice or sentimental regard of those who are now arrayed on either side of the " race question." If such an investigation were undertaken by the De- partment of Labor, it w^ould lead to very beneficial re- Preface. vii suits by furnishing a basis for definite conclusions as to the results of philanthropic and charitable efforts in be- half of the colored race. In the absence of this much needed government investigation, the present inquiry may serve a useful purpose in stimulating others to special inquiry along the many lines indicated. In the preparation of this work, extending over so many years, I have been materially aided by so many public and private individuals in all parts of this country and the West Indies, that it would be impossible to make a proper acknowledgement of my obligations in each in- dividual case. To all those who have so kindly aided me with advice or documentary evidence, I extend my most sincere thanks, and trust that the results of the in- vestigation will prove a compensation for the personal inconvenience I may have caused them. I am, however, especially indebted for advice and in- formation to Mr. Carroll D. Wright, the Commissioner of Labor, Dr. John S. Billings, U. S. A., Dr. S. W- Abbott, secretary of the Massachusetts state board of health. Dr. Arthur Newsholme, Brighton, England, M. Charles Letourneau, secretary of the Anthropological Society of Paris, Mr. S. P. Smeeton, the registrar- general of Jamaica, Mr. Archibald Allison, the colonial secretary of Bermuda, Dr. D. T. Rogers of Mobile, Ala., Dr. H. B. Horlbeck of Charleston, S. C, Dr. Gordon De Sassure, of the same city. Dr. Jerome Coch- rane, of Montgomery, Ala., and Emmons Clark, Esq., secretary of the New York board of health. I am indebted to Professor W. F. Willcox for most val- uable assistance in the prosecution of the investigation and final publication of the results ; also to the publica- tion committee of the American Economic Association, but especially to Mr. F. S. Kinder of Cornell University, for considerable and valuable assistance in the reading of viii Preface. the manuscript and proofs for final publication. To the librarian of the Public Library of Newark I am under obligations for exceptional privileges afforded in the use of a valuable collection of transactions of scientific socie- ties, as well as of other valuable publications not easily obtainable. Most of all am I indebted to my wife for her kindly and sympathetic assistance and many personal sacrifices during the early years of my labors. Without her encouragement and never failing sympathy, the com- pletion of this work would not have been possible in a business life where only spare hours could be devoted to an investigation of this nature. In an investigation extending over so many years, and involving so large a number of calculations and sta- tistical quotations, errors are almost unavoidable. But having taken every precaution to insure absolute accu- racy, I feel confident that no error sufficient to affect the conclusions has occurred. If the work accomplishes its purpose and leads to a more searching investigation into the underlying causes of race progress or retrogression ; if it leads to more scientific attention to the relations between the superior and inferior races, as contrasted with the present dangerous method of guess work, it will not have been written in vain. For after all it is a question of living beings and not of theories ; and no philanthropy or charity that in all its missionary efforts has not been able to save the living man^ has any claim to be called successful. Race deterioration once in pro- gress is very difficult to check, and races once on the downward grade, thus far at least in human histor)-, have invariably become useless if not dangerous factors in the social as well as political economy of nations. Frederick L. Hoffman. j6i Broad Street., Newark., N. /., July 28, i8p6. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PREFACE, CHAPTER I. PopuivATioN, Growth of Colored Population in the Country at Large— In Different Sections of the Country— Increase in the Cities as Compared with Rural Districts — Concentration in Sections of Cities— Migration from Rural to Urban Districts— Concentra- tion in Rural Districts— Inter-State Migration— Colonization . — Summary. CHAPTER II. ViTAi. STATISTICS, 33 Statistics of Births and Deaths in Four States — In Selected Cities — Rates of Mortality According to Age and Sex — Accord- ing to Conjugal Condition— According to Altitude.— Before and since Emancipation — Expectation of Life for White and ' Colored — Causes of Mortality— Neglect of Children — Infant Mortality — Consumption— Pneumonia — Venereal Diseases — Malarial and Typhoid Fevers— Yellow Fever— Small Pox — Measles— Scarlet Fever— Diphtheria — Croup — Childbirth and Puerperal Fevers — Tumors and Cancers — Appendicitis — Alco- holism — Insanity and Lunacy — Suicide — Summary. "CHAPTER III. Anthropometry, ■J*C> Relation of Weight to Age and Stature — Lung Capacity and Mobility of Chest — Respiration — Physical Strength — Vision — Summary. — CHAPTER IV. Race Amalgamation, 177 V "^^ Theories Regarding Race Crossing— The Mulatto— Race Amalgamation advocated in U. S. — Law of Similarity — Mixed Marriages in U. S. — Illicit Relations and Illegitimacy. X Table of ConteJits. CHAPTER V. Social Conditions and Tendkncies, . . . . jo^ Development of Religious Institutions — Education — Crime — Vice and Immorality — Pauperism and Dependency. CHAPTER VI. Economic Condition and Tendenciks, . . . 250 Efficiency of the Negro as an Agricultural Laborer — In the Cultivation of Tobacco— Rice— Cotton — Wages of White and Colored Labor — Ownership of Land— Supervision of Negro Laborers — The Negro as an Industrial Factor — Representa- tion Among Different Occupations before the War— Wages and Efficiency— Effect of Education on Industrial Efficiency — Conflicts with White Labor— Colored Labor and the Cot- ton Mill -Representation among Different Occupations at present — Indians as Producers— Difficulty in obtaining Em- ployment—Accumulation and Taxation — Estimated Wealth of Negroes in U. S. — " Freedman's Savings and Trust Com- pany" — Assessed Valuation of Property in Georgia — Virginia — North Carolina — Taxes paid in Virginia— School Taxes in North Carolina— Cost of the Negro to the State— Summary. CHAPTER VII. Conclusion 310 / THE RACE TRAITS AND TENDENCIES OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO. Chapter I. POPULATION. The progress of tlie colored population in the United States, and more particularly in the southern states, has for more than fifty years past been a matter of the most serious concern to those who have observed the results of the presence of a large and growing negro population. The natural bond of sympathy existing between people of the same country, no matter how widely separated by language and nationality, cannot be proved to exist between the white and colored races of the United States. To-day, after thirty years of free- dom for the negro in this country, and sixty years in the West Indies, the two races are farther apart than ever in their political and social relations. To-day, more than ever, the colored race of this country forms a distinct element and presents more than at any time in the past the most complicated and seemingly hope- less problem among those confronting the American people. It is therefore a matter of the utmost importance that the true condition of this population should be fully understood in all its intricate details, to eliminate every possible doubt as to the seriousness and importance of the problem to the people of the southern states as well as the larger cities of the North and West. In the endless 2 American Economic Association. discussions that have been carried on for years past as to the condition and future of the colored people, the fact that there is a northern side to the question has never been fully taken into account. Only by means of a thor- ough analysis of all the data that make up the history of the colored race in this country can the true nature of the so-called ' negro problem' be understood and the results of past experience be applied safely to the solution of the difficulties that now confront this country in dealing with the colored element. The most threatening danger, numerical supremacy, may be considered as having passed away, if indeed it ever existed in fact. Leaving aside the results of the eleventh census, which clearly proved a smaller increase in the colored population than in the native white, the ma- terial is abundant and will be fully presented in this mon- ograph, to prove that, independent of the census returns, the gradual decrease in the decennial growth of the colored population can be fully explained. During the past decade, however, according to the census returns, the increase in the colored population of the southern states has been so much less than that of the wdiite race, and so much less than the believers in Professor Gilliam's prediction had cause to expect, that the accuracy of the census has been disputed by many, even though they had no means whatever at their com- mand of proving the truth of their charges. Since many of the tables and calculations in this paper are necessarily based on the eleventh census it may not be out of place for me to state that after the most careful analysis of the results in this and many other investiga- tions I am convinced that the eleventh census was as carefully taken as any one of the ten preceding enumera- tions. This conviction is based principally on a study Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 3 of the age distribution of the population, which is probably the most delicate test applicable to census work. During the ten years, 1 880-1 890, the colored popula- tion of the southern states increased only 13.24 per cent, in contrast with an increase of 23.91 per cent, for the white population of the same section. The total white population of the country at large increased 26.68 per cent, and the total colored population 13.51 per cent, during the same period. This result, therefore, disproves Professor Gilliam's prediction that the increase of the colored population would be 35 per cent per decade, and makes impossible the realization of the further prediction, which has been so widely copied,, that in seventy or eighty years tlie blacks will largely predom- inate in every southern state. Professor Gilliam, as so many other writers on this subject have done, relied in his calculations on only one element of the natural in- crement of a population, namely, the birth rate ; he ignored the far more important influence o£ the death rate. To what absurdities such calculations may be carried is perhaps best illustrated by the following table COMPARATIVE ESTIMATES OF THE PROBABLE COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. j United States \ Census. Estimate of Estimate of Darby.i De Bow.2 Estimate of Kennedy.3 Estimate of Prof. Gilliam.-* 1830 1840 1850 2,328,642 2,873.648 3.638,808 4,441,830 4.880,009 6,580,793 7,470,040 8.458.952' 2 8q^ 1\\ 1 .... A I Itl 70Q i860 7,860, n8 [ 4,319,452 10,669,236 5,296,235 14,329,701 6,494,334 19,208,740 j 7,962,004 25.825,878 1 9.766,884 1870 1880 1890 1900 5.407,130 6,591,292 7,909,550 9.491.459 12,000,000 1 " Vie-n of the United states." (Philadelphia, 1828 ). Pages 438- 40. 2 " South and West," Vol. II, page 305. 3 Preliminary report on the eighth census, page 7. * "Popular Science Monthly," Vol. XXII, page 437. (For the Southern States only). 5 Estimated by the writer. 4 American Econo^nic Association. of comparative estimates, by a number of writers, of the colored population in the United States at different periods of time. Of the various estimates here brought together, those of DeBow and Kennedy come nearest being approxi- mately correct, while those of Darby and Gilliam are far out of the way. Darby made no allowance for a possible increase in the death rate, nor could he foresee the eman- cipation of the slaves in 1863. Both De Bow and Kennedy were thoroughly familiar with the vital statis- tics of the negro, and so made allowance for a probable gain of the death rate on the birth rate, as well as for a probable decrease in the latter. Professor Gilliam, who had at his command the mortality statistics of southern cities — especially of Savannah, Charleston, Mobile, New Orleans and Richmond — could easily have ascertained the element of error that vitiated his elaborate calcula- tions. His assumption that the colored population w^ould for years to come increase at the rate of 3.5 per cent, per annum was justified neither by past experience nor by the returns o\ the census of 1880. The census of 1870 was admittedly defective and this consideration should have prevented him from using the rate of in- crease in this decade as a formula for calculating the colored population for the next century. As has been stated, the rate of increase during the decade 1880-90 was considerably less for the colored population than for the whites ; whereas Professor Gilliam estimated the probable annual gain of the southern white population at only .tSvo per cent., in contrast with an assumed gain of 3.5 per cent, per annum for the colored population. Thus he estimated a probable colored population for 1900 of twelve millions: in all probability it will not reach seven and a half millions. According to Professor Race Traits and Tcndcnn'es of the American Negro. 5 Gilliam's method of calculating, the population in 1890 should have been slightly in excess of nine millions, while the census showed only 6,741,941 in those states. estimate; of the colored population of southern states, 1SS0-1900. Prof. Gillian's Result of the Estimate. Cen.sus. 1S80 6,000,000 5,953,903 1890 9,039,470' ..... 6.741,941 1900 12,000,000 7,634,450' 1 Calculated by the writer in accordance with Prof. Gilliam's method. • Calculated by the writer in accordance with the method of Dr. Farr. These examples illustrate the uselessness of attempts to arrive at accurate results on the basis of enumerations which do not show the underlying elements of the popu- lation or affard the means of stating the probable ten- dency of a population for a long period of years. Rea- soning from gross results in this as in other branches of statistical inquiry must be useless and misleading. I have gone into considerable detail in my account of the elements of the colored population in order that those who have neither time nor opportunity to consult the original reports may know the sources of the in- formation and the basis of the tables which are intro- duced in other parts of this work. Only after a comprehensive study of the intricate details of these elements can the nature of the problem as to the future of the negro and his relation to the white race in this country be understood. The table which follows shows, for periods of thirty years each, the progress of the colored and white popu- lations in the country at large during the present century. I have selected this method because there is no apparent n^d of giving the results of all of the eleven enumera- tions of the population, and also because the use of tlie defective census of 1870 is thereby avoided. American Economic Association. POPULATION OF THE UNITKD STATES, 1800 to 1890. White Colored Per ct. of Population. Population.' White. 1800 4,306,446. . . . 1,002,037. . . .Si. 12. . 1830 10,537,378. . . . 2,328,642. . . .81.90. . i860 26,922.537 .... 4,441,830 . . . 85.62 . . 1890 54,983,890 .... 7,470,040 .... 87.80 . . Per ct. of Colored. . 18.88 . . 18.10 . . 14.13 • • 11-9.^ ' Previous to i860, Chinese and Indians were counted as colored ; for 1S60 and 1890 these are excluded. It will be observed that the proportion of whites in the total population has gradually increased from 81.12 per cent, in 1800, to 87.80 per cent, in 1890. This increase in the proportion of whites is to a considerable extent due to the large immigration in the past fifty years. The southern states, however, have been affected but ver>' slightly by foreign immigration. The table which follows shows that the proportion of the colored to the white population has increased in some states and de- creased in others during the past sixty years. During the period 1 860-1 890 the proportion of whites increased in seven out of the thirteen southern states. During the last census period the proportion of colored to whites in- creased in only two of these thirteen states — Mississippi and Arkansas ; all the other states show a considerable decrease. PERCENTAGE OF NEGROESi IN TOTAL POPULATION— 1830-1890. PRINCIPAL SOUTHERN STATES. Maryland District of Columbia, Virginia, North Carolina, . . . South Carolina, . . . Georgia, Florida Kentuck}', Tennessee, Alabama Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas 20.69 32.80 38.37 3467 5985 46.74 42.46 14.42 24-37 44.«4 57.58 49-99 21.84 27.40 1S60 24.91 1907 34.39 36.4a 58.59 44.05 44.63 20.44 2550 45.40 55.28 49.49 30.27 25.55 1830 34.88 30.81 42.69 35-93 5563 42.57 47.06 24-73 21-43 38.48 48-44 58.54i 15.52 1 Persons of African descent only. Race Traits and Tcndeyides of the American Negro. 7 That this condition is not due to any decided tendency on the part of the colored population to migrate to northern states is clearly borne out by a careful study of the census returns. The most satisfactory method of arriving at a definite result is probably a comparison of the native resident populations — that is of the numbers of those living in the states in which they were born. In this comparison only the native whites are taken into account and compared with the native colored. I have abstracted from the census volume the returns for five representative southern states, and calculated from the actual returns the proportionate increase in the native white and native colored elements. For purposes of comparison the percentages which the population so de- fined makes of the total white and the total colored popu- lation, respectively, are also given. POPULATION BORN AND LIVING IN STATE.* i8go I 18S0 Increase Native Native Whites. Whites. South Carolina, . ' 435.594 363.576 Georgia j 873,234 717,276 Alabama, .... 660,848 506.917 Mississippi, . . 440,670 353.247 Louisiana, .... 444,230 341,974 72,018 155.958 153.93' 87.423 102,256 Per ct. of increase iSSo-90. Percentage of total White Population. l8qo. iSSo. 19-81 95-55 94-77 21.74' 90-35 88.93 30.371 80.68 77-67 24.75 82.04 75.09 29.90 87.18 85.03 COLORED. South Carolina, Georgia, . . . Alabama, . . . Mississippi, . . Louisiana, . . », ,. I »- ,- i , Per ct. of Percentage of Native Native Increase j^^ease total Colored Colored Colored. Ponnintion 1S90. I iSSo. ; 188427 Cincinnati, O 285,224 246,912 Kansas City, Mo 118,821 47,613 Norfolk, Va I 18,617 11,898 Augusta, Ga I 17,395 ",771 Mobile, Ala i 17,429 16,885 Chattanooga, Tenn 16,525 7. 8*^7 Houston. Tex - 17,178 10,026 Birmingham, Ala 14,909 .... 11,254 Total Population 2,386,493 1,407,834 129,849 {Increase, 1890 over 18S0 ... . . 978,659 .... Increase, Per Cent . . . . j . . . . 69.51 .... Colored Population. 1890. iSSo. 14,271 6,480 10,287 S,095 11,655 8,179 13,700 8,143 16,244 10,068 15,875 10,109 13,630 12,240 12,563 5,082 10,370 6,479 These two tables forcibly illustrate the importance of the negro problem to all sections of the country, since the tendency here shown to exist must, if not checked in a few decades, materially increase the colored popu- lation of all the large cities of the country. It wilj sur- prise many to be told that Philadelphia has a colored population of almost forty thousand ; this number being exceded in only three other cities, Washington, Balti- more and New Orleans. And while the colored element forms a far more important factor in the large cities of the South than in those of the East and West, still it presents in the latter no less serious problems, but of a different nature and more complex in form. For in the large cities of the South the colored population is fairly well distributed over the whole city, with the ex- ception of Richmond, where the larger portion of it is contained in a single ward. In the cities of the North and West the negroes are crowded into a \Qxy few wards. In Richmond the negro district is designated " Africa," and it may be truthfully said that in each of the large 14 American Economic Association. cities of the North and West in which the colored peo- ple have settled in sufficient numbers, one may find an " Africa" of the Richmond type. The two tables below show for six cities of the North and West and six of the South the distribution of the colored population by wards according to the census of 1890. These tables are the first, I believe, to present with a considerable de- gree of accuracy the massing of the colored population DISTRIBUTION, BY WARDS, OF THE COLORED POPULATION OF SIX LARGE NORTHERN CITIES. (Census 1890). , Boston. New York Brooklvn. Phil'a. Cincinnati. Wards. Chicago. 25 Wards. 24 Wards. 26 Wards. 34 Wards. 30 Wards. I . . . 1 3.381 56 124 272 794 171 2 2.744 24 19 70 522 1.759 3 2,997 50 17 193 861 59 4 722 143 40 494 2.573 487 5 401 40 61 502 2.335 482 6 33 55 108 84 125 1,286 7 3 50 9 61. 8,861 21 8 4 388 687 44 3.01 1 238 9 10 16 2,547 1,126 417 497 480 73 226 76 709 798 257 II 222 1,099 JO 1,910 II 12 12 335 123 3,951 338 21 13 695 47 9 94 539 2 14 41 46 130 I 1.379 194 15 49 23 2,201 60 1,751 242 16 14 784 2,188 397 104 633 17 51 622 105 13 124 782 18 610 389 434 52 II 1,589 19 98 777 1.933 589 275 589 20 127 4,782 799 1,333 590 21- ' " 38 45 546 228 93 162 22 88 32 4,275 164 1,798 134 23 149 200 495 214 1,026 185 24 306 47 275 958 930 199 25 18 185 1,190 260 378 26 41 . . . . 222 1,375 202 27 28 29 30 31 88 .... 2,077 103 53 36 644 130 . . . . . 1,476 137 479 42 218 382 131 ■ . . . . 32 . .... . . 19 190 33 . 34 207 • • • • "... 1,073 T ot il . ! 14,271 8,125 23,601 10,287 39.371 11,655 Race Traits and Teyidencies of the American Negro. 15 DISTRIBUTION BY WARDS OK THI : COLORED POPULATK )N OF SIX LARGE SOUTHERN CITIES.-(Census 1890.) Charleston, Norfolk, Mobile, Atlanta, Ga. Louisville, New Orleans, Wards S. C. Va. Ala. Ky. La. 8 Wards. 6 Wards. 8 Wards. 6 Wards. 12 Wards. 17 Wards. I I,5IS 2,272 1,891 6,749 1,087 2,753 2 2,763 1,526 207 3.233 748 3.270 3 3,ooS 3,122 61 3.899 1,777 9.475 4 4,914 8,617 257 6.390 2,982 3.555 5 4,187 157 1,124 3.172 3.664 6,676 6 5.447 550 2,735 4,655 1,699 3.740 7 3.332 5.138 876 7.729 8 5,801 2,217 . . 2,663 1,330 9 3,356 2,664 ;? 4.883 3.789 4,311 5,260 12 1,127 2,572 13 2,174 14 1,274 15 4.492 16 . . 1,982 17 _ 1.234 Total, 30,970 16,244 13.630 28,098 28,651 64.491 of northern and western cities into a few wards — which as a rule are the most undesirable sections of the cities. With the data given it will be easily possible for the resident of any one of the cities to verify the writer's statements. It needs to be observed that this tendency is much more manifest in the North than in the South. It may be that the distribution of the colored population in the southern cities appears more even from the fact that the subdivisions are larger than in the northern and western cities. The tendency towards concentration is more distinctly presented by taking the total of the colored population of a few wards and comparing this number with the white population of the same wards. If we take, for instance, Chicago, we shall find that out of the 14,271 colored persons living in that city, 9,122 or 63.90 per cent, were living in three wards, which contained at the same time only 6.3 per cent, of the total white popula- i6 American Economic Association. tion. In other words, these three wards contained al- most two-thirds of the total colored, and less than one- fourteenth of the white, population. This condition is met with more or less in every city of any importance in the North and West. In the case of the six cities, selected for the purpose of illustration, the facts are brought out clearly in the table below : PERCENTAGE OK. THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATION LIVING IN THREE WARDS WITH LARGEST COLORED POPULATION. (Census 1890). I -rrr,.-^ Whitc ' Pct- r^ir>,»^ Colorcd Pcr- ! White populat'u centage p'-^,,,,^,^ Populatncentage Population, in Three of Tot'l ^"PP^f* " in Three of Toi'l 1890. Wards. White. '^^o- Wards. Color 'd Chicago .... 1,084,998 68,408 6.30 14,271 9,122 63.90 Boston I 439,887 47,862 10.88 8,125 4,430 54.52 New York. ...! 1,489,627 469,751 31.53 23.601 13,008 55.11 Brooklyn 795.397 79-958 10.05 10,287 4,058 39.44 Philadelphia . . 1,006,590 52,909 5-26 39,37' 14,445 3669 Cincinnati... . 285,224 23,606 8.28 11,655 4,634 39.75 Six Cities.. .1 5,101.723' 742.494 i4-55i io7.3io 49.897 46-49 The concentration according to this table would seem to be greatest in Chicago and least in Philadelphia, while the percentage of whites living in the three wards with largest colored population is least in Philadelphia and greatest in New York. The conclusion would seem to be warranted that the most unfavorable conditions for the colored population as indicated by the disproportionate number of whites in the same localities are to be found in Chicago and Philadelphia. How far this is true for the former city is demon- strated by the maps attached to the volume of " Hull House Maps and Papers," modeled after ■Mr. Booth's great work on the " Life and Labour of the People of London." The work, which seems to have been done with exceptional care, was under the direction of Mrs. Florence Kelley, chief factory inspector of Illinois, who had Rare Traits and Tcndoicics of the American Negro. 17 charge of the investigation made by the United States Burean of Labor of the shims of large cities. The two maps attached to this vohime show the concentration of the colored population of the area investigated, which includes parts of the three wards referred to in the table above. One map shows the nationality and color of the inhabitants of the section, the other the houses desig- nated as ' brothels.' The first reveals that the colored pop- ulation is concentrated in a very limited area, which at the same time contains but a small number of whites, while the rest of the section, inhabited by various nation- alities, does not appear to contain a single house inhabited by a colored person as a home. The second map shows that the section inhabited almost exclusively by colored persons is also the section which contains all the houses of ill-fame in this part of the city. So far as my personal investigations have gone, the condition shown to exist in Chicago is found more or less in all of the other large cities of the North and and West. In Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston and Cin- cinnati, the large majority of the colored population is found to be living in the worst section of the city, a section in which vice and crime are the only formative influences. The negro in the North and West therefore presents an even more serious problem than the negro in the South, if mere numbers are disregarded. In most of the states of the North and West the rural counties are showing a constant decrease in the colored population, the cities a constant increase. In Missouri, for instance, out of a total of 115 counties, 74 show a falling off in colored population during the ten years 1880-1890, while the five largest cities show a considerable increase. In Indiana, which state at one time was threatened with an invasion of negroes from i8 American Economic Association. the southern states, the colored population has decreased in 48 counties. In Ohio 47 counties show a falling off in colored population, while seven cities of the state show an increase of a little more than nine thousand during the last census period. For the two states, Ohio and IMissouri, I have worked out a table in which the growth of the urban at the expense of the rural population is brought out with singular force. COLORED POPULATION OF THE RURAL AND URBAN SECTIONS OF OHIO AND MISSOURI, 1880 AND 1S90. Ohio. Increase. Total Colored population 87,113 79,900 7,213 City of Cincinnati 11,655 8,179 Cleveland 2,989 2,038 Columbus 5,525 3,010 Dayton 2,158 991 Springfield 3,549 2,360 Toledo 1,077 928 Xenia i,S68 1,943 Total Colored population of 7 cities . . 28,821 I9>449 9,372 Remainder of State 58,292 60,451 ^2,159 Missouri. Increase. 1S90. 18S0. 18S0-90. Total Colored population 150,184 145.350 4,834 City of St. Louis 26,865 22,256 Hannibal 2,073 1.83S Kansas City 13,700 8,143 St. Joseph . 3,686 3,227 Springfield 2,258 1,494 Total Colored population of five cities . 48,582 36,958 11,624 Remainder of State 101,602 108,392 '6,790 1 Decrease. We see that in two of the richest agricultural states of the Union the colored population is leaving the farms for the cities. In both states the rural sections show an actual decrease in the population while the cities alone show an increase. This increase is therefore not a Race Traits a7id Tendencies of the American Negro. 19 natural one, that is, an excess of births over deaths, but is largely due to migration. There is no corresponding tendency of the colored population to migrate from one city to another. Most of the new comers are from the countr}', but the city negro rarely returns to the country. The tendency must in the end cause a general decrease of the colored population of the northern states, since the very heavy death rates of the negro population of the large cities is not overbalanced by a greater birth rate. In the southern states this tendency prevails, but to a less extent, on account of the very large rural popula- tion in which losses by migration to the towns would easily be balanced by a more favorable birth rate. In many sections of the South, however, the negro seems more and more to drift into those counties and tiers of counties where his people are largely in the majority. Such counties form what is known as the ' Black. Belt,' of which the most important sections are the Mississippi river belt which stretches from the Gulf to Memphis, and the belt of the South Central States, which, passes through central IMississippi, Alabama, Georgia and. tlie southern part of South Carolina. An aggregation of the colored population is to. be found in every southern state such as I have shown to exist in the northern cities. In all these aggregations the colored people are in the vast majority, but this does not seem to prevent the whites from maintaining control of public affairs. Even in counties where the negroes outnumber the whites fifty to one the principal offices of the county are in the hands of the latter. I have deemed this point of sufficient importance to abstract from the census returns a table for the principal 20 American Econo7nic Association. southern states showing the concentration of the colored population in certain counties, which at the same time contain but a very small proportion of whites. In some instances, it will be observed, the whites are but a very small fraction of the total population. This tendency, if persisted in will probably in the end prove disastrous to the advancement of the colored race, since there is but the slightest prospect that the race will be lifted to a higher plane of civilization except by constant contact with the wdiite race. PROPORTION OF COLORED TO WHITES IN SELECTED COUNTIES OF SEVEN SOUTHERN STATES, 1S90. Alabama. Counties. Whites. Bullock 6,055 Dallas 8,016 Greene 3,235 Hale 5,iSo Lowndes 4.563 IMareugo 7.946 Montgomery 14,682 Perry 6,812 Russell 5,814 Sumter 5,943 Wilcox 6,794 Arkansas. Chicot 1,392 Crittenden 2,050 Jefferson 10,951 Lee 4,691 Phillips 5.695 Florida. Jackson 6,332 Jefferson 3,558 Leon 3,121 Georgia. Burke 5,817 Dougherty i,975 Green 5,332 Hancock 4,739 Harris 5,999 Houston 5 272 Monroe 6,621 Col'd to 1,000 Colored. Whites. 21,005 3,469 41.329 5,156 18,771 5,802 22,321 4,309 26,985 5.9'4 25,149 3.165 41,485 2,826 22,516 3,305 18,729 3,221 23.631 3.976 24,022 3,445 10,023 7,200 11,890 5,800 29,908 2,731 14,187 3,024 19,640 3.449 11,211 1,771 12,199 3.429 14,631 4,688 22,680 3.899 10,231 5,180 11,719 2,198 12,410 2,619 10,797 1,800 16,341 3,100 12,516 1,890 Race Traits and Tendencies of the A7ncriean Negro. Counties. Whites. Oglethorpe 5,686 Steward 4,198 Sumter 7,008 Wilkes 5,616 lyOUISIANA. Caddo 8,003 Concordia i,757 De vSoto 6,638 East Carroll 997 Ea.st Feliciana 5,196 Iberville 6,696 Madison 931 Tensas 1,153 West Feliciana 2,276 Mississippi. Adams 6,128 Claiborne 3,533 Grenada 3,896 Holmes 7,084 Jefferson 3,589 Leflore 2,597 Lowndes 6,009 Madison 6,031 Marshall 9,731 Noxubee 4, 709 Sunflower 2,530 Tunica 1,259 Washington 4,838 Wilkins 3,962 Yazoo 8,690 South Carolina. Abeville '5,142 Beufort 2,695 Berkely 7,687 Chester 8,482 Clarendon 6,987 Colleton 14,032 Edgefield I7,340 Fairfield 7, 139 Georgetown ........ 4.053 Hampton 6,827 Newbery 8,966 Orangeburg 15,654 Richland ii,933 Sumter 11,813 Williamsburg 9,355 Col'd to 1,000 Colored. Whites. 11,264 1,981 11,484 2,736 15,098 2,154 12,464 2,219 23,541 2,942 13,112 7,463 13,220 1,992 11,360 11,394 12,707 2,446 15,142 2,261 13.204 14.183 15,492 13.436 12,785 5,617 19,895 3-247 10,980 3, 108 11,076 2,841 23,883 3,371 15,356 4,279 14,267 5,494 21,036 3,501 21,290 3,530 16,306 1,676 22,629 4,So5 6,850 2,708 10,895 8,654 35,530 7,344 13,626 3,439 27,701 3,188 31.705 2,094 31.421 11,659 47,739 6,210 18,178 2,143 16,246 2,325 26,245 1,870 31.916 1,841 21,460 3,006 16,840 4,155 13,717 2,009 17,468 1,948 33,738 2,155 24,885 2,085 31,792 2,691 18,420 1,969 22 Atnerican Economic Association. Desirable as it would be to go into the details of this tendency of the negroes to congregate in certain rural sections of the South, as has been done for the large cities, it is not possible to do so here. The many changes that have been made in the area of such counties as it would be most desirable to investigate, make a thorough study of this phase of the problem exceedingly difficult. In the state of Alabama, for example, nearly all of the counties have undergone some changes in area during the past thirty years, with the exception of Dallas and Sumter counties, for which the statistics are very interesting and instructive. PROGRESS OF THE POPULATION OF TWO COUNTIES OF ALABAMA. 1850-1890. Dallas Co. Sumter Co. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1850 7,461 22,566 7,369 14,881 i860 7,785 25,840 5,919 18,116 1870 8,552 32,152 5.202 18,907 1880 8,425 40,007 6,451 22,277 1890 8,016 41,329 5.943 23,631 The colored population in both counties has increased largely during the past forty years, while the white pop- ulation has remained almost stationary or has actually decreased. Part of the larger increase of the colored pop- ulation is no doubt the result of migration from other sections of the state ; a migration which, however, must have taken place previous to 1880, since, during the dec- ade 1880-90 the increase in the colored population of both counties has been below the average. The preceding table may be compared with the fol- lowing which shows for four counties with a large white population the white and colored population for the last three census years. Race Traits and Teiidencies of the American Negro. 23 PROGRESS OF THE POPULATION OF FOUR COUNTIES OF ALABAMA. 1870-1890. Blount Co. Cleburn Co. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1S70 9,263 682 7,441 576 1S80 14,210 1,159 10,308 668 1S90 20,155 1.770 12,427 791 Jackson Co. Walker Co. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1870 16,350 3,060 6,235 308 1880 21,074 4,033 8,978 501 1890 24,179 3,840 14,422 1,656 The table shows that there is a similar tendency toward concentration on the part of the white popula- tion. Though this tendency does not seem general, the whites in these counties have made gains in population considerably in excess of the average rate of increase. If the general tendency is due to emigration of the whites from the counties now gaining in colored and decreas- ing in white population, the fate of the negro West India Islands will overtake the negro Gulf states of the South. The tendency to migrate to large cities and to certain rural portions of the southern states, is not in the nature of an exodus. In only a very few instances have wholesale migrations taken place, and these as a rule have met with disaster and have proved a disappoint- ment to those who looked forward to colonization as a means of solving the so-called " race problem." Proba- bly the most notable instance was the so-called " Negro exodus from the southern states" during the year 1879. The movement assumed such proportions that a special committee of the United States Senate was appointed to investigate the causes which led to the emigration of colored people from North Carolina, Louisiana, and other states, largely to Kansas and Indiana. The com- 24 American Economic Association. mittee held elaborate hearings, the results of which have been published in a work of three volumes, forming a valuable body of facts for study/ The main causes of this exodus would seem to have been politicians, railways and land agents. There had been some discontent on account of the restriction and deprivation of the right to vote, but on the whole the colored people seemed previous to this time to have been contented. The exodus was largely the result of ex- ternal causes and, as was expected at the time, proved a failure. A few instances must suffice to make this point clear, since I cannot go into the details of the movement. But I wish to show that it was not so much the dissatis- faction of the colored people with the prevailing con- ditions in the southern states as it was the result of a concerted arrangement of outsiders to induce them to leave the plantations for the farms and cities of the West. One Benjamin Singleton appeared before the commit- tee as a witness and testified that he was the " father of the exodus," and that he had brought to Kansas, mostly from Tennessee, 7,432 colored people during the period 1869-79. The people, according to this " father of the exodus, " settled in Lyons and Cherokee counties, Kansas. He asserted also that the emigrants he had taken to Kansas " were happy and doing well " and that he was " the whole cause of the emigration to Kansas. " " The census returns of the past three decades fail to support this assertion ; for according to the ninth, tenth and eleventh censuses there never were, and are not to-day, ' Report and Testinionj' of the Select Committee of the United States Senate to investigate the canj^es of the removal of the negroes from the southern states to the northern states. 46lh Cong., second session, Washington, D. C, 18S0. (Three Volumes.) ■•'Senate Report, Vol. I, p. XIII. Race Ti-aits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 25 one-third of this number of colored persons in the two counties named. In fact during the past decade the very small number of negroes in these two counties has decreased, in contrast with a large increase in the white population. PROGRESS OF THE POPULATION OF CHEROKEE AND LYON COUN- TIES, KANSAS, 1R70-1S90. Cherokee Co. Lvon Co. Colored. White. Colored. White. 1S70 134 10,899 '26 7,SS8 iSSo i,86r 20,031 T.027 16,298 1890 1,342 26.421 1,031 22,163 The statement made, that 7432 colored people settled in those two counties of Kansas cannot, therefore, have been true. The aggregate population of these counties has steadily increased, as is evidenced by the last state census (1895) which gives to Lyon county a population of 23,795 and to Cherokee 30,651. In view of this progressive increase in the aggregate population it is remarkable that the colored population should show a de- cline. According to the reports of the Kansas Bureau of Agriculture the general economic condition of these counties is excellent, the aggregate value of agricultural produce is considerable, the assessed valuation being about seven million dollars for the former and four mil- lions for the latter. There is a large variety of indus- tries in agriculture and mining, and the section would seem to be one where almost any class of people would ' increase and multiply.' Among the many statements made before the commit- tee as to the probability of the colored people meeting with success in the northern states, is one by Senator Blair who was a member of the committee. In reph- to a statement by the chairman, Mr. Vance of North Carolina, that he would not advise negroes to go to New Hampshire, Senator Blair replied : " Well, I would, and 26 American EcoJiomic Association. I will tell yon another thing, that twenty thonsand ne- groes wonlcl do well in New Hampshire. I have known a good viany ' negroes np in New Hampshire and I never saw one that had any tronble in getting along on acconnt of the climate. I extend a cordial invita- tion to them to come to New Hampshire ; twenty thousand of them could get along there and have a chance of making a living. " ^ New Hampshire had a colored population of 651 in 1790, 520 in 1850, and 614 in 1890. It would therefore seem that the cordial invi- tation of the Senator of that state had not been heeded. That the climate does play an important part in the mortality of the negro will be shown in another part of this monograph, in which the mortality of the race will be dealt with. Another interesting phase of the problem was brought out in the testimony of a colored witness from Bolivar county, INIiss. In reply to the question of the chairman of the committee as to the causes of the exodus from his county the witness replied : " So far as the exodus from our county is concerned I don't believe there ever would have been any man to leave there if it had not been for a colored man that lives in Helena, by the name of Dr. C . He came down here in '78 and he got it into the minds of the people there that they could go to Liberia ; that there was one tree there that bore the bread and another that bore the lard and they had noth- ing at all to do but to go to one tree and dry the fruit that gave the bread and to the other tree and cut it and set a bucket under it and catch the lard. It was the most outrageous thing ever perpetrated on an ignorant race in the world. "^ ' The italics are the writer's. '■^ Report and Testimony of Select Committee, etc., Vol. III., p. 34. ^ Ibid., Vol. Ill, page 520. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 27 In reply to the question of the chairman, " Is there another place within your knowledge where the colored people are so well off as they are in Bolivar count)' ? " witness replies, " No sir, there is nowhere that they could be better off if they would do only what they ought to do and be industrious and work as they ought to work to make their own way." ^ It may be of interest to compare the progress of the colored with that of the white population of this county for the past fifty years for the purpose of showing how far the statements of this witness are supported by the facts. In addition to the data for Bolivar county, I give in the table below the same facts for Washington county which adjoins Bolivar. PROGRESS OF THE POPULATION OF BOLIVAR AND WASHINGTON COUNTIES, MISSISSIPPI, 1840-1S90. Bolivar Co. Washington Co. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1840 384 972 654 6,633 1850 395 2,182 546 7,843 i860 1,393 9.078 1,212 14,467 1870 1,900 7,816 2.164 12,405 18S0 2,694 15,958 3,478 21,861 1890 3,222 26,737 4,838 35.530 The negroes according to the above table are largely in the majority and increasing at a rate out of propor- tion to the normal increase in the population at large. The large increase is partly due to migration since a natural increase in ten years of 10,779 ^'^ ^ population of 15,958 would be impossible. The most emphatic prediction was probably that of a colored witness from Natchitoches parish. La., who ex- pressed himself as follows in reply to the question of I\Ir. Windom as to the probable effect on this exodus of the election of a Democratic President : " The eff'ect would ' Report and Testimony of Select CommiUee, etc., Vol. Ill, page 523 28 American Economic Association. be to create a great deal of consternation among them ; I think it would cause them to leave the southern states, not in a systematic way at all, but as they started away this last year to go to Kansas, pell-mell — a regular stampede — I am satisfied it would." ' Such was the gloomy prediction. Twice since then a Democratic President has been elected and the predicted exodus has — not taken place. Much to the contrary the colored population of Nachitoches parish has increased from 12,020 in 1880 to 15,551 in 1890, and the white popula- tion of the same parish has made a corresponding progress. So far as my information goes, no consternation was created by the news of the election of }.Ir. Cleveland in 1884 and 1892, and there was no stampede of any kind. The instances here quoted prove how far mere opinion may mislead even the most sincere well wisher of the colored race, and show the absolute necessity of a body of carefully collected and thoroughly digested facts from which to make deductions as to the present and pos- sible future condition of the negro of the South. The wholesale migration of the colored population of the southern states to other sections of the United States, or even to other countries, as IMexico and Liberia, may be considered as the most remote possibility ; and it may be safely asserted that all of the attempts in this direc- tion have practically proven failures. It would go beyond the purpose of this monograph were I to attempt even an outline of the history of negro coloni- zation, but I will quote the results of the most recent at- tempt, that of colonizing American negroes in the state of Durango in INIexico. Some seven to eight hundred families entered into an agreement with a s^mdicate, by 1 Report and Testimony of Select Committee, etc., Vol. II, page 443. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 29 which they were to have 60 acres of land or more, ac- cording to size of family, forty acres to be planted in cotton and fifteen in corn, and properly tilled nnder supervision ; the right being reserved, in case of default, to employ labor at the expense of the colonist. Five acres were given rent free for the sustenance of each family. In addition, water for irrigation was to be fur- nished free, as well as farming implements, mules and teams for farming purposes, and food for the same. The colonists were to perform all labor and receive one-half of the crops. Houses, fuel and water were provided free, and rations, medicines, etc., were furnished at cost to be repaid out of the crops. Land was set apart for one church and one school house to each one hundred families. The colonists were to receive one-half of the cotton seed as well as one-half of all the other products raised by them, and they obligated themselves to sell to the promoters all their corn, cotton and cotton-seed at the market prices. The cost of transportation was to be advanced, and to be repaid out of their share of the crops. The agreement was to last for five years. It did not last one year. The whole plan proved a dismal failure and a considerable pecuniary loss to those who directed it, as well as a loss of time, money, and even life, to the colonists. The negroes proved unreasonable and of far less service than had been expected. They were con- trolled largely by bad leaders of their own race who stirred up strife, and they were induced to leave ' by a little rascal who had been but recently released from the Georgia penitentiary.' The colony came to an inglori- ous end. As to the fitness of the negroes for the work they had agreed to perform, and which, as has been pointed out 30 American Economic Association. in the above summary of the agreement, was ahnost identical with sonthern farm labor, I cannot do better than quote portions of a special report to the Evening Post^ dated July 8, 1895. ^" In the course of these conferences with the negroes it became evident that they are, as a class, incapable of assimilating readily with new surround- ings or of applying to them the first dictates of common sense. They are superstitious, suspicious and easily swayed by the intriguers among them. The impression left on the mind of an unprejudiced obser\'er was, in short, that seventy-five per cent, of the negroes had left home from a love of novelty and adventure, had exhausted these delights and were bent on repudiating their agree- ments and forcing their partners in the contract to restore them to their homes without regard to right or reason. The conclusion drawn from a close study of this colony was, I regret to say, that it was foredoomed to failure. While the region in which it was laid was no paradise, it was free from the objections incident to most of the similar previous efforts of this sort. Whether wisely or mistakenly guided, every endeavor was made to meet the reasonable requirements of the colonists. To those who interest themselves in the future of the negro this experiment presents little cause for congratulation. It indicates, that the same limita- tions which hinder his advancement at home, are equally apparent when he changes his habitation and that until he is capable of self control and intelligent application among the surroundings with which he is familiar there is but small hope that he will succeed amid strange en- vironments. . . If this experiment is entitled to rank as an example it would seem that the ordinary negro ' hand' of the southern states, whatever are his trials and tribulations at home, is more likely to be satisfied there Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 31 than when transported to other, even if more favorable scenes."^ I have qnoted from the report of Mr. Mackie at con- siderable length becanse a correct view of the coloniza- tion question is of the utmost importance. Colonization is still advocated with persistency by many who see in it the only solution of the so-called race question of the South. If the negro cannot be colonized under such favorable conditions as the experiment in Mexico pre- sented (and no charge has ever been made that it was not honestly managed on the part of the promoters of the scheme) the sooner this is realized the better. It has been shown that the negro has failed to gain a foothold in any of the northern states as an agri- cultural laborer ; it has been shown that he has re- mained in the South, contrary to the many predictions of wholesale migration ; and lastly it has been shown that he has failed in the most recent experiment of colonization. The conclusion to be drawn from the statistical tables previously presented would be that he is in the South as a permanent factor, with neither the ability nor inclination to leave this section in large num- bers, for the North or for foreign countries. The observed tendency to drift into the cities, there to concentrate in the most undesirable and unsanitary sections, is therefore of considerable importance, since it is most likely to be persisted in with increasing force in the future. The loss thus sustained by the rural districts of the South is not very large numerically nor proportionally, and the evil effect will be more felt by the cities which are thus augmented in population of an undesirable character. The further tendency to concentrate into certain sections of the South, especially those which already possess a pre- ' Charles Paul Mackie in the New York Evening Post. 32 American Eco7iomic Association. ponderating colored population, presents the most serious aspect of the problem. We have here to deal with large numbers ; which must have a corresponding effect on the welfare of the individual state thus affected, as well as on the nation at large. Chapter II. vital statistics. " Mortality statistics surpass all other vital statistics in importance, whether they are considered from a social, an actuarial or a sanitary standpoint." — Newsholme. . This part will be devoted almost exclusively to a dis- cussion of the mortality statistics of the colored popu- lation, together with such information pertaining to the white population as will bring out the most important differences in the vitality of the two races. Desirable as it would be to have as a basis a comparative state- ment of the birth rates of both races, it must be admit ted that information on this point is almost entirely wanting, and that no trustworthy conclusion as to the comparative fecundity can be arrived at. In the forth- coming eleventh census reports on mortality, by Dr. Billings, we may expect to find the best that can be done in this direction at the present time ; and a com- prehensive discussion of the comparative mortality may enable us to make up for the want of reliable informa- tion as to the comparative fecundity. That the birth rate of the negroes is in excess of that of the white population is probably true even at the the present time, at least as compared with the native whites. That it is not as high as has often been stated, however, is proved by the fairly accurate statistics of the West Indies. In Alabama we have had for a series of years a commendable attempt to collect information in this line, but with a varying degree of success. For some of the northern states, especially Rhode Island, 34 American Economic Association. Connecticut and Massachusetts, valuable information has been collected but in view of the differences in the age distribution of the colored population of those states as compared with the whites, it is difficult to arrive at a correct estimate. It would appear, how- ever, that in the northern states the negro mortality is in excess of the natality ; while the reports for Alabama show a birth rate equal to twice the death rate. Among the whites of Alabama the reports show three births to one death. The admitted defects of the Alabama re- ports may be assumed to affect the rates for both races in the same degree, and the excess of natural increase 'in the white population as compared with the colored is probably correctly represented by the table below : VITAL STATISTICS OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF ALABAMA, 1888-1893. white Population. Colored Population. Ratio of Ratio of Births. Deaths. Births to Deaths. Births. Deaths. Births to Deaths. 1888. 10,841 3.673 8,263 4,046 1889. 14,649 5,066 9.765 4,994 1890 . 13.631 4-716 9.955 5.005 I89I . 11,484 3.827 9.138 4.283 1^92 . 10,819 3.720 8,237 4,100 . . . 1893- 12,453 3.945 9,961 55,319 4.406 26,834 I8S8-93 73,877 24,947 2.96 to r 2.06 to I In Rhode Island, Connecticut and Massachusetts the vital statistics for the colored population have been col- lected for many years, but it is only for the first named state that I am able to give the returns for a period of some length. For Massachusetts the information has been collected but not published, excepting for the year 1888. The data so far as they have come to my notice, are contained in the following three tables, all of which show a mortality in excess of the registered births. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro.- 35 VITAI, STATISTICS OF THE COLORED POPULATION OK RHODE ISLAND. Period. Births. Deaths. iS6r-70 . . . 1,131 1,153 Excess of Deaths 22 1S71-80 . . . . 1,6.5 1.573 Births 42 i88r-90 . . . 1,954 1,860 Births 94 1891-93 • • • 558 690 " Deaths 132 1861-93 . . . . 5,25s 5.276 " Deaths 18 VITAL STATISTICS OF THE COLORED POPULATION OF CONNECTICUT. Period. Births. Deaths. 1881-S5 . . . . 1,340 1,391 Excess of Deaths 51 1S86-90 .... 1.374 1,554 " " 170 1891-93 .... 939 990 " " 51 1881-93 .... 3,653 3,925 " " 272 \aTAL STATISTICS OF THE COLORED POPULATION OF MASSACHUSETTS, i8S8. Births 511 Deaths 579 Excess of Deaths 68 The three tables support each other and leave no. doubt as to the excessive mortality and low birth rate of the colored population in the northern states. Possibly the omission of births would be balanced by omissions of deaths and proportionally the result would be the same even under the most perfect registration system. The low vitality of the colored race in the North did not escape the notice of the officials in charge of the registration records, and some of the editorial comments may not be out of place here. Dr. Fisher, for many years the registrar of vital statistics of Rhode Island, refers to the subject in the second annual report of the state board of health, as follows : " The circumstances favorable to the promotion of the physical health of the colored population are believed to be at least quite as favorable and ample in Rhode Island as in any other 36 Amcricaii Ecojwmic Association. northern or eastern state. When we find that in a period of eighteen years the excess of births over deaths is only 42, and having full knowledge of the fact that the state is annually having accessions to the number of colored people by immigration and these accessions largely in the periods of life between twenty and forty years, we must conclude, however reluctantly, that the race is not self-sustaining in this latitude.'" Dr. Snow, the eminent registrar of Providence arrived at practically the same conclusion nearly twenty years before the above was written, and makes use of the fol- lowing language, which seems justified by the facts quoted : " During the past four years, 1855-58 inclusive, 176 colored children have been born in this city, of which 88 were males and 88 were females. During the same period there have been 206 deaths of colored per- sons, or 29 more deaths than births. The colored popu- lation is evidently not self-sustaining in this city."" Mr. Appolino, one time registrar of Boston, in his re- port for 1862 concludes that, " in each of the aspects in which the subject may be viewed the colored race seems, so far as this city is concerned, to be doomed to extinc- tion."^ During the period of seven years preceding 1862 there had been reported 304 births of colored chil- dren in Boston and 500 deaths ; which facts fully justify tlie conclusion of ]Mr. Appolino, than whom Boston never had a more able and conscientious registrar. These conclusions, based, not on chance observation or opinion, but on registration data, are in contrast with the view of those who have held that the negro could live in the northern as well as in the southern states of the ^ Secoud Annual Report of the Rhode Island Board of Health, i(i8So), p. 107. ^Annual report for 1S58, p. 3. ^ Annual report for 1S62, p. 7. Race Traits and Tendoicics of the Avicrican Negro. 37 Union. One instance of the latter claim has been given,' and I select out of many others the statement of the au- thor of the " History of the Maroons." In relating the transfer of the Maroons to Nova Scotia, he speaks of the effect of the climate as follows : " It is proved, by experi- ence, that the negro race can endure the severity of a cold climate as well as white people, if equally clothed,"^ The writer did not state on what experience this observ'a- tion was founded but goes on to say that the Maroons were later on removed to the Coast of West Africa, much to their own satisfaction. The vitality of the negro may well be considered the most important phase of the so-called race problem ; for it is a fact which can and will be demonstrated by indisputable evidence, that of all races for which sta- tistics are obtainable, and which enter at all into the con- sideration of economic problems as factors, the negro shows the least power of resistance in the struggle for life. Most writers who have dealt with the subject from this standpoint have referred to the excessive mortality of the colored race. Most of the officials of the health offices of southern cities have from time to time dis- cussed the waste of life among these people. Some have essayed to treat of the causes, and others of the means of prevention ; but thus far no effectual remedy has been suggested wdiich would even slightly improve the present condition, a condition which, unchecked, must lead eventually to extermination, at a rate far more rapid than the recent census returns would indicate. In the second annual report of the Atlanta board of health, occurs the following reference to the excessive colored mortality : " The disparity in the relative death 1 Page 25. *R. C. Dallas, "History of the Maroons," (London, 1S03), Vol. 11, p. 199. 38 American Eco7iomic AssociatioJi. rates of the whites and negroes is striking and invariable. The record in this city does not differ from that of other cities. The fact is significant and full of melancholoy interest, and unless the figures in the cities are reversed by the statistics from the rural districts, the fate of the race will not be difficult to read." The second annual report of the National Board of Health, edited by the foremost medical authorities of the time, gives expression to the following opinion : " These figures (vital statistics of Cuba), demonstrate conclusively, as the statistics of all southern countries have invariably done, that the old idea that the negro surpassed the white in enduring tropical or southern climates was false ; and that in truth the colored death rate is habitually greater," ^ This concensus of opinion of northern and southern authorities is fully supported by all the available data. It is true that most of the collected statistics have refer- ence only to the large cities ; but in view of the tenden- cy of the colored population to migrate from the country to the cities in ever increasing numbers, and at the age period most favorable for a low general death rate, the proof of an excessive mortality rate is of the greatest economic and social significance. The following table will show the comparative death rates of the white and colored populations of ten southern cities for the period 1890-94. The rates are calculated on the basis of the census of 1890 in accordance with the method of Dr. Farr. The mortality figures have been obtained from the annual reports of the health officers of the respect- ive cities. The rates will differ from those calculated by the city authorities, who make use of no uniform method in calculating the increase in the population. 1 Annual report, National Board of Health, i8So, p. 224. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 39 COMPARATIVE DEATH RATES OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPU- LATIONS OF TEN SOUTHERN CITIES, 1890-1894 Washington, Baltimore, Md. Richmond, Va. Memphis. Tenn. Louisville, Ky. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. 1890 . . 1891 . . IS92 . . 1893 . . 1894 . . 1890-94 18.97 34.74 19-37 33-27 20.70 32-57 21.33 32-79 18.62 30.85 19.80 32.78 21.96 32.28 20.87 32.47 21-55 3t.55 18.58 30.33 17.81 30.47 20.01 31.39 22.31 37.86 20.75 34-17 18.26 33.14 18.16 32.05 15.20 25.46 19.03 32.45 17.84 24.58 17-73 25.33 15-56 31-86 12.35 29.96 11.84 29.84 14.84 22.12 27.64 28.79 16.84 37.02 17.S4 29.42 16.96 26.85 15-99 25.47 17.04 27.41 Atlanta, Ga. Savann'h, Ga. Charleston, S.C. Mobile, Ala. New Orleans, La. 1890 . . 1891 , . 1892 . . 1893 • . 1894 . . 189(^94 1 18.92 32.2624.70 37.8621.36 42.2021.57 34.5125.96 40.73 18.64 31-3622.29 31.2523.00 43.6121.50 29.5624.65 37.18 16.44 29.35 21. S3 33.6224.25 41.3623.93 32.9626.16 41-59 15 21 28.9221.51 30.7922.02 39.81 20.91 32.6224.53 39.65 12.58 22.2718.16 28.6119.62 39.80| 19.59 28.6523.04 37.97 16.17 28.5921.43 32.2622.05 41.3421.44 31.6024.85 39.42 COMBINED MORTALITY RATE OF TEN CITIES, 1890-1894. Death rate, White, 20.12 Death rate, Colored 32.61 It will be observed that the mortality among the colored exceeds that of the whites in each of the ten cities embraced in the above table, which inclndes most of the principal cities of the Sonth. The difference in the comparative mortality of the two races is greatest for Charleston and least for Memphis, but the percentage of excess is greatest for Charleston and least for Mobile. In the former city the negro death rate is 87.5 per cent, above that of the whites, and in the latter 47.4 per cent. For the ten cities combined the mortality of the negroes exceeds that of the whites by 12.49 P^^ 1,000 of popu- lation or by 62.1 per cent. The results of this comparison therefore support the opinions of the authorities previously quoted, even in 40 American Economic Association. the case of those sections of the south which have been considered least favorable for the white population. The comparative rates are based on an aggregate white population of 5,371,355 with 108,045 deaths, and an ag- gregate colored population of 2,085,679 with 68,012 deaths. The period of observation covered five years in which the health of each race was normal and not dis- turbed by epidemics. The facts brought out in the above table relate to about 416,000 of the total colored population. Even if the negro mortality in the country districts were less than that of the whites, which it is not, the fact that so large a portion of the colored population is affected by the high death rate named must prove an important factor, economic as well as social and moral, in the progress of the race. Whatever the causes may be to which we must attribute this difference in the statistics of the two races, they deserve to be fully investigated. The foregoing table, giving only the gross death rates of the two races, is fairly reliable for southern cities, since the age distribution of the two races is nearly the same in each of them. But to fully comprehend the significance of the higher mortality of the colored popu- lation it will be necessary to consider the mortality rate for the different periods of life. In the large cities of the North and West the age distribution of the colored population is so radically different from that of the white that a gross death rate is of no value and is even misleading. The age distribution of the two races in two southern and two northern cities is given in the table below, which has been calculated from the census. Race Traits ayid Tendencies of the Ajuerican Negro. 41 COMPARATIVE AGE DISTRIBUTION OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF FOUR CITIES.— (1890.) Ages. New York. Brooklyn. Charleston. New Orleans. i Percentage. Percentage. | Percentage. Percentage. White. Col'd. White. Col'd.'White. Col'd. White. Col'd. Under 15 . . 28.9 192 30.8 24.4 3046 3».95 ,32.52 32-06 15-20 . . 9.9 7.6 9.8 8.7 11085 98210.79 9.86 20-25 • • II. 7 1,^0 10.9 12.6 10.47 II. 19 10.70 10.49 25-35 . . 20.2 27-3 18.9 22.2 115.74 16.84,16.33 15.06 35-45 . . 13-3 J8.8 12.6 16.4 I12.17 13-58 11-42 12.97 45-55 . . 8.8 9.0 9.0 8.9 9.42 8.17I 8.83 9-99 55-65 . . 4.6 31 50 4-2 1 6.33 3-S5: 5-60 5.25 Over 65 2.6 2.0 3 2.6 4.56 3.60 3 81 4.32 According to this table the proportion of negroes in the northern cities is largest for the age periods in which the mortality is least, that is from fifteen to forty-five 3'ears. This excess of adults at middle age is due solely to the constant influx of 3'oung people from the southern states. The result is that the gross death rate for the colored population is not so high as it would be if the age dis- tribution were the same as that of the whites. In the southern cities the differences, it will be observed, are very slight and the gross death rates of those cities are therefore more reliable than those of the large cities of the North and West, which understate the facts. This element of error is eliminated in the following tables which .show for six cities the comparative death rates of the two races at various periods of life. For the four northern cities the death rates are given for eight periods and for Baltimore and the District of Columbia for four. It is very unfortunate that in the reports of Dr. Billings, from which the tables have been compiled, a different method should have been employed for the two groups of cities, thus making an exact comparison impo.ssible. 42 American Economic Association. DEATH RATES OF FOUR CITIES FOR 1890. CALCUI^TED FOR EIGHT AGE GROUPS.! New York. Brooklyn. Boston. Philadelphia. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. All Ages 28.47 37-47 25-41 34.9924.62 33-29 22.28 32.42 Under 15 . . 47.06 87.42 40.69 69.4540.20 78.40 34.89 69.24 15-20 . . 5-65 1432 5.42 12.54 7.27 9.69 6.17 13.61 20-25 . . 9.84 16.12' 8.60 15-95: 9-76 17.64 8.81 14.50 25-35 . • 14.15 19.2412.65 "-53 12.43 14.72 10.S5 15.21 35-45 . • 2o.9r 25.29 15.93 21.79 16.37 18.98 13.60 17.16 45-55 . . 2930 355623.03 34.0221.71 36.07 18.98 29.41 55-65 . . 48.45 79-0540.60 47-9336-45 51.55 31.56 40.09 65 and ov. 105.16 94.8696.09 i44-37|94-oi 1 13.51 88.88 116.49 Still-births included. DEATH RATES OF BALTIMORE AND WASHINGTON, D. C, FOR 1S90, CALCULATED FOR FOUR AGE GROUPS.* Baltimore, Md. Washington, D. C. Ages. ^\^lite. Colored. White. Colored. Under 5 years . . . So. 27 171.78 65.04 159-93 Under 15 years . , . 30.71 64.24 23.90 57.00 15-45 years . . . 8.99 14.88 929 17.09 45 years and over. . 37.49 42.3t 33-88 47.60 ! Still-births excluded. It will be observed that the gross death rates for the colored population exceed those of the white and this too, in view of the fact just stated, that the age distribution of the colored is far more favor- able for a low general death rate than that of the white population. Considering the mortality rates for various age groups it will be noticed that for the earliest period the difFerence is enormous. In New York for in- stance the white population for the age group o — 15 shows a death rate of 47.06 per thousand while that of the colored population for the same age period is 87.42 per thousand. The same disparity is to be observed in all of the other cities to a greater or less degree, and it is not until we reach the higher age periods that we find Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 43 the mortality rates of the two races Hearing each other. Even at the highest ages the white mortality rate rarely approaches the colored. Only in one instance does it rise above. Before considering the comparative differ- ences in the mortality of the two races for the different age periods, in the cities of the North, I wonld direct the attention of the reader to the following tables for three cities of the South, all of which may be considered representative of the respective sections in which they are located. The tables have been calculated by the writer on advance statistics of the age distribution of the popu- lation, kindly furnished him for this purpose by Mr. Carroll D. Wright, the acting superintendent of the cen- sus. The mortality returns have been obtained from the board of health reports of the respective cities for the year 1890. The age groups differ from those of the pre- ceding table, giving the mortality for ten year periods after the age of ten. But for the want of uniformity in the mortality returns of southern cities it would have been possible to give similar tables for other cities. However, the cities furnishing reports for the above tables may be assumed to represent fairly the prevailing condi- tions in other cities of the south. NBW ORLEANS— 1S90. White. Colored. Rate per Rate per Ages. Population. Deaths. 1000. Population. Deaths 1000. O-I . . 3,842 1,035 269.4 1,290 555 430.2 0-5 . . 19.134 1,428 74.6 6,787 805 I18.6 5-9 • . 19,466 98 5-0 7,145 70 9.8 10-19 . . 38,216 165 4-3 13,179 154 II. 7 20-29 • • 34,467 377 10.9 12,091 •277 22.9 30-39 • . 24,502 509 20.8 9,169 270 29.4 39-49 . . 17,551 475 27.1 7,337 256 34-9 49-59 • I2,66t 534 42.2 4,642 244 52.6 59-69 . . 7,634 501 65.6 2,476 221 89-3 69-79 . . 2,879 354 123.0 1,065 176 165.3 44 Afnerican Economic Association. CHARLESTON.-i 890. White. Colored. Ages. Population Deaths. Rate per 1000. Population. Deaths Rate per IOCX3. O-I . . 494 99 200.4 758 350 461.7 0-5 . . 2,285 148 64.8 3.455 5'7 149 6 5-9 • • 10-19 • • 2,365 5,231 8 17 3-4 3-3 3.391 6,428 37 104 10 9 l6.2 20-29 . . 30-39 • • 40-49 • • 4.420 3.406 2,526 42 47 57 9-5 13.8 22.6 6,503 4,635 3,2oH 170 112 98 26.1 24.2 30.6 50-59 • 60-69 . . 70-79 . . 1,859 1,184 440 47 69 47 253 58.3 106.8 1.674 1,031 407 72 79 66 430 766 162.2 RICHMOND.— 1890. O-I . . . I,!02 206 1869 625 331 529.6 0-5 4.942 3^2 67.2 2,772 496 178.9 5-9 4,871 40 8.2 3.063 57 18.6 10-19 10,420 58 5-6 7,134 78 109 20-29 9.S59 1 13 II-5 7.387 '34 iS.i 30-39 7.053 98 13-9 4,634 99 21.4 40-49 5,030 92 18.3 3,488 92 26.4 50-59 3-539 100 28.3 1.853 92 49-7 60-69 2.119 101 47-7 1,021 75 73-5 70-79 834 104 124.7 380 46 121. 1 COJIPARATXVE DEATH RATES FOR THREE SOUTHERN CITIES. DEATHS PER 1000 UVING AT SAME AGE. (1890.) New Orleans. Charleston. Richmond. Ages. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored O-I ... 269.4 430.2 200.4 461.7 186.9 5298 0-5 74.6 118. 6 64.8 149.6 67.2 1789 5-9 5.0 9.8 3.4 10.9 8.2 18.6 10-19 4-3 i'-7 3-3 '6.2 5-6 10.9 20-29 109 22.9 9.5 26.1 II-5 iS.l 30-39 20.8 29.4 I3.S 24 2 139 2T.4 40-49 27.1 34.9 22.6 30.6 18.3 26.4 50-59 42.2 52.6 25-3 43-0 28.3 49 7 60-69 65.6 S9.3 58.3 76.6 47-7 73-5 70-79 123.0 165.3 106.S 162.2 1247 121. 1 I have given all the data from which the rates were calculated, in order to enable the reader to form his own opinion as to the value of the results. The three tables fully support the previous conclusions for northern cities and show that the greatest excess of mortality amongst Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 45 the colored falls on the early age groups. The excess at the very early ages, /. South- White. Four n Cities.! Colored. Excess of Negro Jlortality. O-I . 0-5 • 230.92 72.74 240-57 72.17 467.67 144.38 94.4 per 100. 1 cent. 5-IO. I0-20 . 7-50 5-45 551 4.58 12.58 12.11 128.3 164.4 20-30 . 30-40 . 9-37 13.60 10.95 18.76 21.58 25.11 97.8 33-9 40-50. 50-60 . 60-70 . 19.49 26.57 56. SS 24.88 37.71 61.70 .32.32 47.64 78.18 29.9 26.3 26.7 Boston, St. Louis, New Haven and Cincinnati. Savanah, New Orleans, Charleston and Richmond. The percentage of excess in negro mortality is here shown to be highest for the period of life under fifteen, next highest from fifteen to forty-five and lowest for the age periods over forty-five. There are slight deviations from this rule but none which materially affect the conclusion that the young generation of the colored population shows the highest, and the oldest generation the lowest, percentage of mortality above that of the white race. It may be of value to show briefly the influence of sex on this excessive mortality. I have abstracted, in part, from the reports of Dr. Billings, the comparative mortal- ity of the two sexes for three cities for eight age groups. I have selected the three northern cities w^here females largely predominate and the increase in the population is largely due to migration from the country. The tables are deserving of consideration as showing the effects of city life on the colored population of middle age. Race Traits and Te7idenncs of the Ayncrican Negro. 47 COMPARATIVE MORTALITY OF WHITE AND COLORED ACCORDING TO AGE AND SEX.— 1890. NEW YORK. Male. . Females. White. Colored. White. Colored. All ages . . 31-15 42.06 25.87 33-OI Under 15 . 51.15 96.76 42.97 78.23 15-20 . 6.25 18.82 5.13 10.86 20-25 . 11.47 21.17 8.52 11.47 25-35 . 1554 21.40 12.71 17.02 35-45 . 2330 29.69 18.32 20.45 45-55 . 31.86 40.68 26.60 30.20 55-65 . 53-88 98.16 43.41 65.82 65 and o^ rer, 107.99 87.72 102.84 98.51 BOSTON. All Ages. . 25.96 31.56 23.37 35.32 Under 15 43.18 75.22 37-18 81.40 15-20 7.22 9-58 7.31 9.80 20-25 10.88 15-76 8.79 19.76 25-35 12.85 15.51 12.03 13.60 35-45 17.54 2397 15.15 12.59 45-55 23-39 31.39 19.94 41.90 55-65 38.02 52.98 35.12 50.00 65 and o\ er, 97.19 129.03 91.72 105.69 PHILADELPHIA. All ages. . . 23-85 36.02 20.79 29.23 Under 15 37.22 75.81 32-51 63.12 15-20 6.49 15.01 5-89 12.66 20-25 10.12 19.75 7-64 10.46 25-35 . 11.28 14.12 10.43 16.24 35-45 . 15.30 20.52 II. 91 13.55 45-55 . 20.85 33.67 17.20 25.48 55-65 . . 36.44 47.70 27.42 34.57 65 and ov er, 93.51 155-26 85.35 96.47 PERCENTAG E OF COLORED MORTALITY OVER WHITE, ACCORDING TO AGE AND SEX Males. Females New Philadel- New Philadel- Ages. York. Boston, phia. York. Boston. phia. Per Ct. Per Ct. Per Ct. Per Ct. Per Ct. Per Ct. All ages . . • 35 21.6 51.0 27.6 5I.I 40.6 Under 15 . 89 2 81.6 103.7 58.8 I16.2 94.2 15-20 . 201 32.7 131-3 III.7 20.4 I14.9 20-25 . 84.6 44-9 95-2 34-6 124.8 36.9 25-35 . 38.4 20.7 25.2 33-9 13. 1 55.7 35-45 . 27.4 36.7 34-1 11.6 13.8 45-55 . 27.7 63.4 61.5 13-5 109.6 48.1 55-65 . 82 2 20.5 30.1 5J.6 42.4 18.8 65 and o^ rer, * 32.8 66.0 4.2 13-0 ■ White mortality in excess of colored. 48 Aincrica7i Economic Association. The excess in the negro mortality rate varies consid- erably for some age groups, which is due, in part, to the small numbers on which the ratios are based. How- ever, for the age periods under 25, the excess of mor- tality is greater for males than for females and almost without exception the numerical mortality for colored males is in excess of that of the females at all periods of life. The most important exception is to be observed in Boston where the mortality of females under 25 is in excess of the male mortality. In New York and Phila- delphia the females with slight and unimportant excep- tions have a lower mortality rate than the males, irre- spective of race and age. In Boston white females at all ages, excepting fifteen to twenty have a more fav- orable mortality rate than males, while colored females have a lower mortality only after the age twenty-five. This favorable rate for females is due in part to the greater liability of the male to accidental death, more frequent exposure to the inclemency of the weather, and last, not least, to his more pronounced criminal ten- dencies. Females also are usually employed as domestic servants and in consequence are better cared for in every respect than the colored male, who only too often leads the life of a vagrant and roust-about in search of some- thing to do, honest or otherwise. The effect of conjugal condition on the mortality rate is fairly well brought out in a table for Washington and Baltimore abstracted from the report of Dr. Billings. The respective death rates are given for two age periods and afford an interesting comparison. It must be taken into consideration, however, that the conjugal condition of the colored population is not so clearly defined as it is for the white raze. This is easily understood when I mention the fact that over 25 per cent, of the colored Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 49 children born in Washington are reported as illegitimate, as compared with less than 3 per cent, for the whites. It is probable, however, that all those who had borne children were ennmerated as married, or at least those who were living under the conditions of married life. DEATH RATES OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS ACCORDING TO CONJUGAL CONDITION. MALES-AGES 15-45. FEMALES-AGES 15-45. Washington. Baltimore. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. Single . . . 10.47 18.58 9.19 13.75 Married . . 9.06 16.67 S.9S 13.49 Widowed.. 40.17 50.51 26.95 30.93 Washington. Baltimore. White. Col'd. White, Col'd. 6.44 14.50 6.53 13.20 9.56 16.72 9.76 16.31 13.65 15.12 12.02 14.36 MALE.S-45 AND OVER. FEMALES— 45 AND OVER. Single . . . 48. 23 69.33 35-70 6o.8i Married . . 29.94 40.75 31.22 39.60 Widowed . . 80 12 99.42 74.59 83.48 26.04 37-6t 37.79 46.05 1805 28.50 24.13 24.77 42.00 56.37 54.85 46.01 It remains for me to add to the present series of tables two which have some bearing on the condition of life of the colored population in our large cities, namely those showing altitude and density of population. It is a fav- orite argument with some authors who have written upon the causes of the excessive mortality of the colored race, that the low social and economic conditions of the.se peo- ple, as well as the general unsanitary condition of their dwellings, are largely responsible for their higher mor- tality. In a word, they attribute to the environment most of the ills that at present affect so seriously the duration of life for the colored race. These writers argue that, given the same social, economic and sanitary con- ditions of life, the colored race would enjoy the same health and favorable death rate as the white population. The powerful influences of a bad heredity are almost wholly ignored and the greatest stress is laid upon the effect of the environment. I therefore call attention to 50 Americayi Economic Association. the tables below, which, so far as I am aware, present cer- tain facts not hitherto published. It is true that the Sur- geon-General of the Army,' as well as Dr. Cunningham of the Alabama Penitentiary,^ have called attention to the fact that even under the same conditions, subject to the same regulations, fed and clothed in the same manner as the white man, doing the same class of work, the negro is still subject to a higher death rate ; but the statements* of these two high authorities have never been duly con- sidered by those who believe so firmly in the all power- ful effect of the ' milieux.' DEATH RATES OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATION AT ALL AGES AND UNDER 5 YEARS FOR TWO CITIES, ACCORDING TO ALTITUDE." Washiugon. Washingon. Average Altitude All Ages. (In feet.) White. Uuder 25 21.26 25- 50 50- 75 75-IOO Over 100 19-83 17.24 15-67 17.24 Col'd. 37-48 37.06 31-87 32.56 31-23 All Ages. Under 5 yrs.' Under 5 yrs.' White. 23-63 21.84 21.64 18.31 17.16 Col'd. 44-65 36-51 34-34 28.03 28.21 White. 78.85 I 71-41 57.59 5230 ' 57.87 Col'd. White. 167.69 86.92 155.21 76.96 159-57 78.78 157-^*^9 66.16 136. II 58. 70 Col'd. 203.30 194-03 155-68 1 48. .^9 145-53 1 Exclusive of still births. DEATH RATES OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATION OF TWO CITIES, ACCORDING TO DENSITY OF POPULATION. Persous to the Acre. Washington. All Ages. White. Colored. Under 25 18.51 35.46 25-50 18.54 31-19 50 aud over 17.78 34-72 Baltimore. Uuder 50 22.73 39-13 50-100 18.34 27.74 Over 100 21.58 36.98 1 Exclusive of still births. Under 5 years.i White. Colored. 60.94 161.77 66.31 148.49 64-34 163.98 80.11 196.40 66.91 14934 77-S7 171.65 ^ Johu Moore, Aunual report, Surgeon-General of the Army, 1889, p. 18. '^ Medical News, Feb. 3, 1894. Race Traits a?id Tendencies of the America?i Negro. 51 The above two tables are of great value as evidence that environment has less effect on the duration of life than have the factors of race and heredity. It will be ob- served that even under the most favorable conditions as indicated by a high altitude and low density of popula- tion, the excessive negro mortality rate remains compara- tively the same. The per cent, of excess in the rate for the population living under the most unfavorable condi- tions as indicated by the degree of altitude, is 76.29 for Washington and 88.95 for Baltimore, while for the popu- lation under the most favgrable conditions the excess is 81.15 per cent, for the former and 64.39 per cent, for the latter city. The evil effect of a low altitude is too well known to need more than a reference to it, and the im- portance of these remarkable facts will be fully under- stood by those familiar with the influence of soil moisture on mortality. I give similar information for the age group under five, and also with respect to the effect of density of population, to assist those who wish to trace more fully the effect of environment on the mortality of the colored race. It may be of interest here to give the comparative distribution of the white and colored popu- lations of Washington and Baltimore according to alti- tude. It will be seen that in the two cities the negroes live in larger proportion in the most favored localities so far as indicated by a higher altitude. Hence the gross death rate of the colored race is only slightly if at all affected by either altitude or density, both of wdiich are factors of the highest importance in the duration of life in the white race. The conditions of life therefore, so far as these two factors are concerned, would seem to be of less importance than race and heredity. 52 American Economic Association. DISTRIBUTION OF THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF TWO CITIES ACCORDING TO ALTITUDE.— (Percentage of total population.) Baltimore, , Md. Washington , D. C. 1890. 1890. Average White. Colored. White. Colored. Altitude in feat. Per Cent. Per Cent. PerCe.it. Per Cent. Under 25 ... . 18.01 12.53 - 14-53 19.62 25-50. . . 25-58 19.01 25 62 15-14 50-75 • • • 14-59 12.77 38. 55 40. 86 75-100. . . 20.25 1S.72 1494 17-79 100 and over 21.57 36.97 6.36 6.59 The natural question in \'iew of this proof of an ex- cessive mortality of the colored race, an excess met with under all the varying conditions, locality, age, sex, con- jugal condition, altitude and density of population, is, whether the unusual mortality has always existed or is of recent origin, i. e.^ whether the excessive mortality is a result of new conditions of life or is a fundamental race trait. It will always be difficult to an-swer this question satisfactorily, since the mortality statistics for the early part of the present century are wanting in details, without which it is difficult to arrive at a satis- factory conclusion. The higher rate of increase of the colored population during the period preceding the war would indicate that during slavery the mortality was not so high, at least not in the United States, as it has been since emancipation, while the gradual lowering of the decennial rate of increase would indicate that a pro- cess of deterioration has been going on ever since 18 10, but less intense before emancipation than during the past thirty years. So far as I have been able to ascertain, the only fairly complete record of white and negro mortality for a con- siderable length of time has been kept in the city of Charleston, for which city we are fortunate enough to have an almost unbroken record from the year 1822. Through the kindness of Dr. H. B. Horlbeck, the health Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 53 officer of Charleston, I have been able to obtain a state- ment of the comparative mortality of the two races from 1822 to 1894, excepting the war period, when no data of value were collected. To Dr. Gordon de Sassure of the same city I am indebted for a copy of the census of Charleston for 1848, which is a document of great sta- tistical and historical value. I am therefore able to in- clude in the table which follows, some statistics which have seldom been used, and which I trust will be of value to those who are interested in the course of the mortality of the two races. I have also obtained from Dr. T. S. Scales, former health officer of Mobile, a partial statement of the white and colored mortality of that city for the period 1843-55, with some years missing. For Savannah I have compiled the mortality returns for the period preceding the war, from the very valuable essay of Dr. Eugene Corson on the " Vital Equation of the Col- ored Race." For all recent years I have made use of the official board of health reports for the various cities. The death rates are based on the population estimated in ac- cordance with Dr. Farr's method for intercensal years, thus insuring uniformity and freedom from the indi- vidual guess work. It is of course unfortunate that the periods under observation are not always the same, but this is unavoidable in view of the dearth of data. COMPARATIVE MORTALITY OF SOUTHERN CITIE.S FOR VARIOUS PERIODS OF TIME. Mobile, Ala. Charleston, S. C. Periods. White. Colored. Periods. White. Colored. 1S43-46 1847-50 1852-55 1876-80 I SB 1-85 18S6-90 1891-94 45-S3 42.53 54.39 24.64 26.14 23-92 21.40 23.10 31-19 34-70 39-74 36.26 35-11 30.91 1822-30 1831-40 1851-60 1866-75 1876-85 1886-94 32-73 2524 16.17 29.79 25-56 24.32 22.26 28.16 25.02 19.77 34-12 44-06 54 American Econoyyiic Association. COM PAR. VTIVE MORI rAUTY OF SOUTHERN CI riES FOR VARIOUS PERIODS OF TIME. Savannah, Ga. New Orleans, La. Periods. White. Colored. Periods. White. Colored. 1856-60 37.19 34.07 1849-60 596 52.1 1861-65 50.19 49-65 1871-73 28.63 44.61 1866-70 33-16 57.26 '875-79 31-25 40.22 1871-75 32.70 44.82 1S80-84 25.01 52.33 I.S76-80 38.60 51.66 1S85-89 2381 35-22 1881-85 27.02 41.67 1890-94 24.85 3942 1886-90 22.52 37.26 \ 1891-94 21.43 32 26 ' The table before us presents with a fair degree of ac- curacy the course of the death rates for both races for long periods of time. While the point to be brought out by this table is not as clear as would be desirable, it is shown that for the white population there has been a considerable and fairly constant fall in the death rate ; while for the colored population the mortality at the present time would seem to be higher as a rule than it was forty or fifty years ago. For Charleston the records are the most complete and therefore the most satisfactory from a statistical standpoint, and they show clearly the unfavorable change in the mortality rate of the colored race. If we combine the periods under observation so that one period is formed by the years before the war and the other for the period of freedom, we have a more compact body of data in which the possibility of accidental varia- tion is eliminated. By this method the death rate of the white population of Charleston is shown to have been 25.60 before the war and 24.04 for the period 1866-94, giving a decrease m the white mortality of 1.56 per 1,000. The mortality rate of the colored population during the same period increased from 26.45 during 1822-60 to 43.33 during 1S66-94, or 16.88 per 1,000, Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 55 In Mobile the mortality rate of the whites decreased from 48.26 during the period 1843-55 ^^ 24.13 for the period 1876-94 while in the same interim the negro mortality rate increased from 30.31 to 35.60 per 1,000, For these two cities therefore the conclusion is war- ranted that the negro mortality has largely increased since emancipation, and that too in the localities con- sidered most favorable for the race. What is here shown to be true for two cities, each of which represents dif- ferent conditions of life, economic as well as climatic and sanitary, we may assume to hold fairly true for other sections of the south. The proverbial longevity of the negro has probably never existed as a matter of fact, but we have an abundance of testimony, unfortunately little of it statistical, that previous to emancipation the negro enjoyed health equal if not superior to that of the white race. Consequently the proved tendency towards a higher death rate must be considered an evidence of race deterioration, which in part will explain the gradual lowering of the rate of increase of the colored popula- tion, brought out more distinctly than ever by the cen- sus of 1890. The above facts, however, are insufficient for a deter- mination of the importance that should be attached to the increasing mortality rate of the colored race. This is brought out by comparing the death rates at various ages and periods of life. The first table has been comj^iled in part from the valuable report of De Saussure on the census of Charles- ton in 1848,' and in part from a table of Charleston death rates previously given. At the same time the per cent, of excess in the negro mortality rate over the white, or 'Census of the city of Charleston for the year 184S, by J. L. Daw- sou, M.D. and H. W. De Saussure, M.D. Charleston, S. C, 1849. 56 Avierican Economic Association. vice versa^ is shown in a separate column. The rates have been calculated in conformity with others of the same kind, namely, on the living population for the same ages. COMPARATIVE MORTALITY FOR CHARLESTON, S. C, 1S48 AND 1S90. (Deaths per 1,000 living at same ages.) Excess of Col'd 1 [848. 1890 motality over White. White. Col'd. White. Col'd. 1S4S. Per ct. 1S90. Per ct. Under 5 . . . . 3I-I 75-0 64.S 149-6 141. 1 130.9 5-10 . . . . 58 3-9 3-4 10 9 ' 220.6 10-20 . . . . 30 II. I 32 16.2 261.3 406.3 20-30 . . . . II. 2 12.3 9-5 26.1 9.8 174.7 30-40 . . . . 16. 1 15-3 13.S 24.2 ' 75-4 40-50 . . . . 21. 8 21.9 22.6 30.5 0.5 350 50-60 . . . . 28.4 28.3 25-3 43-0 1 70.0 60-70 . . • • 47-5 58.8 58.3 766 23-8 31-4 70-80 . . • • 97-3 106.3 106.8 162.2 9.2 51-9 1 white mortality in exces.s of colored. This table is most interesting and valuable from an economic or other scientific standpoint. We can here trace the rate of the mortality through the various stages of life and compare the tw^o races at two radically different periods, the one under slavery, the otlier under freedom. During the former, according to this table, the mortality of the colored exceeded that of the white population for the age period 0-5 by 141 per cent., and in 1890 by 131 per cent. For the second age group the negro mortality rate for 1890 was 221 per cent, higher than that of the whites, in contrast with a former excess in the mortality of the whites for this age group. For the two next higher age groups the rate is almost double at the present time what it was before emancipation, and for the next three groups a former mortality rate favorable to the colored race has been changed into one largely unfavorable. At the most advanced aees the numbers are rather small Race Traits and Teiidcncics of the American Negro. 57 and the excess of negro mortality at these periods is difficult to define. As general inferences to be drawn from the table before us it may be safely concluded that the negro mortality rate has increased for all periods of life ; that the ex- cess of negro mortality over that of the whites previous to emancipation existed to a considerable degree for only two age periods below the age sixty, but that at the present time it is to be observed at all ages. At the present time the excess is greatest for the first genera- tion, and least for the third — if we divide the whole of life into three periods as has been done heretofore. It would seem therefore, thafthe young generation is the one least fit for race survival, and the consequent loss of social effectiveness, as Mr. Kidd calls it, is enormous. The great difference in the expectation of life for the two races is brought out with scientific accuracy in the following life table, abstracted from the census of 1880. No official life tables have been compiled since that year. COMPARATIVE EXPECTATION OP LIFE FOR WHITE AND CGI ORED PERSONS IN FOUR SOUTHERN CITIES IN 1880.1 Iwashingt'n, D.C.i Baltimore, Md. Charleston, S. C. New Orleans, La. AGES. 1880. 1880. ! iSSo. iSSo. Whites. Col'd. Whites. Col'd. Whites. Col'd. Whites. Col'd. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. Years. . . . 42.36 25.25 38.18 23.26 38.34 21.82 38.10 25-56 5 • 51.85 44.48 51-72 44-32 48.10 40.68 47.88 40.76 10 . 48.71 42.13 49.66 42.40 44.24 37-96 44-16 37-50 20 . 40.42 35-34 41.50 36.62 36.24 31.60 35-80 3063 30- 33.64 30.22 34-74 30.64 30.08 27-14 29-35 26.98 40. 27.36 24.63 28.05 24.68 24.60 21.51 23.78 22.49 50. 21.06 18.90 21.27 18.92 18.80 15-72 18.62 17.78 60. 15.01 13.70 15-01 13-42 13-14 11.04 13-58 13.22 70. 9.98 9- '9 10.24 8.87 8.81 7.90 9-43 898 80. 6.70 6.37 7.14 6.38 6.59 5-94 6.73 6.46 ' Census of 1880, Vol XII, pages 773-783- This table shows the expectation of life at ten selected ages for both races, in representative southern cities, bringing out in a forcible way the difference in the 58 American Econoytiic Association. vitality of the two races. In the District of Columbia a white person at the age of thirty for instance would have a chance of living about three and a half years longer than a colored person of the same age ; in Balti- more about four years, and in New Orleans two and a half years. But this is an age at which the general mortality is very low for both races. At all the earlier ages the differences are of course much greater. The excessive mortality at the very early ages of course af- fects the mortality at the older ages by reducing the dif- ferences between the two races. For the periods of old age the expectation of life is almost the same for both races. A clear idea as to the effect of an excessive mor- tality is brought out by means of a life table showing the number surviving at various ages out of a million born. Such a table has been abstracted from Dr. Bil- lings' report on the vital statistics of the tenth census, those for the eleventh census not having as yet been made public. COMPARATIVE APPROXIMATE IJFE TABLES FOR FOUR vSOUTHERN CITIES, SHOWING THE NUMBER OF SURVIVORS AT SELECTED AGES. (Abstracted from the Report of the loth Census, Vol. XII, pp. 773- 7S3.) Washington, D. C. Baltimore, Md. 1880. 1S80. Ages. Whites. Colored. Whites. Colored. o 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 5 739,661 499,169 664,869 458,964 25 662,723 401,081 579.191 361,966 45 516,330 291,601 468,126 268,706 65 326,461 158,444 301,471 150,481 85 49.104 17,807 48,985 15.676 Charleston, S. C. New Orleans, La. O T, 000, 000 1,000,000 1,000,000 1,000,000 5 715.404 465,753 712,193 548,488 25 635,585 357.608 634,301 426,354 45 455,493 249,404 448,348 271,075 65 258,954 105,958 238,176 134.717 85 24,609 6,405 34,754 14,990 Race Tfaiis and Tendencies of the American Negro. 59 This table reads that in the city of Washington ont of a million whites born during the year 1880, 739,661 will survive to their fifth year, while only 499,169 of the colored population will survive, a difference of 240,492 lives. This represents an enormous economic loss. For if we take into consideration the number of years of life lost through such an excessive mortality, we have a fair means of estimating the resulting economic loss. It would be impossible to consider this point at length, but I subjoin a brief abstract of the life table of Char- leston for 1880, which shows for both races, with dis- tinction of sex, the number of years of life remaining at various ages. NUMBER OF YEARS OF LIFE REMAINING TO SURVIVORS AT SEI^ECTED AGES, ACCORDING TO COI,OR AND SEX. Charleston, S. C— 1880. White Colored. Ages. Males. Females. Males. Females. 10 . . 13,874,245 17.070,833 8,273,445 8,400,897 25 • • 9,077,720 11,803,905 5,213,560 5,397,550 45 • • 4,025,910 5,973,925 2.199,075 2,396,175 * 65 . . 955,885 1,804,695 431.860 530,400 The economic loss involved in such a great waste of life is difficult to estimate, but it seems clear that a race which has only about one half of the effective economic force of another race must needs prove more of an economic hindrance than a help. Even if the race were gifted with an abnormally high birth rate, which it -is not, it could not overcome the effect of the high death rate. This abnormal condition will in part explain the large amount of poor relief and the large number of pauper funerals of colored persons in the large cities of the South. It does not come within the province of this paper to discuss the purely economic aspects of the race tendencies of the colored population, but I have touched 6o American Ecojioviic Association. upon this point as one which is deserving of a more careful consideration by the student of social and economic problems than has thus far been devoted to it. I have thus far discussed only the purely statistical aspects of the excessive mortality of the colored race as contrasted with that of the white population. I have shown by indisputable evidence, collected from all sec- tions of the country in which the colored element is present in sufHcient numbers, and from which informa- tion has been obtainable, first, that the colored race is subject to an excessive mortality in the cities of the North and West as well as in the South ; second, that the mortality rate of the race is on the increase ; third, that the excess of mortality of the negroes over whites is greatest for the youngest generation, and least for the generation which grew up largely under slavery influ- ences ; fourth, that the increase in the mortality rate affects principally the earlier ages, and that in conse- quence the number surviving to the productive and re- productive ages is far less, proportionately, for the colored population than for the white ; fifth, that to this ab- normal condition the constant lowering of the decennial rate of increase for the colored population must be at- tributed, which tendency if persisted in must lead to a decrease in the population at an ever increasing rate ; and finally, that the economic loss involved in so high a mortality must prove a serious hindrance to the economic development of the sections of the country or of the large cities in which the colored population is found in large numbers. Causes of the Mortality. Having shown the general movement of the popula- tion, and the comparative mortality, I may now consider the causes of the high mortality, with the two-fold pur- Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Ncg7'o. 6i pose of tracing the physiological history and consequent race traits, and showing the race tendencies brought out by a study of the causes of disease and mortality, its prevalence at various periods of time, and in different sec- tions of the country. To do the subject complete justice is impossible here, and only the most important and in- teresting phases can be discussed. There is a large body of facts, although less than I expected to find, which is available for the study of the comparative susceptibility to disease and death, for the two races. It was a frequent argument with southern physicians, before the war, that no northern or European physician could successfully treat a colored person in view of the radical differences existing between the two races and the consequent difference in results from medical treat- ment, the negro yielding less readily to such treatment than the white man. It was argued, and with consider- able force, that physicians who were to practice among the colored population should be especially educated for their work. Since the war the medical journals often urge the need of colored physicians. The Medical News (Octo- ber 6, 1894) declared that " although some forty million dollars had been spent in the literary education of the colored race since the war, it was doubtful whether forty cents had been spent for medical education for colored men," The News referred to the fact that probably not one-half of the colored population receive medical atten- tion, and maintained that a liberal proportion of colored physcians would materially alter the present condition and its consequent waste of life. As to the amount of money spent in the education of colored young men for medical work, I may state that according to the official reports of the Bureau of Edu- 62 American Economic Association. cation for the year 1891-92, there were in this country five institutions for the education of colored persons in the professions of medicine, dentistry and phannacy, with a total attendance of 457 pupils. The amount ex- pended on these institutions is not stated, but it must be considerable, at least a good deal more than forty cents. As to the second point, I caimot do better than to quote from the reports of the health officer of Savannah for recent years, in which the subject of non-medical attendance of colored people is fully discussed. Re- ferring to the excessive mortality of colored children the report says : " The neglect of children by negro parents is so often apparent to your health officer that he must call your attention again to the matter. In many instances they will not call in a physician when the city provides them free medical attendance.'" In his report for the following year Dr. Brunner refers again to the same subject as follows : " Fifty per cent, of the children who die never receive medical attention. In many instances the parents will not call in a physician, claiming the children died be- fore they could go for a physician, although a cross ex- amination will always show that the children had been sick from two to ten days before they died."' Again in his report for 1893 : " For years the city of Savannah has furnished gratuitous medical advice and medicine, and the negroes persistently refuse to accept them, at least for their children. Can the city do more? Is there any other move to make save that of appeal to the law to force parents to care for their offspring?"'^ And finally in the report for 1894 : " We must have ^Annual report, City of Savannah, 1890, p. 125. "^ Ibid., 1891, p. 157. ^ Ibid., 1893, p. 160. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 63 stringent laws covering the criminal neglect of negro parents who allow their children to sicken and die with- out making an effort to obtain the services of those physicians who are paid by the city to give such people gratuitous medical attention. The appointment of a negro physician may do some good ; it will be an ex- periment, but one worth trying."' In other cities of the South the conditions are more or less the same. The claim that colored physicians are more appreciated than whites is not supported by the facts. Colored physicians charge less and give more credit, and largely for this reason gain practice among the members of their own race ; but whenever accessi- ble a white physician will be preferred. Such at least has been my observation. The indifference as to medical attendance in cases of illness of their children is due to ignorance rather than to criminal neglect. The negro has a habit of dosing him- self and his children on every possible occasion, and the drugging of infants with paregoric and even with laudanum is very frequent, the use of castor oil being also extremely liberal ; hence the neglect to call a physi- cian, even when the city provides one free of charge. In Richmond, Va., the percentage of cases of non-medi- cal attendance is considerably less than in Savannah, and the difference may be almost solely attributed to a higher degree of education, which exhibits itself in the management of every day affairs. The number of 'The annual report of the health officer for 1S95 contains the fol- lowing reference to the result of this experiment : " One of these physicians (for the care of the indigent sick) is a colored physician who was appointed with a view of getting at the class of unfortunate negroes who, even when well are unable to take care of themselves. The appointment is a satisfactory one. Proof of which is in evidence from his weekly reports rendered to this office." (Annual reports, City of Savannah, 1895, pp. 213-14.) 64 Amcn'cafi Economic Association. colored physicians in Virginia is very large, and a few years ago the Petersburg Daily Herald., a race organ, suggested that they form a state association. The high death rate of the colored population of southern cities cannot, therefore, fairly be attributed to the want of doctors either white or colored. In some of the West India islands practically the whole of the population are without medical attendance in case of illness or death. In Jamaica for instance, 75 per cent, of the deaths during 1894 were registered without a medical certificate. In some of the parishes of the island the per cent, of non-medical cases is even greater. The registrar, ]\Ir. S. P. Smeeton, in his report for 1895 observes, however, that in the city of Kingston the percentage of such cases is much less, and concludes that " the lack of professional testimony is not altogether attributable to unwillingness on the part of the people to resort to the doctor's aid, but to some considerable extent may be owing to the difficulty of obtaining such assist- ance at a cost within their means and at a distance within their reach. "^ This conclusion would seem to be fairly warranted in view of the fact that the number of physicians in the island is very small. In 1849, according to the report of the Registrar General for 1889, the number of registered physicians was 126, as against 85 in 1889, of whom 9 were absent from the colony. Thus in spite of a considerable increase in the population the number of physicians has actually decreased. The _ evil therefore is one which cannot be eradicated without a considerable improvement in the moral and economic condition of the population, together with an increase in the knowledge of the plain everyday duties of life, such as ' Report of the Registrar-Geueral for 1S95, p. 3. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Neg7-o. 65 regulates the life of the white poi3ulatioii with which they come in daily contact. In previons tables the excessive mortality of infants and children has been fnlly brought out ; and the re- peated reference to the subject by the health officer of Savannah and other southern cities, makes it advisable that the causes of child mortality should be discussed before any other. The subject divides itself naturally into two parts : first, premature and still births, and second, deaths after birth. As regards the former our information is necessarily incomplete. All statistics dealing with still-births of the colored race must for many years be wanting in completeness. Even for the white population the information is wanting in ac- curac}-. But the mortality rate for the two races is perhaps sufficiently brought out in the two following tables for Washington and Baltimore to show the comparative mortality from premature and still births for the white and colored populations. DEATHS FROM PREMATURE BIRTH AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF WASHINGTON, D. C, AND BALTIMORE, MD., 1890. (Per 100,000 of Population at all Ages.) White. Colored. Washington, D. C 32.97 67.37 BaUimore, Md 45-76 69.84 DEATHS FROM STILL-BIRTH. (Per 100,000 of Population under one year.) White. Colored. Washington, D. C 6.528 20.152 Baltimore, 'Md 7.024 16.988 The two tables show practically the same result as regards the excessive pre-natal mortality among the colored people in these two cities, and the significant fact is brought out that the inordinate mortalitv of the 66 Americayi Economic Association. race at all ages affects pre-natal existence in the same manner. As to the causes of infant and child mortality we have some valuable information in two tables ab- stracted from the report of Dr. Billings on the vital sta- tistics of Baltimore and Washington, from which report the preceding tables also have been compiled. The causes taken into consideration are those which most seriously affect the duration of life during infancy and early childhood. DEATHS FROM DEBILITY, INANITION AND ATROPHY.' (Per 100,000 of population under i year.) White. Washington 4. 181 Colored. 10.045 11.884 Baltimore 4.800 DEATHS FROM DIARRHCEAL DISEASE. (Per 100,000 of population under i and under 5 years.) 0— I White. Colored. Washington. . . . 6.220 11.952 Baltimore 7.732 14-565 0-5 White. Colored. 1-737 3-299 2.157 3-895 1 vital Statistics of Washington and Baltimore, iSqo, pp. 28 and 29. The mortality from diarrhoeal diseases is largely sub- ject to sanitary conditions, which no doubt hive some influence in producing a negro mortality rate nearly a hundred per cent, higher than that of the whites. Deaths from inanition, debility and atrophy are largely the re- sult of inferior organisms and constitutional weakness, which as we shall see later on is one of the most pro- nounced race characteristics of the American negro. The terms, however, cover unrecognized consumption, scrofu- la and other tubercular diseases. As it has w^ell been said by a close observer of negro mortality in the West Indies, Dr. McHattie, the registrar-general of Antigua, " These are not diseases at all but merely names, all of which Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Ncfrro. 67 have nearly the same meaning and indicate that 91 infants died in Antigna in 1889 f^O'" diseases inherited from their parents, who in the majority of these cases are broken down by disease conseqnent on vice, im- morality and debauchery, and who impart such en- feebled constitutions to their offspring that they cannot live a few months even under the most favorable cir- cumstances." The registrar-general of Trinidad in quoting the above remarks agrees that they are as applicable to the island of Trinidad, and on the general subject of infant mortality quotes further from the report of Dr. McHat- tie : " Since 1884 there has been an increase of nine per cent, in the mortality from the causes under considera- tion (inanition, debility, and atrophy) and nothing will materially lessen the number of deaths of infancy but a change in the moral condition of our people, and this change under existing conditions is hopeless, impos- sible. An improvement in the dwellings of our labor- ing population must precede any hope of 'moral im- provement, for where marriage is ignored, and where men, women and children are crowded together in one small room for all domestic purposes, day and night, the possibility of any moral sentiment existing among those who live in this manner is precluded, and children growing up in the midst of such surroundings cannot possibly have any sense of shame or decency ; so that the evils of the system are perpetuated. The chance therefore of materially lessening the death rate from the causes just mentioned seem very remote." Mr. H. J. Clark, the learned registrar-general and superintendent of the census of Trinidad for 1891, does not fully agree with Dr. ]McHattie as to the applicability of the above remarks to conditions affecting- child life 68 American Economic Association. ill Trinidad, but he attributes it to the same cause as Dr. Bruuuer of Savannah, /. e.^ that the principal cause of the difference between the coolie and Creole popula- tions (which is here to be observed as well as everywhere else) is due to neglect and inattention on the part of the Creole parents, partly, he regrets to say, to wilful or thoughtless neglect, and partly unavoidable, owing to the long absence of many of the parents in the pursuit of their daily occupations.' It cannot be argued that the coolie population is better off in either the material good things of life, as Professor Ely puts it, or from a sanitary or any other standpoint. In fact, I understand, and have seen some figures in proof, that the creole of Trinidad is paid a slightly higher wage for the same labor than is paid the coolie immi- grant. It may be of interest here to show the compara- tive mortality of the creole and coolie population in this island. COMPARATIVE INFANT MORTALITY AMONG THE GENERAL (NATIVE) AND THE EAST INDIAN (COOLIE) POPULATIONS, 1889-1890.' (Rates per 1,000 living births.) 1S89 1890. Creole population 199-75 185.83 East Indian (Coolie population) . . 134.28 134-92 • Report of the Registrar-General of Trinidad for 1890, p. 17. The difference in mortality of the two races is not so pronounced as between the white and colored populations of American cities, but is sufficiently large to establish substantially the same race tendency to permature death among the colored population of the West Indies that we meet with among the colored population of this countr}'. In some of the British colonies, Guiana for instance, the infant mortality is much higher, being re- ported at 237 deaths under one year per i,ooo births. ^Report of the Acting Registrar-General of Trinidad for 1890, p. iS. Race Traits and Toidcncics of the American Negro. 69 In British Guiana we arc informed conditions exist simi- lar to those we have met with in Antigua, Trinidad and our Southern cities, namely, extreme neglect on the part of the parents of colored children. According to a report of a former United States Con- sul at Georgetown, British Guiana, the children of the colored population of that colony " suffer greatly from hunger, rarely getting more than one meal a day.'" In St. Lucia the infant mortality is reported as 221 per 1,000 births. In both of the latter colonies the pre-natal mortality, (/. ^., still-births), is very great. The facts here brought together for southern cities as well as for the islands of the West Indies so fully sup- port each other as to warrant the conclusion that the excessive infant mortality among the colored poj)ulation is largely the result of individual neglect, as well as in part due to inherited organic weakness, and only to a limited extent to the conditions of life. Considering now in particular the principal diseases to which the negro is liable, and which will more clearly than any other series of facts bring out his race traits and tendencies, we shall first have to consider consump- tion as the most important of all. A volume could easily be written on this one disease and its influence on the destiny of the colored race. Few writers on negro mortality have failed to discourse upon the excessive mortality due to this cause, and but few have failed to recognize the fact that this most dreaded of all diseases is constantly on the increase among the colored popula- tion of this country. The opinion of southern physicians who practiced among negroes before the war was almost unanimous that consumption was less frequent among the colored population than among the whites, I am 'Consular report for September, 1892, page 90. 70 American Economic Association. able to furnish statistical support for this opinion by a table of comparative death rates from this disease for Charleston, for the periods 1822-48 and 1865-94. The rates have been calculated in the same way as the general death rates; but in their proportions to the hundred thousand of mean population, to make the respective rates more intelligible. CONSUMPTION IN CHARLESTON, S. C. 1822-1894. (Death rates per ic»,ooo of Population.) Period. White. Colored. 1822-30 457 447 1831-40 331 320 1841-48 268 266 1865-74 19S 411 1875-84 255 668 1885-94 189 627 1822-1848 347 342 1865-1894 213 576 According to this table the mortality from consump- tion has almost steadily decreased for the white popula- tion. It decreased for the colored population from 1822 to 1848 at almost the same rate as for the white popula- tion ; but since emancipation the rate has largely in- creased and is now more than three times as great as for the white population. Comparing the former period with the latter we find that while the white mortality has decreased 134 per 100,000 the colored mortality has increased 234 per 100,000. This change in the suscep- tibility of the colored race to consumption, if supported by other facts, may be considered, next to the excess in infant mortality, a distinct race characteristic, and one which must needs have the most pronounced effect upon the numerical as well as the social and moral progress of the race. Gould in his classical work on the " Statistics of the Race Traits and Tcndc7ia'es of the American Negro. 71 Sanitary Commission," observed " the inordinate mor- tality and singular susceptibility to fatal diseases ex- hibited by the colored troops.'" Unfortunately Mr. Gould was not permitted to make use of the available material for a study of the disease prevalence among the colored troops. We have, however, in the " Medical and Surgical History of the War " a mine of valuable infor- mation which will afford the diligent student of the in- fluence of race on mortality the most exceptional oppor- tunities. Another work of the greatest possible value is the report of Dr. Baxter on the " Anthropological Statis- tics of the United States Army," which presents the re- sults of measurements of over a million of recruits dur- ing the war. The two works combined furnish data for a concise description of the colored male at the time of the war, and, what is of most importance, during the war. To this we can add the medical reports of Dr. Rob- ert Reyburn while in charge of the Hospitals of the Freed- men's Bureau, in operation for the period 1865-72. We can therefore trace the pathological history of the col- ored race during the period of transition from slavery to freedom, with a degree of accuracy unequaled in the his- tory of any other race. The table below shows the number of rejections per thousand recruits examined for enlistment into the army during the war period 1861-65. The rates are based on examinations of 315,620 white and 25,828 col- ored recruits. ^ " Statistics of the Sanitary Commission," page 602. 72 American Economic Association. NUMBER OF RETECTED RECRUITS PER i,ooo EXAMINED FOR SPECIFIED DISEASES.! White Colored Recruits. Recruits. Excess o All specified diseases. ..... 264.1 170.2 White over Col'd Rheumatisin 4.8 3.7 " Consumption 11. 4 4.2 " Disease of Nervous system. ... 11. 5 7.8 " " Circulatory " .... 25.5 12.2 " " Respiratory " .... 10. i 4,2 " " Digestive " .... S4.3 50.1 " Urinary " .... 2.5 .7 " " Generative " .... 6.4 4.4 " " Organs of Locomotion . 30.4 1S.7 " " Cellular-tissue .9 .4 " Hernia 39.8 38.3 Syphilis 3.8 10.7 Col'd over Scrofula 2.8 3.8 The table includes rejections for various causes and groups of causes and will be referred to in connection with the discus.sion of other diseases which is to follow. It is shown that out of a thousand white applicants for en- listment 264 were rejected for diseases in general, while 1 1.4 were rejected for consumption. Among the colored applicants only 170 were rejected for diseases in general and 4.2 for consumption. This would prove that before the war the colored males of military age were far less lia- ble to consumption than the whites and the result would 1 Medical statistics of the Provost-Marshal General's Bureau, Vol. II, page 431, etc. There is evidently an error in the tables of the first volume of the Provost-Marshal Geneial's report, in which, on chart IV, the rate of rejections of native whites for consumption is given as 18.4 per 1,000 examined, and for colored, 7.04. On page 431, Vol. II, of the same work, where the original figures are given, the rate for native whites is given as 11.4, and for colored 4.8. The latter are evidently correct, since the following are the facts from which the rates were calculated : Number of whites examined, 315,620 ; rejected for consumption, 3,605; rate per i,oOO, 11. 4. Number of colored examined, 25,828; rejected for consumption, 108; rate per 1,000 examined, 4.1S. I have therefore substituted the rates given on page 431, Vol. II, in place of those first given as found on chart IV, Volume I. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 73 support the Charleston figures showing consumption to be about equally prevalent among the whites and colored. Since the men examined were drawn from the popula- tion at large and in many, perhaps the majority of in- stances, from the country districts, the excess of con- sumption among the whites would seem plausible. Dr. Buckner, who examined over 1,600 negroes, reports that " except for being over age or under, very few v/ere rejected, not perhaps more than ten per cent. Tuber- culosis is very rare among them ; and contrary to the' generally received opinions in the slave states, they are not, as far as my experience goes, more subject to scrof- ulosis than other people.'" Other opinions as to the comparative infrequency of consumption among the colored population before the war could be quoted, but would only prove repetitions of the opinion of Dr. Buckner, who, as examining sur- geon of the district of Kentucky had most excellent op- portunities for observation. If we now consider the mortuary experience of the colored troops during the war we shall find that the sub- sequent experience did not justify the sanguine anticipa- tions of those who had previously pronounced the negro in every way the equal if not the superior of the white for military service. ; I Report of Provost-Marshal General, vol. I, p. 379. 74 American Economic Association. AVERAGE ANNUAL KATES OF DISEASE AND DEATH IN THE U. S. ARMY DURING THE WAR.' (Per i.ooo of mean strength.) White Troops. Colored Troops. (1861-65) (1863-65) Cases. Deaths. Cases. Deaths. Average annual rates for all diseases, 243464 53.48 3298.96 143.40 Continued fevers 40.29 II. 60 22.99 12.45 Typho- malarial fevers 22.38 1.68 41.05 6.78 Malarial fevers 522.34 3.36 829.58 10.03 Diarrhoea and dysentery 711.46 15.62 839.38 35.27 Eruptive fevers 46.61 4.50 92.29 18.36 Syphylis, Gonnorhoea and Orchitis, 82.04 .06 77-74 .17 Rheumatism, acute and chronic . . 144-33 .20 178.54 1.23 Consumption 6.06 2.18 7.26 6.31 Disease of the nervous system . . . 76.31 1.84 130.51 4.25 " " Circulatory system, 11.27 .69 850 2.44 Respiratory " 261. So 7.40 354-74 32-35 " Digestive " . 252.79 1.71 295.92 5.06 Urino-genital disease 13.41 .18 16.45 -68 This table shows disease prevalence and consequent mortality from various causes for white and colored troops per 1,000 of mean strength. The mean strength of white soldiers per annum was 431,237 while the mean strength of colored soldiers was 60,854. The numbers for the colored troops are therefore sufficiently large to compare the morbidity and mortality of white and col- ored troops. According to this table the average mor- tality of white troops from all causes was 53.48 per 1,000 of mean strength, while for the colored troops the rate w^as 143.40, or almost three times as great. The number of cases of disease was 2,435 P^^ 1,000 of mean strength per annum for the white troops, and 3,299 per 1,000 for the colored troops. For the disease under consideration the death rate was • Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebelliou. Medical volume, part Third, page 13. In army medical statistics the number of cases of attacks or such as lead to hospital attendance is recorded and calculated on the mean strength. Hence if the rate of diseases is 2,000 per 1,000 of mean strength, this means that on an average every man was twice tmder medical observation as a patient. Race Trails and Toidcncies of the American Negro. 75 2.18 per 1,000 for the white troops and 6.31 for the col- ored, ahnost three times as great. The disease preval- ence due to this cause was almost the same, that is, 6.06 for the white and 7.26 for the colored troops. The latter figures are of most value since they are not subject to an uncertain element affecting the mortality rates, namely, the fact that on account of the homeless and poverty- stricken conditions of the colored patients, they would remain longer in the hospitals than the whites, many of the latter going back to their homes as soon as this could be done without risk. The figures, however, show clearly that consumption was slightly more prevalent as a disease among the colored troops than among the whites during the war. In view of the fact that it was shown to have been less prevalent previous to the war we must believe either that the increased prevalence was caused by the consequences of active military service or that it was present in its incipient stages in the recruit who succumbed as soon as he was exposed to the hard- ships of military service. Certain aspects of this impor- tant point have been fully discussed in the able and comprehensive report of Dr. Sanford B. Hunt on the " Negro as a Soldier, " which was prepared for the use of the Sanitary Commission, and was reprinted in the Anthropological Review for 1869, pp. 40-54. Dr. Hunt in discussing the physical and pathological peculiarities of race characteristics of the negro refers to the prevalence of consumption and its remote causes as follows : " \\\ pulmonary diseases we find the only exces- sive cause of mortality in the negro which seems to be inherent to his constitution. . . . While it must be admitted that temporar}- causes [conditions of life] had much to do with the frequency of lung diseases among negroes, it will still be found that they are vastly more 76 America 71 Economic Association. liable to this source of mortality than the whites. . . It was found that when fairly enlisted, clothed and fed, and subjected to the same methods of life as the white soldier, he still exhibited a far greater ratio of deaths from pulmonary disease." " We are compelled, then, to believe that, independent of external causes, [conditions of life] the negro is far more susceptible to pulmonary diseaSe than the white. The physiological cause of this cannot, perhaps, be demonstrated ; but great weight is due to the hypothesis that he has a tropical or smaller lung, ... A care- ful series of weights of normal lungs, to contrast with weights for an equal number of whites, is a great desid- eratum. It should be re-enforced by measurements and the volume and the expansibility of the living thorax. At present we are only able to suggest that, if the Arctic lung requires a capacity equal to the absorption of oxygen enough to convert into carbonic acid gas forty-five to fifty ounces of carbon daily, in order to maintain the animal heat in these cold regions, it would be in ac- cordance with the economy of nature to suppose that the oxygen capacity of a tropical lung would be smaller than the Arctic, in the same ratio as the amount of carbon re- quired to maintain animal heat in the sultr>' climate of the Equator." But this, Dr. Hunt adds, " is not yet proven."' We have therefore a perfect agreement of the highest authorities, and on the basis of undisputed facts, that during the war consumption was relatively more preva- lent among the colored troops than among the white. We have also fairly satisfactory evidence that consump- tion was comparatively less frequent among the general colored population before emancipation ; and, in con- ' Jourual of Anthropology, (Loudou, 1S69,) Volume VII, pp. 47-48 Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 77 nection with the statistics of Charleston showing a con- siderable increase in the mortality from this canse among the colored population, ^ye are forced to conclude that the inordinate susceptibility of the colored race to this most fatal disease is of comparatively recent growth. This conclusion is further supported by some very valuable statistics of the comparative mortality of the white and black troops in the West Indies and on the West coast of Africa. The information I have been able to obtain covers two periods, one for the years 181 7-1835, and the other for the years 1886-92. The statistics for the first period were collected for the well known report of Major TuUoch, while the more recent figures have been compiled from the reports of the medical department of the British Army. AVERAGE RATE OF MORTALITY FROM DISEASES OF THE I,UNG.S, PER 1,000 OF MEAN STRENGTH, FOR THE PERIOD 1817-36.1 Locality White troops Colored troops. West Indies 10.4 16.5 Sierra Leone 4.9 6.3 Cape of Good Hope . . . 2.4 3.9 1 London Quarterly Review, July, 1840, pp. 73 and 80 ; also Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Vol. I, p. 129, et seq. The West Indies show the largest proportionate negro mortality from respiratory diseases, while in the native country of the negro, his mortality, though slightly in excess of that of the white troops, is less thaii one-fourth the rate prevailing in the West Indies. Now we have considerable testimony to the effect that consumption among the natives of Africa is an infrequent disease. Indeed, the statistics of the colonial hospital of Sierra Leone ^ for the period of 1853-54 show that out of 113 deaths from all causes among the liberated slaves cared ' Journal, Royal Statistical Society, Vol. XIX., pp. 60-81. 6 78 Avierican Economic Association. for at the hospital, only four were from consumption, and ten from diseases of the respiratory organs. The ages of the patients are not given, but they were probably largely adults. The very small number of deaths from diseases of the lungs here shown for the native African, would support the view of M. Quarterfrages, that consumption among negroes in Africa is not a common disease.' If we now compare the mortality from this disease among the white and colored troops in the West Indies at the present time, we shall find that the susceptibility of the colored race to this malady has largely increased. The statistics are for the period 1886-92 and are the latest which have come to my notice. COMPARATIVE MORTALITY AXD ADMISSIONS TO THE HOSPITALS FOR TUBERCULAR DISEASES AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED TROOPS IN THE WEST INDIES. 2 ( Rates per 1,000 of mean strength, 1886-1S92. ) Admissions. Deaths. White troops 1.3 0.26 Colored troops 7.6 2.69 The above table shows only the mortality from tuber- cular diseases and is, therefore, not strictly comparable with the last table, but it is plainly seen that the ex- cess of negro mortality from lung diseases has largely increased during recent times in the West Indies, as well as in the United States. In Africa the rate is even higher, but there are no data from which a comparison could be made between the white and colored populations in the same locality. In W^est Africa, among the colored troops, the mortality from tubercular diseases was 4.23 per 1,000 and the admission rate 8.5. The disease, therefore, w^as only slightly more prevalent than in the 1 "Pygmies", p. 85. ^ Army Medical Report, 1S93, (Loudon, 1895,) pp. 1S8-191. Race Traits and Tcndtnicics of the American Negro. 79 West Indies, but more fatal. Since many of the colored troops in West Africa had served in the West Indies, the disease may have been more confined to them than to the natives of Africa. The reports do not give exact infonnation on this point. Among the general population of the West Indies, consumption at the present time is a very common dis- ease. In Trinidad, the rate for consumption is 292 per 100,000 of population, and 229 per 100,000 for respira- tory diseases. In Jamaica, the average mortality from consumption was 175 per 100,000, while for Kingston Parish the rate was 435. The enormous difference be- tween the two rates is more apparent than real, in view of the want of proper medical attendance in the country districts. The general death rate of Kingston is only about two per thousand above the rate for the whole is- land. The true rate for consumption will probably lie between the two. In Hayti, we are officially informed that " pulmonary diseases are almost unknown, excepting among the na- tives with whom it is always hereditary. " ^ This offi- cial statement is in contrast with the statement of Mr. Steward who maintains that " consumption does not pre- vail at Port au Prince, where enlightened negro physi- cians control sanitation.- " We have it on the author- ity of Mr. Fronde and Sir Spenser St. John that the san- itary condition of Port au Prince makes the place ut- terly unfit for residence, and this view is confirmed by a friend of the writer who visited Hayti about a year ago. That the disease must be rather frequent among the na- tives is perhaps proved by a singular custom prevailing in the island. According to Dr. R. Percy Crandall, ' Government Handbook of Hayti, p. 71. - Social Economist, Oct., 1895, p. 207. 8o American Economic Association. U. S. N., " when a consiiiiiptive dies the entire contents of the room in which he dies are either destroyed or are thrown into some place set aside by the government for that purpose. * * * Cases have occurred where small houses have been burned to the ground to prevent the spread of the disease. " This advanced view of the contagious nature of consumption may, however, have materially prevented the spread of the disease. We may now consider the prevalence of the disease immediately after the war. We have the record for the city of Charleston for the years 1865-94, according to which the colored population had a death rate from con- sumption of 363 per 100,000 above that of the whites.' We have also the record of the hospital service of the Freedmen's Bureau, from which the following abstract has been compiled, showing at the same time the prev- alence of other important diseases, and the resulting mortality. CAUSES OF THE MORTALITY AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED PATIENTS OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU UNDER TREAT- MENT FROM 1S65 TO JUNE 30, 1872.' Rate Rate White per Colored per patients. i,ooo patients. 1,000. Number of patients 22,053 430.466 Deaths from all causes 735 33.3 18,027 4i-9 " " Miasmatic diseases .... 288 13. i 8,364 19.4 " " Euthetic " 9 .4 160 .4 " " Dietic diseases 7 .3 49 .1 " " Constitutional diseases . . 65 2.9 2,371 55 " " Nervous " ... 46 2.1 765 1.8 " " Circulatory " ... 10 .5 357 .8 " " Respiratory " ... 48 2.2 1,814 4.2 " " Digestive " ... 59 2.7 1,302 3.0 " " Urinary " ... 13 .6 228 .5 " '' Diseases of women .... 8 .4 184 .4 " " all other causes 1S2 8.3 2,433 5-7 1 " Type of Disease among the Freed people of the United States," by Robert Rey- buru, M. D., Washington, D. C, 1S91, psxge 16, et scq. ^ See page 70. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 8i The total number of white patients under treatment was 22,053, and of colored patients 430,466. The ages of the patients are not given, but it is evident from the report of Dr. Reyburn that persons of all ages and both sexes came under the charge of the relieving officers. The total of deaths from all causes for the white popula- tion was 735, and for the colored population 18,027. The rate of mortality was, therefore, 2iZ-Z P^^ 1000 pa- tients for the whites, and 41.9 per 1,000 for the colored, an excess of about 25 per cent. For constitutional dis- eases the mortality rate was 3.0 for the whites, and 5.5 for the colored, an excess of 80.3 per cent. For con- sumption and respiratory diseases the whole number of deaths and the death rates per 1,000 patients were as follows : MORTAI.ITY FROM CONSUMPTION AND RESPIRATORY DISEASES.' Colored Pat-ients White Patients . , Consumption. Respiratory Diseases. Number Per i,ooo Number Per 1,000 of Deaths. Patients.2 of Deaths. Patients.* 1,787 4-2 1,814 4.2 47 2.1 48 2.2 ' " Type of disease," page 16, et seq. - In all 430,466 colored and 22,053 white. For both diseases the negro mortality was about loo per cent, above that of the whites, which is in marked contrast with the former infrequency of the disease among the general colored population. In this case, too, we have two populations practically alike, subject to the same conditions of life, the same medical treatment and under the same relieving officers of the government. It would even be natural to suppose that the white patients were of a class which had suffered and endured much before they became practically government pau- pers, yet we have the proof before us that they were less liable to death from consumption and disease of the respiratory organs than the colored population. 82 American Economic Association. This assertion contradicts the opinion of Dr. Rey- burn, who on the strength of the foregoing statistics conchides that " they are quite sufficient to disprove the statements so commonly made concerning the extreme liability of the colored race to scrofula and pulmonary tuberculosis. So far from these two diseases being al- most universally prevalent amongst the colored people in the southern states, these people seem to be no more subject to them than the whites who live under like conditions in our large cities. Scrofula and pulmonary tuberculosis are, in part, caused by a neglect of the laws of hygiene and sanitary science. These diseases do not seem to be any more destructive to the colored race than to the white.'" It is difficult to understand how Dr. Reyburn could arrive at this conclusion, which is neither supported by his own facts nor by the medical experience of the army. According to a previous table, ^ the mortality from consumption was 6.31 for colored and 2.18 for the white troops during the war. According to Dr. Reyburn's re- port the mortality from this cause was 4.2 per 1,000 of colored patients, and only 2.1 per 1,000 of white patients. And we shall see later on that this disparity between the mortality rates, as shown for consumption, prevails to an even greater extent in the mortality from scrofula and other diseases. But if Dr. Reyburn had been en- tirely correct as to the equal prevalence of consumption and scrofula at the time the colored patients came under his observation, it can be proven that at the present time the colored race is subject to an inordinate mor- tality from consumption and respiratory diseases, which will menace the very existence of the race in the not far distant future. '^ Medical News ^ Dec. 2, 1S93. - Page 74. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Avicrican Negro. 83 The table which follows gives the comparative mor- tality per 100,000 living population for fourteen repre- sentative American cities with large colored populations. The rates are for the year 1890 and are based on the population returns of the census. The mortality has been compiled from the health reports of the respective cities. MORTALITY FROM CONSUMPTION— FOURTEEN AMERICAN CITIES. Rates per 100,000 of Populatiou. — 1890. White. Colored. Charleston, S. C 355-4 686.3 New Orleans, L,a 250.3 587.7 Savannah, Ga 371. i 544-0 Mobile, Ala 304.1 608.2 Atlanta, Ga 213.8 483.7 Richmond, Va. 230.5 411. i Baltimore, Md.^ 250.6 524.6 Washington, D. C.^ 245.0 591.8 Brooklyn, N. Y.' 284.9 539-0 New York, N. Y.i 379.6 845.2 Boston, Mass.i 365.8 884.8 Philadelphia, Pa.' 269.4 532.5 St. Louis, Mo 159-9 605.9 Cincinnati, Ohio 239.1 633.3 1 Reports of Dr. Billings, Census of 1890. Without exception the mortality rates of the colored race are largely in excess of the rates for the white population. The rates are highest in New York and Boston, but this is due to a certain extent to the larger proportion of colored persons in those cities between the ages of 15 and 45, for which period the mortality from consumption is greatest.^ The actual difference in mor- tality for the white and colored from this disease is more clearly brought out in the table below, which shows the comparative mortality from this cause for two cities at two age periods. These cities fairly rei> resent the mortality of the colored population in the other large cities. ' See page 41. 84 Ajiierican Economic Association. MORTAUTY FROM CONSUMPTION IN TWO CITIES BY AGE GROUPS. 1890.1 Ages 15-45. Per ct. of Col'd White. Colored. above White. Baltimore, Md 31307 592. 37 S9.21 Washiugtou, D. C 293.69 658.14 124.09 Ages 45 and over. Baltimore, Md 449-99 569.26 28.73 Washington, D. C 369.54 727.27 96.80 1 Report of Dr. Billings, Vital Statistics of Washington and Baltimore, Census of 1S90, p. 32. It will be observed at a glance that the mortality is most excessive at the period of middle life, that is, among those who largely represent the present genera- tion, born or raised during the period of freedom. The age group above 45 represents largely those who were under the influence of the conditions of servitude ; but it is among this class that we find a greater power of resistance to disease and death than among the genera- tion following emancipation and the participation of the negro in the active struggle for life. It will be of interest to trace the effect of age on mortality even to the youngest generation ; and this is done for deaths from pneumonia, since the mortality from this cause more accurately measures the power of vital resistance at the early ages. The statistics are for the same two cities and for four age periods. The rates are per 100,000 living at the same age. MORTALITY FROM PNEUMONIA IN TWO CITIES.i (Death rate per 100,000 living at same age.) Ages o to 5. CoPd over White. White. Colored. Per ct. Baltimore, Md 645.01 2,158.95 234.72 Washington, D. C 466.17 1,642.15 252.26 Ages 5-15. Baltimore, Md 37-52 105.01 179.87 Washington, D. C 28.0S 119.72 326.35 1 Report of Dr. Billings, Census of 1S90, p, 32. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 85 Ages 15-45. Col'd over White. White. Colored. Per ct. Baltimore, Mil 74.20 123.74 66.76 Washinglou, D. C 69.32 194.00 179.86 Ages 45 and over. Baltimore, Md 323.93 360.53 14.39 WashiiifTtou, D. C 274.18 446.2S 62.77 Tins table presents the life history of the race as af- fected by the mortality from a single cause. For Balti- more the mortality among the colored for the age group 0-5 exceeds that of the white population by 234.7 per cent; for the age group 5-15, 179.9 per cent. ; for the group 15-45, 66.8 per cent., and for the last group 14.4 per cent. For Washington the excess of negro mortality over the white is 252.3 per cent, for the age group 0-5 ; 326.4 per cent, for group 5-15; 179.86 per cent, for group 15-45 and 62.8 per cent, for group 45 and over. We are led to ask, can the " conditions of life " have anything to do with this gradual decrease in the propor- tionate colored mortality as we reach the age groups which represent the " old stock " ? Is it not self evident that it is the working of the law of physiological hered- ity rather than the effects of environment that we have here to deal with ? Pneumonia as well as consumption is excessively pre- valent among the colored population in all parts of the country. I have dealt to such a considerable extent with the mortality from consumption that I shall con- fine myself in the consideration of pneumonia to the fol- lowing statistics of comparative mortality from this cause for six representative cities. The table has been com- piled from the reports of Dr. Billings. 86 Atficricaji Economic Associatio7i. MORTAUTY FROM PNEUMONIA IN SIX CITIES— 1S90.1 (Rate per 100,000 of Population.) White. Colored. Baltimore, IMd 174.86 350-69 Washington, V). C 140.28 352.72 New York, N. Y 336.46 3S9.50 Brooklyn, N. Y 277.47 493-33 Boston, Mass 249.S4 32596 Pliiladelpbia, Pa 1S0.31 356.67 1 Reports of Dr. Billings, Census of 1890. The table shows that consumption is not the only, disease excessively prevalent among the colored popula- tion. We shall see later on that there are other diseases of no small degree of importance which prevail to a larger extent among the colored than among the whites. Consumption and j^neumouia are, however, the most im- portant of the diseases which affect the negro's duration of life. The facts here brought together show that these diseases are on the increase and that, too, in contrast with the constant decrease of the mortality from consumption among the white population. In Massachusetts the average annual death rate from consumption was 441 per 100,000 of population for 1851-55, against 334 for 1866-70, 314 for 1881-85 and only 236 for 1891-93. In England the mortality from consumption has decreased from 257 per 100,000 for 1858-60 and 222 for 1871-75 to 164 for 1886-90. The fact, therefore, that the negro race should show such an enormous increase in the mor- tality from this cause is one of great significance. The large decrease in the mortality among the white race may permit us to indulge in the hope that a decrease in the mortality for the colored race is also possible. But at present the race tendenc}- is the other way ; and a close study of related phenomena will convince the reader that only the most radical changes in the race traits and tendencies of the colored race can accomplish this, if it is at all possible. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 87 Closely allied to consumption are scrofula^ syphilis and other venereal diseases, all of M'liich are more or less constitutional diseases. They are therefore considered together and, much to my regret, less in detail than would have been desirable. It has often been asserted that scrofula was a common disease among the colored population before the war. Dr. Cartwright has stated that it was extremely common among the colored children.^ I have found little statis- tical proof of an excessive mortality from either scrofula or syphilis. In the Charleston mortality reports for 1822-4S, mention is made of only two deaths from syphilis among the white and of four among the colored population. Both scrofula and syphilis may, however, have been frequent as diseases but of less fatality. By examining the tables of Dr. Baxter, showing the causes of rejection of white and colored applicants for enlist- ment into the army, I find that the rate was greater for both diseases among the colored than among the whites. REJECTIONS FOR SCROFULA AND SYPHILISJ (Per 1,000 applicants for enlistment into the army.) Rejected for diseases in general " " Scrofula " " Syphilis White. Colored. 264.1 170.2 2.S 3-8 3-8 10.7 1 Medical Statistics of the Provost Marshal General, Vol. I, Washington, 1S75. The rejections for all causes were less for the colored than for the whites, but the rejections for scrofula were 35.7 per cent, and for syphilis 1 8 1.6 per cent, in excess of the white rates. These figures support Dr. Cartwright, and prove that scrofula as well as syphilis was more pre- valent among the colored males of military age than among the same class of whites. The medical experi- ence of the army during the war furnishes another series ' DeBow, "South and West," Vol. 2, p. 319. White. Colored. Discharges for all causes . . . 82.20 35-30 " Scrofula. . . . 0.37 0.77 " " Syphilis. , . . 0.74 0.45 88 Avierica7i Economic Association. of facts of equal importance as showing for both races the rate per 1,000 discharged for disability from disease. DISCHARGES FOR DISABILITY FROM SCROFULA AND SYPHILIS.* (Per 1,000 of mean strength.) 1 cause ;rofula. ^philis. 1 " Medical History of the War," Vol. Ill, p. 27. We have seen that the rejections for scrofula were 35.7 per cent, greater for the negroes than for the whites, but according to the table now before us the discharges for this cause were more than one hundred per cent, higher. For syphilis the rate is less than that of the whites, due in part, but not wholly, to the fact that a much larger proportion of negroes liable to this disease had already been rejected. Another important series of facts closely related to those presented in the last two tables is furnished by the medical experience of the army, showing the number of cases under treatment in the hospitals. I presume the former series of cases is in part included in the latter. The table which follows shows the rate of admissions to hospitals for scrofula, syphilis and gonorrhoea per 10,000 admissions for all causes, according to race. • COMP.\RATlVE PREV.\LENCE OF SCROFULA AXD VE:NEREAL DISE.A.SES AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED TROOPS UNDER TREATMENT IN HOSPITALS DURING THE WAR. (iS6i-66.)» No. of cases of Per 10,000 - Excess of Col'd Scrofula. patients. rate, per cent. White troops 6,022 10.34 . . Colored troops .... 2,508 39.85 285.28 No. of cases of Per 10,000 Excess of White Sj'hilis. patients. rate, per cent. White troops 73,382 125.96 27.72 Colored troops . . . . 6,207 98.62 No. of cases of Per 10,000 Excess of White Gonorrhoea. patients, rate, per cent. White troops 95,833 164.57 46.64 Colored troops . . . 7,060 J 12. 18 . . 1 " Medical History of the War," Vol. I, pp. 636-641 and 710-712. 2 Total number of white patients under treatment for all causes 5,825,480 ; col- ored, 629,354. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 89 We have here substantially the same relative fre- quency of the three specified diseases as was brought out in the preceding table. The rates are per 10,000 of all admissions to hospitals and for this reason cannot be compared with the rates based on the avera|^e mean strength of the arm\\ To afford the means of compari- son I reproduce the rates given in a previous table, (page 74), which show the comparative frequency of ve- nereal diseases as well as the consequent mortality. COMPARATIVE PREVALENCE OF AND MORTALITY FROM VENEREAL DISEASES AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED TROOPS OF THE U. S. ARMY DURING THE V/AR.i (Average annual rates per 1,000 of mean strength.) Cases. Deaths. White 82.04 0.06 Colored 77-74 0.17 ' " Medical Hi-story ot the War," Vol. Ill, page 13. The important fact brought out is, that while venereal diseases were less frequent among the colored troops than among the whites, they were almost three times as fatal ; and it will be found on close study of the general mortality of the colored race that for all of the most prevalent diseases the rate of fatality is invariably greater among the colored than among the white patients. The facts thus far brought together would seem to prove that previous to the war, scrofula was more, and syphilis less, prevalent among the colored males of military age than am.ong the whites ; that during the war this condition practically remained the same, but that the mortality from venereal diseases was much greater among the colored, although the general preva- lence of this class of diseases was less. With these facts before us v/e may now consider the comparative preva- lence of these diseases among the white and colored ref- ugees and freedmen cared for by the relieving officers of the Freedmen's Bureau. 90 A}?terican Econoynic Association. I have already quoted from Dr. Reyburn, from whose reports the following table has been abstracted, the opinion that scrofula was not more frequent among the colored patients than among the whites. I am at a loss to ifnderstand the method by which Dr. Reyburn arrived at this conclusion, since the facts before us, identically the same from which Dr. Reyburn drew his inference, prove exactly the contrary to be true. COMPARATIVE PREVALENCE OF SCROFULA AND VENEREAL DISEASES AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED PATIENTS UNDER TREATMENT AT THE HOSPITALS OF THE FREEDMENS BUREAU.' Total No. of Patients No. cases of Per 10,000 under Treatment. Scrofula. patients. White patients 22,05^ 68 30.8 Colored patients 430.466 6,613 153.6 Per ct. excess in Col'd rate, 398-7 No. cases of Per 10,000 No. cases of Per ic,ooo Syphilis. patients. Gonorrhoea, patients. White patients 379 171. 9 191 86.6 Colored patients 10,887 252.9 5,790 134.5 Perct, excess in Col'd rate, 47-12 55 3^ » Type of disease, page 16 et seq. So far as it is possible to judge from this summary' it would seem that the two populations as here represented were subject to the same " conditions of life " and were, at least, while in charge of the government relieving officers, subject to the same mode of treatment. The facts brought out are of great value in connection with the previous tables as well as with those that are to fol- low. For we have here the proof that the rate for scrofula among the colored was 399 per cent, higher than among the whites ; for syphilis, 47 per cent ; and gonorrhoea 55 per cent. The two last named diseases (and it is diseases we are here dealing with, not deaths) we have previously found to be less prevalent among the colored males in the army, but here among the colored population in general we find that the rate for either is Race Traits and Toidoicies of the American Negro. 91 much higher than among the whites. Whether this was brought about by the new " conditions of life " which emancipation brought, or whether it is the effect of a cause long in operation, it will always be extremely difficult to prove. The truth lies probably between the two, but the fact is clearly proven that immediately after the war scrofula, syphilis and other venereal dis- eases were excessively prevalent among the colored as compared with the white population. Before we go on to consider the comparative fre- quency of these diseases at the present time, we may with advantage study their comparative prevalence in the West Indies. The data are few, and hence I shall not consume much space in their discussion. The table below will show the comparative rates of admissions to the hospitals as well as the rates for those who were constantly sick and under treatment for venereal dis- eases. The table covers the period 1886-92 and the year 1893. ADMISSIONS TO HOSPITAL FOR VENEREAL DISEASES OF THE WHITE AND COLORED TROOPS IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES.i 1886-1892 and 1893 (per i,ooo of mean strength.) IS86-IS92 . 1893- Admissions to Hospital. White Troops. Col'd Troops. 226.0 312.5 251.4 317.9 Constantly Sick. White Troops. Col'd Troops. 17.74 23.36 2355 31-04 'Army Medical Department report for 1S93, p. iSS etscq. The colored troops show the larger admission rates, but for the year 1893 the increase in the prevalence of the disease has been greater among the whites. Of those constantly sick the increase was about 6 per 1,000 for the white troops and 8.32 per 1,000 for the colored. The rate of increase for the one year is, however, of very little importance, and in the absence of comjDara- tive data, which I have not been able to obtain, I am 92 Ajncn'caji Economic Association. not able to show for the West Indies whether there has been an actnal increase in the prevalence of this class of diseases, or a decrease. The data for the general popu- lation of the West Indies are not sufficiently reliable on this point, in view of the very large number of deaths without medical attendance. For the island of St. Christopher, however, it has been stated by Mr. Parker, U. S. Commercial Agent, that " according to the most trustv.orthy information, the island had more leprosy' and s}'philitic diseases to the number of square miles than any other territory in the world."- Mr. Parker adds that " until quite recently the common women of the island were as a rule prostitutes who spread their disease throughout the island, but in the last eighteen months there has evidently been a change." The proverbial ' oldest inhabitant,' according to ]\Ir. Parker, " seems to think that the time is not far distant when virtuous men and women will be quite common on the island, and that there will be an end to the profanity and indecency of women on the streets which now ex- ist." Consul Carroll fonnerly at Demerara wrote in the same way about the colored women of British Guiana.^ These facts regarding the West Indies are of con- siderable importance, since the colored race in those islands has practically been removed from the influence of the white race ; and whatever conditions of life, race traits or tendencies we meet with, are largely the result of conditions for which the colored race alone is re- ^ " As regards lepros}', the editor of " Lazaretto" (No. ii) a paper published in the West Indies, asserts that a careful census carried out by medical officers would demonstrate that St. Christopher and Nevis contains more lepers per 1,000 of population than any other British Possession." W. Tebb in " Leprosy," page 33. ^Consular report, Sept. 1S93, p. 25. ^Consular Report, Sept. 1S92. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Ainerican Negro. 93 sponsible. We have here to consider the fact that in comparison with white males of military age, the colored troops are more affected with venereal diseases than the white, although the difference is not very large. But the data affecting the army in those islands are not suflEicient, and as I have said, I have no reliable informa- tion regarding the prevalence of these diseases among the general population.^ If we now return to the southern states we shall first consider the comparative prevalence of scrofula and syphilis as a cause of death in the state of Alabama, for which fairly accurate information is available for the period 1890-94; also for Charleston, S. C, for 1822-48 and 1889-94. DEATHS FROM SCROFULA AND VENEREAL DISEASES AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF ALABAMA.* Scrofula. Venereal Diseases. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1S90 10 23 3 37 189I 10 17 3 21 1S92 S 12 3 24 1893 8 27 7 33 1S94 8 15 6 40 ♦Annual reports for 1890-94 of the State Board of Health of Alabama. COMPARATIVE MORTALITY FROM SYPHILIS AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF CHARLESTON, S. C. Deaths. Period. White. Colored. 1822-48 2 4 1889-94 10 66 Among the white population the number of deaths from either disease is too small to be of any importance. Even for the colored race the number of deaths is not very large, but when we consider that the whites form 55 ' For more detailed information in regard to the mortality and mor- ality of the Negro in the West Indies, see Quarterly Piiblicatiojis of the American Statistical Association, June, 1895, pp. 181-200. 7 94 American Economic Association. per cent, of the total population of the state of Alabama it is significant that the proportion of deaths among them from these causes should be so very small. I have al- ready called attention to the fact that in the city of Charleston the number of deaths from syphilis for the period 1889-94, was 66 among the colored population, as against 10 among the whites. This would show a remarkable preponderance of the disease among the negroes. But we have more exact and important data for the cities of Baltimore and Washington, calculated from the report of Dr. Billings on the vital statistics of those two cities. The table given below shows the mortality from scrofula and venereal diseases for the white and colored population, for the period 1885-90, and the percentage of negro mortality over the white from these causes. MORTALITY FROM SCROFULA AND VENEREAL DISEASES IN BALTI MORE AND WASHINGTON.— 1SS5-1890. (Per 100,000 of population.) Scrofula. Venereal Diseases. Baltimore. Washington. Baltimore. Wa.shington. White 6.12 5-28 3.06 5.89 Colored 29.09 3S.39 13.29 23-S9 Per cent, of excess of negro mortality, . 375-3 627 I 344-3 305-6 In both cities, almost to the same degree, the negro mortality from the causes under consideration exceeds that of the white population by 344 to 627 per cent. The table confirms the crude statistics for the state of Alabama and Charleston, and makes plain the fact that the prevalence of these two diseases and the consequent mortality have greatly increased since the war. It can not be consistently argued that because the mortality from these diseases is small, the facts brought out there- fore, are of less significance than those for consumption. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 95 It is because the disease is closely related to other dis- eases, principally consumption, and an excessive in- fant mortality, that the rapid increase of scrofula and venereal disease among the freed people becomes a mat- ter of the greatest social and economic importance. For the root of the evil lies in the fact of an immense amount of immorality, which is a race trait, and of which scrofula, syphilis, and even consumption are the inevitable consequences. So long as more than one- fourth (26.5 per cent, in 1894) of the births for the col- ored population of Washington are illegitimate, — a city in which we should expect to meet with the least amount of immorality and vice, in which at the same time only 2.6 per cent, of the births among the whites are illegiti- mate, — it is plain why we should meet with a mortality from scrofula and syphilis so largely in excess of that of the whites. And it is also plain now, that we have reached the underlying causes of the excessive mortality from con- sumption and the enormous waste of child life. It is not in the conditions of life^ but in the race traits and tendencies that we find the causes of the excessive mortality. So long as these tendencies are persisted in, so long as immorality and vice are a habit of life of the vast majority of the colored population, the effect will be to increase the mortality by heredi- tary transmission of weak constitutions, and to lower still further the rate of natural increase, until the births fall below the deaths, and gradual extinction results. The diseases which next attract our attention are 7nalarial and typhoid fevers. The two classes of dis- ease are here considered together because both have to a large extent the same causes. The comparative immu- nity of the negro from malarial diseases has often been asserted by medical a^d other writers. I know of no re- 96 American Econoviic Association. liable statistical data to support this assertion. Fergii- ;son, in his paper " On the Nature and Histor\- of Marsh Poisons," read before the Royal Society,' says : " The adaptation of the negro to live in the unwholesome lo- calities of the torrid zone, that proves so fatal to all Eu- ropeans, is most happy and singular. From peculiarity ■or idiosyncrasy he appears to be proof against fevers ; for to him marsh miasmata are in fact no poison and .hence his incalculable value as a soldier for field service in the West Indies." This view is held to-day by some who unfortunately have never studied the facts. There is abundant proof that the negroes of today are far more liable to malarial and typhoid fever than the whites. The earliest records of the comparative frequency of malarial fevers which have come to my notice are for the British army in the West Indies during the period 1817-36. According to the records for this period, the death rate from fevers was 36.9 per 1,000, for the whites, and 4.6 for the colored. The fact is clearly brought out in these reports that while the colored race was less liable to fevers, it was far from being exempt. During the same period the colored troops on the west ■coast of Africa suffered a rate of only 2.4 per 1,000 or about one-half the prevailing rate in the West Indies. Reliable data are wanting for this country for the period before the war. IMost of the early writers who were famil- iar with the negro stated that he was liable to malarial poison. Dr. Nott, than whom few were more quali- fied to judge, denied that the negro was less liable to malarial diseases than the white. Dr. Sanford Hunt in his paper on the " Negro as a Soldier," gives it as his opinion, based on practical experience, that " the ratio •of malarial and typho-malarial disease was about the ^ Transactions, Royal Society, Ediuburgk, Vol. IX. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 97 same in all three classes, whites, northern negroes and sonthern negroes." Dr. Hunt adds that " this corres- ponds with the facts reported by African travellers, Barth, Anderson and Reade, who speak of the great mortality from intermittent and bilious fevers of the Africans in their native jungles. . . The weight of evi- dence seems to place them upon the same level as the white in regard to liability to malarial disease." ^ It is extremely fortunate, in view of these conflicting views, that we have now an abundance of .statistical data which will enable us to arrive at the truth. Medical experience in the army during the war, demonstrated definitely that the adult negro male of military age was far more subject to malarial disease than the white sol- dier. The average rate of admissions to hospitals for malarial diseases was 522 per 1,000 for the white troops and 829 for the colored troops, a difference of 307 per 1,000. The average death rate for malarial diseases was 3.36 per 1,000 for the whites and 10.03 ^or the colored troops. The fact, therefore, is clearly brought out, that whatever the comparative prevalence of this disease may have been before the war, during the war it certainly prevailed more extensively and proved far more fatal among the colored males of military age than among the white troops. Nor were the former free from any of the various forms of malarial fevers. The following table will show the comparative rates of admissions to hospitals for the various types of malarial and typho- malarial fevers in the army during the war. ^ Anthropological Rev. y Vol. 7, p. 47. 98 Avicrican Econo^nic Association. DISEASE PREVALENCE FOR FEVERS DURING THE WAR.' (Per 1,000 of mean strength.) Form of Fevers. White. Colored. Qu:>tidiaii intermittent 204.00 34900 Tertian " 171.00 27800 Quartan " 18.82 21.39 Congestive " 6.24 13-83 Remittent 130.S9 167.10 Typho-malarial 26.15 41.06 1 "Medical History of the War," Vol. III., pp. 93-94. It needs, therefore, no further proof that the negro soldier was more liable to malarial fevers in all forms, than the white soldier, and the opinion of Dr. Hunt that *' the susceptibility of the race ivas the same as that of the white race," is disproven so far as the colored male of military age is concerned. The army statistics do not answer for the general population, and the comparative frequency of malarial disease among the general white and colored populations, may still have been in accord- ance with the views of Dr. Nott and Dr. Hunt. If we ex- amine the reports of Dr. Reyburn we shall find that the opinion of these two writers holds good for the general population during and immediately after the war, so far as the conditions are indicated by the experience of the Freedmen's Bureau. PREVALENCE OF MALARIAL FEVERS AMONG THE WHITE AND COL- ORED REFUGEES CARED FOR BY THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU.* Percentage of Percentage of Malarial cases in Mortality from Malaria Percentage of total of all cases. in total No. of deaths. case fatality. White 26.78 7.49 1.34 Colored .... 26.91 10.74 r. 17 1 "Type of Disease," pp. 6 and 7. From the facts before us we may conclude that while it is possible and even probable that the colored pojDula- tion during slavery may have 'been less subject to malarial diseases than the vrhites, immediately after the Race Traits and Tcndenrics of the American Negro. 99 war the rates of disease prevalence and mortality were about equal for the two races. The negro soldiers, sub- ject to the hardships of military life, proved themselves possessed of less vital force than the white soldier, and in consequence showed a higher mortality rate while subjected to the same, or perhaps more favorable condi- tions. The statistics for recent years would prove that the liability of the colored race to malarial and typhoid fever has largely increased since their emancipation. For the city of Charleston we are fortunate in having an un- broken record of the comparative mortality of the two races from these two causes for the period 1 865-1 894. According to the reports there were 295 deaths from malarial fever among the white population and 553 among the colored population during this period. On the basis of the mean population this would give a rate of 42.45 per 100,000 of population for the whites and 66.63 ^o^ ^^ colored, or 56.9 per cent, higher for the col- ored. For typhoid fever the corresponding rates are 67.34 for the whites and 100.73 ^^^ the colored, the per- centage of excess being slightly less than for malarial fevers. These rates indicate a tendency towards a higher mor- tality for the negroes than the whites from malarial fevers at the present time. For 23 large cities of the south, according to the reports of the National Board of Health for 1881, the rate for malarial fever was 100.4 per 100,000 for the whites, and 133.0 for the negroes, a smaller difference for the two races than that shown by the statistics for Charleston for 1865-94. These rates may be compared with the mortality from malarial and typhoid fever for Baltimore and Washington for the census year 1890. loo American Economic Association. MORTALITY FROM MALARIAL AND TYPHOID FEVER IX THREE CITIES. (Per 100.000 of Population.) Malarial Fever. Typhoid Fever. White. Colored. White. Colored. Charleston, 1865-1894 . 42.45 66.63 67.34 100.73 Washington, 1S90 . 25.21 77-94 74-34 112.29 Baltimore, 1890 . 27.78 29.72 42.49 68.35 The mortality for the colored race exceeds that of the white in all three cities for both diseases, but the greatest difference is shown for Washington, where the mortalit}- from malarial fever is more than three times as great for the negroes as for the whites. As we have seen, the homes of the colored population in this city are better situated as regards the mean elevation than are those of the whites ; hence the great excess of negro mortality from malarial disease is remarkable for this city. For Baltimore the excess of negro mortality from this cause is very slight, but if we examine the mortality rates for various ages, we shall find that it is only at the earliest ages, when the mortality from these diseases is very slight, that the rates for the colored race fall below those of the white. MORTALITY FROM TYPHOID FEVER AND MALARIA FOR WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE, ACCORDING TO AGE AND RACE.— 1890.1 Typhoid Fever. Ages. 5- -15 15- -45 45 and 1 over. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Baltimore . . 20. 1 1 64.62 5904 81.62 39-58 2S.46 Washington . • 35.09 II9.I0 99-57 149-80 59.60 41.32 Malarial Fever. Baltimore . . . 25.37 15-98 17.87 23.69 58-63 75-90 Washington . • 21.53 87-43 23.95 63-85 32.78 107.44 1 vital statistics of Washington and Baltimore, page 2S and 29. The two tables are ver}' instructive and need little ex- planation. It is shown that for all age groups the negro Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. loi mortality in both cities exceeds that of the whites, ex- cepting the age group 5-15 for Baltimore. The proof is therefore complete as regards the greater susceptibility of the colored race to malarial and typhoid fevers at the present time, and the fact brought out is one of consid- erable economic importance as well as of general value. For with a greater susceptibility to malarial diseases, the economic importance of the negro as a laborer in the alluvial and swamp regions of the South is materially affected. The two following tables will illustrate the importance of this point better than a textual discussion, and at the same time afford proof of another tendency of the colored race which seems to have escaped those who have so frequently discussed the various aspects of the so-called ' race problem,' namely, the smaller in- crease in the colored population living in the coast swamp regions of the South and in those parts of the country which have an altitude under 100 feet. WHITE AND COLORED POPULATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, i8So AND 1890, IN THE COAST SWAMPS AND ALLUVIAL REGIONS OF THE MISSISSIPPI.! A. Coast Sw-amp Region. White population . Colored population White population . Colored population 1 Census of 1890, Population, Vol. I, p. xlvi, et seq. WHITE AND COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES, 1880 AND 1S90, LIVING AT AN ALTITUDE OF LESS THAN 100 FEET.i Percentage of in- 1890. 1880. crease 1880-1890. White population . . . 8,679,000 6,774,000 28.12 Colored population . . 1,708,000 1,499,000 13-94 ' Census of 1890, Population, Vol. I, p. xlviii, et seq. Percentage of in- 1S90. iSRo. crease 1SS0-1890. 1,035,000 867,000 1938 774,000 702,000 10.26 Alluvial Region of the Mississippi. 1S90. iSSo. 348,000 275,000 26.55 537.000 408,000 31.62 I02 American Economic Association. It will be seen that the white population, while pro- portionately less in numbers in the low and swamp lands of the country, nevertheless increased at a much greater rate during the decade 1880-90 than the colored population. The larger increase in the colored popula- tion on the alluvial lands of the Mississippi is in part due to the migration of colored people from other parts of the country. But the significant fact here brought out is that in just those regions which we have been told time and again were only fit for the habitations of the colored race or of a mixed race, the white race is in- creasing at a much greater rate than the colored. This progress of the whites we must largely, if not solely, at- tribute to the increasing power of vital resistance of the white race and its lesser susceptibility to malarial and typhoid fevers than the colored race. The statis- tics of Charleston prove that even in those sections which years ago were subject to the most excessive death rates the white race can live and increase without immigra- tion. What is true for Charleston is no doubt true more or less, for all the southern states ; otherwise it would be impossible to explain the larger increase in the white than in the colored population in the swamp and low lands of the country. I called attention in the beginning of this chapter to the excessive mortality from fevers among the white troops in the West Indies in the early part of this cen- tury. It will be of value to compare the condition at that time with the experience for recent years. The next table of comparative disease prevalence and mor- tality has been abstracted from the Army ^Medical Re- port for 1893 and shows the rates for the period 1886-92 and for the year 1893. 2. Mortality. Admissions to hospital. 1893. Mortality. I.16 2.08 30.1 34-7 0.79 None. 1893. Admissions to hospital. Mortality. 757-7 None. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 103 DISEASE PREVALENCE AND MORTAUTY FROM MALARIAL FEVERS IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES— 1S86-1893. Per 1,000 mean strength. Admissions to hospital. White Troops, 45.5 Colored Troops, 120.6 DISEASE PREV.\LENCE AND MORTALITY FROM MALARIAL FEVERS IN WEST AFRICA— 18S6-1893. Among the Colored Troops only, 18S6-1892. Admissions to hospital. Mortality Colored Troops, 939-1 9.40 In the beginning it was stated that the mortality from all fevers per r,ooo of mean strength, for the period 1817 -35, was 36.4 for the whites, and for the colored troops only 4.6. We have here the proof that this condition has rad- ically changed and that at the present time it is the negro who is most subject to malarial fevers, even in those re- gions which it has been argued could only be inhabited permanently by the colored race. The admission rate to hospitals is nearly three times as great for the colored as for the whites, while the mortality is more than twice as high. Surely the " conditions of life " cannot possi- bly have anything to do with this inordinate mortality of the negro under the same military conditions as the white soldier and under the influence of a climate which we have been told is peculiarly adapted to his needs. If we examine the mortality records of the colored troops on the west coast of Africa, we find a still more remarkable condition, the admission rate being 939.1 per 1,000 for the period 1886-92 and a corresponding death rate of 9.40. From the very meagre data at my command it is not I04 Amcricayi Econojuic Association. possible to arrive at any intelligent idea as to the in- fluences responsible for such an inordinate disease prev- alence and mortality from malarial fevers among the colored troops in west Africa ; but it is possible that ow- ing to the fact that many of the soldiers had formerly lived in the West Indies, they fell victims to climatic influences which more than fifty years ago sealed the fate of countless white soldiers in the same locality. The subject is deserving of further investigation in view of the many colonization schemes constantly brought to the attention of the colored people of the South,' ^ According to the African Repository for January, 1S92, p. 31, the total number of emigrants settled in Liberia by the American Colonization Society, had reached 16,349, yet according to the "States- man's Yearbook" for 1894, the total Afro-American population of Libe" ria was only 18,000 in 1S94. Hence there does not seem to have been any natural increase in the emigrant popnlalion. I have found it al- most impossible to obtain accurate information on the health of Libe- ria, but am informed by Mr. Wilson, the secretary of the above-named society, that " the health statistics of Liberia, if it were possible to obtain them, would compare favorably with those of the colored peo- ple in our Southern States." Since the health of the colored people of the Southern States is far from favorable, we must conclude that the climate, etc., of Liberia are equally unfavorable to the progress of the colored race. That the early emigrants to the colony suffered severely is evidenced by the frequent references to the subject in the work of Mr. Alexander on the "History of African Colonization" from which I quote the following passage : " The health of the colo- nists had suffered much during the year (1834) and the mortality among the emigrants by the latest expeditions had been unusually great. Out of six hundred and fort)'- nine emigrants, one hundred and thirty-four died. Though all were more or less subject to the fever, those who came from the northern part of the United States suffered by far the most. . . . The emigrants were imprudent and did not sufficiently guard against the exciting causes of fever ; espe- cially those from the southern part of the United States, who sup- posed that they were not liable to be attacked by the African fever. And when sick, instead of following the advice of those in the colony who had experience, they listened to those of their own number who professed to have skill," (pp. 437 and 43S). This experience of sixty years ago found its repetition in the fate of a party of colonists sent out to Liberia on the 19th of March, 1895, by the International Emi- gration Society of Birmingham. According to a dispatch to the Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 105 On the basis of all the facts here brought together we may assert that the tendency of the colored race towards a higher death rate and disease prevalence from malaria, is of comparatively recent origin ; that this tendency is to be observed in the South as well as in the West In- dies, in marked contrast with the lesser susceptibility of the white race ; and that this favorable condition of the whites cannot be attributed to better conditions in life, but must be attributed to an increasing power of vital resistance. If the claim of Dr. Lewis, the secretary of the North Carolina state board of health,' and others, as to the cause of malarial fever be true, and better sanitary conditions be brought about, it is doubtful whether the negro would benefit by such improved conditions of life to the same extent as the white race, for, as we have seen in discussing the effect of altitude and density on the death rate, his inordinate mortality is about the same, proportionally, under the best as under the worst con- ditions. Any amelioration of his unfortunate condition in this respect would undoubtedly be of the greatest pos- sible value from an economic as well as from every other standpoint ; but the race tendency towards an excessive mortality would only be slightly affected. Yellow fever is another disease to which it has often been claimed the negro was not liable, or if at all, to only a very slight degree. According to Dr. Cartwright " they are not liable to the dreaded el vomito, or yellow fever, at least they have it so lightly that I have never seen a ne- gro die with black vomit, although I have seen a num- Evening Post of September 7, 1895, out of 211 who comprised the party sent out in March, only half survived the ravages of the fever, aggravated by privation. Those who were able returned to the United States, while many were too ill or too poor to leave. ' 5th biennial report, North Carolina state board of health, pp. 148 ei seq. io6 American Economic Association. ber of yellow fever epidemics. " ' Dr. Nott laid down the proposition that " mulattos, like negroes, although unacclimated, enjoy extraordinary exemption from yel- low fever when brought to Charleston, Savannah, j\Ig- bile, and New Orleans. " '" In Cuba, according to the United States yellow fever commission of 1879, " "lany physicians assert that negroes enjoy an absolute immu- nity from yellow fever. " ^ Topinard also speaks of the immunity of negroes and their cross breeds from yellow fever. ' The dearth of statistical material for the early part of this century makes it impossible to prove that the im- munity of the negro from this most dreaded disease ever existed in fact. That he was comparatively less liable to its ravages there is not the slightest doubt, and it is very likely that this comparative infrequency of the dis- ease among the slaves caused the impression that there was an absolute immunity. If we consult the mortality records of Charleston for the period 1822-48, we shall find that while the disease was infrequent among the colored, it was not entirely absent. MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER IN CHARLESTON, 1822-1848. White. Colored. 1S22-30 352 8 1S31-40 579 6 1S40-48 3 o There were, therefore, 14 deaths from yellow fever re- corded among the cole red population of one city alone during the j)eriod 1822-48. This record may be compared with the record of the same city for the period of 187 1- 76. ' DeBow, "South and Vest," vol. 2, p. 319. ^ " Types of Mankind ", p. 373. 3 National Board of Health Report, iSSo, p. 48. *" Anthropology ", p. 412. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 107 MORTALITY FOR YELLOW FEVER, CHARLESTON, 1871-76. • AVhite. Colored. [871-76 256 27 With very slight changes in the proportion of the white and colored populations of the city we find sub- stantially different condition as to the liability of the colored race to this disease. Since 1877 there has been no yellow fever in Charles- ton and hence we cannot compare the mortality of the two races for a more recent period for this city. But we may recur again to the mortality experience of the army during the war. The comparative number of cases and deaths from yellow fever among the white and colored troops was as follows : SICKNESS AND MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED TROOPS DURING THE WAR.' White Colored Cases 1181 190 Deaths 409 27 ' " Medical History of the War," Vol. I, page 636 et seq. There was, therefore, no immunity from tliis disease among the negro soldiers during the war. Among the colored refugees under the care of the Freedmen's Bureau there were 512 cases of yellow fever and 38 deaths during the period 1865-72. During the great epidemic of 1878 at New Orleans 383 deaths occurred among the whites and 183 among the negroes, and the same year in South-west Louisiana there were 454 and 154 cases for the two races respectively. It had already been observed, during the epidemic of 1869 at New Orleans, that the colored troops were by no means free from attacks of yellow fever. The ex- perience of the army gave a rate of 866 cases and 256 deaths per 1,000 whites, and 521 cases and ■^^i (leaths per 1,000 blacks. Thus the case prevalence among the io8 American Economic Association. negroes had very closely approached that of the white population, but still the comparative mortality was very much lower." During the Memphis epidemic of 1878 the proportion of deaths from yellow fever to the num- ber attacked was 42 per cent, among the whites and among the blacks only 1 1 per cent.^ During the epi- demic in Decatur, Alabama, the case prevalence and mortality were as follows : SICKNESS AND MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER AT DECATUR. ALA. White Colored Cases 100 30 Deaths . 30 5 Percentage of deaths 30.7 16.7 The Decatur epidemic shows a lower mortality rate for the whites and a higher mortality rate for the colored than was observed during the Memphis epidemic. The number of cases and deaths, however, is probably too small for safe deductions. The most recent experience is furnished by the epi- demic of Brunswick, Georgia, of 1893. From a report of the surgeon in charge, I abstract the following sta- tistics : ^ SICKNESS -A-ND MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER IN BRUNSWICK, GA., 1S93. White Colored Cases 353 7i7 Deaths 35 10 Percentage of mortality 9.9 1.35 This epidemic shows a still greater case prevalence but a lower rate of mortality. The proportion of cases to the population is not given, but the colored popula- ' National Board of Health Report, iSSo, p. 149. * First Annual Report, State Board of Health of Tenn., 1877-1S80, page 93- ^ For the statistics for Brunswick I am obliged to Dr. Walter Wy- man, Surgeon-General of the U. S. Marine Hospital service, Wash- ington. D. C. Race Traits and Teyidcncies of the American Negro. 109 tion was in the large majority. Hence the number of cases does not prove conclusively that the proportion of cases was greater for the colored than for the whites ; but the fact is clearly shown that the colored race is to- day as liable as the white to the disease, though still having a lower mortality rate from this cause. With respect to the negro in the West Indies we have it on the authority of the yellow fever commission of 1879 that "it is not true, as has been so often asserted, that Cuban negroes are immune against the disease."^ The report also refers to the epidemic of 1802 at Mar- tinique, where " the African negroes acting as nurses in the hospital of Fort de France, were attacked and all died, except some old men."^ Yellow fever is becoming less and less the curse of the large cities of the South. In New Orleans, where the disease was a constant menace during the early part of the century and up to comparatively recent times, the decrease in the mortality from this cause will appear from the following summary : MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER IN NEW ORLEANS, 1845-94. Total. Average per Annum. 1845-55 18. 131 1.684 1856-67 8,546 777 1868-78 5,084 462 1879-89 27 2.4 1890-95 None None The same diminution in the mortality from this dis- ease is to be observed in Charleston. 1 Annual Report, National Boar-d of Health, p. 148. "^Ibid., p. 148. no AmeHcan Economic Associatio7i. MORTALITY FROM YELLOW FEVER FOR CHARLESTON, i799-iS95- Total. Average per Anuuin. 1799-1808 829 82.9 1809-1818 270 27.0 1819-1828 503 50.3 1829-1838 456 45.6 1839-1848 136 13.6 1849-1858 No record 1859-1868 No record 1869-1878' 284 2S.4 1879-1888 None None 1889-1895 None None ' 213 deaths in 1871, 30 deaths in 1876. This remarkable change in the prevalence of this most dreaded disease in the large cities of the south would seem to prove that the susceptibility of the white race to yellow fever has diminished while that of the colored race has comparatively increased. It is not a question whether this favorable condition for the whites has been brought about by sanitation or more scientific methods of dealing with the disease ; the point is that the white race has become master of the conditions that produced the disease, and by this means the average dur- ation of life has been considerably increased. The col- ored population, while indirectly benefitted by this im- provement, is not directly concerned in this favorable change in the conditions of life at the South. Much to the contrary the liability of the race to this disease has enormously increased, if we can rely on the records of comparative mortality during the period of ser\'itude. It is commonly supposed that the colored race suffers more from small-pox than the white race. The supposi- tion is fairly supported by statistical proof. The mor- tality from eruptive fevers among the colored troops in the West Indies during the period 1817-35 was 2.5 per 1,000, while for the white troops it was almost 7iil. In Sierra L/Cone during the same period the rate for the Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, iii negroes was 6.9 while among the whites there were no deaths at all from this cause. The records of Charleston, S. C, for the period 1822-48 show a large preponderance of negro mortality from small-pox, there being 45 deaths among the white population and 149 among the colored. The experience of the army with this disease during the war w^as as follow^s : prevalence; of small-pox in the army during the war. (Per 1,000 of mean strength.) Cases Deaths White troops 5.49 1.95 Colored troops 36.62 12.21 > " Medical History of the War," Vol. Ill, p. 624. The excess of mortality and disease prevalence among the blacks was very large according to the above record. It does not appear, however, that out of the same num- ber of small-pox cases a larger number died among the colored than among the whites. This fact is supported by the statistics of the Freedmen's Bureau, according to which the mortality and disease prevalence were as follows : PREVALENCE OF SMALL-POX AMONG THE WHITE AND COLORED REFUGEES TREATED AT THE HOSPITALS OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU. Whites Colored Cases 155 10,299 Deaths 24 1,802 Percentage of mortality 15-49 17-55 These figures support those previously given and prove that while small-pox is proportionally more pre- valent among the colored population it is not for this reason much more fatal proportionally. In the New^ Orleans epidemic of 1875, the mortality was as follows : 112 Amen'cafi Economic Association. PREVALENCE OF SMALL-POX IN NEW ORLEANS IN 1S75. Whites Colored Cases 4»5 477 Deaths 131 201 Percentage of uiorlalitj- 3'-53 42.14 In this epidemic the case mortality of the colored was in excess of that of the whites, an excess slightly more than 33 per cent. In the epidemic of 1S74 in the same city the number of cases per 1,000 of population was 4.59 for the white population and 11.30 the colored. These figures do not show that there is any specific race tendency towards a higher mortality or even towards a greater prevalence of the disease among the negroes than among the whites. On the contrary the statistics for the last twenty years show that if subjected to vac- cination and re-vaccination, the prevalence of this disease can as readily be prevented among the colored as among the white population. The experience of New Orleans proves this very plainly, for the large number of vacci- nations among the colored population have virtually banished the disease from that city.' With the excep- tion of the epidemic of 1884 the city has been compara- tively free from small-pox for the last twenty years. For Charleston, S. C, the figures are even more instruc- tive. The city had a small-pox epidemic in 1865-66 which caused the death of 48 white and 366 colored people. The next epidemic was during 1872-74, when 12 whites and 122 negroes died; and since 1874 there has been but one death from small-pox among the col- ored and none among the white population. ' During 1S95 there were 46 deaths from small pox among the col- ored population of New Orleans against one death from this cause in 1S94. JJuring the same two years there were vaccinated 30,845 white persons and 22,592 colored persons, the vast majority of whom, how- ever, were vaccinated during the last three months of 1895 when the epidemic had run its course. An ounce of prevention would have prevented the larger part of the mortality of 1895. Race Traits and Tcndendcs of the American Negro. 113 I have not been able to obtain satisfactory statistics as to the comparative mortality among vaccinated and nn- vaccinated colored persons. The oldest records on this snbject are probably those of Boston for 1752 and 1792/ bnt the nnmber of cases is small and the figures contra- dict each other. For the same reason the statistics for Philadelphia for 1893 and 1894 are unsatisfactory. It would be of value, however, to obtain trustworthy data on this point, to ascertain whether the colored popula- tion, properly protected by vaccination, is more or less liable to small-pox than the white race. The great de- crease in the mortality from this' dreaded disease among all civilized peoples who have made vaccination compul- sory is well known. In England alone the mortality i-:,"t from this cause has decreased from 219.3 per million during iS^^-^o to 13.2 during 1886-90. The dimin- ishing mortality from tbis disease among the colored population would therefore prov£ that in this respect they do not differ materially from the white rg/:e. If, therefore, the colored people would subject themselves to vaccination to the same extent as the whites, there is no reason why the mortality for this disease should not become equally as low. For measles^ scarlet fever., diptheria and croups the mortality among the colored is undoubtedly less than among the whites. There does not seem to be any tendency towards a change in this fortunate condition affecting child life. There are occasional exceptions to the rule, but if we take into consideration that the prev- alence of these diseases is very much influenced by con- ditions of life, especially overcrowding of the popula- tion, and inefficient sanitary supervision of schools, we ' Shatuck on the Vital Statistics of Boston, Jotirnal of the Medical Sciences, April, 1S41. 114 Americayi Econoynic Association. may account for the occasional excess in negro mortality. The table below will show the comparative mortality among the white and colored populations of Charleston, Washington, and Baltimore. MORTALITY FROM MEASLES, SCARLET FEVER, DIPHTHERIA AND CROUP IN CHARLESTON, S. C— 1S65-1894. Rate oer Rate per Excess of White No. of deaths. 100,060 No. of deaths. 100,000 Mortality rate. White. populatiou Colored. population (per 100.000) Measles . . . . . 84 12. 1 Ill J3-4 1-3' Scarlet Fever . . 124 17.S 54 6.5 II-3 Diphtheria . • . 555 79-9 227 27.4 52.5 Croup .... . . 106 15-3 77 9-3 6.0 1 Excess in rate for Colored. MORTALITY FROM MEASLES, SCARLET FEVER, DIPHTHERIA AND CROUP IN WASHINGTON AND BALTIMORE— 1890. (Per 100,000 of Population.) Washington, D. C. g'ltimore, Md. White. Color/j ^vhite. Colored. -^I'^asles . I q/ 3.96 55.56 40.12 Scarlet Fever 7.76 7.93 14.16 10.40 Diphtheria an^ (^0-up . . gy.ss 114.93 60.19 32.69 COMPARATIVE MORTALITY FROM DIPHTHERIA AND CROUP. Age o-i. Age 0-5. Age 5-15. White. Colored. AVhite. Colored. White. Colored. Baltimore . . 171.00 434.78 405 65 203.38 72.38 None Washington. 103.66 445.01 421.05 499 79 164.91 296.10 For Charleston there is a slight excess in the mortality from measles, which, however, fell entirely on one year. For the other three diseases the mortality among the colored people was less than that for the whites. For Washington all three diseases are more prevalent among the colored, but as I have said, local sanitary conditions may be largely responsible for this. For in Baltimore we find that the mortality among the whites for all three diseases is considerable above that of the colored. No Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 115 definite rule seems, therefore, to prevail, but on the whole the colored race would seem to be less liable to these diseases than the white race. I shall have to deal briefly with the less fatal diseases only a few of which can be considered here. Deaths from child birth., and puerperal diseases are about equally frequent for the two races. For Baltimore and Washing-ton the rates were as follows : DEATHS FROM CHII^DBIRTH AND PUERPERAL SEPTICEMIA. ( Rate per 100,000 women, age group 15-45. ) White. Colored. Washington, 1890 40.64 42.31 Baltimore, " 33.10 27.01 For Charleston the rates for the period 1865-94 were as follows : DEATHS FROM PUERPERAL FEVER. Deaths. Rate per 100,000 of population. White 61 8.8 Colored 150 .. . • . . . . 18. i The excess of negro mortality from puerperal fevers is almost exclusively the result of the conditions of life under which these people live. The employment of ig- norant colored women as nurses and midwives has been so frequently condemned as to need only to be referred to. As a race., the colored people do not seem to suffer more from deaths in childbirth than the whites : as ig- norant or indifferent individuals they do, just as does the foreign population of our large cities in the North. The point is of sufficient interest to permit me to present the following tables for the cities of New York and Brook- lyn, for the census year 1890. ii6 Amerkayi Economic Association. DEATHS FROM CHILDBIRTH AND PUERPERAL DISEASES.' ( Per 100,000 women, 15-45 years of age. ) New York. Brooklyn. Native whites 49-72 50.21 Native colored ^1-54 29.04 Of English parentage 45.56 51-38 Of Irish parentage 85.95 73-62 Of German parentage 96.20 67. oS Of Russian Jewish parentage . . 81.36 89.69 ' Vital Statistics of New York and Brooklyn, p. 4S. The agreement between the rates of the native whites and those of English parentage is significant. That the rates for those of German parentage should be so high is dne entirely to the fact that among the Germans and the Jews, midwives instead of physicians are almost ex- clusively employed in cases of childbirth, in contrast with the English and native Americans who rarely make use of this class of would-be doctors. The high rates for the Irish, and negroes (excluding Brooklyn for the latter, on account of small numbers of negroes in population), are probably due to the same cause, that is, the employ- ment of ignorant old women as nurses during childbirth. If there is another explanation, it will be of interest and great value to have this point more fully discussed by qualified medical men. Cancer and tumor would seem to be more frequent at the younger and less frequent at the older ages among the colored population, if the statistics of Baltimore and Washington represent fairly the general prevalence of these diseases. In the report of Dr. Billings these two diseases have been combined and the following table will show the comparative mortality from these two causes for two age groups. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 117 MORTALITY KROM TUMOR AND CANCER. (Per 100,000 persons of corresponding ages.) White. Colored. 15-45 Baltimore, 17-87 39-49 Washington, . . . 25.21 31.92 White. Colored. 45 and over. 290.22 161.29 199.67 115.70 According to the reports of the health officer of Wash- ington the average ages at which death occur from can- cer have been as follows : MORTALITY FROM CANCER, WASHINGTON, D. C. (Average age at death.) 'S93. [894, White. Colored. ales. Females. Males. Females. 57 55 35 54 60 55 51 53 The above table would indicate a slightly lower aver- age age for the colored persons who died of cancer. Whether cancer has been on the increase among the colored it is impossible to say, more so in view of the fact that it is a disputed point whether the disease has increased among the whites.^ The fact that more deaths from cancer are now recognized may be entirely due to better medical diagnosis. The disease has always pre- vailed more or less among the colored people, and prob- ably to about the same extent. The statistics for Balti- more and Washington would indicate that the mortality is greater among the colored people of middle age than among the whites of the same age. If this condition prevails generally an increase in the mortality from can- cer among negroes may be expected. As to the frequen- cy of cancer of the uterus, on which a good deal has been written, it can easily be proven that those who believed 'See a valuable paper of Arthur Newsholme, M. D., and George King, F.I. A., on the Alleged Increase of Cancer, Proceedings Royal Society , Vol. 54, pp. 209 et seq. ii8 Avicrican Economic Association. this disease to be rare or entirely absent in the negro race have drawn their conchisions contrary to the facts. Dr. ]\Iiddleton Michel of the South Carolina INIedical College and the Charleston board of health has clearly disproved the theory of Schroeder that " carcinoma uteri, or any form of carcinoma seldom affects the negro woman "^ Ac- cording to Dr. IMichel there have been 48 cases of cancer of the uterus among the white and 53 cases among the colored females of Charleston during the period 1878-91. These figures are supplemented by the following table for the same city showing the comparative prevalence of this affliction during the period 1822-48. CANCER OF THE UTERUS. CHARI,ESTON, 1822-48. White. Colored. 1822-30 O O 1831-40 5 O 1S41-48, 4 8 The above figures would indicate that the disease was rare among both races, an indication which is probably more the result of the failure of physicians to recognize the disease than of its actual infrequency. The annual reports of the state health officer of Ala- bama contain some interesting statistics which may be of value in connection with those of Dr. Michel. CANCER OF THE UTERUS IN ALABAMA, 1890-94. White. Coloi 1890 22 15 1891, 19 18 1892, 26 21 IS93 25 19 1894 27 24 Medical News, October, 1892. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 119 The statistics for this state would indicate about an equal degree of prevalence of this disease among the two races. The more accurate statistics of Charleston, and perhaps better still, those for the city of Washington for the period 1874-94, prove that cancer of the Uterus is by no means an infrequent disease among colored women. But there would seem to be a distinct difference in the liability of unmarried females of the colored race to this disease, as will be observed in the next table. DEATHS FROM CANCER AMONG WHITE AND COLORED FEMALES FROM SEPTEMBER i, 1874, TO JUNE 30, 1894,— WASHINGTON, D. C.i White Females. Colored Females. Conjugal Condition. Conjugal Condition. Mar- Wid- Spin- Mar- Wid- Spin- Cancer of Total ried. owed, sters. Total ried owed sters. Breast 191 77 74 40 89 32 45 12 Uterus 350 217 105 28 166 77 70 19 Ovary 18 il 5 2 5 4 i Stomach 113 40 48 25 57 16 32 9 Liver 64 29 22 13 8 4 3 i Face, head, neck, mouth and throat 49 16 23 10 14 6 3 5 All other 169 83 48 38 55 26 19 10 Total .... 954 473 325 156 394 165 173 56 1 Annual report of the Health Officer of the District of Columbia, 1S94, pp. 149-50. Among the unmarried white females only 17.95 P^^ cent, of the deaths from cancer were from cancer of the uterus, while 33.93 per cent, of the deaths among un- married colored females were from this particular form of cancer. In contrast with this fact we find that can- cer of the breast was more frequent among single females of the white race than among those of the colored. The figures to be trustworthy should be based on the number of those living at the same ages, but it is probable that there would be no material difference, relatively speak- ine. Dr. ]Michel deserves much credit for having- called I20 American Economic Association. attention to the facts as to this interesting phase of the pathological history of the race.' I may here refer briefly to the liability of the negro to appendicitis. It has been claimed that this disease is extremely rare among the colored population, some hav- ing maintained that the race is not liable to it at all. Dr. Ashmead of New York seems to favor the latter view, while Dr. Gaston of Atlanta, Dr. Hand of Shubuta, Miss., and Dr. Baldwin of Columbus, Ohio, in letters to the Medical New^ bring forward their own experiences, which prove that the disease docs occasionally occur among the colored population. I nn'self have record of twelve deaths of colored persons from this cause, of whom five were females. According to the report of the board of health of New York city, 129 persons died in New York in 1892, from typhilitis, perityphlitis, and perforation of the vermiform appendix, of whom only one was colored. But I am not inclined to attach much value to this apparent immunity, for it is only for a very recent period that these diseases have been extensively recognized. Thus in New York city during the period 1881-92 the deaths from this cause have increased as follows : 1881, 10 deaths; 1884, 10 deaths; 1888, 72 deaths; 1892, 129 deaths. With the exception of the one case in 1892 there is no record of any other death from this cause among the colored in the city of New York.^ I do not ^The disease prevalence and consequent mortality from Cancer among the persons cared for by the Freedmen's Bureau during the period 1868-72 was as follows : Cases. Per 1,000 Deaths. Per 1,000 Whites 23 1.04 I 0.05 Colored 462 1.07 62 0.14 According to these figures the disease was about equally prevalent among both races, but much more fatal among the colored than among the whites. = Oct. 7, IS93- 3 No annual report of the New York board of health has been published for the last three years. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 121 know of any trustworthy statistics by which this doubt- ful matter can be cleared. It is probable that in time, as the disease becomes better recognized, the number of reported cases will increase, which, however, will not prove that the disease did not exist in equal proportions during the past. There is therefore no immunity, as has been claimed, but possibly a less degree of suscepti- bility to appendicitis, in the colored race. Desirable as it would be to deal in this manner with all of the important diseases which affect the colored race, it is not possible for me to do so here. I have con- sidered those which I have taken pains to investigate to a limited extent, and on which it is desirable that data should be brought together in order to encourage further research. But before I conclude this part of my work I wish to deal, as briefly as possible, w4th the prevalence of three diseases which bear on the morbid psychological nature of the negro rather than the purely physical. Alcoholism.^ insanity and suicide are three important phenomena of the sociology of the colored race, to which frequent reference has been made in medical, anthropo- logical and economic literature. But few facts have been brought forward to support one view or the other. This is largely due to a paucity of data ; which, however, is no excuse for the expression of unwarranted opinions. " Alcoholism among negroes," we are informed by Dr. Norman Kerr, than whom few have more thoroughly dealt with the subject of inebriety, " differs materially from the same disease in the white and Indian races. The negroes, with their vivacity and enthusiasm, from their nervous sensitiveness, are easily excited. Their drunkenness is more demonstrative than profound, but the anaestethic influence is less lasting. They may be characterized as more readily intoxicated than the white 122 American Econoinic Association. men of western countries but less liable to the diseased condition which I designated narcomania, intoxicate mania or inebriety.'" This view of Dr. Kerr is supported by a considerable body of reliable statistics of which those of the United States Army during the war are the most valuable in view of their completeness. According to the reports of the Provost-Marshal Gen- eral the rate of rejections for chronic alcoholism was as follows for the principal nationalities : REJECTIONS FOR CHRONIC ALCOHOLISM, U. S. A., i86l-65.> United States, white 0.535 per x.ooo examined " " colored ••.... 0.310 " " Natives of Germany 0.619 " " British N. America . . . 1.848 " " " England and Wales . . . 2.346 " " " Ireland 3.779 " " I Report Provost-Marshal General, Vol. II, p. 431, et seq. The rate of rejections for chronic alcoholism was therefore the lowest for the colored race and the highest for the Irish. It will prove of interest to know how far this relation was maintained during the progress of the war. COMPARATIVE DISEASE PREVALENCE AND MORTALITY FROM INTEMPERANCE.' U. S. Army, 1861-66. Whites. Colored. Cases. Deaths. Cases. Deaths. Delirium tremens 3.744 45° 12 4 Intemperance 5.589 no 22 2 Chronic alcoholism 920 45 6 i Total 10,253 605 40 7 I " Medical History of the War," Vol. I, p. 636, et seq. This is truly a remarkable record and one which pre- sents perhaps the most hopeful side of the negro char- 1 "Inebrietj- or Narcomania," by Norman S. Kerr, M.D., p. 131. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 123 acter. The corresponding mortality rates were one death to every 220 for the white soldiers, and one to every 4,500 colored. The figures therefore prove that while the race had a lower rate of rejections for alcoholism be- fore active service, it did not develop under the influences of the hardships of war times a tendency toward a higher rate of intemperance. The experience of the Freed- men's Bureau brings out this fact with still greater force. COMPARATIVE DISEASE PREVALENCE AND MORTALITY FROM INTEMPERANCE.' Persons cared for by the Freedmen's Bureau, 1865-72. Whites. Colored. Cases. Deaths. Cases. Deaths. Delirium tremens 49 2 65 i Inebriation. . 51 o 48 2 Chronic alcoholism 11 i 19 12 Total in 3 132 42 ' " Type of Disease," p. 16, et seq. The total number of cases under treatment for all causes was 430,466 for the colored and 22,053 for the whites ; hence the figures show largely in favor of the colored race, and support the experience of the army be- fore and during the war. Dr. Reyburn comments on the infrequency of this form of disease among the freed people in the following words : ^ The small number of cases of delirium tremens met with among the freed people, being only sixty-five, with one death, presents marked contrast in frequenc}' when compared with the large number of cases met with among the white population of our country. This may be partially explained by the fact that chronic alcoholism is not so frequent among the colored people as among their neighbors of the Caucasian race ; still, there does seem to be even among those of the freed people who habitually use intoxicating drinks, a marked ex- emption from this disease. In the Freedmen's Hospital, under my charge, at Washington, D. C, which has had under treatment from 1865 to the present tiuie about 5,000 patients, I remember seeing only one or two cases, and these were mild in type. My own belief is that the true explanation of this exemption is to be sought for iu the waut of development of the cerebral hemispheres. 124 American Economic Association. which so often exists among the negroes. Delirium tremens is pre- eminently a disease causing disorder of intellection, and hence the continued abuse of alcoholic drinks in the negro race is more likely to produce eleptiform convulsions or mania than delirium tremens. If we now consider the prevalence of thi.s form of disease at the present time we find snbstantially the same infrequency of intemperance among the colored popnla- tion. For the state of Alabama the records for five years (1890-94) show 46 deaths among the whites and 14 among the colored from alcoholism. For Washing- ton and Baltimore the death rates for the censns year have been as follows : DEATHS FROM ALCOHOLISM, • (Per 100,000 of Population.) Washington , Baltimore . . White. Colored. 16.81 3.96 10.35 II.S9 ' Census Report of Dr. Billings, pp. 28-29. The above table shows a larger death rate from al- coholism for the colored population of Baltimore than for the white, but I am inclined to believe that this rate is rather accidental and largely due to the small number of cases on which the rate is based. For during the six years 1885-90 there were only 27 deaths from alcoholism among the colored population of Baltimore and 190 among the white population. It is therefore plain that the rate for 1890 was exceptionally high. The compar- ative infrequency of the disease among the negroes still exists. If it is argued that the mortality from alcoholism does not fully determine the prevalence of intemperance, since many other diseases are the indirect consequence of the intemperate use of alcoholic drinks,- I would call '"Type of Disease," p. 14. •See Newsholme, "Vital Statistics," page 215. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 125 attention to the table below which shows the compara- tive mortality from diseases of the liver, which is com- monly accepted as a sequel of intemperance. The death rates are for two age periods and of exceptional interest in view of the preceding tables. MORTALITY FROM LIVER DISEIASES.* (Per 100,000 of same age.) Ages 15-45. White. Colored. Washinj^ reprint, 1S56. •*" Descent of Man," Ch. IV. 138 American Eco7iomic Association. special race characteristic. The cases cited could be duplicated by those of other races.' Nowhere is there shown a specific tendency towards self destruction. Only under exceptional conditions, such as have at all times induced people to end their own existence, do we find the negro giving way in a moment of despair.- For Charleston, S. C, the record for the period 1822- 48 shows that only nine colored persons killed them- selves during the twenty-eight years, while 40 whites took their own lives. During the 6 years 1889-94 there were three suicides among the colored and twelve among the whites. This is at the rate of one suicide to every two years, a number too small to have any definite rela- tion to the population in general. For Philadelphia I have the records for 1866-94 which fail to indicate any decided tendency towards an increase in negro suicides.^ 'See article on "vSuicide atiiong Primitive Peoples" in the Ameri- can^ Anthropologist, 1S94. ^ From such statistics as have come to my notice, suicide would appear nearly twice as frequent among the American Indians as among the colored population. The following are the number of suicides as reported to the Commissiouer of Indian affairs : Year. No. of Suicides. Year. No of Suicides. 1882 13 1S89 12 1883 6 1890 II 1884 2 1S9I 14 1885 3 1892 13 1886 6 1893 12 1887 * 1894 14 1888 * 1895 16 * Not reported. On an estimated population of 250,000 the above figures would give an average rate per million of 52.6 for the seven 3-ears 18S9-95 in con- trast with an average rate of 28.1 for the colored population of eight representative southern cities, during the period 1890-94. ^ During the war there were only nine colored suicides in the army and during the twenty years since the war (1870-90) only seven Among the 400,000 patients of the Freedmen's Bureau only three com- mitted suicide, although 1171 were treated for madness. J Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 139 SUICIDES AMONG THE COLORED POPULATION OF PHILADELPHIA, 1866-1894.' No. of No. of No. of No. of Year. cases. Year. cases. Year. cases. Year. cases. 1866 None 1873 None 1S80 None 18S7 2 1S67 None 1874 None i88r None 18SS None 1S6S None 1S75 None 1SS2 None 1889 I 1S69 r 1S76 None 1883 None 1890 3 1S70 I 1877 None 1SS4 None 1891 1S71 I 187S None 18S5 None 1892 I 1S72 I 1879 None 18S6 None 1S93 1894 2 2 1864-96.— sixteen during twenty-nine years. 'Annual report Philadelphia Board of Health, 1894, pages 333-334. According to Dr. Billings the rate for Philadelphia per 100,000 of population over 15 years of age was 3.20 for the colored population, while the rate for the whites was 12.99, ^"^ that of the foreign population, 23.57. But if this rate had been calculated on 1891 the rela- tion would have been entirely reversed. Instead of three we had only one colored suicide, and instead of jj whites there were 107. Hence the futility of reasoning from rates based on too small a number of cases, and the need of taking account rather of the actual numbers. The table which follows ^shows the actual number of col- ored suicides for the period 1876-94, with the records for a few years wanting. The table is for the four cities, Washington, Baltimore, New Orleans and Rich- mond, all representative cities of the South. SUICIDES AMONG THE COLORED POPULATION OF SOUTHERN CITIES. Washington. Baltimore. New Orleans. Richmond. 1876 - - t t 1877 - - . I 1878 - - I ■(- 1879 - - I . - 1880 2 - I ' - 1881 - - I t 1882 2 - I I 1883 2 - 5 1884 I I 5 t No record. 140 American Economic Association. 1885 1 886 18S7 1 888 1SS9 i8;)o 1S91 1892 1S93 1894 ^'asliingtou. Ballimore. N cw Orleans. Rich - - 4 3 I 4 3 2 - I I 4 3 •' I - 2 - 3 2 2 - 2 t 3 - I t 6 - 4 t 4 2 t No record. This table does not show that there is any decided tendency towards an increase in the number of suicides. In fact it shows that in proportion to the population there has rather been a decrease. But I would not argue on the basis of the population, for such basis can only be applied when there is an actual relation between the general population and a certain series of ob.served facts. With the possible exception of New Orleans there is no regularity in the number of cases of colored sui- cides, and hence, I doubt whether there is any influence in the physical, mental or moral life of the colored peo- ple tending to increase the number of suicides. In New York city, where the conditions of life are probably most unfavorable for the negro, only 12 cases of suicide oc- curred among the colored during the six years 1885-90, an average of about two cases per annum. In Brooklyn during the same period only three occurred, while in Boston only one case was recorded during that period.' The negro commits suicide, as a rule, only in a fit of passion, during loss of self control, or as in most cases, to ' During the census year euding Isl&y 31, 1S90, there were reported 3S16 white suicides and 116 colored. In proportion to the population this would give a rate of 69.5 per niillion for the whiles and 15.5 per million for the colored. Hence the white rate is shown to be34S.4 per cent, in excess of the colored rale. \Ve may compare Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 141 escape the consequences of his crimes. I have been able dnring a number of years to collect the facts concerning 18 suicides among colored people and the following is an analysis of the motives that prompted them. Out of the 18 one was a woman who ended her life at the age of 32 because her husband proved her guilty of adultery with a white man. Another woman killed herself because the man she wanted to marry already had a wife. Of the 16 males, 9 were guilty of crime at the time of their death. Eight had killed either wife or mistress or the wife of some other man be- fore ending their own lives. In one case a man was accused of theft by a railroad company and rather this calculation, based, as it must be admitted, on incomplete returns, with the statistics for eight representative southern cities for the period 1890-94. MORTALITY FROM SUICIDE IN EIGHT SOUTHERN CITIES DURING THE FIVE YEARS i890-i894.i (Per million of population.) White. Colored. Savannah, Ga 344-8 16. i Nevp Orleans, La 195. i 51.4 Nashville, Tenn 194.0 36.S Washington, D. C 1S0.2 26.9 Memphis, Tenn 176.0 24.3 Atlanta, Ga 104.7 12.7 Charleston, S. C . 91. i 18.8 Richmond, Va 57.4 11. 9 Eight cities 171.3 28.1 1 Mean population of eight cities 18(30-94, White, 573,173 Colored, 335,008 Total number of suicides 1S90-94, . . . White, 491 Colored, 47 According to this table, which is as accurate as present registration methods can make it, the white suicide rate was 171. 3 per million against a colored rate of only 281. There would therefore seem to be no decided tendency on the part of the negro population to com- mit suicide under the influences of city life, but rather under any exceptionally abnormal condition, not necessarily connected with the struggle for life in the cities. 10 142 American Economic Association. than stand trial shot himself. Two negroes, one in New York and the other in Chicago, killed themselves to escape arrest. Two were apparently insane when they committed the act, one from the effects of la grippe, and the other (a teacher) from canses not ascertained. Another case was that of a man in Ala- bama, who had once been a prosperous farmer ; but bad crops had ruined him and rather than give up his mortgaged horses he deliberately drove them over a bluff, killing the horses and himself. One, a jockey, killed himself because the woman with whom he was living in adultery deserted him. The last case was that of a young colored man who attempted suicide ' because his mistress had treated him shabbily." In all of the instances cited, the underlying motive appears to have been criminal or ani-social. In none of the cases can we trace any of the more subtle moti\'es which only too often prompt the unsuccessful or weak of more cultured and advanced races. From the facts given there does not appear to be any decided tendency toward an increase in the suicide rate ; and this agrees with the facts brought out regarding the prevalence of alcoholism and insanity. ]Mr. Bruce in ^ It may be of interest to give the following facts in regard to the methods employed in the commission of suicide. The data have been compiled from the census of iSgoand show the actual numbers as well as the per cent, of each group in the total for all suicides. Whites. Percent. Colored. Percent. Method. Cases. Cases. Shooting 1,035 27.1 31 26.7 Drowning 217 5.7 7 6.0 Poison S29 21.7 29 25.0 Other method. . . . 1,735 45.5 49 42-3 Total 3,816 100.00 116 100.00 According to this table there would seem to be no distinct trait in regard to the means selected, but rather a close similarity to those made use of by the white population. J Race Traits and Tendencies of the America^i Neg7-o. 143 his work on the " Plantation Negro as a Freeman," re- marks : " As a corollary of their comparative immunity from insanity for moral reasons, it is found that the blacks rarely commit suicide, a fact easy of explanation when a full knowledge of the character of the race has been obtained. In the first place no cause of anxiety presses long enough upon the mind of the individual negro to foster a desire to put an end to life .... then, too, he lacks the coolness and fortitude to destroy himself: above all he has a peculiar horror of death, owing to his morbid imagination and not improbably to his tendency to live wholly in the present." SLuicide, according to IMorselli " preponderates in those states which are most advanced in civilization and above all in intellectual development. . . . The inferior races, just because they withhold themselves from the in- fluences of civil progress do not acquire any increased ten- dency, even amid contact with Europeans, or at least only by slow degrees and in proportion as they adopt our civilization." ^ Now it is true that suicide is most frequent in those states where intellectual culture has advanced most, but it is not true that it is intellectual culture which has caused the increase, but rather the want of it or the mal- adjustment of the individual to the conditions of life. As Morselli has said elsewhere, " all transition is pain- ful " and the lesson of life which so few will accept, is that during individual as well as social evolution we must have patience and do our duty in whatever manner it is placed before us. The individual who attempts by some means or others to overcome by force the obstacles that hinder him from reaching the level of others will often, in despair, end his own life, but more often be- ' "Suicide," page 118. 144 American Economic Association. cause he violated the common law and lacks courage to face the result. " It may confidentially be assumed," writes ]\Ir. Hum- phreys, " that the most important branch of vital statis- tics is that which deals with deaths and rates of mor- tality. This is not only the most complex branch of the subject, deserving the most careful study, but the in- fluence of health on the human race is so powerful for good or evil that statistics of deaths, and rates of mortality acquire their greatest value for their acceptation as trust- worthy indications of public health." That this con- clusion is fully warranted, has, I trust, been proven by the preceding pages, which so far as I know, represent a summary of the most important and reliable data pertaining to the comparative mortality of the two races. As to the value of the conclusions arrived at, or rather as to the results brought out by the comparative mor- tality rates, I accept the statistical method as the most useful and reliable which has yet been devised for reaching conclusions more definite and scientific than individual observation or opinions. By the statistical method we have before us a picture of the condition, past and present, of the whole race, and by the compara- tive method we can obtain information which will present with much accuracy the probable' tendencies of one race in comparison with another. In regard to the statistics of mortality for American cities, it cannot be denied that to a limited degree they fall short of a representation of the actual facts. But, in the words of Mr. Milme, " it may reasonably be presumed that the returned numbers are always in the same ratio to the true, and this is all that is necessary to the truth Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, i 45 of the inferences drawn . . . . for it is not abso- lute numbers, but their relative proportions only that are essential to the calculations.' " On the assumption, therefore, that the statistics of mortality represent fairly the actual differences between the viability of the two races, the following conclusions seem warranted : First. The excess of births over deaths is greater for the white race than for the colored in the southern states. Second. In the northern states the colored race does not hold its own, for the deaths outnumber the births. The apparent increase in the population is due exclu- sively to migration. Third. For ten representative southetn cities the mean death rate for five years (1890-94) was 20.12 per 1,000 for the white race, and 32.61 for the colored. The ex- cess of mortality represents a loss of 16,046 lives on the basis of the rate of mortality for the whites during the five years, of 3,209 per annum, in the ten cities. On the basis of Farr's normal death rate of 17 per 1,000, the loss in lives was 35,457 during the five years. On whatever basis we may estimate the value of a life, the economic loss alone must be enormous. Fourth. The excess of negro mortality is greatest at the age period under fifteen and least at the higher ages. This is largely the result of an excessive mortality of infants and children under five. Fifth. The number surviving to productive and re- productive ages is in consequence of this excessive infant mortality considerably less for the colored than for the whites, and by just so much their comparative social and economic efficiency is diminished. Sixth. The expectation of life at birth is from 12.5 to 1 7. 1 1 years less for the colored than for the white ^ •' Value of Annuities and Assurance," Vol. II. 146 American EconoDiic Association. population in four cities for which life tables were cal- culated at the census of 1880. Seventh. The effect of altitude and density of popu- lation on mortality is about the same for both races and the differences in mortality of the two races remain prac- tically the same. The effect of the conditions of life is, therefore, comparatively unimportant, while to the effect of race and heredity are largely due the existing differences in the mortality of the two races. Eighth. The mortality of the colored race is on the increase, in contrast with a diminishing death rate for the white race. This increase in the negro death rate appears entirely in the period which has elapsed since emancipation. Ninth. The colored race is subject to a higher death rate than the whites from the following diseases : (i). All diseases of infants, including premature and still births. (2). Consumption, at all ages, but most especially for the age group 15-45. The mortality from this disease before the war was less for the colored than for the whites. The present tendency is towards a still higher death rate among the colored, in contrast with a steady decrease of the rate among the whites. (3). Pneumonia, the mortality being greatest at the early ages. This disease is also on the increase. (4). Scrofula and venereal diseases. These are much more prevalent among the colored, and are on the in- crease. (5). Malarial fevers, contrary to general opinion, are more prevalent among the colored population, with a decided tendency towards an increase. (6) Typhoid fever is more prevalent at the ages be- Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 147 low 45, and less prevalent at the ages above 45. The tendency is towards an increase. Tenth. The facts for the other diseases may be sum- marized as follows : Yellow fever, contrary to general opinion, occasion- ally prevails among the colored race, though with less severity than among the white race. There is a decided tendency toward an increase in the susceptibility to this disease among the colored population. Smallpox is more prevalent among the colored, but this is due almost entirely to an unprotected condition. When vaccination is properly attended to the mortality is easily reduced, and there is a decided tendency to- wards a decrease through this means. Measles, sc.irlet fever, and diptheria are as a rule less prevalent among the colored population, and there are no positive indications of an increase. The opinion held by some, that the negro is not liable to scarlet fever, is disproved. Deaths from childbirth and puerperal fever are more frequent among the colored, but the diseases are subject to control. The high mortality is entirely the result of ignorance and want of proper medical attendance. Tumor and cancer are less prevalent among the col- ored, but on the increase among the population below the age of 45. Carcinoma uteri, from which some writers have supposed the negro exempt, is prevalent, though to a less extent, among the colored population. Appendicitis, another disease to which it was supposed the negro was not liable, is prevalent, though apparently to a less extent than among the whites. Alcoholism is less prevalent than among the whites and there is no positive proof of a tendency towards an increase. 148 American Economic Association. Insanity is also less prevalent with no positive proof of a tendency towards an increase. Suicides are rare with no positive indications of an in- crease of the number. The general conclusion is that the negro is subject to a higher mortality at all ages, but especially so at the early age periods. This is largely the result of an inor- dinate mortality from constitutional and respiratory diseases. Moreover, the mortality from these diseases is on the increase among the colored, and on the decrease among the whites. In consequence, the natural increase in the colored population will be less from decade to de- cade and in the end a decrease must take place. It is sufficient to know that in the struggle for race suprem- acy the black race is not holding its own ; and this fact once recognized, all danger from a possible numerical supremacy of the race vanishes. Its extreme liability to consumption alone would suffice to seal its fate as a race. That alone would suffice to make impossible numerical supremacy in the southern states. " Sufferers from phthisis," writes Mr. Haycraft,^ " are prone to other diseases such as pulmonary and bronchial attacks, so that over and above the vulnerability to the one form of microbe, they are to be looked upon as unsuited not only for the battle of life but especially for parentage and for the multiplications of the conditions for which they themselves suffer." ^ Haycraft, "Darwinism aud Race progress." Chapter III. ANTHROPOMETRY. In the following pages I shall discuss as fully as the limited material will permit, the anthropometric charac- teristics of the colored race as compared with the whites. In view of the preceding discussion I shall confine my- self almost entirely to data having a direct bearing on the longevity of the two races and consequent social and economic efficiency. The most essential characteristics falling under this restricted class of facts are, weight, play of chest, lung capacity_and frequency of respiration. Tile close^felation of weight to longevity is a fact suf- ficiently established to need little further explanation. The uniform result of statistical investigations of life insurance companies has been to prove that persons under average weight have a decided tendency towards pulmonary diseases. The elaborate investigations of the medical departments of the New York Mutual Life in 1874,^ the Washington Life in 1886,^ the Prudential In- surance Company of America^ in 1895, and the New York Mutual Life in .1895,^ prove conclusively that low weight in proportion to age and stature is a determining factor in the susceptibility of an individual to consump- tion. It is therefore of importance to ascertain whether the colored man, subject to such an inordinate mortality from pulmonary and respiratory diseases, is on the aver- age of lesser weight in proportion to stature than the ^ " Mortuary experience of the Mutual Life Insurance Co.," New York, 1S77 ; Vol. II., page 44, et seq. ''■ " Experience of the Washington Life Insurance Co.," New Yoik, 1889, page 148, el seq. ^ Statistics of Consumption, by Edward Haniill, M.D., "Transactions of the Association of Life Insurance Medical Directors," 18S9-95, page 95, et seq. '"Statistics of Consumption, Mutual Life Insurance Co.," New- York, 1S95, page 12, et seq. 150 A7}ierican Econoviic Association. white. I may anticipate the data which follow by say- ing that he is not ; but on the contrary he is on the average of greater weight in proportion to age and height than the white. The most elaborate collection of facts bearing on this point is in the statistics of the Sanitary Commission' and of the Provost-Marshal General.- The former work deals with recruits at the time of application for enlistment, while the latter deals with the soldier in the field. I give below the mean weight of white and col- ored soldiers according to age and stature. The in- stances cited will suffice to bring out the fact that the colored males almost without exception weigh more than the whites. ' MEAN WEIGHT OF WHITE AND COLORED SOLDIERS ACCORDING TO AGE AND STATURE.' Age 20. Age 25. Stature.2 White. Colored. White. Colored. Inches. Lbs. Lbs^ Lbs. Lbs. 64.5 1304 138-8 128.8 136 7 655 133-8 137-9 137-7 142.5 66.5 138.5 141. 7 142.7 147.1 67-5 142.8 145.0 146 2 152 5 68.5 , 147.3 150.9 149-8 156.9 69-5 147.4 156.0 157.6 152.5 70.5 154-7 1448 i6[.S 166.4 Age 30. Age 35. 645 135-0 143-5 131 5 143-6 65-5 136.4 142-6 140.6 137.7 66.5 1470 142 o 147-0 146.4 67-5 148.2 150.8 149.3 170.0 68.5 152-7 153-9 i5'-9 148.1 69.5 . . . . 1590 160.4 145-4 i6r.S 70.5 156.5 154-9 157.2 1 Gould, " Military Statistics," pp. 426-433. 2 For colored soldiers the mean statures are 64.25, 65.25, 66.25, 67.25, 6S.25, 69.25 and 70.25 inches. 1 " luvestigatious iu the Military ami Authropological Statistics of American Soldiers." By Benjamin Apthorp Gould, Actuary to the Sanitary Commission. Cambridge, 1S69. - " Statistics, Medical and Anthropological, of the Provost-Marshal General's Bureau," vol. 2. By T. H. Baxter, A.M., M.D., (Washing- ton, 1875). I''J 1 Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 151 According to this table the colored males weigh more at all ages and for any stature than the whites. The very few exceptions are of no importance, since the variations from the normal are due to the smaller num- ber of observations for these ages. The above result may be differently presented in a comparative table of weight •and stature, in which the element of age is not taken into account. I give below a theoretical table showing the average weights of white and colored soldiers, their stature varying from 60 to 72 inches. The table, ab- stracted from the work of ]\Ir. Gould, was calculated from actual measurements. THEORETICAL WEIGHT FOR DIFFERENT STATURES.^ Stature, Whites, Blacks, Inches. Lbs. Lbs. 60 II3.6 I18.7 6r II7-4 122.7 62 121. 3 126.7 63 125.3 130.8 64 129.3 135-0 65 • • 133 3 139-3 66 137.5 143-6 67 141-7 148.0 68 145-9 152-4 69 150.3 156.9 70 154-7 161. 5 ; 71 I59-I 166.2 1 72 163.6 170.9 1 Gould, " ^iTTilary Statistics," pp.409 and 417. This valuable table fully confirms the preceding one and clearly establishes the fact that colored adult males weigh more than white males of the same class. By still another method we ma}- compare the average weights with regard to circumference of the chest ; and here again the result is decidedly in favor of the colored race. 152 Americaji Economic Association. MEAN WEIGHT OF WHITE AND COLORED SOLDIERS ACCORDING TO CIRCUMFERENCE OF CHEST.» Circumference of Chest. White Soldiers. Negro Soldiers, luches. Lbs. Lbs. 32 "S.93 129.05 32.5 123 31 131.02 33 '26.25 133-76 33-5 12S.12 135.5S 34 132.03 15907 34-5 134-18 143-25 35 137.93 U6.21 35-5 140.69 147-S4 36 143-33 150.6S 365 147-18 152.71 37 150.01 154-43 37.5 152.04 16059 38 156.27 161.94 38.5 158.78 166.79 39 161.24 174.00 39-5 163.76 166.55 40 168.30 168.51 1 Gould, " Militarj' Statistics," pp. 454 and 456, ^^^,„— - ' The excess of weight for the colored soldier is there- fore proven, and it remains to be shown whether this favorable condition has been persisted in to the present time, j The data for an investigation of the comjDarative weight in proportion to age, stature and circumference of the chest, are very limited, and one might hesitate to make use of the published facts did they not so fully confirm one another as to leave no doubt of their accu- racy. For the United States Army recent anthropometric statistics have been made public for the three years 1893, '94 and '95. Limited as is the number of observations, and few as are the points covered, they are nevertheless of considerable value. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 153 AVERAGE HEIGHT AND WEIGHT OF ACCEPTED RECRUITS, U. S. A., 1892-94.1 Height, (inches.) Weight, (Ib.s.) Year. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1892 6742 67.26 14507 148.0S 1S93 67.47 67.14 144.10 14S.25 1S94 67.39 67.21 145-65 I49-'9 1 '^"iTipil"^ fr^m tn^'Trrmmil rppnrts nf Ihft S^irg""" General, U. .S. A./ 1S93-4-5. The above table shows that while the average stature of colored recruits was slightly less than that of the whites, the average weight was invariably greater. This is true for all ages irrespective of stature, as was shown in the tables of Mr. Gould, I have calculated from the data before me the proportionate weight to stature for different groups, that is the number of pounds to an inch of stature. By this method the effect of the smaller stat- ure of the colored soldiers is eliminated. PROPORTION OF WEIGHT TO HEIGHT ACCORDING TO AGE GROUPS, RECRUITS IN U. S. ARMY, 1892-94.1 White. Colored. I Age. Lbs. to an inch Lbs, to an inch in Stature. in Stature. Under 20 2.03 2.06 20-24 •2.02 2.17 25-29 2.17 2.21 30-34 2.21 2.26 35-39 2.24 2.33 40-49 2.27 2.27 50 and over 2.26 2.32 All ages 2.15 2 21 1 Compiled from the annual reports of the Surgeon-General, U. S. A., 1S93-4-5. This table reads that at the age group 20 to 25, for example, the average weight of a white soldier to every inch of stature was 2.12 pounds, as compared with 2.17 pounds for the colored soldier. The difference is small, but it is important to know that the difference exists. According to life insurance experience " even a moderate variation from the standard of weight is of considerable J 154 American Economic Association. influence in diminishing or increasing the mortality from consumption." In the experience of the New York Mutual Life Insurance Company, it was pointed out that nearly 80 per cent, of those who died of consumption were below the standard weight. In the experience of the Washington Life Insurance Company it was shown that ' for light weight, coupled with a predisposition to consumption, the rate of mortality from consumption was greatest.' The latest investigation of this point by the ]\Iutual Life Company, of New York, fully confirms this view. On the strength of these investigations, fully es- tablishing the rule that " even a slight excess of weight is almost sufficient to annul a consumptive tendency," it is remarkable that we should find in the colored race an excess of weight coupled with an inordinate mortality from consumption. It cannot be argued that army recruits, who differ materially from the general male population from which they are drawn, on account of the element of favorable selection, represent an exceptional condition in this re- spect ; for it was ascertained by j\Ir. McCauley that of the insurance applicants from the West Indies the aver- age weight for the negro applicants was greater than that of the whites, and my own data of fifty measure- ments of adult colored males support the figures of Mr. McCauley.^ According to the latter the average weight of the white applicants of 5 ft., 8 in. in height was 153.2 pounds, while the negro applicants of the same average stature weighed 154 pounds. The difference is very small, but as I have pointed out before, it is of value to know that there is any difference at all. The mulatto applicants weighed less than the whites, only 149 ^Publications of the American Statistical Association, June, 1891, p. 292. Race Traits a7td Tetidcnries of the American Negro. 155 pounds. According to Gould the niulattoes weighed on the average as much as, if not more than, the pure negroes. The table below will show the average weight among fifty colored males, according to girth of chest. For purposes of comparison I add the average weight of white males. The measurements were taken by a physician of exceptional experience and may be accepted as accurate. The numbers are sufficiently large for the purpose of showing that under various conditions there exists a difference in weight between negroes and whites having the same physical proportions. COMPARATIVE WEIGHT OF NEGRO AND WHITE ADULT MALES ACCORDING TO GIRTH OF CHEST.i Girth of Chest. Inches. 32.5 • . . 33- • • • 33-5 • ■ • 34. . . . 34-5 ■ • . 35- • . • 35-5 • • . 36.5 ■ . . 37- • • • 38. . . . 38 5 . . . 39-5 . - . 40.5 • • . 41. . . . 44-5 • • • 45. . . . Colored. 121 123 145 150 155 147 154 168 176 170 175 180 207 190 240 230 -Weight, lbs.- White. 133 136 139 141 143 145 152 164 155 167 168 176 1 88 201 230 226 Colored men examined all lived in 1 MeaSTTTeTHenlFcolIecfed by the writer. New Jersey. This table is not comparable with the table of ]\Ir. Gould in that the individuals included were weighed in ordinary indoor clothing while the soldiers are weighed either naked or under different conditions than life in- surance applicants. But the result is the same as shown in Mr. Gould's table. 156 American Economic Association. I have obtained, through the kindness of Dr. Hamil- ton D. Wey, of the Ehnira Reformatory, the compara- tive measnrements of i£ white and 12 colored jnvenile delinquents. According to the measnrements fnrnished me the average weight of the white inmates measured was 127.2 lbs. against 136.6 lbs. for the colored. The average age of the whites was 20.4, while that of the col- ored inmates was 21.3 years. The average stature of the whites was 64.8 inches in contrast to an average of 65.6 inches for the colored. This excess of height for the colored is exceptional, since as a rule the colored fall below the white in the average height according to age or weight.' I must add to this collection of facts bearing on stat- ure and weight, a table for children compiled by the superintendent of schools of Kansas City, Mo., who de- serves the thanks of investigators for his interest in this subject. The table is for the year 1890 and shows for boys and girls the average height, weight and pounds to an inch in stature, for the ages from 10 to 17^ HEIGHT AND WEIGHT OF KANSAS CITY SCHOOL CHILDREN.— JS90.1 ( 10 to 17 j'ears of age.) Relation of Weight Height. Weight. to Stature. Girls. Girls. Lbs. to In in Stature. White. Colored White. Colored. White. Colored. Age. Inches. Inches. Lbs. Lbs. Lbs. Lbs. 10 . 51.7 49.8 65.9 74.6 1.27 1.50 II . 52.7 52.8 66.2 79.9 1.26 1.84 12 . 54 54.0 So. 6 82.8 1.49 I 53 13 • 57-4 56.9 91.7 97.2 1.60 1. 71 14 . 60.3 58.8 i:!) 169.5 148.5 21.0 34 ■ 175-5 156.0 19.5 35 181. o T65.0 18.0 36 186.5 170.5 16.0 37 192.0 178.0 14.0 38 1965 185.5 ii.o 39 200.5 194.0 6.5 40 204.0 202.0 2.0 ^1 Gould, " Military Statistics," p, 493. / The contrast is very marked and suggests the question why there should be a smaller lung capacity in view of the slight difference in chest expansion. The rule was laid down by Dr. Hutchinson that " the size of the chest and the quantity of air a man can breathe have no direct relation to each other. The circumference of the chest has also no relation to vital capacity ; but it has to weight, increasing an inch for every ten pounds."^ We must, therefore, consider both series of measurements in- dependent of each other ; but the greatest value must be attached to the comparative degree of vital capacity, for, as has been pointed out by the same writer, " by disease the vital capacity decreases by from lo to 70 per cent." The only data which I have been able to obtain with respect to the negro of the present day are those of twelve inmates of the Ehnira Reformatory, furnished me by Dr. Hamilton Wey. According to this authority, the average vital capacity of the colored inmates was 180 cu- bic inches, in contrast with 196 cubic inches for the white inmates. In respect to weight, circumference of waist and strength of chest, the negro was superior to the ' Medico Cliinigical Transactions, xxix, p. 248. 164 Amen'ca?i Economic Associatio7i. white, but in respect to vital capacity he proved himself decidedly the inferior to the white inmate. In consequence of this inferiority the following re- mark of Dr. Wey is justified : " It has been noted here [the New York Refonnatory] as in other institutions, that color exercises an influence in disease resistance. Thus, other things being equal, the white opposes the greatest resistance ; next comes the full blooded negro, or the best type of the blooded negro found in this locality ; while the mulatto is most susceptible, as if the inferior elements of two colors combined in him pro- duced a strain ill-calculated to resist disease." ' Accord- ing to Gould the average lung capacity of white soldiers was 184.7 cubic inches, of blacks 163.5, and of mulattos 158.9.^ The mean circumference of the chest was 35.8 inches for whites, 35.1 for blacks, and 34.97 for the mixed races. ^ The inferior vitality of the mixed race is, therefore, sufficiently proven by both methods. On the hypothesis that lung capacity differs in man according to age, height, weight and disease, the smaller lung capacity of the colored race is in itself proof of an inferior physical organism, and this assertion is proved by the greater mor- tality of the race as compared with the white. The effect of disease on lung capacity is clearly brought out in the table below, which shows for white, black and mulatto soldiers the lung capacity in usual vigor, and with vigor impaired. The table is very interesting and supports those previously introduced, as well as the rule of Hutch- inson that there is a direct relation between lung capacity and disease. 1 Eighteenth Year Book, New York Reformatory, p. 17S. = Gould, "Military Statistics," p. 471. ^ Ibid, p. 316. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 165 AVERAGE LUNG CAPACITY OF WHITE AND COI^ORED SOI^DIERS.' 1861-1865. Color ^" Usual Vigor. With Vigor Impaired. (Cubic Inches). (Cubic Inches). White soldiers 187.9 166.3 Full blacks 165.3 149.7 Mulattoes 161.6 145.4 Gould, " Military Statistics," p, 471. Closely related to lung capacity and girth of chest is the respiratory movement of the chest. On this point the only information I know of is in the statistics collected by Gonld. They are admitted to be of less value than those pertaining to other bodily measurements, but on the whole they may be accepted as representing fairly the functional differences of the two races in this respect. The tables which follow give the number of respirations per minute for whites, blacks and mulattoes, between the ages 17 and 35, in usual vigor and with vigor im- MEAN FREQUENCY OF RESPIRATION ACCORDING TO AGE.> Ages. Whites. Under 17 16.40 17 16.55 '8 16.39 19 16.36 20 16.41 21 16.53 22 16.45 23 16.47 24 16.50 25 •••... . 16.46 26 16.36 27 16.33 28 16.3S 29 16.51 30 16.41 31-34 16.37 35 and over ..... 16.50 Mean .... 16.44 17-75 i9-Oi Usual Vigor. Blacks. Mulatto 18.45 1832 18.05 17-73 18.43 18.20 19-37 19-50 18.74 1955 18.15 18.74 17.59 18.55 17.46 18.57 16.96 20.06 17-54 19.91 16.69 1947 16.87 18.42 17-36 19.29 16.74 18.26 17.03 18.85 17.09 19.10 18.04 1882 'Gould, "Military Statistics," pp. 521-22. 1 66 American Economic Association. MEAN FREQUENCY OF RESPIRATION ACCORDING TO AGE' ' With Vigor Impaired. White. Black, and Mulatto. Under 17 17.32 20.50 17 16.95 20.50 18 16.76 19.62 J9 1655 18.54 20 16 63 19.82 21 16.76 22.59 22 16.60 22.78 23 16.89 21.21 24 16.69 20.91 25 16.92 22.65 26 16.34 19-70 27 17-07 22.54 28 16.40 21.00 29 16 91 21.21 j 30 17.16 22.60 \ 31-34 16.70 20.21 ; 35 and over 17.16 18.97 Mean 16. 84 20.71 'Gould, "Military Statistics," p. 522. paired. The distinction as to vigor is necessars- to meet the point raised in the discussion of vital capacity as to the effect of disease. For those with impaired vigor the data for pure and mixed races have not been separated by ]\Ir. Gould on account of the small number of cases, (294). Under conditions of health and disease the number of respirations is least for the white and greatest for the mulattoes. The number of respirations increases during disease. According to the tables before us, the average number per minute was 16.44 ^^^^ the whites in usual vigor, and 16.84 with vigor impaired. For the blacks the rate was 17.75 in usual vigor and for the mulattoes 19.01. For the two races combined the rate was 20,71 for those with vigor impaired. The differences in favor of the whites exist at all ages and are fairly constant. Since the accelerated respiration falls almost entirely on Race Traits and Tcndc7icics of the American Negro. 167 the colored race it is self-evident from these figures and those pertaining to lung capacity that on the whole the colored race, even at the time of a favorable rate of mor- tality, presented characteristics which in part explain the inordinate mortality peculiar to the race at the pres- ent time.' Inferior vital capacity is closely associated with slight physical strength. The data collected by Mr. Gould proves this to be true, and as the table below will show, the mean lifting strength is less at nearly all ages for the colored soldiers as compared with the whites. This is contrary to the prevailing notion that the average negro possesses superior physical strength, but in full accordance with the lower power of vital resistance and consequent susceptibility to disease. I know of no comparative data for the colored male of the present day, with the exception of the twelve meas- urements of colored boys in the Elmira Reformatory al- ready referred to. The results of Dr. Wey's measure- ments confirm this point and show that while the aver- age strength of the back and legs are 274.8 lbs. and 369.8 lbs. respectively for the white inmates, the averages for the colored were only 270.4 lbs. and 349.4 lbs. respec- tively. The dearth of data makes a more accurate com- parison impossible. ' The same unfavorable condition is to be observed in the rate of the pulse, which increases during disease even in its incipient sta,;.',e. In the comparison below, the full blacks show the most favorable rate while tile least favorable rate is shown by the mulatto both in health and disease. ^ MEAN FREQUENCY OF PULSE.' / Usual Vigor. Vigor Impaired. Whites 74-84 77-21 Full blacks 74-02 76.91 Mulattoes 76-97 S3.12 'Gould, "Military statistics,' [68 Amcricayi Econoviic Association. MEAN LIFTING STRENGTH OF WHITE AND COLORED SOLDIERS.* Age. White. Colored. Lbs. Lbs. Under 17 250.4 258.9 17 292.8 295.0 18 312.6 2S5.8 19 320.7 297- 1- 20 331.2 316.2 21 337-4 327.4 22 343-3 3296 23 35S 4 334S 24 355S 347-2 25 365-1 349-5 26 363.0 33S.9 27 350.1 343.2 28 367-6 354- 1 29 3659 356.9 30 351-2 349-8 31-34 361-9 366.S 35-39 366.0 339.2 40-44 347-0 ^ 336.6 45-49 325-7 * 328.7 50 and over. . . 321.2 297.0 1 Gould, "Militarj' Statistics," pp. 461 and 465. There is one more subject concerning which the sta- tistics I have collected may be of value, and that is, vision. I regret that the limited range of data on this important point makes a full discussion difficult, if not impo.ssible ; but the subject is one which is well deserv- ing of being more fully investigated. The work of Gould contains considerable information which, however, deals more fully with the eyesight of the white soldier than of the colored. The actual power of vision was greatest for the Indian and least for the full black. The mean distance at which a test object could be read was 47.3 inches for the white, 45.5 for the full black, 46.6 for the mulatto and 51.8 for the Indian.^ But the small 1 Gould, "Military Statistics," page 530. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americaii Negro. 169 number of observations (253) on mulattoes impairs the value of the figures for this class. The superiority of the vision of the white over that of the negro is, how- ever, clearly shown. If we consider the comparative prevalence of color blindness we meet with an entirely different result, as 2.2 per cent, of the white soldiers were color blind, and only I.I per cent, of blacks and 0.3 per cent, of the mulattoes.' There is therefore apparently no distinct relation between power of vision and color blindness. We are fortunate in having some valuable and reliable data on this point for the present time for the state of Alabama, from the official reports of which I have com- piled the following table showing the comparative fre- quency of cases of color blindness and defective vision in four years. AVERAGE NUMBER OF REJECTIONS FOR DEFECTIVE VISION BY THE STATE BOARD OF EXAMINERS FOR ALABAMA, 1888-1891.1 Per Cent, of Color. No. Examined. No. of Rejections. Rejections. While 7,403 285 3.9 Black ... . 1.253 24 1.9 Mulatto .... 265 5 1.9 ^ Annual reports of the Alabama .State Board of Health, 188S-1S91. V^ This table presents the results of examinations made during 1888-91 of persons employed or desiring to be employed in the railway service. The class rejected or disqualified includes those with visual defects of all kinds and therefore the results are not strictly compar- able with those of Mr. Gould's investigation, which deals with color blindness only. But the result is largely in favor of the colored, and to an equal degree for mulattoes and full blacks. A similar result is brought out by the following table abstracted from the reports of the Sur- ' " Militarj' Statistics," p. 554. 170 American Eco7iomic Association. geon-General of the army and showing the rejections for diseases of the eye during a period of eight years. REJECTIONS rOR DISEASES OF THE EYES FOR i,cx30 MEN EXAMINED, \ 1887-1894.1 j Year. White. Colored. 18S7 74.2 50.9 \ 1888 90.0 76.7 1S89 89.1 77.5 1890 89.1 55.1 1891 86.7 40.8 1S92 S8.3 64 5 1^93 82. o 51.2 i?^94 Sd^T 30^7 1 Annual reports of the Surgeon-General of the Array, 1S88-1 895. _ __^y Without exception the rejections for diseases of the eye are most frequent among the whites, and there does not seem to be any tendency towards a change in this favorable condition for the colored race. The conclusions deducible from the preceding tables of anthropometric statistics may be summarized as follows : First. The average weight of the colored male of military age, and of colored male and female children, is greater than that of whites of the same classes. This excess in weight prevails irrespective of age, stature, or circumference of the chest.x' Second. The average stature of the negro is less than that of the white, and the difference, though slight, pre- vails at all ages. Third. The greater weight and smaller stature of the negro as compared with the white are found to prevail practically the same today as thirty years ago. The race has therefore undergone no decided change in re- spect to these conditions of bodily structure. <. Fourth. The average girth of chest of the negro male Race Traits atid Tendencies of the Anierica^i Negro. 171 of thirty years ago was slightly greater than that of the white, but at the present time the chest expansion of the colored male is less than that of the white. This de- crease in the size of the living thorax in part explains the increase in the mortality from consumption and res- piratory diseases. Fifth. The capacity of the lungs of the negro is con- siderably below that of the white. This fact coupled with the smaller weight of the lungs (4 oz.) is without question another powerful factor in the great mortality from diseases of the lungs. ^ Sixth. The mean frequency of respiration is greater in the negro than in the white. As accelerated respira- tion indicates a tendency towards disease, the fact just stated fully supports those regarding inferior vital capac- ity and lesser degree of mobility of the chest. Seventh. The mean lifting strength of the white is in excess of that of the negro. The prevailing opinion that the negro is on the whole more capable of enduring physical exercise is therefore disproved. This fully agrees with the facts regarding excessive mortality, which in itself is proof of a lesser degree of physical strength. Eighth. The power of vision of the negro is inferior to that of the white, but he is less liable to diseases of the eye, especially color blindness. The facts brought together in the preceding section prove conclusively that there are important differences in the bodily structure of the two races, differences of far-reaching influence on the duration of life and the social and economic efficiency of the colored man. Superficial writers,' either ignorant of or indifferent to 'Davy "On the Character of the Negro." Journal, Anthropological Society, vol. vii, p. clvi et seq. 172 American Econotnic Association. the facts, have maintained that snch differences were only trivial and of no importance. All the researches of and investigations from Soemmering' to Gonld have clearly proven that the differences are vital. Sir Dnncan Gibb, in his remarks on the paper of Dr. Beddoe,^ well said that " the vital energies of a people had a great deal to do with the state of the body, and that the capacity of the chest should count for something very considerable as an indication of national power. He thought that the British people as a race were superior to most other people in consequence of the vigour they possessed in that respect." '' The apparent decrease in the vitality of the negro is in marked contrast to the favorable change in th.e white population. Taking account only of students we have it on the authority of Professor Hitchcock that " The physique of the Amherst student is altered very considerably from what it was in the sixties. The young man now in college has at his entrance less of the simple, flabby, weak appearance than had the young collegian of 186 1. . . . There are two facts in our statistical history which illustrate this point. One is the test of actual strength. Almost from the first beginnings of our department we have possessed and used the two well known tests known as the ' dip ' and the ' pull up '. . . . The records of tests with these instruments applied to all the colleges, were averaged for the period 1861 to 1888, with the re- sult that the ' dip ' stood at 6, and the ' pull up ' at 9. For the sake of comparison we have averaged the same ' S. T. SotnTiiering, " Ueber die korperlichen Verschiedenheiteu der Neger von Europaern," Frankfurt a. M., 1785. 2 " The Stature and Bulk of Men in the British Islands." ^Journal of the Anthropological Society, Vol. 7, p. ccxxi. lace Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 173 ite: lis for the past five college years and find the 'dip' to be 7.1 and the 'pull up' 9.9, that is, we register a gain of 9 and 8 per cent, respectively. Another test is found in our record of time lost on account of sickness. Statistics taken from 1861-65 showed that each student during that period averaged a loss of 2.18 days annually during term time from being too sick to study. The records for 1885-89 show an average loss of 1.75 days, a gain in health of 8 per cent. The deaths during 1861- 70, exclusive of those who fell in the v/ar were 6. i per cent, of the whole number graduated ; the deaths during 1881-90 were 3.4 per cent, of this number. This cer- tainly indicates a greater vitality now than twenty-five years ago."^ In contrast with this favorable change of physical condition for the white race, we have abundant proof of the physical deterioration of the colored race. Before emancipation he presented in many respects a most ex- cellent physical type, a type even superior to the aver- age white man examined for military service under similar conditions. The opinions as to his fitness for military service were so very emphatic, and so largely in his favor, that I cannot do better than quote a few of the many recorded views of the examining surgeons, who had excellent opportunities for observation. The Kentucky negro of thirty years ago was described by Dr. James Foster, of London, Ky., as follows : For symmetry, muscular strength and endurance, I do not think the Kentucky negro can be surpassed by any people on earth. The stoutest and most muscular men I ever examined were the negroes I examined at this office I think the negro, if he was better informed, and as a consequence, possessed of more moral courage, would be more enduring as he is certainly more muscular ' Annual report of the Professor of Hygiene and Physical Education of Amherst College, 1891. 174 American Economic Associatio7i. thau the white man. He is, in addition generally better devel ipel in the chest than the white man.' Dr. John C. Maxwell, of Lebanon, Ky., wrote a.s fol- lows : I think I may state without fear of contradiction, that the colored man in this locality, if bone and sinew, chest measurement and gen- eral physique are the criteria, presents the greatest physical aptitude for military service. - In the eastern states the opinion of the examining surgeon was equally favorable. Dr. John Streeter, of Boston makes the following report : I have not examined a very large number of colored men, not exceeding 300, consequently I cannot speak from large experience. Those that I have examined compare favorably in intelligence and aptitude for military service with white recruits. In muscular de- velopment and freedom from physical disqualifications they are superior to the average white men I have examined. The finest specimens of physical development I have seen were among the colored recruits. I am not aware why the colored race should not furnish as efficient soldiers as ever were in service.^ Dr. R. G. McLord, of Norwich, Conn., wrote as fol- lows : The negro possesses in general a sound and vigorous body, with a powerful development of the thorax and superior extremities, and is in ever}' way physically adapted for garrison dut}', assailing earth works, as well as for short marches. ' The opinion of Dr. Stevenson, of Camden, N. J., was given as follows : The negro race physically are well developed, muscular and strong. . . With the exception of a greater tendency to scrofulous disorders, they are quite as free from disease as the whites. The negro then would seem to be well adapted to endure the fatigues of a long march and in those duties where manual labor is required, ought to be superior to the white man.^ Finally I may quote the opinion of Dr. H. B. Hub- ^ Provost-Marshal General's report, vol. I, p. 3S4. ^ Ibid, p. 370. ^ Ibid, p. 201. * Ibid, p. 237. ^Ibid, p. 285. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americaii Negro. 175 bard, exaiiiiuing surgeon of the 2nd Mass. district, who observed the negro in British Guiana : An experience of some months' practice among this class some years since in Denierara, enables me to give a decided opinion that the negro is generally of good physique . . . and fully as able, (as the white) to support fatigue and endure hardship. I think the negro lias ever}' physical qualification for military service. I refer to the pure or nearly pure, bl.ick ; for although I have known some muscular and healthy niulattoes I am convinced that, as a general rule, any considerable admixture of white blood deteriorates their physique, impairs the powers of endurance and almost always intro- duces a scrofulous taint.' This testimony as to the sound physical condition of the negro previous to emancipation, M^as ahnost unani- mous. Those who disagreed with the favorable opin- ions in regard to the negro's fitness for military service found fault largely with the lack of muscular develop- ment of the calf of the leg, and the extreme flat-foot- edness, and, among those of mixed blood especially, tendency to scrofula. In regard to the first two objections the opinion of Dr. Sanford Hunt may be quoted, according to whom " the large flat inelastic foot of the negro was at first considered an objection,, but consequent experience has not sustained the idea.. I have known a command of about 1,500 negroes to marcli 78 miles in 76 hours with remarkable ease and without increasing the sick list except for blistered feet. The general experience of army officers has decided that the negro marches as well as the majority of the troops."^ Hence we have an almost perfect agreement of widely separated authorities and investigators, that the negro of thirty years ago was physically the equal if not the superior of the white, and this view has been fully sus- tained by the statistics of mortality, which also ranked ^Provost-Marshal General's report. Vol. I, p. 199. ^ "The Negro as a Soldier"; Anthropological Review, Vol VII, p. 43. 176 American Economic Association. him the equal if not the superior of the white of thirty years ago. While it is not possible to demonstrate as clearly as is desirable the present physical condition of the colored race, enough facts have been introduced to show that a process of deterioration has been going on in this respect, which is revealed by the inordinate mor- tality of the race from consumption and respiratory diseases. And the opinion is warranted that if facts were collected in the same comprehensive and scientific manner as was done by Mr. Gould and Dr. Baxter, they would prove that in vital capacity, the most important of all physiological characteristics, the tendency of the race has been downward. This tendency if unchecked must in the end, lead to a still greater mortality, a lesser degree of economic and social efficiency, a lower standard of nurture and a diminishing excess of births over deaths. A combination of these traits and ten- dencies must in the end cause the extinction of the race. Chapter IV. RACE AMALGAMATION. In this work, the terms "colored" and "negro" have been used indiscriminately, but I have made the more extended use of the former, since the type of the pure negro is rarely met with. The race is so hopelessly mixed that it is difficult to arrive at a clear definition, and the term " colored " will probably serve as well as the awkward phrase, " persons of x^frican descent." Of the original African type few traces remain, and the race is largely a cross between the African and the white male ; for no considerable crossing of negroes with white females has ever taken place. The instances where white women have married colored men are very rare and the few cases that occur cannot possibly have affected the traits and tendencies of the race. On the other hand, the infusion of white blood, through white males, has been widespread, and the original type of the African has almost completely disappeared. A small settlement near Mobile, Ala., a few years ago was asserted to have preserved the purity of the race : but I am informed by Dr. D. T. Rogers, the health officer of Mobile, that this is no longer true.^ It is therefore a ' This settlement consisted originally of thirty full blooded Daho- meyans, brought over in the " Clothilde" in 1859, the last cargo of slaves brought to this country. They were exceedingly fine speci- mens of the nati%'e African and in the course of a few years became an industrious, peaceble community. For a considerable period no intercourse with the native colored population took place, but of late years they have mixed and intermarried with the latter. The result of this inter-marriage is given fully in the following extracts from a letter of Dr. Rogers, written from Mobile, Ala., Dec. 18, 1895, who kindly investigated the matter for me. '• The settlement is located about three miles from Mobile. Some lyS American Economic Association. question of great importance to know what influence, favorable or otherwise, the infusion of white blood has had on the physical, moral and mental ^aracteristics _of the race. It is of further importance to ascertain, if possible, whether there is a decided tendency towards a mixture of the two races, and if so, whether this tend- ency is in the direction of lawful marriage or of concu- binage and prostitution. It is an open question whether crossing leads to the improvement or deterioration of races. There is no agree- ment amongst high authorities. Gobineau maintains that intermixture of different races leads to final extinc- tion of civilization. Serres and others maintain that crossing of races is the essential lever of all progress.' Topinard holds that crossing of races anthropologically remote does not increase fecundity ; while M. :Quatre- fages holds the contrary opinion. Nott, Knox and Per- rier hold that intermixture of races would lead to decay, while M. Bodichon declares that the era of universal peace and fraternity will be realized by crossing. The latter opinion is shared by Waitz, Deschamps, and many others. But it would seem that the majority of the writers draw their conclusions from insufficient evidence and years ago they all lived together on tlieir own land, which was given to them, but in the course of time, as they have married, they have moved away from the old place and now are scattered over a section of about two square miles. The old original Afiicans were fine specimens of the African race, all being tattoo marked and speaking their own language. Thej' are large, well developed and healthy, and in this respect superior to the other colored people. They have largely married among themselves but also among other colored people in this section. The increase in the population has not been greater than that of the native colored people. The offspring of those who have married native born colored persons exhibit character- istics of an inferior physique to those of the original Africans and they do not enjoy good health." 'Waitz, " Anthropology," p. 347. J Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 179 isolated cases of fecundity or sterility, which had little or no bearing upon the future progress of the races, I have failed to find in any of the works on Anthropology a statement of facts which would warrant definite con- clusions one way or the other. The imperfect state of vital statistics, even at the present time, makes it difficult if not impossible to settle scientifically the question of increase or decrease in fecundity. This question would seem to have been the main object of the many inquiries in regard to the effect of crossing, and the physiological effects seem to have been generally ignored. Not one of the many writers on the subject deals in a satisfactory way at all with the comparative vitality of mixed races, and although many statements as to comparative mortality are made, they are usually based on insufficient evidence. Finally, it would seem that past inquiries have been directed rather to establishing one theory or another as to the unity or plurality of the human race, than to the far more important end of proving in a scientific way whether a race has actually been benefitted intellectually, morally, or physically by crossing. Again, the distinc- tion pointed out by Topinard has not been sufficiently drawn, that there is or may be a wide difference in the effects of crossing of races anthropologically remote from each other, as compared with races which have arrived at about the same stage of development That races of similar culture and physical and psy- chical development can intermarry- to mutual advantage is too patent a fact to need instances in its support- That the children of mixed parentage of Indo-German^ stock, irresjjective of nationality, are superior to the r ents, is a fact which we observe in every day life. I is an entirely different matter when Germans and It i8o America7i Economic Associatioyi. English and Spaniards, Swedes and Turks intermarry and have children'. And it may be said, only with emphasis, that the cross-breed of white men and colored women is, as a rule, a product inferior to both ^ parents, physically and morally. Waitz himself expres- ses the opinion that " with regard to sexual intercourse and the quality of the offspring there exists both in individuals, as well as between different nations, not exactly antipathy, but incompatibility which though not explicable as to its origin, is sufficiently established. "- Xhat^such antipathy does exist is si ifficien th- prov^ n^ by tVif^ far^f fViQf wTiitf^ xyo^n en of this country^ do no t and never have sho wn a decided inclination to marrv negroes, and the most careful inquiry fails to show that J;h£i£. ha sjjeen developed any tendency towards a change in Jtheir attitude. The un derlying cause for this antip- athy is what Westermark call s "thej f ?w nf sil iTJl^^^llJ^' which, according to this eminent writer ^^ does more tlian anything else to maintain the se pf ^ ration of the different classes." " A ciyilized race," he writes, " does not readily intermingle with one less advanced in civiliza- tion, for the same reasons \vhich prevent a lord from . marrying a peasant girl. And, more than anytliing else, . . . the enmity, or at least the want of sympathy, due to differences of interests, ideas and habits, which so often exists between different peoples or tribes, helps to keep the races separate."^ Again, " Affection depends in a very high degree upon_ ^sympathy. Though distinct aptitudes, these two classes pet /(9Mf7Zrt/ of the Royal Statistical Society, 1S65, pp. 274-75. ^^^^^ Introduction to Anthropolog}'," by Dr. Theodore Waitz, (London, istics oj Vol. I, p. 185. they do ^.Mnan Marriage," p. 2S2. 1 Waitz, Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. i8i of emotions are most intimately connected : affection is strengthened by sympathy and sympathy is strengthened by affection. Community of interest, opinions, senti- ments of culture and mode of life, as being essential to close sympathy, is therefore favorable to close affection. The contrast must not be so great as to exclude sym- pathy."' Finally, " want of sympathy prevents great divisions of human beings, such as different races or nations, hereditary castes, classes and adherents of differ- ent religions . . . from intermarrying, even where personal affection plays no part in the choice."^ There would seem therefore to be in operation a most powerful cause, which for ages to come will make amal- gamation of the white and colored races, in this country at least, an impossibility. " Between him (the negro) and the white, the race antipathy seems too strong for any great degree of amalgamation ever to take place while the mulatto has the infertility of a hybrid." ^ But we have to face the fact that the races do mix in spite of the effect of the law of similarity which makes intermar- riage of such rare occurrence. The crossing of the white and colored races in this country is, therefore, not within the lawful bounds of marriage, but outside of the pale of the moral lavv^. That an immense amount of concubinage and prostitution prevails among the colored women of the United States is a fact fully admitted by the negroes them- selves. It is most prevalent, as is natural, in the large cities, but exists also to a large extent in the rural por- tions of the country. Of the two evils, prostitution for gain prevails the more widely, and it is but natural that we should find on investigation that the inevitable con- ' "Human Marriage," p. 362. •' Ibid, p. 544. •'Charles Morris, "The Aryan Race," p. 316. i82 Afncnca7i Econoviic Association. sequences of a life of sexual immorality have very seri- ously affected the physical and moral characteristics of — the colored race. These consequences fall most heavily on the offspring. The children of colored women and white men, of whatever shade of color, are morally and physically the>^ inferiors of the pure black. It has been stated by Nott and proved by subsequent experience, that the mulatto is in every way the inferior of the black, and of all races the one possessed of the least vital force. I cannot do better than give in full the opinions of the examining surgeons of the army during the war, as to the vitality and general physical condition of the mulatto. The following are excerpts from the report of the Provost- Alarshal General. There are few if any pure Africans [in Vermont], but a mixed race only. They probably lose in vitality what they gain in symmetry of form by admixture ; they die early of scrofula or tuberculosis. ' Although I have known some muscular and healthy mulattoes, I am convinced that, as a general rule, any considerable admixture of white blood deteriorates the physique and impairs the powers of en- durance, and almost always introduces a scrofulous taint."^ 1 believe a genuine black far superior in physical endurance to the mulatto or yellow negro ; the last named are with few exceptions, scrofulous or consumptive.'' The colored men, as far as my observation goes, make excellent soldiers, . . . The mulatto, however, is comparatively worthless, subject to scrofula and tuberculosis.* The chief disability being among those of mixed blood, a tendency to scrofula. ■" The majority of those rejected were of northern birth and gener- erally mulattoes." In this country the mixture [of the colored] with the whites con- 'Page 192, B. F. Morgan, M. D., Rutland, Vt 2 Page 199, H. B. Hubbard, M. D., Taunton, Mass. ^Page 225, C. G. McKnight, M. D., Providence, R. I. ^Page 261, C. L. Hubbell, M. D., Troy, N. Y. ^Page 302, J. Rallston Wells, M. D., Philadelphia, Pa. «Page304, J. H. Mears, M. D., Frankfort, Pa. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americaji Negi'o. 183 tributes greatly to lower their health and stamina and we find com- paratively few of mixed breeds who are free from scrofula.' The pure Africans, that is, with no admixture of white blood, as a class were the most muscularlj' developed of any men examined. The mulattoes have more intelligence . . . but they were scrofu- lous and consumptive.'^ The African race, when pure and not mixed with white blood, is more capable of enduring hardships . . . than the white race.* The pure bloodeil African is in every way physically the equal to the European. . . . Their mixture witli the white race deterior- ates very much from their physical development.* The conviction arising from an examination of a few hundred of various shades of color is that the negro proper is well adapted for military service, but that th e mu latto and all varieti e s of mix ture of black and white blood have degenerated physicall y, being very often found with tuberculosis and other manifestations of imperfect organ- ism.^ Ill contrast with the foregoing opinions, in only one instance was an opinion given, which was favorable to the mixed type and that was based on only two cases, which make it of no determining value. These emphatic opinions of qualified medical men, with abundant opportunity for observation, is fully sup- ported by the results of the investigations of Dr. Gould, Some of the data collected by Dr. Gould have already been referred to in the previous chapter, but the follow- ing summary of comparative physical measurements of the pure and mixed races may not be out of place at this time. As regards weight, there is very little differ- .ence. The average was 141. 4 lbs. for the white, 144.6 for the full black, and 144,8 for the mulatto. As I have stated before, I attach less value to this test, as applied to the colored race than to the white race, since the in- crease in weight is one of quantity only instead of quan- 1 Page 311, R. H. Sm.th, M. D., West Chester, Pa. ' 'Page 353, Thos. F. Murdoch, M. U., Baltimore, Md. 3 Page 394, J. R. Veeter, M. D., Jefferson City, Mo. * Page 403, David Noble, M. D,, Hillsborough, Ohio. * Page 418, Iv. M. Whiting, M. D., Alliance, Ohio. 184 American Economic Association. tity and quality combined. The average circumference of the chest was 35.8 inches for the white, 35.1 for the full black, and 34.96 for the mulatto. The difference is in favor of the full black, but too slight to be of any im- portance. The capacity of the lungs, the most important of all determining factors among physical measurements, was 184.7 cubic inches for the white, 163.5 for the full black and only 158.9 for the mulatto. This low vital capacity is without question the most serious fact affecting the longevity of the mixed races, and one which explains the lower vitality and less resistance to disease than is found in the negro of pure blood. The rate of respira- tion is also unfavorable for the mixed race, and accord- ing to Gould is 16.4 per minute for the white, 17.7 for the pure black and 19.0 for the mulatto in usual vigor. On the basis of these observations, the conclusion is warranted, that the mixed race is physically the in- ferior of the white and pure black, and as a result of this inferior degree of vital power we meet with a lesser degree of resistance to disease and death among the mixed population, in contrast with the more favorable condition prevailing among the whites and pure blacks. Morally, the mulatto cannot be said to be the su- perior of the pure black. In the absence of compara- ative statistics it is next to impossible to prove this assertion, based largely on individual observation, which may and may not be accurate. This much, how- ever, is probably true, that most of the illicit intercourse between whites and colored is with mulatto women and seldom with those of the pure type. From such jinstances as have come to my notice, the few white men who have married colored females usually prefer the Race Traits and Tejidcncies of the American A^egro. 185 mulatto, and the same selection no doubt prevails anion o- tliose who disregard the law of sexual morality. Intellectually, the mulatto is undoubtedly the superior (^ of the pure black. Of this there is much evidence suffi- cieuLly welf^riown not to need presentation in detail. It may, however, be of value to give a few data showing the physiological changes that have taken place in the mixed races as a consequence of the infusion of white blood. In the work of Gould information is given show- ing the comparative cranial measurements of the pure black and the mixed type, and it is shown that as re- gards circumference of the head and the facial angle, the mulatto approximates the white race more nearly than the pure black. As regards the former, the aver- age circumference of the head was 22.1 inches for the white, 22.0 for the mulatto, and 21.9 for the full black. The facial angle measured 72.0° for the white, 69.2° for the mulatto, and 68.8° for the full black. These facts are fully supported by the observations of Dr. Sanford B. Hunt, who carefully investigated the weight of the brain as affected by crossing. According to Dr. Hunt the average weight of the brain increases according to the extent of crossing, so that the type presenting the largest admixture with the white, presents also the heaviest weight of the brain. The table of Dr. Hunt is given in full on account of its great value. WEIGHT OF THE BRAIN OF WHITE AND COLORED SOI^DIERS.i (Grammes.) No. of Cas^s. Degree of Color. Weight of Brain. =4 whites three parts white 1424 grammes 1390 othe 47 half white 1334 ' 51 «f^ 95 one-fourth white oue-eighth white 1319 1308 " tal 1 22 one-sixteeuth white 1280 uca 141 pure negroes 1331 of '«/AV/.*«/«^,>^ r/ l?^ii,\>'!,f \rjf 11 "rv.^ •NT„ c^ i86 Ajuerican Econoviic Association. The tabic clearly proves that there is an increase in brain weight with an increase in the proportion of white blood, and this fact agrees with what we should expect from the greater circumference of the head and the larger facial angle of the mulatto as compared with the pure negro. {vVe have, therefore, the contrast of the mulatto being physically and possibly morally the in- ferior of the pure blooded negro, while intellectually he is the superior. ) This statistical fact could easily be supported by numerous instances of exceptional individual progress, which as a rule has been made by those who had a large proportion of white blood in their veins. But important as these exceptional instances may be, they must not be compared, as they too often are, with the intellectual pro- gress of the whites. I cannot do better in illustration of this point than to quote Vogt's remarks on the well known case of Lille Geoffroy, who was the offspring of a Frenchman and a negro woman of Martinique : "As a proof in favor of the scientific and artistic capacity of the negro, we find cited in nearly all works the instance of INIr. Lille Geoffroy, of Martinique, an engineer and mathematician and correspondent member of the French Academy. The fact is that the mathematical perform- ances of the above gentleman were of such a nature that, had he been born in Germany of white parents, he might, perhaps, have been qualified to be a mathematical teacher in a middle class school or engineer of a railway ; but having been born in Martinique, of colored parents, he shone like a one-eyed man among the totally blind. M. Lille besides, was not a pure black but a mulatt- ^y This distinction, so ably pointed out, is almost al , . ,. . , . ,, , men lost sight of m discussions on the intellectual "^ the 'Vogt, "Lectures on Man," pp. 192-3. — ' Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 187 gress, not only of the mulatto, but also of the negro. Yet it is the most important, since it alone will separate the real from the unreal,' I may state here that together with an increase in so- - called education there has not been as much progress in morality as would take place if the education were genuine and not, as it is in fact, a mere varnish of ques- tionable value. And for this reason the mere fact that there has been an increase in brain weight, in cranial capacity, is of very little importance as compared with the fact that there has been a decrease in vital force by reason of the infusion of white blood. It is only another illustration of the fact that when a race of a lower de- gree of civilization comes in contact with a superior race it will first imitate the superior race in the external, I might say the ornamental, characteristics, rather than in the useful and permanent. Thus the long heel of the negro has decreased from 0.82 inches in the black to 0.57 inches in the mulatto, compared with 0.48 inches in the white. The same has been shown to be true as re- gards the facial angle, which is of no possible value as a vital factor. Other points could be given to show that 'The remarks of Vogt are applicable to the numerous receut in- stances where degrees from colleges and universities, and honors as class orators, have been conferred upon negroes who, had they been white men, would never had been for an instant considered deserving of such exceptional appreciation of their intellectual efforts. Honors thus easily gained by niembersof thecoloredrace, must in the end prove moteof ahinderance than a help to real intellectual progress, since the distinction thus conferred is out of proportion to the efforts or achieve- ments by the person thus distinguished. The consequences of such utterly unjustifiable action on the part of great institutions of learn- ing are met in the excessive laudations of their own intellectual or other efforts on the part of the negro writers themselves, and a want of genuine respect for great learning and hard and unremitting men- tal labor. And as a result the more subtle and important effects of ed- ucation and the higher life are lost, and only vanity and foolish pride of race are fostered. i88 American Economic Association. in the least important physical characteristics the mixed race has a tendency to resemble the white, while in the more important, that is in vital and moral characteris- tics, it is inferior even to the pure black. On the strength of the foregoing facts and observa- tions, the conclusions would seem warranted that the crossing of the negro race with the white has been detri- \ mental to its true progress, and has contributed more than anything else to the excessive and increasing rate of mortality from the uiost fatal diseases, as well as to its consequent inferior social efficiency and diuiinishing power as a force in American national life. If the above conclusion is accepted, it is of no small importance to ascertain whether the tendency of the race is towards amalgamation or isolation. It was brought out in the first part of this work that there is a positive tendency on the part of the colored population in the rural sections of the South to congregate in coun- ties w^iere the race is most numerous. For the large cities the same tendency was shown in the congregation of the colored population in a few wards, usually the worst sections of the city from a sanitary or moral stand- point. It was also shown, for Chicago at least, that this congregation was towards the section containing large numbers of houses of ill-fame, and the conclusion is inevitable that the majority of the colored living in this section were directly or indirectly connected with this lowest phase of city life. Hence, as regards the large cities, it is doubtful whether the congregation of the negroes into a few wards indicates a tendenc}^ towards race isolation and race purity. If in this connection we take into consideration the further fact that in the colored race the females outnumber the males more greatly than is true for the white race, the conclusion seems fairly Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 189 warranted that large numbers of colored women who drift from the country into the cities, from whatever cause, adopt a life of prostitution for gain. And for this unfortunate social fact, the lower classes of white men are almost entirely responsible. For while irregular sexual relations between the two sexes of the colored race prevail all over the South, it is more in the nature of concubinage than prostitution for gain. That lawful marriage between the two races is rare and of even less frequent occurrence now than thirty years ago, will presently be shown by such statistics as I have been able to collect. Before I consider the available data, I wish to deal briefly with the theory of race amalgamation as it has been advocated with more or less persistency dur- ing the present century. One of the earliest discussions on the subject of the gradual absorption of the colored race of this country by the whites, I have met with in the Edinbiirg Review for 1827, which contains the following statement : " We entertain little doubt that when the laws which create a distinction between the races shall be completely abolished, a very few generations will mitigate the prejudices which those laws have created and which they still maintain. ... At that time, the black girl who, as a slave would have attracted a white lover, will, when her father gives her a good education and can leave her a hundred thousand dollars, find no difficulty in procuring a white husband." The laws which made a distinction between the races have been abolished, and at least one generation has passed since then, but the two races are to-day more than ever removed from amalgamation by means of lawful marriage. Even the wealth of a colored girl would not procure for her a good white husband. A marriage for 13 I go American Economic Association. a consideration would, of course, be a return to marriage by purchase, which, fortunately, is gradually passing away. A ' lover ' who would be attracted by a $100,000 girl would be such in name only. Lyell, in 1849,' expressed a similar opinion in the fol- lowing words : " This incident [the runaway match of a white man with a mulatto seamstress] is important from many points of view, and especially as proving to what an extent the amalgamation of the two races would take place, if it were not checked by artificial prejudices and the most jealous and severe enactments of law." But the most determined attempt to create a national sentiment in favor of race assimilation on a large scale was made during the period of the war by a !\Ir. Croly and others, who brought together in a pamphlet their views on the subject, views which were fully shared by the more zealous advocates of the abolition of slavery. Thus Mr. Wendell Phillips in his Fourth of July oration of 1863, advocated " amalgamation to the fullest extent." Mr. Theodore Tilton, editor of the Indcpcndoit, in a speech expressed himself as follows : " I am not advo- cating the union of whites and blacks. This is taking place without advocacy. It neither waits for the per- mission of an argument in favor of it nor stays at the barrier of an argument against it. I am often asked, ' would you marry a black woman ?' I reply . . I have a wife already and, therefore, will not. I am asked, ' do you think a white man ought ever to marry a black woman ?' I reply, when a man and a woman want to get married, it is their business, not mine or anybody else's." And again by the same writer : " The history of the world's civilization is written in one word — which ' "Second Visit to the United States," (New York, 1849), Vol. II, p. 2l6. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 191 many are afraid to speak — many afraid to hear — and that is amalgamation." But neither Air. Phillips nor Mr. Tilton went as far as the authors of " Miscegenation," who advocated com- plete amalgamation not only of whites and blacks but also of whites and Chinese and all other races of what- ever state of culture. All that is needed to make us the finest race on earth is to engraft upon our stock the nej^ro element, which Providence has placed by our side on this continent. Of all the rich treasures of blood vouchsafed to us, that of the negro is most precious because it is the most unlike any other that enters into the composition of national life. The white people of America are dying for want of fresh blood. They have bone and sinew, but they are dry and shriveled for lack of the healthful juices of life. The fact may be startling, but the student of ethnology will be willing to admit that in course of time the dark races must absorb the white. Let the war go on, until church and state and society recognize not only the propriety but the necessity of the marriage of white and black ... in short, until the great truth shall be declared in our public documents and announced in the messages of our Presidents, that it is desirable that the white man shall marry the black woman and the white woman the black man. . . . It is only by the in- fusion into the very system of the vital forces of a tropical race, that the white race may regain health and strength.^ It is not necessary to comment on any of the foregoing utterances. They are reproduced for the purpose of showing, that, for a time at least, the complete absorp- tion of the negro by the white race, or of the white by the negro race, was seriously discussed and advocated by some of the foremost men of the day. The fundamental error, which underlies the argument in favor of race assimilation or absorption, has been pointed out in the beginning. To ignore the law of similarity would, in itself, lead to disastrous conse- quences. It is, for instance, a well known fact that a ^ "Miscegenation," by D. G. Croly and others. New York, 1864. 192 American Economic Association. lower fecundity prevails in the case of marriages be- tween Jews and Christians than for marriages among persons of the same creed. This is atributed by Walcker' to the dissimilarity of the two contracting parties, the disappointment which follows such unions on account of the inability of the Christian to adopt the mode of living or sympathize with the inner life of the Jew and vice versa. That is to say, the barriers which make marriages of Jews and Christians less fruitful are psyche logical rather than physiological. It has been found that the number of children to a marriage was 4.35 where both persons were of the same religion (Christian), but only 1.58 where the father was Christian and the mother a Jewess. When both were Jews the number of births to a marriage was 4.21, but only 1.78 where the father was evangelical, and 1.66 where the father was a Cath- olic.^^ After all the centuries of contact of the Jews with Christians only about five per cent of them marry persons of any other religion than their own. In Algeria, inter- marriages of Jews with Christians are not on the increase -and the same has been said of the Jews in other countries.^ Yet the differences that separate the Jew from the Gen- ^ tile are as nothing compared with the gulf that separates the white from the colored race. Frequently as races have intermixed with one another they have been 1 Dr. Karl Walcker, " Grundriss der Statistik " (Berlin, 1889), p. 138. ^Journal 0/ the American Statisticat Association, vol. Ill, p. 245. ^Marriages of Jewish women to European men, 1888-90, 26 cases ; 1891-3, 20 cases. Marriages of Jewish men to European women, 19 cases during the first three years ; 15 cases during the last three years. Only one marriage of a Jewish woman to a Mussulman is recorded during the six year period and none between a native woman and a Jewish man. For further details see "Statistique G^ndrale de 1' Al- gerie," Alger, 1891 and 1S94. Race Traits and Te^idencies of the Amcrica^i Negro. 193 usually of types of similar degree of culture aud mental development. Among more recent writers, Dr. Leffingwell has ad- vanced the opinion that " before half a dozen centuries have expired, the African will have as completely merged his race in the three hundred millions of people on the American continent as Phenician and Greek, Sar- acen, Roman and Norman have blended into the Nea- politan who basks in the sunshine of San Lucia." ' The few generations of the editor of the Edinburgh Review have been expanded by Dr. Leffingwell into a few centuries. The former have passed and no amal- gamation has taken place, nor are there any indications whatever that a few centuries will accomplish what has not been accomplished thus far. The opinion of Dr. Leffingwell, that as a matter of course " the greater part of this change (from pure to mixed races) will be effected by lawful marriage " is not supported by a single statis- tical fact. Evidence of this will be produced farther on, when it will be shown that intermarriage between the two races is less frequent now than ever before, although it has been at all times of rare occurrence. I\Ir. T. T. Fortune, the editor of the New York Age,. (a paper devoted to the interest of the colored race), at the Africa Congress of the Atlanta Exposition, ex- pressed his view in the following words: "The min- ority race alongside a majority race is destined to be absorbed by the majority race. If the white race did not want to absorb the black it ought to have left it in Africa. If the white man did not want to be absorbed by the black race it ought to have staid out of Africa." In contrast with the view of Dr. Leffingwell and Islx. Fortune, we have the opinion of Dr. Alexander, the ' "Illegilimacy," p. 75. 194 Amen'caji Economic Association. author of a history of African colonization, who wrote fifty years ago : " Two races of men, nearly equal in numbers, but differing as much as the whites and blacks, cannot form one harmonious society in any other way than by amalgamation ; but the whites and blacks in this country by no human efforts, could be amalga- mated into one homogeous mass in a thousand years." ^ Mr. Bruce, in his work, " The Plantation Negro as a Freeman," asserts, that illicit sexual intercourse between the two races has diminished since the war. A far more remarkable evirlence of social antipathy of the white people to the negro is the fact that illicit sexual intercourse between the races has diminished so far as to have almost ceased outside the cities and towns, where the association being more casual, is more frequent. This is due to the attitude of the whites, for the negresses are less modest as a class than they were before the abolition of slavery, since they are now under no restriction at all. In consequence of this reserve on the part of the white men, the mulattoes are rapidly de- creasing in numbers with the progress of time, and the negroes as a mass are gradually but surely reverting to the African type. As his skin darkens in its return to that of his remote ancestors, the prospects of blacks and whites lawfully mixing their blood fades to the thinnest shadow of probability. . . . The few white women who have given birth to mulattoes liave always been regarded as mon- sters ; and without exception they have belonged to the most impov- erished and degraded caste of whites, by whom they are scrupulously avoided as creatures who have sunk to the level of the beasts of the field. ■' The opinion of ]\Ir. Bruce is accepted by ]\Ir. Bryce, who also holds that there is less intercourse between the white male and the colored female under conditions of freedom than there was under slavery. In the Scottish Geographical Magaziiic^ he expresses his opinion, wliich is in marked contrast with the view of those who believe in the possibility of an extensive race amalgamation. ' "A History of Colonization on the West Coast of Africa," (Phila-. delphia, 1846), p. 17. 2 Bruce, "The Plantation Negro as a Freeman," pages 53-55. Race Traits a7id Tendencies of the American Negro. 195 Nothiiij? better illustrates the assimilative power of a vigorous community than the way in which the immigrants into the United States melt like sugar in a cup of tea, and see their children grow up no longer Germans or Norwegians or even Irish or Italians or Czechs, but Anglo-Americans. With the negroes, on the other hand, there is practically no admixture ; and so far as can be foreseen they will remain, at least in the subtropical part of the South, distinctly African in their physical and mental characteristics for centuries to come. The same remark holds true of the white and black races of South Africa, where the process of blood mixture, which went on to some extent between the Dutch and the Hottentots, has all but stopped. ^ According to Mr. Br^xe there is therefore to be ob- served not only a decrease in the tendency towards mix- ture of the white and colored races in this country, but also as between the whites and blacks of South Africa. Hence, neither do the whites absorb the negroes of this country, nor the negroes of Africa the whites who have settled there. Instances where two or more races have dwelt together for ages without amalgamation are frequent and need not be dwelt upon at length here. According to Mr. Westermark, " marriages between Lapps and Swedes rareh- occur, being looked upon as dishonorable by both peoples. They are equally uncommon between Lapps and Norwegians and it rarely ever happens that a Lapp marries a Russian." Count de Gobineau, according to Westermark remarks that " not even a common religion and country can extinguish the herditary aversion of the Arab to the Turk, of the Kurd to the Nestorian of Syria, of the ]\Iagyar to the Slav."' An interesting instance is presented in the case of the Ainos of Japan, who are a distinct race from the Japan- ese, and who, after centuries of close association, are as >" Assimilation of Races in the United States," etc.. Professor James Bryce in Scottish Geographical RIagazinc, 1892. Reprinted in Smithsonian Report, 1893, page 5S6, et seq. - " Human Marriage." 196 American Economic Association. distinct in their character and habits of life as if they had never come in contact with the superior race of Japanese. It is said that the Ainos, being unable to affiliate more closely with the Japanese, are doomed to extinction. The half castes die out with the third or fourth generation and the children of Japanese and Ainos are never vigorous and healthy.' The Eurasian race of India present almost identically the same problem as the negroes of this country. Accord- ing to Sara J. Duncan there is no remote chance of its ever being re-absorbed by either of its original elements, the prejudices of both Europeans and natives being far too vigorous to permit intermarriage with a race of peo- ple who are neither one nor the other. I may be per- mitted to give here the consequences of such inter- mixture of Europeans with Indians in Calcutta, where some 20,000 of Eurasians live. It is a hard saving, but il suffers little contradiction, that morally the Eurasians inherit defects more conspicuously than virtues from both races from which they spring. Drunkenness is not common among them, nor is brutality. . . . But their indolence and un- thrift are proverbial, as are their cupidity and instability of character. . . . The social evil among the lower classes is very hideous. They seem to have a code of their own, which is capable of infinite infraction, and they touch a level of degradation which is far lower than any reached by the pure heathen about them. This is apparent- ly an ineradicable thing, for it has its root in physical inheritance and its reason is racial.^ In the West Indies the coolies of Trinidad do not mix with the negro or the mulatto. According to Froude they are proud and will not intermarry with the African.^ According to the registrar-general of Trinidad "very few East Indian women have intermarried with the ' " The Ainos of Yezo, Japan," by Romyn Hitchcock, report of the National Museum, Smithsonian Institution, 1S90. ' Popular Science Monthly, Nov., 1S92. 3 "The English in the West Indies," p. 74. Race Tf-aiis and Tendencies of the Amcricaji Negro. 197 native colored population in which the gradations from white to black are so fine that no census enumeration by complexions has been attempted."^ Intermarriage of the negro with the Indian of this country has also been infrequent, although there has at all times been a considerable intermixture of the Indian with the white race. Of the evil effect of such marriages the agent in charge of the Crow agency of Montana wrote as follows : One great drawback to the advancement of these people [Crow agency, Montana] is the intermarriage of white men among them. As a rule, any white man who will marry an Indian woman is unfit to associate with the Indians. The presence of such men is a great det- riment to the Indian. The average Indian is far superior to the ma- jority of whites who marry Indian women. . . . Asa rule, the full blooded Indian stands a much better chance to become a man than the half-breed. The presence of these men causes more trouble in the management of the Indian than all other causes combined.^ This severe condemnation of intermarriage of whites with Indians is fully confirmed by the investigations of Dr. Holden, who lived for a good many years among the Indians as Agency physician : " Tribes who have been isolated, or who have held aloof from the whites, re- tained their tribal relations and declared for non-inter- course with the whites, are chaste and free from taint. The tribes who have opened their arms to receive the white man have been subdued by him, have been de- bauched and inoculated with venereal poison.'^ There is therefore abundant proof that there is a natural aversion between some races and that attempts to cross this natural barrier, determined by the ' law of similarity' have invariably lead to the most disastrous consequences. It is largely to the frequency of illicit ' Census of Trinidad, 1891, p. 18. ^ Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1S74, page 261. "^ American Journal of Obstetrics, 1S92, p. 58. 198 American Eco7iomic Associati07i. intercourse between white males and colored females that we must attribute the wide prevalence of syphilis and scrofula among the mixed population, as well as the excessive mortality, the lower fecundity, the increasing tendency to consumption and other tubercular diseases, the smaller chest expansion and vital capacity. All are the consequences of a union of two races in violation of a natural law — a law which superficial writers hav hoped to see overcome by legislative enactment. The following facts will prove that such marriages are becoming more and more infrequent in this country as w^ell as in the West Indies. The table below will show for the state of Michigan the marriages that have taken place between whites and colored of both types, that is, pure black and mixed. The table covers a period of 20 years and is of exceptional value as indicat- ing the tendency of the race in the direction of amalga- mation by lawful marriage.' INTER-MARRIAGES OF WHITE AND COLORED IN MICHIGAN.— 1874-1893. White Males Mar- ried to White Females Married to Periods. Black Females. Mulatto Females. Black Males Mulatto Males. Total. 1S74-78 . . 2 5 8 7 22 79-S3 • • I 2 8 . 12 23 84-88. . . . I 4 21 14 40 89-93 • • 2 I 10 '5 26 20 years, 74-93 . . 6 12 47 46 III According to the table before us, during a period of twenty years only i8 white men married colored females, w^hile 93 white females were married to colored men. On the basis of the number of persons married during the first ten years, there was one mixed marriage to every 6,220 persons married, as compared with a rate ' For this table I am under obligations to the Hon. Washington Gardner, secretary of state of Michigan. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 199 of one to every 7,931 during the next ten years. It is a matter of some surprise to find that the numbers of blacks and mulattoes who married white women were ahnost equal, indicating no decided preference on the part of the white woman for colored persons of mixed {y parentage ; but among the white men who married colored women, the larger number selected mulattoes. This fact supports my observation that for purposes of prostitution and concubinage women of mixed blood are preferred to those of the African type. The next two tables give the same information for the state of Rhode Island, the city of Providence and the state of Connecticut. INTER-MARRIAGES OF WHITES AND COI^ORED IN RHODE ISI^AND. 1S81-1S93. 1S81 1882 1883 1884 1885 1 886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 1893 13 years Rhode Island. Providence. No return 5 No return 5 6 I 2 3' 7 6 7 4 7 7 4 4 5 4 3 2 ID 5 4 3 3 3 58^ 52 1 In 1RS4 more mixed marriages were reported in Providence than in the state of Rhode Island. I have not been able to ascertain the cause of this error, which is ijrobablj' a clerical one in favor of Providence. - Eleven years, 51 white females, 7 white males. INTER-MARRIAGES IN CONNECTICUT.— 1883-1S93. Year. No. of Cases. Year. No. of Cases. 1883 7 1889 6 1884 4 1890 8 1885 6 1891 7 1886 ^ 1882 6 1887 3 1893 4 188S 8 II years, 1883-93, 65 cases.^ 'Mixed marriages, 1894, 10. 200 Aynericayi Economic Association. In the table for Rhode Island, which has been com- bined with the data for Providence, a numerical as well as relative decrease is shown. The rate of intermar- riages was one to every 1,012 persons married, for the period 1884-88, and one to every 1,327 for the period 1889-93/ For the city of Providence, in which the large majority of such marriages in the state of Rhode Island are shown to occur, the rate of mixed marriages to total of persons married was one in every 579 persons married during 1881-85, one in every 612 during the five years, 1886-90, and one in every 1,030 during the period 1891-94. For Connecticut the ratio was one to every 1,951 persons married during 1883-88, and one ' For Boston, I have not been able to obtain a complete record, but the table below, compiled from the reports of the city registrar of Boston, 1855-1890, will show that while mixed marriaj^es increased to the period 1873-77, they have since remained almost stationary- in numbers, and in proportion to the increase in the population they have materially declined. The registration reports for very recent years no longer contain information on this point, for, in the words of the registrar, "it cannot possibly interest anyone to know how many white persons marry colored individuals." It is a fact, not generally known, that a few years ago a bill was introduced in the Massachusetts legislature by the only colored member of that body, by which the use of the word "colored" was to be prohibited in all public documents. Considerable opposition was necessary to prevent the passage of this uncalled for measure. MIXED MARRIAGES IN BOSTON, MASS., 1885-1890. Total. Average Per Annum. 1855-1859 50 10. 1862-1S66 45 9- 1867-1871 88 17,6 1873-1877 172 34-4 1878-1882 121 24.2 1883-1887 124 24.8 1890 24 24. It is not at all improbable, however, that in some of these cases the woman were octoroons, passing as white when obtaining their mar- riage certificate. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 201 to every 2,036 in 1889-93. On the basis of these figures, therefore, the conclusion seems fully warranted that in this country lawful marriage between whites and blacks is on the decrease. As will be seen from the table below for Bermuda, the same holds true for the West Indies. MIXED-MARRIAGES IN BERMUDA, W. I., 72-1S95.1 Year. 1872 , 1S73 . 1S74 1875 1876 , 1877 1878 1879 1880 1S81 1882 1883 No. of Cases. 5 10 Year. 1884 1885 1886 1887 1 888 1889 1890 1 891 1892 J 893 1894 1895 [2 years 109 12 vears . No. of Cases. 2 I 6 3 8 4 4 4 8 9 58 1 Compiled from the reports of the registrar general of Bermuda, W. I., 1S72- iS95- In Bermuda mixed marriages have decreased from 107 during the twelve years 1872-83, to 58 during the twelve years 1883-95. The rarity of such marriages in the West Indies is referred to by Mr. Froude, who cites the case of a Scotchman, the keeper of the reservoir of the water works of Port-of-Spain, who had married a colored woman, as " a remarkable exception to an almost universal rule." That the whites of the West Indies are leaving the islands and that the proportion of whites to colored is gradually decreasing is a well known fact. It is, there- fore, no surprise that in some of the islands the mixed element should gradually decrease and revert to the original type, if we accept the theory that the mixed 202 American Econojnic Association. type of the negro can only maintain itself by constant infusion of new blood. In Barbadoes the proportion of those of mixed blood has decreased from 24.5 per cent, in 1871, to 24.1 per cent, in 1891, while at the same time the proportion of pure blacks has increased from 65.5 per cent, in 1871, to 67.3 per cent, in 1891. The whites decreased during the same period from lo.o per cent, in 187 1, to 8.6 per cent, in 1891.' That is to say, the loss in white population was made good by the pure blooded negro and not by the mulatto. Hence, neither in this country nor in the West Indies is there any decided tendency towards the amalgamation of the two races by lawful marriage. It is an open question whether there is a decrease in sexual intercourse outside of matrimony between the males of the white and the females of the colored race. IVIr. Bruce maintains, and Mr. Bryce seems to accept the conclusion, that there is less intercourse between whites and blacks now than formerly. It will always be diffi- cult to prove this point. ]\Iy own investigations indi- cate that there is an immense amount of prostitution for gain prevailing among the colored women in large cities. ]Mr. Bruce dealt entirely with the country negro as he knows him in Southside, Virginia. In such large cities of Virginia, as Richmond, and Norfolk, the conditions in the past cannot have been worse than they are at the present time. Even in the Capitol City the number of illegitimate births is more than ten times as large for the colored as for the whites. The comparative percentages of illegitimates in the total number of births were as follows : ' Census of Barbadoes, 1891. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 203 ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS IN WASHINGTON, D. C. Percentage of illegitimate atnong total births White. Colored. 1S79 2.3 176 1SS3 3.6 19.0 1889 3-6 23.5 1894 2.6 26.5 Average for 16 years . 2.9 22.5 Making an allowance for an improvement in the registration of births, it is nevertheless clear that there is no tendency towards a decrease in the illegitimacy, but very probably the reverse tendency. As I have stated before, the larger amount of illicit intercourse prevails between mulattoes and whites, and hence the figures as regards the rate of illegitimacy are of some value. They are fully supported by similar information from Knoxville, Tenn., and Mobile, Ala., but want of .space forbids my giving the figures here. Statistics for the West India Islands prove that there, too, immorality, as shown by the rate of illegitimate births, is on the in- crease, and the hopeful view of those who expected that emancipation would speedily change the former condi- tion of excessive immorality and vice into one of virtue and chastity has not been fulfilled.' On the contrary, we are reliably informed that never at any time in the past was vice so flagrant and marriage treated with such indifference as at the present time. The fact that lawful marriage between the races is not on the increase, so rare, indeed, as to have no in- fluence whatever on the destiny of the race, does not, therefore, prove that intermixture through prostitution is less frequent now than formerly. It is my firm con- viction that unlawful intercourse between the two races '" The. Negro iu the West Indies" Publications of the American Statistical Association, Vol. IV, p. 195, et seq. 204 American Ecotiomtc Association. is excessively prevalent at the present time in the large cities as well as in the rural sections of the country. The question may be asked, among what class of white women is marriage with colored men most fre- quent, and what class of white men marry colored women ? It is not easy to reply to this question in a satisfactory manner. So far as I know, no one has taken the trouble to investigate this point in a scientific way, but perhaps my own investigation, based unfortunately on a very limited number of cases, may prove a stimulus towards a more elaborate inquiry. I have been able during a number of years to collect information of a fairly reliable character in regard to 37 mixed relations of which 8 were those of white men who lived with colored women and 29 those of white women who lived with colored men. Of the eight white men, four were lawfully married while the other four were living openly in concubinage. Three of the men were criminals or under suspicion of being such ; one man had killed another for insulting remarks concerning his negro wife, one killed his mis- tress in a fit of jealousy, one was stabbed and horribly burned by vitrol by his colored mistress, one killed his colored mistress by slow poison to obtain possession of her property, the ill gotten gains from a house of ill- fame. The others w^ere more or less outcasts. One was a saloon keeper, one had deserted his family for his negro mistress, two were men of good family but them- selves of bad reputation. Of the twenty-nine women, only nineteen were law- fully married to the colored men with whom they were living, while ten lived in open concubinage. So far as my information goes only five of the nine were of for- eign birth, one English, one German and three Irish. Rlxcc Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 205 Of the nineteen that were married, four were known prostitutes, two were guilty of bigamy, four either sued for divorce or had deserted their husbands. Five were apparently of respectable parentage and living in con- tent with their husbands ; while for four the informa- tion is wanting. Of the ten who were not married, eight were known prostitutes, one was insane and only one was known to be the daughter of respectable parents. Of the twenty-nine colored men who married or lived with white women, only one, an industrious barber, was known to be of good character. Five were of fair repute ; nine were idlers, loafers or drunkards ; eleven were of proven criminal and anti-social tendencies ; while for three the character coiild not be ascertained. Of the eleven criminals, two were murderers, three were thieves, three w'ere guilty of bigamy, one was the keeper of a house of ill-fame, while the last two were arrested for inhuman cruelty to their own or foster children. The result of the twenty-nine cases of race mixture prove that of the women, twelve were known prostitutes, three were of ill repute, charged in addition with cruelty and abuse of children, two were murdered by their colored husbands, one committed suicide, one became insane, two sued for divorce, two deserted their husbands,^ five ' 111 the first of these two cases the woman when leaving her col- ored husband wrote him a letter from which I give the following ex- cerpt : " It is just two }-ears and five months since we were united to love and obey each other, but time has changed us and I have not the least love for you any more. I have learned to love another man who wants to marry me and I hope you will give me my freedom in black and white. The love I had for you was only a childish fancy. . . . . I am tired of knocking about this hard world and want to get a home, as I want to travel up the ladder and not fall down as I did. I am going on twenty years old and want to make a true and upright woman for this man that wishes to make me his wife and give me a home." (New York Sun, March 24, 1896.) 14 2o6 American Economic Association. were apparently satisfied with their choice, while for four the information could not be obtained. Thus out of twenty-nine instances only five gave any indications of not having been absolute failures and of the five in only one instance is the proof clear that the marriage was a fair success. Comment on these cases is hardh- necessar}-. They tend to prove that as a rule neither good white men nor good white women marry colored persons, and that good colored men and women do not marry white per- sons. The number of cases is so small, however, that a definite conclusion as to the character of persons inter- marrying is hardly warranted. However, it would seem that if such marriages were a success, even to a limited extent, some evidence would be found in a col- lection of thirty-six cases. It is my own opinion, based on personal observation in the cities of the South, that the individuals of both races who intermarry or live in concubinage are vastly inferior to the average types of the white and colored races in the United States ; also, that the class of white men who have intercourse with colored women are, as a rule, of an inferior type. Hence the conclusion is unavoidable that the amalga- mation of the two races through the channels of prosti- tution or concubinage, as well as through the inter- marrying of the lower types of both races, is contrary to the interest of the colored race, a positive hinderance to its social, mental and moral development. But aside from these considerations, important as they are, the physiological consequences alone demand race purity and a stern reprobation of any infusion of white blood. Whatever the race may have gained in an intellectual way, which is a matter of speculation, it has been losing its greatest resources in the struggle for life, a sound Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 207 physical org-anisiii and power of rapid reproduction. According- to Herbert Spencer ("sexual relations unfav- orable to the rearing of offspring, in respect either of number or quality, must tend to degradation or extinc- tion." ' j All the facts thus far brought out in this work prove the truth of this assertion. All the facts obtain- able which depict truthfully the present physical and moral condition of the colored race, prove that the under- lying cause of the excessive mortality and diminishing rate of increase in j^opulation is a low state of sexual morality, wholly unaffected by education. This condition can be improved only by the develop- ment of a higher morality. Amalgamation with whites by means of lawful marriage is a remote contingency, which needs no consideration on the part of those who concern themselves with the amelioration of the condi- tion of the colored race. The conclusion of Mr. Tucker that, " Seventeen years since the war have brought great changes to the colored race, great improvements in many things to some of them, but no change in morals,."'^ is fully applicable to the race of the present day,, thirty ' years after the war. The fact that more than one-fourth, of their children, are admitted to have been boni out of wedlock, in the Capitol City of the country, where opportunities for moral advancement have been better than elsewhere, fully justifies the application of. Mr. Spencer's condemnation of unchastity as ," tending towards the production of inferior individuals and, if, prevailing widely, as a cause of decay of society." Un- chastity, " conflicting as it does with the establishment of normal monogamic relations ... is adverse to ' " Principles of Ethics," Part II, page 448. '^"The Relations of the Church to the Colored Race," (Jackson, Miss., 1882,) p. 18. 2o8 Americayi Economic Association. those higher sentiments which prompt such relations. In societies characterized by inferior forms of marriage, or by irregular connections there cannot develop to any great extent that powerful combination of feelings . . affection, admiration, sympathy, . . . which in so marvelous a manner has grown out of the sexual instinct. And in the absence of this complex passion, which mani- festly pre-supposes a relation between one man and one woman, the supreme interest in life (the raising up of members of a new generation) disappears, and leaves be- hind relatively subordinate interests. Evidently, a pre- valent unchastity severs the higher from the lower com- ponents of the sexual relation : the root may produce a few leaves, but no true flower." ' ' " Inductions of Ethics," p. 463. Chapter V. SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND TENDENCIES. Man, since we first encounter him, has made ceaseless progress upwards, and this progress continues before our eyes. But it has never been, nor is it now, an equal advance of the whole of the race. Look- ing back we see that the road by which he has come is strewn with the wrecks of nations, races and civilizations that have fallen by the way, pushed aside by the operations of laws which it takes no eye of faith to distinguish at work amongst us at the present time as surely and as effectively as at any past period.^ — Kidd. ' " Social Evolution." The social tendencies of the colored race are fairly de- picted in the statistics of religion, education, crime, pauperism and immorality. The material for a study along these lines is abundant, but much to my regret I shall have to confine myself in this part of my work to a very few of the more important social phenomena. Want of space forbids any extended comment on the various statistical tables which will be given, but most of them will be sufficiently clear to need but little textual explanation. No exact data as to the religious condition of the colored race at the time of emancipation are in existence, but sufficient evidence is at our command to show that the growth of religious associations among the colored people has been very great indeed. In i860, according to Mr. H, K. Carroll, special agent of the census on church statistics, the great majority of the colored popu- lation were either members of the Methodist Episcopal church South, or Regular Baptists. It is estimated that there were 275,000 of the former, and 250,000 of the latter, a total of over half a million out of a population 2IO Aniericaji Econo77iic Association. of 4,442,000.* During the thirty years following i860, the membership of t'he Methodist Episcopal church South increased among the colored to 1,190,860, while the Baptists increased to 1,403,559. The latter denom- ination therefore shows the larger increase. In 1890 the census gave a total of 23,462 organizations, with 23,770 churches and 2,673,977 members, of whom 2,594,419 were members of the Baptist or Methodist church. A summary of the number of members of the various de- nominations is given in the table below, which has been abstracted from the report of Mr. Carroll. DISTRIBUTION OF THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE PRINCIPAL RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS OF THE COLORED RACE— 1890. Communicants. •Aggregate number of communicants 2,673,977 Regular Baptists i,34!^,989 African Methodist Episcopal 452,725 African Methodist Episcopal, Zion 349. 78S Methodist Episcopal 246,249 Colored Methodist Episcopal 129,383 Regular Baptists North 35,221 Disciples of Christ 18,578 Primitive Baptists 18,162 Presbyterian (Northern) 14,961 Roman Catholic 14.5 '7 Cumberland Presbyterian 12,956 All other denominations (17) . . 34,448 This table gives in detail the various denominations in the order of their numerical importance. The very 'According to Mr. Edward Ingle, "It was estimated, in 1S54, that one-fourth of the slaves in South Carolina were Methodists, that one- third in the synod of South Carolina were blacks, and that more than half of the Baptists in Virginia were of the same race. In 1859, o^ 468,000 negro church- members in the South, 215,000 were classed as Methodists, and 175,000 as Baptists. For benevolent purposes 5,000 slaves in South Carolina contributed $15, too in 1853 ; and one-third of the negro population in Savannah supported three pastors at salaries ranging from $800 to $r, 000 a year."— "Southern Sidelights," (New York, 1896,) pp. 273-4. J^art: Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 211 small number of Roman Catholics is surprising, but may be due, in part to the fact that the larger number of col- ored communicants of Catholic^churches would be classed as white, since few separate Catholic churches for colored people exist. A statement in the Kansas City Catholic gives the number of colored Catholics at about 200,000, a wide variation from the census figures. According to an- other newspaper waif, " of the many.[?] colored Catholic congregations, all with one exception have white priests. The exception is Chicago." A tendency towards indi- vidual preference is shov.-n in the fact that 265 colored persons were members of the sect known as " Old-Two- Seed-in-the-Spirit Predestinarian Baptists," while 211 were members of the "Lutheran Synodical conference," and 94 of the "Lutheran United Synod in the South." The reports show one communicant to every 2.79 of the negro population, and one to every 3.04 of the white population, indicating proportionally a larger church membership for the colored than for the white race. The amount of church property of the Colored popula- tion is estimated at y$26,626,448 for 1890, most of which has of course been accumulated since emancipation. It must, however, be taken into consideration that the race has been materially assisted by the various religious associations, and to a large extent the vast sum just given has been the result of generous aid on the part of the large religious bodies and generous philanthropists of the white race. The tendency would seem to be rather favorable for the church, although the complaint is not infrequently made that the young people take less interest in the church than the old. The Augusta, Ga., Sentmel speaks of " the monstrous indifference manifested by our young educated colored people to the church and reli- 212 American Economic Association. gion. . . . Many come from school wedded to fonns of ritualistic ceremonies and are led off from the masses, believing that education has placed them above people," The education of the colored race has formed the sub- ject of so many essays, speeches and discussions that it might be assumed that little remained to be added to the mass of information and statistical data pertaining to the subject. But this work would be incomplete did I neglect to bring forward some data as to the past and present condition of the race from the educational stand- point. Abundant as the statistics of education are, they fail in many respects to afford a true picture of the in- tellectual progress of a race. It is more in the effects, or rather in the expected results of education, that we must look for the value of educational processes applied to the elevation of a race from slavery to citizenship. --_ Previous to emancipation efforts to educate the colored race were made only in isolated instances and on a small scale. In most of the southern states education of slaves was forbidden by law. In Georgia a law had been in force since 1770, which read as follows : " All and every person and persons whatsoever, who shall hereafter teach, or cause any slave or slaves to be taught to write, or read writing, or shall use or employ a slave as a scribe in any manner of writing whatsoever, every such person and persons, shall for every offence, forfeit the sum of twenty pounds sterling.'" In 1829 another law was passed which substituted a fine and whipping and im- prisonment in the common jail as punishment for the education of slaves. Attempts to educate the slaves and instruct them in religious principles had, however, been made since 1705 by the Society for the Propagation of 'Cobb's Digest of Georgia laws, p. 9S1. 'Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 213 the Gospel in Foreign Lands, and in 1752 it was reported in the proceedings of the Society that " a flourishing negro school was taught in Charleston by a negro of the society under the inspection and direction of the worthy rector, Garden, by which means many poor negroes were taught." ' But such exceptions were rare and, on the \\'hole, without effect on the race, which at the time of emanci- pation was almost wholly illiterate. The first systematic effort to educate the colored people was made by the American Missionary Association in 1861, through the opening of a school for ' contrabands ' at Hampton, Va. By June, 1S62, 86 teachers were at Avork in various parts of the South. In 1863, General Grant placed the duty of superintending the colored people of the region in- cluded in the army operations, in the hands of Rev. John Eaton, who in 1S66 had over 770,000 of these peo- ple under his charge. But in 1865 a change was made in the educational work, and the Freedman's Bureau was organized under General Howard. The Bureau con- tinued in existence from January i, 1865, to August 31, 187 1, and over five million dollars, it is estimated, were ex- pended through it for the education of the freedmen. During the past twenty-five years the education of the race has been largely in the hands of the state govern- ' Amon*^ the freed negroes, however, considerable progress in educa. tion had been made, as is evidenced by the table below, abstracted from the census reports for 1S50 and i860 and reprinted in Mr. Ingle's "Southern Sidelights." ILLITERACY AMONG FREE NEGRO ADULTS 20 YEARS AND OVER. 1S50 AND i860. 1S50, South North 1S60, South North Population. Illiterates. Percentage. 115,231 61,031 52.96 104,289 33.594 32.30 126,803 62,492 49-36 120,303 33.369 27-73 214 American Economic Association. ments, all of which provide to the extent of their aljility for primary and even higher education. The efforts of the sontlicrn states have been materially aided by money and individual efforts on the part of various religious and philanthropic bodies, of which the vSlater and Peabody funds are the most important. Some attempts have been made to estimate the total amount expended on the education of the negro since emancipation, and the total is indeed a vast sum. It is therefore a question of importance to ascertain whether the race has made intellectual progress in proportion to this expenditure, and if so, whether the education thus acquired has been of benefit to the 7'acc and not merely \ to a few isolated individuals. In the matter of attendance at the common schools there was a greater increase among the negroes during the last census period than among the whites, as the fol- lowing table will show. NEORO PUPILS IX COMMON SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES IN iSSoAND 1890.1 1880 856,123 1890 1,416,202 1 Report on Education and Institutions, census of 1S90, pp. 50 and 51. WHITE AND COLORED PUPILS IN COMMON SCHOOLS IN THE SOUTH- ERN STATES.— 18S0-1890. Increase 18S0. 1890. Per Cent. White pupils 2,3or,8o4 3409.061 48.10 Colored pupils 797,286 1,288.736 6r.64 PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION ENROLLED AND AVERAGE AT- TENDANCE.— iSoo. White pupils . Colored pupils Percentage of Perentage of Enrollment in School Population. Attendance. 21. 84 63.3 18.67 62.4 Race Traits and Tendencies of the Ameriean Negro. 215 According- to the above figures the increase in school attendance has been 61.64 P^^ cent, for the colored and z^8. 10 per cent, for the white race. While the percentage of population in schools is greater for the whites by a small fraction, the average attendance at school is almost the same for both races. The higher education of the race is provided for by a large number of institutions, denominational or non-sec- tarian under state control, covering practically all the higher branches of learning. The number of pupils at- tending institutions of this kind was 22,963 in 1885-6, against 34,129 in 1891-2, showing a substantial increase during the short period of only 6 years. The following table v/ill show in detail the various branches of learn- ing selected by the more ambitious of the colored race. The table is incomplete in that it does not show the number of colored students who have been admitted to the colleges and universities for the whites, the number of which, however, cannot be very large. INSTITUTIONS FOR THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE.^— 1885-86 AND 1S91-92. No. of Instructors. No. of Pupils. 18S5-S6 1S91-92. 1SR5-85 1S91-92. Normal schools 281 324 6,207 8,042 Institutions for secondary education . 270 396 9,970 16,237 Universities and colleges 238 - 369 5. 119 8,116 Schools of tlifcology- no 65 1,297 577 Schools of medicine and dentistry . . 22 51 208 457 School of law 16 16 98 119 Schools for the deaf, dumb and blind, 40 146 139 5S1 Total 977 1,367 23,038 34,129 1 Annual report of the Commissioner of Education, 1S85-S6, pp. 652-64; 1890-91, pp. 1234-37. -In the 1RS6 report many students were classed as theological students when thejfshould have been reported a>; college, normal or secondarj- students. Hence the apparent decrease is largely due to the correction of the erroneous classifica- tion of 1SS6. 2i6 Amcricaji Economic Association. By far, the larger number of students in institutions of higher education select teaching as a profession, al- though medicine attracts quite a number. The general^ opposition in the South to white teachers in colored schools has opened a vast field for the educated negro, of which he has not been slow to take advantage, even at the temporary disadvantage of lower wages than those paid to white teachers. The matter of lower wages will be dealt with in the succeeding part of this work, on the subject of the economic tendencies of the race. The few facts here brought together show that the colored race has not failed to take advantage of the op- portunities for intellectual advancement in the higher as well as in the lower branches of learning. Towards the expense of these great educational opportunities the race has contributed only an insignificant fraction.' The larger part of it was a free gift to those who cared to take advantage of it, and it is something to the credit of the race that it has not been behind the white race in . patronizing the schools established for its own use. But it remains to be shown whether the educational process which the race has undergone during the past quarter of a century and the additional efforts and opportunities for religious instruction have materially raised the race from its low social and economic condition at the time of emancipation. The main object of education is stated to be " the 'eradication or modification of undesirable tendencies and their development into favorable ones." From the According to an estimate of the Bureau of Education, the Southern States have expended from 75 to 80 million dollars for the education of negro children since 1S76. Of this large sum. raised almost en- tirely by direct taxation, the negro has paid but a very insignificant part. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 217 standpoint of this definition we should expect a gradual transformation of anti-social tendencies into such as make for the general well-being and happiness of the individual and the society of which he is a member. ^ Crime, pauperism, and sexual immorality are without question the greatest hindrances to social and economic progress, and the tendencies of the colored race in re- spect to these phases of life will deserve a more careful investigation than has thus far been accorded them. During slavery the negro committed fewer crimes than the white man, and only on rare occasions was he guilty of the more atrocious crimes, such as rape and murder of white females. Whether from cowardice or respect and devotion to his master, he respected the persons of his master's household, and few indeed are the recorded attempts at insurrection and revolt on the part of the southern slave. Criminal statistics of the colored popu- lation previous to emancipation are difficult to obtain, and on account of the abnormal condition of servitude would have little value for purposes of comparisons with the wholly different conditions of freedom.^ In dealing with statistics of crime and pauperism I shall, therefore, have to confine myself more especially to a statement of present conditions, which, however, may be contrasted with the well-known fact that neither crime nor pauper- ism prevailed to any extent among the colored population during slavery. According to the census of 1890, the total number of colored prisoners in the United States was 24,277, of ' Otken, in his work on "The Ills of the South," gives some valuable statistics of crime among the free negrosin the northern states, which show without exception an excess of criminality on the part of the negro as compared with the white race in the same sections. (See "The Ills of the South," pp. 228-29.) 2l8 American Economic Association. which 22,305 were males and 1,972 were females. The comparative figures for both races are given below, to- gether with the respective proportions of colored prison- ers to the total, and the proportion of the colored to total population. This method of comparing the number of criminals with the proportion of the colored to tlie total population has been employed throughout this part of the work. Wherever possible, I give the population over fifteen years of age, but as the census figures have not all been published, this has not always been possible. PRISONERS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1890. Aggregate. Male. Femnle. White , . . . 5S,052 53.5'9 4.433 Colored . . . . . 24.277 22 305 1,972 Total . . • • 82,329 75.924 6,405 Per Cent. Per Cent. Proportion of lie; ^ro criminals to total . 29-38 30-79 Proportion of lie; rro po; pulation to total,' 10.20 11.09 1 Population over 15 years of age. This table shows, that of all the male prisoners in the United States, 29.38 per cent, were colored, as compared with a proportion of 10.20 per cent, of negro males in the total male population. Of female prisoners 30.79 per cent, were colored, while only 11.09 P^''^ cent, of the total female population were of African descent. For both sexes therefore there is about the same excess of negro criminality. The table which follows will show similarly for both races and sexes the proportions ac- cording to specified classes of offenses, thus bringing out the specific criminal tendencies of the colored race. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 219 SUMMARY OF OFFENSES COMMITTED BY PRISONERS IN THE UNITED STATES IN iSgo, ACCORDING TO COI,OR AND SEX. OfTenses against the government . . " " 'societ}- " " " person " " " property . . . OfFeiises of a miscellaneous character Aggregate 75,924 Proportion of colored population over vears of age in total (males) . . Offenses against the government . . " " society " " person " " property . . . . Offenses of a miscellaneous charactei Aggregate Mal Total No. of Colored Colored Prisoners. Priso'.iers. Prisoners. Per Cent. ',823 175 , 9-65 15.033 2,577 17.14 16,511 6,30s 3S.21 36.3S2 10,924 30.03 6,175 2,320 37-95 75.9^4 5 22,305 , 29.38 10.20 Females. 16 2 12.50 3--^32 6S3 17-58 770 432 56.10 1.325 655 49-43 462 200 43.29 6,405 5 1,972 3079 . 1 Proportion of colored population over 15 years of age in total (females) . . . 11.09 I It has been stated that the proportion of colored males in the total male population is 10.20 per cent It is shown in this table that of the total number of male prisoners charged with crimes against the person, 38.21 per cent, were colored, and of the female prisoners, 56.10 per cent. That is to say, as regards the most serious of all crimes the number of negro criminals is out of all proportion to the numerical importance of the race. The same holds true for all other groups, with the excep- tion of crimes against the government, — a group which however, furnishes only a comparatively small -number of offenders. ]More detailed information is given below, where I have arranged the particular offenses for the two principal groups of crimes — those against tlie person and against property. 220 American Economic Association. SPECIFIED OFFENSES COMMITTED BY PRISONERS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1890. Crimes Against the Total No. Person. of Prisoners, Hoiuici.le 6.95S Rape i,3«7 Abduction 140 Abortion 25 Assault 8,001 Crimes Against Property. Arson 806 Burglary 9-647 Robbery 2,350 Larceny 7.978 Grand larceny ...... 6,411 Petit larceny 3.475 Percentage of colored in total pop- ulation over 15 yrs. of age (males) Crimes Against the Person. Homicide 393 Assault 346 Crimes Against Property. Arson So Larceny 425 Grand larceny 320 Petit larceny 266 Percentage of colored in total popula- tion over 15 yrs. of age ( females ) Male Prisoners. Colored (Per Cent, of Prisoners. Colored. 2,5 t 2 \ 36.10 567 1 40. 88 ^^ 22.86 1 8.00 3.195 39 93 372 i 46.15 2,710 ( 28.09 555 23.62 3. '26 39- '8 1,774 27.67 1.055 3036 1-EM.\T.E Prisoners. 227 5776 1 98 57-23 49 6t.25 225 5294 159 4969 99 37-22 11.09 The table fully explains itself and needs little com- ment. Of homicides the colored prisoners formed 36. i per cent. For the most atrocious of all crimes, rape, 40.88 per cent, of the prisoners convicted were colored, and for assault 39.98 per cent. The proportion of col- ored females charged with homicide was even greater than that of males and the same is true for the cases of assault. The large proportion of colored among prison- ers charged with arson attests the wisdom of the recog- nized policy of fire insurance companies in restricting Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americayi Negro. 221 the amount of fire insurance obtainable by colored per- .sons. For all crimes against property, the pro- portion of colored criminals far exceeds the propor- tion of colored in total population. The facts brought out in the.<^e tables are so significant that the following supplementary tables for various states and cities may prove of value in that they confirm the census figures, while of course they were largely derived from the same official sources. The table below will show for the state of Pennsylvania the proportion of colored inmates in the two penitentiaries for the years 1886 and 1894. CONVICTS IN PENNSYLVANIA PENITENTIARIES iSS6 AND 1894.1 Males. Total.^ Colored. 1886 . . 1,730 244 1S94 . . . 2,312 384 Percentage of Col'd. 14.10 16.61 Total. 41 52 Females. Colored. 14 18 Percentage of Col'd. 34.15 34.61 . Percentage of col'd in total population over 15 years of age, 1890, 2.23 2.09 1 Annual reports of the State Board of Charities and Lunacy, 1886 and 1894. - Remaining on Sept 30. The table shows that in Pennsylvania in 1894, 16.61 per cent, of the male inmates and 34.61 per cent, of females were colored ; yet in the whole population of the state over 15 years of age only 2.23 per cent, of the males and 2.09 per cent, of the females were persons of African descent, showing an excessively high proportion of colored convicts. The figures are confirmed by the statistics of arrests in the city of Philadelphia for 1888- 94, which show that 6.04 per cent, of the males arrested, and 12.17 per cent, of the females were colored ; while only 3.78 per cent, of the total male, and 5.04 per cent. 222 American Economic Association. of the total female, population over 15, were colored. The table below has been furnished me by Robert J. Linden, superintendent of police, Philadelphia. ARRESTS IN PHILADELPHIA, 1888-1894. Males. Per cetit. Females. Per cent. Total. Colored. Colored. Total. Colored. Colored. 1888 . . . . 40,305 2,340 5.81 6,594 570 8.64 1889 . . . . 37.565 2,074 552 5,108 540 10.57 1890 . . . . 43,605 2,480 569 5,441 687 12.62 1891 . . . • 47,343 2,847 6.01 5,84^ 697 11-93 IS92 . . . . 47,143 2,729 5-79 5,801 702 12.10 1893 . . . . 51,467 3,239 6.29 5.830 839 1439 IS94 . . . . 55,136 3,856 6.99 6,342 949 14.96 1888-94 . . . 323,665 19.565 6.04 40,957 4.984 12 17 Percentag 'e of colored in total pop ulation over 15 years of age, . 3-89 425 It is significant that in the state at large as well as in the city of Philadelphia the proportion of arrests and convictions of colored people has increased during the .period under observation. Almost identical conditions as regards the disproportion of colored criminals in the .total population are met with in New Jersey during the period 1890-94. CONVICTS IN NEW JERSEY PENITENTIARY, 1890-94.1 1890, 1891 1892 1893 1894 1890-94 Males. Percentage Females Percentage otal. Colored. of Col'd. Total. Colored of Col'd. 877 143 16.30 35 12 34.28 960 175 18.22 29 8 27-58 918 167 1S.19 29 9 3103 936 154 16.45 32 12 37-50 992 166 16.73 34 14 41.17 4,682 805 159 Percentage of col'd in total pop- ulation, over 15 years of age, 3-40 55 34 59 3-46 Annual reports of the keeper of the N. J. State Prison. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 223 The proportion of colored among the male convicts during the five years was 17.19 per cent, in contrast with 3.40 per cent, of colored in the total population over fif- teen years of age. For females the rate is 34.59 per cent., against 3.46 per cent, of colored females in the total female population over fifteen years. Comparing the results of this table with the results of the table for Pennsylvania, it will be seen that the proportion of colored male con- victs was 16.61 per cent, for Pennsylvania and 17.19 per cent, for New Jersey ; for colored females, 34.61 per cent, in Pennsylvania, and 34.59 per cent, in New Jersey.' In some of the western cities, especially Chicago, the disproportionate number of colored criminals in the pop- ulation is even more marked. The fact that in Chicago as well as in most of the other large cities of the country, the colored people live in the slum sections, must be taken into account in estimating the tendency of the race in the anti-social direction. Bearing in mind the fact so forcibly brought out in the " Hull House Maps and Papers," that in the section of the city where the I The increase in crime among the colored population of Pennsylr vania during the past fort}' years is shown for decades in the following table compiled from the 66th annual report of the inspectors of the Eastern Penitentiary of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia. The table also shows the colored population of the state at the census year of the period. AVERAGE NUMBER OF CONVICTS IN THE EASTERN PENITENTIARY OF PENNSYLVANIA.— 1856-95. Period. Colored Census Average No, Population. of of Convicts. 1856-65 56,949 (i860) 79.5 1866-75 65,249 (1870) 137.0 1876-85 85,535 (iSSo) 183.9 1886-95 107,596 (1890) 275.0 SUMMARY. Increase in population, i86-)-90 88.9 per cent. Increase in convicts in Eastern Penitentiary, 1856-95 . 245.9 P^r cent. 224 American Economic Association. larger per cent of the colored population live, houses of ill-fame and dives of the lowest order abound, the table below will be more fully understood. ARRESTS IN THE CITY OF CHICAGO, 1S80-1894. Total Colored Per cent. Percentage of Col'd Arrests. Persons. Colored. in Total Populat'n. 1880-84. . . . 165,614 8,429 509 ,.29' TS85-89. . . . 230,315 16.826 7.31 1890-94 . . . . 407,912 40,120 9.84 1.30^ 1 Census of 1880. 2 Census of 1890. With only 1.29 per cent, of colored in the total popula- tion in 1880, the percentage of colored among the persons arrested during the five years, 1880-84, ^^^^ 5.09. This rate increased to 7.31 per cent, during the next five years, and to 9.84 during the period 1890-94. At the same time the proportion of colored in total population re- mained practically the same during the decade 1880-90. This increase agrees with the results of the table for Pennsylvania and Philadelphia. The proportion of negro arrests is, however, much greater in Chicago than in Philadelphia, due probably to the more unfavorable congregation of the colored population of Chicago in the worst section of the city. But it is not all a result of ihe " conditions of life." The colored people are not alone in their tendency to congregate under conditions of vice and crime. The Italians are as densely crowded, if not more so, in the immediate vicinity of the negro colony, and so are other foreign nationalities. But the extent of crime among the foreign elements is almost always, excepting for the Irish, in proportion to the population. I have abstracted data from the police reports of the city for 1890, and compared the same with the percent- ages of population for the purpose of showing whether 1.2 Race Traits and TeJidcncics of the American Negro. 225 the conditions of life, wliich are without question more severe for the Italians, Polanders and Russians than for the negroes, affect the other nationalities to the same extent as the colored element. The table below will show that this is not the case, but that on the contrary, the colored race shows of all races the most decided tendency towards crime in the large cities. percentage; of arrests according to nationauty, and pro- portion OF EACH nationality TO TOTAL POPULATION (1890). Percentage Percentage Nationality or Race. of Total of Total Population. Arrests. Irish 6.4 10.3 Germans 14.6 ii.i Norwegians 2.0 1.3 Swedes 3.g 2.5 Russians 0.7 o.S Bohemians 2.3 Polanders Italians Negroes 1.3 g.S SUMMARY. Principal foreign nationalities. . . . 32.6 30.1 Negroes 1.3 g.s All others 66.1 60.1 Of the various nationalities enumerated in this table, the Irish and Italians sliow a percentage of arrests de- cidedly above the average, yet small when compared with that of the colored element. If all the leading foreign nationalities are combined, we have 31.1 per cent, of the arrests for 32.6 per cent, of population, a showing decidedly in favor of the foreigner when con- trasted with the negro. If it is further taken into con- sideration that the proportion of males of " criminal, age," that is over 15 and under 60, is greater among some of the foreign nationalities than among the native, whites. 2.2 1.7 0.5 1.2 226 American Economic Association. and negroes, the showing is even more favorable for the foreigner. Unfortunately the reports of the police de- partment do not give the ages of those arrested, hence nothing but a crude comparison could be made. In southern cities the excess of negro criminality is less marked on account of the larger proportion of the colored element living in the cities. I leave the method employed in the previous tables unchanged, although a different method of comparison would bring out more clearly the disproportion of crime to population among the colored in the cities of the southern states. The table below is for Louisville, Ky., and covers the five years, 1890-94. ARRESTS AXD COMMITTMENTS TO THE WORKHOUSE, LOUISVILLE. KY., 1S90-1894. Arrests (Males and Females). Commitments to the Work- house (Males and Females). Per Ct. of Per ct. of Years. Total. Colored. Colored. Total. Colored Colored. 1890 . 7,621 2,862 37-55 1,580 653 4r.32 1S91 . 6.93S 3. 1 13 44.86 1,499 581 38.75 1S92 . 7,133 3.247 4552 1,62s 651 3998 1893. 7,079 3,536 49-95 1,431 524 36.61 1894. 8,390 3.901 46.49 2.438 985 4040 1S90-1894 . 37,161 16,659 44.83 8,576 3.394 39 58 Percentage of colored iu total P erceiitage of colored population 17.78 in population . . '7.78 The proportion of colored in the total population is 17.78 per cent., but the percentage of the arrests was 44.83 for the colored, and of commitments to the work house, 39.58 per cent. In Charleston, S. C, where the colored population forms 56.39 per cent, of the total, the proportion of colored among the male criminals was 65.58 per cent., and among the female criminals, 79. 19 per cent. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Atnerican Negro. 227 ARRESTS IN CHARLESTON, S. C, 1890-1894. Males. Females. Total Percent. Total Per Cent. Arrests. Colored. Colored. Arrests. Colored. Colored. 1S90 . . . 2,75s 1,745 63.27 527 434 82.35 1891 . . . 2,752 1,754 63.73 549 437 79-59 1892 . . . 2,961 1,913 64.57 514 3S5 74-90 1893. . . 2,579 1,771 68.67 413 327 79-17 1894 . . . 3,098 2,093 67.55 506 404 79-S4 1 890- 1 894 . . . 14,148 9,276 65.58 2,509 1,987 79.19 Percentage of colored in total population, both sexes . . 56.39 56-39 The criminal statistics of Charleston are given in snfficient detail to enable me to prepare an abstract for the six years, 1889-94, showing the proportion of crimes due to specified causes. The percentage of colored criminals must not be compared with that for the country at large, since the proportion of negroes in the total pop- ulation is nearly four times as great in Charleston as for the United States at large. CAUSES OF ARREST IN CHARLESTON.— 1889-1S94. Percentage Crimes Against the Person. Total. Colored. of Colored. Homicide 67 55 82.09 Rape 18 17 94-45 Assault 942 765 81.21 Wife beating 60 58 96.67 Crimes Against Property. Larceny 1,581 1,489 94- 18 Grand larceny 351 310 88.32 Gambling 546 510 93.41 Percentage of colored in total population 56.48 -"^The negroes are responsible for 82.09 per cent, of the homicides, while they form but 56.4 per cent, of the whole population. They are responsible for practically all the cases of rape, and for other crimes against person and property largely out of proportion to their number in the total population. As a fact of possible interest I 228 Americaii Econojuic Association. have added the arrests for wife-beating, which were ahnost entirely confined to the negroes. Gambling is also largely prevalent among them, bnt the small nnm- ber of arrests of whites on this charge is no proof that in its less flagrant form, betting and private gambling are not as prevalent among the whites. All the tables for various states and cities confirm the census data, and show without exception that the crim- inality of the negro exceeds that of any other race of any numerical importance in this country. Only a very searching inquiry can fully disclose the most important phases of this subject, but it has been shown that in this respect education has utterly failed to raise the negro to a higher level of citizenship, the first duty of which is to obey the laws and respect the lives and property of others. "^ One fact, however, must not be overlooked. Owing to his characteristic negligence the negro when guilty of capital crimes is more easily apprehended than the white criminal. As has been pointed out by Mr. Bruce, " The final detection of the parties to such crime is always assured, not onl}- because there are so many clues that set the officers upon the proper track, but also be- cause the parties generally confess, in their terror, the moment they are accused." "The guilty companions," ]\Ir. Bruce remarks in another place, " do not attempt to remove the various traces of their crime ; the act is com- mitted with awkward but relentless coolness and feroci- ty, the booty is collected, and then the spot is deserted, being left with every evidence of the fatal struggle, in- cluding the corpse itself, to bear silent testimony to the awful details of the tragedy of which it has recently been the scene." ^ ' "The Plantation Negro as a Freeman," pp. S2-83. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negi'o. 220 This fact, however, does not materially affect the pro- portion of colored to white criminality, and rather con- firms the conviction of those who know the race by years of personal contact, that while few of the guilty escape, there are few who are convicted wdien innocent. Some reference has been made to rape in the preced- ing tables. It was shown that 567 colored persons were in United States prisons waiting trial for this crime. In the city of Charleston during six years eighteen men were arrested for rape, of whom seventeen were colored. This would prove that not all of the negroes charged with this crime have " met with summary punishment " at the hands of an infuriated mob. The lynching of colored men is usually for rape, but occasionally also for murder, robbery, miscegenation, etc. The evidence on this point is not such as would recommend itself to an investigation of this kind, in which official data are the main reliance. In the ab- sence of an official investigation or report on the subject, I have to rely almost entirely on newspaper evidence. During the past few years I have been able to collect in- formation of 129 attempts at lynching, of which 83 were successful. By attempts I mean instances of mob vio- lence where colored or white men charged with rape or other crimes were in imminent danger of summary jus- tice. Of the 129 persons thus charged, 102 were colored and 27 white ; 102 of the attempts occurred in the south- ern states and 27 in the North and West. The details are summarized in the table below •} ' In addition I have collected information in regard to eight attempts at lynching by colored men. In four cases the mob was successful. The cause was rape in three cases and murder iu five. Of the persons 230 American Economic Association. ANALYSIS OF 129 ATTEMPTS AT LYXCHIXGS IX THE EXITED STATES, 1891-1895.1 Colored. Southern states . Northern states . White. Southern states . Northern states . Colored. Southern states . Northern states . White. Southern states . Northern states . i_ No. of Attempts. 90 Successful Attempts. 65 Per Cent. Succes.'iful, 72.2 No. of Persons Lynched. 78 12 3 25.0 3 12 15 6 9 50.0 60.0 9 14 90 12 Causes of Lynchings. Rape. Murder. 5» 22 6 5 All Other. 10 I 12 15 I 7 5 6 6 2 It will be observed that out of the 129 attempt.s at lynching, 72 were for rape, and in 64 of these cases the crimes were tlie acts of colored men. Of the other crimes 38 were homicides and 19 of a miscellaneous character. The result of this investigation agrees with the statistics previously given, which brought out the large proportion of negroes connected with crimes against women and chastity. With only about 10 per cent, of the population over 15 years of age, they are responsible for 40 percent, of the cases of rape in tlie country at large. ^The fact is fairly proven that lynchings at the South are not the result of race antipathy, but are due to crimes which meet with summary justice in cases of whites and blacks alike. That the crime is on the increase is the opinion of those most competent to judge. From data collected by the Chicago Tribune which has for years made a specialty of collecting criminal statistics not officially reported, it would seem that the crime is in- creasing at an alarming rate. The table below may be whose lives were in danger three were white and five were colored. Those actually h-nched were all colored. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 2X\ accepted as substantially correct, since few public h-ncli- ings fail to be reported in the newspapers, on account of the peculiar horror attached to such occurrences. JUY^XHINGS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1S86-1894. 1886 .' 133 1887 ~ . . . 123 1S88 '. . . 144 18S9 175 1S90 125 1S9I 236 1893 200 1894 165I 1 Niue months only. Of course not all of the above cases were those of colored men lynched for rape, but the majority undoubt- edh' were, and the rate of increase in lynchings may be accepted as representing fairly the increasing tendency of colored men to commit this most frightful of all crimes. In the words of Mr. Bruce, " Their disposition to perpetrate it has increased in spite of the quick and summary punishment that always follows ; and it will be seen that this disposition will grow in proportion as that vague respect which the blacks still entertain for whites declines, . . . There is something strangely alluring and seductive to the negro in the appearance of a white woman ; they are roused and stimulated by its foreignness to their experience of sexual pleasures, and it moves them to gratify their lust at any cost and in spite of any obstacle. . . . Rape, indescribably beastly and loathsome always, is marked, in the instance of its perpetration by the negro, by a diabolical persistence and a malignant atrocity of detail that have no reflection in the whole extent of the natural history of the most beastial and ferocious animals. He is not content 232 Avicrican Econojnic Associatio7i. merely with the consuinination of his purpose, but takes that fiendish delight in the degradation of his victim which he always shows when he can reek his vengeance upon one whom he has hitherto been compelled to fear. . . . His invariable impulse after the ac- complishment of his purpose, is to murder his victim, that being the only means suggested to his mind of escaping the consequence of the act, and this impulse is carried into effect with the utmost barbarity, unless he is accidentally interrupted and frightened off." ' Mr. Bruce, from whose admirable little work on the " Plantation Negro " the above quotations are taken, had exceptional opportunities for observation, and few writers on the negro have so thoroughly grasped the in- tricate details of their subject. In all the endless dis- cussion on the subject of lynching, few of those who write in bitterness against the South and its people, take into accoiint the peculiar horror of the crime, a horror which can only be understood by those who, after years of residence in the South, are thoroughly familiar with local conditions. The true sentiment of the south- ern people is perhaps nowhere better expressed than in the following passage of an editorial in the Atlanta Con- stit7Uio7i. We advise our northern contemporaries to deal as gently as they can with the manifestations of human nature which take place in the South and are duplicated at the North whenever the opportunity offers. That they are deplorable is not to be denied. But the cause that leads to them — the situation out of which they are developed — is more de- plorable still. It is no light thing, may it please your honor and gentlemen of the jury, for the women and girls of the whole country side to live in practically a state of seige— to be afraid to venture to a neighbor's or a school house lest some black beast shall leSp from the bushes and give them over to a fate worse than death. Let us think of these things when we become critical enough to take on judicial airs. ' Bruce, " The Plantation Negro as a Freeman." Race Traits and Taidcncics of the American Negro. 233 Attempts to stop lyiichiiigs have been made in many' of the sonthern states where snch crimes have become only too frequent. In South Carolina the new constitu- tion of that state provides that " In all cases of lynching where death ensues, the county where such lynching takes place shall, without regard to the conduct of the officers, be liable in exemplary damages of not less than $2,000 to the legal representative of the person lynched." In the Virginia Senate a bill has been introduced which provides that " Whenever a lynching occurs in any county, city, or town, it shall be the duty of the Super- visors or the Council of the city or town as the case may be, to lay a tax levy of $200 for every thousand inhabitants, which is to be collected as other county taxes are collected, the proceeds to be paid into the treasury by the treasurer of the county." In Missis- sippi the attorney general in his last annual report makes commendations of the same character for the suppression of the crime. At various times the militia of the state has been called out and large expenses have been incurred to pre- vent lynchings of men of whose guilt there was not the slightest doubt. Yet there has been no abatement of the crime and no decrease in the number of lynchings, the due consequence of the crime, in spite of all that has been done and said and written about the subject, and / in spite of the fact that all over the South the best peo- \ pie are fully agreed that 'lynchings must be stopped.' , Lynchings rarely occur more than once in the same \ community or section, but they are met with in all sec- > tions of the South, especially in remote districts. In Florida, for instance, wdiere in 1895, 12 negroes were re- ported as having been lynched, the crime of rape has been most frequently committed by negroes from the 234 American Economic AssociatioJi: phosphate mines, which seem to have attracted the vagrant elements from South Carolina and other adjoin- ing states. The commission of the crime seems to be largely confined to this vagrant and worthless element, but the race as a whole suffers greatly from the result- ing antipathy of the whites. Mr. Aloncure D. Conway, agent for an English commit- tee, has expressed the opinion that " In some of the south- ern states the crime seems nearly to have disappeared, and the curious phenomena has appeared that in these orderly states such as Virginia, Maryland and South Carolina, with their large negro population, no suggestion is ever heard of the negro propensity to rape." This statement is not at all warranted by the facts ; for not only have lynchings increased in. these three states from 7 in 1891 to 12 in 1895, but the police statistics of Charleston alone show that in six years 18 colored men were ar- rested for rape, proving that there is neither an absence of propensity to rape, nor a decrease in the number of lynchings in that state. The crime of lynching is the effect of a cause, the removal of which lies in the power of the colored race. Rape is only one of the many manifestations of an in- creasing tendency on the part of the negro to miscon- strue personal freedom into personal license, and this tendency, persisted in, must tend towards creating a still wider separation of the races. The fact that lynchings should be frequent is a natural consequence of a social and political condition under which the frequent com- mission of the crime of rape is possible. Until the negro learns to respect life, property, and chastity, until he learns to believe in the value of a personal morality operating in his everyday life, the criminal tendencies brought out in the foregoing tables will increase. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 235 and by so much the social and economic efficiency of the race will be decreased. The low state of sexual morality among the colored population is a fact which, it would seem, has been inadequately treated by those who have written on the subject of negro morality. In this work reference has been made to the subject in the statistics of syphilis and other venereal diseases ; but the following table of ille- gitimate births in Washington will show more emphat- ically the tendency of the race towards a low level of sexual immorality and vice. ILLEGITIMACY IN WASHINGTON, D. C, 1879-1894.1 (Percentage of illegitimate in total number of births.) White. Colored 1879 2.32 17.60 1880 2.43 19.02 1881 2.33 19.42 1882 2 09 19.73 18S3 3-U 2095 1884 3.60 J9.02 1885 3.00 22.88 1886 328 22.86 1887 3 34 21.27 1888 3.49 22. iS 1889 3.59 23.45 1890 3-34 26.50 1891 2.90 25.12 1892 2.53 26.40 1893 2.82 27.00 1894 2.56 26 46 Average 1879-94 . . . 2.92 22.49 SCMM.\RY 1S79-94. Total birth.s, 1S79-94 34.803 27,211 Illegitimate births, 1S79-94 .... 1,032 6,iS6 Percentage illegitimate births ... 2.92 22.49 1 Report of the health office of the District of Columbia, 1S94, page 152. The average rate of illegitimacy is 22.49 P^^ cent, for the colored population and 2.92 per cent, for the whites. 236 American Economic Association. The rate of increase for the earlier years of the period 1879-94 is affected by a more perfect registration during the latter part of the period ; but even if allowance is made for this probable element of error, and we assume that in the earlier part of the period the same amount of unchastity prevailed as at present, the results are scarcely less significant. That under a civilized government one-fourth of the children of one race should bear " the bar sinister " is a fact which is fraught with far-reaching consequences. rl have given the statistics of the general progress of the race in religion and education for the country at large, and have shown that in church and school the number of attending members or pupils is constantly in- creasing ; but in the statistics of crime and the data of illegitimacy the proof is furnished that neither religion nor education has influenced to an appreciable degree the moral progress of the race. Whatever benefit the indi- vidual colored man may have gained from the extension of religious worship and educational processes, the race as a w^hole has gone backwards rather than forwards. While it is not possible to prove by statistics that the moral condition of the slaves was exceptionally good, all the data at my command show that physically the race was superior to the present generation, and no physical health is possible without a fair degree of sexual mor- ality. It is true that the sexual relations were as lax as they are now, but they were lax in the nature of con- cubinage or irregular sexual intercourse, in which affec- tion played at least a small if not an important part. In the irregular sexual relations of the present day prosti- tution for gain is the prevailing rule, and one of the determining causes of the inordinate mortality and high degree of criminality. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 237 In Washington the colored race has had exceptional educational, religions and social opportunities. Even in an economic sense the race is probably better off there than anywhere else. According to the census there were in Washington in 1890, 77 churches for colored people, valued at $1,182,650, with 22,965 communicants. There were 250 colored teachers in charge of 13,332 colored pupils ; but there were also during the year 483 young mothers, whom neither education nor religion had restrained from open violation of the moral law. In Delaware the low moral condition of the colored population in this respect, is perhaps best illustrated by the following newspaper report, clipped from the Balti- more American of recent date. A wholesale marriage ceremony was performed in Odd Fellows' Hall at Hockessin, a few miles from Wilmington, Del., on Sun- day afternoon. Right couples of colored people were married simultaneously by the Rev. William Jason, president of the State Col- lege for Colored Students. The ceremony was witnessed by more than three hundred people. Explaining the circumstances which brought about the wedding, Mr. Jason said : "God must know that when I went among these people and tried to bring them to God, they were a bad lot. At first I did not get much encouragement, but after I had labored with them for several months, I saw that even the hardest of them were touched. In nearly every instance where a man and woman were living together, no marriage ceremony had been performed between them. I told them that it was wrong and sinful.; that it was a violation of the civil law and an offence against divine law. That's why I performed this wholesale marriage. At first they objected, but when one couple who had been living together for four years consented to let me marry them, the others gave in and I hope in time that all the rest will follow in their footsteps." For other states similar information could be given, but it would be merely cumulative evidence. The con- dition is everywhere the same. In Mobile and Knox- ville, as well as in Washington, the rate of illegitimacy is about 25 per cent, of the total births, against an average of about 2.5 per cent, for the whites. The figures here 16 238 American Economic Association. given are only those of births admitted \.o be illegitimate. The actual number if known would of course, give a much higher rate, but the margin of error is probably about the same for both races. The facts brought out show a state of immorality such as does not often pre- vail in a community claiming even a moderate degree of civilization. What is true of the negro in the United States is even more true of the colored population in the West Indies. I have elsewhere dealt fully with the social statistics of the negro in the West Indies, and need here to give only a few data to round off this picture of the lowest phase of the social life of the American negro.' "^ It was a favorite argument of the opponents of slavery that freedom, education and citizenship would elevate the negro to the level of the white in a generation or two. One writer in a report to the Anti-Slavery Society, which was widely circulated, made use of the following language in regard to the effects of the emancipation of the slaves in the West Indies: "The abolition of slavery gave the death blow to open vice. Immediate emancipation instead of opening the floodgates was the only power strong enough to shut them down. Those great controllers of moral action, self respect, attachment to law and veneration of God, which slavery destroyed, freedom has resuscitated." The West India slaves were completely emancipated in 1838. About 30 years later The American Missionary in commenting upofi the people of Jamaica used the follow- ing language : " A man may be a drunkard, a liar, a Sab- bath breaker, a profane man, a fornicator, an adulterer, and such like and be known to be such, and go to ^"The Negro in the West Indies," Quarterly Publicatioiis of the American Statistical Associatio7i, Vol. 3. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americaji Negro. 239 chapel and hold up his head there, and feel no disgrace from those things, because they are so common as to create a public sentiment in his favor." ^ About 25 years later James Anthony Froude wrote of the negro in the West Indies in the folUowing severe terms : "Morals in the technical sense they have none, but they cannot be said to sin, because they have no knowledge of a law and there- fore cannot commit a breach of the law. They are naked and not ashamed. They are married, as they call it, but not parsoned. The woman prefers a looser tie that she may be able to leave the man if he treat her unkindly. A missionary told me that a marriage con- nection rarely turned out well which begins with legal marriage. The system is strange, but it answers. There is evil, but there is not the demoralizing effect of evil, they sin but they sin only as animals sin, without shame because there is no sense of wrong doing ; they eat the forbidden fruit, but it brings with it no knowledge of the difference between good and evil — in fact these poor children of darkness have escaped the consequences of the fall, and must come of another stock after all. " '•' The statements of the various writers on the social condition, of the West India negro are supported by re- liable statistical evidence. The table below, compiled from, the annual reports of the registrar-general of Jamaica bears mute testimony on this point. ILLEGITIMACY AND ILLITERACY IN JAMACIA. Percentage of Females Percentage of Signing Marriage Illegitimate Register With Births. Mark. 1880-81 57.7 66.8 1881-82 58.2 67.7 18S2-83 58.9 68.6 1883-84 58.9 68.8 1884-85 59-9 67.7 1885-86 59.6 64.0 18S6-87 59.8 64.8 1887-88 60.6 64.8 18S8-89 60.5 65.5 18S9-90 61.7 64.9 1890-91 60.7 63.7 1891-92 60.6 61.6 1892-93 60.1 60.0 1893-94 60.6 59.4 1894-95 60.8 57.1 ^ Seaman, " Progress of Nations," p. 518. - " English in the West Indies," pp. 49-50. (The italics are mine.) 240 American Economic Association. After fifty years of educational and religious influence under conditions of freedon, sixty out of every hundred births are acknowledged to be illegitimate.' On the other hand, education has progressed at such a rate that in the year 1894 only 40 per cent, of the women who married could not write their own names. The progress of education is shown by the table below : PROPORTION OF POPULATION OF JAMAICA OVER FIVE YEARS OF AGE WHO ARE ABLE TO READ AND WRITE.' Per Cent. 1861 31-3 1871 350 1881 45-7 1891 52v5 '"The Negro in the West Indies." Publications of the American Statistical As- sociation. One of the most recent reports on the condition of the negro in Jamaica was published in the New York JEvening Post in November, 1895, and contains the fol- 'Oii this point the registrar general, Mr. S. P. Smeeton, in his an- nual report for 1895, writes as follows: "The subject, (illegitimacy) is not a savour}- one, and when discussed ' time ' and ' education ' are generally mentioned as the remedies to be relied upon. It may, how- ever, be pointed out that the published registration figures for 17 3'ears past show no improvement in the matter, and that an ever in- creasing educational force has been for that same period in operatiofi without, apparently, any sign of cleansing away this social cancer. From time to time great and praiseworthy interest is shown for the development of the material concerns of the island and extensive or- ganizations are formed for the benefit of these, but is there any island product of more value, from any point of view, than the population one ? What are all others if this be uncared for, and 60 per cent, of it be allowed, as we say in Jamaica, to ' run into bush ' ? I have in a previous report quoted the w-ords of Cardinal Manning : ' On the do- mestic life of a people the whole political order of human society re- poses. If the foundation be ruined what will be the superstructure ? ' and they will bear repetition here, for, while it is beyond question that the people of Jamaica are capable of reaching a high state of civili- zation, it is equally certain that this goal cannot be reached so long as the very root element of social progress is lacking, viz., a morally healthy family life. " (The italics are mine. ) Race Traits and Tendencies of the A?nerica?i Negro. 241 lowing : " We have seen such sights as one of their naked voodoo priests standing in the middle of a stream holding a rod in one hand and the other outstretched over the water apparently without moving a muscle for upwards of three hours, while thousands of naked men and women crowded into the stream below him. But this is tame compared to their horrible midnight orgies carried on in their mountain homes, which the white man is not allowed to witness. We can only form an idea of their barbarity from the rumors that come to us from time to time or the reports of some of their more enlightened brethren." The same condition is met with in other islands : everywhere we find the evidence of grossest immorality, and nowhere do we meet with the anticipated effects of education and political freedom. The main purpose of education, " the eradication or modification of un- desirable tendencies and the development of favorable ones," has, according to these facts, not been accom- plished. After nearly sixty years of freedom in the West Indies and after thirty years of freedom in this country, during which the most elaborate efforts have been made to improve the moral and social condition of the race, we find that its physical and moral tendency is downwards. A low degree of social and economic effi- ciency must result from such anti-social conditions. A race living under such conditions can hardly be expected to develop the essential virtue of Indo-Germanic races, thrift. Pauperism with all its consequences is the nat- ural and inevitable result of crime and immorality. / Thrift is the result of self hel^ It is developed under the most adverse circumstances and once ac- quired forms the most persistent virtue of a race. It is the result of self-denial and self-sacrifice, developed in 242 American Economic Association. races only after a struggle against adverse conditions which would have reduced a race less sturdy to barbar- ism and savagery. All attempts to ameliorate the condition of the lower races in which the vital element of self-help is ignored, must in the end, prove a failure. A system of philan- thropy that is based on the notion that easy conditions of life are essential to human development must fail in its effort, honorable and unselfish as the motives maybe. No system of state socialism will benefit a race^ much as it may occasionally prove of benefit to the individual. The violation of this fundamental principle of economics on the part of the state or an association of individuals, or individuals working alone for the amelioration of the condition of the lower classes must in the end produce the very effects and tendencies shown to be in operation among the colored population, namely, an increasing mortality, decreasing vitality, and increasing immorality, criminality and pauperism. Such, in the words of Mr. Francis A. Walker, " may be the effects of foolish laws. The legislator [or the phil- anthropist and social reformer, I would add] may think it hard that his power for good is so closely restricted ; but he has no reason to complain of any limits upon his power for evil. On the contrary, it would seem that there is no race of men, whom a few laws respecting industry, trade and finance passed ... in defiance of economic principles could not in half a generation transform into beasts."^ This principle is as applicable to general social con- ditions as to those which fall strictly within the domain of economics. Even political liberties, granted with dis- regard for natural inequalities or stages of human ' "Political Ecouonu', " p. 362. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negi'O. 243 progress, must affect injuriously, in the end, the race on which they were thus conferred. " Self-govern- ment," writes Mr. Fronde, " is a beautiful subject for oratorical declamation. If the facts corresponded to the theory and if the possession of a vote produced the ele- vating effects upon the character which are so noisily- insisted upon, it would be the welcome panacea for political and social disorder. Unfortunately the fact does not correspond to the theory. The possession of a vote never improved the character of any human being and never will." • We may, in conclusion, consider the facts relating to pauperism and general dependency. The table below will show for ten northern and ten southern states the number of negro paupers per million of population, as compared with the white population. The table also shows the average age according to sex. WHITE AND COLORED PAUPERS IN ALMSHOUSES IN 1S90, PER MIL- LION OF POPULATION.! Southern States. Whites. Colored. Virginia i,i'7 I1658 Colored in excess North Carolina 886 992 " " South Carolina 794 306 Whites " Georgia 545 42S << « Florida 76 42 " " Kentucky 7S8 1,208 Colored " Tennessee 756 1,239 " " Alabama 386 443 " " Mississippi 376 388 " " Louisiana 204 14 Whites " Northern States. Massachusetts 2,097 3>352 Colored in excess New York 1,696 3,045 " " New Jersey 1,846 2,895 " " Pennsylvania 1,604 3.599 " " Ohio 1,968 3,931 " " Illinois 1,406 1,659 " " Indiana 1,316 2,212 " " Kansas 372 1,603 " " Missouri 834 1,785 " " Michigan 906 1,809 " " 1 Census report on Crime, Pauperism and Benevolence. Part II, pp. 654-658. ' " The English in the West Indies," p. 166. 244 American Economic Association. AVERAGE AGES OF WHITE AND COLORED PAUPERS IN ALMSHOUSES IN iSgo.i Males. Females. Southern States. White. Colored. White. Colored. Virginia 44.08 51.28 43- 30 46.11 North Carolina .... 49-28 48.06 48.22 48.30 South Carolina .... 52.40 4S.77 54.45 58.75 Georgia 52.22 58.85 51.60 54.36 Florida 55.11 39.75 45.20 7767 Kentucky 49.05 44.07 40.46 41.82 Tennessee 46.40 45-72 41-53 46.81 Alabama 51.35 52.43 47.47 61.04 Mississippi 49-75 54-48 48.93 61.50 Louisiana 62.76 57-^o 67.04 56.33 Northern States. Massachusetts .... 53.08 41.25 51.09 41 59 New York 56.64 56.75 54.78 49.77 New Jersey 48-51 51-9' 46-75 44-34 Pennsylvania 51. 68 42.92 4S.53 43.57 Ohio 53.31 4625 48.63 42.48 Illinois 48.73 38-36 4428 38.71 Indiana 48-36 39-62 42-52 34-39 Kansas 46.70 40.97 42-82 36.23 Missouri 46.70 4^-39 42.21 47.75 Michigan 53.35 50.10 47.09 46.00 1 Census report on Crime, Pauperism and Benevolence. Part II, pp. S19-20. It will be observed that with only four exceptions, the ratio of colored paupers is greater than that of the whites. The exceptions are Georgia, Florida, South Carolina and Louisiana, all of which are in the extreme South — sec- tions where indoor pauperism is met with to only a very limited extent. In all the northern states the colored paupers outnumber the whites, which contradicts the statement frequently made that while the negro race fur- nishes more criminals, it furnishes fewer paupers than the white race. Pauperism, North and South, cannot be compared, on account of the difference in prevailing relief methods. In the South the need of indoor relief is ver)' small ; the conditions of life are much easier and outdoor relief is Race Traits and Tendencies of the Americayi Negro. 245 usually sufficient. Able-bodied paupers, such as we meet with in the alms-houses in the North are rare. The ac- commodations furnished by almshouses are, on the whole, not such as would encourage pauperism, even among the negroes. With the increase in wealth and general economic progress, the South is making better provision for its dependent classes, and an increase in the number of paupers would prove rather a shifting from outdoor to indoor relief than an actual increase in pauperism. It will also be observed that the average age of paupers in the South is on the whole about the same for the col- ored as for the white. But in the northern states, the average age of the colored is, with only two exceptions, considerably below that of the whites. In Massachusetts, for instance, the average age of the white male paupers was 53, as against 41 for the colored. This would clearly indicate that the colored in the northern states become paupers at an earlier age than in the South, where condi- tions of indoor relief are less encouraging to chronic pauperism. Outdoor relief to colored persons is exceedingly com- mon in the southern states. It is not given in the form of money, but in the form of free fuel, free fruit, free land for cultivation, free medical attendance and, most of all, free burial in the potter's field. In addition there is an almost unseen agency of outdoor relief, perhaps of all the most pernicious, which furnishes the family of a negro servant with the remnants of the table of the em- ployer. The difference in the extent of outdoor and indoor re- lief is illustrated in the table for Cincinnati, in which a comparison is made between the indoor and the various kinds of outdoor relief. The method of comparison is the same as that made use of in the criminal statistics. 246 Amc7-ican Economic Association. and the proportion of colored panpers to total is com- pared with the percentage of colored in total popnlation. CHARITY AND PAUPERISM IN CINCINNATI.— 1894. Indoor Out-door Relief. (Al mshouse) Pro- Coffin.s, Relief. visions. Fuel. Etc. 450 2,391 1.932 197 22 488 369 64 4.89 20. 4 r 19. 09 32.49 Total number receiving relief. Colored • Percentage of colored .... Percentageofcol'd population in total 3.93 3.93 3.93 393 The proportion of colored in the total population of Cincinnati was almost four per cent, in 1890. The propor- tion of colored paupers in almshouses was almost five per cent., an excess amounting to one-fifth of the per- centage of population. The percentage of outdoor relief for the colored was, for provisions 20.41, for fuel 19.09 ; while for pauper funerals the rate was 32.49 per cent, of the total. That is to say, with only 3.93 per cent, of the population, the negroes were the beneficiaries of one- fifth of the out-door relief and one-third of the expendi- tures for pauper funerals. Pauper funerals, as I have stated, are extremely fre- quent among the colored population and nowhere else dees absence of thrift so clearly manifest itself as in the indifference to a burial in the " potter's field." Whoever has witnessed the pauper funeral of a negro, the bare pine box and the common cart, the absence of all that makes less sorrowful the last rites over the dead, has seen a phase of negro life and manners more disheartening per- haps than anything else in the whole range of human misery. Perhaps only the dreary aspect of the negroes' " potters field," the low sand hills, row after row, partly washed away by the falling rains, unrelieved by a single mark of human kindness, without a flower and without a Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 247 cross, only the pauper lot itself, may be more sad and gruesome than the displa}- of almost inhuman apathy at the funeral. By this I do not wish to be understood as saying that the negro is entirely indifferent, for he is not, and often mourns the loss of a near one as sincerely as the member of any other race, but his indifference is to a condition imposed upon him not on account of his poverty, but on account of his lack of thrift. In the two tables which follow I give the white and colored pauper funerals in Washington and Charleston for a period of seven years. The table also shows the percentage of colored in total pauper burials and the pro- portion of colored in total population. PAUPER FUNERALS IN WASHINGTON, D. C— 1888-1S94. Percentasje of Total. Colored. Colored. 18S8 391 331 84.65 1889 42S 368 85.98 1S90 411 375 91-24 1S91 487 404 82.95 1892 506 406 80.23 1893 512 424 82.81 1894 527 444 84.25 1888-1894 .... 3,262 2,752 84.36 Percentage of colored population in total 32.89 PAUPER FUNERALS IN CHARLESTON— 1SS8-1894. Percentage of Total. Colored. Colored. 188S 375 366 97.60 1SS9 36S 356 96.73 1890 336 331 98.51 1S91 327 304 92.96 1892 377 366 97.08 1S93 351 339 96.58 1S94 395 3S5 97.46 1888-1S94 .... 2,529 2,4.^7 96.76 Percentage of colored population in total 56.48 248 American Economic Association. The above tables show, that in Washington 84. 36 per cent, of the pauper funerals were those of colored per- sons, while only 32.89 per cent, of the total population were colored. In Charleston 96.76 per cent, of the pauper funerals were those of negroes, with only 56.48 per cent, of colored in the total population. The tables must not be compared with each other on account of the difference in the distribution of the two races in the two cities. A comparison is made however in the following summary, in which the percentage of pauper funerals in the total number of burials is shown for each race, in both cities. PROPORTION OF PAUPER FUNERALS IN TOTAL NUMBER OF DEATHS. Charleston. Washington. Total Pauper Percent- Pauper Percent- Burials, funeral.s. age. Burials, funerals. age. White . . . . 3,672 82 2.23 21,979 510 2.32 Colored . . . 9,388 2,447 26.07 iS,oS6 2.752 15.22 According to this table the proportion of colored pau- per funerals in the total number of burials was 26.07 per cent, for Charleston and 15.22 per cent, for Washing- ton. That is to say, while one out of every four negroes dying in Charleston was buried at public expense, only one out of six was buried in this way in Washington, showing a decided improvement in this respect for the colored people of the latter city. But it is a question not easily answered, whether this lower rate for Wash- ington may not be due in part to local conditions which make pauper burials more difficult. For in Cincinnati it has been shown that one-third of those who were buried at public expense were colored, and similar rates are met with in other cities, data for which would only burden this work with cumulative evidence. The rational explanation would seem to me to be the de- Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 249 velopment in the Capitol City of a higher degree of social pride, which, while not a strictly moral element, is nevertheless of high social and economic valne. The principle of association for benevolent pnrposes, assist- ance in sickness and insurance at death, has also, with- out question, largely affected the colored population of Washington, more perhaps than that of any other city. The beneficient effect of this change is, however, more developed in the seen than in the unseen, and the attention paid to ceremonial matters has had no in- fluence in developing the more important regard for sexiial morality and monogamic marriage. Improved economic conditions have therefore affected the less im- portant phases and tendencies of life, rather than the more important ; they have affected changes in the sur- face conditions, but have failed to go to the root. I cannot do better than close this chapter with the timely words of ]^»I. Leroy-Beaulieu, which are as ap- plicable to the colored race as they are to the white or any other race, — and even to a greater degree, since the downw^ard tendencies are so much more distinctly recog- nizable among the colored than among other races : We need hardl)^ point out that it is far from our intention to con- demn either education in general or that of women [negroes I would add] in particular, but it is rather our desire to point oat what appears to be necessary to improve and modify its tendencies. Every age is characterized b}' its peculiar craze. The present craze is for educa- tion, unlimited and injudicious, and for philanthropy equally un- limited and injudicious, both absolutely superficial. Bj' their aid we have succeeded in producing a mental condition and creating social circumstances which are most unfavorable to the growth of the population. 1 ^Journal of tlie Royal Statistical Society, 1891, p. 3S4. Chapter VI. ECONOMIC CONDITION AND TENDENCIES, The general economic condition of the negro race is a subject on which much has been written from the stand- point of the casual observer, or the interested investi- gator ; but no attempt has ever been made by govern- ment, national or local, to deal with the subject in a comprehensive manner. This is the more to be regretted since much that is now done in behalf of the race is the result of investigations and observations naturally limited and inadequate. If, instead of the numerous in- vestigations into phases of social life, (with which the government could not interfere even if it desired), an annual or quinquennial investigation were made by a competent commission to ascertain the moral and material condition of the race, in the same way that the government of India prepares its annual and decennial summary reports on the moral and material condition of the people of India, a most important step toward a more scientific view of the needs and wants of the negro would be gained. As matters stand, it is difficult to discuss the subject in a satisfactory way, and this attempt to bring together the most important facts is rather in the nature of a contribution to a more comprehensive study than an attempt to deal comprehensively and exhaust- ively with the economic condition and tendencies of the colored race. I have confined myself to a few points on which the necessary data were fairly reliable and com- plete enough to permit a discussion as to the probable future tendency of the race in the direction of material Race Traits and Tc?idencies of the American Negro. 251 well being, and its influence as an economic factor in the development of the nation. The Negro as an Agricultural Laborer. The vast portion of the colored population of the southern states are still agricultural laborers, and the observed tendency of the negro population to drift into the cities has not affected a very large proportion of the total colored population. The attempts made to migrate to the western states or to emigrate to Mexico, Liberia, or other foreign countries, have had very slight influence on the population at large. The fact that of this vast population the majority are tillers of the soil, productive factors in the highest economic sense, invests the probable tendencies of the race with an unusual degree of public interest. Does the negro as an agricultural laborer pro- duce as much as a white man under the same conditions ? Does he as a free man produce as much as, or more than, he did under the regime of slavery ? To these two ques- tions at present no satisfactory answer can be given, for the reasons stated at the beginning of the chapter. Yet some data are available which may be worth recording, and may serve at least the purpose of showing the dearth of data for this part of my investigation. The diflficulty in deciding as to the comparative effi- ciency of white and colored labor is enhanced by the conflict of opinion even among those most competent to judge of the negro as an agricultural or industrial worker. " I know of no subject," said the late General Armstrong, " on which you hear such diametrically op- posite opinions as you do about the colored people. I have heard two men in the same town, each of them a large employer of colored labor, and each, of them with 252 Americayi Ecojiomic Association. equal experience, say the direct opposite, the one claim- ing that the colored race might be developed to any ex- tent, the other that there was nothing to be done for them.'" This difficulty is emphasized in two letters to the Chattanooga Tradesman from southern planters. The first, from Mr. Alf. Stone, of Greenville, Miss., maintains that " the negro as a field hand is a failure," and advises planters to substitue " the thrifty foreigner, Italians, Germans, Norwegians." A Mr. Massey, of Friars Point, INIiss., replies that " the negro is the most docile and tractable of all laborers and under proper management the most contented and profitable. The thriftlessness generally ascribed to the negro is more the fault of the employer than of the laborer." - In the Coiinti'y Gentleman a few years ago, a Con- necticut farmer gave his experience with negro labor, mostly from Virginia, concluding his remarks with the following words : " In the course of several years others came to our town from the same region, and I cannot recall a single instance in which they did not prove efficient and reliable workmen. . . . Those whom we employed were pure-minded and honest-hearted and possessed skill and judgment to a degree which has seldom been equalled by any workman on our farm." The experience of a Virginia planter. Col. Henry Stokes of Prince Edward county, showed that " under the direction of a level head, . . . 20,000 hills of tobacco to the hand were cultivated, in contrast with only 10,000 hills under slavery, demonstrating that a free man is worth just twice as much as a slave." ' These favorable views of experienced farmers are in ^L. D. Powles, "Land of the Pink Pearl," (London, 188S), p. 193. ■^ Tradesman, January 15, 1892. 3 Farmville/o«r«a/. Race Traits and Tendeyicics of the Americari Negro. 253 contrast with the opinion of the former commissioner of agricnlture of Tennessee, Mr. Killebrew, who, in the Tradesman of Jannary i, 1895, writes as follows : " The great and leading differences between white and colored labor is this, the first has ambition, calculates possi- bilities, and looks forward to the future ; the latter en- joys the present, is indifferent of what is to come, and is utterly incapable of that self denial which makes thrift and prosperity possible." Reference has been made to the value of free labor in the cultivation of tobacco in Virginia. Mr. Bruce, who studied the negro in the section of Virginia where to- bacco is extensively cultivated, writes of the pres- ent day negro as follows : " In all those counties of the tobacco region of Virginia in which the crop is culti- vated and prepared for market entirely by negroes, there has been a notable decline in the quality of the staple as well as in the character of its manipulation, now that the majority of the hands who were trained for many years under the eye of their master or the overseer are fast dying off. . . . Tobacco requires the most thorough information and the most discriminating skill from the hour that the plant expands in the patch, to the moment the leaf is prized in the hogshead. Under the old system each plantation had its circle of slaves who were carefully educated from childhood to do gen- eral or special work, and the individual of that circle at- tained to much expertness in the various tasks of the barns and fields ; but under the present system this is impossible and the result is that labor of the new regime is generally inferior in character." ' The production of tobacco in the counties in which ' " The Plantation Negro as a Freeman," p. 183. 17 254 American Economic Association. it was most extensively produced previous to the war, was less in 1889 than thirty years ago. If we select five representative counties, as has been done in the table below, it is shown that the product has ver\- ma- terially decreased since 1859. TOBACCO PRODUCTION OF FIVE SELECTED COUNTIES OF VIRGINIA, 1S59 and 1889. Population, 1890. Tobacco Production, (Lbs.). White. Colored. 1859. 1889. Albermarle 18,133 '4,245 5.429.390 557.364 Charlotte 5.714 9.3^3 5,666,600 1,762,000 Halifax 14.891 19.533 8,544,500 5. 432. 500 Mecklenburg . . . 9,192 16,167 6,631,800 2,737,600 Prince Edward . . . 4,750 9,944 4.231,500 1,633,800 Five Counties . 52,680 69,252 30,504,090 12,123,264 The production for 1859 ^^^^^ ?P-b "'ilhon pounds ; the production for 1889 was only 12.1 million pounds. Leaving out of consideration the increase in the popu- lation during this period, the falling off is remarkable. It will be observed that in these five counties the colored are greatly in the majorit)\ Only one county of the state, Pittsylvania, reported a larger production in 1889 than in 1859 (^ ^^^"^ speaking here only of those counties the total product of which in 1859 was in excess of four million pounds.) In 1859 ^^"^^ production of to- bacco in this county was 7.9 million pounds, against 12.3 million pounds in 1879 ^^^ '^^ million pounds in 1889. But in this county the whites exceed the colored by a small majority (31 to 29), the former having increased at a higher rate than the latter during the period 1880- 90. Hence, the possible argument that the large pro- duction of the period previous to the war exhausted the soil and caused an overproduction per acre, hardly holds good. At least it would seem difficult to account for the falling off on this ground, in view of the statement Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 255 of the correspondent of the Farmville Journal that a laborer now takes care of twice the nnmber of plants that was customary previous to emancipation. We may compare, however, the five counties of Vir- ginia with four counties of Kentucky having a colored population of less than five per cent. The four counties produced about 90,000 pounds of tobacco in 1859 as com- pared with more than 10 million pounds in 1889. It must be taken into consideration that the large proportion of laborers in these counties must necessarily be white. TOBACCO PRODUCTION OF FOUR COUNTIES OF KENTUCKY, 1859-1889. Population. Tobacco Production, (I,bs.). White. Colored. 1859. 1889. Lewis 14,618 185 35.595 2,340,984 Campbell 43>496 712 40,520 1,733-227 Bath 11.228 1,58.5 4,542 4.555,912 Mercer 11,924 3,iio 9,681 1,414,733 Four Counties. . 81,266 5,592 90,338 10,044,856 It is of course an open question whether the increased production of tobacco in these counties is not the- re- sult of cultivation of new soils not previously exhausted ; but that is immaterial for our purpose. The point, to be observed is that in counties containing a great majority of negroes the production is falling off, while in other sections of the country containing only a small proportion of colored population, the production has greatly increased. This is true of the production per acre as well as of the total yield. The average product per acre was 396 pounds for the five Virginia counties as compared with 879 pounds for four Kentucky counties. It is therefore apparent that Mr. Russell was in error when he declared ' that " tobacco cannot be cultivated in the Free States by hiring and employing laborers, it ^" North America: Its Agriculture and Climate," (Edinburgh, 1857), p. 141. 256 Amcricayi Economic Association. is only cultivated there by small farmers," and that " free labor cannot successfully compete with slave labor in the production of tobacco, for among other reasons, slave owners can always command the quantity as well as quality of labour that are required to raise this crop economically.'" In Virginia, with 38.7 per cent, colored in the total population, the tobacco crop of the state has fallen off from 12 1.8 million pounds in 1859 to 48.5 million pounds in 1889. In Kentucky, where the colored population forms only 14.7 per cent, of the total, the production has increased from 108. i million pounds in 1859 to 221.9 million pounds in 1889.- In view of these facts, it would seem that the opinion of Mr. Bruce as regards the deterioration of colored labor in the production of this staple was justified, and that the falling off in the tobacco production of the five selected Virginia counties is more the result of a diminishing economic efficiency in the negro in this branch of agriculture than of changes in the productive- ness of the soil, or the substitution of other crops, etc. I am fairly familiar with the conditions of one county, and have had opportunity to observe the effects of the migratory tendency of the race on the changes in the agricultural condition of a given locality. In Charlotte county, for instance, where previous to the war a crop of over five million pounds \vas raised, almost exclusively by slave labor, many of the farm hands have migrated to the new cities of Roanoke, Newport News, etc. Hence the valuable special knowledge, so much insisted upon by writers on the subject, is largely wasted and the planter has to face the serious question of either educating constantly a new number of hands, any one 1 "North America : Its Agriculture and Climate," pp. 140-41. * Extra census bulletin, No. 13. Washington, D. C, 1S91. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 257 of whom may leave the locality the next year, or of abandoning- the cultivation of this particular crop. On the other hand, the farm laborer in the new cities has to meet new conditions in which his ignorance handicaps him from the beginning, and while thousands of me- chanics are imported from the factories and ship yards of the North, earning excellent wages, he fills only a menial position and earns only the wages of unskilled labor. The economic disadvantage of this tendency to de- teriorate in efficiency in a branch of agriculture which is constantly opening up new sections of the country, is perhaps nowhere better illustrated than in the case of South Carolina, where the almost exclusive produc- tion of cotton and rice of the ante-war period is gradually giving way to the production o'f other staples, of which tobacco is today considered one of the most promising. A writer in the Columbia State of a recent date, in dealing with the subject of changes in the agri- cultural condition of the state, refers to the subject as follows : " The tobacco business will not be overdone in South Carolina until the quantity produced is quin- tupled. For the present it is the best money-making crop in the state, for here the yield is greater and the quality is better than in Virginia or North Carolina." The production has increased from 104,000 pounds in 1859, to 223,000 pounds in 1889 and more than three million pounds in 1894. Hence a field in which this special knowledge of the cultivation of a valuable crop would have been of very great advantage to the colored race, is gradually being abandoned and left to the white race. In South Carolina the negro has at all times been an indispensable factor in the production of another staple* 258 Aniericayi Economic Association. rice ; and it may be of value to add the statement of one who has made this a subject of scientific investiga- tion. j\Ii-. Milton Whitney, M.S., in a chapter on " Rice Soils of South Carolina," forming part of a special report by IVIr. Amory Austin, B.S., to the Depart- ment of Agriculture, refers to the subject of negro labor in the rice lands of South Carolina as follows : There are at present in South Carolina, and doubtless the same conditions hold good in other rice growing states, thousands of acres of the finest rice lands, which have been abandoned and are now lying idle. . . . The principal cause which has brought about the exist- ing conditions of things and has caused the abandonment of so much rice land is the lack of capital due to heavy losses sustained by the planters during the late war. . . . Another fact which has brought about the present condition of affairs and explains in part why so much rice laud has been abandoned, is the scarcity of negro labor, by which practically all the field work has been done. The phosphate industry along the coast in South Carolina and Florida has drawn large numbers of these negroes away from the rice fields, attracting them by higher wages and what they consider a more independent life. It is difficult to secure enough labor to handle the crops and the negroes who remain on the plantations are not as steady, as efficient or as reliable as the older generations were before the war. With the phosphate works almost in sight of their dwellings, and an abundance of fish and game, and a mild climate making it easy to live, they are so irresponsible that it is diflficult to control labor. They are very un- willing to work in the ditches and canals, and it is almost impossible to keep the ditches and canals clean and of a proper depth by the available negro labor . . . ' This despondent view of the present value of negro labor in the rice fields is met with in most of the refer- ences to the future of rice culture. It is clearly sup- ported by the statistics of rice production in South Carolina and Georgia where the annual production since the war has been considerably below the nonnal yield of previous years under the regime of slavery. The ^ " Rice : Its Cultivation and Distribution," (Department of Agri- culture, 1S93), p. 77 et seq. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Arnerican Negro. 259 summary below will show the production of rice in three states during the period 1850-89. South Carolina. Georgia. Louisiana. Year. Lbs. Lbs. Lbs. 1850 159,930,000 38,950,000 4,425,000 1880 52,077,000 25,369,000 23,188,000 1889 31,689,000 14,057,000 76,221,000 The increase in Louisiana is in part explained on the ground that large areas of former sugar plantations near the delta of the Mississippi have been utilized in the cultivation of rice. The method of cultivation, how- ever, does not seem to be such as would insure the same degree of permanency as prevailed in South Carolina previous to the war. The replacing of sugar culture by rice culture is at the same time only a quasi-public benefit. In recent years, so far as I have been able to ascertain, there has been some improvement in the pro- duction of rice in South Carolina. The annual product for 1894 is estimated by the South Carolina Agriculture College at 70 million pounds. This is still less than one-half the production of 1850. The annual produc- tion of the United States was 215 million pounds in 1850 and only 1 1 5. 5 million pounds in 1894. In this industry therefore, as well as in the tobacco production, w^e must attribute a decreasing production more to the growing inefficiency of negro labor than to other economic causes. In the testimony of i\Ir. John Schreven before the ways and means committee of the Fifty-first Congress, having under consideration the change of the duty on rice, the statement was made that "since the emancipation of the slaves the cost of agricultural labor in the South has been largely increased. In the rice districts of Georgia and the Carolinas, field labor ranges from 40 2fio Arnericaji Economic Association. to 60 cents, and the best expert (not mechanical) labor to one dollar per diem . . , this without the efficiency to be expected from free labor. The laborers frequently refuse to undertake tasks, easy under a sterner system and essential to nice cultivation. A day's labor is com- monly reduced to six hours instead of ten. The con- sequences of these conditions are reduced production, and commonly, minimum crops.'" In the report of Amory Austin, already referred to, the statement is made in regard to rice culture in Georgia, that the decline in the culture of rice is due to "the dislike of the negro to the work upon the marshes."^ In the production of cotton, in which it is commonly assumed the negro participates more largely than in the production of any other southern staple, it would seem that the tendency is in the same direction, that is, the work is slowly drifting from the negro into the hands of the whites, both in the states which contain the largest proportion of colored population and in Texas where the whites predominate. Texas, according to the last census, contained a pro- portion of 28 colored to every hundred of white popu- lation. In i860 the proportion was 43 to 100. Hence we have for this state a larger increase in white population, the majority of which are of foreign birth or are native settlers from other states.^ Now, it was one of the dic- tums of the believers in the value of negro labor in cotton production that " where the greatest amount of ' Hearings of ways and means committee, Fifty-first Congress, p. 931. ^ " Rice : Its cultivation" etc. Washington, 1S93. * According to the census of 1890, Texas had a total popula- tion of 2,235,523, of which 1,745,935 were white. Of the latter 1,408,- 880 were native whites of native parentage, but only 825,280 had been born in Texas. Hence, only 47.8 per cent, were natives in the re- stricted sense of the word. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 261 cotton is produced there will be found tlie greatest negro population, and as the one decreases the other does also, though not necessarily in the same ratio."^ This is no longer applicable in the production of cotton as a south- ern staple. We may compare the two states IMississippi and Texas to illustrate this point. COTTON PRODUCTION OF MISSISSIPPI, 1860-1894. Colored Cotton Average Net Weight Population. Bales. of Bales. 1S60 437,404 1,202,507 461 Lbs. 1890 747.720 1,154.725 478 " 1894 ... 1,167,881 474 " COTTON PRODUCTION OF TF;XAS, 1860-1894. Colored Cotton Average Net Weight Popiilation. Bales. of Bales. i860 182,921 431,462 461 Lbs. J890 303.384 1. 471. 242 478 " 1894 . . 3,073,821 474 " With le.ss than one-half as large a colored population as Mississippi, the state of Texas produced in 1894 almost three times the cotton crop of the former state. With almost twice the colored population of i860, Mississippi in 1894 produced less cotton than 34 years ago. Thus it is seen that it is not merely the presence of a large colored population to which the cultivation of a large cotton crop must be attributed. For other states similar results could be shown, but the instance cited will suffice. It is therefore a question to what extent white labor enters into the production of cotton. In the uplands the whites have always cultivated their own cotton. In the alluvial lands along the Mississippi river, of course, the larger part of the crop is grown by negro labor. ' Report on internal commerce, Washington, D. C, 1886, p. 560. 262 American Ecoyiomic Association. The only investigation of which I have knowledge in which it was attempted to ascertain the proportion ,of the cotton crop raised by colored and white labor re- spectively, was made in 1876, and is reported by the Commissioner of Agricultnre. The results of this in- vestigation were a surprise to many who up to the time held the belief that the whites participated but slightly in the production of this, the greatest of southern crops. PROPORTION OF COTTON CROP GROWN BY WHITE AND COLORED LABOR. (1876.) North Carolina Soutli Carolina Georgia . . . , Florida Alabama . . . . Mississippi . . , Louisiana . . . Texas ... Arkansas ... Tennessee . . In 1880 it was estimated that of the total cotton crop, 2,553,000 bales were grown by white labor, against 3,212,000 bales grown by colored labor. In other words over 40 per cent, of the total crop was the result of w^hite labor. In ]\Iississippi, according to a report of the board of immigration and agriculture in 18S0, out of a total of 955,800 bales, 328,568 bales, or over 34 per cent., was grown by white labor. It is an open question whether this proportion of cotton production by whites in the states formerly the main producers of this staple, has increased during recent years. The elaborate investigation of the Senate committee into the condition of cotton growers, failed to deal with the problem of labor in an adequate manner. Only one Colored. White. Per Cent. Per Cent. 65 .^5 68 32 66 34 72 28 59 41 68 32 77 23 3S 62 40 60 59 4t Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 263 decided opinion was given in regard to the present value of negro labor, in connection with this industry, and on account of its exceptional value I give the quotation in full. Of all causes mentioned as contributing to the financial depression of the cotton raiser, the want of reliable labor is perhaps the most important and most difficult to remedy. As stated previously, our crops are mainly cultivated by negro labor. For several years after the close of the war, the manumitted slave was, from previous train- ing and force of habit, a very desirable laborer, but as the generation of the ex-slave passed away and a new generation sprang up, they be- came more lazy, thriftless and unreliable, until they will soon attain a condition of total depravity and utter worthlessness. . . . The negro laborer, notwithstanding he gets one-half of the crop, and is subjected to no expense, will, upon an average not work more than four hours a day, nor more than three days per week. I can only suggest one remedy for this state of affairs and that I admit is im- practicable, if not impossible. That is, for the government to deport and colonize the negro in Liberia or the Sandwich Islands. If such a thing could be accomplished we might suffer some temporary incon- venience and pecuniary loss but the place of the negro would soon be filled by active, honest and industrious whites from the middle, northern and western states, and Europe. Relieve us of this incubus and your name shall be blessed, even unto the tenth generation.^ In this statement the same complaint is made, that " the negro w411 work only a few hours a day, and only a few days out of the whole week." In the production of the great staples as well as in agriculture in general, nothing is more important than continuous application of labor until the crop is harvested. The uncertainty as to the permanency of this labor supply has induced many planters to discontinue cultivation on a large scale. Of the labor in Louisiana, Mr. Henry G. Foster, U. S. Treasury expert, of New Orleans, wrote ten years ago as follows : " The labor in parts of Louisiana is inclined 1 Report of the Senate committee on agriculture. Vol. I, p. 362, (Washington, D. C, 1895). The quotation is from a letter to the chairman, Senator George, by Mr. I. A. Wimbish, of Cuerro, DeWitt County, Texas. 264 Amcricafi Econotnic Association. to be nomadic ; many of them quit the plantation after the crop is picked and baled, and work during the winter months on the steamboats, in the cotton yards or on the levee of New Orleans. This irregular mode of life demoralizes them and injures their usefulness. They rarely return to the same plantation which they quitted, and they become less reliable as steady laborers." ' This view is again supported by the results of an elab- orate investigation made into the wages of farm labor in 1892.- The investigation was conducted by the regu- lar correspondents of the Department of Agriculture, and nearly every important county in the South was covered by the report. From all sources the complaint was made that the present labor supply was not of a satisfactory quality, oftentimes insufficient in quantity. A few of the most emphatic statements are given as follows : [Mississippi, Perry county]. "Labor abundant but of an exceed- ingl)- unreliable character. As a rule no crop can be wholly made by colored labor, we have no other kind." . . . [Alcorn county]. " Farm labor is scarce because of the tendency of the negroes to move westward to the Mississippi and Yazoo bottoms and to Ar- kansas." [Louisiana, Franklin parish]. " Farm laborers very scarce . . . many, both men and women have drifted into little hamlets and vil- lages, where they eke out a precarious living." . . . [West Feli- ciana parish]. " Laborers are gradually leaving the hills and concen- trating near rivers and town." [Georgia, Randolph county]. "An increasing scarcity each year, as the colored people move to towns." . . . [Habersham county] "We have no difficulty in procuring farm labor, although the negro is uncertain, he is indifferent about work if he has a little ahead." . . . [Lincoln count)']. " Farm labor scarce, owmg to the vagrant disposition of the negro." [South Carolina, Georgetown county]. "Farm labor scarce be- cause the young negroes do not like field work and go to cities, and the women who constitute the strength of the work in the rice fields ^Report on Internal Commerce, 1886, p. 511. 2 " Wages of Farm Labor in the United States, 1866-1892." Wash- ington, D. C, 1892. Race Traits and Tendencies of the Amcrica7i Negro. 265 are lazy and do not more than six hours work in a whole day, so that forty cents may be said to be paid for six hours work. [Virjjinia, York county]. Farm labor plentiful but very unreli- able [Charles City county]. Farm labor is more and more uncertain and indifferent. . . . [Accomack county]. " Farm laborers abundant in numbers could they be induced to work. After earning a few dollars they quit work until it is gone. In none of the linndred.s of reports have I found any evidence that colored farm labor is improving in quality, least of all in quantity. The great majority of the cor- respondents agree that the negro is drifting from the farm into the new industries of the South, that the higher wages paid in railroad building and public works, coal, copper and sulphur mining, saw-mill and general timber industries and turpentine works, are attracting large numbers. To this may be added the demand for labor in the oyster industries of Maryland and Virginia and the phosphate mines of Florida and South Carolina. The women are attracted by such work as picking straw- berries, peanuts and green peas and the gathering of sumach. In view of these facts it is not at all surprising that the negro should be paid less for his labor than the white man under the same conditions, but rather that the difference should be so small as it is. No accurate separation was made of colored and white farm labor in the report of the Agricultural Department, but from the returns made the approximate wages were ^23.75 per month, (without board), for white labor, and $14.25 for colored. With board the rates were $16 for white labor and $9.75 for colored. Since the negro lives in comfort on much less than the white laborer, the lower wages inflicts no hardship. To low wages for farm labor is generally attributed the tendency of the negroes to drift into the cities or to 266 American Economic Association. leave the farm for the saw-mill or coal mine. But it is a question whether the change has been an economic ad- vantage to the race. In many directions it undoubtedly has not. In the building of railroads, in public works, in the development of southern cities, or better, the " boom " towns, he was drawn into work of only a tem- porary character. Railroad building in the South dur- ing' recent years has come almost to a standstill. Since 1887 the number of miles constructed has steadily fallen off. During the year 1895 only 82 miles of road have been built in Georgia, 53 in Alabama, 32 in Arkansas, 25 in Kentucky, 43 in Virginia. In the timber indus- try the work is also less steady than in general agricul- ture and truck farming, and the negro is generally employed only for a small part of the year. In the report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, al- ready referred to, an attempt was made to ascertain to what extent the freedmen had secured the ownership of individual homes. The report states that " so far as re- ported the proportion of freedmen occupying their own land is 4 per cent, in Tennessee and Alabama, 5 per cent, in South Carolina and Texas, between 4 and 5 per cent, in North Carolina and Georgia, between 5 and 6 per cent, in Mississippi, Louisiana and Arkansas, and 8 per cent, in Florida. The average, if it fairly represents the unreported cotton area, indicates that nineteen out of twenty have no homes " ' [of their own]. Since 1876 no attempt has been made by the general government to ascertain the proportion of the colored population of the agricultural sections who own and cultivate their own land. So far as I know, the only state in which the informa- tion is collected and published in a form permitting its ^ Report of Commissiouer of Agriculture, 1S76, p. 137. Race Traits ajid Tendoia'es of the American Negro. 267 use in a work of this kind, is Virginia.' In this state the appraisements of real estate for 1891 and 1895 give in detail the proportion of land owned by whites and colored ; also the value of the land, the value of the build- j ings on the land, the value of city lots and the value of buildings on city lots, x^s will be seen in the following brief abstract from the valuable reports of the state auditor, the number of acres and the aggregate value of lands owned by negroes has increased considerably dur- ing the five years, while the contrary is true for the white population. ASSESSED VAI^UATION OF LAND AND LOTS OWNED BY WHITE AND COLORED PERSONS IN VIRGINIA IN 1S91 AND 1895. Yea 1 891 1895 1S9I 1895 Owned by Whites. Acres of Land. Assessed Valuation. Assessed Value Per Acre. 25,285,981 $123,882,236 $4.88 25.154,781 113,129.317 Owned by Colored. 450 698,074 2,938,064 4.21 833,147 3,450,247 4.14 It will be observed that the number of acres owned by negroes has materially increased during recent years. This increase is in part due to the shrinkage in values, as a result of which the negro has been enabled to buy land at low prices. The possession, by negroes of more than three-fourths of a million acres of land in one state is an economic fact of much significance. The question is whether they will make use of their land to the same extent that the whites do, — a ques- ' Through the kindness of Col. Wm. Wright, the state comptroller of Georgia, I am enabled to give the following facts in regard to negro ownership of land in that state which are not published in the regular annual reports on the finances of the state : No. of acres of land owned by colored persons, . 1,038,824 acres Aggregate assessed value of laud, 54, 159,960 Value of horses, mules, sheep and other stock, . 2,288,850 268 American Economic Association. tion that has not as yet been satisfactorily answered. From all the available facts it would seem that as a proprietor the negro produces only enough for his own wants, thus curtailing the general production. An editorial in The Progressive South., May i, 1894, indicates the view held by those who are not in favor of negro ownership of land : We cannot see any exalted place for the negro in agriculture. His methods are of the poorest and his efforts the least intelligent to be found throughout the South. It is not possible to build up waste places either through negro ownership of lands or through a tenant S3Stein which permits negroes to cultivate farms without supervision or direction of a mind better suited to the work. . . . That the negro makes a good laborer, is acknowledged by all Southern people, when his labor is under direction of competent persons. But it is seldom that sufficient executive ability is found in a negro to permit him to manage and cultivate even a small farm. When his land is paid for, his labor becomes impaired in its value to the community in wliicli he lives, as he will subsist on next to nothing and only work when necessity compels. The point insisted upon by those who believe with the above writer, is the need of an effective sup>ervision. " In the cultivation, management and harvesting of the great staples of the south, cotton, sugar, rice and tobacco," writes Mr, Killebrew, former commissioner of agriculture of Tennessee, " the colored laborers are emi- nently successful when directed by intelligent supervi- sion." Mr, Massey, whose favorable view of the negro as a laborer has been referred to, speaks of him as " the most docile and tractable of all laborers and under proper supervision the most contented and profitable." A cor- respondent of the New York Evening Post., June 10, 1895, quotes the superintendent of an Alabama mine as follows : " There is everything in knowing how to handle negroes. . . . I have a gang of negroes who are as good men as I should want to have under me, but put a man in charge of them who doesn't understand them and they Race Traits and Te7idencies of the American Negro. 269 would not be worth the powder to blow them up." And on the same point Mr. Bruce remarks : " An uninter- rupted superintendence is necessary to their activity. A gang of men that will labor with the most cheerful and unremitting industry under the eye of a firm and watch- ful overseer, without requiring a word from him to urge them on, will, if he withdraws, begin at once to lag . . or if they continue to work, the effort will be irregular and languishing.'" This supervision is practiced to the fullest extent on the steamboats of the Mississippi river, where the ut- most amount of labor is secured from ' roust-abouts ' by methods falling just short of the actual use of the lash. But there is no rebellion, no fault found. The work is done cheerfully and effectively. But without constant supervision rapid and thorough work, such as is needed in the handling of freight, would be impossible with negro hands. The absence of this supervision, it would seem, seri- ously impairs the value of the negro as a tenant farmer or small proprietor. From personal observation I in- cline to agree with the writer who sees little benefit accruing to the community from negro ownership of land. As a rule their " farms " are such in name only, and the cultivation of the soil and the condition of the grounds, are of the lowest order. The value of the negro as an agricultural laborer becomes impaired. The small produce of his farm, together with the earnings of his wife and children in the peanut or strawberry season, enable him to live in comparative comfort, add- ing little or nothing to the aggregate wealth of the com- munity. He lives, in a word, the life of the West India peasant of whom Froude says : " The earth does not ' " The Plantatiou Negro as a Freeman," p. 179. 18 270 American Economic Association. contain any other peasantry so well off, so well cared for, so liappy, so sleek and contented." ' Bnt in the West Indies the work is gradually passing into the hand of the imported coolies, and in our southern states it is only a question of years when the labor now passing from the hands of the negro will fall to the willing worker from Europe, or the class of southern whites de- scribed 30 years ago by j\Ir. Cairnes as being below the slaves in economic efficiency." The Neg7'0 as an Industrial Factor. Previous to emancipation, the race had little op- portunity to become closely associated with industrial pursuits. There were colored mechanics, slave and free, on all the plantations, and in the towns a considerable amount of other than agricultural labor was performed by them on their own account or for the whites ; but it was labor in the non-competitive sense, labor which had little or no relation to the struggle for life and the de- velopment of the qualities which would make the negroes more fit for the struggle which was to come. But it would be a very great error to suppose that they had not a great many opportunities for the development of any latent industrial capacities, had they been disposed to exert themselves as did the white mechanics and common laborers. The following interesting and almost unknown summary of occupations followed by the slave and free colored populations of Charleston, nearly fifty years ago, will show conclusively that the negro of ante- bellum days had as many, if not more, opportunities to become acquainted with the mechanical arts and trades than at the present day. ' "The Engl.sh iu the West Indies," page 7S. 2 " The Slave Power," (London, 1863), page 358, et seq. Race Traits ayid Tendencies of the American Negro. 271 REPRESENTATION OF THE SLAVE AND FREE COLORED POPULATIONS OF CHARLESTON, AMONG DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONS. (Census of Charleston, South Carolina, Bricklayers Carpenters Painters Plasterers Wharf builders . . . . Barbers Bootmakers Dry goods Shoemakers Tailors Bakers Butchers Confectioners . . . . Cooks Fishermen Hotel keepers . . . . Gardeners Huxters Cigar-makers . . Tavern keepers . . . Market dealers . . . . Cabinet-makers . . . Tinners Upholsterers ... Sextons Book-binders . . , . Printers Coachmen Coach-makers .... Draymen Mantua makers . . . Laundresses Seamstresses Washerwomen .... Cooks Tailors Fruiters and huxters Market sellers .... Hotel keepers .... Pastry cooks House keepers .... Monthly nurses . . . Nurses Males. Males. Slaves. Free. Slaves. Free. 68 10 Saddlers 2 i no 27 Wheelvyrights i 9 4 Livery stable i 16 . Boatmen 7 10 . Sailors 43 I 4 14 Ship carpenters ... 51 6 4 3 Millwrights 5 . . I Blacksmiths 40 4 2 14 Brass foundry workers i i 39 42 Coopers 61 2 36 I Mechanics 45 2 6 4 Apprentices 43 14 4 2 House servants . . . . 1,888 9 3 16 Laborers 838 19 15 14 Porters 35 5 . . I Stevedores 2 i 3 . Janitors i 4 Millers I 5 I Storekeepers 5 . . I Wood factors 3 . . I Superannuated and 8 . disabled 38 i I I Total 3,534 264 I 4 Total slave male popu- 3 . lation between 10 5 . and 70 years of age . 3,685 15 4 Total free male popu- 3 . lation between 10 67 II and 70 years of age . 349 P'emales. Females. 4 128 Servants 3,384 28 . . 45 Apprentices 8 7 20 68 Laborers 378 2' 33 . Superannuated and 11 . disabled 54 4 12 I Total 3,913 326 6 4 Total slave female pop- . . I ulation between 10 1 16 and 70 3^ears of age 4>463, . . 4 Total free female col- 2 . ored poplation bet. ID 10 and 70 yrs. of age 685 It is clearly shown in this table that the negro did not lack opportunity to develop his latent abilities in the field of mechanical industry ; and also that he must have 272 American Econoviic Association. been possessed of a considerable degree of ability to have been thus extensively employed in all the leading in- dustrial pursuits of one important southern city. A similar condition existed in other southern cities. In New Orleans we are informed by Mr. Ingle, the negroes were employed as car-men, carpenters, laborers, masons, planters, tailors, merchants and shoemakers. In Virginia, Mr. Bruce informs us, they were extensively employed as mechanics on the plantations, principally as smithies, wheelwrights, masons, and carpenters. It will be of value to compare the past with the present ; which unfortunately is extremely difficult, in view of the paucity of data on the subject of the occupations followed by the colored population at the present time. The ninth and tenth censuses contain nothing on the subject, and up to this writing no information of the kind has been made public from the returns of the eleventh census. The most important private investigations, to my knowledge, were made by the Chattanooga Tradesman in 1889 and 1891, covering the following points: Num- ber of colored men employed, number of skilled and common laborers, wages paid, degree of efficiency in comparison with white labor, permanency of employ- ment in representative industries, gain in efficiency, benefits of education to the younger generation, and the effect of education upon the negro's efficiency as a laborer.^ Replies to inquiries covering the above questions were received from 196 employers of negro labor, residing in the South and employing 7,395 colored laborers, 978 of whom were reported as skilled. The highest wages re- ^See The Tradesman, (Chattanooga, Tenn.) Aug. 15, 1891. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 273 ported as paid for skilled labor was $3 per day, the low- est $1.10; the average being $1.75. The highest wages paid unskilled laborers was $1.50 per day, the lowest 60 cents, and the average $1,10. As regards comparative efficiency of common and skilled labor as compared with white labor in the same work, 27 employers, with 1,379 colored workers in their service, see no difference ; 35 employers with 1,441 colored workers, prefer white labor, and 49 employers, with 3,214 colored laborers, prefer them to white men in the same capacity. In reply to the question, " Is the negro increasing in efficiency?" 67 men employing 2,413 colored laborers, say with emphasis that the efficiency of their workmen is increasing ; 43 men employing 2,279 colored laborers, say their men have not improved ; 15 employers, speak- ing for 1,369 laborers, were in doubt as whether or not there had been any improvement. In reply to the ques- tion, " Does it add to his efficiency to educate him ?" 30 employers, speaking for 2,860 laborers, answer that the education received by the younger negroes has been of benefit to them and that it adds to their efficiency ; 13 employers, speaking for 392 men, expressed no definite opinion, while 96 employers, with 3,820 colored laborers in their service, express the opinion that such education as the younger members of the colored race have received has not been of benefit to them, and that, generally speaking, it detracts from a negro's efficiency to educate him. The brief summary given above, shows only imperfectly the results of the investigation. The significant fact is, that so many should favor the negro as an industrial worker in view of the fault that is found with him as an agricultural laborer. An equally significant fact is that only 21 per cent, of the employers should consider educa- 274 American Economic Association. tion an aid to the negro's efficiency as a laborer, while 69 per cent, declare themselves convinced of its failnrc to in- crease his efficiency. It has been shown in the preceding part of this work that education has failed to improve materially the moral condition of the race ; we have here [^the testimony of those who come in daily contact with negro laborers to the effect that education has failed to benefit the race in an economic sense. Surely such em- phatic opinions must have some substantial foundation. If education, as it is at present carried on, proved to be of material value to the negro, the men who make use of this class of labor would welcome any means which would increase his efficiency as an industrial worker, J since such increased efficienc}- would benefit alike em- ( ployer and employee. ^"'i may give in full some of the views of those who find that education has not improved the efficiency of the negro. A manufacturer of furniture writes from North Carolina : " Our observation is that those who arc edu- cated endeavor to do without work, and the effect is de- moralizing to those who do labor. A limited education might not harm those who are settled, but upon the young we believe the effect is to detract from their use- fulness as laborers." An emplo}-er of colored labor in mining and milling ore in South Carolina, writes as follows : " Education of the young ruins them. No educated negro will condescend to an^-thing beneath teaching school and preaching. The educated negro will not do manual labor if he can get bread and butter in any other manner." The writers here quoted, and the great majority of the 69 per cent, who agree that education has not benefitted the race from an economic standpoint, unconsciously emphasize the position of M. Leroy-Beaulieu, that the aim of schools ought to be Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 275 rather directed to the inculcation into the minds of the pupils, if not of contentment with their lot, at least of more modest ideas, and of resignation to manual labor. But on the whole the results of this investigation of The Tradesman are favorable to the negro as an industrial worker. It will be observed that the great majority are unskilled ; only a small number having so far succeeded in filling the more responsible positions. In the rapid development of southern industries during the period 1880—92, large numbers of negroes were employed in the coal, iron and phosphate industry, and an even larger number found work in the construction of public works and railways. Work on the latter has practically come to an end, but in the former he holds to-day an important position as a common laborer whose place could only be filled by immigration. As regards remuneration, it has been shown that the average wages are $1.10 for common and $1.50 for skilled labor. According to the investigation of The Tradesman the wages of colored men are on an average about 80 per cent, of those paid to white men for the same class of work ; but this difference should be charged not to discrimination on account of color, but to difference in efficiency. The real cause of the difference in wages is stated by the superintendent of an Alabama coal mine as follows : " The Englishman and the German come to us with some ambition to get ahead. The negro has no such aspiration. If he does one extra good day's work he feels so elated over it that he is good for nothing the next day, and probably stays at home. On such occasions he is always sick or rest- ing."^ This is the view of one who has ' as good a gang of negroes as he should want to have,' and one who 'New York Evening Post, June 24, 1895. 276 Amen'cafi Economic Association. thinks that the negro, properly handled, is of excep- tional value as a laborer in the mine. It would be contrary to our common experience if we failed to meet with considerable opposition on the part of white laborers in the same capacity. During the great miners' strike of 1894 many conflicts took place between the striking miners and negroes who had been brought from a distance to take the place of the strikers. Outbreaks of hostilities have been reported at various times from all parts of the countr>' between whites and negroes, usually on account of labor difficulties. Near Dunbar, Pennsylvania, a riot took place between Hun- garians and negroes, the result of a quarrel of many months' standing. At Spring Valley, 111., Italians and ne- groes came to clash with deplorable results. At Black Rock, Ark., violence was threatened, and White Cap methods resorted to, to drive negro laborers out of the town on account of preference given them in the saw- mills. At Brookside, Ala., white and colored miners came to clash and four colored men were killed. But the most serious outbreak of last year took place during the cotton handlers' strike at New Orleans. It was a question of colored men being employed at the same work with white men. After a period of riot, murder, and incendiarism, the colored men gained their point and the white cotton screw men agreed to work for any employer, whether he employed union hands or not, and to work with negroes. The union agreed to admit twenty gangs of negroes to membership and bound itself not to interfere with the working of the negroes. The defeat of white organized labor in this instance was a most valuable victory for the negro, since the em- ployment as cotton screwmen and other levee work is remunerative and fairly constant. In East Boston, Race Traits and Tendc7icics of the American Negro. 277 Mass., colored stevedores and freight handlers a few years ago took the place of strikers on the Cunard ships and ever since the work has remained in their hands. It wonld seem therefore that the difhculties arising out of labor disputes will be overcome gradually, and that the present discrimination in wages will disappear as soon as the negro acquires an equal degree of efficiency and thrift, and also the habit of constant ap- plication to his work. His efforts to adapt himself to the modern conditions of southern life, especially in the mining and transportation industries, would seem so far to have been to his economic advantage, seriously as it may have interfered with his physical and moral well being. In the development of one great industry he has not taken part. In the cotton mills of the South no negroes are employed in any of the skilled work. The question of employment of negro labor in the mills has been very frequently discussed, but the opinion prevails generally that while he would possibly be as good a mill hand as a white person, it would be impossible to work a mill with both classes of labor. To use colored labor ex- clusively has been suggested, but it is asserted by many experienced mill superintendents that this would be im- possible. Training schools have been suggested but such would be costly and the risk of failure would be great. A valuable investigation into the subject was made by the Manufacturers^ Record of Baltimore, in 1893, with the result stated as follows : " At the outset the student of this question is inclined to condenm the colored help as incapable of training for cotton mill purposes, but it will be seen from the views expressed by several managers of long experience that colored labor can be trained for almost any work in a cotton 278 American Economic Association. mill. The substance of the views of the majority is that in its present condition the colored laborer of the South is totally unfit for cotton-mill work, but under favorable conditions and with suitable training this labor can be utilized to good advantage.'" Some of the expressions of experienced mill superin- tendents may be worth giving here in full. Mr. H. H. Hickman, president of the Graniteville ]\Tauufacturing Co., of Augusta, Ga., writes as follows : I do uot believe that cotton factories will be run successfully by negroes in this generation. Very few of them will ever become skilled laborers in a cotton mill. I employ a few to do common work, but none are put to a machine except to feed the pickers ; this requires no skill. White labor will not work with the negro at the machine. You cannot mix them in a cotton mill ; if employed they must run the mill alone. If we concede the fact of capability, unreliability would be a sufficient cause for not employing them. j\Ir. William Entwistle, superintendent of the Pee Dee Manufacturing Co., Rockingham, X. C, writes as follows : We have never had a single application from any colored person for such employment, and under no circumstances would we employ them in any department where while girls are employed. Apart from this we do not think that they are adapted to the close confinement or capable of conforming to the S3'stem and discipline incident to factory labor. We employ colored men in the yard and in the dye house. As only a few are so employed we can select from the main' those best suited for the work. Under such circumstances and in such ca.sesthey make very good help. A small proportion of them make fair masons, bricklayers, etc. More of them might, but for their inherent indis- postion to work more than is necessary to procure a bare subsistence. . . . Over twenty years of experience and close observation in the South convinces the writer that industrious rural life is in all respects best suited to the welfare and happiness of the negro colored race and the prosperit}- of the country. These opinions of experienced men are shared by the great majority of those who are in charge of cotton mills. The enormous development of this industry in the South ^Manufacturers' Record, (Baltimore, Md. ) Sept. 22, 1S93. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 279 in recent years has natnrally snggested the use of the negro as a factory worker. But so far it would seem that, leaving out a very few localities, there is an abun- dance of white labor, fully competent and reliable. The number of persons employed in the cotton mills of the southern states increased from 21,150 in 1880 to 41,642 in 1890. The total wages paid increased from $2,- 750,000 in 1880, to $7,1 17,000 in 1890. In South Carolina alone the number of spindles has increased from 82,334 in 1S80, to 838,036 in 1895. This enormous develop- ment will explain the frequent allusions to the possibility of colored labor in the cotton mills of the South. Not that the negro has shown any inclination towards work of this kind, but because the promoters of such in- dustries in isolated parts of the southern states have felt doubtful regarding the supply of white labor. The question may be solved, however, by the erection of a cotton mill at Aniston, Ala., to be owned and operated entirely by colored persons. It is intended to employ about one hundred persons at the start. But even if successful the possible consequences of such a forced condition of negro labor give reason for grave considera- tion. From all that has been shown in regard to his physical deterioration when in contact with the forces of competitive life in the large cities and subject to the conditions of city life, it would seem absolutely certain that the employment of negroes in the cotton mills would materially shorten his duration of life. So far I have taken into consideration only the negro in the South. If we now consider the industrial capaci- ties and tendencies of the negro in the North, we must again draw our conclusions from very limited statistical facts. In the North the negro rarely cultivates the ground. 28o American Economic Association. Few farmers employ negroes and the inclination of the latter is too strongly in the direction of city life to make useful workers on the farm. It has been shown in the first part of this work that in the North the great majority of negroes live in the cities, where they are crowded into the most undesirable sections. It would only be in the nature of things that we should find them occupied in voca- tions which are in harmony with this condition of life ; that we should find a tendency to seek employment along the lines that would permit of the largest degree of liberty, idleness, and most of all, mobility. The tend- ency of the negro to shift from one occupation to another, from one employer to another, is nowhere better illus- trated than in the summary of the principal occupa- tions for six fairly representative northern cities. From the partial returns of the state census of New York for 1892 it is possible to obtain a fair idea of how the various occupations are distributed among the colored population of some of the principal cities. It is much to be regretted that the information is not available for New York city and Brooklyn, as no returns have been made public for these cities. In the following table I have consolidated the returns of the occupations of 1,314 colored males living in six cities of the state. Syracuse, Albany, Buffalo, Auburn, Utica and Bingham- ton contain, according to the census of 1890, 1,628 colored males over 21 years of age ; hence the number enumerated by occupations according to the census of 1892 may be ac- cepted as representing with a fair degree of accuracy the working population of the colored race in those six cities. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 281 REPRESENTATION OF COLORED MAIZES AMONG DIEFERENT OCCUPATIONS IN SIX CITIES.i (New York State Census, 1892.) Agents Bakers Bartenders Butchers Bootblacks Barbers Blacksmiths Bell boys and men . . . Butlers Cooks and caterers . . . Carpenters Clergymen Cigars and Tobacco . . Clerks Coachmen Conductors Coopers Doctors Dog fanciers Druggists Engineers (stationary) Farmers, (gardeners) . Glass-workers Hotel keepers Hostlers Iron-workers .... Janitors Kalsominers Laborers Lawyers Lamp-lighters .... I I 34 I 28 8 358 I I Laundry workers . . Liverymen . . . . Masons Managers Merchants Mattress-makers . Messengers . . , . Musicians . . . . Mechanics Machinists . . . . Moulders ... Printers Painters Peddlers Polishers . . , . Paper-hangers . . . Policemen .... Postmen (carriers) Porters Shoe-makers . . . Stewards Tailors Tanners Teachers . . Teamsters Tinsmiths Upholsterers. . . . Valets Waiters Wood-workers . . . Not given Total I I 72 I 2 3 337 2 52 l,3U 1 Eleventh annual report of the New York state commissioner of labor, 1894. Leaving " laborers " out of the consideration, we find that waiters are in the majority. Next come cooks and caterers, followed by teamsters, coachmen and hostlers. If we combine the last three we have 149 connected with the care of horses. The skilled trades and professions are represented by very few. The majority are employed at occupations which require no permanent settlement. 282 American Economic Association. A waiter, a barber, a cook or a hostler can find work almost anywhere. The occupations selected are exactly those that we should expect to find on the basis of the facts previously presented. While useful in their way, these occupations, followed largely to the exclusion of others, must affect the home life and general usefulness of the negro as a factor in society. The large variety of occupations followed proves that he is not lacking so much in ability as in inclination, for the trades in which he is only slightly represented, such as tailoring, masonry and carpentry. The argument that labor unions are opposed to his entering these trades has no force. It only proves the absence of will power in the individual to become master of his own fortune. Nor does this objection hold good in regard to such trades as shoe-making and tailoring, since the negro could easily find work enough among his own people to make these occupations remunerative. In Boston one of the leading tailors of the city is a col- ored man. Good colored shoe-makers are not at all rare in the Soutli, nor are carpenters, blacksmiths and saw- mill hands. In smithcraft, we are informed by Mr. Bruce, the Virginia negro had a wide and favorable field, but from this occupation " the average young negro shrinks with the greatest aversion as it is the most ex- acting and confining of all mechanical pursuits." ' In the various manufacturing industries, such as the turn- ing out of cotton goods, hosiery, men's clothing, shirts, collars and cuffs, boots and shoes, few if any negroes are employed. In the city of Newark, New Jersey, there are some 4,000 negroes, but not one of them is employed in the thread works of the Clarks, employing some 5,000 hands. I have investigated this matter in various large es- ' " The Plantation Negro as a Freeman " , p. 233. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 2S3 tablisliments in New York and New England, but I have never found an instance where numbers of negroes were employed as operatives in factories. It is true, of course, that his position is exceptional and one which in itself must produce many obstacles difficult to be overcome by individuals. But, generally speaking, there does not seem to be any tendency on the part of the negro in the large cities of the North in the direction of indoor occupations and factory work, but rather the tendency is in the direction of the occupations which allow him the greatest amount of liberty and re- quire the least application of continuous labor, and which almost always will afford him a means of making a living in an humble way. ^ A comparison might be made between the occupations followed by the Indians on the New York reservations ; but the conditions, of course, are not exactly similar. In a general way, taking the negro as we find him, and the Indian on the state reservation, the comparison will result in favor of the latter along the line of greater economic usefulness and advancement in individual prosperity. Out of 1,738 Indians employed in various occupations, 590 were farmers, 712 laborers, 32 car- penters, 10 mechanics, 185 basket makers, 5 lumbermen, etc. The Indians on this reservation cultivated during 1889-90, 20,763 acres of land, raised $97,887 worth of agricultural produce, owned $128,120 worth of livestock, and $63,159 worth of agricultural implements. The total value of all the lands owned by them (the popula- tion being about 5,200) was $1,810,700 in 1890, the value of personal property $1,309,493. Is there a com- munity of negroes anywhere in the South that can show for 5,000 people an aggregate of wealth and an amount of productive labor surpassing this ? Had it been pos- 284 Amen'rati Economic Association. sible without curtailing other matter, I should have been glad to deal with the two races at various places in this work, but this would have carried me beyond my original purpose. The comparison, whether it be made in the field of criminality, morality, industry or thrift, would result invariably in favor of the Indian of the New York reservation, for whom but little has been done, of whom but little has been said, and for whom few have even a word of kindness or regard. As regards the difficulties which hinder individual colored men in obtaining employment in other vocations than those referred to, and which hinder women in tlie field of domestic labor, they are probably even greater in the North than in the South. Not long ago, in a sermon preached in the Trinity Methodist Episcopal church of Poughkeepsie, N. Y., a public plea was made for the employment of young colored people in the stores or offices of the city. In Leavenworth, Kan., a petition was circulated among the merchants requesting them to give employment to colored young men and women. About a hundred colored families agreed to patronize only those merchants who would grant their petition. So far as I can learn, in neither of the two instances was the plea successful. In not one of the large department stores of New York city, Newark or Boston, are young colored women employed as clerks or for any other pur- pose. On none of the surface railway lines of New York or New Jersey have I ever met with a colored man as an employee. In the professions the difficulties are even greater. For a colored person to secure a position as a teacher in one of the public schools of the large cities in the North is almost impossible. Only very recently a case occurred in Jersey City where a mulatto woman, a Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 285 graduate of the city high school, who had passed a satisfactory examination, was most bitterly opposed when appointed to a temporary position as a teacher in a pnblic school. About the same time a case occurred in New York where a }'oung mulatto woman of good parentage and fully competent was refused an appoint- ment on account of her color. Even an appeal to the courts failed to aid her. In law as well as in medicine, instances of such difficul- ties are not infrequent. A few years ago a colored physi- cian brought suit against the Post-Graduate Hospital of New York city because, according to his statement, ad- mission was refused him on account of his color. In another case a young negro lawyer was refused admis- sion to a law students' association of New York city. Of course such difficulties must prove a slight check on the aspirations of the race, yet only to a very small extent. The number of young colored people who have been educated at public schools or in private institutions, and who believe that they possess the ability to cope with whatever difficulties may come in their way, is very large and constantly growing. The experience of others is in this respect no check, and thousands come every year to the cities, ill-prepared for the struggle for life. The same result is met with in every direction ; a scant living is eked out by those who could have lived in comfort on the farms of their fathers. By force of cir- cumstances, by weakness of will and by evil associations, the majority are forced into localities where vice and crime are the rule and virtue and honesty the exception. In dark out-of-the-way places, in dingy alleys, or among brothels as is the case in Chicago, it is no wonder that criminals and prostitutes are common. Men and women 19 286 Avierican Economic Association. who might have lived useful aud happy lives ou the farm or in the small rural towns of the South, are thus reduced by thousands to the anti-social condition which the col- ored race sustains in the large cities. Men and women who might have been useful factors in the material devel- opment of the nation, advancing the race as well as their own individual fortunes, become public burdens falling heavily on those who have to bsar them. With a marked tendency towards those occupations which afford the least guarantee of permanency of income and development of local attachments, the race is drifting towards a condition which before many years will be worse than slavery. While here aud there some able men of the colored race have sounded the word of warning and have preached the gospel of hard work and self-help, the great majority of those who have undertaken to direct the fortunes of the negro race have, through a false education, diverted the tendencies of the race in a direction which must lead to disaster. Such men as Professor Hugh M. Browne of Washing- ton, have fully grasped the danger. As coming from a colored man, the following observations are deserving of wide circulation : White men have risen to wealth and fame through the very classes of labor which we foolishly despise as menial, aud they are bringing science and art into these to-day and elevating them beyond our reach. ... In my boyhood days, the household servants of the wealthy in this section of the country were colored, but now one finds the trained white servants, versed in ' household science' and 'domes- tic art.' Then the ribbons of the private equipage were held by colored hackmen, but now they are handled by the trained white man, versed in veterinary science and the social etiquette of his posi- tion. The walls and ceilings of their mansions received in the spring their pure white dress from the white-wash brush of the colored man, but naw they are decorated, frescoed, etc., by the skilled white artisan. ' ^Washington Evening Star, Dec, 1893. Race Traits aiid Tendencies of the American Negro. 287 And in another able paper in The Tradesmaji of Feb. 15, 1894, he writes : Happy will be the day for us if we shall become the preferred labor in all classes of unskilled labor. . . . I have always believed that as fast as we receive as common laborers the plaudit " well done " just so fast will we receive invitations from employers of skilled labor to come up higher. . . . The spirit of fair play is too firmly rooted in the white race to permit them to check the worthy and competent efforts of another race to rise, or to withold from that race the legiti- mate rewards of these efforts. Unfortunately, for the negro, the course of the race is influenced by those who have filled his mind with false ideals, who commencing with ' forty acres and a mule,' have ended with the prospect of an education in colleges or industrial schools, not one of which can take the place, not one of which ever has taken the place^ of the hard but more useful school of everyday life and work. By the substitution of artificial conditions, by misdirected education and an extravagance of charity, the race has within thirty years been reduced to almost the level to which the English poor sank through' the workings of the old poor law in the thirties. Acciumilation and Taxaiio?i. Statements as to the aggregate accumulation of prop- erty by the colored population since the war are freq^uent. Estimates vary from |ioo,ooo,ooo to 1300,000,000 of tax- able values. In an address delivered by Bishop Peniiick of the Protestant Episcopal church, the amount is given as $200,000,000. In another address by a colored minister on "The Progress of the Colored Race," de- livered in Baltimore a few years since, the amount was estimated at $225,000,000. In view of the fact that these statements are so very frequently made, and usually coupled with the assurance 288 American Economic Association. " that during thirty years no other race ever made such progress in wealth, culture and all the other achievements of civilized life," it may be of value to give a few facts as they have been compiled from official data, showing the amount of taxable property owned by colored per- sons, the amount of taxes paid by them and the public expenses incurred in behalf of the race. In the first place, there is absolutely no basis for a statement of the aggregate wealth of the colored people of this country, since no data are in existence from wliich even a safe estimate could be calculated. In only three of the southern states is the information as regards property owned by negroes collected and published, and only for these three states, Virginia, Georgia and North Carolina, is the information obtainable. But even for these states, only the taxable property is listed, and no estimate can be arrived at, with any degree of accuracy, as to the amount of untaxed property owned by the colored popu- lation of these states. Before I deal with the data which have been made public by the state auditors of the three states mentioned, I wish to notice briefly one indication of economic pro- gress among the colored population, to which, probably on account of its unfortunate termination, reference is rarely made in the literature of the day on the progress of the race. In March, 1865, Congress incorporated the " Freed- man's Savings and Trust Company," and in June, 1874, the bank was closed. After an existence of less than ten years the bank failed, with an excess of liabilities over assets of one and a quarter million dollars. The bank was organized for the purpose of meeting the economic and commercial wants of the freed people, for the safe keeping of the pay and bounty money of the colored Race Traits and Tendencies of the Amei-ican Negro. 289 soldier, and other charitable purposes. Among its fifty incorporators were such men as Peter Cooper, William Cullen Bryant, A. A. Low and many other philanthropic and patriotic citizens. From its modest beginnings the institution grew into an institution of respectable pro- portions and large influence, extending all over the South by means of branch offices, reaching during the period of its active operations more than seventy thous- and depositors, and handling more than fifty-five million dollars of deposits. The bank failed on account of the inefficiency and dishonesty of the management. An amendment to the charter had been obtained from Congress in 1870, which embodied a radical and, as subsequent experience proved, hurtful change in the character of the securities in which the trustees were empowered to invest the deposits of the institution. The change opened the way for speculative loans, offered opportunities for easy infidelity to official trust, and invited a class of borrowers hurtful and dangerous to any fiscal institution. It was brought out in the official investigation by a special committe of the Senate,^ that the funds of the bank had been used for private purposes, that loans had been made which on their face bore the evidence of be- ing insecure and made in the interest of the borrower instead of the lender. When the crash came at least one and a quarter million dollars were lost to the ignorant and innocent depositors, many of whom had their all de- posited in the bank, the security of which they thought was guaranteed by the government." How far the bank's ' Report of the select committee of the Senate, Forty-sixth Con- gress, 2nd session, 1880. 'Through the kindness of the Comptroller of the Currency in charge of the liquidation of the affairs of the failed bank, I am able to give the following additional facts. At the time of the company's 290 American Economic Association. influence extended, how largely the colored people availed themselves of the opportunity for investing small savings and had faith in the security it ofiFered for their hoarded sums, is seen in the following table, showing the aggre- gate amount deposited each year as well as the annual gain. BUSINESS OF THE FREEDMEN'S SAVINGS BANK, 1S66-1S72.1 Total Amount Deposit Each Balance Due Gain Each Years. of Deposits. Year. Depositors. Year. 1866 . . . % 305.167 % 305.167 1 199.283 5 199.283 1S67 . . . 1.624,853 i,3'9.686 366,338 167.054 186S . . . 3.582,378 1.957,525 638,299 271,960 1869 . . . 7.257,798 3.675.420 1,073.465 435.166 1870 . . . 12,605,782 5.347.983 1,657,006 583.541 1S71 . . . 19.952,947 7,347.165 2,455.836 798.829 1872 . . . 31,260,499 11,281,313 3.684.739 1,227.927 1873 . . . 4,200,000 1874^. . . 55,000,000 3.013.670 •Senate Report, No. 440, 46th Congress, 2nd session, p. 41, Appendi.v. 2 Bank failed in 1874. The table is complete to the year 1872. The balance due depositors in 1873 was $4,200,000, representing the accumulated savings of less than eight years. The total amount that had been deposited to the end of 1872 was over $31,000,000 ; by the end of 1874, when the failure came, over $55,000,000 had been on deposit in the bank at one time or another. While, therefore, the remnant was not so very large, the sphere of influence of the bank as an educator in thrift must have been very great. The faith of the depositors in the bank was implicit, and the reports issued by the bank gave not the slightest hint of possible danger. In 1872 when the bank was practically insolvent, the seventh annual report closed failure in 1874, it consisted of 33 branches with 61,131 depositors, and the balance due these depositors at the time was 13,013.699 . . . . The total payments to March, 1896, were $1,722,548, leaving a bal- ance unpaid of $1,291,121. The present cash balance in the hands of the government receivers amounts to $30,476. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 291 with the following remarks : " There are no stock- holders in this company, and all of the profits, over and above expenses, go at each interest day to the credit of the depositors' interest. . . . The past history of the bank is a matter of just pride to all. . . . trustees and depositors alike. . . and its future is full of promise. Before the next annual meeting we shall be able to re- port five million dollars due depositors." Less than two years after this was written the bank failed and with its failure went the confidence of a large body of colored people in institutions for savings. Not that the amount lost was so very great : to the average depositor the loss was probably small ; but it was the wrecked hopes, the loss of faith in thrift and accumulation as a means towards improvement of their humble condition, that injured the race to such an ex- tent that its effects will be felt through several genera- tions. For the crimes thus committed against a helpless people, no one seems ever to have been punished. An investigation was made into the conduct of the officials, but the president and the actuary of the bank had in the meantime died, and the other persons sharing the responsibility, so far as they came before the Senate committee to be questioned, pleaded forgetfulness or ignorance of the violated law, or good intentions and philanthropic motives, and, all other excuses failing, placed the responsibility for all questionable acts upon their dead associates.' Previous to emancipation, the slaves and freed people of color owned but a small amount of property. The ownership of land to any extent by slaves was out of ' Report of the select committee of the United States Seuate, 1880) p. vi. 292 American Economic Associaiion. the question and no institutions for savings existed to encourage thrift in this direction. Many, however, ac- cumlated a sum sufficiently large to purchase their own freedom ; and since the value of a slave was considerable during the last twenty or thirty years of slavery, their capacity for self-denial for a future end was of considera- ble economic importance. Of course the underlying motive in this habit of thrift was the desire for bodily freedom, in contrast with the underlying motive of modern thrift, economic freedom. We have no information for years previous to 1879 ^^"^ regard to the accumulation of property by the colored population of any southern state. But since 1879 the information is available for Georgia, although the data refer only to taxable values and not to propert}' in general. In none of the last three census enumerations, dealing with wealth, debt and taxation, has an effort been made to obtain information on this most important point. Hence the statistics for Georgia, as a representa- tive southern state, extending over a period of nearly twenty years, are of more than ordinary interest and value. For the purpose of comparison the amount of property owned by white persons is also given in the table below, which covers the period 1 879-1 895. Race Traits a7id Teiideticies of the American Negro. 293 ASSESSED VALUATION OF PROPERTY OWNED BY WHITE AND COL- ORED PERSONS IN GEORGIA, 1879-1895.1 Whites. Colored. 1879 $219,911,021 % 5,182,398 iSSo 233,i69,8:,3 5.764,293 1881 • • 247,773,679 6,478,951 1882 261,930,100 6,589,876 1883 277,300,555 7.582,395 1SS4 286,863,845 8,021,525 1SS5 290,993,408 8,153,390 1SS6 297,852,280 8,655,298 1S87 316,605,329 8,939,479 1S88 318,232,060 9,631,271 1S89 335,523.507 10,415.330 1890 365,044,781 12,322,003 1891 388,389,733 14,196,735 1S92 406,189,434 14,869,575 1893 410,644,753 14,960,075 18^ 388,428,748 14,387,730 1895 370,739,521 12,941,230 1 Reports of the Comptroller Geueral of Georgia. It will be observed that in 1879 the aggregate amount of taxable property owned by colored persons was slightly ill excess of five million dollars. We may properly consider this amount as representing the ac- cumulations during tlie period 1865-79, °^ during a period of about fifteen years. In 1894 the aggregate amount was in excess of 14 million dollars, or about ten million dollars above the amount for 1879. Hence if the period 1865-79 ^^ represented as the first period of freedom, and the last fifteen years the second period, we have an indication that the rate of increase in wealth during the last period was twice that of the first. Of course in this calculation no account is taken of the in- crease in population. To represent more clearly the rate of increase in \tealth and at the same time the contrast with the wealth of the w-hite population, I give in the table below 294 Americaji Eco7iomic Association. the per capita wealth for the two census years 1880 and 1890. ASSESSED VALUATION OK PROPERTY AND PER CAPITA VALUATION IN 18S0 AND 1S90. White Population. Population. Value of Property. Per Capita, 1880 816,906 $233,170,000 I285.40 1890 973-462 365,044,781 374-90 Colored PopuUition. 1880 725,133 5.764.293 7-95 1890 863,716 12,322,003 14.26 According to this table the per capita value of assessed wealth has increased from $285.40 to $374.90 for the white population, and from $7.95 to $14.26 for the col- ored, during the ten years, 1880-90. For every dollar owned by the colored people, the whites own and pay taxes on about $27 ; and of the aggregate wealth owned by both races, the colored in 1879 owned 2.3 per cent., and in 1892, 3.5 per cent. The percentage of colored in total population was 47.02 in 1880, and 47.01 in 1890. The disparity between the ratios of wealth and popula- tion is seen to be still very great, and it is also shown that even an addition of $10,000,000 in wealth during the period 1879-92 has affected but slightly the percent- age of wealth owned by negroes. To this must be added the fact that during the period 1891-94 only slight additions have been made to the aggregate value of property owned by the colored population. The disparity between the wealth of the whites and that of the colored is still very great. While progress has been made, and some property has been accumulated, the colored race holds but a very small share of the aggregate public wealth in Georgia ; and we shall find the same condition prevailing in the two other states for which the facts are available. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 295 For the state of Virginia the data as to property owned by colored persons has been made public since 1891 in such detail that a more complete view of the economic condition of the race is possible for this state than for any other. In the table below I have brought together the returns of the state auditor for five years, showing for both races the aggregate amounts of taxable values on both real and personal property. ASSESSED VALUATION OF PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA, 1891-1895.1 Owued by White Persons. Real Estate. Personal Property. Total. 1891 1286,192.615 1^93,5 6,029 1379,708,644 1892 291,292,281 92,525,131 383,817,41;! 1893 296,371,055 90,373.044 386,744,099 1894 .... 300,038,625 S3.349.044 383.387,669 1895' 291,308.592 79,955.026 361.263,618 Owned by Colored Persons. 1891 8,995,514 3,094,451 12,089,965 1892 9,425,085 3,342,950 12,768,035 1893 9.829.583 3.465.370 13.294.953 1894 10,162,889 3,241,144 13,404,033 1895' • . ■ • • 10.759.548 3.^74.450 13.933.998 1 Reports of the auditor for public accounts, 1891-1895. - Re-assessment. The table shows that the whites in 1895 owned 361.2 million dollars worth of real and personal property listed for purposes of taxation, while the aggregate wealth of the negroes is given at 13.9 millions. Of the total wealth of both races the negroes, therefore, in 1891 owned 2)-'^ per cent., or 0.4 per cent, less than the proportion for Georgia. The per capita wealth in 1891, according to the fore- going figures, was approximately $374.20 for the whites, and $18.90 for the colored population. While the whites of Virginia and Georgia have about the same amount of taxable values per capita, the colored population of Virginia shows $4.60 per capita more than the colored population of Georgia. 296 A??icrica?i Economic Association. The distribution of the accumulated wealth of the two races in Virginia, according to various kinds of real property, is given in the table below, which shows the amounts assessed against lands, houses on lands, lots and houses on lots, together with the number of acres of land owned and the proportion of each class of property to the aggregate amount of real property. A comparison is also made for the two years, 1891 and 1895 ; but the period is rather too short to afford a clue as to the tendency of the colored population in the accumula- tion of real property. COMPARATIVE VALUATION OF REAL PROPERTY OWNED BY WHITE AND COLORED PERSONS IN VIRGINIA, 1891 AND 1895. Owned by White Persons. No. acres of laud . 1S91. 25,285.981 Percent- age of Total. 1S95. 25.154,781 Percent- age of Total. Value of laud . . $123,497,236 43.28 $113,129,317 38.S3 Value of bldgs. on land, 39.362,942 13-75 40.408,200 i.3-«7 Value of town lots 52.:,9o,S94 18.3S 63.074,643 21.65 Value of bldgs. on lots, 7o,356,.543 2459 74,696.432 25-65 Total value .... 286,192,615 700 00 2QI.308,5Q2 100.00 Owned by Colored Persons. No. acres of laud . 698,074 833.147 Value of laud . . 2,938,064 32.66 3,450,247 32.06 Value of bldgs. on land, 1,39.3.766 1549 1.909. 154 17-74 Value of town lots 1,954.394 21.73 2,142,196 19.92 Value of houses on lots . 2,709.290 30.12 3-257.951 30.28 Total value .... 8,995,514 100.00 10,759.548 100.00 It is shown in this table that in 1891 the whites owned 25,285,981 acres of land, decreasing their hold- ings to 25,154,781 acres in 1895. The colored popula- tion owned 698,074 acres in 1891 and increased their holdings to 833,147 acres in 1895. In 1891 the wdiites owned 97.3 per cent, of the aggregate acreage as against 96.8 per cent, in 1895. The increase in the ownership of land held by Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 297 negroes in this state has previously been referred to. It is here shown that during the depressed condition of ag- riculture the colored population has been gaining by what the whites have lost. That is, the increase in the holdings of the colored population has been due not so much to an increase in the aggregate acreage by a utilization of former waste lands, as to purchase for cash or on time, of the land formerly under culture by the white. Of the aggregate taxable values of real estate, the whites ov/ned 57 per cent, in agricultural values (lands and houses) in 1891, and only 52.7 per cent, in 1S95, showing a decrease of 4.3 per cent. or an increase by that much of the values of city real estate. The colored people's taxable accumulations con- sisted of 48.2 per cent, in agricultural values in 1891, and 49.8 per cent, in 1895, showing an increase of rural over urban valuation of nearly two per cent. Hence during the past five years the tendency among the colored population has been in the direction of acquiring agri- cultural property rather than lots and houses in town, whereas among the whites the tendency has been the other way. It remains to be seen whether this condi- tion will be persisted in under more favorable conditions as regards the returns from labor upon the land in this state. In view of the considerable migration of negroes from the country to the cities, it is remarkable that those who remained in the country should have been able to acquire and to keep as much property as the re- turns show they actually hold. In North Carolina the assessment of 1891 gave the value of real and personal property owned by each race in that state. According to the reports of the state auditor, the whites owned $234,109,000 worth of taxa- ble property, while the negroes owned a little in excess 298 American Economic Association. of $8,000,000. Or, of the aggregate taxable wealth, the negroes owned about t,.;^ per cent. The per capita wealth of the whites was $223.10 and of the negroes $14.10. The returns for this state as well as those for Georgia and Virginia have been consolidated in the table below for the purpose of easy comparison. The general agreement of the figures supports the claim that the ofRcial data are approximately correct in their rep- resentation of the taxable wealth of the negro in these three states. COMPARATIVE VALUATION OF TAXABLE PROPERTY OWNED BY WHITE AND COLORED PERSONS IN NORTH CAROLINA, iSoi. Whites. Colored. Percentage of Total Property Owned by Col- ored Persons. Per Capita Value of Prop- erty Owned. Whites. Cord. N. Carolina, 1S91 $234,109,568 $ 8,018,446 3-3 5223.1 5 '4- I Virginia, i.Sqo . 379,708,644 12,089,965 3-1 374 2 18.9 Georj^ia, 1890 . 365,044,781 12,322,003 3-5 374-9 143 Three states 978,862,993 32,430.414 3-2 322.3 15-7 In the three states the whites own 978 million dollars worth of taxable property as compared with 32 million dollars worth owned by the negroes. The per capita wealth is $322 for the whites and about $16 for the negroes. Of the aggregate the colored population owns 3.2 per cent. It is shown in this summary that there are only slight differences between the three states as regards the pro- portion of wealth owned by the colored population. The per capita is largest in Virginia and lowest in North Carolina. The largest per capita wealth of the whites is in Georgia, and the lowest in North Carolina. The total white population of the three states is S^'^Sy^SSS^ the colored 2,071,755. Hence with 40.5 per cent of the population the negroes own only $3.20 out Race Traits and Tende7icies of the American Negro. 299 of every hundred dollars of taxable wealth in these three states. The claim of an aggregate valuation of one hundred million dollars is probably based on this average, since a per capita of $15.70 applied to the ag- gregate colored population of the southern states would give about no million dollars. But it is extremely doubtful whether this average would hold good for all the southern states. For such states as Mississippi, Louisiana and South Carolina, the average per capita wealth is probably much less than for Georgia and Vir- ginia, But valuable as these figures are in indicating how far there may be a tendency to a higher economic stage, the data are insufficient, and fall far short of presenting a true picture of the economic progress of the race. The aggregate amount of taxable values is only one measure of economic progress. The amount of taxes act- ually paid, not merely on the property assessed, but also from other sources is even more significant. And in addi- tion to this we should know, for a full and comprehen- sive view of the negro as an economic factor in the de- velopment of the South, the proportion that he bears of the public burdens. It is only for the state of Virginia that these import- ant questions can be answered with any degree of ex- actness. For North Carolina my information is limited to the amount of taxes paid for school purposes only. In Virginia taxes are paid on real estate and personal property, on incomes over $600 per annum, and a capita- tion tax on males over 21 years of age. The aggregate amounts received from these sources are given in the table below, which covers the five years 1891-95. 300 Af?iericaii Economic Association. AMOUNT OF TAX ON REAL ESTATE, PERSONAL PROPERTY AND INCOMES ASSESSED IN VIRGINIA, 1891. Assessed Taxes. White Population. Colored Population. iSgt I'. 796,576 $163,175 1892 .... . . 1,816,134 171,144 1893 1,824,153 ^72,391 1894 1,807.698 172,124 1895 1,808,234 174,808 The above table show.s the assessed taxes only. It will be observed thatwdiile the whites in 1895 were assessed for $1,808,234 of taxes, the colored population were asses.sed for only $174,808. It is not possible to give the exact amount of taxes actually paid, but I have been favored with an explanatory letter from Mr. INIorton ]\Iarye, the auditor of public accounts of Virginia, wdiicli enables me to present the following facts bearing on this point. Of the total taxes, those assessed on real and personal property as well as on incomes are practically all col- lected, but of the capitation taxes a large proportion is not collected. In 1895, the whites failed to pay $55,233 of the capitation tax, or 23.6 per cent, of the total capi- tations assessed against them, while the negroes failed to pay $57,925 or 48.3 per cent. If we compare the unpaid taxes wath the aggregate of taxes assessed for all purposes we have the following result. APPROXIMATE AMOUNT OF TAXES PAID BY EACH RACE IN VIR- GINIA, 1895. Total Assessed Unpaid Capita- Taxes Percentage of Taxes. tion Taxes. Paid. Taxes Paid. Whites. . 11,808,234 I55.233 $1,753,001 964 Colored. . 174,818 57,925 116,893 66.8 Of the aggregate amount of taxes paid, only 6.2 per cent, w^as paid by the negroes, although they form 38 per cent, of the total population. On the basis of the Race Traits and Tcndcyicics of the American Negro. 301 census of 1890 the per capita taxes paid by the whites amounted to $1.75, as against a per capita tax of only 18 cents paid by the colored population of the state. The economic consequences of this anomaly can hardly be overestimated. It has been stated that the unpaid taxes fall largely on the assessed capitations, and it may be of value to know the proportion of capitations to the whole amount of assessed taxes. The following table will show for the year 1895, the proportion of each class of assessed taxes to the aggregate amount assessed. The table affords other valuable information, especially with respect to taxes on incomes, which it will be observed amounted to only $16 for the colored population in 1895.^ DISTRIBUTION OF THE ASSESSED TAXES IN VIRGINIA, 1895. White Percentage Colored Percentage Kind of taxes. Population. of Total. Population. of Total. Real estate $1,210,688 66.95 % 41,823 23.92 Capitation 234,268 12.95 120,152 68.73 Personal Property . . 320,269 17.72 12,827 7-34 Income 43,009 2.38 16 i Total $1,808,234 100.00 $174,818 100.00 It is shown in the above table that of the total taxes for the white population, 12.95 P^^ ^^^t- ^^^ assessed on capitations, and for the colored 68.73 P^^ cent. That is to say, the kind of tax most easily evaded comprises almost two-thirds of the total assessed taxes of the colored population, and as a result we find that the amount of public revenue is materially reduced by the non-payment of the capitation tax. For the whites only about one-fifth of the total is assessed ^ Besides the taxes enumerated in this table, the state assessed taxes upon railroads, insurance companies, banks, and license taxes, to the aggregate amount of $1,136,603, all of which is collected, and of which the colored people practically pay nothing. 302 American Ecoyiomic Association. on capitations, and the non-payment of the amount given affects the aggregate returns to a much smaller degree. Thus the proportion of tlie public burden borne by the colored race comes down in final analysis to a per capita tax of only iS cents. It will be noticed that of the income taxes, the whites paid $43,009 ; while the colored population paid only $16, this amount coming from Richmond, and Charlotteville, and Chesterfield county. The tax on incomes is one dol- lar for every hundred in excess of six hundred dollars ; hence in only two cities and one county were there found negroes who paid tax on incomes in 1895 exceeding $600. Of course there are hundreds, perhaps thousands, whose incomes exceed this amount, and the fact that the tax is not paid shows that the class of the colored popula- tion of which we hear so much in the newspapers and ser- mons, the class who it is claimed have made such excep- tional individual progress, accumulating wealth any- where from five to one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, are wanting in that sense of public morality which demands that a man shall pay the taxes which his income, property or political privileges impose upon him. Income taxes have always been disliked and no doubt there are thousands of the whites wdio do not pa}- them. But it must be taken into consideration that the whites pay a larger proportion of taxes on real and personal property, and further that of the capitation tax only 23 whites per 100 fail to pay, as against 48 negroes. The amount of the income tax has declined in recent years, and the decline for the colored race has reduced the amount to practically nothing. Only about a year ago a correspondent of the New York Sun in an article on the negro section of Richmond, gave a list of 12 colored persons whose aggregate wealth, it was Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 303 stated exceeded a quarter of a inillion dollars. There was one woman who was said to own $150,000 worth of property, and five cases were given where men owned more than $10,000 worth; 3'et only $1.75 was paid in taxes on the incomes of the entire colored popu- lation of this city. This evasion of the payment of taxes is very general among negroes throughout the South, excepting for real property, on which the negro is usually prompt to pay. In North Carolina the data available do not afford a clear insight into facts. The table below will show for the state the amount of taxes for school purposes levied during five years, but the reports do not show the amount actually paid. TAXEIS FOR SCHOOr, PURPOSES ASSEJSSED IN NORTH CAROLINA IN 1891-1895. White Population. General Property Tax. Poll Taxes. Total. IS9I . . . $283,953 $299-994 $583,947 1892 . . . 364,012 237,461 601,473 1893 . . . 354,221 240,912 595,133 1894. . . 378,248 243,992 622,240 1895 . . . 363,158 250,458 Colored Population. 613,616 I89I . . . 8,735 90,420 99,155 1892 . . . 12,373 93,589 105,962 1893. . . 12,274 92,870 105,145 1894. . . 13,071 92,139 105,210 1895 . . . 12,861 94,436 107,297 The total amount of school taxes levied in 1895 was $765,510, 80.17 P^^ cent, of which was assessed to the whites, and 14.01 per cent, to the colored, the remaining 5.82 per cent, being derived from other sources. In the same state the school population in 1890 was 64.9 per cent, white and 35.1 per cent, colored. Hence with 35.1 per cent, of the school population, the colored people were 304 Amcricati Econojuic Association. charged with only 14. i per cent, of the taxes. It would be interesting to know what proportion of these taxes were actually paid. Since the larger proportion of the taxes levied against the negroes were poll taxes, it is doubtful if more than half of them were collected. The economic consequences of this disproportion of taxes to population, and the great differences between benefits received and services rendered, are nowhere better illustrated than in the case of Virginia. In his work on " The Old South," Mr. Thomas Nelson Page has called attention to the fact that during twenty years (1870-90) the total cost of negro education alone was equal to nearly six million dollars, while for the whites during the same period 17.5 millions were ex- pended for this purpose. These expenditures Mr. Page compares with the taxes assessed in 1891, and shows that while 25 per cent, of the public funds for school pur- poses were devoted to negro education, the negroes were charged with only 8.3 per cent, taxes. ]\Ir. Page, more- over, gave the assessed taxes and not the actual amount of taxes paid, which for the colored would approximate, on the basis of the figures for 1895, only 6.2 per cent. Mr. Morton Marye, the auditor of Virginia, a few 5^ears ago was asked by a representative of the American Association of Educators of the Colored Youth, " What is the negro doing towards his own education ?", and replied with the following statistics : By the tables which have been prepared from the official records it appears that the colored people of the state pay into the treasur}' the sum of 1103,565, and that the state pays out in their behalf: For criminal expenses $204, 018 For education 324,864 For care of lunatics 80,000 Total expenditure 608,383 These figures show that so far from contributing their own support the colored people cost the state in criminal expenses ^100,453 more Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 305 than the entire snm they pay into the treasury. These figures also show that not only do the colored people fail to pay one cent towards the reg- ular expenses of the state government (other than that of criminal trials) such as salaries of the governor, judges of the court of appeals, of circuit, corporation and county courts and of other state officers, cost of the general assembly, public printing, interest on the public debt, etc., but they cost the state for criminal expenses, education and care of their lunatics, 1504,817 more than they pay into her treasury. It is difficult to arrive at definite conclusions on the basis of the foregoing information. In one sense the statistics show a certain degree of economic progress : some lands have been acquired, some personal property has been accumulated, and some taxes are paid ; but after all the general condition of the race from an economic standpoint is far from what it ought to be to make the negro a positive and determining factor in the economic life of the nation. That he should try to evade the payment of his taxes is what might be expected. In this respect the white race has always set an example of which there is nothing to be proud. It was the conclusion of Professor Ely, that " a study of taxation is calculated to give one a rather pessimistic view of American laws, American institutions, and American character." And the fact that the negro should prove himself an un- scrupulous tax-dodger is only another proof of his tendency to acquire the vices rather than the virtues of the white man's civilization. The tendency would seem to be in the direction of the purchase of land and property in the agricultural sections ; although a considerable portion of the assessed wealth owned by negroes is in city property. Whether their ownership of land will prove a benefit to the state is very doubtful. From such data as have been at my command, it would appear that the negro on the land is 3o6 American Economic Association. contented with making a living and no more. This con- clusion is supported by personal observations in various portions of the South. Hence it follows that, while the settlement of the negro on land which is his own may insure a happier and less burdensome existence, it is very doubtful whether such a condition would not, in the end, prove more of a hindrance than a help to the economic progress of the South. In the large cities the vast majority of negroes lead a precarious existence, accumulating little property and making but scant provision for old age, disease, and death. The evil influence of the failure of the Freedmen's Bank will be felt for generations to come in an indirect way. Some attempts have been made to induce the negro to save, but in most cases they reach only a small class of individuals. Northern societies for the ameliora- tion of the condition of the colored population have made some efforts to induce the negroes of the large cities to save small amounts by means of cards and stamps, but such instances as have come to my notice seem to prove that very little has been accomplished. I have no data, however, in regard to the amounts saved, and the sums thus laid aside may be larger than would appear. And in the accumulation of the property which the negroes actually own, there is one fact which must not be ignored, that is, the effect of the ' unearned increment', which, proportionately speaking, has probably benefitted the race more that the whites. The enormous develop- ment of the southern states during the past ten years, the growth of new cities and the extension of old, the development of suburban tracts and the growth of the railway systems have, in very many instances made rich people out of colored persons who acci- dentally owned a piece of land which under new condi- Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 2f>l tions became desirable because of its location. In many instances to my own knowledge, especially in the vicinity of Chattanooga, large sums were paid to negroes for land on account of its proximity to valuable land in a par- ticular section in which negroes were not wanted. Of course the same shifting of fortunes occurs everywhere, but it particularly modifies the amount that the negro can show in the way of taxable property as the result of his own labor. As a general conclusion it may be said that the negro has yet to learn the first elements of Anglo-Saxon thrift. He has yet to be taught, or left alone to learn the les- son of the consequences of the old English poor law. What Mr. Mackay says of the workings of the factory laws and other philanthropic efforts in behalf of the English poor, holds equally for the negro of the South : As they have not been obliged to learn the first steps, so thev have difficulty in proceeding further and are constantly looking to the state to aid them under conditions in which the state is powerless. The working class gained, no doubt, some of the advantages which the factory acts were intended to give, but these acts have made a break in the coutinuit}' of individual efforts. They have deprived men of a most invaluable educational process, and this loss perhaps more than balances the gain. Workmen have gained their present position by the short cut of state interference, and they hardly know how to utilize the advantages which they have acquired. The natural course of economic evolution is slower but surer in the eud.^ But the consequences of this disregard of a funda- mental law of economic and social life, namely, that the individual shall develop his faculties and abilities, not in accordance with the preconceived ideas and notions of others, but as a result of his own individual struggle for success in life, have even more seriously affected the progress and development of the white race, if for no other reason, because there was more to be lost. 'Mackay, "The English Poor," p. 263. 3o8 American Economic Association. The method employed by ]\Ir. ]Marye in showing that the negro is a heavy burden to the state of Virginia, may understate, but it does not exaggerate the burden of a large negro population. If it were possible to obtain correct information in regard to the annual cost of the negro population and its annual contribution to the public fund, I feel sure that the indirect gain to the public through the productive ability of the negro would be shown to be far less than is supposed. Shirking its duty tow^ards the state to such an extent that even those most able to pay evade the payment of a paltry income tax, much missionary work will still have to be done before the negro race will understand the rudimentary ethics of social life. With an inordinate rate of mortality, with an exces- sive degree of immorality, with a greater tendency to crime and pauperism than the whites, the negro race has also, as shown by the facts just given, a far lower degree of economic activity and inclination towards accumula- tion of capital and other material wealth. It seems from all the facts relating to their economic condition, that the great majority leave the earth as poor as they entered it, and are fully satisfied with a degree of comfort too low to prove of economic advantage to the state. It is not too much to say that if the present tendency towards a lower degree of economic efSciency is persisted in, the day is not far distant when the negro laborer of the South will be gradually supplanted by the immigrant laborer from Europe, just as the coolie in the West Indies has sup- planted the native laborer. Land at the present rates is very easily obtained by negroes in the Southern states, and once obtained it is very easily held. The genial climate and the pro- ductiveness of the soil will supply wnth little labor the Race Traits and Tendencies of the A^nerican Negro. 309 wants Oi a negro and his family, leaving bnt a small amount of work to be done to supply those necessaries of life which have to be bought for cash. This is practi- cally the condition of the negro in the West Indies ;^ and this is the tendency disclosed by the available facts in the southern states. The drifting towards a proprietor- ship of small holdings may insure to the negro the comforts of life, but such a proprietorship will add little to the progress and prosperity of the state. And as a result of this probable condition, the state will in return be slow to provide for its citizens those advantages of modern civilized life, without which the majority of the people are no longer willing to get along. Such public improvements as good roads, canals, hospitals, asylums, institutions for higher and technical educa- tion, adequate provision for paupers and other depend- ents, will be largely impossible in states where the whole burden of public support is carried by a comparatively small proportion of the population. ' The remarks of Mr. Froude in regard to the negro in the West Indies are equally applicable to the nejjro throughout the larger part of the South. "If happiness is to be all and end all of life, and those who have most of it have most completely attained the object of their being, the ' nigger ' who now basks among the ruins of the West Indian plantations is the supremest specimen of present humanity." ("The English in the West Indies," p. 50. ) y Chapter VII. conclusion. Of all the vulgar modes of escaping from the consideralion of the effect of social and moral influences on the human mind, the most vulgar is that of attributing the diversities of conduct and character to inherent natural differences.' — Mill. In treatises on pathology we find much as to the influence of age, sex and temperament ou disease, and concise descriptions of affections peculiar to certain countries, but almost nothing as to the influence of race.' — Topinard. The central fact deducible from the re.siilts of this in- vestigation into the traits and tendencies of the colored population of this conntry, is plainly and emphatically the powerfnl inflnence of race in the struggle for life. In marked contrast with the frequent assertions, such as that of ]\Iill, that race is not important and that environ- ment or the conditions of life are the most important factors in the final result of the struggle for life, indi- vidual as well as social, we have here abundant evidence that we find in race and heredity the determining factors in the upward or downward course of mankind. In the field of statistical research, sentiment, preju- dice, or the influence of pre-conceived ideas have no place. The data which have been here brought together in a convenient form speak for themselves. From the standpoint of the impartial investigator, no difference of interpretation of their meaning seems possible. The decrease in the rate of increase in the colored popula- tion has been traced first to the excessive mortality, w^hich in turn has been traced to an inferior vital capacity. The mixture of the African with the white 1 "Principles of Political Economy." ' " Anthropology," p. 413. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 311 race has been shown to have seriously affected the longevity of the former and left as a heritage to future generations the poison of scrofula, tuberculosis and most of all of, syphilis. This racial inferiority, has in turn brought about a moral deterioration such as is rarely met with in civilized countries at the present time. Al- ready subject to an inordinate rate of mortality, especially from all of the most destructive diseases, the sexual im- morality prevailing between colored females and white males of a lower type, as well as between colored males and colored females, has also brought about a diminished power of vital resistance among the young, as is to be expected from the recognized fact that the death rate for illegitimate children is about twice that of children born in wedlock. As a general result there is diminished social and economic efficiency, which in the course of years must prove not only a most destructive factor in the progress of the colored race, but also in the progress, social as well as economic, of the white race brought under its influence. Racial inferiority was the keynote of the pro-slavery argument. On the other hand, racial differences were explained away by those who saw in freedom the sure prospect of speedy amelioration of the lot of the south- ern slave ; yet thirty years of freedom in this country and nearly sixty in the West Indies have failed to accomplish the original purpose of the abolition of slavery, that is, the elevation of the colored race to the moral, mental and economic level of the white race. Nothing is more clearly shown from this investiga- tion than that the southern black man at the time of emancipation was healthy in body and cheerful in mind. He neither suffered inordinately from disease nor from impaired bodily vigor. His industrial capaci- 312 Afnerica?i Economic Association. ties as a laborer were not of a low order, nor was the condition of servitude such as to produce in him mor- bid conditions favorable to mental disease, suicide, or intemperance. What are the conditions thirty years after ? The pages of this work give but one answer, an answer which is a most severe condemnation of mod- ern attempts of superior races to lift inferior races to their own elevated position, an answer so full of mean- ing that it would seem criminal indifference on the part of a civilized people to ignore it. In the plain language of the facts brought together the colored race is shown to be on the downward grade, tending toward a condi- tion in which matters will be worse than they are novr, when diseases will be more destructive, vital resistance still lower, when the number of births will fall below the deaths, and gradual extinction of the race take place. Neither religion nor education nor a higher degree of economic well-being have been able to raise the race from a low and anti-social condition, a condition really fostered by the very influences which it was asserted would soon raise the race to a place even more elevated than that of the whites. It is not in the conditions of life, but in race and heredity that we find the explanation of the fact to be observed in all parts of the globe, in all times and among all peoples, namely, the superiority of one race over another, and of the Aryan race over all. To what must we attribute this superiority? To what inherent traits must we attribute the marvelous conquest of na- ture by the Aryan race ? I cannot do better than quote from the work of IMr. Morris, who defines in an admira- ble manner the essential differences between the four most important races : Race Traits ajid Tendencies of the American Negro. 313 If the negro is indolent both physically and mentally, the Mongol- ian energetic physically Ijut undeveloped mentally, and the Melano- chroi active physically and to some extent mentally, in the Aryan we find a highly vigorous and developed mental activity-. Though by no means lacking in physical energy the mind is the rul- ing agent in this race, muscular work is reduced to the lowest level consistent with the demands of the body and the intellect, and every effort is made to limit the quantity of work represented in a fixed quantity of product. Waste labor is a crime to the Aryan mind. Use is the guiding principle in all efforts. It is to this ruling agency of the intellect over the energies of a muscular and active organism that we owe the superior quality, the restricted dimensions, and the vast quantity of Aryan labor products. In his work pure thought is far more represented than pure labor.^ If we consider the negro race .... it is to find a lack of energy both physical and mental. Nowhere in the region inhabited by this race do we perceive indications of high powers of either work or thought. No monuments of architecture appear, no philosophies, or literatures have arisen. And in their present condition they stand mentally at a very low level, while physically they confine themselves to the labor absolutely necessary for existence. They neither work nor think above the lowest level of life needs ; and even in America under all the instigations of Aryan activity, the Negro race scarcely displays an)' voluntary energy either of thought or work.' It goes only as far as the sharp whip of necessity drives, and looks upon in- dolence and sunshine as the terrestial paradise. The white race has great physical vigor, capacity and endurance. It has an intensity of will and desire which is controlled by intellect- uality. Great things are undertaken, readily but not blindly. It manifests a strong utilitarianism, united with a powerful imagination which elevates, enobles and idealizes its practical ideas. The negro can onl\- imitate, the Chinese only utilize, the work of the white ; but the latter is abundantly able to produce new works. He has a keen sense of order as the yellow man, not from love of repose, however, but from the desire to protect and preserve his acquisitions. He has a love of liberty far more intense than exists in the black or yellow races, and clings to life more earnestly. His high sense of honor is a faculty unknown to other races, and springs from an exalted senti- ^ Morris, " The Aryan Race : its Origin and Achievements," p. 277-S. - " Even so highly developed a type of mind as that of the negro — submitted, too, as it has been in millions of individual cases to a close contact with minds of the most progressive type, and enjoying as it has in many thousands of individual cases all the advantages of a liberal education — has never so far as I can ascertain executed one single stroke of original work in any single department of intellectual activity." — Romanes "Mental Evolution of Man," (New York, 18S9,) P- 13- 314 American Economic Association. ment of which they show no indications. His sensations are less in- tense than in either black or yellow, but his mentality is far more developed and energetic. Thus the Aryan stands as the type of intellectual man, the central outcome of the races in which th^ special conditions of dark and light, North and South, emotional and practical have mingled and combined into the highest and noblest states of mind and body.' In other words, the Aryan race is possessed of all the e.ssential characteristics that make for success in the .struggle for the higher life, in contrast with other races which lack in either one or the other of the determining qualities. A statement so far-reaching must needs have a considerable body of facts in its support, and the whole history of human effort is witness to the fact that no other race since the Aryan appeared on the scene, has, in the end, been able to resist the onward march of its progress- ive civilization. Here, in the contrast between the white and colored races we have the most complete historical proof of race superiority, a superiority extending into all the intricate and complex phenomena of life. Wherever the white man has gone, he has become master of the conditions of life. The whole history of Anglo-Saxon conquest and colonization is one endless proof of race superiority and race supremacy. In countries where the very forces of nature were at first against him, he has, after years of struggle, gained his end and mastered the conditions of life surrounding him. It has been sliowm in this work how the mortality of the white troops in the West Indies has gradually de- creased during the past seventy years. It may not be out of place to give a few additional facts. In the abbreviated table below I give some of the most important statistics bearing on the question of the ability of the white race to live in the tropics. Here we have for four large sections and for a very long 'Morris, " The Aryan Race : its Origin and Achievements," p. 28. Race Traits arid Tendencies of the American Negro. 315 period the experience of the British and Dutch armies in the East and West Indies. Without exception the fall in the death rate has been very great. It is im- material for our present purpose to know to what causes this diminishing mortality may be due ; we here have merely to consider the fact that those countries are no longer " the white man's grave." MORTAUTY OF THE BRITISH TROOPS IN BENGAL. 1825-29 77.7 per 1,000 1881-90 14.5 MORTALITY OF THE BRITISH TROOPS IN MADRAS. 1801-1809 68.0 per 1,000 I88I-I890 13.0 MORTALITY OF THE BRITISH TROOPS IN THE WEST INDIES. 1819-1836 78.5 per 1,000 I886-I892 9.7 IMORTALITY OF THE DUTCH TROOPS IN THE EAST INDIES. 1819-1828 170.0 per 1,000 1879-1888 30.6 -1892 16.0 Were not the conditions of life extremely unfavora- ble to the white race in those countries in the early part of the century ? Is not the climate the same, the heat still as oppressive, the jungle still as malarious, the life in itself still as totally different from the life at home ? Are not these statistics proof that the white race must have been able to master the unfavorable conditions of life in order to have made possible such enormous re- ductions in the death rates ? Even if it is admitted that in certain sections it is not as yet possible for the white race to increase and multiply, is it not proof of a supe- rior vitality to have been able to make at least a station- ary condition possible at the present time ? And will it be doubted that where so much has been accomplished 3i6 American Economic Association. the race will be able to improve its condition still fnrtlicr, to adapt itself still more completely to the prevailing conditions, and thanks to snperior race traits and con- seqnent moral, intellectual and economic superiority, in the end to become absolute master of the conditions of life, even in what were formerly considered the most fatal regions of the earth ? Let us consider one experiment of this kind. The colonization of Algeria by France was most bitterly opposed fifty years ago. In numberless instances the claim was made that never under any circumstances could the French population become so acclimated that it would increase and multiply. Major Tulloch (who wrote extensively on the mortality of the white race in the tropics during the first fifty years of the present century,) in a paper on " The ]\Iortality among Her Majesty's Troops in the Colonies ", speaks of the colon- ization of Algiers as follows : To ascertain the races of men best fitted to inhabit and develop the resonrces of different colonies is a most important iuqniry, anil one which has hitherto attracted too little attention, both in this and other conntries. Had the government of France, for instance, ad- verted to the absolute impossibility ol anj' population increasing or keeping up its numbers under an annual mortalitj' of seven per cent., (being that to which the settlers are exposed at Algiers), it would never have entered on the wild speculation of cultivating the soil of Africa by Europeans, nor have wasted a hundred million sterling with no other result than the loss of 100,0 o men, who have fallen victims to the climate of that country. In such questions military returns, properly organized and properly digested, afford one of the most use- ful guides to direct the policy of the colonial legislator ; they point out the limits intended by nature for particular races and within which alone they can thrive and increase.' What are the facts of subsequent experience ? Was ultimate failure the result of this struggle of the white race against such unfavorable ' conditions of life ? ' ^Journal of the Royal Staiisiical Society, Vol. X, (1847), page 259. Race Traits and Tendeyicics of the Atnerica?! Negro. 317 Algeria became a colony of France in 1837, when the last provinces were conquered. Nearly seven years had passed since the first attempt was made to conquer the territory, and during this time 6,592 persons of French descent had settled in the new colony. The total Eu- ropean population in this year was 16,770, exclusive of the military force. Nearly twenty years later, or nine years after Mr. Tulloch wrote his essay against coloniza- tion, the population of French descent had increased, largely of course by immigration, to 92,750. Twenty years later, that is, by the year 1876, the French popu- lation numbered 156,365 ; while at the last census, 1891, the number had increased to 271,101. During the same period other races, most of all the Spanish, had settled in Algeria and were increasing at a rapid rate. From 5,189 Spanish settlers in 1837, the population of Spanish descent increased to 151,859 by the year 1891. The Jews, who numbered 6,065 i^ 1837, increased to 21,048 by the year 1856, and to 47,- 564 by 1891. Only the Germans, who numbered 782 in 1837, and 5,440 in 1856, have shown a tendency to de- crease in population, numbering only 3,189 at the census of 1891.^ Thus, it is clearly shown that those races which Mr. Tulloch concluded could not possibly survive the early unfavorable conditions of life, half a century later had increased, partly by immigration but in no small part by natural increase, to a total European population of nearly half a million. And only forty years later Mr. Playfair, the British consul, could say : " Who shall estimate the gain to humanity by the transformation of a nest of pirates and robbers into the beautiful colony which Algeria now is ?" The enormous mortality of ' "Statistique G^n^rale de I'Algerie," Alger, 1894. 2X 3i8 America7i Econoynic Association. the early years has long since decreased, and to-day the births exceed the deaths, year after year, with a favor- able tendency upwards. I have calculated the ratios of births to deaths, for the period 1881-93, which shows that for all Euro- peans in Algeria the ratio is one death to ever)' 1.15 births, those of French descent have a ratio of one to 1. 1 7, while the Jews have a ratio of one to every 1.65 births, the most favorable of all. The native population of Algeria has frequently shown an ex- cess of deaths over births, but the statistics for this part of the population must of necessity be wanting in com- pleteness. Surgeon F. L. Du Bois, writing in 1880 to the Navy Department,^ expressed it as his opinion that the native Mussulman population would rapidly disap- pear, but so far this has not taken place. For while at times the births have fallen below the deaths, at other times the reverse has occurred. If the race is destined to disappear it will be a very gradual process of extinc- tion, increasing perhaps in rapidity in course of time. Such extinction has been almost invariably the rule where white races have permanently settled among what the Germans call the " Naturvoelker." It would carry me beyond my purpose were I to deal to any ex- tent with this point ; but on account of the close rela- tion between the extinction of native races in various parts of the world and the settlement of those sections by the white races, it may not be out of place if I give here the following table showing the decrease in the native Indian population of this country, and of the natives of the Sandwich Islands and New Zealand. ^ Annual report, Secretary of the Navy, 1880, p. 439- Race Traits atid Tendencies of the American Negro. 319 ACTUAL AND RELATIVE DECREASE IN THE NATIVE INDIAN POPULA- TION OF THE UNITED STATES, THE HAWAIIANS AND THE MAORIES. North American Indians. 68 Years. Year. 1822 1850 1870 i8qo Population, 471,417 388,229 313,712 248,253 Total decrease, 223,164 % of decrease, 47.4 Av. anuual %, 0.69 Hawaiians.i 67 Years. 823 853 872 Population. 142,000 71,019 49,044 34,436 107.564 75-8 Maories. 48 Years. 1843 1858 1881 189I Population. 114,890 56,049 44,099 41,993 72,897 63-4 1.32 'Annual Death Rate in Honolulu (Sandwich Islands), 1893-94. Per 1,000 of Population. Native . Asiatic 33-6 24-3 1893. 29-5 20.8 European 16.8 17.7 I have confined myself in this table to periods of ob- servation for which the statistical data are fairly reliable and which would tend rather to understate than over- state the native population at the earlier periods. It will be observed that the annual rate of decrease has been highest for the Maories, slightly lower for the Hawaiians, and about half the rate of the former for the native Indian population. These figures are interesting from a number of standpoints, but we must confine our- selves to one or two. It goes without saying that the conditions of life have been the most unfavorable for the Indians in comparison with the Maories and Hawai- ians. Of the Maories it need only be said that they lived in a land where the dominant white today enjoys the most favorable rate of mortality of any race on earth excepting the Norwegians. Of the Hawaiians it need only be said that the very name of the group of islands, the " Para- dise of the Pacific," indicates that the conditions of life must have been fairly favorable for success in the mere struggle for physical existence. Of the three races 320 American Economic Association. the American Indians have without question been ex- posed to the greatest hardships and the most unfavorable conditions of life, if only on account of the enormous in- crease in the white population. Yet the rate of decrease has been only one-half that of the others, and the reason for this becomes plain if we go a little deeper into the life history of the three races. Of the Maories, Mr. Archibald Hamilton wrote in 1869 as follows : It is frequently asserted that, under any circumstances the natives must disappear before the advance of European civilization ; that they are a doomed race. For the sake of humanity, I trust tha. some means may be found of terminating the present state of chronic hos- tilities, so that there may still be a fair opportunity for preserving by far the finest and most intellectual race with whom Anglo-Saxon colonists have yet come in contact. There is ample room for both : no wide extent of country is required for hunting ground : and a glance at the map will show how small a portion of the island has been yet appropriated. ' Another writer observes : The Maories, such as they were found by Tasman and Cook, no longer exist ; they were a people of great force of character and superior intellectual powers, and it is proper that their memory should be perpetuated ; for their descendants are no longer the typical repre- sentatives of the ancestral stock ; they are the degenerate offspring of a superior people, who within a longer or shorter period will become entirely extinct.^ In regard to the conditions of life, ]Mr. F. D. Fenton in his able report on the Maories, printed in 1859, wrote as follows : A similar abundance of fertile soil, extreme facility in obtaining the necessities of existence, and a climate of even greater salubrity (than the United States) place the aboriginal inhabitants of this island in circumstances of similar advantage for developing to the utmost the powers for rapid increase possessed by the human race generally.^ Thus, with conditions of life exceptionally favorable, conditions which enabled the white population to reduce ^Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, September, 1869, p. 303. ^Featherman, " Oceano-Melamesians," p. 166. ^Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, December, i860, p. 514. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 321 its annual mortality to less than 10 per 1,000, and as a result increase its average longevity far in excess of that enjoyed by the whites of this country, the native race, though exceptional in character, failed to meet the final test of the survival of the fittest ; and before another half century the most of its members will have passed away. It was racial inferiority, therefore, and not the conditions of life that brought about gradual extinction of this race. Of the Hawaiians we have so many accounts that it is extremely difficult to select descriptive statements that would not contradict others of equal value from the standpoint of personal observation. Mr. Featherman speaks of them at the time the missionaries came to the islands, as "the uncorrupted children of nature." Mr. Bishop in a paper read before the Social Science Association of Honolulu, spoke of the women of the race as natural prostitutes, incapable of conceptions of sexual morality.^ Mr. Charles Gulick in " A Footnote to Ha- waiian History " speaks of the race at the time of the missionary settlements as "of incomparable physique, open-hearted, generous, and hospitable to a fault.^ While Mr. Bishop speaks of the Hawaiian female as " aggressive in solicitation," Mr. Gulick asserts, on the strength of forty years residence in the islands, that he has "discovered no such custom or weakness." That the women were weak and willing to submit to irregular sexual relations with the whites is not to be doubted. It would be contrary to all other experience with native '" Why are the Hawaiians dying out?" By S. E. Bishop, Hono- lulu, Nov., 1888. (Reprinted in Appendix 2, "Foreign Relations of the United States," 1894, p. 769, et seq. ) ^" A Footnote to Hawaiian History," by Chas, T. Gulick, (Re- printed in Appendix 2, "Foreign Relations of the United States," 1894, p. 745, eiseq.) 322 American Economic Association. races if it were otherwise. This, however, would prove nothing further than that the whites who came to the island were not slow to take advantage of the child-like ignorance of the women or the foolish vanity of the men who in the words of Mr. Featherman, " were proud of the attentions shown and the intimate relations culti- vated by their better halves when visitors or distin- guished strangers claimed their hospitality." ' Yet in the " Paradise of the Pacific," under the influ- ence of missionary efforts for more than seventy years, subjected to all the religious and educational influences prevailing among the white race, and practically under complete influence of preachers and teachers, the race is dying out at a rate which will make its complete extinc- tion only a question of a few years. And why is it thus becoming extinct ? Mr. Bishop attempts to answer this question : As the leading and most efficient element of weakness in the Ha- waiian race, tending to physical decay, we predicate : Unchastity. A general impairment of constitutional vigor in the people by venereal disease caused them to fall early victims toother maladies, both native and foreign. All diseases ran riot in their shattered constitutions. They became especially incapacitated to resist pulmonary maladies. The greatly increased prevalence of colds and consumption is doubt- less due to this syphilitic diathesis rather than to change of habit as to clothing, although the latter may have had some unfavorable effect. -' It is not, therefore, to any unfavorable conditions of life but to a race trait, an inordinate amount of sexual immorality, that Mr. Bishop attributes the downward tendency of the race, " a race," he adds, " well worth sav- ing. With all their sad frailities, tliey are a noble race of men physically and morally. They are manly, courageous, enterprising, cordial, generous, unselfish. ^ "Oceano-Melamesians," p. 241. ^"Foreign Relations of the United States," Appendix 2, 1S94, p. 771. Race Traits and Tc7idencies of the A)ncrica?i Negro. 323 They are highly receptive of good. ... In an unusual degree they possess the capacity for fine ardent enthusi- asm and noble ends. Should the Hawaiian people leave no posterity, a very sweet, generous, interesting race will have been lost to the world." Lost to the world, Mr. Bishop could have added, in spite of more than seventy years of missionary and educational efforts, and in spite of the possession of all the virtues, it would seem, except one, — the absence of which in civilized life is as fatal as in the life of the native who inhabits the "Para- dise of the Pacific." With every possible chance that improved conditions of life could offer, with all the churches and schools that were needed, with willing hands ready to help, to support, to save, — this race, "sweet, generous and interesting," has in the short space of three score and ten years been reduced to less than one-fourth its original numbers. The North American Indian, has been at times a very troublesome factor in the growth of the American nation. Years of strife has reduced his original habita- tion to a few limited reservations, most of which are constantly being encroached upon by the aggressive white population. Few races have made such a brave struggle for their own preservation ; few races can boast of so high a degree of aboriginal civilization. If the race had produced nothing better than the " League of the Iroquois," it would have left its mark in indeli- ble imprints on the history of the human race. The race made a brave and persistent struggle, but all to no avail. Those who have had opportunity to study the original paintings in the Catlin gallery of Indian portraits,^ must have been struck by one predominating trait in the 'Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D. C. 324 Avierican Eco7i07?iic Association. Indian countenance, a trait met with in nearly every in- stance, from chiefs ever so humble, to the mightiest whose fame still lingers. An iron will can be traced upon the countenance of nearly everj- Indian of note. That trait, a race trait, is still met with, and the faces of Sitting Bull, the Sioux chief ; Piah, the Ute chief ; Tomasket, the Xez Perce chief ; Keokuk, the Sac and Fox chief ; White Bird, the Crow Indian,^ still show the inflexible, unbend- ing nature of the Indian of long ago. This race could never be permanently enslaved, it could never be brought to accept the customs and ways of the white race. More subtle methods and power were necessary to civilize it away. Neither the poison of adulterated whisky, nor the frightful consequences of sexual immorality, spread around the forts and settlements of the whites, were sufficient. The most subtle agency of all, governmen- tal pauperism, the highest development of the theory of easy conditions of life, did what neither drink nor the poisons of venereal disease could do, and today the large majority of the tribes are following the ^Maories and Ha- waiians towards the goal of final extinction. There are exceptions and it is in the exceptions that we find the most emphatic lessons — lessons which if heeded by those remaining will alone effectually check the downward course of the race. The facts on which the following table is based have been in part obtained from two valuable papers on gynecic notes among the Indians, contributed by Dr. A. B. Holden, former agency physician, to the Joitrnal of Obstetrics!^- and in part from the reports of the Commis- sioner of Indian affairs. I have selected the two years 1882 and 1895 for comparative purposes, since the 'Census report on Indians, Washington, 1890. ^ American Journal of Obstetrics, June and Julj-, 1892. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 325 former year covers about the period at which the notes were compiled in regard to the prevailing state of morality and association with the whites. The table shows the population of each tribe in 1882 and 1895, and contains a statement of the prevailing degree of chastity and prevalence of venereal diseases. TRIBES H.WING LITTLE OR NO INTERCOURSE WITH THE WHITES. Population. Name of Tribe. 1SS2. 1S95. Remarks. Flatheads, Montana . . 1,381 1,695 Adultery rare; uo venereal dis- eases. Cheyenne Riv., Mont. 3,iSS 2,539 Chaste; venereal diseases rare. Sioux of Devil's Lake, Chaste, and venereal diseases Montana 933 1,021 rare. Klamath, Oregon . . . 707 982 Chaste; venereal diseases rare. Total 6,209 6,237 Increase in population, 28. TRIBES HAVING COMMON INTERCOURSE WITH THE WHITES. Population. Name of Tribe. 1SS2. 1895. Remarks. Gross Ventre, Mont. 950 624 Unchaste ; venereal diseases ex- cessively prevalent. Assiniboine Sioux, " 850 763 Unchaste ; venereal diseases ex- cessively prevalent. Crows, Mont 3, 500 2,133 Without chastity ; venereal dis- eases excessively prevalent. Assiniboine of Fort Morals ; low venereal diseases Peck, Mont .... 1,300 716 prevalent. Yauktotnains, Mont. . 3,800 1,276 Morals low; V. diseases prevalent. Neah Bay, Wash. . . 1,019 754 Unchaste ; all are tainted with syphilis. Round Valley, Cal . . 645 623 Chastity unknown ; 75 per cent. affected with syphilis. Total 12,064 6,889 Decrease in population, 5,175. In the words of Dr. Holden, " Venereal diseases pre- vail in any tribe in exactly that degree in which men and women of that tribe have ceased to be chaste and faithful in wedlock. " And further : " Tribes who have been isolated, or who have held aloof from the whites, 326 Ajncrican Economic Association. retained their tribal relations, and declared for non-inter- course, are chaste and free from taint. The tribes who have opened their arms to receive the white man, or who have been seduced by him, have been debauched and inoculated." This plain and emphatic condemnation of intercourse between unlike races, or attempts at their amalgamation in violation of the " law of similarity, " is supported by the table before us, which shows that while the tribes that have little or no illicit intercourse with the white race are holding their own or making slight gains in population, those that have " opened their arms to receive the white man " have decreased to nearly one-half their number during the short period of 13 years. Hence the decrease in the Indian population is due largely to the rapid decrease among certain tribes while others are holding their own or gaining slowly year by year. These instances of the results of intimate contact of the lower races with those of a much higher degree of culture and morality, will suffice to show the preponder- ing influence of race in the struggle for life. Given the same conditions of Jife for two races, the one of Aryan descent will prove the superior, solely on account of its ancient inheritance of virtue and transmitted qualities which are determining factors in the struggle for race supremacy. The lower races, even under the same conditions of life must necessarily fail because the vast number of incapables which a hard struggle for life has eliminated from the ranks of the wdiite races, are still forming the large body of the lower races. Easy conditions of life and a liberal charity are among the most destructive influences affecting the lower races ; since by such methods the weak and incapable are per- Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 327 mitted to increase and multiply, while the struggle of the more able is increased in severity. The two essential virtues of modern progress, self re- liance and chastity, have not been the result of easy con- ditions of life. Self reliance in the Anglo-Saxon race is the result of the struggle of ages rather than of book education or missionary efforts. No missionary or educator or philanthropist extended aid or comfort to the English peasant class during its darkest days, to the earliest settlers on the coast of New England, or the pioneer in the forests of the far West. History is replete with instances of men of mark emerging from the most unfortunate conditions of life ; but it is extremely rare to find a case where easy conditions of life or liberal charity have assisted man in his upward struggle. Self reliance in man and chastity in woman are qualities that must be developed, and thus far they have not been developed by the aid of charity or liberal philanthropy. A study of the race traits and tendencies of the negro in America makes plain the failure of modern education and other means in encouraging or permitting the de- velopment of these most important factors, without which no race has ever yet been able to gain a perma- nent civilization. Easy conditions of life, a liberal con- struction of the doctrine of the forgiveness of sins and an unwarranted extension of the principle of state or private interference in the conduct of individual life, have never yet raised a race or individual from a lower to a higher plane. On the contrary, the world's failures are largely those of races and individuals in whose existence the struggle for a higher life had practically come to an end. " For carrying on the chief objects of our life on earth, very little of what is 328 Amcricaji Economic Association. now called civilization is really wanted ; " ' and, unfor- tunately, it is just the useless adjuncts to civilization that the lower races in their contact with the higher races first acquire. The downward tendencies of the colored race, there- fore, can only be arrested by radical and far-reaching changes in their moral nature. Instead of clamoring for aid and assistance from the white race the negro himself should sternly refuse every offer of direct inter- ference in his own evolution. The more difficult his upward struggle, the more enduring will be the quali- ties developed. Most of all there must be a more general recognition of the institution of monogamic marriage and unqualified reprobation of those who violate the law of sexual morality. Intercourse with the white race must absolutely cease and race purity must be insisted upon in marriage as well as outside of it. Together with a higher morality will come a greater degree of economic efficiency, and the predominating trait of the white race, the virtue of thrift, will follow as a natural consequence of the mastery by the colored race of its own conditions of life. The compensation of such an independent struggle will be a race of people who will gain a place among civilized mankind and will increase and multiply instead of dying out with loathsome diseases. The day is not far distant when, in the words of Mr. Kidd, " The last thing our civilization is likely to per- manently tolerate is the wasting of the resources of the richest regions of the earth through the lack of the elementary qualities of social efficiency in the races possessing them." When the ever increasing white population has reached a stage where new conquests are ' Max Mueller, " The Savage." Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. 329 necessary, it will not hesitate to make war npon those races who prove themselves useless factors in the progress of mankind. A race may be interesting, gentle and hos- pitable ; but if it is not a useful race in the common ac- ceptation of that term, it is only a question of time when a downward course must take place. All the facts l^rought together in this work prove that the colored population is gradually parting with the virtues and the moderate de- gree of economic cuiciency developed under the regime of slavery. All the facts prove that a low standard of sexual morality is the main and underlying cause of the low and anti-social condition of the race at the present time. All the facts prove that education, philanthropy and religion have failed to develop a higher appreciation of the stern and uncompromising virtues of the x^ryan \, race. The conclusion is warranted that it is merely \ a question of time when the actual downward course, \ that is, a decrease in the population, will take place. 1 In the meantime, however, the presence of the colored population is a serious hindrance to the economic pro- gress of the white race. Instead of making the race more independent, modern educational and philanthropic efforts have succeeded in making it even more dependent on the wdiite race at the present time than it was jDrevious to emancipation. 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